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THE GREAT
LORD BURGHLEY

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The Great
Lord Burghley

A STUDY IN ELIZABETHAN
STATECRAFT * * ^ BY
MARTIN A. S. HUME
it (J it Author or "The Courtships or Queen
Elizabeth," Editor or the Calendars of Spanish
State Papers (Public Record Ctfice) it it

* ' He can never be a good statesman tvho
respecteth not the public more than his oion
private advantage." — Lord Burghley

JUnDon
JAMES NISBET & CO., LIMITED
21 BERNERS STREET
1898

Q% 34-. 3/

Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson £V Co.
At the Ballantyne Press

TO THE MOST HONOURABLE
l^obert ^Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil^ K.G.
THIRD MARQUIS OF SALISBURY
PRIME MINISTER OF QUEEN VICTORIA,
THIS ATTEMPT AT A POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF
HIS ILLUSTRIOUS ANCESTOR, THE PRIME
MINISTER OF QUEEN ELIZABETH,
is respectfully dedicated by
MARTIN A. S. HUME.

INTRODUCTION

For nearly half a century William Cecil, Lord Burghley,
exercised greater influence over the tuture fortunes of
England than ever fell to the share of a statesman before
or since. It was a period when Mediaeval Europe was in
the melting-pot, from which, in due season, some of her
peoples were to arise bright and shining, with fresh faiths,
higher ideals, and nobler aspirations, to start on a new
career of civilisation ; whilst others were still to cling
a while longer to the garb of dross which remained
of the old order, and was to hamper them in the times
to come. How England should emerge from the welter of the
old tides and the new, depended to some extent upon pro
vidential circumstances, but more largely still upon the
personal characteristics of those who guided her national
policy and that of her competitors. Never was nation
more favoured in this respect than was England at this
crisis of the world's history. The conditions of the
Queen's birth compelled her to embrace the cause of
religious freedom, whilst her intellect, her sex, and her
versatility enabled her during a long course of years suc
cessfully to play off one continental rival against another,
until she was strong enough openly to grasp and hold the
balance. But withal, her vanity, her fickleness, the folly
and greed of her favourites, or the machinations of her
enemies, would inevitably have dragged her to ruin again
and again, but for the fact that she always had near her,
in moments of weakness or danger, a fixed point to which

viii INTRODUCTION
she could turn, a councillor whose gaze was never diverted
from the ultimate goal, a man whom flattery did not move,
whom bribery did not buy — wise, steady William Cecil,
who, to her honour and his, remained her prime adviser
from the moment of her accession to the day of his death.
It has happened that most of the historians who have
dealt in detail with Elizabethan politics, and especially
with Cecil's share in them, have dwelt mainly upon
the religious and ecclesiastical aspect of the subject, and
have usually approached it with a strong doctrinal bias
on one side or the other. It is true that Cecil's life was
coeval with the rise and triumph of the great religious
schism in the Christian faith in England, that in his
boyhood there was hardly a whisper of revolt against the
papal supremacy, and that ere he died the Protestant
Church of England was firmly established, and the country
freed from the fears of Rome. Upon this text most of
his biographers have founded their discourse, and have
regarded the great minister as first and foremost a reli
gious reformer. That he was at heart, at all events in
his later years, sincerely attached to the Protestant faith, ,
there is no reason to doubt ; but before all things, he
was a statesman who sought to raise and strengthen
England by political means, and used religion, as he
used other instrumentalities, to attain the object he had
in view. He was far too prudent to say so, but he pro
bably regarded religious dogma in as broad a spirit as
Catharine de Medici, Henry IV., and Elizabeth herself.
His youthful training and early circumstances had asso
ciated him with an advanced school of thinkers, who had
naturally adopted the cause of religious reform, con
demned by their opponents. The current of events and
the blindness of the other side identified that party with
the cause of national independence and prosperity ; and
for political aims, Cecil made the most of the support to

INTRODUCTION ix
be obtained from those who demanded a simpler and
less rigid form of Christian doctrine than that imposed
by Rome. But in the party of reform Cecil was always
the most conservative element. Other councillors might
be, and were, driven hither and thither by bribery, by
passion, by a desire to flatter the Queen's caprice, by
religious zeal or mere ineptitude, but Cecil was judicious,
well-nigh incorruptible, prudent, patriotic, and clear
headed ; and though he was often obliged to dissemble
and give way, he always returned to his point. Protestant
zeal must not hurry the Government too far, or too fast,
against the sworn enemies of Protestantism. England
must be kept free from entanglements with Rome, but
she must also avoid as long as possible national warfare
with Rome's principal supporter ; for Spain was Eng
land's buckler against French aggression, and the pos
sessor of the rich harbours of the Netherlands where
English commerce found its main outlet.
Throughout a long life of ceaseless activity, in which
he had to deal with ever-varying circumstances and pro
blems ; hampered by bitter rivals at home and sleepless
enemies abroad, Cecil's methods shifted so frequently,
and apparently so contradictorily, as to have bewildered
most of those who have essayed to unravel his devious
diplomacy. But shift as he might, there was ever the
one stable and changeless principle which underlay all
his policy, and guided all his actions. He had been
brought up in the traditional school of English policy
which regarded the House of Burgundy as a friend, and
France as the natural enemy whose designs in Scot
land and Flanders must be frustrated, or England must
be politically and commercially ruined. For centuries
England's standing danger had been her liability to
invasion by the French over the Scottish border, and
for the first forty years of Cecil's life the main object of

x INTRODUCTION
English statecraft was to break permanently the secular
connection between Scotland and France, and to weaken
the latter country by favouring her great rival in Flanders.
When Spain, under rigid Philip, assumed the cham
pionship of extreme Catholicism, and pledged herself to
root out the reformed doctrines throughout Europe, whilst
France, on the other hand, was often ruled by Huguenot
counsels, it will be seen that Cecil's task in endeavouring
to carry out the traditional policy, was a most difficult
one, and he alone of Elizabeth's ministers was able to
preserve his equilibrium in the face of it. Some of them
went too far ; drifted into Spanish pay, or became open
Catholics and rebels ; others, moved by opposite religious
zeal, lost sight of the political principle, and were for
fighting Spain at all times and at any cost. But Cecil,
though sorely perplexed at times, never lost his judgment.
The first article in his political creed was distrust of .the
French, and it remained so to the day of his death, though
France was ruled by the ex-champion of the Huguenots,
and Spain and England were still at daggers drawn. In
the first year of Elizabeth's reign Cecil wrote : * " France,
being an ancient enemy of England, seeketh always to
make Scotland an instrument to exercise thereby their
malice upon England, and to make a footstool thereof to
look over England as they may ; " and forty years after
wards, when the great minister was on the brink of the
grave, De Beaumont, the French ambassador, spoke of
him as still leading " all the old councillors of the Queen
who have true English hearts; that is to say, who are
enemies of the welfare and repose of France. " 2
To allow the French to become dominant in Scotland
would have made England weak, to have stood by idly
1 " Sadler State Papers," vol. i. p. 375.
2 Memoires sur les affaires d'Anglttcrrc MS. Bibliotheque Nationale
Colbert, 35.

INTRODUCTION xi
whilst they overcame the Netherlands would have made
her poor, and to these national reasons for distrust of
French aims, was added, in Cecil's case, the personal sus
picion and dislike bred of early associations and tradition.
The Queen, on the other hand, could not be expected to
look upon the French in the same light as her minister.
She was as determined as he was that the French should
gain no footing in Flanders or Scotland ; but through the
critical times of her girlhood France had always stood
her friend, as Spain had naturally been her enemy. Her
mother's sympathies had, of course, been entirely French,
and her own legitimacy and right to rule were as eagerly
recognised by France as they were sullenly questioned
by Spain. But when passion or persuasion led her into a
dangerous course, as they frequently did, she knew that
Cecil, sagacious, and steady as a rock, would advise her
honestly ; and sooner or later she would be brought back
to his policy of upholding Protestantism, whilst endea
vouring to evade an open war with the deadly enemy of
Protestantism, which could only result in strengthening
France. The present work will accordingly aim mainly at pre
senting a panorama of Cecil's career as a statesman, whose
active life was not only coincident with the triumph of
the Reformation, but also with the making of Modern
England, and with the establishment of her naval supre
macy. In the space available it will be impossible to
relate in detail the whole of the complicated political
transactions of the long and important reign of Elizabeth^
and no attempt will be made to do so. But Cecil, to his
lasting glory, did more than any other man to guide the
nation into the groove of future greatness ; and the
primary object of this book is to trace his personal and
political influence over the events of his time : to show
the effects produced by his clear head and steady hand

xii INTRODUCTION
on the councils of the able and fortunate sovereign, who
transformed England from a feeble and distracted, to a
powerful and united, nation.
The task of writing the life of Lord Burghley has been
attempted more than once, but in every case with but
indifferent success. The failure has certainly not been
caused by lack of material, for no English statesman was
ever so indefatigable a correspondent and draftsman as
Cecil, and the stupendous masses of manuscript left
behind by him frightened even the indefatigable Camden
from the work of writing an account of Cecil's ministry
three centuries ago. " But," he writes, " at my very first
entrance upon the task, an intricate difficulty did in a
manner wholly discourage me, for I lighted upon great
files and heaps of papers and writings of all sorts, . . .
in searching and turning over whereof, whilst I laboured
till I sweat again, covered all over with dust, to gather
fit matter together, . . . that noble lord died, and my in
dustry began to flag and wax cold." Strype also, who
has reproduced so many important documents relating to
Cecil in his "Annals of the Reformation," and "Eccle
siastical Memorials," was preparing materials for a life of
the statesman, when death stopped his labour. Besides
several less pretentious works by various authors, and
the curious contemporary memoirs published in Peck's
Desiderata Curiosa, a spirited attempt was made seventy
years ago by Dr. Nares, Regius Professor of History at
Oxford, to produce a book worthy of the subject. After
many years of laborious plodding through countless
thousands of documents, the worthy professor produced
one of the most ponderous and unreadable books in the
English language, of which Lord Macaulay made merci
less sport in his famous essay on Burghley. " Compared "
he says, "with the labour of reading through these
volumes, all other labour, of thieves on the treadmill, of

INTRODUCTION xiii
children in factories, of negroes on sugar-plantations, is
an agreeable recreation. . . . Guicciardini, although cer
tainly not the most amusing of writers, is a Herodotus or
a Froissart when compared with Dr. Nares."
The embarrassment of riches in the way of material
is, indeed, the rock upon which most of the serious
biographers of Cecil have foundered. In the Lansdowne
MSS., at the British Museum alone, there are 122 folio
volumes of Burghley manuscripts, which descended
through the minister's secretary, Sir Michael Hicks, be
sides large numbers in the Cotton and Harley collections.
The Burghley Papers at the Record Office are almost
innumerable, the foreign documents subsequent to 1577
being still uncalendared, whilst the priceless collection in
the possession of Lord Salisbury at Hatfield consists of
over 30,000 documents, bound in 210 large volumes.
From comparatively early times many of the more in
teresting of these papers have been in print. The Scrinia
Ceciliana in the third edition of Cabala, " The Compleat
Ambassador," the " Sadler State Papers," Haynes' and
Murdin's selections from the Hatfield archives, Forbes'
" Public Transactions," Birch's " Memoirs of Elizabeth,"
Burgon's " Sir Thomas Gresham," Nicholas' " Sir Chris
topher Hatton," Burnet, Collier, Lodge, Strype, Foxe,
Ellis, the Harleian Miscellany, and Tytler contain a great
number of original documents from Cecil's collections.
Above all — since the excellent sketch of Cecil in the
" Dictionary of National Biography " was written — the
Historical MSS. Commission have completed the six
volumes of Calendars of the Hatfield Papers to 1597,
and the Calendars of Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth
have been published by the Record Office. By the aid
of these, and the Domestic and Foreign Calendars of
State Papers, it is now, for the first time, possible to
obtain a comprehensive view in an accessible form of

xiv INTRODUCTION
thousands of documents which have hitherto been difficult
or impossible to reach ; and obstacles which have marred
the success of previous labours in the same field, may,
it is hoped, now be more easily surmountable. The
sources above mentioned have all been placed under
contribution for the production of the present summary
account of Cecil's political life, as well as some un
calendared manuscripts kindly placed at my disposal by
the Marquis of Salisbury.
I cannot hope to have succeeded entirely where others
have failed, but I have not spared time or labour in the
attempt ; and I have endeavoured, at least, to prevent my
view of the events themselves from being obstructed by
the documents which relate to them ; and, so far as is
possible in a short readable book, to present a general
view of the policy of the reign of Elizabeth, especially
with relation to the influence exerted upon it by her
principal minister.
I have written with no preconceived theory to prove,
no religious or political aim to serve, or doctrine to
establish. My only desire has been to follow facts
whithersoever they may lead me, and to pourtray a
lofty personality who has left an enduring impress on
the history of his country. I have not sought to pre
sent Cecil as a demigod — or even as a genius of the first
class — as most of his biographers have done. The ways
and methods of Elizabethan statesmen need not be con
cealed or apologised for because they do not square with
the ethics of to-day. At a time when the bulk of the
English people cheerfully changed their faith four times
in a generation to please their rulers, it would be absurd
to hold up to especial obloquy a minister for having per
secuted at one time a religion which at another time he
professed. The final triumph of England in that struggle
of giants was won by statesmen who, like their mistress,

INTRODUCTION xv
owed as much to what we should now call their failings
as they did to their virtues. Their vacillation and ter
giversation in the face of rigid and stolid opponents were
main elements of their success. Cecil was by far the
most honest and patriotic of them ; but he, too, was
a man of his age, and must be judged from its stand
point — not from that of to-day. If I have succeeded in
presenting more clearly than some of my predecessors
a view of the process by which England was made great,
the man who, above all others, was instrumental under
God in making it so, may well be judged by the splendid
results of his lifelong labour ; and his reputation for reli
gious constancy, moral generosity, and political scrupu
lousness, placed in the opposite scale, will hardly stir the
balance.
MARTIN A. S. HUME
LONDON, September 1898.

THE
GREAT LORD BURGHLEY
CHAPTER I
1520-1549
It may be stated as an historical truism that great organic
changes in the relationship of human beings towards
each other are usually preceded by periods of quiescence
and apparent stability, during which unsuspected forces
of preparation are at work. When the moment of crisis
comes, the unthinking marvel/that men are ready, as if
by magic, to accept, and, if need be, to fight and die for,
the new order of ideas. Although the outward manifes
tation of it may be unexpected, yet, in reality, no vast,
far-reaching revolution in human institutions is sudden :
only that the short-sightedness of all but the very wisest
fails to see the signs until the forces are openly arrayed
and the battle set.
The period of the struggle for religious reform in
Europe was preceded by such a process of unconscious
preparation as this. Over a century elapsed from the
martyrdom of John Huss before the bold professor of
Wittemberg dared to denounce the Pope's indulgences.
It is true that during that century, and before, satirists
and moralists had often pointed the finger of contumely
at the corruption of the clergy and the lax discipline of
A

2 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1517
the Church, but no word had been raised against her
doctrines. In the meanwhile, the subterranean process
which was sapping the foundations of the meek submis
sion of old, was progressing apace with the spread of
printed books and the revival of the study of Greek and
Hebrew. By the time that Luther first made his daring
stand, the learning of cultivated laymen, thanks to Eras
mus and others, had far outstripped the cramped erudition
of the friars ; and when at last a churchman thundered
from the Saxon pulpit his startling doctrine of papal
fallibility, there were thousands of men throughout
Europe who were able to do without monkish commen
tators, and could read the Scriptures in the original
tongues, forming their own judgment of right and
wrong by the unobscured light of the inspired Word
itself. Thus it happened that the cry for radical religious
reform in 15 17 found a world waiting for it, and in an
incredibly few years the champions of the old and
the new had taken sides ready for the struggle which
was to decide the fate of civilisation for centuries to
come. By an apparently providential concurrence of
circumstances, the personal characters and national
ambitions of rulers at the same period were such as to
enlist the hardiest and most tenacious of the European
peoples on the side of freedom from spiritual and intel
lectual trammels ; and eventually to ally the idea of
political emancipation and personal liberty with that
of religious reform, to the immense strengthening of
both. The fight was to be a long and varied one; it
can hardly, indeed, be looked upon as ended even now.
Many of the combatants have fainted by the way, and
both sides have belied their principles again and again ;
but looking back over the field, we can see the ground
that has been won, and are assured that in the long-run

iS*>] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 3
the powers of progress must prevail, as we hope and
believe, to the greater glory of God and the greater
happiness of men.
The year 1520 saw the first open marshalling of the
powers for the great struggle, partly religious and partly
political, which was to lead to the triumph of the Anglo-
Saxon race. In England, as yet, there was no whisper
of revolt against the authority of the papacy. The King
had just written his book against the new doctrines of
Luther, which was to gain for him the title of Defender
of the Faith ; Catharine, the Spanish Queen-Consort, an
obedient child of the Church, as became the daughter of
Isabel the Catholic, lived in yet unruffled happiness with
her husband ; whilst the all-ruling Wolsey was plotting and
intriguing for the reversion of the triple tiara of St. Peter
when Pope Leo should die. The first step to the political
rise of England was the election (June 1519) of young King
Charles of Spain to the imperial crown of Germany, in
succession to his grandfather, Maximilian of Hapsburg.
The marriage of the new Emperor's father, Philip of
Hapsburg, the heir of Burgundy, with Jane the Mad,
the heiress of Spain, had joined to her heritage Flanders,
Holland, and the Franche Comtd, and had already upset
the balance of power. Francis I. had sought to redress
matters by securing his own election to the empire, but
he had been frustrated, and he saw a Spanish prince in
possession of territory on every side of France, shutting
her in. Naples had been filched by greedy Ferdinand,
and was0 now firmly Spanish, as Sicily had been for
centuries; the Emperor asserted suzerainty over most
of Italy, and, above all, over Milan, which Francis him
self claimed and occupied. It was clear that the expan
sion of France was at an end, and her national decline
must commence, unless the iron bands braced around
her by the Hispano-Germanic Empire could be broken

4 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [15*0
through. It was then that the importance of England
as the potential balancing power between the two great
rivals became evident. Henry VIII. was rich in money,
able, ambitious, and popular. He had devoted all his
great energy to improving the resources of his country,
and to reconstructing his navy ; besides which he held
Calais, the key to the frontier battle-ground of Flanders
and France, and was as fully conscious of his rising
importance as he was determined to carry it to the best
market. It had been for many years the main point of English
foreign policy to counteract the unification of France by
maintaining a close connection with the House of Bur
gundy, as possessors of Flanders and Holland, the prin
cipal markets for the English wool and cloth. This
policy had drawn England and Spain together when
the inheritances of Spain and Burgundy were united, and
it had also led to the marriage of Catharine of Aragon
in England. But Henry's desire to hold the balance,
and Wolsey's greed and ambition, had made them willing
to listen to the blandishments of Francis, and to consent
to the distrustful and pompous comedy of the Field of
the Cloth of Gold. Charles, the new Emperor, had shown
his appreciation of the threatened friendship between
France and England, by his Quixotic rush over to Eng
land to see Henry earlier in the year (1520). His stay
was a short one, only four days, but it was sufficient for
his purpose. He could promise more to Wolsey than
Francis could, and Henry's vanity was flattered at the
young Emperor's chivalrous trust in him. When Charles
sailed from Dover, he knew full well that, however
splendid and friendly might be the interviews of the
Field of the Cloth of Gold, Francis would not have
the King of England on his side in the inevitable coming
war, even if he did not fight against him.

1 520] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 5
This was the condition of English politics at home
and abroad when William Cecil first saw the light at
Bourne, in Lincolnshire, on the 13th September 1520.
He came into the world at the opening of a new epoch
both for his country and for the general advancement of
civilisation, and before he left it the modern dispensation
was firmly planted, in England at least, owing in no
small measure to his sagacity and statecraft.
In his after life, when he had become famous, Cecil
drew up in his own hand a private journal (now in the
British Museum), in which he endeavoured to set down
in chronological order the principal events of his life. It
will be seen, by the specimen line reproduced under the
portrait, that he was in some confusion as to the year of
his birth and other events of his earlier years. The entry
relating to his birth, as first made, is against the year 152 1,
and reads, " 130 Sep. Ego Gulielm. Cecill nats su, apud
Burne in Com Lincolni ; " but afterwards the date was
crossed out and entered above the line, so as to correspond
with the year 1520, whilst the blank against the year 1521
is filled in with the mention of the arrival of the Emperor
Charles V. in London on the 5th June of that year. This
also is a mistake, as the Emperor's second visit was in
June 1522. The entry with regard to Cecil's becoming a
student at Gray's Inn in 1541 mentions that he was at
that time twenty-one years of age, so that it may be con
cluded that the year of his birth was really 1520, although
1 52 1 has usually been given by his earlier biographers.
There is at Hatfield a little book which appears not to have
been noticed or calendared, but which is, nevertheless,
interesting for purposes of comparison, as I conclude it
to have been the foundation or rough draft of the journal.
It is a small perpetual calendar bound up with a custom
house tariff: "Imprinted at London at the Longe Shop
adjoining St. Mildred's Church in the Pultrie, London.

6 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [152°
by John Aide, anno 1562." In this calendar the entry
relating to his birth runs thus: "13* Sep. 1521. Ego
Gul. Cecill natus su: 13 Sept. 1521, between 3 and 4
p.m. ; " whilst his entering Gray's Inn is stated as follows :
"6* May, 33 Henry VIII. Gul. Cecill veni ad Graye's
Inn." No age is given in this case, so that it may pro
bably be concluded that on copying the entries into his
permanent journal he recollected the age at which he
became a law student, and then saw that he was born a
year earlier than he had originally thought, and at once
corrected the statement he had written.
The question of his remote ancestry is of no great
importance to the purpose of the present book, although
Cecil himself, who throughout his life was a diligent
student of heraldry and genealogy, devoted considerable
attention to it ; and Camden was at the pains to trace
his descent to a Robert Sitsilt, a gentleman of Wales in
the time of William Rufus (1091). It may be sufficient
for our purpose to adhere to a written pedigree at Hat
field House annotated and continued by William Cecil,
which proves, so far as such documents can, that the
statements made by his opponents to the end of his
life that he was of " base origin," were entirely untrue.
This pedigree traces the descent of the statesman's greats
grandfather Richard Sitsilt, who died in 1 508 possessing
considerable estates in Monmouthshire and Hereford
shire, to the ancient Welsh family of Sitsilt ; but its
interest and trustworthiness really commences with
Cecil's own continuation of the pedigree from his
great-grandfather to himself. At the end of the en
grossed genealogy he has written, " Here endeth ye old
Roole in parchm'," and " The contynuance of ye line in
ye heyres males untill this yere 1565." This continua
tion shows that his grandfather David, the third son of
Richard Sitsilt, came across England and settled at

i5*>] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 7
Stamford,1 whilst his elder brothers remained in posses
sion of the ancestral acres at Alterennes, Herefordshire.
In the perpetual calendar at Hatfield, this David's death
is recorded by his grandson as follows : " David Cecill
avus meus obiit Oct. 27 Hen. VIII." 2 (1535). He was an
alderman of Stamford, and appears to have possessed
a good estate in Lincolnshire, which he purchased in
1507 ; and was appointed in 1512 Water-bailiff of Wittle-
sea Mere, in Huntingdonshire, and Keeper of the Swans
throughout all the fen country.
Soon after the accession of Henry VIII., David Cecil,
the substantial Lincolnshire squire, became a courtier,
and was made one of the King's serjeants-at-arms.
Thenceforward royal grants and offices came to him
plentifully, stewardships of crown lands, the escheator-
ship of Lincoln, the shrievalty of Northampton, and
the like, which must have added greatly both to his
wealth and his importance. No indication has ever been
given of the reasons for his court favour, but it may
be conjectured to have arisen from the friendship of his
powerful neighbour Lord Willoughby d'Eresby of Grims-
thorpe, who married Maria de Sarmiento, Queen Catha
rine's dearest friend and inseparable companion ; as the
connection between Lady Willoughby's daughter, the
Duchess of Suffolk, and William Cecil, remained almost
on a sisterly footing throughout the lady's life. In any
1 Naunton, in Fragmenta Regalia, says that he was personally acquainted
with the senior branch of Cecil's family in Herefordshire, which was of no
mean antiquity : but he speaks of David Cecil, the statesman's grandfather, as
" being exposed, and sent to the city, as poor gentlemen used to do their
sons, became to be a rich man on London Bridge, and purchased (an estate)
in Lincolnshire, where this man (i.e. Sir William) was born." Cecil's enemies
in his lifetime, especially Father Persons, spoke of David Cecil as having been
an innkeeper at Stamford ; but this is very improbable, though he may well
have owned inns in the town, of which he was an alderman.
* The date of his death in the "journal " at Hatfield is given as 1536, and
Collins states it to have happened in 1541, his will being proved in that year.

8 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [153s
case, David's influence at court was sufficient to obtain
for his son Richard, the statesman's father, a succession
of lucrative offices. He was one of the King's pages,
and is said to have attended the sovereign to the Field
of the Cloth of Gold a few months before William Cecil
was born, and he subsequently became Groom of the
Wardrobe, and Yeoman of the Robes. He, like the rest
of the King's favourites, fattened on the spoils of the
monasteries, and stewardships of royal manors showered
upon him. He was Constable of Warwick Castle, Bailiff
of Wittlesea Mere, and Keeper of the Swans, like his
father, and Sheriff of Rutland ; and to add to his pro
sperity, he married the heiress of William Heckington of
Bourne, who brought to him the fine property of Burghley
adjoining his own estates at Stamford. When, therefore,
William Cecil was born in the house of his maternal
grandfather at Bourne, he was prospective heir to broad
acres in a half-dozen counties, with almost the certainty
of advancement through court influence in whatever
career he might choose.
Little is known, or need be told, of Cecil's early youth.
He went to school successively at Grantham and Stam
ford, and in May 1535, when he was fifteen years of age,
entered St. John's College, Cambridge, to embark upon
deeper studies. His anonymous biographer, who lived
in his household in his later years, and can only have
spoken by hearsay of his college days, says x that he was
so " diligent and paineful as he hired a bell-ringer to call
him up at foure of the clock every morninge ; with which
early rising and late watchinge, and continuall sitting,
there fell abundance of humours into his leggs, then very
hardly cured, which was thought one of the original
causes of his gowt." It is, at all events, certain that he
threw himself with avidity into the studies which were
1 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa.

iS35] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 9
then especially claiming the attention of scholars, and
in a very short time became remarkable for his wide
knowledge of Greek especially, and for his extraordinary
general aptitude and application. It is said, indeed, that
he gratuitously read the Greek lecture at St. John's before
he was nineteen years of age. By good fortune it hap
pened that the University was at the time of his resi
dence the centre of a new intellectual movement, the
young leaders of which at once became Cecil's chosen
friends. Already the new learning had taken fast hold
of the brighter spirits, and although Luther's works were
openly forbidden, they were secretly read by a little
company of students who met for the purpose at a
tavern in Cambridge called the White Horse ; Erasmus
had left memories of his teaching behind him at Queen's,
and Melancthon's books were eagerly studied. A bril
liant young King's scholar, named Thomas Smith, read
the Greek lectures at Queen's College, and assembled
under him a band of scholars, such as have rarely been
united at one time. Cheke, Ascham, Matthew Parker,
Nicholas Bacon, Bill, Watson, and Haddon, amongst
many others, who afterwards achieved fame, were Cecil's
intimate companions ; and Cheke especially, who be
longed to the same college, and was somewhat older,
systematically helped him, doubtless for a considera
tion. Cheke's capacity was almost as remarkable as that
of his fellow King's scholar, Smith. He was poor, but of
ancient family, the son of a college-beadle whose widow
on his death had to maintain her children by keeping
a wine-shop in the town ; although he subsequently
became the Regius Professor of Greek, and tutor to
Edward VI., and, by the aid of Smith, reformed the
vicious pronunciation of Latin and Greek upon which
the Churchmen had insisted. Humble John Cheke was
Cecil's bosom friend, and to his mother's wine-shop the

io THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1541
rich courtier's son must often have been a welcome
visitor. Details of his daily life are wanting, but he must
have been a well-conducted youth,; for the amount of
study he got through was prodigious. Catharine de
Medici, years afterwards (1563), spitefully told Smith-
then Sir Thomas, and an ambassador— that Cecil had
had a son at the age of fifteen or sixteen,1 to which
Smith, who must have known whether it was true or
not, made no reply ; but she probably spoke at random,
and referred to Cecil's early marriage. He left the
University after six years' residence, without taking his
degree. Whether his father withdrew him because of
his close intimacy with the family of the wine-shop keeper,
is not known, but is probable. In his own hand he
states that he was entered a student of Gray's Inn, in
May 1541, and that on the 8th August of the same year
he married Mary Cheke, of Cambridge, the sister of his
friend.2 The next entry in the diary records, under date
of 5th May 1542, the birth of his eldest son, Thomas
Cecil, his own age at the time being twenty-two (Natus
est mihi Thomas Cecil filius ; cum essem natus annos
xxii.). In the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield it is
mentioned that the child was born at Cambridge, so
that it may be assumed that Cecil's wife still lived with
1 " Courtships of Queen Elizabeth."
* That Cecil's father was much displeased at his marriage is seen by a
letter from Alford, his steward, at Burghley, after the death of Richard Cecil.
Mrs. Cecil, the widow (to whom Burghley belonged), appears to have been an
extremely self-willed old lady, and refused to exhibit her husband's will to
her son's agents. In conversation with one of them, she said she knew that
her husband had made a will (besides the one in her possession) touching his
goods, when he went to Boulogne (i.e. 1544). Alford says: "Thinking this
might have been about the time he conceived displeasure against you for your
first marriage, I rode off immediately to the attorney who, according to Mrs.
Cecil, held it, in order, if possible, to learn the contents of the will in your
(Cecil's) interests " (Alford to Cecil, 9th April 1553 ; Hatfield Papers).

1543] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY n
her own people. The next entry to that relating the
birth of the future Lord Exeter, records the death of his
young mother thus: " 22 Feb. 1543, Maria uxor mortua
est in Domine, hora 2a nocte," * and with this bare
statement the story of Cecil's first marriage ends, though
he never lost touch with or interest in the Cheke family,
who appear to have, been equally attached to him.
It may be questioned whether Cecil went deeply into
the study of law at Gray's Inn. It was usual to enter
young gentlemen at one of the inns of court to give
them some definite standing or pursuit in London, rather
than with a view of their becoming practising lawyers.
It is almost certain from a statement of his house
hold biographer,2 that such was the case with Cecil.
" He alwaies praised the study of the common law
above all other learning : saying ' that if he shoulde
begyene againe he would follow that studie.'" He
probably passed much of his time about the court ; and
his domestic tells a story of him in this connection,
which may well be true, but which rests upon his
authority alone. He was, he says, in the presence-
chamber, where he met two chaplains of O'Neil, who
was then (1542) on a visit to the King ; " and talking
long with them in Lattin, he fell in disputation with
the priests, wherein he showed so great learning and
witt, as he proved the poore priests to have neither,
who weare so putt down as they had not a word to
saie, but flung away no less discontented than ashamed
to be foiled in such a place by so younge a berdless
yewth." s The chronicler goes on to say that the King
1 Perpetual Calendar MS., Hatfield.
2 Desiderata Curiosa. This is confirmed by a letter at Hatfield from
Griffin, the Queen's attorney (27th April 1557), saying, " I am sorry that you
never were of Gray's Inne nor can skill of no la we," by which it is clear that
Cecil was never called to the bar, and probably never seriously studied law.
a Ibid.

12 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [154S
being told of this, Cecil was summoned to the royal
presence, and delighted Henry with his answers ; Richard
Cecil, the father, being directed by the King to seek out
some office or favour which might be bestowed upon his
clever son. The Yeoman of the Robes, we may be sure,
was nothing loath, and petitioned in William Cecil's
name for the reversion of the office of custos brevium in
the Court of Common Pleas, which was duly granted,
and was the first of the future great statesman's many
offices of profit received from the Crown.
At about the same time, or shortly afterwards (1544),
Cecil's connection with the court was made closer by the
appointment of his brother-in-law, John Cheke, to be tutor
to the young Prince Edward, and of his friend, Roger
Ascham, to a similar position to the Princess Elizabeth.
A general supervision over the studies of Prince Edward
was entrusted to his governor, Sir Anthony Cooke, who
was one of the pioneers of the new learning, and a
member of the Protestant party in Henry's court led
by Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Prince Edward's
uncle. The secuiar educational movement, which was
now in full swing, had spread to the training of girls
of the upper classes. The working of tapestry and the
cares of a household were no longer regarded as the sole
ends and aims of a lady's life, and it was a fashion at
court for Greek jtoid Latin, as well as modern languages,
to be imparted"to the daughters of gentlemen of the
newer school. Amongst the first of the ladies to be thus
highly educated were the four daughters of Sir Anthony
Cooke, who were afterwards to be celebrated as the
most learned women in England, at a time when educa
tion had become a feminine fad under the learned
Elizabeth. To the eldest of these paragons of learn
ing, Mildred Cooke, aged twenty, William Cecil was
married on the 21st December 1545, and thus bound

1547] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 13
himself by another link to the rising progressive party
at court.1 Already the struggle of the Reformation on the Con
tinent had begun. The Emperor, alarmed at the firm
stand made by the Protestant princes of the empire,
had hastily made peace with Francis I., and had left his
ally the King of England in the lurch. The spectre of
Lutheranism had drawn together the life-long rivals with
the secret object of crushing religious dissent, which
struck at the root of their temporal authority. The ambi
tion of Maurice of Saxony, and disunion in the Protes
tant ranks, enabled Charles to destroy the Smalkaldic
league, and in April 1547, after the battle of Muhlberg,
to impose his will upon the empire. Henry VIII. had
deeply resented the desertion of his ally Charles V., when
in December 1544 he had been left to fight Francis alone,
and during the closing years of his life the Protestant
influence in his Councils grew stronger than ever. The
old King died on the 28th January 1547. Parliament
was sitting at the time, but the King's death was kept
secret for nearly three days, and it was Monday, 31st
January, before Lord Chancellor Wriotnesley, his voice
broken by sobs, informed the Houses of Parliament that
King Edward VI. had ascended the throne, under the
1 Roger Ascham, writing to Sturmius (August 1550), says : "But there are
two English ladies whom I cannot omit to mention. . . . One is Jane Grey
. . . the other Mildred Cooke, who understands and speaks Greek like
English, so that it may be doubted whether she is most happy in the posses
sion of this surpassing degree of knowledge, or in having for her preceptor
and father Sir Anthony Cooke, whose singular erudition caused him to be
joined with John Cheke in the office of tutor to the King ; or finally, in having
become the wife of William Cecil, lately appointed Secretary of State : a
young man, indeed, but mature in wisdom, and so deeply skilled, both in
letters and affairs, and endued with such moderation in the exercise of public
offices, that to him would be awarded, by the consenting voice of Englishmen,
the fourfold praise attributed to Pericles by his rival Thucydides : ' To know
all that is fitting, to be able to apply what he knows, to be a lover of his
country, and superior to money.' "

14 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1547
regency, during his minority, of the Council nominated
in King Henry's will. The star of Seymour and the Pro
testants had risen, and soon those papistically inclined,
like Wriothesley, and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester,
shed tears indeed for the master they had lost, schismatic
though he was.
With such friends in the dominant party as Cooke,
Cheke, Cranmer, and Seymour, it is not surprising that
William Cecils career emerged from obscurity and un
certainty almost as soon as the new Government was
established. Fo>r a young man of twenty-seven he had
already not done badly. His father was still alive,
but in the first year of Edward VI. the office of custos
brevium, of which the old King had given him the rever
sion five years before, fell in, and this brought him, in
salary and fees, ^240 per annum (£6, 13s. 4d. salary and
rest fees at the four law terms), and in addition to this,
according to his household biographer, the Lord Pro
tector appointed him his Master of Requests soon after
assuming power. That he held some such office from
the summer of 1547 is certain, as from that date forward
great numbers of letters exist written to him in relation
to suits and petitions addressed to the Protector. The
office, as then constituted, appears to have been an inno
vation, as being attached to Somerset's personal house
hold,1 and intended to relieve him from the trouble of
himself examining petitions and suits. In any case
Cecil's assiduity and patience appear thus early to have
been acknowledged, to judge by the tone of most of his
correspondents, many of whom belonged to a much
more exalted social position than himself. In June 1547
Sir Thomas Darcy informs him 2 that (evidently by order)
he had inquired into the love affair between " Mistress
Dorothy" and the young Earl of Oxford — who was a
1 Desiderata Curiosa, and Camden. 2 State Papers, Dom., 1547-80.

1547] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 15
ward — and desires to know whether the Protector wishes
the match to be prevented or not ; and in the following
month Lady Browne wrote to him in terms of intimate
friendship, begging him to use his influence with Somer
set to appoint her brother to the coming expedition to
Scotland.1 The master and fellows of his old college, St. John's,
too, were anxious to propitiate the rising official and to
bespeak his interest in favour of their foundation,2 and
the widowed Duchess of Suffolk (Lady Willoughby)
consulted him in all her difficulties. The war with
France was suspended, though the English forces hold
ing Boulogne were closely beleaguered, and Somerset's
greed was diverting the money which should have been
spent in war preparations ; but in pursuance of the tradi
tional policy of England, it became a question almost of
national existence when it was seen that the French
intrigues for the marriage of the child Queen of Scots
and the final suppression of the rising reform party in
Scotland were likely to succeed. Arran had signed the
treaty with Henry for the marriage of Edward and
Mary ; but he, and especially the Queen-mother, Mary
of Lorraine, had resisted the deportation of the infant
Queen to England. It is possible that some arrange
ment might have been arrived at had not the ill-advised
murder of Cardinal Beaton and the subsequent anarchy
given to the new King of France, Henry II., an excuse
for armed interference in protection of the Catholic
party. Then it became incumbent upon the Protector
to fight the Scots at all hazards, or French influence
over the Border threatened to become permanent ; a
double danger, now that the religious question tended
to alienate England from her secular alliance with the
1 Ibid., and Tytler.
2 December 1547, Lansdowne MSS., 2, 16,

1 6 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1548
House of Burgundy. When Somerset made his rapid
march upon Scotland with an army of 18,000 men,
supported by a powerful fleet, in September 1547, his
trusted Cecil attended him in the capacity apparently
of provost-marshal, in conjunction with the chronicler
of the campaign, William Patten.1 The decisive battle
of Pinkie was fought on the 10th September 1547, and
was in a great measure won by the dash, at a critical
moment, of the Spanish and Italian auxiliaries whom
Somerset had enlisted. According to the " household "
historian so often quoted,2 Cecil narrowly escaped death
from a cannon shot at Pinkie, but no other mention of
the fact is to be found. It has been doubted whether at
this time he held still the office of Master of Requests,
in which he is said to have been succeeded by his old
college friend Sir Thomas Smith,3 but there was no
break in his close connection in some capacity with
the Protector. About five months after Pinkie, in a
letter to Lord Cobham, Somerset calls him " my servant
William Cecill,"4 and refers to letters written to him
on his behalf ; and in June 1548 the powerful Earl of
Warwick, who was soon to supplant Somerset, writes to
Cecil, almost humbly thanking him for forwarding some
request of his to the Protector.5
Cecil's position, however, shortly after this becomes
clearly defined, and his personality emerges into full day
light. Against the year 1548 in his journal, the only
entry is as follows : " Mes. Sep. co-optatus su in ofm
Secretarij." This has often given rise to confusion as to
1 Diarium Expeditionis Scotica. s Desiderata Curiosa.
3 This is the assertion made by Nares, but it is very questionably correct,
as a letter dated ist July 1548 from Sir Thomas Smith in Brussels (State
Papers, Foreign) is addressed to Mr. Cecil, Master of Requests to the Lord
Protector's Grace, and a similar letter from Fisher at Stamford on the 27th
July 1548 bears the same superscripture (State Papers, Dom.).
4 Harl. MSS., 284. 5 State Papers, Dom,

1549] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 17
the date of his first appointment as Secretary of State,
but there is now no room for doubt that the office to
which this entry refers is that of Secretary to Somerset ;
and the appointment, like that of Master of Requests,
was part of the Protector's system of surrounding him
self with a household as near as possible modelled on
that of the King.
Thenceforward everything that did not strictly apper
tain to the official Secretaries of State went through the
hands of Cecil, who in the meanwhile was imbibing the
traditions of statecraft which were to guide him through
life. Already the cabal against Somerset had been in
progress before he went to Scotland, and had caused
him to hurry back before he gained the full fruits of his
victory at Pinkie. Mary of Lorraine and the Scottish
nobles had almost unanimously rallied now to the French
side, and had agreed to give the young Queen in marriage
to the Dauphin, whilst strong reinforcements were sent
to Scotland from France. Bound though he was to the
extreme Protestant party, Somerset was therefore obliged
to turn to the arch-enemy of Protestantism, the Emperor,
for support and assistance. Charles had his hands full
with his vast new projects of universal domination for
his son, and was postponing the inevitable war with
France as long as possible, and consequently turned a
deaf ear to Somerset's approaches. Public discontent,
artfully encouraged by the Protector's enemies, grew
daily more dangerous. His brother, the Lord Admiral,
had sought to depose him, and fell a victim to his own
foolishness and ambition (20th March 1549). The attempt
to interfere with the religious service in the house of the
Princess Mary made Somerset even more unpopular,
alienated the Emperor still further, and enraged those
who yet clung to the remnants of the old faith. Then
came the great rising in the West, the revolt of the

1 8 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1549
commons throughout Eastern and Central England
against the enclosures carried out by the land-grabbing
crew that surrounded Somerset. In April 1549 Cecil
was trying to obtain a grant of the rectory and manor of
Wimbledon, in which he eventually succeeded, and he
appears to have purchased at the same time some fen
lands near Spalding ; but although he was in the midst
of affairs, and must have been the Protector's right hand
in most things, he was sagacious enough at so dangerous
a time to keep to the routine work of his office, and
avoided all responsibility on his own account.
When Warwick came back from his ruthless campaign
against the peasants of Norfolk, flushed with an easy
victory, the idol of a discontented and partly foreign
soldiery, the time was ripe for him to strike his blow.
Gardiner and Bonner were in the Tower, the Catholic
party were being harried and persecuted throughout the
country, the French and Scots in Scotland were now
strong and invincible, the French fleet dominated the
Channel, the town of Boulogne was known to be un
tenable ; and, above all, an unpaid victorious soldiery
looked to Warwick as their champion. Warwick him
self laid the blame for all troubles and shortcomings
upon the Protector, and summoning the officers of his
army to Ely Place, constituted himself their spokesman
for obtaining their pay. Through Wriothesley — now
Southampton — Somerset's enemy, he persuaded the
Catholics that he disapproved of the religious pressure
that was being exercised. The first step taken openly
for the overthrow of the Protector appears to be a
letter written by Warwick to Cecil,1 on the 14th Septem
ber 1549, which shows, amongst other things, the high
esteem in which the secretary was held. " To my very
loving friend, Mr Cecille," it runs,—" These shall be to
1 State Papers, Dom., and also in Tytler.

1549] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 19
desire you to be an intercessor to my Lord's Grace that
this bearer, Thomas Drury, captain of nine-score foot
men, serving the King's Majesty in Norfolk, should
receive for them his pay for the space of two months."
Warwick knew full well that no money would be forth
coming for these men's pay, and that the Protector was
already being deserted by the councillors, who were
finding excuses for meeting with Warwick at Ely Place
rather than with Somerset at Hampton Court. At length
the Protector could shut his eyes no longer to the deser
tion. The only councillors who were at Hampton Court
with him were Cranmer, Sir William Paget, Sir William
Petre, and Sir Thomas Smith, Secretaries of State, and
his own secretary, William Cecil. The meetings at Ely
Place and the growing storm against him found Somerset
unprotected and unprepared. On the ist October he
issued a proclamation calling upon the lieges to muster
and defend the King ; but most of his advisers near him
deprecated the use of force, which they knew would be
fruitless against Warwick and the troops, and his divided
councils only resulted in the dissemination of anonymous
handbills and circulars stating that the King's person
was in danger from Warwick, and the summoning of
such nobles as were thought most likely to be favourable
to the Protector's cause. Secretary Petre, who had
advocated an agreement, was on the 7th October sent
to London to confer with Warwick, but he betrayed his
trust and returned no more. The King and the Protector
had in the meanwhile removed to Windsor for greater
security ; but Warwick had gained the Tower and had
conciliated the city of London, and it was clear to all
now, that Somerset's power was gone. All fell away
from him, except only Sir Thomas Smith. The two
principal generals in arms, Lords Russell and Herbert,
rallied to Warwick. Cranmer and Paget, it is true,

20 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1549
remained by the side of the Protector, but, like Petre,
they played him false. No word or sign is given of
Cecil, though he too remained with his master ; but it
is significant that all the letters to Warwick at the
time are in the handwriting of Sir Thomas Smith, and
at this moment of difficulty and danger sagacious Cecil
recedes into the position of a private secretary, sheltered
behind the responsibility of his master.
In vain Somerset, at the prompting of Cranmer and
Paget, sought to make terms with Warwick. Finding
that Petre did not return to Windsor, but that the Lords
in London demanded unconditional submission, the
Protector, in the name of the King, sent Sir Philip Hoby
on the 8th October with an appeal ad misericordiam to
Warwick. " Marry," says the letter, " to put himself
simply into your hands, having heard as he and we
have, without knowing upon what conditions, is not
reasonable. Life is sweet, my Lords, and they say you
do seek his blood and his death . . . Wherefore, good
my Lords, we beseech you again and again, if you
have conceived any such determination, to put it out
of your heads, and incline your hearts to kindness and
humanity, remembering that he hath never been cruel
to any of you, and why should you be cruelly minded
to him."1 This appeal was supported by a passionate prayer
from Smith to Petre for clemency to the Protector.
But Hoby also played false, and delayed his return
until Warwick had secured the formal adhesion of
Russell and Herbert. He then returned to Windsor
with Warwick's secret ultimatum to Cranmer, Smith,
and Paget, warning them to desert the Protector, or be
prepared to share his fate. Cranmer and Paget gave
way, and washed their hands of the betrayal; Smith
1 State Papers, Dom.

1549] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 21
stood firm, and faced the consequence ; whilst Cecil
discreetly retired into the background, and apparently
did nothing, though he was certainly present when
Hoby delivered his official message, solemnly promising
that no harm was intended,' or would be done, to
Somerset or his friends ; " upon this all the aforenamed
there present wept for joy, and prayed for the Lords.
Mr. Comptroller (Paget) fell down on his knees, and
clasped the Duke about the knees, and weeping said,
' O ! my Lord, ye see now what my Lords be.' " Paget's
crocodile tears were hardly dry before he sent a servant
post-haste to London, saying that the Protector was now
off his guard, and might easily be seized. The next day
Somerset was a prisoner, and three days afterwards was
in the Tower. Smith, Cecil, Thynne, and Stanhope were
placed under arrest in their own apartments, whilst
Cranmer, Paget, and Petre reaped the reward of their
apostasy.1 When the Protector was sent to the Tower, all of his
friends were made his fellow-prisoners except Cecil.
Smith was dismissed from his offices, and threatened
with the extreme penalty for treason ; but Cecil, the
Protector's right hand, through whom all his patronage
had passed, escaped punishment at the time 2 (13th Octo
ber 1549). Warwick was apparently an old friend of
his father,8 and had unquestionably a great opinion of
Cecil's own application and sagacity. This may have
inclined him to leniency in his case, but for some reason
not disclosed he was certainly a prisoner in the Tower
in the following month. In a letter from his friend the
Duchess of Suffolk, dated 16th November 1549 (Lans-
1 The correspondence will be found in Ellis's original letters, and State
Papers, Dom., and also in Strype's " Memorials."
2 Burnet.
3 State Papers, Dom. ; Northumberland to Cecil, 31st May 1552.

22 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1549
downe MSS., 2, 24), she condoles with him for " the
loss of his place in the Duke of Somersets family" x but
says nothing to lead to the idea that he is in prison. But
in the holograph journal already quoted, there is an
entry — although, curiously enough, out of its proper
position, and opposite the year 1547, saying, " Mese
Noveb a0 30 E vi.\ fui in Turre ;" and his household
biographer also records the fact as follows : " In the
second year of K. Edward VI. he (Cecil) was committed
to the Tower about the Duke of Somerset's first calling
in question, remaining there a quarter of a year, and was
then enlarged ; " but, as has already been explained, this
life was written in the minister's old age, and as he
certainly was not in the Tower as a prisoner twice,
the imprisonment referred to must have been that of
November 1549 (3rd Edward VI.). There is, in any
case, a gap in all known records with regard to Cecil
for several months after Somerset's disgrace, and he
evidently had no share in public affairs for nearly a year
after Warwick's (now Northumberland's) rise, during
which time Sir William Petre and Dr. Wotton — who
succeeded Smith — were joint Secretaries of State.
This disposes of the suggestion that Cecil was Secretary of State at this

1
time.

CHAPTER II
i55o-i5S3
THE Catholic party soon found that Northumberland
had used them only as a cat's-paw to satisfy his ambi
tion ; and that where mild Somerset had scourged them
with whips, he would scourge them with scorpions.
Gardiner and Bonner were made closer prisoners than
ever. Princess Mary, who had practically defied Somer
set about her Mass, was more sternly dealt with by
Northumberland, her chaplains imprisoned, and her
household placed under strict observation ; x Latin ser
vice was strictly forbidden throughout the realm, altars
were abolished, and uniformity enforced ; whilst South
ampton, who had been largely instrumental in the over
throw of Somerset, found, to his dismay, that he had
laboured in vain so far as he and his co-religionists were
concerned. There is no reason to doubt that, even thus
early, Northumberland's ambitious plans were already
formed. For their success two things were absolutely
necessary : first, the unanimous support of the Protestant
party ; and next, a close understanding with France,
which meant a reversal of the traditional foreign policy
of this country. The attempt to supersede Mary on the
death of the King, who was seen to be of short life,
would be certain to meet with opposition on the part
of the Emperor, and would necessitate the support of
France to be successful. Much as Northumberland had
1 See Correspondence, Lady Mary and the Council. "Foxe'sActs and
Monuments."

24 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [155°
denounced the idea of the surrender of Boulogne in the
time of Somerset, he lost no time in concluding a peace
by which the town was given up, the necessity for doing
so being still laid to the charge of his predecessor ; and
the alliance between France and England, which in
cluded Scotland, was nominally made the closer by the
betrothal of Elizabeth,1 the eldest daughter of the King
of France to Edward VI. Soon Somerset, who still had
many friends amongst Protestants, was released from
prison, and in more humble guise readmitted to the
Council. On every hand Northumberland courted
popularity from all but the extreme Catholics, from
whom he had nothing but opposition to expect.
Under the circumstances it was necessary to have by
his side an experienced Secretary of State of Protestant
leanings, as well as of assiduity and ability. Petre and
Wotton were known to be more than doubtful with regard
to religion ; Smith had made himself impossible by the
active part he took against Northumberland at the time of
Somerset's imprisonment. No man was more fitted to
the post than Cecil, and on the 5th September 1550 he
was made for the first time Secretary of State. In the
" perpetual calendar " at Hatfield the entry runs, " 5 Sep.
4 Ed. VI., apud Oatlands Guil. Cecill admisus secf in
loco D. Wotton," and the Privy Council book confirms
this, though the King in his journal gives the date of
the appointment as the 6th September. Again William
Cecil emerges from obscurity, and henceforward his
position is unequivocal. As before, everything seemed
to pass through his hands. No matter was too small or
too large to claim his attention. His household biogra
pher says of him that he worked incessantly, except at
meal times, when he unbent and chatted wittily to his
friends, but never of business. He could, he says, never
1 She afterwards became the third wife of Philip II. of Spain, 1560.

1 55°] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 25
play any sort of game, took no interest in sport or pas
times, his only exercise being riding round his garden
walks on a little mule. " He was rather meanly statured,
but well proportioned, very straight and upright, active
and hardy, until crippled by constant gout." His hair
and beard were brown, before they became silver-white,
as they did early in life ; and his carriage and conversation
were always grave and circumspect.
If his own conduct was ruled — as some of his actions
certainly were — by the maxims which in middle age he
laid down for his favourite son, he must have been a
marvel of prudence and wisdom. Like the usual recom
mendations of age to youth, many of these precepts
simply inculcate moderation, religion, virtue, and other
obviously good qualities ; but here and there Cecil's own
philosophy of life peeps out, and some of the reasons
of his success are exhibited. "Let thy hospitality be
moderate, . . . rather plentiful than sparing, for I never
knew any man grow poor by keeping an orderly table.
. . . Beware thou spendest not more than three of four
parts of thy revenue, and not above a third part of that
in thy house." "That gentleman who sells an acre of
land sells an ounce of credit, for gentility is nothing else
but ancient riches." " Suffer not thy sons to cross the
Alps, for they shall learn nothing there but pride, blas
phemy, and atheism ; and if by travel they get a few
broken languages, they shall profit them nothing more
than to have one meat served up in divers dishes. Neither
train them up in wars, for he that sets up to live by
that profession can hardly be an honest man or a good
Christian." "Beware of being surety for thy best friends;
he that payeth another man's debts seeketh -his own
decay." " Be sure to keep some great man thy friend,
but trouble him not with trifles ; compliment him often
with many, yet small, gifts." "Towards thy superiors

26 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [155°
be humble, yet generous ; with thine equals familiar, yet
respectful; towards thine inferiors show much humanity,
and some familiarity, as to bow the body, stretch forth
the hand, and to uncover the head." "Trust not any
man with thy life, credit, or estate, for it is mere folly
for a man to enthral himself to his friend." Such
maxims as these evidently enshrine much of his own
temper, and throughout his career he rarely seems to
have violated them. His was a selfish and ungenerous
gospel, but a prudent and circumspect one.
From the first days of his appointment as Secretary
of State, the Duchess of Suffolk was again his constant
correspondent. As she was one of the first to condole
with him on his misfortune, she was early to con
gratulate him on "the good exchanges he had made,
and on having come to a good market " ; x and thence
forward all the Lincolnshire gossip from Grimsthorpe
and Tattershall reached the Secretary regularly, with
many Lincolnshire petitions, and much business in the
buying and leasing of land by Cecil in the county,
although his father lived until the following year,
1552.2 His erudite wife, of whom he always speaks with
tender regard, seems to have kept up a correspondence
in Greek with their friend, Sir Thomas Morysine, the
English Ambassador to the Emperor, and with the learned
Joannes Sturmius, to which several references are made
in Morysine's eccentric and affected letters to Cecil in
the State Papers, Foreign.
The letters of Morysine and Mason, the Ambassador
to France, to Cecil are of more importance as giving
a just idea of Northumberland's policy abroad than
are their despatches to the Council. The Protestant
princes were already recovering their spirits after the
1 State Papers, Dom. : Duchess of Suffolk to Cecil, 2nd October 1550.
" Or 1553, according to the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield.

1 55 1] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 27
defeat of Muhlberg, and the Emperor was again faced
by persistent opposition in the Diet. Henry II., having
now made sure of Northumberland's necessary adhesion
to him, once more launched against the empire the
forces of the Turks in the Mediterranean, whilst French
armies invaded Italy and threatened Flanders. To the
old-fashioned English diplomatists, this driving of the
Emperor into a corner was a subject of alarm.
Wotton, in a letter to Cecil (2nd January 1551), ex
presses the opinion that an attack upon the English at
Calais would be the next move of the French King,
and that Frenchmen generally are not to be trusted ; x
and Mason, the Ambassador in France (November 1550)
writes also to Cecil : " The French profess much, but
I doubt their sincerity ; I fear they know too well our
estate, and thereby think to ride upon our backs." 2
But, withal, though as yet they knew it not, North
umberland's plans depended upon a close under
standing with France, and during the rest of his rule
this was his guiding principle. Mason had to be with
drawn from France, and Pickering, another friend of
Cecil's, more favourable to the French interest, was
appointed ; whilst Wotton was sent to calm the sus
ceptibilities of the Emperor, who was growing fractious
at the close alliance between Northumberland and the
French, which was being cemented by one of the most
splendid embassies that ever left England (March 1551).
Prudent Cecil through it all gives in his correspondence
no inkling of his own feeling towards Northumberland's
new departure in foreign policy, though the letters of
his many friends to him are a sure indication that they
knew he was not really in favour of it.
In home affairs he was just as discreet. His view of
the duty of a Secretary of State was to carry out the
1 Hatfield Papers. 2 State Papers, Foreign.

28 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1551
orders of the Council without seeking to impose his own
fopinion unduly, and to the last days of his life his
I methods were conciliatory and diplomatic rather than
L forcible. He bent before insistence ; but he usually
had his way, if indirectly, in the end, as will be seen in
the course of his career. For instance, one of the first
measures which he had to carry out under Northumber
land was the debasement of the coinage,1 though it was
one of his favourite maxims that "the realm cannot be
rich whose coin is base," 2 and his persistent efforts to
reform the coinage under Elizabeth contributed much
to the renewed prosperity of England. It would appear
to have been his system to make his opinion known
frankly in the Council, but when it was overborne by
a majority, to carry out the opposite policy loyally. As
will be seen, this mode of proceeding probably saved his
head on the fall of Northumberland.
He was, indeed, not of the stuff from which martyrs
are made, and when his first patron and friend, Somerset,
finally fell, to the sorrow of all England, and lost his
head on Tower Hill, Cecil's own position remained un-
assailed. This is not the place to enter fully upon the
vexed question of the guilt of Somerset in the alleged
plan to murder Warwick and his friends, but a glance
at Cecil's attitude at the time will be useful. According
to the young King's journal, the first revelation of the
conspiracy was made on the 7th October 1551 by Sir
Thomas Palmer, who on the following days amplified
his information and implicated many of Somerset's
friends. On the 14th, Somerset had got wind of the
affair, and sent for his friend Secretary Cecil to tell him
he was afraid there was some mischief brewing. Cecil
answered coldly, "that if he were not guilty he might
be of good courage ; if he were, he had nothing to say
1 Hatfield Papers, part i., p. 88. 2 Desiderata Curiosa.

1551] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 29
but to lament him."1 In two days Somerset and his
friends were in the Tower, and thenceforward through
all the shameful trial, until the sacrifice was finally
consummated, Cecil appeared to be prudently wrapped
up in foreign affairs ;2 for to him had been'referred the
appeal of the Protestant princes brought by his friend
A'Lasco, for help against their suzerain the Emperor,
and to others fell the main task of removing the King's
uncle from the path of Northumberland.
Cecil's position as a Protestant Secretary of State
was one that required all his tact and discretion.
Somerset was his first friend and " master " ; and al
though it is not well established that the Duke person
ally was guilty of the particular crime for which he
suffered, it is unquestionable that he had been for
several months coquetting with the Catholic party, had
agitated for the release of Gardiner from the Tower,
and that his friends were busy, almost certainly with
his own connivance, to obtain for him in the coming
Parliament the renewal of his office of Protector. Light
is thrown upon Cecil's share in bringing about the
Duke's downfall, by the letters to him of his friend
Whalley,3 who had been officiously pushing Somerset's
interests early in 1551, and had been imprisoned for it.
In June he had been released, and was apparently made
use of by Cecil to convey letters from the latter in
1 King Edward's Journal, printed in Burnet.
2 There is, however, a memorandum in the Cotton MSS., Titus b ii,
(printed in Ellis's original letters) which proves that, though Cecil may not
have been publicly prominent in the condemnation of Somerset, his acumen
and diligence were, as usual, made use of to that end. The document is
entirely written by Cecil, and is a list of fifteen questions to be put to
Somerset in the Tower, all of them of a leading character and calculated to
compromise the prisoner. In Cotton, Vesp. 171, will be found the minutes
of the Council which discussed the execution of Somerset. Cecil has written
thereon, as if to exonerate himself from all responsibility, that the minutes are
in the King's hand. s State Papers, Dom.

30 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [155*
London to Northumberland in the country, complain
ing of Somerset's efforts in favour of Gardiner, and his
intrigues with the Catholics. That Cecil should resent,
as Secretary of State, any movement that threatened
Northumberland and the Protestant cause at the time
was natural. It will be recollected that he did not
become Northumberland's Secretary of State until the
former had thrown over the Catholics — but it was
perhaps an ungenerous excess of zeal to be the first
to denounce his former patron. At all events, North
umberland was delighted with the Secretary's action
in the matter, and told Whalley so — " He declared in
the end his good opinion of you in such sort, as I may
well say he is your very singular good lord, and resolved
that he would write at length his opinion unto you . . .
for he plainly said ye had shown yourself therein such
a faithful servant, and by that, most witty councillor
unto the King's Majesty and his proceedings, as was
scarce the like within his realm." Whalley concludes
his letter by urging Cecil to remonstrate with Somerset.
Whether he did so or not is unknown ; but certainly
for the next three months there is no hint of any serious
renewal of the quarrel : the interminable proceedings
against Gardiner continued, under Cecil's direction,
without a word from Somerset, and the measures against
the Princess Mary's mass continued unchecked.
The French alliance was now in full flush. All through
the autumn the stately embassy from Henry II. confirm
ing the treaty, and bringing the Order of St. Michael
to Edward, was splendidly entertained at court ; the
Emperor's troubles were closing in around him ; North
umberland could afford to flout his remonstrance about
the treatment of the Princess Mary ; and by the begin
ning of October, Northumberland's power was at its
height. On the 4th October he assumed his dukedom

1 551] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 31
Dorset was made Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Wiltshire
was created Marquis of Winchester, and Cheke and
Cecil were dubbed knights (although several of the
latter's friends had insisted upon calling him Sir William
months before).1 Then it was that the blow fell upon
Somerset. We have seen how Cecil bore himself to his
former master at the first hint of danger on the 14th
October ; and though we have no letters of his own to
indicate his subsequent attitude, a few words in the
confidential letters of his correspondents allow us to
surmise what it was.
Somerset was imprisoned on the 16th October (1551).
On the 27th, Pickering, the Ambassador in Paris, writes
that "he is glad Cecil is found to be undefiled with
the folly of this unfortunate Duke of Somerset." But
Morysine, Cecil's old Lincolnshire friend, the Ambas
sador in Germany, reflects, evidently with exactitude,
the tone which Cecil must have adopted. He speaks
of Somerset as the Secretary's old friend, and congratu
lates Cecil that he has not been dragged down with him.
" For it were a way to make an end of amity, if, when
men fall, their friends shpuld forthwith therefore be
troubled." He plainly sees, he says, that the mark Cecil
shoots at is their master's service; "A God's blessing ! let
the Duke bear his own burden, or cast it where he can."2
Morysine might have saved his wisdom ; Cecil would
certainly bear no other man's burden if he could help it.
Through all this critical time Sir William was inde
fatigable. His wife lived usually retired from the court,
at their home at Wimbledon ; but Cecil's town house at
Cannon Row, Westminster, was the scene of ceaseless
business, for Petre, the joint-Secretary, was ill disposed,
and did little. The Duchess of Suffolk, Lord Clinton,
and all the Lincolnshire folk used Cecil unsparingly in
1 State Papers, Foreign. a Ibid.

32 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1552
all their suits and troubles, and they had many. Cecil's
own properties were now very extensive, and were con
stantly augmented by purchases and grants. He had been
appointed Recorder of Boston in the previous year (May
1551). Northumberland consulted and deferred to him
at every point ; Cranmer sent to him the host of Protes
tant refugees from Germany and France : no matter what
business was in hand, or whose it was, it inevitably
found its way into Sir William Cecil's study, and by
him was deall with moderately, patiently, and wisely.
In the war of faiths he was the universal arbitrator,
and his task was not an easy one. The clergy had sunk to
the lowest depth of degradation, and cures of souls had
been given by patrons to domestic servants, and often
to persons unable to read. The returned refugees from
Switzerland had many of them brought back Calvinistic
methods and beliefs, and between their rigidity and the
English Catholicism of Henry VIII. all grades of ritual
were practised. Cranmer was at the head of a commis
sion to settle a form of liturgy and the Articles for the
Church, Cecil, of course, being a member. After immense
labour, forty-two Articles were agreed upon — reduced to
thirty-nine ten years afterwards — but before finally sub
mitting them to Parliament and Convocation for adoption,
Cranmer referred them absolutely to Cecil and Cheke,
" the two great patrons of the Reformation at court." 1
In foreign affairs, also, Cecil arranged everything but
the main line of policy which Northumberland's plans
dictated. We have seen how the question of aid to the
Protestant princes of Germany was referred to his con
sideration, and the help refused. The subject was shortly
made a much larger one by the utter defeat of the Emperor
by his former henchman, Maurice of Saxony, and the in
vasion of Luxembourg by the French (July 1552). The
1 Strype.

1552] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 33
tables were now turned indeed. By the peace of Passau
the Protestant princes extorted the religious liberty they
had in vain prayed for, and it was seen that for a time
Charles's power was broken. A considerable party in
England, faithful to old traditions, were in a fever of
alarm at the growth of the power of France, and Stukeley
told the King that Henry II. had confided to him his
intention to capture Calais.1
The Emperor, ready to snatch at any straw, sent an
ambassador to England in September 1552 to claim the
aid to which, under the treaty of 1542, he was entitled
from England if France invaded his territory. The
whole question was referred to Cecil ; and, as a speci
men of his patient, judicial style, his report, as given
in the King's Journal, is reproduced here. It will be
seen that he affects impartially to weigh both sides, but
his fear of French aggression is made as clear as was
prudent, considering Northumberland's leanings.2
1 King Edward's Journal (Burnet).
2 In Sir William Cecil's handwriting. "Question: —
1552 
Windsor. " I. Whether the K. Mtie shall enter into the ayd of the Emperor.
23 Sep., 60 ,, . TT
Ed. VI. Answer. He SHALL.
apacto " 1, The Kyng is bound by the treaty, and if he will be helped by
that treaty he must do the reciproque.
apericulo "2. If he do not ayde, the Emperor is like to ruyne and conse
quently the House of Burgundy come to the French possession,
which is perilous to England, and herein the greatness of the
French King is dreadfull.
Rcligio " 3. The F. King bringeth the Turke into Chrendome and there
fore that exploit be stayed.
periculum "4, If the Emperor for extremitie should agree now with the F.
fwti' the said perill were dooble grettur. First th' Emperor's offence
for lacke of ayde. 2. The F. King's enterprises towards us ; and in
this peace the bishop of Rome's devotion towards us.
publica " 5. Merchants be so evill used that both for the losse of goods and
et pa-Ma honour some remedy must be sought.
pericula » g_ The p_ Kynge's procedings be suspisiose to the realm by break -
quentia ing and burning of our shippes, which be the old strength of this isle.
C

vitando

34 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1552
Throughout the whole of his official life this was the
way in which he dealt with all really important ques
tions referred to him, and his leading principle was to

"Answer. Hb shall not.
" I. The ayde is too chargeable for the cost, and almost impossible
to be executed.
"2. If the Emperor should dye in this confederacy we should be
left alone in the warr.
"3. It may be the German Protestants might be more offended
with this conjunction with the Emperor, doubting their owne
cause. "4. The amytie with France is to be hooped will amende and
continue and the commissioner's coming may perchance restore.
" Corollarium of a meane way.
" I. So to helpe the Emperor as we maye also joine with other
Christian princes and conspyre against the F. King as a common
enemy to chfedome. "Reasons for Common Conjunction.
" I. The cause is common and therefore there will be more parties
to it.
"2. It shall avoyd the chargeable entry into ayde with the
Emperor accordyng to the treaties.
"3. If the Emperor should dye or breake off, yet it is most likely
some of the princes will remayne so as the K. Ma shall not be
alone. " 4. This friendship shall much advance the King's other causes in
Chrefldome. " 5. It shal be more honourable to breake with the F. Kyng for
this common quarrel of Chrendome.
" Reasons against this Conjunction.
" 1. The treaty must be with so many parties that it can nether be
spedely nor secretly concluded.
" 2. If the matter be revealed and nothing concluded then consider
the F. Kyng's offence, and so may he at his leisure be provoked to
practice the like conjunction agaynste England with all the papists.
" The above is in Cecil's handwriting. To it the young King himself has
added in his own boyish hand. "Conclusion.
1. "The treaty to be made w"> the Emperor and by the Emperor's meanes
w,h other princes.

difficilequasi im-
possibile solitudo in
periculis amicorutn
suspitio
vitanda

speran- dum bene
ai amicis

judicium

auxiliacommuna

sutnptusvitandz

amicorumcopia

dignitascausa;
pro fide et
reti£tone

inter
mult os
nihilsecretum
amicia irritata!

iS5*] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 35
strike a middle course, which would allow England to
remain openly friendly with the House of Burgundy
without breaking with France, and to keep the latter
power out of Flanders, while still defending Protes
tantism, which the ruler of Flanders was pledged to
destroy. How his actions usually squared with his axioms is
seen, amongst other things, from his constant efforts to
extend the commerce and wealth of England. Amongst
the apophthegms which he most affected are the follow
ing : 1 " A realm can never be rich that hath not an inter
course and trade of merchandise with other nations,"
and " A realm must needs be poor that carryeth not out
more (merchandise) than it bringeth in." In conse
quence of the privileges granted to the Hanse merchants,
nearly the whole of the export trade of England had
been concentrated into the hands of foreigners, and in
the year that Cecil was appointed Secretary of State, the
Steelyard Corporation is said to have exported 44,000
lengths of English cloth, whereas all the other London
merchants together had not shipped more than n 00
lengths.2 Cecil was in favour of establishing privileged
cloth markets at Southampton and Hull, and of plac
ing impediments on the exportation of cloths first-hand
by foreigners, until the new markets had succeeded in
attracting customers from abroad, so that the merchants'
"2. The Emperor's acceptation to be understood before we treat anything
against the F. King."
After long reasoning it was determined to send to Mr. Morysine willing
him to declare to the Emperor that "i haveing pitee as al other Christian
princes should have on the envasion of Christendome by the Turkes would
willingly joine with the Emperor and other states of the Empire if the Emp.
could bring it to passe in some league against the Turke and his confederates
but not to be knowen by the F. King . . . Morysine to say he hath no more
commission but if the Emperor will send a man to England he shall know
more. This was done on intent to get some friends. The reasonings be in
my deske." 1 Desiderata Curiosa. 2 Nares.

36 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
profits would remain in England as well as the money
spent here by the foreign buyers. Although this par
ticular project ultimately fell through, owing to the
King's death and other causes, Cecil throughout his life
laboured incessantly to increase English trade and
navigation, by favouring the establishment of foreign
weavers in various parts of the country, by laws for the
protection of fisheries, by the promotion of trading cor
porations, like the Russian Company, of which he was
one of the founders, by the rehabilitation of the coinage,
and by a host of other measures, to some of which
reference will be made in their chronological order.
The position of affairs during the last months of
Edward's life was broadly this : Protestant uniformity was
being imposed upon the country with a severity unknown
under the rule of Somerset ; Northumberland's plans for
the elevation of Jane Grey to the throne were maturing ;
Southampton, Paget, Arundel, Beaumont, and the Catho
lics were in disgrace or exile ; and De Noailles, the new
French Ambassador, was working his hardest to help
Northumberland, when the time should come, to exclude
from the throne the half-Spanish Princess Mary. But
though Sir William Cecil was the channel through which
most of the business passed, he avoided as much as
possible personal identification with Northumberland's
plans. It must have needed all his tact, for Northum
berland consulted and deferred to him in everything, and
as the time approached for him to act, was evidently
apprehensive, and stayed away from the Council. This
was resented by his colleagues, as will be seen from his
letter to Cecil of 3rd January 1553 i from Chelsea, say
ing that " he has never absented himself from the King's
service but through ill-health. The Italian proverb is
true : a faithful servant will become a perpetual ass. He
1 State Papers, Dom.

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 37
wishes to retire and end his days in tranquillity, as he
fears he is going to be very ill." When it came to
illness, diplomatic or otherwise, Cecil was a match for
his master. He had been, according to his diary, in
imminent danger of death in the previous year, at his
house at Wimbledon ; and in the spring of 1553 he again
fell seriously sick. During May, Secretary Petre con
stantly wrote to him hoping he would soon recover and
be back again at court. Lord Audley comforted him
by sending several curious remedies for his malady,
amongst which is " a stewed sowe pygge of ix dayes
olde " ; 1 and the Marquis of Winchester was equally soli
citous to see the Secretary back to the Council again.
Northumberland evidently tried to keep him satisfied by
grants and favours, for he conferred upon him a lease
of Combe Park, Surrey, part of Somerset's lands ; the
lands in Northampton held for life by Richard Cecil,
his father, were regranted to Sir William on his death,
and during the Secretary's illness and absence from
court he received the office of Chancellor of the Order
of the Garter, with an income of 100 marks a year and
fees.2 But Cecil's illness, real or feigned,3 made him
1 Another remedy was a hedgehog stewed in rose-water.
2 The office at first entailed considerable expense to him. In his diary
there is an entry on 12th April, " Paid the embroiderer for xxxvi. schutchyns
for my servants coats at iis each . iii' xiis ; " and in a letter (State Papers,
Dom.) from Petre to Cecil he tells him that the " fashion of his robes" will
be decided when Garter comes to court.
3 Strype regards the illness as being a diplomatic one, and I am Inclined
to side with him ; but it is only fair to say that Cecil's old friend Dr. Wotton,
Ambassador in France, attributed it to overwork. He writes (State Papers,
Foreign), 21st June : " Yow perceive yow must needes moderate your labour,
your complexion being not strong ynough to continue as yow begone ; and my
Lords, I doubt not, will not be so unreasonable as to requyre more of yow
than yow be able to do. A good parte of the labour which was wont to lye
on the Clerkes of the Counsell's hands is now turned to yow, whereof I sup
pose yow may easily disburden yourself. It is better to do so betimes than to
repent the not doinge of it after, when it shalle be too late."

38 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
in no hurry to return and take a prominent part in
Northumberland's dangerous game, which was now
patent. During his absence his brother-in-law, Sir John
Cheke, was appointed as an additional Secretary of State
to help Petre (June 1553), and his fervent Protestantism
and weakness of will made him a less wary instrument
than Sir William in the final stages of the intrigue.
It was during Cecil's absence from court in May that
Lady Jane Grey was married to Northumberland's son
Guildford Dudley ; x but by the time the plot was ready
for consummation, Sir William could stay away no
longer, and was at work again in his office. The letter,
dated nth June 1553, addressed to the Lord Chief-
Justice and other judges, summoning them to the royal
presence, was signed by Cecil, as well as by Cheke and
Petre. When the young King handed to the Chief-
Justice a memorandum of his intention to set aside
King Henry's will, and leave the crown to the de
scendants of Henry's youngest sister Mary, to the
deprivation of his daughters, the Chief-Justice told
him that such a settlement would be illegal. The
King insisted that a new deed of settlement must be
drawn up. The next day at Ely Place, when North
umberland threatened Chief-Justice Montagu as a
traitor, Petre was present, but not Cecil ; but he must
have been at the remarkable Council meeting on the
14th June, when the Chief-Justice and the other judges
with tears in their eyes were hectored into drawing up
the fateful will disinheriting Mary and Elizabeth ; for
upon Northumberland insisting that every one present
1 The ceremony took place at Durham House, in the Strand, which had
been granted by Somerset as a town residence for the Princess Elizabeth, but
which Northumberland had, much to Elizabeth's indignation, exchanged,
without her acquiescence, for Somerset's unfinished palace in the Strand. In
answer to her remonstrances, Northumberland humbly protested that he had
no desire to offend her Grace, but he made no alteration in his arrangements.

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 39
should sign the document, he, Cecil, like the rest of them
— with the honourable exception of Sir John Hales —
dared not refuse, and appended his name to it. He
was probably sorry that his illness did not delay him a
little longer at Wimbledon, for shortly before he had, in
a conversation with Roger Alford, one of the confidential
members of his household, expressed an intention to be
no party to a change in the order of the succession.
Alford relates the story.1 He was walking in Greenwich
Park with Cecil, when the latter told him that he knew
some such plan was in contemplation, "but that he
would never be a partaker in that device." If Alford is
to be believed, Northumberland was from the first sus
picious of Cecil's absence. He says that the Secretary
feared assassination, and went armed, against his usual
practice, visiting London secretly at night only, and con
cealed his valuables. His household biographer also says
that he incurred the particular displeasure of Northum
berland " for mislyking or not consenting to the Duke's
purpose touching the Lady Jane." 2 And Alford, in his
testimony in Cecil's favour, asserted that the latter told
him that he had refused to sign the settlement as a Coun
cillor, but only did so as a witness, which the paper itself
disproves. The position of Cecil was indeed a most diffi
cult one. He was not a brave or heroic man, he hated
extreme courses, and this was a juncture where his usual
non-committal via media was of no avail. Of the two
evils he chose the lesser, and not only signed the settle
ment like the rest of the Councillors, but also the instru-
1 Strype's "Annals," vol. iv. Alford's deposition was made at Cecil's re
quest twenty years afterwards, and doubtless echoes what Cecil desired to be said.
2 This statement also must be taken for what it is worth. It was written
in Cecil's extreme old age — or soon after his death — and of course reflected
his own version of affairs. It was natural that after the fall of Jane, and par
ticularly when he was Elizabeth's minister, he should be anxious to dissociate
himself from an act which deprived the Queen of her birthright.

40 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [i553
ment by which certain members pledged themselves on
oath to carry it out. But though he, like others, was
terrorised into bending to Northumberland's will, it is
certain that he disliked the business, made no secret of
his unwillingness to acquiesce in it, and separated him
self from it at the earliest possible moment that he could
do so with safety. There is in the Lansdowne MSS.1 a
paper in Cecil's hand, written after the accession of Mary,
in which is contained his exculpation. As it throws much
light on the matter, and upon Cecil's own character, it
will be useful to quote it at length. It is headed "A
briefe note of my submission and of my doings.
" i. My submission with all lowliness that any heart
can conceive.
" 2. My misliking of the matter when I heard it
secretly ; whereupon I made conveyance away of my
lands, part of my goods, my leases, and my raiment.
" 3. I determined to suffer for saving my conscience ;
whereof the witnesses, Sir Anthony Cooke, Nicholas
Bacon, Esq., Laurence D'Eresby of Louth ; two of my
suite, Roger Alford and William Cawood.
"4. Of my purpose to stand against the matter, be
also witness Mr. Petre and Mr. Cheke.
" 5. I did refuse to subscribe the book when none of
the Council did refuse : in what peril I refer it to be
considered by them who know the Duke.
" 6. I refused to make a proclamation, and turned the
labour to Mr. Throckmorton, whose conscience, I saw,
was troubled therewith, misliking the matter.
" 7. I eschewed writing the Queen's highness bastard,
and therefore the Duke wrote the letter himself, which
was sent abroad in the realm.2
1 B. M. Lans. MSS., 2, 102.
2 Notwithstanding this protest, there is in Lansdowne MSS., 1236, No. 15,
a draft or copy, in Cecil's own handwriting, of the document referred to,

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 41
"8. I eschewed to be at the drawing of the procla
mation for the publishing of the usurper's title, being
specially appointed thereto.
"9. I avoided the answer of the Queen's highness'
letter. " 10. I avoided also the writing of all the public letters
of the realm.
"n. I wrote no letter to Lord La Warr as I was com
manded. "12. I dissembled the taking of my horse and the rais
ing of Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire, and avowed
the pardonable lie where it was suspected to my danger.
" 13. I practised with the Lord Treasurer to win the
Lord Privy Seal, that I might by Lord Russell's means
cause Windsor Castle to serve the Queen, and they two
to levy the west parts for the Queen's service. I have
the Lord Treasurer's letter to Lord St. John for to keep
me safe if I could not prevail in the enterprise of Windsor
Castle, and my name was feigned to be Harding.
" 14. I did open myself to the Earl of Arundel, whom
I found thereto disposed ; and likewise I did the like
to Lord Darcy, who heard me with good contentation,
whereof I did immediately tell Mr. Petre, for both our
comfort. " 15. I did also determine to flee from them if the
consultation had not taken effect, as Mr. Petre can tell,
who meant the like.
addressed to the Lords- Lieutenant of counties, in which they are begged " to
disturbe, repell, and resyste the fayned and untrue clayme of the Lady Mary,
basterd daughter of . . . Henry VIII." The date of this is the loth July;
but the Duke of Northumberland's draft of the same letter is endorsed by
Cecil, 1 2th July. This would seem to suggest that at all events Cecil had
helped the Duke in the composition of the first draft of the document. On the
dorse of Northumberland's copy (Lansdowne MSS., 3, 34), Cecil has written :
" First copy of n l're to be wrytte from ye Lady Jane . . . wrytte by ye Duk
of Northubla." But, as stated above, the date of his own copy is two days
earlier.

42 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
" 16. I purposed to have stolen down to the Queen's
highness, as Mr. Gosnold can tell, who offered to lead
me thither, as I knew not the way.
"17. I had my horses ready at Lambeth for the
purpose. " 18. I procured a letter from the Lords that the
Queen's tenants of Wimbledon should not go with Sir
Thomas Caverden ; and yet I never gave one man warn
ing so much as to be in readiness, and yet they sent to
me for the purpose, and I willed them to be quiet. I
might as steward there make for the Queen's service a
hundred men to serve.
" 19. When I sent into Lincolnshire for my horses, I
sent but for five horses and eight servants, and charged
that none of my tenants should be stirred.
" 20. I caused my horses, being indeed but four, to
be taken up in Northamptonshire ; and the next day
following I countermanded them again by my letters,
remaining in the country and notoriously there known.
"21. When this conspiracy was first opened to me, I
did fully set me to flee the realm, and was dissuaded by
Mr. Cheke, who willed me for my satisfaction to read a
dialogue of Plato where Socrates, being in prison, was
offered to escape and flee, and yet he would not. I read
the dialogue, whose reasons, indeed, did stay me.
" Finally, I beseech her Highness that in her grace I
may feel some difference from others that have more
plainly offended and yet be partakers of her Highness'
bountifulness and grace; if difference may be made I
do differ from them whom I served, and also them that
had liberty after their enforcement to depart, by means
whereof they did, both like noblemen and true sub
jects, show their duties to their sovereign lady. The like
whereof was my devotion to have done if I might have
had the like liberty, as knoweth God, the searcher of

i5S3] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 43
all hearts, whose indignation I call upon me if it be not
true. "'Justus adjutorius meus Dominus qui salvos facit
rectos corde ' — ' God save the Queen in all felicity,'
"W. CECILL."1
The document shows us the real William Cecil. It is
probably quite true : he had taken care, whilst remaining
a member of Northumberland's Council, and openly
acquiescing in his acts, to make himself safe in either
case. Throgmorton and Cheke might be made scape
goats — as Davison was years afterwards — but Jane or
Mary, Protestant or Catholic, the first consideration
for William Cecil was not unnaturally William Cecil's
own head. He was probably not worse than the other
members of the Council, for most of them acted in a
similar manner, and when at length they turned against
Northumberland, and openly declared for Mary, Sir
William was safe to choose the winning side.
King Edward died at Greenwich on the 6th July 1553,
and on the 10th, Lady Jane was proclaimed Queen by
virtue of his settlement by patent.2 Two days afterwards
the Council in the Tower learnt that the Lady Mary
was rallying powerful friends about her in Kenninghall
Castle, Norfolk, and it was agreed that Queen Jane's
father, the Duke of Suffolk, should lead a force to cap
ture and bring her to London. But the girl Queen
begged so hard that her father might remain by her side
that her tears prevailed ; " whereupon the Councell per-
swaded the Duke of Northumberland to take that voyage
upon him, saying that no man was so fit therefor, because
1 This interesting document is also printed in Tytler's " Edward VI. and
Mary." 2 An early copy of this document is in Harl. MSS., 35, and the original
draft or "devise" is in Petyt Papers, Inner Temple Library. See also Strype
and Burnet

44 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
he had atchieved the victorie in Norfolk once already, . . .
besides that, he was the best man of war in the realm.
. . . ' Well,' quoth the Duke then, ' since ye think it good
I and mine will goe, not doubting of your fidelity to
the Quene's Majesty, which I leave in your custody'"1
Northumberland hurriedly completed his prepara
tions at Durham Place, and urged the CounciJ to send
powers and directions after him to reach him at New
market. He insisted upon having the warrant of the
Council for every step he took in order to pledge them
all ; but at the farewell dinner-party with them it is
clear that his mind was ill at ease, and his heart already
sinking. He appealed humbly to his colleagues not to
betray him. " If," he said, " we thought you wolde
through malice, conspiracie, or discentyon, leave us your
frendes in the breers (briars) and betray us, we could as
well sondery (sundry) ways foresee and provide for our
own safeguards as any of you by betraying us can do
for yours." He reminds them of their oath of allegiance
to Queen Jane, made freely to her, " who by your and
our enticement is rather of force placed therein than by
hir owne seking ; " again points out that they are as
deeply pledged on each point as he himself. " But if ye
meane deceat, though not furthwith, God will revenge
the same. I can say no more, but in this troblesome
tyme wishe you to use constaunte hartes, abandoning
all malice, envy, and privat affections." Some of the
Council protested their good faith. " I pray God yt be
so," quod the Duke ; " let us go to dyner." 2
Cecil must have been present at this scene, and when
Northumberland left London on his way to Cambridge,
" none," as he himself remarked, " not one, saying God
spede us," Sir kWilliam must have known as well, or
1 " Queen Jane and Queen Mary," Camden Society.
2 Harl. MSS., 194. Also Hollingshead and "Queen Jane and Queen Mary."

iS53] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 45
better, than any of them that the house of cards was
falling, and that Northumberland was a doomed man.
The moment he was gone, Cecil, like the rest of them,
strove to betray him. The ships on the east coast de
clared for Mary, the people of London were almost in
revolt already, the nobles in the country flocked to the
rightful Queen. On the 19th July, Mary was proclaimed
by the Council at Baynard's Castle, and the joy was
general : " the Earle of Pembroke threwe awaye his cape
full of angeletes. I saw money throwne out at windowes
for joy, and the bonfires weare without nomber," says an
eye-witness.1 Sir John Cheke was present at this stirring
scene, upon which he must have looked with a wry face ;
but, as we have seen by his submission, Cecil had already
been busy trimming and facing both ways. He first
sent his wife's sister, Lady Bacon, to meet the new
Queen, whom she knew, and as soon as might be him
self started for the eastern counties, to greet the rising
sun.2 Lady Bacon had paved the way, and, to make quite
sure, Cecil sent his henchman Alford ahead to see her at
Ipswich, and learn what sort of reception her brother-
in-law might expect. Her message was " that the Queen
thought well of her brother Cecil, and said he was a very
1 Harl. MSS., 353.
* It is not quite clear whether Cecil preceded or followed Arundel and
Paget in their journey to meet the Queen. It is nearly certain that Cecil
started after them. They were certainly present at the proclamation at
Baynard's Castle on the 19th July, whereas Cecil does not appear to have
been there. The letter, moreover, written the same morning from the Tower
by the Council to Lord Rich, exhorting him to stand firm for Jane (Lans
downe MSS., 3) which Cecil said was written by Cheke, is signed by all the
Councillors in London, including Arundel, Paget, Petre, and Cheke, but not
by Cecil. The letter to Mary from the Council, carried by Arundel and Paget,
appears to have borne no signatures (Strype's " Cranmer ") ; but the letter to
Northumberland shortly afterwards ordering him to obey the Queen bears
Cecil's signature. Probably, therefore, Cecil found some excuse for absenting
himself on the critical 19th July, and when Mary's triumph was assured, signed
the denunciation of Northumberland, and at once started to greet the Queen.

46 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 1553
honest man." Then Sir William went on, and met Mary
at Newhall, Essex, where he explained matters as best he
could. When he was reproached with arming his four
horsemen to oppose Queen Mary, he explained, as we
have seen, that he himself had secretly caused them to
be detained. No doubt the sardonic disillusioned Queen
must have smiled grimly as she read the shifty, ungene
rous " submission," already quoted in full ; and however
" honest " she may have considered Lady Bacon's brother-
in-law, she knew he was not a bold man or a thorough
partisan of hers, and when her ministry was formed,
Cecil was no longer Secretary— but he did not, like poor
Sir John Cheke, find himself a prisoner in the Tower. %
Sir William's entry in his journal on the occasion of
the King's death is a curious one,1 and seems to indicate
his general dislike of his position under Northumber
land, whose home and foreign policy, as we have seen,
were both diametrically opposite to those dictated by the
training and character of Cecil.2 The only point upon
which there could have been a real community of aims
between them was that of religion, and on that point
Northumberland, who subsequently avowed himself a
Catholic,8 was false to his own convictions.
1 7 Julii Libertatem adeptus su morte regis et ex misere aulico faclus liber-
tas mei juris.
3 An interesting letter from Northumberland to the Council and Secretaries
of State, written during his illness (27th November 1 552, State Papers, Foreign)
shows how much Cecil and his colleagues distrusted Northumberland's new
departure in foreign policy^ The French Ambassador's secretary had desired
audience of the Duke alone, to convey a private message from Henry II. to
him. Northumberland knew that this would be resented by the Council, and
wrote : " I have availed myself of my sickness to direct the Secretary, who
was very importunate, to communicate what he had to say, to one of the Secre
taries of State or to the Council. And thus I trust within a while, although I
may be thought affectionate to the French, as some have reported me, yet I
doubt not this way which I intend to use with them to continue but a little
while in their graces, which I never desired in all my life but for the service of
my master, as knoweth the Lord."
3 Dalby's letter in Harl. MSS., 353.

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 47
During the whole of the reign of Edward, Cecil had
continued to enrich himself by grants, stewardships, re
versions, and offices ; not of course to the same extent
as Somerset, Northumberland, Clinton, or Winchester,
for he was a moderate man and loved safety, but on the
accession of Mary he must have been very rich. During
his mother's life, which was a long one, he always looked
upon Burghley House as hers, although he spent large
sums of his own money upon buildings and improve
ments ; but he inherited from his father large estates in
Northamptonshire, Rutland, Lincolnshire, and elsewhere.
We have already noticed that he obtained the Crown
manor of Wimbledon and other grants ; but, in addition
to those already noted, he obtained, in October 1551, the
period of Somerset's sacrifice, grants of the manor of
Berchamstow and Deping, in Lincolnshire ; the manor
and hall of Thetf ord, in the same county ; the reversion of
the manor of Wrangdike, Rutland ; the manor of Lidding-
ton, Rutland, and a moiety of the rectory of Godstow.
He was a large purchaser of land also in the county of
Lincoln ; so that although his household historian asserts
that his lands never brought him in more than ^4000 a
year, his expenses were on a very lavish scale, and he
had, as his friend the Duchess of Suffolk says in one of
her letters to him, brought his wares to a good market.
By his embroiderer's account, already quoted, we see
that at this period of his life he maintained thirty-six
servitors wearing his badge and livery ; but in the time
of Elizabeth his establishments were on a truly princely
footing. He had eighty servants wearing his livery, and
we are told that the best gentlemen in England com
peted to enter his service ; " I have nombered in his
howse attending at table twenty gentlemen of his re-
tayners of .£1000 per annum a peece, in possession or
reversion, and of his ordinarie men, as many more, some

48 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
worth £1000, some worth 3, 5, 10, yea, £20,000, daily
attending his service."
But though acquisitive and fond of surrounding him
self with the accessories of wealth and great standing, he
had few of the tastes of the territorial aristocracy, whom
he imitated. Arms, sport, athletic exercises, did not
appeal to him. From his youth he dressed gravely and
soberly ; and at a time, subsequently, when splendour
and extravagance in attire were the rule, he still kept to
his fur-trimmed gown and staid raiment. He was an
insatiable book buyer and collector of heraldic and
genealogical manuscripts. Sir William Pickering in
Paris, and Sir John Mason, had orders to buy for him
all the attractive new books published in France ; and
Chamberlain in Brussels had a similar commission. The
former mentions in one letter (15th Dec. 1551, State
Papers, Foreign) having purchased Euclid with the
figures, Machiavelli, Le Long, the New Testament in
Greek, L'Horloge des Princes, Discours de la Guerre, Notes
on Aristotle in Italian, and others ; and the Hatfield
Papers contain very numerous memoranda of books
and genealogies bought by Cecil, or sent to him as
presents from his friends and suitors. Wotton, for
instance, when he was abroad and wished to oblige his
friend, says : "If I knew anye kind of bookes heere
(Poissy) which yow like, I wold bye them for yow, and
bring them home with some of myne owne. Here is
Clemens Alexandrinus and Theodoretus in Epistolas Pauli,
turned into Latin. But because I heere that yow have
Clemens Alexandrinus in Greek already, I suppose yow
care not for him in Latin."1
His love of study, too, extended to interest in others.
He was a constant benefactor to Cambridge University,
and St. John's particularly, and influenced the King 2 to
1 Hatfield Papers. a Strype.

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 49
bequeath £100 per annum to the foundation in his will.
Shortly before the young King's death, also, he appears to
have granted to Cecil's own town of Stamford — almost
certainly at his instance — funds for the foundation of a
grammar school there, of which Sir William was to be
the life governor, and there is ample evidence that the
establishment of the large number of educational bene
factions with which the young King signalised his reign
— primarily at the instance of Bishop Hooper — was
powerfully promoted by Cecil ; who seems also, on his
own account, to have always maintained a certain number
of scholars,1 and to have been the universal resource
of students, teachers, and colleges, in their troubles and
difficulties. The accession of Mary, which threw Cecil
out of office, or, as he puts it, gave him his liberty, did
not deprive him of his large means, or limit his en
lightened activity in other directions. But for a time
after the death of Edward, he remained, so far as so
prominent and able a man could do so, simply a private
citizen. His household biographer asserts "that Mary
had a good liking for him as a Councillor, and would
have appointed him if he had changed his religion."
Although he puts a grandiloquent speech in Cecil's
mouth, refusing office, saying much about preferring
God's service before that of the Queen, it is extremely
doubtful whether Mary ever offered to call him to her
Council. Towards the end of her reign, when Eliza
beth's early accession was inevitable, however, the
Council itself was desirous of conciliating him. Lloyd
(" State Worthies ") says of him : " When he was out of
place he was not out of service in Queen Mary's days,
his abilities being as necessary in those times as his
inclinations, and that Queen's Council being as ready to
advance him at last as they were to use him all her reign."
1 In Lansdowne MSS., 2, will be found many letters on these subjects to
and from Cecil, showing the deep interest he took in educational matters. D

CHAPTER III
I553-I558
During the trial and execution of Northumberland and
his accomplices, Cecil remained prudently in the back
ground. Gardiner, Norfolk, Courtney, Bonner, and the
other prisoners in the Tower were released. Home and
foreign policy changed, the Catholics were buoyed with
hope, and the Emperor's Ambassador was in full favour,
whilst the Protestants were timorous and apprehensive,
and the French Ambassador ill at ease, for his King was
at war with the Emperor, and had from the first endea
voured to minimise the claims of Mary.1
On the 3rd August the new Queen entered London
with her sister near her, and preparations were at once
set afoot for her coronation (ist October). Cecil was no
longer in office, and was commanded by the Queen to
send her the seals and register of the Garter on the 21st
September ; 2 but he appears to have gone to the expense
of new liveries for his servants in honour of the occasion.
Twelve of his servants were given garments of the best
cloth with badges, eleven received one and a quarter yards
of the best cloth each, with second-class cognisances, and
nine more had cloth of second quality, one coat being
left with Lady Cecil to bestow as she pleased.3 On the
same document Sir William himself has made numerous
notes as to the price of these materials, which, if we did
not already know it by many other testimonies, would
1 Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii., and Hatfield Papers, part i. 25.
2 Hatfield Papers, part i., and Haynes. 3 Hatfield Papers.
50

1553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 51
prove that, though his expenditure was great, he was
careful of the items of it. His father, the Yeoman of the
Robes, had died in the previous year (1552), and apparently
the office had remained in abeyance, being temporarily
administered by Sir William. His neighbour Sir Edward
Dymoke, of Scrivelsby, Lincolnshire, had, in accordance
with his tenure, to act as champion at the Queen's corona
tion, and was entitled to his equipment out of the office
of robes. A few days before the coronation ceremony
Dymoke applied for his outfit. Some of the articles were
not on hand and had to be bought of one Lenthal ; and
the champion begged Cecil to vouch for the purchase,
consisting of " a shrowd, a girdle, a scabbard of velvett,
two gilt partizans, a pole axe, a chasing staff and a pair
of gilt spurs, the value in all being £6, 2s. 8d." Ap
parently Cecil took no notice of the application, and in
an amusing letter at Hatfield, the champion complains
bitterly, nearly two months after the coronation, that he
could never get his outfit. Cecil insisted upon a warrant
from the Queen ; but, said Dymoke, he had received all
his equipment without warrant at the previous corona
tion, and he prays Cecil not to be " more straytor " than
his father was. He had his cup of gold, his horse, and
trappings, and crimson satin, without warrant then, and
why, he asks, should one be required now. " I do not
pass so much of the value of the allowance as I do for
the precedent to hinder those who do come after me, if I
do lose it this time."
Cecil does not seem to have absented himself from
court, though he passed more of his time than hitherto at
Wimbledon. Wyatt rose and fell ; Elizabeth and Courtney
suffered under the Queen's displeasure ; Cheke and Cooke
went to exile ; Cecil's old friend the Duchess of Suffolk
and her husband Mr. Bertie fled to Germany ; Carews,
Staffprds, Tremaynes, Killigrews, Fitzwilliams, the ex-

52 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1553
Ambassador Pickering, and hundreds like them, took re
fuge abroad from the country over which a Spanish King,
with his half-Spanish Queen, were soon to be supreme.
Cranmer, Cecil's friend from boyhood, and other Pro
testant Churchmen, filled the rooms in the Tower vacated
by those whom Cecil had been active in prosecuting,
but Cecil himself lived rich and influential, if no longer
politically powerful, and no hand was raised against him.
That he was a conforming Catholic is certain, quite apart
from Father Persons' spiteful description of his exag
gerated devotion ; " frequenting masses, said litanies with
the priest, laboured a pair of great beads which he con
tinually carried, preached to his parishioners in Stamford,
and asked pardon for his errors in King Edward's time."
This statement of itself would not suffice were it not
supported by better evidence ; but although there is a
dearth of such evidence at the beginning of Mary's reign,
there is abundance of it later. At the Record Office,
among other papers of the same sort, there exists the
Easter book for 1556, headed, " The names of them that
dwelleth in the pariche of Vembletoun that was confessed
and received the Sacrament of the altar ; " the first entry
being, " My master Sir Wilyem Cecell, and my lady
Myldread his wyff \'n and Cecil's accounts for this period
contain many entries of the cost of his oblations and
gifts to the altar. He retained, moreover, the benefices
of Putney and Mortlake, of which he kept strict account ;
and in August 1557 the Dean and Chapter of Worcester
addressed a letter of thanks to him for his annual con
tribution to his two churches, and assured him of their
willingness to accede to his wishes and increase the
stipends of the curates there.2 There is therefore no
doubt that, like Princess Elizabeth and most of those
who afterwards became her ministers, Cecil was quite
1 Reproduced by Tytler. 2 Lansdowne MSS., 3.

1 553] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 53
ready, in outward seeming at least, to adopt the ritual
decreed by the Court and Parliament.
Renard, the Emperor's Ambassador, had broached the
idea of a marriage between Mary and Philip, the Prince
of Spain, less than a week after the Queen's entry into
London ; and thenceforward the arrangements for the
match went forward apace. The people generally were
in an agony of fear ; Gardiner himself, the Queen's Chan
cellor, and most of her wisest Councillors, looked coldly
upon the idea ; they would rather she had married
Courtney, and formed a close political alliance with the
House of Spain. But the Queen was a daughter of
Catharine of Aragon, and the exalted religious ideas of
her race had caused her to look upon herself as the
divinely-appointed being who was to bring to pass the
salvation of her people, and this she knew could only be
done by the power and money that Spain could bring to
her. The connection would enable her, too, to be re
venged upon France, which had befriended her mother's
supplanter, and was still subsidising revolution against
her. Those who were Catholics first and Englishmen
afterwards, applauded her determination to wed her
Spanish cousin ; and the priests in Rome watched, from
the moment of her advent, for the possibility of the
restoration of England to the faith, and the disgorging
of the plunder of the Church by those who had swallowed
it. Most of these saw in the Spanish match the probable
realisation of their hopes.
Immediately after Mary's accession the Pope had
appointed Cardinal Pole to negotiate with these ends.
He was an Englishman of the blood royal, who had no
special Spanish ends to serve : his one wish was to bring
back England into the fold of the Church. But before
he started on his journey to England, Charles V. took
fright. His views were quite different. He and his son

54 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [155+
wanted to get political control over England for their
own dynastic interests. So long as the religious element
helped them in this, they were glad to use it ; but if the
priests went too fast and too far, and caused disgust and
reaction in England, their plans would fail. So, as usual
when it was a choice between religion and politics by
statesmen of that age, they chose politics. The difficulty
was that the Churchmen had expected that the return of
England to the fold would necessarily mean the restitu
tion of all ecclesiastical property. Pole himself was full
of this idea, and his first powers from the Pope gave him
little or no discretion to abate the claim for entire and
unconditional surrender of the Church plunder. But
at the instance of the Emperor, the Pope was induced
to grant to Pole full discretionary powers. Then he was
persuaded to send the Legate to France and Brussels
on his way to England, with the ostensible purpose of
mediating a peace between France and the Emperor,
but really in order that he might be influenced in the
Spanish interest, and his departure for England was thus
delayed until it was considered prudent to let him go.
It was not until he had promised that he would only act
in accordance with the advice of the new King-consort,
Philip, that he was permitted to proceed on his mission,
with the certainty now, that the restitution of the Church
property would go no further than was dictated by the
political interests which the Emperor had nearest his
heart. This happened in Ndvember 1554, four months
after the Queen's marriage, and the somewhat curious
choice of Paget (Lord Privy Seal), Sir Edward Hastings,
and Sir William Cecil, was made to go and meet the
Legate at Brussels, and bring him to England. Their
instructions,1 evidently inspired by Philip, who was still
in England, entirely confirm the above view of the sub-
1 State Papers, Foreign.

1554] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 55
ject. The envoys are to seek the Cardinal, and "to
declare that the greatest, and almost the only, means to
procure the agreement of the noblemen and others of
our Council (to the re-entry of England into the Church)
was our promise that the Pope would, at our suit, dis
pense with all possessors of any lands or goods of
monasteries, colleges, or other ecclesiastical houses, to
hold and enjoy quietly the same, without trouble or
scruple." Herein the influence of the politicians is clearly
visible ; and the Churchmen for fifty years afterwards
attributed the failure of Catholic attempts in England to
God's anger at this paltering with the plunder of His
property.1 Cecil's voyage was a short one. The entry in
his journal runs thus : " 1554. vi° Novembris (ii. Maries)
capi iter cum Domino Paget et Magistro Hastings versus
Casarem pro reducendo Cardinale; " but in the little Perpe
tual Calendar at Hatfield the voyage is noted in English.
The journal continues : " Venimus Bruxelles 11 Novebris ; "
and then, " Redivimus 240 Westmonsterif cu Card. Polo."
No more is said of the events of the journey, or of
Cecil's negotiations with the Cardinal ; but it may be
surmised that Pole at first would not look very favour
ably upon Sir William, as during the correspondence
with Somerset, in which Pole exhorted the Protector to
desist from troubling Catholics, a somewhat rude com
munication was sent to him, which in his reply he attri
buted, not to the Protector himself, but to Cecil. It is
probable that Cecil was chosen, because, though out
wardly a Catholic, his views were known to be extremely
moderate, and at the moment it was these views which
were most in accordance with the interests of England
and Spain from the point of view of the Emperor and
his son. It may be assumed that a similar reason
accounts for Cecil's appointment in the following May,
i " Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth,'' vol. iv. 629.

56 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1555
1555, to accompany the Cardinal to Calais, for the pur
pose of negotiating for a peace between France and the
Emperor. Pole had offered the mediation of England
to Noailles some months before, but the lukewarmness
of the Emperor, the delay in the appointment of his
envoys, and the French military successes in Piedmont,
had dragged the matter out whilst an infinity of ques
tions of procedure and personality were being slowly
settled. The French Ambassador protested against the
appointment of the iEarl of Pembroke or the Earl of
Arundel, especially the latter, a vain, giddy man, and a
friend of Spain, to accompany the embassy. Gardiner,
he said, would be sufficient to represent English inter
ests, with Pole as Papal Legate ; and the addition of
either of the Earls or of Paget was looked upon as an
indication of a desire rather to pick a fresh quarrel with
France than to negotiate a peace.
Cecil would appear to have occupied quite a second
ary position in the embassy, as he is never mentioned in
the correspondence between the French envoys Con
stable Montmorenci and Cardinal Lorraine and Noailles
describing the meetings. In any case, the negotiations,
which took place at Marcq, equidistant from Calais,
Ardres, and Gravelines, speedily fell through, and by
the 26th June the attempt was abandoned ; in conse
quence mainly of the insistence of the Emperor in the
restoration of the Duke of Savoy to his dominions then
occupied by the French. The apprehensions of the
French Ambassador had not been entirely unfounded.
It had been Philip's intention to ask the Parliament of
1554 for England's armed aid in favour of the Emperor,
but the indiscreet zeal of the Churchmen had already
brought about reaction, and the Parliament was hastily
dissolved. In the new Parliament of 1555, Cecil was
elected, as he insinuates not by his own desire, Knight

1555] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 57
of the Shire for Lincoln. In the previous year (February
1554) he had requested the aldermen of the borough of
Grantham to elect a nominee of his their member.
What would, no doubt, have been a command when
he was Secretary of State in the previous reign, could
be disregarded under Mary, and the aldermen politely
informed him that they had already made other arrange
ments.1 It is quite understandable that to so prudent
a man as Cecil it would have been much more agreeable
to have been represented by a nominee than to have
sat personally in the Parliament of 1555.
The Queen's pregnancy had turned out a delusion.
It was seen by the Spaniards now that the Queen herself
was but a puppet in the hands of the Council, and that
Philip would never be allowed to rule England, as
had been intended, solely for the benefit of Spanish
interests. The imperial plot had failed ; and on the 26th
August 1555, the King-consort took leave of his heart
broken wife, and went to his duties elsewhere. As
soon as he had gone, as Renard had wisely foretold,
all barriers of prudence which had hitherto, to some
extent, restrained the persecution of Protestants, were
broken down. Philip left with the Queen strict instruc
tions for the administration of affairs, and notes of
all Council meetings were sent to him, in order that
he might still keep some control. But Cranmer was
arraigned, Ridley and Latimer were martyred, the resti
tution of alienated tithes, first-fruits, and tenths was
proposed, the Protestant exiles abroad were recalled,
under pain of confiscation of their property, the bishops
were deprived, and throughout England the flames of
persecution soon spread unchecked.
What King Philip wanted were English arms and
money, to aid his father in the war, not the fires of
1 Lansdowne MSS., 3.

58 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1555
Smithfield, or the blind zeal of the priests to set men's
hearts against the cause of Rome, which was his main
instrument. But the Parliament of 1555 and the
Queen's Council were determined to withhold aid to
the Emperor's war as long as they could. Money there
was none, the English ships were rotting and unmanned
in port, men-at-arms were sulky at the idea of fighting
for the Spaniard ; but burning Protestants and confis
cating recusants' property cost nothing, and so the
game went on in despite of absent Philip. Amongst
the threatened exiles in Germany were many of Cecil's
friends, especially the Duchess of Suffolk and Sir Anthony
Cooke, who kept up a close correspondence with his
son-in-law, but refused to conform and return to
England. Whether it was the enactment against these
friends,1 or some other of the confiscatory or extreme
measures of the Government, that Cecil opposed in the
Parliament of 1555, is not quite certain ; but an entry
in his diary shows that he was in extreme peril as a
result of his action.2 The entry is, as usual, in Latin.
1 See an account of the pursuit of these exiles in the narrative of John
Brett ("Transactions Royal Hist. Soe," vol, xi.), and also Foxe's "Acts and
Monuments." 2 A few months afterwards his brother-in-law, Sir John Cheke, wrote
from abroad (February 1556), evidently in fear that Cecil was going too far
in his conformity. " He hoped," he said, " that he would not suffer his
judgment to be corrupted in these evil times by what a multitude of ignorance
might approve" (Lansdowne MSS., 3). Cheke's evil fate fell upon him very
shortly, as if in judgment for his own pharisaism. In the same spring he was
lured by promise of pardon into Philip's Flemish dominions with Sir Peter
Carew. He was treacherously seized, bound, and kidnapped on board a
vessel at Antwerp (much as Dr. Story was in the reign of Elizabeth), brought
to England, and lodged in the Tower. Threatened with the stake, he
allowed Dr. Feckenham to persuade him to recant. Mary's Government
made him publicly drink the cup of degradation to the dregs, and the un
happy man — pitied by his friends, and betrayed and scoffed at by his enemies —
died of a broken heart the following year (September 1557). See Strype's
" Memorials." Archbishop Parker's remark, written on the margin of one of
Cheke's recantations, is the most merciful and appropriate to the case,
" Homines Sumus."

i5S5] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 59
" On the 21st October, Parliament was celebrated at
Westminster, in which, although with danger to myself,
I performed my duty ; for although I did not wish it,
yet being elected a Knight of the Shire for Lincoln, I
spoke my opinion freely, and brought upon me some
odium thereby ; but it is better to obey God than
man." The household biographer gives a fuller account
of what probably is the same matter : " In this Parlia
ment (1555) Sir William Cecil was Knight for the County
of Lincoln. In the House of Commons little was done
to the liking of the court. The Lords passed a bill for
confiscating the estates of such as had fled for religion.
In the Lower House it was rejected with great indigna
tion. Warm speeches were made on this, and other
occasions, particularly in relation to a money bill, in all
of which Sir William Cecil delivered himself frankly." *
One day, especially, a measure was before the House
which the Queen wished to pass, and Sir William
Courtney, Sir John Pollard, Sir Anthony Kingston, with
other men from the west, opposed. Sir William Cecil
sided with them and spoke effectively, and after the
House rose they came to him and invited themselves to
dine with them. He told them they would be welcome
" so long as they did not speak of any matter of Parlia
ment." Some, however, did so, and their host reminded
them of the condition. The matter was conveyed to the
Council, and the whole of the company was sent for and
committed to custody. Sir William himself was brought
before his late colleagues and friends, Lord Paget and
Sir William Petre. He said he desired they would not
do with him as with the rest, which was somewhat hard,
namely, to commit him first, and then hear him after
wards, but prayed them first to hear him, and then
commit him if he were guilty ; whereupon Paget replied,
1 Desiderata Curiosa.

60 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1555
" You spake like a man of experience ; " and Cecil, as
usual, cleared himself from blame.1
During this period Cecil divided his time between
Cannon Row, Wimbledon, and Burghley, occupying
himself much whilst in the country with farming and
horticulture. His accounts are very voluminous, and
are frequently annotated in his own hand. Every pay
ment is stated under its proper head — kitchen, cellar,
buttery, garden, and so forth ; and the whole of the
household supplies, whether, as was usual, taken from
his own farm, or purchased, are duly accounted for at
current prices. The dinner -hour of the family was
11 A.M., before which prayer was read in the chapel,
and the supper was served at 6 P.M. ; these rules being
observed at all his houses, whether he was in residence
or not. His charities were always large, and in his later
years reached an average of ^500 a year ; and wherever
he had property there was a regular system of distribu
tion of relief to the needy in the neighbourhood. His
most intimate friends were still some of the first people
in England. As a moderate man he had now com
mended himself to Pole ; Lord Admiral Clinton, a
great Lincolnshire magnate, was evidently by his letters
on terms of familiarity with him ; the Earl of Sussex,
the Viceroy of Ireland, expressed himself anxious to do
him service ; 2 Sir Philip Hoby and Lord Cobham vied
with each other in inducing him and Lady Cecil to
visit them at their respective Kentish seats ; and Lord
John Grey, on the occasion of his wife being delivered
of a "gholly boye," begs Cecil to stand godfather to
the infant.3 Cecil's wife had already given birth to a
daughter, and in the Calendar Diary at Hatfield an entry
1 Desiderata Curiosa.
2 Sir Thomas Cornwallis to Cecil : Hatfield Papers, part i.
3 Hatfield Papers, part i.

.556] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 61
against 5th December 1556 records, "Natus est Anna
Cecil," which event somewhat disappointed both Cecil and
his father-in-law, Cooke, in his exile, as they had earnestly
looked for a son. Cecil must have been a devoted
husband, though probably an undemonstrative one, as
the letters of Sir Anthony Cooke always praise him for
his goodness, both to his daughter and to himself in
his poverty and banishment. Sir Philip Hoby, in one
of his hearty letters during Lady Cecil's confinement,
expresses sorrow that Sir William cannot visit him.
" You should have been welcome if my Lady might
have spared you, to whom you have been as good a
nurse as you would have her be to you ; " 2 and seven
weeks later he writes again (21st February), advising
Cecil " to come abroad, and not tarry so long with my
Lady, and in such a stinking city, the filthiest of the
world." Sir Nicholas Bacon and his wife, Lady Cecil's
sister, were also frequent and kindly correspondents ;
and the Countess of Bedford, who with her children
were left by her husband to Cecil's care on the Earl's
departure in command of the English contingent to
aid the Emperor, referred all her business to him.2
Cecil's life, indeed, at this period was that of a noble
of great wealth and influence, surrounded by friends,
occupied with the details of large estates and with
studious pursuits, in great request as trustee and inter
mediary for other people's affairs, openly conforming
in religion, but of acknowledged moderate views, and
1 Hatfield Papers, part i.
2 The powerful Earl of Bedford was a prime favourite of Philip— though
afterwards so strong a Protestant — and had been sent to Spain to accompany
the Queen's consort to England. He appears to have been on close terms of
friendship with Cecil, who managed his affairs in his absence, and to whom
he wrote an interesting account of the great victory of St. Quentin (Hatfield
Papers). The friendship of such men as Bedford, Clinton, and Paget would of
itself almost account for Cecil's immunity and favour under Philip and Mary.

62 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1556
keeping on fairly good terms with the party in power,
as did Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sir Thomas Smith, Roger
Ascham, and others in similar case.
But there was one element of Cecil's activity to which
no undue prominence was given, although it was great
and continuous — namely, his communications with the
Princess Elizabeth and his prudent efforts in her favour.
From his first official employment at court, he had been
appealed to by the Princess in questions requiring dis
cretion. When he was Secretary to the Protector (25th
September 1549), Parry, the cofferer and factotum of
Elizabeth, wrote to him the letter which has often been
quoted,1 in which he gives an account of the visit of the
Venetian Ambassador to Ashridge : " Hereof her Grace
hath, with all haste, commanded me to send unto you,
and to advertise you, to the intent forthwith it may please
you, at her earnest request, either to move my Lord's
Grace, and to declare unto him yourself, or else forth
with to send word in writing, that her Grace may know
thereby, whether she shall herself write thereof . . . and
in case ye shall advise her Grace to write, then so forth
with to advertise her Grace. . . . Herein she desires you
to use her trust as in the rest." It will be seen by this
that Cecil was then considered by Elizabeth as her
friend. Another letter from Parry (September 1551)2 is
still more cordial : " I have enclosed herein her Grace's
letters, for so is her Grace's commandment, which she
desires you, according to her trust, to deliver from her
unto my Lord's Grace, taking such opportunity therein
by your wisdom as thereby she may . . . hear from his
Grace. . . . Her Grace commanded me to write this.
' Write my commendations in your letters to Mr. Cecil
that I am well assured, though I send not daily to him,
that he doth not, for all that, daily forget me ; say,
1 State Papers, Dom. a juj.

1557] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 63
indeed, I assure myself thereof.' ... I had forgotten to
say to you that her Grace commanded me to say to you
for the excuse of her hand, that it is not now as good as
she trusts it shall be ; her Grace's unhealth hath made it
weaker and so unsteady, and that this is the cause."
Elizabeth, in common with most other people, was
also very anxious to put her business affairs into Cecil's
hands, and in such matters as leases, sales of timber of
her manors, and the like, Sir William's services and
advice were often requisitioned by her. In April 1553
she had serious complaints to make of extortion and
malversation on the part of the steward (Keys) of certain
of her manors which had been dedicated to the support
of the hospital of Ewelme ; and she appointed Cecil as
the principal member of a committee to examine closely
into the whole matter, " as her Grace is determined to
remove the violence and oppression, and to have the
poor thoroughly considered." 1 At the time that North
umberland was casting about for a foreign husband
for Elizabeth, some prince who, though of Protestant
leanings, should not be powerful enough to force her
claims to the crown, Cecil seems to have suggested
the Duke of Ferrara's son Francesco, but the proposal
came to nothing. It may, however, be accepted as
certain that the intrigues of Noailles on the one hand
to pledge Elizabeth to marry Courtney, as proposed by
Paget, and the persistent attempts of the Spanish party
to pledge her to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy,
found no support from Cecil, since one marriage would
have played into the hands of France, and the other
1 Cecil seems to have been greatly in request for commissions involving a
knowledge of rural dilapidations and the management of landed estates. In
March 1557 the Lords of Queen Mary's Council commissioned him to exa
mine the damage done to Brigstock Park, Northampstonshire, and to place Sir
Nicholas Throgmorton there as keeper (Lansdowne MSS., 3). He was also
steward of Colly Weston and other manors belonging to Princess Elizabeth.

64 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1557
would have rendered the Catholics permanently supreme
in England ; and, as has already been seen, Cecil's great
principle was to keep his country as far as possible free,
both from Rome and from France. The consummate
dexterity exhibited by Elizabeth during the troubled
reign of Mary was exactly of a piece with Cecil's own
management of his affairs at the same period; and
although there is no proof that he in any way guided
her action, it is in evidence that she kept up communica
tion with him on many subjects, and it is in the highest
degree probable that she asked his advice on the vital
points, upon which on several occasions her very life
depended. Camden expressly says that she did so, and
he is confirmed by Cecil's household biographer ; but
if it be true, it must have been done with great caution
and care, for Cecil to have escaped, as he did, all sus
picion when Elizabeth herself was deeply suspected
after Wyatt's rising. Cecil's advice to the Princess, if
given at all, was probably to do as he himself endea
voured to do ; namely, to conform as much as might
be necessary for her safety, and to avoid entanglements
or engagements of every description. This at all events
was the course they both successfully followed.
Philip had at last dragged England into war against
the wish of the whole of the Council except Paget,
though the King had reluctantly to come and exert his
personal influence on his wife before it could be done.
At the beginning of July 1557 he left her for the last
time, and in a month the victory of St. Quentin gave
him the great chance of his life. He hesitated, dallied,
and missed it; the English contingent sulky, unpaid, and
discontented— the Spaniards said cowardly— clamoured
to go home, and Philip, not daring to add to his unpopu
larity in England, let them go. Calais and Guines fell
before the vigour of Francj§ of. Guise (January 1558),

1558] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 65
for the fortresses had been neglected both by Northum
berland and Mary. When it was already too late, the
King had urged the English Council to send reinforce
ments ; but his envoy, Feria, crossed the Channel at the
same time as the news that the last foothold of England
on the Continent had gone.
Thenceforward it was evident that Mary's days were
numbered, and eyes were already looking towards her
successor. The war, never popular in England, became
perfectly hateful. The people growled that waggon-loads
of English money were being sent to Philip, and the
Council, almost to a man, resisted as much and as long
as they dared, Philip's constant requests for English aid.
When Parliament and the Council had been cajoled and
squeezed to the utmost, Feria left in July 1558 to join his
master ; but before doing so, he thought it prudent to
pay a visit to Madame Elizabeth at Hatfield, with many
significant hints of favour from his King in the time to
come ; none of which the Princess affected to understand.
A few weeks before the Queen died, peace negotiations
were opened between England, France, and Spain ; the
foolish Earl of Arundel, Dr. Thirlby (Bishop of Ely), and
Cecil's friend Dr. Wotton being sent to represent Eng
land. On the 7th November the Queen was known to
be dying, and the Council prevailed upon her to send
a message to her sister confirming her right to succeed.
Feria arrived a few days before unhappy Mary breathed
her last, and already he found that " the people were
beginning to act disrespectfully towards the images and
religious persons." x From the 7th November until the
Queen died, on the 17th, matters were in the utmost
confusion. All the bonds were breaking, and no man
knew what would come next. The Council had for
months been drifting away from Philip, and during the
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth. E

66 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1558
Queen's last days were openly turning to her Protestant
successor. But their duty kept them mostly at court ; whereas
Cecil, being free from office, went backwards and for
wards between Cannon Row and Hatfield, making
arrangements for the formation of a new Government
when the sovereign should die. Feria writes that on the
day the new Queen was proclaimed (17th November
1558), the Council decided that Archbishop Heath, Lord
Admiral Clinton, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Pembroke,
and Derby, and Lord William Howard should proceed
to Hatfield, whilst the rest stayed behind ; " but every
one wanted to be the first to get out." When they arrived
at the residence of the young Queen, Cecil was already
there and the appointments decided upon. Cecil was
the first Councillor sworn, and was appointed Secretary
of State ; J the others mentioned above, with Paget and
Bedford, being subsequently admitted ; and the faithful
Parry, her cofferer, elevated to the post of Controller of
the Household ; whilst Lord Robert Dudley, the son of
Northumberland, Cecil's former patron, was made Master
of the Horse.
The Catholics, and especially the Spanish party,
were in dismay. Changes met them at every turn.
The Councillors who had fattened on Philip's bribes,
turned against him openly, although some few, like Lord
William Howard (the Lord Chamberlain), Clinton, and
Paget, secretly offered their services for a renewed con
sideration. But it soon became evident that the two
men who would have the predominant influence were
Cecil and Parry, and they had never yet been bought by
1 Feria had visited Elizabeth at Hatfield a few days before the Queen died,
and had then written to Philip : "lam told for certain that Cecil, who was
Secretary to King Edward, will be her Secretary also. He is considered to be
a prudent, virtuous man, although a heretic."

i5s8] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 67
Spanish money. Only a week after the Queen's accession,
Feria wrote to Philip : 1 " The kingdom is entirely in the
hands of young folks, heretics and traitors, and the Queen
does not favour a single man . . . who served her sister.
. . . The old people and the Catholics are dissatisfied, but
dare not open their lips. She seems to me incomparably
more feared than her sister, and gives her orders, and
has her way, as absolutely as her father did. Her pre
sent Controller, Parry, and Secretary Cecil, govern the
kingdom, and they tell me the Earl of Bedford has a
good deal to say."
Before entering London from Hatfield, the Queen
stayed for a day or two at the Charterhouse, then in
the occupation of Lord North. All London turned out
to do her honour, and she immediately made it clear to
onlookers that she meant to bid for popularity and to
depend upon the good-will of her subjects. On the 26th
or 27th November the Spanish Ambassador went to the
Charterhouse to salute her. He had been under Mary
practically the master of the Council ; but the new
Queen promptly made him understand that everything
was changed. Instead of, as before, having right of
access to the sovereign when he pleased, he found that
in future he and his affairs would be relegated to two
members of the Council, and when he asked which two,
the Queen replied, Parry and Cecil. Feria did his best
to conciliate her — gave her some jewels he had belonging
to the late Queen, and so forth ; but when he mentioned
that a suspension of hostilities had been arranged be
tween the French and Spanish, she thought it was a trap
to isolate her, and she dismissed the Ambassador coldly.
When she had retired, Feria called Cecil and asked him
to go in at once and explain matters to her, " as he is the
man who does everything." The effects of Cecil's diplo-
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth.

68 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1558
macy were soon evident. The Queen smiled and chatted
with Feria, took with avidity all the jewels he could give
her, coyly looked down when marriage was mentioned,
but would pledge herself to nothing. " She was full of
fine words, however, and told me that when people said
she was ' French,' I was not to believe it ; " x but when
the Ambassador treated such a notion as absurd, and
endeavoured to lead her on to say that her sympathies
were with Spain and against France, she cleverly changed
the subject. Her sister, she said, had been at war with
France, but she was not.
As has already been said, when the deputation of the
Council arrived at Hatfield, Cecil was there before them,
and had conveyed the news of her accession to the
Queen. Naunton 2 says that when she heard it she fell
on her knees and uttered the words, "A Domino factum
est illud, et est mirabile in oculis nostris." But whether
this be true or not, it is certain that the intelligence did
not come upon her as a surprise ; for Cecil had already
drawn up for her guidance a document which still exists,3
providing for the minutest details of her accession. Some
of these provisions were rendered unnecessary by the
universal and peaceful acceptance of the new sovereign ;
but they exhibit the care and foresight which we always
associate with the writer. The note runs as follows :
1. To consider the proclamation and to proclaim it, and
to send the same to all manner of places and sheriffs with
speed, and to print it. 2. To prepare the Tower and to
appoint the custody thereof to trusty persons, and to write
to all the keepers of forts and castles in the Queen's name.
3. To consider for the removing to the Tower, and the
Queen there to settle her officers and Council. 4. To
make a stay of passages to all the ports until a certain
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth. 2 Fragmenta Regalia.
3 Cotton MSS., Titus ex.

1558] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 69
day, and to consider the situation of all places dangerous
towards France and Scotland, especially in this change.
5. To send special messengers to the Pope, Emperor, Kings
of Spain and Denmark, and the State of Venice. 6. To
send new commissioners (commissions ?) to the Earl of
Arundel and Bishop of Ely (the peace envoys), and to
send one into Ireland with a new commission ; the
letters under the Queen's hand to all ambassadors with
foreign princes to authorise them therein. 7. To appoint
commissioners for the interment of the late Queen.
8. To appoint commissioners for the coronation and
the day. 9. To make continuance of the term with
patents to the Chief-Justice, Justices of each Bench,
Barons, and Masters of the Rolls, with inhibition. Quod
non conferant aliquod officium. 10. To appoint new sheriffs
under the Great Seal. 11. To inhibit by proclamation
the making over of any money by exchange without
knowledge of the Queen's Majesty, and to charge all
manner of persons that have made, or been privy to
any exchange made, by the space of one month before
the 17th of this month. 12. To consider the preacher
of St. Paul's Cross, that no occasion be given by him
to stir any dispute touching the governance of the
realm. It will be seen that every necessary measure for
carrying on peaceably the government and business of
the country is here provided for. Within a week of
the Queen's accession the religious persecutions all over
the country had ceased, and a few days later all persons
who were in prison in London as offenders against
religion had been released on their own recognisances.
The Queen had already foreshadowed her dislike to the
harrying of Protestants by refusing her countenance
to Bonner, the Bishop of London, when, with the other
bishops, he met her on her approach to London. The

7o THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1558
English refugees were flocking back home from Ger
many and Switzerland ; and though, for the most part, the
religious services were continued without marked change,1
the Catholics saw that the day of their tribulation was
coming, and were filled with indignation and fear. The
measures suggested by Cecil as to the appointment of the
preacher at Paul's Cross were doubtless adopted,2 for
there was no violent ecclesiastical pronouncement against
the tendency of the new Government until the funeral of
the late Queen, on the 13th December. White, Bishop
of Winchester, preached the sermon, in which he attacked
the Protestants in the most inflammatory language, quot
ing the words of Trajan : " If my commands are just,
use this sword for me ; if unjust, use it against me." It
was not Elizabeth's or prudent Cecil's line, however, to
adopt extreme measures at first, and the prelate was only
kept secluded for a month in his own house. This is a
fair specimen of the cautious policy adopted by Eliza
beth. All of Mary's Council had been Catholics, many
of them bigoted Catholics, and yet eleven of them were
admitted to the Council of the new Queen ; the principal
change being the addition to them of seven known Pro-
1 A proclamation was issued on the 27th December, that no alterations
should be made in the rites and ceremonies of the Church, and that no un
authorised person should preach ; but a few days afterwards orders were
given that the Litany, Epistle, and Gospel should be read in English, as in
the Queen's chapel, which was done on the following day, 1st January, Sunday
(Hayward). 2 Hayward's reference to this point would seem to prove that the sermons
at Paul's Cross were discontinued altogether for some months. He says
preachers had been warned — in accordance with Cecil's note — to avoid treating
of controversial points, and to the raising of any " dispute touching govern
ment eyther for altering or retayning the present form. Hereupon no sermon
was preached at Paules Crosse until the Rehearsall sermon was made upon
the Sunday after Easter ; at which tyme, when the preacher was ready to
mount the Pulpit, the keye could not be found ; and when by commandment
of the Lord Mayor it was opened by the smyth, the place was very filthy and
uncleane (Hayward's " Annals," Camden Society).

1558] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 71
testants, who had, like Cecil, conformed in the previous
reign — namely, Parr (Marquis of Northampton), Cecil's
friend the Earl of Bedford, Sir Thomas Parry, Edward
Rogers, Sir Ambrose Cave, Francis Knollys (the Queen's
cousin), and Sir William Cecil ; Sir Nicholas Bacon,
Cecil's brother-in-law, another Protestant conformer,
being shortly afterwards also appointed a Councillor
and Lord Keeper, but not yet Chancellor, in the place
of Heath, Archbishop of York.

CHAPTER IV
i559-i5°°
We are told by his household biographer that two of
Cecil's favourite aphorisms were: "That war is the
curse, and peace the blessing of God upon a nation,"
and "That a realm gaineth more by one year's peace
than by ten years' war." He and his mistress plainly
saw that the first task for them to perform was to put an
end to the disastrous and inglorious war into which for
his own ends Philip had dragged England. Here, on
the very threshold of Elizabeth's reign, Cecil's influence
upon her policy was apparent and eminently success
ful. Cecil came from the Charterhouse to see Feria
at Durham Place on the 24th November, saying that the
Queen was sending Lord Cobham to inform Philip in
Flanders officially of Queen Mary's death ; but two days
afterwards, one of Feria's spies at court, probably Lord
William Howard, sent him word that this was not Cob-
ham's only mission. He was to turn aside to Cercamp,
on the French frontier, where the peace commissioners
were assembled, except Arundel, who had hurried back
as soon as he learnt of the Queen's death, in order to
take fresh commissions from Elizabeth to Dr. Thirlby,
Arundel, and Wotton. Feria, on this news, sent post
haste to Philip's Secretary of State, telling him to advise
the Spanish " commissioners to keep their eyes on these
Englishmen, in case this should be some trick to our
detriment, as I was told nothing about his going to
Cercamp till he (Cobham) had gone." x
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth.
72

i5S9] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 73
But no trick was meant which should divide England
from the House of Burgundy. The instructions carried
by Cobham l were drafted by Cecil, and made the resti
tution of Calais the main point of the English demand ;
and Wotton was instructed to accompany Cobham to
Philip, to persuade the latter to support the English in
their demand. The commissioners, moreover, were in
structed to insert in the treaty an article reserving all
former treaties between England and the House of Bur
gundy. Before these instructions reached the hands of
the commissioners, the suspension of hostilities for two
months, which had so much disquieted the Queen when
Feria told her of it, had been arranged. There is no
doubt that the willingness of the French to agree to this
suspension had been occasioned by their desire to enter
into separate negotiations with the new Queen and her
ministers, with the object of causing distrust between
Spain and England ; and here it was that Cecil had his
first opportunity of proving his ability. Lord Grey had
been captured by the French at Guines, and early in
January 1559 was allowed to return to England on parole,
for the purpose, ostensibly, of arranging an exchange.
He brought with him a message from the Dukes of
Guise and Montpessart, proposing a secret arrangement
between England and France. This was not the first
intimation of such a desire ; for some weeks before, a
similar but less authoritative message was brought by
the Protestant Florentine, Guido Cavalcanti, from the
Vidame de Chartres ; and Cavalcanti had gone back to
France with kind but vague expressions of good-will
from Elizabeth. When Lord Grey's message arrived,
Cecil considered it in all its bearings, and drew up one
of his judicial reports2 in which Grey's answer to Guise
1 Original draft in Cotton MSS., Cal. E. V.
3 State Papers, Foreign ; also printed in extenso in Forbes.

74 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
is dictated. With much circumlocution the Queen's
willingness to make peace is expressed, "if all things
done in her sister's time be revoked " ; or, in other words,
that Calais should be restored. But what Grey was not
told was Cecil's recommendation to the Queen : " It
seemeth necessary to allow this overture of peace, so as
neither so to lyke of it, nor so to follow it, as thereby
any jelusy shall arise in the hart of the King of Spain,
but that principally that that amyty be preserved and
this not refused."
At the same time Dr. Wotton was to be instructed to
go to Philip, and assure him emphatically, that the Queen
was determined to remain friendly with him, and to let
the whole world see it. She had had some hints that
the French would like to approach her separately, but
Philip "shal be most assured that nothyng shal be
doone that maye in any respect either directly or in
directly prejudice this amyt6 betwixt their two Majesties,
or anything doone but that his Majesty shal be made
privy thereto ; and thereof his Majesty shal be as well
assured as he was of his late wyffe's proceedings here."
Guido Cavalcanti arrived in France before Lord Grey's
answer to Guise, and the Florentine came posting back
to England with an affectionate letter from the King
of France to Elizabeth.1 Cecil's draft answer to this
is just as judicious as the previous one. The King of
France suggested that French and English commis
sioners might be mutually appointed to meet. This
would never do, said Cecil; secresy was of the first
importance, and a meeting of Englishmen and French
men of rank would be noticed immediately. The
negotiations had better be carried on directly by cor
respondence, and this was the course accepted by the
French. Whilst the matter was thus being drawn out,
1 Cotton MSS., CaL E. V. ; printed in Forbes.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 75
the disposition of Philip was being sounded. Later in
the reign, Elizabeth and Cecil had taken his measure,
and could foresee his action, but in these first negotia
tions they were groping their way. Elizabeth had practi
cally refused Philip's own suggestion of marriage made
by Feria, and was now fencing with the proposals of
his cousins the Archdukes ; but she was careful not to
drive Philip too far away. Reassuring letters came from
Wotton. Much, he said, as Philip wished for peace, he
did not believe he would make it alone, and leave both
England and Scotland at the mercy of France, as
" what woulde ensew thereof, a blynde manne can see." 1
It was well that Cecil's caution disarmed Philip about
the French advances ; for Cavalcanti's movements and
mission were soon conveyed to the Spanish King by his
spies, and when, at the expiration of the two months'
truce, the peace commissioners again met at Cateau-
Cambresis, the King did his best to support the English
commissioners in their demand for the restitution of
Calais. His own agreement with France was easily
made, for Henry II. was seriously alarmed now at the
growth of the reform party, and gave way to Philip on
nearly every point ; whilst Philip himself was in great
want of money, he hated war, and, above all, was burning
to get back to the Spain he loved so much. But when,
week after week, he saw that the English commissioners
stood firm about Calais, he was obliged to speak out and
assure Elizabeth that he could not plunge his country
1 It must not be forgotten that Mary Stuart, the young Queen of Scots, was
married to Francis, the heir to the French throne, and that the disappearance
of Elizabeth from the throne would almost inevitably have meant the complete
dominion of both Scotland and England by the French. This would have
rendered the position of Spain in the Netherlands untenable, and would have
destroyed the Spanish commerce, and the fact explains Philip's forbearance
with Elizabeth in the earlier years of her reign. Both Cecil and the Queen
were fully cognisant of the advantage they derived from the situation.

76 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
into war again for the purpose of restoring to England
a fortress she had lost by her own laxity. At length,
after infinite discussion, the English were forced to con
clude a peace based upon the restitution of Calais in
eight years, the demolition of the fortifications qf Eye
mouth, and a truce, to be followed by a peace, between
England and Scotland.
In the meanwhile, before the peace of Cateau-Cam-
bresis was signed, matters were growing more acri
monious in tone between England and Spain, owing to
the ecclesiastical measures to which reference will be
made presently, and also to the haughtiness and want
of tact displayed by Feria in England. When, therefore,
news came hither that amongst the conditions of the
general peace was one providing for the marriage of
Philip with Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of the French
King, and the establishment of a close community of
interests between France and Spain, a gust of appre
hension passed over the English that they had been
outwitted, and would have to face a combination of the
two great rivals.
Paget — a thorough Spanish partisan and a Catholic
— had foretold such a possibility as this in February,
and had entreated Cecil to cling closely to Spain and
continue the war with France.1 But Cecil was wiser
than Paget. He knew that by fighting for Calais we
should lose both friendships, and he accepted the best
terms of peace he could get. But when it was a ques
tion of the brotherhood between Spain and France,
and whispers came from French reformers of the secret
international league to crush Protestantism, then the
only course to pursue was to disarm Philip and sow
discord between Spain and France. When Feria saw
the Queen on the 7th April 1559, the day on which the
1 Hatfield Papers, part i. p. 151.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 77
news of the signing of peace arrived in London, he
found her pouting and coquettish that Philip should
have married any one but her. "Your Majesty, she
said, could not have been so much in love with her as
I had represented, if you could not wait four months
for her." But in the antechamber the Ambassador had
a conversation with Cecil, " who is a pestilent knave,
as your Majesty knows. He told me they had heard
that your Majesty was very shortly going to Spain, and,
amongst other things, he said that if your Majesty
wished to keep up the war with France, they for their
part would be glad of it. I told him he could tell that
to people who did not understand the state of affairs in
England so well as I did. What they wanted was some
thing very different from that. They were blind to their
own advantage, and would now begin to understand
that I had advised what was best for the interests of
the Queen and the welfare of the country ; and I left
them that day as bitter as gall," 1
Paget wailed that the country was ruined ; Alba, Ruy
Gomez, and young De Granvelle tried to impress upon
the English peace commissioners that England's only
chance of salvation now lay in Philip's countenance.2
Feria tried to frighten the Queen by assuring her that her
religious policy was hurrying her and her country to per
dition, and complained that certain comedies insulting to
Philip which had been acted at court, had been suggested
by Cecil, her chief minister. But she outwitted him at
every point. " She was," he said, " a daughter of the
devil, and her chief ministers the greatest scoundrels and
heretics in the land." She disarmed him and his master
by pretending that she would marry one of the Austrian
Archdukes, who would depend entirely upon Spain ;
and Spanish agents were still fain to be civil to her, in
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth. 2 Ibid.

78 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
hope of bringing that about ; though hot-headed Feria
soon found his place intolerable, and relinquished it to
a more smooth-tongued successor. The reason why
Feria was so especially bitter against Cecil, was that to
him was attributed the principal blame for forcing
through Parliament, at the same time as the conclusion
of the treaty of peace, the Act of Supremacy, recog
nising the Queen as Governor of the Anglican Church,
and the Act of Uniformity, imposing the second prayer-
book of Edward VI., but with some alterations of im
portance for the purpose of conciliating the Catholics.
The oath of supremacy, however, was only compulsory
on servants of the Crown ; and the general tendency of
the Council, and especially of the Queen, was to avoid
offending unnecessarily the Catholic majority in the
country. The Queen personally preferred a ceremo
nious worship, and several times assured the Spanish
Ambassador that her opinions were similar to those of
her father — that she was practically a Catholic, except.
for her acknowledgment of the papal supremacy.
Cecil's interests at this period were somewhat different
from those of the Queen. Her great object was to con
solidate her position by gaining the good-will of as
many of her subjects as possible, apart from the ques
tion of religion. It was necessary for her to pass the
Act of Supremacy, in order to establish the legality of
her right to reign, and some sort of uniformity was
necessary in the interests of peace and good govern
ment; but beyond that she was not anxious to, push
religious reform, for she disliked the Calvinisms much
more than she did the Catholics. But Cecil saw that
if the Protestant Church were not established legally
and strongly before Elizabeth died — and of course she
might die at any time — the accession of Catholic Mary
Stuart with French power at her back would mean the

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 79
end of his ministry, and probably of his life. He and
Sir Nicholas Bacon, his brother-in-law, with Bedford,
were consequently regarded by the Spaniards as the
principal promoters of religious changes. They tried
hard to divert him, and in the list of Councillors who
were to receive pensions from Spain he is down for a
thousand crowns ; x but though he treated the Spaniards
with great courtesy and conciliation, they do not ap
pear to have influenced his policy by a hair's-breadth.
Parry, the Controller, now Treasurer of the Household,
was a man of inferior talent, and was apparently
jealous of Cecil. Feria, despairing of moving Cecil,
consequently endeavoured to influence the Queen by
fear through Parry. On the 6th March, during the
passage of the ecclesiastical bills through Parliament,
the Ambassador, with the Queen's knowledge, arranged
to meet Parry in St. James's Park ; but at the instance
of Elizabeth, who did not desire the rest of her Council
to see her confidential man in conference with Feria,
the meeting-place was changed to Hyde Park, " near
the execution place." The Ambassador urged upon
Parry that the proposed religious measures would cer
tainly bring about the Queen's downfall. Parry pro
mised that the Queen would not assume the title of
Supreme Head of the Church, but would call herself
Governor. But this was all Feria could get ; for a week
after, when he saw the Queen, he " found her resolved
about what was passed in Parliament yesterday, which
Cecil and Vice-Chamberlain Knollys and their followers
have managed to bring about for their own ends." The
Queen was excited and hysterical. She was a heretic,
she said, and could not marry a Catholic like Philip.
Feria endeavoured to calm and flatter herv; but he
assured her that if she gave her consent to the bills she
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i. p. II.

80 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
would be utterly ruined. She promised him that she
would not assume the title of Supreme Head ; but she
said that so much money was taken out of the country for
the Pope that she must put an end to it, and the bishops
were lazy poltroons, whereupon Feria retorted angrily,
and Knollys purposely put an end to the conversation by
announcing supper. Parry's influence was small and
decreasing. " Although," says Feria, " he is a favourite
of the Queen, he is not at all discreet, nor is he a good
Catholic, 'but, still, he behaves better than the others.
Cecil is very clever, but a mischievous man, and a heretic,
and governs the Queen in spite of the Treasurer (Parry) ; ]
for they are not at all good friends, and I have done
what I can to make them worse." 2 Cecil, of course, had
his way, and the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity
received the royal assent within a few weeks of this time
(April 1559).
In the meanwhile both Cecil and the Queen worked
hard to divert or mollify the irritation of the Spaniards
caused by the religious measures. The pretence of a
desire on the part of the Queen to marry an Austrian
Archduke was elaborately carried on. Envoys from the
Emperor went backwards and forwards. The sly, silky
old Bishop of Aquila, the new Spanish Ambassador,
tried to draw the Queen into a position from which she
could not recede. She was coy, interesting, unsophisti
cated, and cunning by turns, but never compromised
herself too far. The object was simply to keep the
Spaniards from breaking away whilst pursuing her own
course, and this object was effected.
The treaty of Cateau-Cambresis was ratified with great
ceremony in London at the end of May : Francois de
1 Parry had just been made Treasurer of the Household vice Sir Thomas
Cheynes. 2 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 81
Montmorenci and a splendid French embassy were enter
tained at Elizabeth's court,1 the Emperor's envoy being
present at the same time to push the Archduke's suit.
It was Cecil's cue to pretend to the Spaniards that the
French were now very affectionate, and one day after
some vicarious love-making with the Queen on behalf of
the Archduke, the Bishop had a long conversation with
the Secretary. The latter hinted that a French match had
been offered to the Queen, and asked his opinion of it.
If it had not been for the dispensatory power of the
Pope being necessary, the Queen, said Cecil, would
have married Philip ; " but the proposal involved re
ligious questions which it would be fruitless now to
discuss, as the matter had fallen through." The object
of this, of course, was to attract the Spaniards, first by
jealousy of the French, and next by a show of sympathy
with Spain. For reasons already set forth with regard
to "English succession, Philip was just as anxious as
Cecil to avoid a quarrel. " I was glad," writes the
Bishop, " to have the opportunity of talking over these
matters with him, to dissipate the suspicion which I think
he and his friends entertain, that they have incurred
your Majesty's anger by their change of religion. I there
fore answered him without any reproach or complaint,
and only said that what had been done in the kingdom
certainly seemed to me very grave, severe, and ill-timed,
but that I hoped in God ; and if He would some day
give us a council of bishops, or a good Pope, who
would reform the customs of the clergy, and the abuses
of the court of Rome, which had scandalised the pro-
1 The treaty was ratified simultaneously by the French King at Notre
Dame, the English special Ambassador being the Lord Chamberlain, Lord
Howard of Effingham. The correspondence on, and descriptions of, the
ceremonies in France, will be found printed in extenso in Forbes. An
account of the festivities in England will be found in Nichols' " Progresses
of Queen Elizabeth," and in the Calendar of Venetian State Papers. F

82 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
vinces, all the evil would be remedied ; and God would
not allow so noble and Christian a nation as this to be
separated in faith from the rest of Christendom." x Thus
the Catholic Bishop met the Protestant Cecil more than
half-way ; and no more triumphant instance can be
found than this of the policy of the first few months
of Elizabeth's reign. The faith of England had been
revolutionised in six months without serious discontent
in the country itself. Instead of hectoring Feria flout
ing and threatening, the bland Churchman sought to
minimise differences of religion to the " pestilent knave "
who had been principally instrumental in making the
great change. From master of England, Philip had
changed to an equal anxious to avoid its enmity. The
altered position had been brought about partly by
Philip's dread of half-French Mary Stuart succeeding to
the English throne if Elizabeth should disappear, partly
by the studious moderation of the English ecclesiastical
measures, and partly by the care taken by Cecil and the
Queen to keep alive the idea that the French were court
ing their friendship, whilst they themselves preferred the
old connection with the House of Burgundy.
How vital it was for England to conciliate Philip at
this juncture was evident to those who, like Cecil, were
behind the scenes, although the extreme Protestants in
the country were somewhat restive about it. Before the
treaty of peace with France was negotiated, at the very
beginning of the year 1559, Cecil drew up an important
state paper for the consideration of the Council, discuss
ing the probability of an immediate French attack upon
England over the Scottish border in the interests of
Mary Stuart. The religious disturbances in Scotland
had necessitated the sending of a considerable French
force to the aid of the Queen Regent, and Cecil says
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 83
that a large army of French and German mercenaries
was already collected, which it was doubtful whether the
English could resist. The questions he propounded to
the Council were whether it would be better to seize the
Scottish ports at once before the French fleet arrived,
or to place England in a state of defence and await
events. The latter course was adopted, conjointly with
endeavours to draw Philip to the side of England, and
the sending of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to France to
remonstrate with the King.1 The occasion given for
this alarm is stated in Cecil's diary as follows : " January
16th, 1559. The Dolphin of France and his wife Queen
of Scotts, did, by style of King and Queen of Scotland,
England, and Ireland, graunt unto the Lord Fleming
certain things."
Throgmorton arrived in Paris on the 23rd May, and
on the 7th June wrote to Cecil that the Guises and
Mary Stuart were bribing and pensioning Englishmen
there, and that Cardinal Lorraine was busy intriguing
for the sending of a force to Scotland, and for promot
ing his niece's claim to the English crown. He was
"inquisitive to know of such Englishmen as he hath
offered to interteigne, how many shippes the Queen's
Majesty hath in redeness, and whether the same be
layed up in dock at Gillingham, and how many of them
be on the narrow seas, and whether the new great ships
be already made and furnished with takling and ord
nance."2 On the 21st of the same month the news was
1 Strype.
2 A great impetus had been given to the building of warships on the
accession of Elizabeth, and a programme of naval construction was presented,
providing for the building of twenty-eight ships during the ensuing five years ;
an enormous increase when it is considered that the whole navy when Mary
died consisted of only twenty-two sail. The first measure of Elizabeth was
to turn a large number of the merchantmen, which had been built under
subsidy, into warships. These were probably the ships referred to by

84 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
still more alarming. Throgmorton informed Cecil that
a suggestion had been made to him for a marriage be
tween Queen Elizabeth and Guise's brother, the Duke
de Nemours, to which he had replied that he could not
say anything about it unless the King of France or his
Council officially mentioned it. Throgmorton now
heard that Constable Montmorenci had reproached
Nemours for making such a suggestion, " adding further
these words, ' What ! do yow not know that the Queen
Dauphin hath right and title to England.' " x They only
waited for an opportunity, said Throgmorton, to say,
" Have at you." Great preparations were being made
in Paris for the celebration of the peace with Spain,
and the betrothal of the King's daughter to King Philip
by proxy, and watchful Throgmorton soon discovered
that on all escutcheons, banners, and trophies in which
the Dauphin's and his wife's arms were represented, the
arms of England were quartered, and almost daily there
after in his letters to Cecil the Ambassador sounds the
alarm. Cecil himself in his diary thus marks the progress
of events, 28th June 1559 : "the justs at Paris, wherein
the King-Dolphin's two heralds were apparelled with the
arms of England." 2 On the 29th June, at the great tour
nament to celebrate his child's betrothal to Philip, Henry
II. was accidentally thrust in the eye by Montgomerie,
and in a moment the political crisis became acute.
Mary Stuart was now Queen Consort of France.
Her clever, ambitious uncles, Guise and the Cardinal,
were practically rulers of France, and she herself, as
Throgmorton says, "took everything upon her," and
according to Cecil's diary (16th July), " the ushers going
Cardinal Lorraine. On the 3rd July, shortly afterwards, the Queen was
present at the launch of a fine new warship at Woolwich, which she christened
the Elizabeth.
1 State Papers, Foreign ; in extenso in Forbes.
2 See also Throgmorton to Cecil, ist July. Ibid.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 85
before the Queen of Scotts (now French Queen) to
Chappell cry, ' Place pour la Reine d'Angleterre.' " As
soon as the pretensions of Mary were known, Cecil's
counter move was to send help to the reform party in
Scotland, and to revive the talk of a marriage between
Elizabeth and the Earl of Arran, the heir-apparent to
the Scottish crown. Arran was in France ; and on the
first suspicion against him of intriguing with the English,
the King had ordered his capture, dead or alive. Ran
dolph and Killigrew were successively sent by Cecil to
Throgmorton with orders to aid the Earl, and, at any
risk, smuggle him to England.1 In disguise he was
conveyed by Randolph to Zurich, and thence to Eng
land, and subsequently into Scotland,2 to head the
Protestant party against the French, from his father's
castles of Hamilton and Dumbarton. Whilst Arran was
in hiding in England, Cecil was apparently the only
minister who saw him, and when he left, it was with
full instructions and pecuniary help from the Secretary.
Cecil was a man of peace ; but the main point of his
policy was the keeping of the French out of Flanders
and Scotland. Now that Guise ambition openly struck
at England through the northern kingdom active
measures were needed, and they were taken.
As usual, Cecil's report on the whole question3 to
the Queen judiciously summed up all the possibilities.
The document sets forth the desirability of an enduring
peace between Scotland and England, and the impossi
bility of it whilst the former country is governed by a
foreign nation like the French in the absence of its native
sovereign ; that the land should be " freed from idolatry
like as England " ; and that the nobility should be
1 The Queen to Throgmorton, 17th and 19th July (State Papers, Foreign).
2 Sadler to Cecil, 16th September 1559 (Sadler Papers, vol. i.).
8 Printed in extenso in Sadler Papers, vol. i.

86 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
banded together with the next heir to the crown (Arran)
to remedy all abuses. " If the Queen (Mary) shall be
unwilling to this, as is likely, . . . then it is apparent that
Almighty God is pleased to transfer from her the rule of
the kingdom for the weale of it. And in this time great
circumspection is to be used to avoid the deceits and
trumperies of the French." Sir William's decision, after
infinite discussion, is that the cheapest and only possible
way will be at once to send strong reinforcements to the
Scottish reformers, and at the same time that Sadler and
Crofts on the Border should be sleepless, as they were,
in their efforts in favour of the Protestant Scots.
There was no matter which concerned Cecil so
much as this, as will be seen by his many interesting
letters about it to Sir Ralph Sadler in the Sadler Papers.
He had gone to Burghley in September 1559, and thence
wrote to Sadler his anxiety to hear of Arran's1 safe arrival
in Scotland. " Th'erle of Arrayn borrowed of me at his
being at London 200 crowns, which he promised should
be paid to you, Mr. Sadler, for me. After some tyme
passed, I praye you aske it of hym." The next day Cecil
wrote that he had ordered Sadler "to lende the Pro
testants money, as of your selve, taking secretly the bonds
of them to rendre the same ; so as the Quene should not
be partie thereto." Thenceforward money was secretly
sent in plenty by Sir William to maintain the Scottish
reformers who were besieging Leith, but Knox and the
rigid Calvinists, with their republican and anti-feminine
ideas, were hated by the Queen, and made matters diffi
cult. "Knox's name," says Cecil, "is the most odious
here. I wish no mention of it hither." " Surely I like
not Knox's audacitie. ... His writings do no good here,
and therefore I do rather suppress them." 2
1 Arran travelled as a Frenchman under the name of De Beaufort.
2 Sadler Papers, vol. i.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 87
But it became evident that the Lords of the Con
gregation would be unable much longer to hold their
own without powerful armed assistance from England.
This would of course mean a renewal of the war with
France, and before it could be undertaken it was neces
sary to make quite sure of the attitude of Philip, who was
about to marry the French Princess. On this occasion,
for the first time, Cecil was met and hampered in his
action by a counter intrigue within the English court,
such as for the next twenty years continually faced him.
When the Queen rode through the city from the
Charterhouse to the Tower on her white jennet, she was
followed closely by a handsome young man of her own age,
who attracted general attention. She had appointed Lord
Robert Dudley, the son of Cecil's old patron, Northum
berland, Master of the Horse at Hatfield on the day that
Mary died. In less than six months the tongue of scandal
was busy with the doings of the Queen and her favourite,
and the Spanish agents were calculating the chances of
his being made an instrument for their ends. Gradually
the English competitors for the Queen's hand sank into
the background, whilst Dudley, a married man, grew in
favour daily.1 He was made a Knight of the Garter, to
the openly expressed annoyance of other older and
worthier nobles; money grants and favours of all sorts
were showered upon him, and the Queen would hardly
let him out of her sight. So long as the talk of the
1 The scandalous gossip sent by all the foreign agents in England, espe
cially by Feria and his successor, caused much heartburning. Challoner had
been sent to the Emperor in connection with the Archduke's match, and in
the Imperial court found scandal rife about his mistress and Lord Robert.
He writes to Cecil a cautious, confidential letter (6th December 1559), saying
that "folks there are broad-mouthed" about it. Of course, he says, it is a
false slander; " but a Princess cannot be too wary what countenance of familiar
demonstration she maketh more to one than another. No man's service in the
realm is worthy the entertaining with such a tale of obloquy " (Hatfield Papers,
part i.).

88 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
match with the Archduke Charles only dragged on its
interminable length, Dudley was mildly approving and
claiming rewards and bribes from the Spaniards in con
sequence ; for he knew perfectly well that the negotiation
was a feint, and that the religious obstacles were unsur-
mountable. But when, as has been seen, national inter
ests led Cecil to play his master-move and checkmate Mary
Stuart and the French connection in Scotland with Arran
and the English marriage, Dudley • saw that the affair was
serious, and at once set about frustrating Cecil's national
policy for his personal advantage. In order to obstruct
the marriage with Arran, the first step was for Dudley
to profess himself hotly in favour of the Austrian match.
His sister, Lady Sidney, was sent to the Bishop of
Aquila, with the assurance that the Queen would consent
to marry the Archduke at once if she were asked (Sep
tember 1559). Dudley and Parry both came and assured
the Bishop of their devotion, body and soul, to Spanish
interests.1 There was, they said, a plot to kill the Queen,
and she had now made up her mind to concede the
religious points at issue and marry the Archduke at once.
The Queen herself avoided going so far as that in words,
but by looks and hints she confirmed what Lady Sidney
and Dudley had said. Between them they hoodwinked the
Churchman, and he urged upon Philip and the Emperor
the coming of the bridegroom. After his long talk at
Whitehall with the Queen at the end of September, the
Bishop saw Cecil, who by this time was fully aware of
what was going on, and adroitly turned it to the advan
tage of his policy. War with the French in Scotland was
practically adopted, if Philip could be depended upon to
stand aloof. When, accordingly, the Bishop approached
Cecil, the latter, although he avoided pledging himself to
the Queen's marrying the Archduke, spoke sympathetic-
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1559] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 89
ally about it. But his tone was different from Dudley's.
" I saw," says the Bishop, " that he was beating about the
bush, and begged that we might speak plainly to one
another. I was not blind or deaf, and could easily per
ceive that the Queen was not taking this step to refuse
her consent after all. He swore he did not know, and
could not assure me." But then Cecil shot his bolt.
The French, he said, were striving to impede the Arch
duke's match, and had offered great things to the Swedes
if they could bring about the marriage of Elizabeth with
the Prince of Sweden. " They (the English) well under
stood that this was only to alienate the Queen from her
connection and friendship with Philip, and thus to enable
the French to invade this country more easily." 1 Cecil
then consented, but vaguely, to help forward " our affair,"
and was promised all Philip's favour if he did so. All
Cecil asked for and wanted was an assurance of the help
or neutrality of Spain, in the event of a French invasion,
and this he unhesitatingly got — " if the Queen will marry
the Archduke," a condition which Cecil, at least, must
have known would not be fulfilled.
For the next week or two the Queen surpassed
herself in vivacity, in pretended anticipation of the
coming of her Imperial lover. She became outwardly
more Catholic than ever. Candles and crucifixes were
again put up on the altars of her chapels, priests
wore their vestments, and the Spanish Bishop was in
the best of spirits. All this was going too far for
Cecil, and was forcing his hand. He wanted to en
sure Philip's countenance by arousing jealousy of the
French, whilst keeping the Archduke's marriage gently
simmering. But if Dudley and the Queen carried it too
far, it would either end in mortally offending Philip, or
in introducing a strong Catholic influence in England,
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

90 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1559
which would have been the end of Cecil as a minister.
Feria, in Flanders, saw this clearly enough, and wrote to
the Bishop to tell Dudley that Cecil would really be
against the Archduke's business.1 Dudley's intrigue to
prevent the Scottish match, not only hampered Cecil,
but set the whole court by the ears. The Duke of Nor
folk and the thorough-going Spanish Catholic party
formed a plot to kill Dudley, as they knew he was not
sincere, and would prevent the marriage with the Arch
duke, perhaps, at the last moment; whilst Cecil's own
Protestant friends, Bedford especially, who did not
understand his cautious manner of dealing with diffi
culties, quarrelled with him about his apparent acquies
cence in fresh Popish innovations.
Dudley's bubble soon burst of itself. The Emperor,
not under the sway of Elizabeth's charm, was cool. The
Bishop, as a feeler, fostered the idea that the Archduke
was already on the way, and then the Queen, Dudley,
and Lady Sidney took fright and began to cry off ; and
the Bishop saw he had been deceived (November 1559).
But Arran's suit had still to be combated, and Dudley
warmly took up the Swedish match ; whilst the gossips
whispered that he had decided to poison his wife, and
marry the Queen himself. Matters had reached this
stage, when the Bishop's agents began plotting with the
Duke of Norfolk for the open coming of the Archduke,
his marriage with Catharine Grey, and the murder of
Elizabeth and Dudley ; but this required bolder hands
than Norfolk or Philip, and nothing came of it but open
quarrels between Dudley and those who he knew were
planning his ruin. Gradually prudent Cecil worked the
Archduke's negotiations back again into the stage in which
they had been when Dudley interfered. ¦ The Bishop was
1 Feria to the Bishop of Aquila, 1st October 1559 (Spanish Calendar,
Elizabeth, vol. i.).

i5S9] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 91
courted, an envoy was sent to Vienna, care was taken
to keep alive Philip's jealousy of the French — more than
ever to be feared by the Spanish King, now that his own
Netherlands were seething with disaffection ; and then, at
last, Cecil was able to accede to the prayer of the Scot
tish reformers,1 and send an English force to their aid.
On the 23rd December 1559, Cecil could write to
Sadler, saying that the Duke of Norfolk and Lord Grey
were on their way north to take command of the army.
" Our shippes be on the sea, God spede them ! William
Winter is appointed, as he commeth nigh, to learn of you
the state of the French navy within the Firth. And it is
thought good that ye should cause some small vessell to
goo to hym with your intelligence before he come very
nigh that towne, lest by tarryeng for your answer his
voyage be hindered. The French are much amased at
this our sodden going to sea, so as the Marq d'Elbceuf
being come to Callise is retorned to Parriss in great hast.
We lack intelligence from you and be ignorant of what ye
do in Scotland. We be afrayd of the loss of Edinburgh
Castle. God gyve ye both good night, for I am almost
a slepe. At Westminster, hora i2a nocte 23 Dec. 1559." 2
1 The original of the address of the Lords of the Congregation to Elizabeth
will be found in the Cotton MSS., Caligula B x. (printed by Burnet). In
November the famous William Maitland of Lethington was sent by the Lords
to England for the purpose of pressing the cause of the Scottish reformers.
He was secretly received by Sir James Crofts in the castle of Berwick, and
there, by Cecil's instructions, Crofts gave him a draft written by Cecil of the
best form in which to make his representation to the English Queen and
Council. This is a good example of Cecil's foresight and thoroughness. He
knew that Dudley and other French partisans would oppose in the Council
the sending of an army to Scotland, and in order to strengthen Maitland's
hands and avoid the introduction of anything upon which his opponent could
seize, he himself drafted the address of the Scottish Protestants to the Queen
and Council. It is needless to say that Maitland adopted his suggestions.
The original Scotch draft is in the Cotton MSS., Caligula B ix., and extracts of
it have been printed by Dr. Robertson and Dr. Nares. See also Sadler
Papers, vol. i. p. 602. 2 Sadler State Papers, vol. i.

92 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1560
The fleet of thirty-two sail, with 8000 infantry and
2000 cavalry, sailed up the Forth exactly a month after
this letter was written, to the dismay of the French and
the Queen Regent, who shortly afterwards learnt that
Elbceuf and his army had been storm-beaten back to
France. The French and Catholic Scots were now
cooped up in Leith, with no possibility of receiving aid
from France; whilst the English on the Border, and
the Lords of the Congregation, were organising a strong
land force to invade Scotland.
There was nothing more to be dreaded by Philip— as
Cecil well knew — than a war between England and
France for the cause of the Scottish Protestants. The
Spanish alliance with France had aroused the distrust of
the powerful reform party in the latter country ; and on
the accession of Francis II. and the Guises to power, the
Queen-mother, Catharine de Medici, whose chance had
at last come after years of insult and neglect, at once
threw her influence into the scale of their opponents,
the Montmorencis and the reformers. Throgmorton
had been sent to France to form a union between the
Protestant and anti-Guisan elements in France and
Elizabeth, and in this he had been entirely successful,
to the unfeigned dismay of Philip and his agents.1 This
combination of Protestants in England, Scotland, and
France, and probably also in Germany, was a most
threatening one for Philip's objects, especially in view
of the condition of his own Netherlands ; and yet his
hands were tied. He dared not raise a hand to make
French Mary Stuart Queen of Great Britain, although the
triumph of reform in Scotland and this combination of
Protestants struck at the very root of his objects and
his policy. To the cautious planning of Cecil almost
exclusively was owing the fact that in one year Philip
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i. 121,

1560] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 93
had been disarmed, and rendered impotent to injure
a Protestant England. The Spanish Bishop's only
remedy for it all was to plot with the extreme English
Catholics to kill Elizabeth, Dudley, and Cecil, and place
Catharine Grey or Darnley on the throne under Spanish
tutelage ; and he conspired ceaselessly with that object.
But his master knew better than he. The French, he
was aware, would fight to prevent such a result, as well
as the English, and neither he nor his coffers were in a
mood for fighting them then ; so he had to', stoop to
peaceful diplomacy, and tried to beat Cecil at his own
game. The Secretary had continued to answer firmly all
the Bishop's remonstrances and veiled threats, for he
knew Philip could not move ; and when it was decided
to send a special Flemish envoy to England to dissuade
the Queen from aiding the Scottish Protestants, the
Bishop almost scornfully told Feria that, if talking had
been of any good, he would have done it already.
" They would do more harm than good if they were only
coming to talk, for the English Catholics expect much
more than that." " Cecil," he says, " is the heart of the
business, and is determined to carry it through, until
they are ruined, as they will be." 1 In the meanwhile
(April 1560) the siege of Leith went on, notwithstanding
the attempts of the French to settle terms of peace in
London. Elizabeth would have nothing to do with any
peace that left a French man-at-arms in Scotland.
Philip's Flemish envoy, De Glajon, arrived in London
on the 5th April 1560, and was very coolly received by
Elizabeth.2 In Philip's name he exhorted her to abstain
from helping the Scottish rebels, and then threatened that
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 The drafts of De Glajon's letters to the Duchess of Parma, describing
his mission to England, are in B. M. Add. MSS. 28,173a, printed in Spanish
Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

94 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1560
if she did not come to terms with the French, Spanish
troops would be sent to reinforce the latter. She was
dignified, but alarmed at this, and sent Cecil on the
following day to discuss the question with De Glajon.1
After a conference, lasting five hours, in which Cecil
recited all the English complaints against France, and
pointed out the danger to Philip that would ensue upon
the French becoming masters of Scotland, he positively
assured the envoy that the English troops would not
be withdrawn from Scotland until their objects were
attained. The French Ambassador tried hard to draw
Philip's envoy into a joint hostile protest2 to Elizabeth ;
but the Spaniards knew that their master really did not
mean to fight, and declined to compromise him. They,
indeed, assured Cecil privately, that if Philip helped the
French, it would only be in the interests of Elizabeth
herself. Through all the negotiation Cecil's management was
most masterly. He had taken Philip's measure now,
and knew the powerless position in which English
diplomacy, aided by circumstances, had placed him.
The Guises had taken his measure too. As week fol
lowed week, and hope of help from him disappeared,
they saw that they must make such terms as they might
with Elizabeth. The French in Leith were heroically
holding out, though starving and hopeless ; no re
inforcements could be sent from France, for England
1 Although I can find no hint of such a thing in De Glajon's letters to the
Duchess of Parma, an entry in Cecil's diary seems to prove that Philip's
jealousy of France was now so keen as to have led him secretly to approve of
the English attack in Scotland. The entry in Cecil's own hand runs : " April
10, M. de Glason came and joined with the Bishop of Aquila to move the
revocation of the army out of Scotland, but Glason privately to my Lord
Admiral and me the Secretary counselled us to the contrary." There is in the
Record Office (printed in extenso by Forbes) a long Latin document in Cecil's
hand, being his reply or speech to the official representations of De Glajon
and the Bishop of Aquila.
2 The French protest is printed by Forbes.

1560] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 95
held the sea, and the Queen-mother and the reform
party would give no help to purely Guisan objects. So
at last, in May, Monluc, the Bishop of Valence, came
humbly to London and sued Elizabeth for peace, and
Cecil and Wotton, with Sir Henry Percy, Sir Ralph
Sadler, and Peter Carew, travelled to Scotland to meet
the French commissioners and settle the terms. Cecil
started on the 30th May, and at the different stages of
his journey he wrote letters to Sir William Petre.1 On
the 31st he writes from Royston : " in no apparent
doubt of health, yet by foulness of weather afraid to
ride to Huntingdon till to-morrow." On the 2nd June
his letter comes from his own house at Burghley,
" rubbing on between health and sickness, yet my heart
serveth me to get the mastery."
His energy, his command of detail, and his foresight
are remarkably shown in these letters. He spurs Petre
to do as evidently he himself would have done — to expe
dite everything necessary for the prosecution of the war,
though peace was in prospect ; " to quicken the Lord
Treasurer for money," and so forth. From Stamford
he went to Doncaster, Boroughbridge, Northallerton,
Newcastle, and so to Scotland, always vigilant, obser
vant, suggestive ; but in nearly every letter expressing
deep distrust of the French, whom he suspected of
treachery at every point. When they met in Edinburgh
his complaints are constant of their " cavilations " and
hairsplitting. "They may contend, however, about a
word," he says, " but I mean to have the victory."
Before the negotiations commenced, the Queen Regent,
Mary of Lorraine, died (nth June), and this, by per
plexing the French, somewhat facilitated an arrange
ment. The most difficult point was the use of the
English arms by Mary Stuart, and, on the ist July,
1 All in Hatfield Papers, part i.

96 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1560
Cecil wrote to the Queen that the negotiations had been
broken off on that point alone. After this was written,
but before it was despatched, Cecil proposed a "device," J
by the insertion of a " few fair words " ; and an arrange
ment was the result, which stands a triumphant vindica
tion of Cecil's policy.
The French troops were all to be withdrawn, Leith
and Dunbar to be razed, Mary abandoned her claim to
the English crown, and acknowledged Elizabeth ; and,
above all, Mary granted a constitution to her subjects,
which well-nigh annihilated the prerogative of her throne.
A Parliament was to be forthwith summoned, which
should have the power to declare or veto war or peace ;
during the sovereign's absence the country was to be
governed by a council of twelve persons to be chosen
out of twenty-four elected by Parliament, seven of the
twelve being chosen by the Queen, and five by Parlia
ment ; no foreigner was to hold any place of trust, nor
was an ecclesiastic to control the revenues ; a complete
indemnity was given for all past acts, civil and ecclesi
astical, and the question of religious toleration was to
be finally decided by Parliament.
Thus the Scottish-French question, which had been
a standing menace to England for centuries, was
settled by the statesmanship of Cecil ; and perhaps
through the whole of his great career no achievement
shows more clearly than this the consummate tact,
patience, firmness, moderation, and foresight that char
acterised his policy. Less than two years before Eng-
1 The "device" proposed by Cecil would appear to have been the clause
that if the article relative to the abandonment of the royal arms of England by
Mary and her husband was rejected by them, the point was to be submitted to
the arbitration of the King of Spain. Cecil's own draft of the clause is at
Hatfield (Papers, part i.). There is no doubt that Cecil was safe in making
this condition, as he must have known from his interview with De Glajon
what Philip's real sentiments were.

1560J THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 97
land under the patronage of Philip was forced to accept
a humiliating peace from France, and Spanish and French
agents had intrigued against each other as to which
of their two sovereigns should use prostrate, exhausted
England for his own objects. In two short years of
dexterous statesmanship England had turned the tables.
Not only had she with comparative ease effected a vast
domestic revolution, but she was conscious of the fact
that both of the great Continental rivals were impotent
to injure her, out of jealousy of each other, whilst her
own power for offence and defence had enormously
increased, and the knitting together of the reformers
throughout Europe had placed her at the head of a
confederacy which she could use as a balance against
her enemies.

CHAPTER V
1560-1561
The results achieved in so short a time after Elizabeth's
accession were due in a large measure to the modera
tion and prudence of Cecil's methods. The changes
which had been made attacked many interests, and ran
counter to many prejudices ; and the policy of Eliza
beth in retaining most of her sister's Councillors had
surrounded her with men who still clung to the old
faith and the traditions of the past. From the first the
Spanish and French Ambassadors had begun to bribe
the Councillors, and had respectively formed their parties
amongst those who immediately surrounded the Queen.
Elizabeth herself was fickle and unstable, yet obstinate
in the opinion of the moment. Her vanity often led
her into false and dangerous positions, and already
scandal was busy with her doings. She was easily
swayed by the opinions of others, yet fiercely resented
any attempt at dictation. Her feelings, moreover,
towards the French were by no means so antagonistic
as those of Cecil, and the cost of the war in Scotland
had caused her great annoyance. It will be seen, there
fore, that the task of her principal minister in carrying
out with safety a consistent national policy was an
extremely difficult one. More than once during the
Scotch war the French-Guisan party in Elizabeth's
court had, to Cecil's dismay, nearly persuaded the
Queen to suspend hostilities, whilst Philip's paid agents
in her Council were for ever whispering distrust of
98

i56o] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 99
Cecil and his religious reforms. Whilst the Howards,
Arundel, Paget, Mason, and the rest of the Philipians
— as the puritan Lord John Grey called them — were
denouncing the minister for his Protestant measures,
the hot zealots who had hurried back from Germany
and Switzerland, dreaming of the violent establishment
of an Anglican Church on the Genevan pattern, were
discontented at the slowness and tentative character of
the religious reforms adopted ; and Cecil's own friends,
like the Earl of Bedford, the Duchess of Suffolk, and
the Lord Admiral Clinton, were often impatient at his
moderation. To this must be added the unprincipled
influence of Dudley, who was ready to swear allegiance
to any cause, to serve his purpose of dominating the
Queen, a purpose which was naturally opposed by
Cecil as being dangerous to the national welfare. It
will thus be seen that the patient, strong minister was
surrounded by difficulties on every side ; and but for
the fact that none of his rivals were comparable with
him in ability and energy, Cecil must have shared the
usual fate of ministers, and have fallen before the attacks
of his enemies.
He returned from Scotland at the end of July, after
an absence of sixty-three days * and from a letter of the
Lord Treasurer (Winchester) to him soon afterwards
(24th August 1560), it is evident that his detractors had
been at work in his absence.2 The old Marquis loved to
1 Cecil was paid during his absence £4 per diem — ,£252 ; and for postage
with twenty-two horses from London to Edinburgh and back, £n"J.
2 That this would be the case was foreseen before he started from London
in May. Killigrew writes to Throgmorton (in France) on the day before
Cecil's departure, " who (Cecil), for his country's sake, hath been contented to
take the matter in hand. The worst hath been cast of his absens from hence
by his frendes, but at length jugged (judged) for the best. ... I know none
love their country better ; I wold the Quene's Majesty could love it so well "
(Throgmorton Papers, in extenso in Forbes).

ioo THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1560
stand well with all men, but his tendencies we know
now to have been " Philipian," and he wrote to the
Secretary : " In the meantime all good Councillors shall
have labor and dolor without reward ; wherein your
part is most of all mens ; for your charge and paynes be
farre above all oder mens, and your thanks and rewards
least and worst considered, and specially for that you
spend wholly of yourself, without your ordinary fee,
land, patent, gift, or ony thing, which must nedes dis
comfort you. And yett when your counsell is most for
her Majesties honour and profitt, the same hath got
hinderance by her weke creditt of you, and by back
councells ; and so long as that matter shall continue it
must needs be dangerous service and unthankful."
Less than three weeks after this letter was written, the
Bishop of Aquila went to Greenwich about the Austrian
match, which still dragged on, when, to his surprise,
the Queen told him flatly she had altered her mind,
and would not marry at all. The Bishop then sought
out Cecil, who, he knew, was now in semi-disgrace,
owing to the efforts of Dudley in his absence. The
Secretary was not in the habit of wearing his heart upon
his sleeve, and if he did so on this occasion to Philip's
minister, it may be concluded that it was from motives
of policy, which are not very far to seek. "After
exacting many pledges of strict secrecy, he said that
the Queen was conducting herself in such a way that
he thought of retiring. He said it was a bad sailor who
did not enter port if he could when he saw a storm
coming on, and he clearly foresaw the ruin of the realm
through Robert's intimacy with the Queen, who sur
rendered all affairs to him and meant to marry him.
He said he did not know how the country put up with
it, and he should ask leave to go home, though he
thought they would cast him into the Tower first. He

1560] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 10 1
ended by begging me in God's name to point out to the
Queen the effect of her misconduct, and persuade her
not to abandon business entirely, but to look to her
realm ; and then he repeated to me twice over that
Lord Robert would be better in Paradise than here." x
Afler this Cecil told the Ambassador that Dudley
" was thinking of killing his wife," which on the follow
ing day the Queen partly confirmed by mentioning
to the Bishop that she was " dead or nearly so." The
Bishop's comment upon this is, that " Cecil's disgrace
must have great effect, as he has many companions
in discontent, especially the Duke of Norfolk. . . .
Their quarrels cannot injure public business, as
nobody worse than Cecil can be at the head of affairs,
but the outcome of it all might be the imprisonment of
the Queen, and the proclamation of the Earl of Hun
tingdon 2 as King. He is a great heretic, and the French
forces might be used for him. Cecil says he is the real
heir of England, and all the heretics want him. I do
not like Cecil's great friendship with the Bishop of
Valence." Shortly after this was written, the tragic fate of Amy
Robsart was announced. For months past there had
been rumours of the intention of Dudley to have his
wife killed, in order that he might marry the Queen, and
as the date of Cecil's conversation with the Bishop is
not quite certain, it is possible that he may have spoken
with the knowledge that she was already dead. In any
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 The twentieth Earl of Huntingdon (Hastings) was the son of Catharine
Pole by the nineteenth Earl. He was consequently the grandson of Henry,
Lord Montacute, the eldest of the Poles, and great-great-grandson of George
Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, the younger brother of Edward IV. His
claim to the crown could only be made good by the failure or invalidation of
those of all the descendants of Henry VII. and Elizabeth of York, daughter
of Edward IV.

102 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
case, however, it is certain that, at this time, Cecil feared
that the Queen's passion for Dudley would bring about
the downfall of the edifice he had so laboriously built,
and he sought if possible to lay the foundation for his
future action. The friendship with the Guisan Bishop,
Monluc, was clearly a feint, as was also the idea that the
French would help Huntingdon to the detriment of their
own Queen Mary Stuart, but it would serve to arouse
the jealousy of the Spaniards, and would incline them to
Cecil's side to prevent it. Dudley had in Cecil's absence
gained most of the advanced Protestant party to his
side by his open championship of their ideas, and the
Secretary, finding himself distrusted by his friends, was
obliged to endeavour to discredit Dudley, to gain the
sympathy of the Spanish Bishop, and, through him, of
the " Philipians," who were already opposed to Dudley
as an upstart and a friend of France. Regarded in this
light, Cecil's unwonted frankness to the Spanish Ambas
sador is intelligible enough. If things went well with
the Queen, the " Philipians " could keep him in office,
and if disaster befell her, he dissociated himself from her
before the catastrophe, and made common cause with the
party which in such case would certainly be uppermost.
The danger, however, soon blew over, for Amy
Robsart's death caused so much scandal as to cover
Dudley with obloquy, and render him powerless for a
time, during which Cecil regained his influence. How
completely he did so is seen in Dudley's enigmatical
letter to him at the time when he was first feeling the
effect of the odium of his wife's death. The real mean
ing of the letter is not intelligible. Dudley had retired -
from court, probably to Wanstead, and had been visited
by Cecil, who was having close inquiry made into the
death of Lady Robert. He appears to have made some
friendly promise to Dudley, who is effusively grateful.

1 56 1] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 103
"The great frendshipp you have shewyd towards me I
shall not forgett. I pray you lett me hear from you
what you think best for me to doe ; if you doubt, I pray
you ask the question (of the Queen ?), for the sooner
you can advyse me the more I shall thank you. I am
sorry so sodden a chaunce shuld brede me so great a
change, for methinks I am here all this while as it were
in a dream." * Dudley's retirement and pretended dis
grace, to save appearances, did not last long ; and when
he came back to court he found Cecil in full favour
again.2 Whilst Lord Robert was away Cecil had extracted
a positive assurance from the Queen direct, that she
would not marry Dudley. Cecil had thereupon made
another attempt to revive the Archduke's negotiation,3
and at the same time had sounded the Spanish Ambas
sador about marrying Catharine Grey to a nominee of
Philip ; this being a prudent attempt to obtain a second
connecting link with Spain, now that the negotiations
with the Archduke had been worn nearly threadbare.
But the Spanish-Austrian family were not responsive.
They had been fooled more than once, and were deter
mined that Elizabeth should not lead them into a posi
tion compromising to their dignity ; but it was necessary
for those who had the welfare of England at heart to
take some steps which should render Dudley's hopes
unrealisable. The Protestant party in the Council, with
Cecil's acquiescence, again brought up the proposal of
the new King of Sweden, Eric XIV. He was an eager
suitor, and had been trying to gain a hearing at inter
vals since before Mary's death ; and in answer to
private messages from England, intimated his inten-
1 Hatfield Papers, in extenso in Haynes.
2 Bedford writes to Throgmorton, 16th March 1561, "Cecil is now more
than any other in special credit, and does all" (Foreign Calendar). The
Spanish Ambassador says the same.
3 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i. 177.

104 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
tion of coming himself to win his bride. The Pro
testants were overjoyed ; for this would have been an
ideal solution for them, especially now that the situation
had been unexpectedly changed by the death of the
young King of France, Mary Stuart's husband (5th
December 1560). This event, which took away much
of the Guises' power, and weakened Mary's connection
with France, now governed by her mother-in-law,
Catharine de Medici, who hated her, banished in a
large measure Philip's dread of her accession to the
English throne ; and the Catholics in England thought
they saw daylight ahead, if the Queen died childless.
It was natural, therefore, that the Protestants should
make a counter move, and actively revive the idea of
the Swedish match. It was equally to be expected that
when Dudley thus found himself without any party at
all but his personal friends, he should seek support in a
fresh quarter. He was without shame, scruple, or con
science. He had betrayed, or was ready to betray, every
person or cause that trusted him ; his sole object was to
force or cajole the Queen into marrying him, and he
grasped at any aid towards it. In January 1561 his brother-
in-law, Sir Henry Sidney, a Catholic, and a friend of
Spain, came to the Bishop of Aquila, and assured him that
Dudley was innocent of his wife's death, though public
opinion was universally against him. Sidney then went
on to say that, as Elizabeth's desire to marry Dudley was
evident, it was surprising that the Spanish party had not
helped him in his object, and thus gained his gratitude,
in return for which " he would hereafter serve and obey
your Majesty like one of your own vassals." The Bishop
was not eager, for he had been tricked before when the
Sidneys were the intermediaries ; but when Sidney
promised that if Dudley were aided to marry the Queen,
he would restore the Catholic religion in England, the

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 105
Churchman listened. He could be no party, of course,
he said, to a bargain about religion ; but if Dudley really
wished to repent in this way, he should be delighted.
The Queen acquiesced in the intrigue, and eagerly
listened to the Spaniard's advocacy of Dudley's suit,
though doubtless she did not know that her English
suitor had promised, in the event of his marriage, to
hand over the whole government to the King of Spain,
and fully restore the Catholic faith.1
As some earnest of the Queen's and Dudley's chas
tened hearts, the Bishop had urged that English pleni
potentiaries should be sent to the Council of Trent, and
the English bishops released who were imprisoned for
refusing the oath of supremacy. Dudley was willing to
promise that or anything else ; but in so important a
matter of State as the recognition of the Pope's Council,
the co-operation of Cecil was needed. He was, of course,
opposed to Dudley's suit, but had not interfered openly
to stop these negotiations, the Bishop says, in conse
quence of his having been bribed by the grant of some
emoluments enjoyed by Parry, who had recently died,
but more probably because he may really have been at
the bottom of these negotiations, and he knew that he
could checkmate Dudley more effectually, if necessary,
at a later stage.2 As we have seen, his opposition to
strong forces was rarely direct. He knew in this case
that the Queen would resent open thwarting from him ;
and that it would also have the effect of offending the
Catholics, and renewing the quarrel with Dudley and
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Cecil appears at this time to have satisfied himself that the Queen did
not mean to marry Dudley. He writes to Throgmorton, 4th April, saying
that the Queen was making the Swedish envoy Guldenstern very welcome.
" I see no small declensions from former dealings (i.e. with Dudley) ; at least
I find in her Majesty by divers speeches a determination not to marry one of
her subjects " (State Papers, Foreign).

106 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
his friends. So when he was consulted, he feigned to
welcome the project of sending English representatives
to the Council of Trent, and at once proceeded to kill it
with kindness.
The situation in England was an extremely critical
one. Much public dissatisfaction existed at the Queen's
questionable behaviour, and the Catholics, especially,
were greatly disturbed in consequence of the attitude
of Mary Stuart. The treaty of Edinburgh, the result
of so much thought and labour, had not been ratified
by Mary and her husband when the latter died ; and in
answer to requests on the part of the English Govern
ment, through Throgmorton and Sir Peter Mewtys,
that she would ratify it, Mary declined until she had by
her side some of her Scottish Councillors. The Scottish
Parliament had been summoned in accordance with the
treaty, before the latter had been accepted by the sove
reign, and consequently her refusal to ratify the treaty
raised a host of difficulties on all sides. It was felt univer
sally that Mary might well expect now the countenance
of Philip in her pretensions to the English crown, whilst
all that was Catholic in France looked to her uncles, the
Guises, as leaders. The combination was too strong for
Cecil to face directly, in addition to the Queen's caprice
and the factions of the English court, and his method of
dealing with the matter was characteristically prudent.
During the progress of Dudley's negotiations with the
Spaniard to bring back England to Catholicism, the
puritan Earl of Bedford was sent to France, ostensibly
to ask Mary again to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, and
to condole with her for the loss of her husband ; but his
real object was to bring about an understanding with the
Duke of Venddme,1 Coligny, and the French Protestants.
1 Anthony de Bourbon, titular King-Consort of Navarre, husband of
Jeanne d'Albret, and father of Henry IV. of France.

1 56 1] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 107
At the same time Randolph was entrusted with an im
portant message to the Protestant nobles of Scotland.
He was to tell them that the Protestant princes of Ger
many were firmly united ; that the French reformers
were now the stronger party ; that the Queen of Eng
land would stand by the Scots ; and to exhort them to
be true to the Protestant faith, no matter what efforts
might be made to move them. Randolph was also to
approach even Scottish Catholics, and point out what
a favourable opportunity now occurred, the Queen of
Scots being free of her French connection, to form a
close union between England and Scotland.1
But whilst this seed was germinating it was necessary
for Cecil to dally with the Catholics and " Philipians " in
England. He accordingly went (March 1561) to the
Spanish Ambassador with a message — secretly purporting
to come from the Queen, but ostensibly from himself — to
the effect that it would be a great favour to the Queen
"and a help to this business" if Philip would write her a
letter as soon as possible, " urging her, in the interests of
her country, to marry at once ; and, as she is disinclined
to marry a foreigner, he advises her to choose one of
her own subjects, who, in such case, would receive
Philip's friendship and support." Cecil affected to urge
this course very warmly upon the Bishop, who, however,
was wary, and insisted upon knowing definitely whether
the Queen herself had sent the message. The only
answer that Cecil would give was that it was not fair
to drive a modest maiden like the Queen up in a corner,
and make her personally responsible for steps leading
to her own marriage. But he told the Bishop that the
reason Philip's letter was necessary, was that the Queen
should submit it to a packed deputation of both Houses
of Parliament, so that her marriage with Dudley might, in
1 Hatfield Papers, part i.

108 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
appearance, have the sanction of her people. No course
so likely as this to frustrate the match could have been
devised, as Dudley himself saw, for he fell ill of vexa
tion ; but, as the Bishop says, he was faint-hearted, and
lacked ability and courage to break through the snares
that Cecil had spread for him. The Bishop divined the
plan very soon. " The deputation is being arranged,"
he says, " to suit him and the heretics, who have entire
control of the Queen. . . . She dares not go against
Cecil's advice, because she thinks that both sides would
then rise up against her.1
Cecil, " who," he says, " is entirely pledged to these
unhappy heresies, and is the leader of the business,"
tried on more than one occasion to draw the Spanish
Bishop into religious controversy — the Bishop thought,
with the object of discovering whether Dudley or the
Queen had gone further in their pledges than he had
been told. He suggested that the Pope should send
theologians to England to discuss religion with English
divines, but the Bishop would not hear of it. Then he
proposed that the Bishop himself should secretly meet
the Archbishop of Canterbury (Parker) and endeavour
to bring about a religious modus vivendi ; to which the
Spaniard replied, that if they were sincere in their desire
to agree, they had better begin with the main points of
difference, instead of discussing secondary points of
dogma.1 Cecil assured him that the Queen would send repre
sentatives to the Pope's Council, on condition that it
was held in a place satisfactory to other princes ; that
the Pope or his legate should preside over the Council,
not so as to infer that he was the ruler of it, but only the
president of its deliberations ; that questions of faith might
be decided by Holy Scripture, the consensus of divines,
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i.

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 109
and the decisions of early councils ; that the English
bishops should be recognised as equals of the rest ;
and other conditions of the same sort, which obviously
frustrated — as they were meant to do — all hope of the
religious compact, upon which Dudley's hopes were
ostensibly built. In the court, we are told, Cecil went
about saying that the Queen wished to send her envoys
to the Council, but that a Council could not judge ques
tions of faith, nor could the Pope, as of right, claim
to preside.1 On the one hand, he reprehended the
Bishop of Winchester (Horn) for preaching against the
authority of the Councils, and caused a meeting of
bishops to be called at Lambeth, to settle a profession
of faith to be sent to the Council ; whilst, on the other,
he told the Spaniard that if when the Pope wrote to
the Queen he did not give her her full titles of Queen
of England and Defender of the Faith, she would not
receive his letters. Well might Quadra say : " I do not
know what to think of it all : these people are in such
a confusion that they confound me as well. Cecil is a
very great heretic, but he is neither foolish nor false,
and he professes to treat me very frankly. He has
conceded to me these three points, which I consider
of the utmost importance, however much he may twist
them to the other side." Whoever else may have been
confused, we may be certain that Cecil knew what he
was about, for he completely hoodwinked and concili
ated the Spanish Bishop and the Catholics until his new
combination was consolidated.2 The English Catholics
were more leniently treated ; and the Queen and
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Throgmorton, a zealous Protestant, who was in France, and, of course,
not behind the scenes in London, appears to have been seriously alarmed, and
to have thought that Cecil was really about to change his religion. He wrote
(29th April) almost vehemently exhorting him not to ruin the country by doing
so (Foreign Calendar).

no THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
court were almost inconveniently friendly with Quadra,
who was obliged to whisper to his friends that it was
all make-believe. He said more truly than he thought
at the time. At the end of April, Cecil's arrange
ments were complete, and the mask could be dropped
safely. At the instance of Randolph the Scottish Lords of the
Congregation had commissioned James Stuart, Mary's
natural brother, afterwards Earl of Murray, who was
already in English pay, to visit his sister in France, and
influence her to return to Scotland pledged to the treaty
of Edinburgh, and to place herself in the hands of the
Protestant party. For the moment the Guises in France
were in disgrace, and plotting for their own advance
ment, so that it suited them to appear to acquiesce in
an arrangement which promised that their niece should
take possession of her kingdom without disturbance.
James Stuart, carefully coached by Throgmorton, went
back to London with the assurance that all was well.1
Mundt, in Germany, had drawn the league closer between
England and the Princes ; Bedford in France had com
pleted a cordial arrangement with Vend6me, Coligny,
and the Protestants ; Philip's Netherlands were in seething
1 When Throgmorton first heard that James Stuart was on his way to
France he was in great alarm. He was sure that he would be bought over
by Mary and the Catholic party, who intended to obtain for him a Cardinal's
hat. Throgmorton thought that no prominent or powerful Scotsman should
come to France for fear of his falling under the influence of the anti-English
party. But Cecil saw young Stuart on his way and satisfied himself that
he might be trusted ; and when Stuart returned to Paris from Rheims on
his way home, Throgmorton was almost extravagant in his praise of him, and
regarded him as firmly wedded to English interests, as indeed he was. Mary,
on the advice of Cardinal Lorraine, refused to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh
until she arrived in Scotland ; but she consented to hand over the government
of her realm to James and his friends until her return. She promised to send
after him patents under her great seal constituting him Regent, but this she
failed to do. Nevertheless he went back to Scotland with practically a free
hand, pending the Queen's arrival in her realm. (Foreign Calendar.)

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY in
discontent, his coffers were empty and he was in a death
grapple with the Turk for the mastery of the Mediter
ranean. There was nothing for England to fear, there
fore. Circumstances and Cecil's diplomacy had placed
once more all the cards into his hands, and again he
could go forward on a straight course.
The pretext for a change was given by the secret pres
ence of a papal nuncio in Ireland. English Catholics
were suddenly proceeded against all over the country for
attending mass. Sir Edward Waldegrave and other ex-
members of Mary's Council were thrown into the Tower ;
the Pope's legate, who was hurrying with all sorts of con
cessions, and an invitation to Elizabeth to send envoys
to the Council of Trent, was refused admittance into
England ; and the old Bishop of Aquila found once
more that Cecil had outwitted him. There were no
more conciliatory religious discussions or amiable atten
tions; on the contrary, the Ambassador, to his intense
indignation, was accused of taking part in plots against
the Queen, and found himself slighted on all sides. A
great outcry took place that a conspiracy of Catholics
had been discovered to poison the Queen, the rumour
in all probability being part of the general plan to
weaken and discredit the Catholic party ; and Cecil
himself drew up a paper, still extant,1 urging her Majesty
not to place any apparel next her skin until it had been
carefully examined, that no perfume should be inhaled
by her which came from a stranger, that no food should
be consumed by her unless it was dressed by her own
cooks, that twice a week she should take some contra
pestum, that the back doors of her apartments should
be strictly guarded, and so forth. Whether Cecil was
really apprehensive of danger to the Queen at the time
is uncertain ; but this general change of attitude towards
, 1 Hatfield State Papers, in extenso in Haynes.

112 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
the Catholics in less than four months suspiciously
coincided with the successful consolidation of the Pro
testants throughout Europe, and the paralysation for
harm both of Spain and France in the matter of Mary
Stuart. How far Dudley was sincere in his approaches to the
Catholics on this occasion may be doubted. He would
have been willing, of course, to have paid any price — or
rather have made his country pay any price — for his
marriage with the Queen ; but there are circumstances
which tend to the belief that he and Cecil, for once, had
joined their forces, Cecil probably promising his support
to Dudley's suit in exchange for this clever " entertain
ing" of Spain and the Catholics until the Protestant
coalition was formed. In any case, Dudley was in no
wise cast down at the rupture of the negotiations, but
remained on excellent terms with Cecil, and flirted with
the Queen more furiously than ever. In the meanwhile
the King of Sweden had made all preparations for visit
ing England. The extreme Protestant party had con
tinued to encourage him during the time that the Queen,
Cecil, and Dudley were lulling the Catholics ; but now
that the Catholic mask had been dropped, Eric's visit
was very inconvenient to the Queen. Mary Stuart was
a widow, and every court in Europe was intriguing for
her marriage.1 Elizabeth knew that if she was forced
into a marriage with the King of Sweden, Mary would
1 For months Throgmorton's spectre was that Mary might marry Philip's
only son, Don Carlos, which, he pointed out to Cecil, would inevitably ruin
England and Protestantism. It may be doubted whether Cardinal Lorraine
had reached this point yet ; though, as will be told, it was broached later from
another quarter. It is more likely that at this time — the early summer of
1561 — the Cardinal's view was to marry his niece to the Archduke Charles,
Elizabeth's former suitor, which would have greatly strengthened the Catholics
of Germany and the House of Lorraine. The English Catholics at the same
time, at the instigation of the Countess of Lennox, were anxiously advocating
a marriage between her son, Lord Darnley, and his cousin, Mary Stuart.

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 113
immediately be wedded to a nominee of Philip, for which
object Cardinal Lorraine was already planning. Eric
was therefore refused a passport into England ; x the
Lord Mayor was ordered to suppress the prints which
had been scattered by the Protestants, representing Eliza
beth and Eric XIV. together (July 1561),2 and the em
barrassment of the Swede's advances was postponed
until a more convenient season.
The English Catholics were naturally losing heart.
They had looked in vain for help from Philip ever
since the Queen's accession. The war party in the
Spanish King's councils had ceaselessly urged him to
overturn Elizabeth and the "heretics" before their
power was consolidated. Feria and his successor
the Bishop had done their best to keep alive the
hopes of Elizabeth's enemies in England ; but as year
followed year and leaden-footed Philip moved not the
English Catholics began to cast their eyes elsewhere.
Mary Stuart arrived in Scotland (19th August 1561)
surrounded by her Lorraine kinsmen. Elizabeth now
thoroughly distrusted her, for she saw that she was her
match in dissimulation, at all events, and made some
show of intercepting her on the voyage ; 3 but her Scottish
subjects of all faiths were ready to welcome the young
half-foreign Queen from whom they hoped so much.
The country was practically in a condition of anarchy ;
but the administration, such as it was, was in the hands
of the reform party under Maitland and James Stuart.
Although herself devoutly following the Catholic faith —
to the disgust of the predominant party — the Queen soon
after her arrival confirmed the free exercise of the Pro
testant worship, and for a time both she and her minis-
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Hatfield Papers, part i.
3 Throgmorton to Elizabeth, 26th July, in Cabala. H

n4 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
ters were popular. To the north, therefore, the English
Catholic party now cast their eyes. Catharine Grey had
recently contracted a doubtful marriage with the eldest
son (Hertford) of the Protector Somerset, and was out
of the question as a Catholic candidate; but Mary Stuart's
claim to the English throne was in many respects better
than that of Elizabeth herself. Lady Margaret Lennox,
too, was busy in the north of England, where the popula
tion was mainly Catholic, plotting for the marriage of
her son and the subsequent raising of the country in the
interests of Mary and a Catholic England.
In the meanwhile Elizabeth was somewhat roughly
demanding to know why Mary delayed the ratification of
the treaty of Edinburgh, and jealously watching for any
signs of matrimonial negotiations to her detriment. The
Earl of Arran, Elizabeth's candidate for Mary Stuart's
hand, was extremely unpopular with the Scottish people,
and soon became impossible as a consort for the Queen ;
and the carefully laid plans of Elizabeth and Cecil in
Scotland were seen to be at the mercy of a secret matri
monial intrigue, which might be sprung upon them at
any moment. Maitland of Lethington, Mary's Secretary
of State, ostensibly a Protestant, went to London 1 and
saw Cecil in September, in the hope of arranging matters.
He professed to be sanguine about the Arran marriage ;
but though bound to the English interest, he protested
more than once on his return, in letters to Cecil, upon
the pressure exerted upon his mistress to renounce her
English birthright, and even begged the Secretary to
furnish him with a draft of a reply for Mary to send
which he thought might satisfy Elizabeth. Whilst Lord
James, Maitland, and Cecil were trying to conciliate and
calm matters, the zealot Knox and his like were clamour-
1 For Maitland's interviews with the Queen, see Hayward (Camden
Society).

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 115
ing for extreme measures and embittering spirits on both
sides. Cecil in vain counselled Knox to be moderate ;
the reply1 reproaches him for "swimming betwixt two
waters," and throws all the blame for the troubles on
moderate statesmen like Lord James and Lethington,
"whose mistaken forbearance and gentleness" he de
nounces. The young Queen, he says, will never be of
" our opinion, and in very deed her whole proceedings
do declare that the Cardinal's lessons are so deeply
imprinted on her heart, that they . , . are like to perish
together. ... In communication with her I espied such
craft as I have not found in such age."
This opinion must only be accepted as that of a
bitterly severe man on one whose position was as difficult
as can well be conceived. English Catholics, Mary knew,
now looked to her as their only hope. She was a daughter
of kings, brought up in a deep school of statecraft, and
was determined to resist the demanded renunciation
of her birthright in England at the bidding of a rival.
Her letter to Elizabeth (5th January 1562) x explains
why she declined to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh,
pathetically pleads that the clause in the treaty renounc
ing her rights to the English succession was agreed to
without her authority, and she appeals to the generosity
of so near a cousin not to make her a stranger to her
own blood. She will, she says, make a new treaty on
Elizabeth's own terms, if her rights to succeed, failing
Elizabeth's issue, are not prejudiced. But on this
point Elizabeth would never give way. As we have seen,
it was the keynote of Cecil's policy all his life to secure
England from the presence of a probable enemy on
the Scottish border, and this question of Mary's claim
to the English succession, especially with her marriage
still undecided, touched the heart of the whole matter.
1 Hatfield Papers, part. i.

n6 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
It was evident, moreover, that at this juncture the great
trial of arms between the Catholics and Protestants
throughout Europe was at hand. The war of religion
was already looming near in France and Flanders,
papal emissaries had incited armed revolt in Ireland
against the Queen's Protestant measures, and English
Catholics were in a dangerous state of ferment.1 It
was therefore of the most vital interest, not only to
England and Elizabeth, but to the reform party through
out Europe, that no advantage should be given in
Scotland to vigilant enemies, who, by the control of
that country, would have been enabled to ruin the
acknowledged head of the Protestant confederacy. It
is the fashion to accuse Elizabeth and Cecil of unprin
cipled rancour against Mary Stuart. Generosity and
magnanimity, it may be conceded, were not conspicuous
characteristics of either of them. But before judging
too harshly, it should be considered that their lives, the
freedom and independence of England, and the fate
of the reformed religion depended almost inevitably
upon the course of events in Scotland, and both Eliza
beth and her minister would have been false to their
trust if they had not availed themselves of all the means
which circumstances and the feeling of the times placed
in their hands to prevent Mary Stuart and her country
from precipitating their downfall.
Cecil's position in London also was surrounded with
difficulties. The Catholics, even those about the Queen,
1 Lady Margaret, and. the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland,
with the Duke of Norfolk, were summoned to London, whilst the Earl of
Arundel was obliged to absent himself from court (November 1561), and the
students of the University were in a condition of revolt at the attempt to
reform the worship in the college chapels. " The whole place," said the
Mayor of Oxford, " was of the same opinion (i.e. Catholic), and there were
not three houses in it that were not filled with papists," " whereat the Council
were far from pleased, and told the Mayor to take care not to say such things
elsewhere" (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.).

1561] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 117
were busy, and reports of plans for poisoning Elizabeth
continued without cessation. Everything, great and
small, had to be done by Cecil. " He has," writes the
Bishop of Aquila, " absolutely taken possession of the
Queen and Council, but he is so perplexed and un
popular that I do not know how he will be able to
stand if there are any disturbances."1 The Queen,
moreover, fell ill : " she is falling away and is extremely
thin, and the colour of a corpse." The sorely tried
Secretary, bearing upon his shoulders everybody's
burden, frequently sick himself,2 but working early
and late, endeavouring to keep a middle course whilst
holding to his policy, naturally aroused no enthusiasm.
Extreme men of all parties cavilled at his methods ;
only the Queen grew in her trust of him, for she at
least understood, as perhaps no other person did, that
he was almost the only person near her who was not
bribed. The city and the trading classes, however, by
this time had seen the good results of his commercial
and fiscal policy. From the first days of the reign he
had set about reforming the currency, and he enters
in his diary for 29th May of this year (1561) a stater
ment which shows that his labours at last bore fruit.
" Base monies decried and fine silver coined," he writes ;
and in November a proclamation was issued that Spanish
gold and silver money, which during the debasement of
English coin had been a favourite form of currency,
should no longer be allowed, but should be taken to the
Queen's mint for exchange into English coin. "The
Queen," grumbles the Spanish Ambassador, " makes a
profit on it, as she did with the other money she called
in." No doubt she did, but the new pure coinage
1 Quadra to the King, 13th September 1561 (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth).
2 The Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield frequently mentions attacks of illness
about this time, " fitts of ague," or gout, fever, and so on.

118 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
placed English merchants at an immense advantage in
trading abroad, and they thanked Cecil for it.1 "There
hath," says Camden, "been better and purer money in
England than was seen in two hundred years before,
or hath been elsewhere in use throughout Europe."
Nor was this all. Shipbuilding under subsidy had
progressed very rapidly, and English commerce was
penetrating into regions hitherto unapproached.2 The
Hawkinses had already shown the way to the West
Coast of Africa, but the Portuguese had so far success
fully resisted the establishment of a regular trade. English
ships, however, now found their way down to Elmina,
on the Gold Coast, with frequency distressing to the
Portuguese ; whilst English and Scotch privateers, and
pirates who called themselves such, preyed almost un
checked upon Spanish and Flemish small craft about the
Channel. Against both of these grievances the Spanish
and Portuguese ministers complained often and bitterly.
Throughout his life Cecil set his face against piracy in
all its forms, as being inimical to legitimate trade, and
at his instance five of the Queen's ships were fitted out
(1561) for the purpose of suppressing the corsairs ; but
to the other complaint he turned a very different face.
A syndicate had been formed, in which Dudley,
Wynter (Master of the Ordnance), Gonson (Controller
of the Navy), Sir William Garrard, and probably the
Queen herself, had shares, to send out a strong ex-
1 At first the difficulty of obtaining the new coins caused some incon
venience, and several of Elizabeth's Councillors were in favour (1562) of a
fresh debasement of the coinage. By Cecil's and Paget's efforts, however,
this was avoided, as it was feared that such a measure would cause dis
turbance. For the first year or two the demand was so great for the new
money that the supply was quite inadequate to the demand, but the people
greatly resented the idea of a fresh debasement.
2 As early as 1555, in the reign of Mary, Cecil had been one of the
original promoters and shareholders of the Russia Company, but he always
steadily refused to share in privateering.

i56i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 119
pedition to establish a permanent trading-station on
the Gold Coast.1 There were to be at least four ships,
one of which, the Mignon, belonged to the Queen.
Protests and remonstrances from Portuguese and
Spaniards were freely made to Cecil, who replied
they could not prevent merchants from going to trade
where they thought fit. When the Bishop of Aquila
pressed him further, he answered, "that the Pope
had no right to partition the world and to give and
take kingdoms. . . . This idea is the real reason which
moved them to oppose the legality of our denuncia
tion of these expeditions much more than any profit
they expect to get. . . . They think this navigation
business will be a good pretext for breaking the peace,
as your Majesty must needs uphold the Pope's autho
rity, against which, both here and in Germany, all will
join. I feigned not to understand Cecil's meaning,
and treated the matter as concerning the King of
Portugal only" (27th November 1561).2 A draft reply
in Cecil's hand to similar remonstrances from the
Portuguese Ambassador in April of the same year, is
1 The expedition and its object had first been suggested to Throgmorton
in Paris by an old Portuguese pilot, named Captain Melchior, who had
formerly lived for many years on the Sus coast and other parts of West
Africa. He had been a pensioner of Francis I. and Henry II., but on the
death of the latter, lost his pension. The King of Navarre (Anthony de
Bourbon) supported him for a time, and then sent him with his scheme to
Throgmorton, who referred him to Cecil. The expedition itself was unsuc
cessful, but was followed by others under the younger Hawkins, which estab
lished a lucrative trade in slaves and produce between Africa, the Spanish
Indies, and England. There is an interesting paper in the Record Office,
dated 27th May of the following year, 1562, when a Portuguese Ambassador
was in England remonstrating against the despatch of a new expedition to
Guinea. It is a full description of the coast by Martin Frobisher, who had
been for nine months a prisoner of the Portuguese at Elmina. He shows that
the Portuguese on the coast exercised no control outside of their forts, and
were so detested by the natives that Frobisher and other Englishmen were
employed as intermediaries.
2 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

120 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
still more dignified : " The Queen does not acknowledge
the right of the King of Portugal to forbid the subjects
of another prince from trading where they like, and
she will take care that her subjects are not worse treated
in the King of Portugal's dominions than his are in
hers."1 Amidst his manifold public anxieties Cecil had to
bear his share of private trouble. His notes in the Per
petual Calendar at Hatfield record the successive births
and deaths of two infant William Cecils, one at Cannon
Row in 1559, and the other at Wimbledon in 1561 ; but
at this period he had a daughter and a son living, by his
second wife. Thomas, his only son by his first marriage
with Mary Cheke, was now a young man of twenty,
and in order that he might receive the polish fitting
to the heir of a great personage, his father consulted
Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the Ambassador in Paris, in
the spring of 1561, with regard to sending him thither.
Cecil's own idea was to place him in the household of
Coligny, the Admiral of France, now one of the acknow
ledged leaders of the Protestant party ; but Throgmorton,
who foresaw, doubtless, the rapidly approaching civil
war, dissuaded him from this. " Though you have made
the best choice of any man in France, yet for some
respects I think the matter should be deferred." His
advice was that lodgings should be taken for young
Cecil near the embassy, where he might share the
Ambassador's table. The youth, he thought, should
be "taught to ride, play the lute, dance, play tennis,
and use such exercises as are noted ornaments of
courtiers." 2 A subsequent recommendation of Thomas
Windebank, the young man's governor, to the effect
that it would be well to accept Throgmorton's offer,
although Sir William Cecil was loth to trespass on his
1 Foreign State Papers. 2 Foreign State Papers.

is6i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 121
friend's hospitality, in order that the youth "might
learn to behave himself, not only at table, but other
wise, according to his estate,"1 leads us to the con
clusion that Thomas Cecil had thitherto not been an
apt scholar. Some of the details of Thomas's journey
are curious. In addition to Windebank he was accom
panied by two servants, and three geldings, which,
Throgmorton thought, might as well be sold, as he
could obtain others in Paris. The lodgings in Paris
for the party and horses would cost about ten sun-
crowns a month, and in addition to the money they
brought they should have a letter of credit for three
hundred crowns. Young Thomas had been to France
before by way of Calais,5 and on this occasion, that he
might see fresh country, he went by Rye, Dieppe, and
Rouen ; and the intention was that he should stay in
or near Paris for a year, and then proceed to Italy.
Windebank appears to have been unequal to his task,
and to have had no control over Thomas. In vain
Sir William pressed both his son and Windebank to
send him an account of their expenses, and from the
first it is seen that the father was misgiving and anxious.
Cecil was a reserved man, full of public affairs ; but this
correspondence 3 proves that he was also a man of deep
family affection, and, above all, that he regarded with
horror the idea that any scandal should attach to his
honoured name. In his first letter to his son, 14th July
1561, after the arrival of the latter in Paris, he strikes
the note of distrust. "He wishes him God's blessing,
but how he inclines himself to deserve it he knows not"
None of his son's three letters, he complains, makes
1 Foreign State Papers.
2 In 1559 Throgmorton speaks of the youth at that period as being of
great promise — unfortunately unfulfilled.
3 Foreign Calendar.

122 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1561
any mention of the expense he is incurring. He urges
him at once to begin to translate French ; and then
says, " Fare ye well. Write every time somewhat to my
wife." To Windebank the anxious father is more out
spoken. How are they spending their time, he asks,
and heartily prays that Thomas may serve God with
fear and reverence. But Thomas seems to have done
nothing of the sort ; for, in nearly every letter, Winde
bank urges Sir William to repeat his injunctions about
prayer to his son. But the scapegrace paid little heed.
As soon as they arrived in Paris, Thomas sold his
horse for forty crowns, and kept the money for his own
spending. Throgmorton was soon tired of him, and
advised that he should be sent to Orleans or elsewhere,
away from the heat and distractions of Paris ; but Thomas
was well satisfied where he was. " Of study there is
little or nothing yet," he coolly writes to his father,
after he had been in Paris for a month. They were
still sight-seeing, and he grows almost eloquent in his
description of a fight he had seen at court between
a lion and three dogs, in which the latter were victo
rious. They lodged in the house of a gentleman, "a
courtier and learned, but of indifferent good religion,"
to whom they paid three hundred crowns a month for
board and lodging ; but this was not by any means all
the expense. The heir spent .£20 for his winter clothes ;
he must have a fashionable footcloth for his riding nag.
The horses, too, were expensive, and Sir William com
plained. All gentlemen of estimation here ride, writes
Windebank, and if he follow not the manner of the
country, he will be less considered : " if all gentlemen
ride, it is not meet for Mr. Thomas to go afoot."
The father was accompanying the Queen during the
autumn on her progress through Essex, and writes from
various country-houses to his son and Windebank, beg-

1562] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 123
ging the former to study, to pray, to avoid ill company,
to take heed of surfeits, late suppers, prodigality, and
the like ; but apparently to no effect. Thomas wrote
rarely and badly, his French did not improve, and he
still failed to write to his learned step-mother, greatly to
his father's anger. At length he fell seriously ill, and
promised amendment, which for a time seemed hopeful.
Through all the father's anxiety his master passions
for books, heraldry, and gardening are discernible, as
well as his pride of race. He constantly orders
Windebank to send him stated books, and to keep
on the look-out for new plants, or good gardeners,
that may be sent to England. In September he re
quests that some booksellers' catalogues may be for
warded, that he may select some books to " garnish "
his library. He was anxious that his son should study
the genealogy and alliances of noble French families,
and prays that a herald may be engaged to in
struct him. But Thomas soon relapsed, and rumour
of his ill-behaviour reached Sir William, not at first
from Windebank. In March 1562 an angry and indig
nant letter went from Cecil to his son, reproaching
him for his bad conduct. There was no amendment,
he said, and all who came from Pari? gave him the
character of "a dissolute, slothful, negligent, and
careless young man," and the letter is signed, "Your
father of an unworthy son." A week later, 2nd April,
Cecil wrote a characteristic and affecting letter to
Windebank, which deserves to be quoted nearly in full,
for it shows us the man more clearly than reams of
State papers. " Windebank," it runs, " I am here used
to pains and troubles, but none creep so near my heart
as doth this of my lewd son. I am perplexed what to
think. The shame that I shall receive to have so un
ruled a son grieveth me more than if I had lost him

124 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1562
in honest death. Good Windebank, consult my dear
friend Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, to whom I have re
ferred the whole. I could be best content that he would
commit him secretly to some sharp prison. If this shall
not seem good, yet would I rather have him sent away
to Strasburg if possible, or to Lorraine, for my grief will
grow double to see him before some sort of amends.
If none of these will serve, then bring him home and
I shall receive that which it pleaseth God to lay on my
shoulders ; that is, in the midst of my business, for
comfort a daily torment. If ye shall come home with
him, to cover the shame, let it appear to be by reason
of the troubles there.1 I rather desire to have this
summer spent, though it were but to be absent from my
sight. I am so troubled as well, what to write I know
not." Windebank had been protesting for some time his
own unfitness — which was obvious — and sending hints
of the ill-conduct of his charge, who had borrowed
money on the credit of others, and scandalised his
friends by his dissoluteness ; but at last the long-suffer
ing tutor rebelled, and wrote, 26th April, to Cecil, " I
have forborne to write plainly, but now I am clean out
of hope, and am forced to do so. Sir, I see that Mr.
Thomas has utterly no mind nor disposition to apply
to any learning ; being carried away by other affections
that rule him, so that it maketh him forget his duty in
all things ; " and with this Windebank resigns his charge,
for Thomas had openly defied him ; advocates his im
mediate recall if the war in France will allow him to
come, or otherwise that he should be sent to Flanders.
But Windebank himself had had enough of Thomas
Cecil, and refused to accompany him further.
This instructive correspondence helps us to see
1 The first war of religion in France.

1J62] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 125
that, beyond even his wounded paternal affection, Sir
William Cecil's deepest feeling was sensitiveness to the
opinion of the world about him. That his son should
be unworthy touched him to the quick ; but that the
world should see any shame or reproach resting upon
the heir of his house and name, was unendurable agony
to one whose main social aims were to trace an ancient
ancestry and head a noble posterity.

CHAPTER VI
1562-1564
The abortive conspiracy of the Hamiltons in the spring
of 1562, and Arran's madness, finally proved the hope
lessness of his suit for Mary's hand, and Lord James and
Maitland had now abandoned him. Both of those states
men, in union with Cecil, still strove to hold the balance
evenly, and to avoid religious strife in, the country, in the
hope that if the Scottish Queen marriea a nominee of
England, Elizabeth would eventually recognise her as the
heiress to the English throne. But the agitation of the
English Catholics, and the attempts of Darnley's mother
to force matters, had rendered the position extremely
difficult, and Cecil was busy unravelling plots real and
imaginary. The visit of a Swedish Ambassador to Scot
land on a matrimonial mission had caused a sudden scare
in London ; but Mary's prompt dismissal of him, and
her continued amiable letters to Elizabeth, had somewhat
disarmed suspicion against her personally. Her uncle
the Marquis d'Elbceuf was splendidly entertained in
the English court on his way home to France, and
negotiations were set on foot for a visit of Mary to the
north of England in the summer, for the purpose of an
interview with the English Queen. But withal Cecil
was ill at ease, for the Guises and the Catholics of
France were now in arms,1 and it was impossible to
see how the great struggle of the faith would end. If
1 The massacre of Vassy, which began the civil war, took place on the
ist March 1562.

1 562] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 127
the Guises finally captured the government of France,
then England must accept Philip's terms for a Spanish
alliance, or be inevitably ruined. But for the present it
was the policy of Elizabeth and Cecil to keep a tight
rein on the Catholics in England,1 and encourage Cond^
and Coligny in France.2
The Bishop of Aquila had been growing more and
more discontented in his palace in the Strand (Durham
Place). He had no counsels to give to his master now
but those of violence, for he had been outwitted too
often to believe in the interested professions of any
party in Elizabeth's court. But the emissaries of the
discontented Catholics, the servants of turbulent Lady
Margaret Lennox^ Shan O'Neil, and his train of wild
gallowglasses— all those who hated Elizabeth and Pro
testantism — found in the old Bishop an eager listener to
their whispered treason. Cecil knew all this, for his
spies were everywhere. That the Bishop was up to mis
chief was clear ; but yet Cecil did not know whether he
was hatching any plot in connection with Mary Stuart's
marriage ; and that was the main point of danger for
the present. The Queen of Scots, it is true, had more
than once expressed to Randolph, the English Ambas
sador, her disapproval of the attitude of her uncles in
France. If she wished to keep friendly with her own
ministers and the English Queen, indeed, it was neces
sary for her to do so ; but her powers of dissimula
tion were known ; the religious struggle had drawn
the Guises nearer to Philip ; and the Queen-mother,
herself alarmed at the rising power and warlike atti
tude of princes of the blood, like Navarre and Conde,
1 See Grindall's long list of recusants in prison, in hiding, and in exile at
the end of 1561 (Domestic Calendar).
2 See Sidney and Throgmorton's letters to Cecil (Foreign Calendar, May
1562).

128 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1562
was once more turning to her Spanish son-in-law and
the Catholics. A Catholic plot combining the Guises,
Philip, Mary Stuart, and Catharine de Medici, would be
threatening indeed, and it behoved Cecil to be watchful.1
As Durham House had only been lent to the Spanish
Ambassador by the Queen, Cecil had appointed the
English gatekeeper at the gate in the Strand, and
from him learnt of those who went in and out, even by
the river stairs. But this was not enough. At the end
of April he contrived to buy over an Italian secretary of
the Bishop, a man named Borghese Venturini, from
whom he obtained particulars of the Ambassador's
letters.2 They abounded with treasonable suggestions,
dark hints at conspiracy, and vituperation of the Queen
and Cecil, but they disclosed no deep-laid plot of Spain.
Cecil nevertheless was not satisfied, and kept on the watch.
The Prince of Conde" and the Protestants were now
in array against the Guises, and Catharine de Medici
was in the power of the latter. Both sides had striven to
obtain the help of the German Protestant princes, but, in
a great measure due to Cecil's foresight, their sympathies
1 Almost every letter from Throgmorton to Cecil at this juncture sounds
the note of alarm at the possibility of such a combination. A Portuguese
Ambassador had recently been sent to England, once more to remonstrate
about the English trade with Guinea (as fruitlessly) as in the previous year).
He lodged with the Bishop of Aquila at Durham Place, and Throgmorton was
confident that the real object of his mission was to perfect the arrangement of
a Catholic rising in England in conjunction with Mary Stuart, the Guises,
and Philip. The fears, however, were perfectly groundless as yet so far as
regarded Philip. He was in no hurry to help the Guises until he had them
pledged body and soul, and had crushed reform in his own Netherlands. But
of course Cecil was unable to penetrate Philip's policy so well as we can, with
all his most private correspondence before us. It is worthy of mention that
D'Antas, the Portuguese Ambassador above referred to, offered Cecil a regular
pension from his sovereign if he would look favourably upon his interests.
Cecil's reply is not forthcoming ; but the offer cannot have been accepted, for
the Secretary never varied in his assertion of the right of English merchants
to trade on the West African and Brazilian coasts,
2 See statements of Borghese Venturini (State Papers, Foreign).

1562] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 129
were on the side of Conde. Cecil laboured incessantly,
but against many difficulties, for the Queen was anxious
to avoid the cost and risk of pledging herself too deeply.
In an important letter to Throgmorton, 16th July 1562,
he thus lays bare his plans and his obstacles : " Our
thynges here depend so upon those matters ther (i.e. in
France) that yow shall well ynough judg thereof with
out advertisement. This hardness here will indanger
all, I feare. Sir Thomas Wroth, I trust, shall into Ger
many with spede : my device is to sollicite them, and to
offer a contribution for an army to enter France. . . .
Good Mr. Throgmorton, omitt not now to advertise us
from time to time, for this Bishop of Aquila letteth not
weekly to forge new devices. . . . Continue your wryt-
ing to putt the Quene's Majesty in remembrance of her
peril if the Guisans prosper. And so, being overweryed
with care, I end." 1
There is another document of the same period in
Cecil's hand, which also shows how earnestly he tried to
combat the peril, and make the Queen and Council
understand it. It is a memorial setting forth "the
perills growing uppon the overthrow of the Prince of
Conde's cause,"2 and points out that if Conde be allowed
to fall, the Guises would be supreme in France, " and to
maynteane their faction they will pleasure the King of
Spayne all that they maye. Hereupon shall follow a
complott betwixt them twoo . . . the King of Spayne to
unhable the house of Navarre for ever clayming the
Kingdom of Navarre ; and the house of Guise to pro
mote their niece the Queen of Scotts to the crown of
England. For doing thereof twoo thyngs principally
will be attempted : the marriage of the sayd Queen with
the Prince of Spayne, and the realme of Ireland to be
1 Throgmorton Papers ; in extenso in Forbes.
2 State Papers, Foreign ; in extenso in Forbes.

130 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [.562
given in a paye to the King of Spayne." All English
Catholics, he continues, will be told to make ready, and
at a given moment rise ; the Council of Trent will con
demn all Protestants ; the Guises, Spain, and the Pope
will unite England and Scotland under Mary, and Pro
testantism will be undone. It will be, he says, too late
then to withstand it, " for it shall be lyke a great rock of
stone that is fallyng downe from the topp of a mountayn,
which when it is comming no force can stey."
Cecil's own efforts were unwearied and ubiquitous.
Randolph in Scotland, Throgmorton in France, Mundt
with the German princes, and Sir Peter Mewtys, and
afterwards Throgmorton with Conde, seconded him man
fully. Spies, and secret agents paid by him, were in
every court and every camp ; the prisons were crammed
with recusants ; the Earl of Lennox, Darnley's father,
was in the Tower ; his wife, Lady Margaret, was in
durance at Shene ; whilst her questionable words and
treasonable practices were being slowly unravelled by
informers,1 the English Catholic nobles were closely
watched, and for a month every line the Spanish Am
bassador wrote was secretly conveyed to Cecil by Bor
ghese. Once, early in May, the Bishop's courier, with
important letters for the Duchess of Parma, was stopped
two miles beyond Gravesend by pretended highwaymen,
who were really gentlemen (the brothers Cobham) in
Cecil's pay, and the man was detained whilst the letters
were sent to the Secretary to be deciphered and copied.
At last things came to a crisis, the old Ambassador dis
covered that Borghese was the traitor,2 and the latter in
fear of his life, having fought with a fellow-servant, fled
to Cecil. The Bishop was in a towering rage, and com
plained bitterly to the Queen. She told him that if she
1 See the examinations in State Papers, Foreign, 1562.
2 Sir Henry Sidney divulged it to the Bishop.

1 562] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 131
suspected that anything was being written in her country
to her detriment, she should stop posts and examine
what she pleased ; and when he pleaded privilege, she
retorted, that he was not privileged to plot injury to her
in her own realm. In vain the Bishop protested that he
had not plotted, and railed against Cecil. He only had
Dudley on his side, and Dudley did not count for much
in a great emergency like this.1 The next day (23rd
May) Cecil wrote a dignified letter to the Ambassador.
He honours him as the King's Ambassador, he says,
reverences him as a bishop, and esteems him as a noble
man ; and he wishes to know in which capacity he com
plains of his acts. He, Cecil, is ready, as a son of no
mean ancestry, to justify himself to the Bishop in either
character ; but if the Bishop has " any evil opinion of
him, he will thank him to address him personally, and not
complain to others." The Bishop's reply was equally
stiff. He cannot approve of his, Cecil's, advice on public
matters, which has great weight with the Queen, but
that does not diminish his respect for him in his private
capacity.2 In vain the Bishop prayed his master to recall
him if he could not protect him against the insults to
which he was exposed ; in vain he tried to move Elizabeth,
by alternate flattery and threats, to restore Borghese to
him ; in vain he endeavoured to bribe his servant back
again, or to have him killed ; Cecil was ready for him
at every turn, and he could do no more than plot and
pray for vengeance in his private rooms at Durham
Place, whilst Cecil was examining informers against him
and the Queen was threatening him with expulsion.
In the meanwhile Mary Stuart was still on her good
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
3 Bitter as the Bishop was against Cecil's policy, which checkmated him
on every side, it is only fair to say that he usually speaks of his character with
great respect.

132 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1562
behaviour, in the hope that the statesmen's plan for an
agreement with Elizabeth on the basis of the recognition
by the latter of Mary's claim to the English succession
might eventually be adopted. Secretary Maitland of
Lethington was in London in the summer in the interests
of this plan, and for the purpose of arranging the much
talked-of meeting between the Queens. Mary was eager
for the interview, from which she expected much, and
Elizabeth, supported by Dudley, was also in favour of it.
But Cecil from the first looked coldly upon it, although,
as usual, his opposition to it was indirect and covert.
The whole of his policy at present turned upon support
ing the French Huguenots in arms, and ruining the
Guises ; and it is obvious that too close a friendship
between the Queens would have paralysed him in this
direction. The matter of the interview was dragged out
and talked about until the season became too late for it
to be held that year, and, greatly to Mary's disappoint
ment, it was postponed nominally until the following
summer. The intrigue to marry Mary to Darnley had
unquestionably gone far. It was warmly supported by
Catharine de Medici, who was, of course, against a
Spanish marriage ; by Lord James, as offering the best
prospect of peace and the English succession to his
sister ; and by Dudley, because it might furnish a pre
cedent for his own marriage with Elizabeth. The latter
affected to approve of it for a time ; but she dreaded the
union of the two strongest claimants to her succession,
and was never really in favour of it.
Slowly, but surely, Cecil's policy gained ground. To
cripple the Catholic party in France and destroy the
influence of the Guises, would render impossible that
which of all things he dreaded most, namely, a French
domination of Scotland in the interest of Catholicism.
With the ostensible object of suppressing piracy in the

iS6a] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 133
Channel, a considerable fleet was fitted out in the mouth
of the Humber, but with the real aim of carrying aid to
the Huguenots when an opportune moment arrived.
Protestant Germans and Switzers had flocked to Conde,
Dandelot and Coligny. Montgomerie held Rouen against
the Guises, and the Vidame de Chartres seized Havre de
Grace. An emissary came from the Vidame in July, to
offer this important port to the Queen of England as a
base from which to help the reformers. The offer was
a tempting one, for it might enable her to insist later upon
the restoration of Calais ; but Elizabeth was distrustful.1
Philip's sister, the Governess of the Netherlands, sent
a remonstrance, shocked at the very idea that a Queen
should send aid to rebels against their sovereign ; Catha
rine de Medici despatched Marshal Vielleville to threaten
Elizabeth with a national war both with France and Spain
if she sent assistance to Cond£ and those who were in
arms against the Government. But Philip's Netherlands
were now in almost open revolt, and though he made a
show of sending troops to help the French Catholics, it was
evident that he could not do much, and for the present
Elizabeth and Cecil could disregard him, knowing that
if the worst came to the worst, he would never allow
the French influence in England to become dominant.
On the 20th September, Elizabeth signed the treaty by
which she agreed to send a large sum of money and
6000 troops to France to aid Conde ; 3000 of which
were to hold Havre, and the rest to reinforce the
Huguenots in Dieppe and Rouen. Elizabeth, in a
proclamation drawn up by Cecil, swore that she took
this step for the defence of the French King, 2 and
1 Dudley wrote to Throgmorton (May 1562) that the Queen was favour
able lo Cond£ and the Huguenots, " but her Majestie seemeth very wareful in
too much open show towards them " (State Papers, Foreign).
2 In extenso in Forbes.

134 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1562
sent all sorts of reassuring messages to Catharine and
her son ; but the pregnant fact still remained, that civil
war in France was to be promoted by an English
army, and that the Queen of England had for the first
time openly assumed the position of leader of the Pro
testant faith throughout the world, in defiance of the
Governments both of France and Spain.
How great was the Queen's hesitation to the last at
assuming this vast responsibility is seen in a letter from
Cecil to his old friend, Sir Thomas Smith, who was sent
to replace Throgmorton as Ambassador to France (Sir
Nicholas remaining with Conde) only a week before the
English force actually sailed (22nd September 1562).
" When our men shall goo," he writes, " or whether they
shall goo or not, I cannot male certain. I mean to send
yow as soon as the fact is enter prised. . . . We begyn
to hear of towardness to accord, and then we shall
lose much labour." The troops sailed under Sir Adrian
Poynings on the 27th September, and were subsequently
commanded by the Earl of Warwick, Dudley's brother.
Suddenly, a few days afterwards, the Queen fell ill of
smallpox at Hampton Court, and for a time was like to
die. The confusion of the court was great, for the
succession was still undecided. Dudley and a consider
able party of his friends were openly, almost violently,
in favour of the Earl of Huntingdon ; whilst others
headed by Cecil were strongly desirous of follow
ing the will of Henry VIII., and adopting Catharine
Grey, The Catholics were divided, and advised the
examination of the question from a legal point of
view ; but whilst the dissensions were in progress,
the Queen unexpectedly rallied and the danger passed.
During her peril she had expressed the most extravagant
affection for Dudley, and begged the Council to appoint
him Protector; but with her recovery affairs assumed

1 562] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 135
their normal course, the only outcome of the illness being
the great strengthening of Dudley's influence, and his
appointment to the Council with the Duke of Norfolk.
The effect of Dudley's rise, which meant the temporary
decline of Cecil, was soon seen. The fall of Rouen and
Dieppe to the King caused the English contingent to be
concentrated at Havre, where a reinforcement of 2000
more men was reported to be required to hold the place.
The Queen began to look with alarm at her responsibility,
and the Council was prompt in throwing the blame upon
Cecil, who absented himself from the meetings on the
pretext of illness. Secret attempts were made also to
bring about a pacification between Conde, the Guises,
the Queen-mother and England, greatly to the disgust
of Throgmorton, who dreaded a close friendship with
the French as much as Cecil himself.
The negotiations with Catharine de Medici were con
ducted by Smith, and were based upon the restoration of
Calais to Elizabeth, the toleration of Protestantism in
France, and the assurance of the Guises that they would
not interfere in Scotland ; 1 but whilst they were in pro
gress the war followed its course. The King of Navarre
fell fighting before Rouen against his former friends, the
Protestants ; at the great battle of Dreux (19th December
1562), Conde, the Protestant chief, and Constable Mont-
morenci on the Catholic side, were taken prisoners, and
Coligny, with a mere remnant of his Protestants, alone
1 Smith sent a message to Throgmorton (21st November 1562) assuring
him that his peace negotiations with the Queen-mother and his friendship
with the Cardinal were not sincere, but only to "discover their minds." It is
hardly probable that this was the case ; although Smith, as a zealous Protes
tant, certainly did not anticipate the abandonment of the cause of the reformers.
Much less did he intend for England to be thrown over by both sides as she
was. In a letter to Cecil (17th December) he relates his indignant remon
strance to the Queen-mother when he heard that the Guisans in Paris had
issued a proclamation of war against Queen Elizabeth as an enemy of the
faith. (Letters in extenso in Forbes.)

136 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1563
kept the field. At the siege of Orleans (18th February
1563), Guise was assassinated, and a pacification then
became possible. Conde, away from honest Coligny and
La Noue, was but a weak vessel, as his brother Navarre
had been, and Catharine well knew how to manage such
men. All of Cecil's distrust of the French was justified,
and the shameful treaty of Amboise was signed (19th
March), leaving Elizabeth and the English in the lurch.
The moment that English policy escaped from the
capable hands of Cecil, to pass temporarily under the
lamentable influence of Dudley, disaster and failure were
the inevitable result.
The Queen could do no more than rail at Conde's
envoy, Briquemault, and call his master a lying scamp ;
pestilence and famine decimated the English garrison at
Havre, closely beleaguered by the French ; and in the
autumn of 1563 the force had to be withdrawn without
glory or material satisfaction. Before this happened, how
ever, cautious Cecil was gradually working affairs into his
own groove again. Dudley had continued to send amiable
messages to the Spanish Ambassador, whilst promoting an
agreement with the French Government, and had exer
cised his influence in favour of the release of Lennox
from the Tower ; the object being in both cases to curry
favour with the Catholics, and so to diminish Cecil's
power. As usual the Secretary's opposition was an in
direct one. His spies had kept him informed of the old
Spanish Bishop's continued correspondence with Shan
O'Neil ; of his having received and encouraged foolish
Arthur Pole in his treason, and having allowed English
people, against the law, to attend the embassy mass ; and
he watched and waited for an opportunity to demonstrate
to the Catholics the powerlessness of both the Bishop
and his master. He had not to wait long. One evening
at the beginning of January 1563, as the light was failing,

1563] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 137
a knot of idle hangers-on of the Bishop's household were
lounging at the great gate of Durham Place opening to
the Strand. An Italian Protestant captain, in the service
of the Vidame de Chartres, swaggered down the street
on his way to Whitehall, and from the Bishop's gateway
a lad shot a harquebuss at him, and missed him. The
captain whipped out his long rapier and pursued the
would-be murderer to the outer courtyard. The Bishop's
servants closed the gates against the pursuers, and the
assassin ran up shouting to the door of the chamber
where the Ambassador was playing cards with the
French Ambassador and a Guisan hostage, Nantouillet,
Provost, of Paris. A few hurried words of explanation
at the door — for the Guisan had paid the boy to do the
act — and the assassin was hurried down to the water
gate, where a boat was in waiting, and he was allowed to
escape, whilst his pursuers were thundering at the solid
gates of the inner court.
This was enough for Cecil. New locks were put
on the house gates, and the keys held by the " heretic
English gatekeeper." The Bishop could obtain no in
terview with the Queen, but was obliged to see Cecil
instead. Send me to jail, he indignantly pleaded, if
I have offended; but if nothing is proved against me,
as nothing can be, at least let me have free ingress
and egress from my own house. Cecil's reply was a
long indictment of the Bishop's whole proceedings. The
Ambassador, he said, was by the Queen's kindness living
in one of her houses, which had been turned into a hot
bed of conspiracies against her and a refuge for male
factors. The law of the land had been openly defied,
and the Queen desired the Ambassador to quit her
house. In vain the Bishop protested. One indignity
after another was placed upon him. The folks going
to mass in the embassy were haled off to prison as they

138 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1563
came out ; all the most private conversations between
the Ambassador and the English rebels were repeated to
him by Cecil ; he was confronted with the text of his most
secret despatches ; he was turned out of Durham House
with ignominy, and all he could do was to weep tears of
rage, and pray Philip to avenge him.1 But Philip's
hands were more than full in the Netherlands now,
as Cecil knew, for before the writing-table in the Secre
tary's room in Cecil House2 there stood a portrait of
Count Egmont,3 and Gresham's agents in Antwerp,
Bruges, and Brussels left no event unreported. The
blow to the Spanish Ambassador was cleverly planned
by Cecil. That the former had been futilely plotting, was
known, and it served as a good pretext for his disgrace ;
but the real reason for it was the need to prove to
Dudley and his friends, and to the discontented Catho
lics, that they were leaning on a broken reed when they
depended upon Spain to help them against the Secre
tary. The bankrupt, heartbroken old Bishop was a
good object-lesson. If his master could not pay his
debts or defend him from deliberate indignity, much
less could he help discontented Englishmen who only
had their own ends to serve.
Almost simultaneously with the Bishop's disgrace,
and also partly explaining it, another important move
was made. The second Parliament of Elizabeth was
opened on the 12th January 1563 by the Queen herself,
in great state. The speech of Lord Keeper Bacon dwelt
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Cecil had built for himself (1560) a splendid mansion in the Strand, on
the site of the present Exeter Hall, the grounds extending back to Covent
Garden. It was joined on the west by the Earl of Bedford's estate, for which
in a subsequent generation it was exchanged. Cecil appears to have continued
in the possession of his house at Westminster, adjoining Whitehall, no doubt
for business purposes.
3 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i,

1 56S] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 139
at length on the want of order and discipline in the
Anglican Church, the incompetency of many of the
ministers, and the want of uniformity in the services.1
Cecil himself was offered and refused the Speakership,
but to him has been attributed the authorship of the
harangue which the Speaker (Williams) addressed to the
Queen.2 The decay of schools and the poverty of bene
fices through lay impropriations is dwelt on at length in
this speech, and the completion of the reform of religion
and learning in the Queen's dominions advocated. Cecil
followed this with a speech denouncing the Queen's
enemies, the Guises and the Catholics, supported by the
countenance of Spain. The penalties for refusing the
oath of supremacy were greatly increased, the oath was
rendered obligatory upon every person holding any
sort of office, and other acts for insuring the progress
of Protestantism were made,* as well as large subsidies
granted. The Catholic lords, even the Lord Treasurer
(Winchester), were uneasy and apprehensive ; but they
dared not move, for Cecil and the Protestants had now
a firm grasp of affairs, and the Secretary was vehement
in Parliament in favour of the proposed ecclesiastical
measures. The Queen's embarrassments, he said, arose
entirely from her determination to resist the authority
of the Pope, who had bribed Spain, the Austrian and
German princes. She now stood alone, with the Catholic
world against her, but he exhorted all faithful subjects to
defend her with laws, life, and property.4 At the same
time, as the Parliament was sitting, Convocation as
sembled to settle the ritual and doctrine of the Church.
The articles were reformed and altered to thirty-nine,
1 Sir Simon D'Ewes' Journal. 2 Strype.
a The Bishop of Aquila, in giving an account of these measures, says, that
it would seem as if they were designed to mimic the Spanish Inquisition.
4 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

140 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1563
the catechism and the homilies were adopted, and other
measures tending to uniformity of doctrine were agreed
upon, but in a way which, although it did not satisfy the
Puritan minority, was intended to include as large a
number as possible of those who were not irreconcilably
pledged to the Roman faith.
Cecil's hand can be traced clearly in all these activi
ties, for they struck indirectly at his enemies ; but a
bolder step in the same direction taken by Parliament
itself can only be surmised as being prompted by him.
Dudley had for months been gaining friends for the
candidature of the Earl of Huntingdon as heir to the
crown, whilst the Catholics were divided on the claims
of Mary Stuart and Darnley. Cecil was determined, if
possible, to prevent the success of either of them, and
desired to adhere to the Parliamentary title of Lady
Catharine * (Countess of Hertford). The House of Com-
1 The marriage of the unfortunate Lady Catharine Grey with Lord Hert
ford — the eldest son of Somerset — was contracted secretly, and when the
birth of a son made the matter public, the Queen was intensely indignant,
and refused to acknowledge the union, both Lord and Lady Hertford being
committed to the Tower. Guzman says that Cecil brought about the mar
riage ; but there is no evidence whatever of this. Lord Hertford was in
Paris with Cecil's son, Thomas, when the affair was discovered, and was
recalled in haste by the Queen. As soon as Cecil heard of it, he warned his
son not to associate with Hertford. Cecil wrote to his friend Smith at the
same time, " I pray that God may by this chance give her Majesty a disposi
tion to consider hereof (i.e. the succession), that either by her marriage or by
some common order we her poor subjects may know where to lean and
adventure our lives with content to our consciences." Greatly to Cecil's
annoyance the question of Catharine's guilt was referred to him for exami
nation and report. He assured Smith in a letter that he would judge impar
tially, and he did so ; for Parker, the Archbishop, on his report, pronounced
against the marriage, but Cecil continued on close terms of intimacy with the
Grey family, who all called him cousin (Lady Cecil's brother married Catha
rine Grey's cousin), and certainly favoured Lady Catharine's claims under
the will of Henry VIII. Cecil cautiously did his best to soften the punish
ment, and finally obtained the removal of both husband and wife from the
Tower into private custody. Many letters on the subject from the Greys to
Cecil will be found in Lansdowne MSS. 2.

1563] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 141
mons was mainly Protestant, and under the influence
of Cecil ; and it was agreed that deputations of both
Houses should petition the Queen either to fix the
succession or else to marry, the latter alternative being
probably added out of politeness. The Queen received
the deputations very ungraciously. She turned her
back on the Commons, and for a long time sent no
answer at all. On an address being presented to the
Council begging them to remind her, she sent an answer
by Cecil and Rogers to the effect that " she doubted not
the grave heads of this House did right well consider
that she forgot not the suit of this House for the succes
sion, the matter being so weighty ; nor could forget it ;
but she willed the young heads to take example of their
elders." To the Lords she was more outspoken. She
asked them whether they thought what they saw on her
face were wrinkles. They were nothing of the sort, but
pockmarks, and she was not so old yet that she had
lost hope of having children of her own to succeed her.1
This was a rebuff to Cecil's policy ; but only what might
have been expected from the Queen, whose principal
care was to sustain herself without concerning herself
greatly as to what came after her ; whereas the Secre
tary was doubtless thinking of what would become of
himself and the Protestant party if she died. For Mary
Stuart, and even her Protestant Councillors, he knew,
were busy intriguing for the succession, and her claims
were powerfully supported, even in England.
Maitland of Lethington came to London during the
sitting of Parliament to forward his mistress's claims.
He found Cecil now against the solution which he had
formerly favoured, namely, the abandonment of Mary's
present claims in exchange for the reversion, failing
Elizabeth and her descendants. Cecil was more dis-
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1 42 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [IS63
trustful of the French than ever ; for the defection of
Conde had turned all arms against the English in Havre,
and he knew that Cardinal Lorraine was still untiring in
his planning of the Austrian match for Mary, whilst the
Protestants of France and Germany watched unmoved
the isolation and embarrassment of England. Maitland
therefore soon persuaded himself that his mistress had
not much more to hope for now from the dominant party
in England than from Elizabeth herself. Mary was con
vinced that both Catharine de Medici and the English
Queen wished to force her into an unworthy Protestant
marriage with a subject, in order to injure her prestige with
English Catholics and decrease the power of the Guises.1
Maitland consequently cast his eyes to another quarter.
Mary was determined to fight for the English succes
sion, if she could not get it by fair means ; and with
this end she wanted a consort strong enough to force
her claims, which her uncle's candidate, the Archduke
Charles, could not do. She and Maitland accordingly
threw over the Guises, who did not wish their niece to
marry a prince strong enough to exclude them, and boldly
proposed a marriage with Philip's heir, Don Carlos.
Maitland went one night secretly to the Bishop of
Aquila in London, and cautiously opened the negotia
tion. The Queen of Scots, he said, was determined
never to marry a Protestant, even if he owned half the
world, nor would she accept a husband from the hands
of the Queen of England. The French and English
i She was probably correct in this. When Elizabeth saw Maitland in
London she suggested Dudley as a suitable husband to Mary ; and when the
Scotsman hinted that his mistress was not so selfish as to deprive Elizabeth of
a person so much cherished by herself, the English Queen, greatly to Mait-
land's confusion, hinted at the Earl of Warwick, Dudley's brother. Maitland
cleverly silenced the Queen by suggesting that, as Elizabeth was so much
older than Mary, she should marry Dudley first herself, and when she died,
leave to the Scottish Queen both her widower and her kingdom.

1563] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 143
Queens were almost equally against her, the Duke of
Guise was dead, the Archduke Charles was not strong
enough to help her ; would Philip consent to a marriage
with his son ?
Whilst this matter was being discussed by Maitland
and the Bishop and the Spanish partisans in England,
the news of the untoward adventure of Mary Stuart
with Chastelard arrived in London. Mary said it was
a plot of the Queen-mother to discredit her; but the
old Bishop was no less anxious than before to urge
his master to seize such an opportunity as that offered
by the proposed marriage. But Philip was slow. His
hands were full and his coffers were empty as-usual, and
whilst he was asking for pledges and guarantees from the
Scots and the English Catholics, the opportunity passed.
Philip, in appearance at all events, accepted the sugges
tion, in alarm lest a refusal might lead to a marriage
between Mary and the boy-King of France ; for, as he
says, " I well bear in mind the anxiety I underwent from
King Francis when he was married to this Queen, and I
am sure that if he had lived we could not have avoided
war, on the ground of my protection of the Queen of
England, whose country he would have invaded." J But
whilst Philip was pondering — and it must be conceded
that this time he had much reason for hesitation — others
were acting. When Lethington came back from France, on
his way through London to Scotland, he saw the Spanish
Bishop again. He found that matters had not progressed,
and was disheartened. Elizabeth threatened his mistress
with her undying enmity if she married a member of
the House of Austria, and Cecil persuaded him that the
Queen might yet appoint Mary her heir if she married to
her liking. Lady Margaret, also, was now ostentatiously
favoured by the Queen, and Maitland returned, to §cot-
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i,

144 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1563
land convinced that it would be unsafe to look elsewhere
than to England for support, and that, after all, the best
solution of his country's difficulties would be the marriage
of Mary and Darnley under Elizabeth's patronage. This
certainly was the impression that the English Govern
ment wished him to convey, for whilst it lasted it would
check more ambitious schemes which would be dangerous
to England. So far Cecil's policy, though often thwarted by the
Queen's waywardness and Dudley's ambition, had been
in the main successful. The French had been kept out
of Scotland, the Catholics in England had been divided
and discouraged, whilst waverers were conciliated ; the
Anglican Church was more firmly established, and Philip
had been kept more or less friendly, out of fear of a league
of Protestants on the one hand and of French influence
in England on the other. Nor was the indefatigable
Secretary's efforts confined to foreign affairs. The
strengthening of the Queen's navy and the building of
merchantmen continued without intermission. Camden
says that in consequence of this activity there were now
(1562) 20,000 fighting men ready for sea service alone.
All the fortresses were put into order for defence, and
the shortcomings of material and system demonstrated
in the Scottish campaign were remedied. The ample cor
respondence on these points in the Hatfield Papers are
all endorsed, annotated, or drafted in Sir William Cecil's
own hand, and no detail seems to have escaped him.1
1 Cecil was also much interested in the promotion of mineralogy. A patent
was granted in 1563 to a German named Schutz who was skilled in the dis
covery of calamine and the manufacture of brass therewith. For the working
of this patent a company was afterwards formed, Cecil, Bacon, Norfolk,
Pembroke, Leicester, and others being shareholders, and a great impetus was
given in consequence to the founding of brass cannon. Much encouragement
was also given by Cecil at this and later periods to German mineralogists for
the working of English mines,

1563] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 145
Notwithstanding his\ frequent illness, as recorded in
his journals, his work must have been incessant. In
addition to his vast administrative duties, he had, on Sir
Thomas Parry's death, been appointed to the important
post of Master of the Court of Wards, which assumed
the guardianship of the estates of minors ; and Camden
speaks of him as " managing this place, as he did all his
others, very providentially for the service of his prince
and the wards, for his own profit moderately, and for
the benefit of his followers and retainers, yet without
offence, and with great commendations for his integrity."
His interest, too, in the universities, and particularly that
of Cambridge, was constant. He had been appointed
Chancellor of the University in the first year of Eliza
beth's reign, and had worked manfully to introduce order
and reform into the institution.1 In June 1562, Cecil en
deavoured to resign his Chancellorship, his pretexts being
his unfitness for the post, his want of leisure, and the
serious contentions which existed in the University ; but
the real reason was that which he cited last, namely, the
tendency to laxity with regard to uniform worship mani
fested by a large number of the masters and students.
" Lastly," he says, " which most of all I lament, I cannot
find such care in the heads of houses there to supply my
lack as I hoped for, to the ruling of inordinate youth, to
the observation of good order, and increase of learning and
knowledge of God. For I see that if the wiser sort that
have authority will not join earnestly together to overrule
the licentious part of youth in breaking orders, and the
stubbornness of others that malign and deprave the eccle-
1 In a letter to the Vice-Chancellor (Dr. Perne) in April 1560, Cecil con
veyed the pleasant news of the Queen's intention to grant a number of prebends
and exhibitions to those divinity students that shall be recommended "as
fittest to receive the same promotions and exhibitions." The object of this
was to encourage the divinity students to embrace the Protestant form of
worship, which they were loth to do. (Harl. MSS., 7037, 265-66). K

146 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1563
siastical orders established by law in this realm, I shall
shortly hear no good or comfortable report from thence.
And to keep an office of authority by which these dis
orders may be remedied, and not to use it, is to betray
the safety of the same, whereof I have some conscience.
. . . And so I end, praying you all to accept this, my
perplexed writing and complaint, to proceed of a careful
mind that I bear to that honourable and dear University ;
whereof, although I was once but a simple, small, un
learned, low member, I love," &c, &c. Only on the
promise of complete amendment on the part of heads of
houses, and at the intercession of Archbishop Parker,
Sir William withdrew his resignation and continued his
labours in favour of the University.1
In the autumn of the following year (1564) the
Queen in her progress was splendidly entertained at
the University. Upon Cecil as Chancellor, as well as
Secretary of State, fell the responsibility of making the
arrangements ; and the letters which relate to the visit,
as usual exhibit his perfect mastery of detail. From
the avoidance of contagion of plague (which had de
vastated London in the previous year) to the supply of
lodgings for the visitors, everything seems to have been
settled with him. He was specially anxious, he said,
that the University he loved should make a good figure
before the Queen ; he himself would lodge " with my
olde nurse in St. John's College," but the rest of the
University was to be turned inside out for the enter
tainment of the court. The choristers' school was made
into a buttery, the pantry and ewery were at King's,
Gonville and Caius was sacred to the Maids of Honour,
1 There is in the Domestic State Papers of 1565 a draft letter of the
Council, written by Cecil to the Vice-Chancellor, forbidding and ordering the
suppression in Cambridge of all shows, booths, gaming-houses, &c, as being
unseemly and dangerous.

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 147
rushes strewed the roadways, the houses were hung with
arras ; the scholars were drilled to kneel as the Queen
passed and cry Vivat Regina, "and after that quietly
and orderly to depart home to their colleges, and in
no wise to come to the court." Sir William Cecil with
his wife arrived the day before the Queen (4th August
1564). " I am in great anxiety," he wrote a few days
previously, " for the well-doing of things there ; and I
find myself much troubled with other business, and
with an unhappy grief in my foote." But notwith
standing his gout, he was received with great ceremony
and a Latin oration, and was presented with two pairs of
gloves, a marchpain, and two sugar loaves. His great
anxiety, expressed to the authorities, was that " uni
formity should be shown in apparel and religion, and
especially in the setting of the communion table."
Of the endless orations, the presents, and pedantry
with which the Queen was received, of her own coyness
about her Latin, of the solemn disputations and enter
tainments, this is no place to speak ; but the official
accounts1 represent the Queen as being agreeably sur
prised at her reception. After the first service at King's
she " thanked God that had sent her to this University,
where she, altogether against her expectation, was so
received that she thought could not be better." This
was the first day ; but a Catholic friend of the new
Spanish Ambassador2 told him that the Queen's com
mendations had so elated the authorities that they be
sought her to witness one more entertainment. As she
was unable to delay her departure, the actors followed
her to the first stopping -place, where the proposed
1 Full account of the visit, with the speeches, &c, will be found in Nichol's
" Progresses of Queen Elizabeth."
2 The old Bishop of Aquila had died, probably of the plague, in the
previous autumn at Langley, near Windsor. He had been succeeded by Don
Diego Guzman de Silva.

148 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
comedy was represented before her. " The actors came
in," writes Guzman, " dressed as some of the impri
soned bishops. First came the Bishop of London (i.e.
Bonner), carrying a lamb in his hands as if he were
eating it, . . . and then others with different devices,
one being in the figure of a dog with the Host in his
mouth. They write that the Queen was so angry that
she at once entered her chamber, using strong language,
and the men who held the torches, it being night, left
them in the dark, and so ended this thoughtless and
scandalous representation." J
Amongst the long list of honorary Masters of Arts
made on the occasion, Sir William Cecil was one, and
on the journey to Cambridge he was honoured for the
first of many times with a visit from the Queen to his
house at Waltham, Theobalds,2 which at this time was
a small house he had recently built as a country retreat,
not so remote as Burghley, or so near town as Wimble
don. It was his intention, even then, to leave this
estate to his younger son ; but, as will be shown later,
it was not meant to be the magnificent place it after
wards became. The Queen's frequent visits, says his
household biographer, forced him " to enlarge it, rather
for the Queen and her great train, and to set the poor
in order, than for pomp or glory, for he ever said it
1 The official account makes no mention of this. It says only that great
preparations had been made to represent Sophocles' tragedy of Ajax
Flagellifer. "But her Highness, as it were, tyred with going about the
colleges and hearing disputations, and overwatched with former plays, . . .
could not, as otherwise no doubt she would, . . . hear the said tragedy, to
the great sorrow not only of the players but of the whole University." If
the scene as described by the Spaniard took place, it must have been at
the house of Sir Henry Cromwell, the great Oliver's grandfather, at Hinchin-
brook, where the Queen slept on the night of the day she left Cambridge.
2 The Queen had, however, supped with him at his yet unfinished
mansion in London — Cecil House — in 1560, and had there stood godmother
to his infant daughter Elizabeth (6th July 1 564).

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 149
would be too big for the small living he could leave
his son. He greatly delighted in making gardens, foun
tains, and walks ; which at Theobalds were perfected
most costly, beautifully, and pleasantly, where one might
walk two miles in the walk before he came to the end." 1
We are told that throughout the year at Theobalds, even
in his absence, Cecil kept an establishment of twenty-
six to thirty persons, at a cost of .£12 a week. Every
day twenty to thirty poor people were relieved at the
gates, and " the weekly charge of setting the poor to
work there, weeding, labouring in the gardens, &c,
was ;£io " ; whilst for many years 20s. every week was
paid to the Vicar of Cheshunt, in which parish Theobalds
stands, for the succour of the distressed parishioners.
Cecil was simple and sober in his own living and
attire, but by his every act he demonstrates his ambi
tion to be well regarded by the world, and his deter
mination to fulfil what he considered decorous in a
great personage who owed a duty to his ancestry,
to his position, and to those who should inherit his
honours. His letter of advice to the Earl of Bedford
when the latter was appointed governor of Berwick
(1564) sets forth in a few words his ideal of a grand
seigneur, which might represent a portrait of himself.
" Think of some great nobleman whom you can take as
your pattern. . . . Weigh well what comes before you.
Let your household be an example of order. Allow no
excess of apparel, no disputes on Princes' affairs at
table. Be hospitable, but avoid excess. Be impartial
and easy of access. Do not favour lawyers without
honesty. . . . Try to make country gentlemen agree :
1 This splendid place, to which further reference will be made, was
visited on his first voyage south by James I., who was so enamoured of it
that he obtained it from the first Earl of Salisbury, Cecil's younger son,
in exchange for Hatfield. It was at Theobalds that King James died.

150 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
take their sons as your servants, and train them in war
like and manly exercises, such as artillery, wrestling, &c."
The picture which Cecil presents of his own mind in
his writings is consistently that of a judicious, cautious,
acquisitive, and intensely proud and self-conscious man ;
a man eminently fair, especially to his inferiors, to whom
it would be undignified to be otherwise ; not wanting in
courage, but by temperament more inclined to reduce
an enemy's stronghold by sap and mine than by a
storming attack; determined that he would stand, no
matter who might fall, and yet not greedy or selfish for
personal gratification ; his mind monopolised by two
main ideas, the greatness and prosperity of England,
and the decorous dignity of his own house.
To attribute to him modern ideas with regard to
liberty, as we now understand it, would be absurd. He
was a man of great enlightenment, a lover of learning ;
but he was a statesman of his own age, not of ours.
That England should be governed by nobles, and that
he should help the Queen to guide the governors, was
in the divine order of things. He would do, and did,
according to his lights, the best he could for all men ;
but that the ordinary citizen should claim a voice in
deciding what was best for himself would have appeared
to Cecil Utopian nonsense to be punished as treason.
He would be rigidly just, charitable, and forbearing to
all ; but if any but those on the same plane as himself
should dream of claiming rights of equality, then im
pious blasphemy could hardly be too strong a term to
apply to such insolence. With opinions such as those
he undoubtedly held respecting the exclusive right of
an aristocracy to govern, his own position would have
been inconsistent if he had not claimed, as he did with
almost suspicious vehemence, to belong by birth and
descent to an ancient and noble race.

CHAPTER VII
1564-1566
The efforts that had been made by the English Council
to benefit native commerce had caused much apprehen
sion amongst the Flemish merchants, who had for many
years practically monopolised the English export trade.
The English Company of Merchant-Adventurers had
agitated and petitioned the Queen and Council to dis
countenance the foreign merchants ; and as a result, a
series of enactments was passed which gave considerable
trade advantages to Englishmen. Differential duties,
compulsory priority given to English bottoms for the
export trade, the imposition of harassing disabilities and
penalties on foreign merchants established in London,
together with the great increase of piracy owing to
the extensive shipbuilding of recent years in England,
had greatly disorganised Flemish trade. During 1563
and early in 1564, several envoys had been sent from
Spanish Flanders to endeavour to obtain a reversal of
the new commercial policy, but without effect. This
caused reprisals on the part of the Spanish Government,
which prohibited the introduction of English cloth into
Flanders and the exportation of raw material from Flan
ders to England, as well as the employment of English
ships for Flemish exports. In retaliation, a more strin
gent order was issued in England forbidding trade with
Flanders altogether, and the establishment of a new
staple at Embden. The seizure of English goods and
subjects in Spain itself was the answer to this. Natu-

152 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
rally, people on both sides suffered severely by this
commercial warfare.1 Emissaries went backwards and
forwards between Flanders and England, partial relaxa
tions were temporarily arranged, conferences were held ;
but the main difficulty continued until Antwerp was well-
nigh ruined, and the Spaniards were obliged to humble
themselves in order to prevent a commercial catastrophe.
The day, indeed, had gone' by now for hectoring Eng
land. The old Bishop of Aquila had died bankrupt,
abandoned, and broken-hearted — Cecil's object-lesson of
the impotence of Spain — and a very different Ambassador
had been sent, whose main duty it was to keep Elizabeth
friendly, and to end, at almost any cost, the commercial
war which was ruining Flanders.
Guzman de Silva arrived in London in June 1564.
He was amiable and courtly, flattered the Queen to the
top of her bent, and was soon a prime favourite. At his
first interview at Richmond she showed off her Latin and
Italian, coyly led the talk to her personal appearance,
blushingly hinted at love and marriage in general, Cecil
being all the while close to her side.2 As soon as the
compliments and embraces were ended and Guzman
was alone, a great friend of Dudley's sought him out
with a message from the favourite, informing him "of
the great enmity that exists between Cecil and Lord
Robert, even before this book about the succession was
published ; but now very much more, as he believes Cecil
to be the author of the book; and the Queen is extremely
angry about it, although she signifies that there are so
1 The details of, and correspondence with relation to this commercial war,
with the various negotiations, and especially those of the conference of Bruges,
will be found in the Hatfield Papers, correspondence of the Merchant-Adven
turers, Foreign Papers, correspondence of Valentine Dale, Sheres, &c, and
in the B. M. Add. MSS., 28,173, correspondence of Dassonleville and other
Flemish agents, as well as in Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 153
many accomplices in the offence that they must overlook
it, and has begun to slacken in the matter.1 The person
has asked me with great secrecy to take an opportunity
of speaking to the Queen (or to make such an oppor
tunity), to urge her without fail to adopt strong measures
in this business ; because if Cecil were out of the way,
the affairs of your Majesty would be more favourably
dealt with, and religious questions as well ; for this Cecil
and his friends are those who persecute the Catholics
and dislike your Majesty, whereas the other man (i.e.
Dudley) is looked upon as faithful, and the rest of the
Catholics so consider him, and have adopted him as
their weapon. If the Queen would consent to disgrace
Cecil, it would be a great good to them, and this man
tried to persuade me to make use of Robert." 2 Guzman
was cautious, for he knew what had happened to his pre
decessor ; but this will show that Dudley was determined
to stick at nothing to destroy, if possible, the man who,
almost alone, was the obstacle to his ambition. He was
liberal in his professions and promises to the Spaniard,
whom he urged to ask for audience as much as possible
through him, instead of through Cecil. His friends
assured Guzman that he still expected to marry the
1 The book in question was that written by John Hales, Clerk of the
Hanaper, in favour of the succession of Lady Catharine Grey and her children.
He had been indicted in January 1564 for " presumptuously and contemptu
ously discussing, both by words and in writing, the question of the succession
to the imperial crown of England, in case the Queen should die without
issue ; " and thenceforward for months interrogatories and depositions with
regard to his sayings and doings, and those of Catharine Grey'and her hus
band, Lord Hertford, continued before Cecil without intermission. (The
papers in the case are all at Hatfield, and are mostly published in extenso by
Haynes.) Hales himself was the scapegoat, and was in the Fleet prison for
six months ; but in all probability, as Dudley said, Cecil and his brother-in-
law, Bacon, had a great share in drawing up the book. Cecil was probably
too powerful and useful to touch ; but Bacon was reprimanded, and Lord John
Grey of Pyrgo, an old friend of Cecil's, was kept under arrest until his death,
a few months later. 2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.

154 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
Queen, and had an understanding with the Pope ; that
the Catholic religion would be restored in England if the
marriage were brought about, and much more to the
same effect.1
The reason for this new move on the part of Dudley
is not very far to seek. The defection of Conde and the
collapse of the Protestants in France had been seized
upon by Cardinal Lorraine and the dominant Catholics
to force Catharine de Medici into a renewal of the nego
tiations for a league with Philip to extirpate Protestantism.
Already the meeting had been arranged between Catharine
and her daughter, the Queen of Spain, at Bayonne, which
was to cement the close alliance. Catholicism was every
where in the ascendant, and the clouds appeared to be
gathering over England ; for there was no combination
so threatening for her as this. Hitherto Cecil had always
counted upon the jealousy between France and Spain
to prevent the domination of England by either power;
but with the French Protestants prostrate and a close
union between a Guisan France and Catholic Spain, all
safeguards would disappear, and Mary Stuart would be
able to count upon the support of the whole Catholic
world, in which case the position of Elizabeth and the
Anglican Church was, indeed, a critical one.
As we have seen, Dudley cared nothing for all this,
even if he was able to appreciate its gravity. If he could
only force or cajole the Queen to marry him, the religion
of England might be anything his supporters chose. He
knew well that Cecil, with his broad and moderate views,
1 Philip's reply, partly in his own hand, to his Ambassador's reports of
Dudley's offers is characteristic: "I am pleased to see what Lord Robert
says, and will tell you my will on the point. I am much dissatisfied with
Cecil, as he is such a heretic ; and if you give such encouragement to Robert
as will enable him to put his foot on Cecil and turn him out of office, I shall
be very glad. But you must do it with such tact and delicacy, that if it
fails, none shall know that you had a hand in it" (Spanish State Papers,
Elizabeth, vol. i.).

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 155
would try to conjure away the danger and disarm
Catholic Spain, whilst safeguarding religion, by again
bringing forward the Archduke with some sort of com
pact founded on the Lutheran compromise in Germany.
But Spain and the Catholics, though they might have
accepted such a solution, were not enthusiastic about it ;
and Dudley, by going the whole length and promising
Spain everything, thought to outbid Cecil and spoil the
Archduke's chance, whilst diverting Spanish support from
Mary Stuart to himself.
In the autumn of 1563 the Duke of Wurtemburg, at
the prompting of the English agent, had approached the
Emperor to propose a renewal of the Archduke's negotia
tion. Ferdinand was cool : nominally the first monarch
in Christendom, and a son of the proud House of Austria,
he did not relish being taken up and dropped again as
often as suited English politics, and he demanded all sorts
of assurances before he would act. The Duke of Wur
temburg secretly sent an agent to see Cecil early in 1564
without the Emperor's knowledge, and satisfied himself
that Elizabeth was neither a Calvinist nor a Zwinglian,
and would accept the confession of Augsburg. This was
satisfactory ; but before anything more could be done,
Ferdinand died (July 1564). When he conveyed the news
to Cecil, Mundt, the English agent, proposed that he
should be allowed to reopen the question of marriage
with the new Emperor Maximilian, through the Duke of
Wurtemburg. "He" (Mundt) "knows," he says, "that
the Queen is so modest and virtuous that she will not do
anything that shall seem like seeking a husband. But as
the matter is most vital to the whole Christian world, he
thinks that Cecil should not be restrained by any narrow
and untimely modesty ; for he, holding the administration
of the kingdom, ought to strive to preserve the tranquillity
thereof by insuring a perpetual succession."

156 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
Cecil and Mundt understood each other thoroughly ;
but the Secretary's answer was intended for the eyes of
others, and was cautious. " With regard to her Majesty's
inclinations on the subject of her marriage, he can with
certainty say nothing ; than that he perceives that she
would rather marry a foreign than a native prince, and
that the more distinguished the suitor is by birth, power,
and personal attractions, the better hope he will have of
success. Moreover, he cannot deny that the nobleman
who, with them, excites considerable expectation, to wit
Lord Robert, is worthy to become the husband of the
Queen. The fact of his being her Majesty's subject,
however, will prove a serious objection to him in her
estimation. Nevertheless, his virtues and his excellent
and heroic gifts of mind and body have so endeared him
to the Queen, that she could not regard her own brother
with greater affection. From which they who do not
know the Queen intimately, conjecture that he will be
her future husband. He, however, sees and understands
that she merely takes delight in his virtues and rare
qualities, and that nothing is more discussed in their
conversation than that which is most consistent with
virtue, and furthest removed from all unworthy senti
ments." It is not surprising that Cecil has endorsed the
draft of this letter, " written to Mr. Mundt by the Queen's
command." Mundt worked hard, but there were many obstacles
in the way. Wurtemburg was in no hurry. The mourn
ing for the late Emperor, and the plague which raged in
Germany, delayed matters for months. Once in the inter
val Cecil wrote to ask Mundt whether it was true that
the Archduke's neck was awry. Mundt could not deny
the impeachment, but softened it like a courtier. " Alex
ander the Great had his neck bent towards the left side ;
would that our man may be his imitator in magnanimity

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 157
and bravery. His body is elegant and middle size, more
well grown and robust than the Spanish Prince."1
In the autumn Elizabeth sent an envoy to condole
with the new Emperor on the death of his father, and
simultaneously lost no opportunity of drawing closer to
Spain. She coquetted with Guzman, ostentatiously in
the face of the French Ambassador. She spoke senti
mentally of old times, when her brother-in-law Philip
was in England. She was curious to know whether
Don Carlos was grown, and manly ; and then apparently
to force the Ambassador's hand, she sighed that every
one disdained her, and that she heard Don Carlos was
to marry the Queen of Scots. Guzman earnestly said
that the Prince had been ill, and that such a thing was
quite out of the question ; which was perfectly true.
The Queen's real object then came out. "Why," she
said, "the gossips in London were saying that the Am
bassador had been sent by the King of Spain to offer his
son Don Carlos to me ! " All this rather undignified
courting of Spain succeeded very soon in arousing the
jealousy of France, as it was intended to do.
De Foix, the French Ambassador, had kept Catharine
de Medici well informed of affairs in England. Catharine
was already getting alarmed at being bound hand and
foot to the Guises, the Catholics, and Philip. The plan
of marrying Mary Stuart to Don Carlos, or his cousin,
the Archduke, and the rallying of Leicester to Spain
and the Catholics, threatened to dwarf the influence of
France, and make Spain irresistible. So the Queen-
mother began to hint to Sir Thomas Smith, the Ambas
sador, that a marriage would be desirable between her
son Charles IX., aged fifteen, and Queen Elizabeth, aged
thirty-one. Some such suggestion had been made by
Conde" to Smith during the negotiations which preceded
1 Hatfield Papers, part i.

158 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
the evacuation of Havre, but it had not been regarded seri
ously. It was probably no more serious now, but it was
the trump card of both Queens, and it served its purpose.
In the meanwhile the plot of Leicester and the
Catholics against Cecil went on. The English Catholics
came to Guzman, and represented to him that it would
be better not to come to any arrangement with the
Government about the commercial question, in order
that public discontent in England might ripen and an
overturn of the present regime be made the easier. But
the Flemings were suffering even more than the English
from the interruption of trade, and Guzman had strict
orders to obtain a settlement of the dispute. So he told
the Catholics that the Queen had been obliged to hold her
hand, and refrain from punishing Cecil and Bacon, until
she had come to an understanding with Philip, and with
the English Catholics, through him. She would cling to
Cecil and his gang, said Guzman, so long as she thought
she had anything to fear from Spain. " All people think
that the only remedy for the religious trouble is to get
these people turned out of power, as they are the mainstay
of the heretics, Lord Robert having the Catholics all on
his side."1 Dudley was flattered and encouraged with
messages and promises from Philip, and laboured in
cessantly to get rid of Cecil, even for a short time.
In order, apparently, to forward Dudley's chances of
success as a suitor for the hand of Mary Stuart, for
which at this time Elizabeth pretended to be anxious,
she created him Earl of Leicester and Baron Denbeigh,
on Michaelmas day 1564. De Foix, the French Ambas
sador, intimated two days previously his intention of being
present at the splendid festivities which accompanied
the ceremony. This was a good opportunity for Cecil
to arouse suspicion of the new Earl, and distrust of
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 159
the French. On the 28th September, accordingly, the
Secretary called upon Guzman, and telling him that the
French Ambassador would be present at the feast, hinted
that Dudley was very friendly with the French ; to which
the Spaniard replied, that he had always understood that
such was the case, and that Dudley's father was known
to be much attached to them. Then " Cecil told me that
the Queen had commanded him to visit the Emperor
with Throgmorton, and although he had done all in his
power to excuse himself from the journey, he had not
succeeded. I understand that the artfulness of his
rivals has procured this commission for him, in order,
in the meantime, to put some one else in his place,
which certainly would be a good thing. His wife has
petitioned the Queen to let her husband stay at home,
as he is weak and delicate. They tell me that this has
made the business doubtful, and I do not know for
certain what will be done ; nor indeed is anything sure
here from one hour to another, except the hatching of
falsehoods, which always goes on." Needless to say,
Cecil had his way and did not go.
Before many days had passed Leicester sent to
Guzman disclaiming any particular friendship with the
French, "and said, after his own Queen, there was no
prince in the world whom he was so greatly obliged
to serve as your Majesty, whose servant he had been,
and to whom he owed his life and all he had." De Foix,
he said, had only been present at his feast, because he
brought him the Order of St. Michael from the King
of France, which he (Leicester) did not wish to accept.
Guzman was rather tart about the business, and re
minded Leicester's friend (Spinola) that on the same
day that the. Queen had invited him (Guzman) to supper,
De Foix had dined with her ; and when Spinola hinted
that Philip might send Leicester the Golden Fleece,

160 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
Guzman was quite scandalised at the idea of conferring
the order on any one not a " publicly professed Catholic."
Altogether it is clear that the Queen's and Cecil's clever
management was already setting the French and Spanish
by the ears; and when they could do that and make
them rivals for England's favour, she was safe.
The next day Guzman was entertained at dinner by
Leicester, the Earl of Warwick, Cecil, and others being
present; and the Secretary in the course of conversa
tion assured the Spaniard that he was taking vigorous
measures to suppress the depredations on shipping, and
to restore as much as possible of the merchandise stolen.
Already, indeed, Cecil's diplomacy was righting matters.
An active correspondence was going on about the Arch
duke's match ; the Queen assured Guzman that she had
to conceal her real feelings about religion, but that
God knew her heart; and even Cecil tried to soften
the asperity of the Catholics towards him. "Cecil,"
writes Guzman to his King, "tells these heretical
bishops to look after their clergy, as the Queen is
determined to reform them in their customs, and even
in their dress, as the diversity that exists in everything
cannot be tolerated.1 He directs that they should be
1 This refers to the order issued shortly before, called "Advertisements
for the due order of the administration of the Holy Sacrament, and. for the
apparel of all persons ecclesiastical " ; which commenced the bitter " vest
ments controversy. "
An interesting series of returns from the bishops, of this date (October
1564) is at Hatfield. Their lordships had been directed to make reports of
the persons of note in their respective dioceses, classified under the heads of
"favourers of true religion," "adversaries of true religion," and "neutrals."
To the reports the bishops append their recommendations for reform. The
Bishop of Hereford says that all his canons residentiary "ar but dissemblers
and rancke papists." He suggests that all those who will not conform should be
expelled ; and most of his episcopal brethren advocate even stronger mea
sures than these. Another paper of this time (1564) addressed to Cecil, and
printed by Strype in his " Life of Parker," shows the remarkable diversity of
the service in English churches. As will be seen later, Cecil's attitude on the
great vestment question divided him from many of his Protestant friends.

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 161
careful how they treat those of the old faith : to avoid
calumniating them or persecuting or harrying them."
The result of this action was that in October 1564,
Guzman could write : " I have advised previously that
Cecil's favour had been wavering, but he knows how
to please, and avoids saying things the Queen does not
wish to hear ; and, above all, as I am told, can flatter
her, so he has kept his place, and things are now in
the same condition as formerly. Robert makes the best
of it. The outward demonstrations are fair, but the
inner feelings the same as before. I do not know how
long they will last. They dissemble ; but Cecil has
more wit than all of them. Their envy of him is very
great."1 Sir James Melvil, a Scotsman brought up in France,
was directed to go to London in the autumn of
1564, to watch his mistress's interests. To him Eliza
beth again suggested a marriage between Dudley and
" her good sister " ; and in reply to his remark that
Mary thought that a conference between English and
Scottish statesmen should discuss the question first, at
which conference the Earl of Bedford and Lord Robert
could represent England, Elizabeth told Melvil that
he seemed to make a small account of Lord Robert.
He should, she said, see him made a far greater Earl
than Bedford before he left court. When Dudley was
on his knees, shortly afterwards, receiving the investi
ture of his Earldom, the Queen tickled his neck, and
asked Melvil what he thought of him. Melvil gave a
courtly answer, whereupon the Queen retorted that he
liked that "long lad" (Darnley) better. Melvil scoffed
at such an idea, but his main object in coming to Eng
land was to intrigue for the " long lad's " permission to
go to Scotland. A few days after this, Leicester took
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i. L

1 62 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1564
Melvil in his barge from Hampton Court to London,
and on the way asked him what Mary thought of the
marriage with him, which Randolph had proposed to
her. Melvil answered coldly, as his mistress had in
structed him to do. " Then he began to purge himself
of so proud a pretence as to marry so great a Queen,
declaring he did not esteem himself worthy to wipe her
shoes; declaring that the invention of that proposition
of marriage proceeded from Mr. Cecil, his secret enemy.
For if I, says he, should have appeared desirous of that
marriage, I should have offended both the Queens and
lost their favour." 1
Melvil went back to Scotland with all manner of
kind messages for his mistress ; and Cecil especially was
gracious to him, placing a fine gold chain around his
neck as he bade him farewell. But when Mary asked her
envoy if he thought Elizabeth " meant truly towards her
inwardly in her heart, as she appeared to do outwardly
in her speech," he replied that in his judgment "there
was neither plain dealing nor upright meaning ; but great
dissimulation, emulation, envy, and fear lest her princely
qualities should chase her from the kingdom, as having
already hindered her marriage with the Archduke. It
appeared likewise to me, by her offering unto her, with
great apparent earnestness, my Lord of Leicester."
Melvil says that Leicester's humble and artful letters
to Mary, and the consequent kindness of the latter,
aroused Elizabeth's fear that after all Mary might marry
her favourite, and caused her to consent to Darnley's
visit to Scotland.2 " Which licence," he says, " was pro-
1 Memoirs of Sir James Melvil of Hallhill.
2 Bedford and Maitland subsequently met at Berwick to discuss the pro
posed match. It suited Mary to pretend some willingness to take Leicester
in order to obtain leave for Darnley to come to Scotland. She was probably
right in supposing that finally Elizabeth did not mean to allow Leicester to
marry the Scottish Queen. Cecil was of the same opinion. Writing to his

1564] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 163
cured by means of Secretary Cecil, not that he was
minded that any of the marriages should take effect,
but with such shifts to hold the Queen (Mary) un
married as long as he could, persuading himself that
Lord Darnley durst not proceed in the marriage with
out consent of the Queen of England first obtained."1
Cecil's task was again an extremely difficult one. He had
to keep up an appearance of leaning to the Catholics
and the House of Austria, and encourage the idea of
Elizabeth's marriage with the Archduke, in order to
prevent the alliance of Mary Stuart with so powerful
an interest ; he was obliged to keep his own restive
Protestant friends in hand ; to counteract at every
step the intrigues of Leicester against him, and to be
ready at any moment to cause a diversion if Leicester's
suit to the Queen looked too serious to be safe.
The replies and recommendations of the bishops to
the Council's circular, referred to in a previous note (page
160), had caused much apprehension amongst Catholics ;
and the Queen herself, as well as Cecil, assured Guzman
that the bishops should do the Catholics no harm ; whilst,
on the other hand, Cecil's Protestant friends were urging
him to adopt strong measures to prevent the growth of
the " Papists." Cecil's reply to one such recommenda
tion shows that he was just as ready to wound Leicester
underhand as Leicester was him. " He replied that he
was doing what he could, but he did not know who was
at the Queen's ear to soften her so, and render her less
zealous in this than she ought to be." 2
Cecil's greatest difficulty, indeed, at this time, was from
friend Smith at the end of December 1564 (Lansdowne MSS., 102), he says,
" I see her Majesty very desyroose to have my L. of Leicester placed in this
high degree to be the Scottish Queen's husband, but when it cometh to the
conditions which are demanded I see her then remiss of her earnestness."
1 Melvil's Memoirs.
2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1 64 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
Leicester, who had now quite enlisted Sir Nicholas Throg
morton against his former friend. In order to enable
Leicester with some decency to accept the Order of St.
Michael, Throgmorton suggested that the Queen might ask
for another Cross of the Order to be given to the Duke
of Norfolk. When Cecil learned this, he was obliged to
remonstrate with the Queen, and point out how undesir
able it was in the present state of affairs to place two of
her most powerful nobles under an obligation to France.
At a time when Cecil was straining every nerve to keep
on good terms with the House of Austria, and conciliat
ing the Catholics, in order to checkmate Mary Stuart,
Leicester had agents running backwards and forwards to
France, in the hope of bringing forward in an official
form the farcical offer of Charles IX.'s hand for the
Queen, which offer he knew would come to nothing,
whilst rendering abortive the Archduke's suit, upon
which Cecil depended to so great an extent.
The dexterity and cleverness of Cecil under these cir
cumstances is shown very markedly in the manner in
which he changed in a very few months the opinion of
the Spanish Ambassador about him, as soon as his policy
rendered it necessary to gain his good opinion. " When
I first arrived here," writes Guzman, January 2, 1565, " I
imagined Secretary Cecil ... to be very different from
what I have found him in your Majesty's affairs. He is
well disposed towards them, truthful, lucid, modest, and
just ; and although he is zealous in serving his Queen,
which is one of his best traits, yet he is amenable to
reason. He knows the French, and, like an English
man, is their enemy. He assured me on his oath . . .
that the French have always made great efforts to attract
to their country the Flanders trade (i.e. with England).
With regard to his religion I say nothing, except that
I wish he were a Catholic . . . but he is straightforward,

1565] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 165
and shows himself well affected towards your Majesty
. . . for he alone it is who makes or mars business here." 1
Having thus gained the good-will of the Spaniard,
Cecil was soon able to persuade him that the Queen
would never really marry Leicester, and the relations
between the latter and the Spaniards became cooler.
The Queen herself could not do enough to show her
kindness to Guzman, and at joust, tournament, and ball,
chatted with him in preference to the French Ambas
sador. By January 1565, Leicester, seeing that Cecil's
diplomacy had gained the good-will of Spain, and that
the Catholics were turning to the side of the Archduke,
unblushingly veered round to the French interest.
Guzman was obliged then to write that he was not at
all satisfied with him. He wished, he said, to please every
body ; but was getting very friendly with the French, who
were making much of him. But there was more even than
this. The Queen and Cecil were trying their best to please
the Catholics. The Queen openly and rudely rebuked
Dean Nowell at his sermon on Ash Wednesday for attack
ing Catholic practices ; whilst Cecil was pushing the Vest
ments Order to the very verge of safety. Some of the
bishops invited him to a conference, and remonstrated
with him on the severity of the new regulations, which
they openly stigmatised as papistical. He told them
sternly that the Queen's order must be obeyed, or worse
would befall them. The churchmen of the Geneva
school railed and resisted, as far as they might,2 what
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Humphrey and Sampson, both eminent divines and friends of Cecil,
amongst others, stood out. The former, after much hesitation, was forced into
obedience ; but the latter was dismissed from his deanery of Christ Church
(Strype's " Annals" ). The students and masters of Cecil's own College of St.
John gave him as Chancellor much trouble by refusing to wear their sur
plices and hoods. After much correspondence and remonstrance with them,
the Chancellor became really angry, and the students assumed a humbler
attitude.

1 66 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
they called the Secretary's backsliding ; whilst Leicester,
ever willing to change sides, if he could only checkmate
Cecil, vigorously took the part of the Puritans, and did his
best to hamper the execution of the Vestments Order,
and to prevent the use of the cross on the altars.1
In February 1565, De Foix, the French Ambassador,
shot the bolt that had long been forging. He saw
Elizabeth in her presence-chamber, and, after much
exaggerated compliment, read a letter of Catharine de
Medici, saying she would be the happiest of mothers if
her dearly beloved sister Queen Elizabeth would marry
her son, and become a daughter to her. " She would find
in the young King," she said, " both bodily and mentally,
that which would please her." This was very sweet
incense to Elizabeth, and she sentimentally deplored
that she was not ten years younger. De Foix flattered
her, and tranquillised her fears that she would be
neglected or abandoned, and the Queen agreed with him
to keep the matter secret for the present, and promised
him a speedy reply.2 As usual, Cecil drew up for the
Queen's guidance a judicial examination of the advan
tages and disadvantages which might be expected from
the marriage. He is careful in this lucid document not
to commit himself to an individual opinion,3 but the
formidable list of objections far outweigh the advan
tages ; and when the Queen the next day repeated Cecil's
arguments as her own, De Foix lost patience, hinted that
his mistress had been deceived, and would withdraw the
offer.4 Elizabeth petted the ruffled diplomatist into a
good humour again, and said she would send Cecil to
talk the matter over with him.

1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Dipkhes de De Foix, Bibliothique Nationale.
' Foreign State Papers.
4 Dipkhes de De Foix, Bibliothique Nationale.

1565] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 167
Leicester had been bribed heavily by the French, and
pretended to be strongly in favour of the match, which
he knew would never take place, but might choke off the
Archduke. But with Cecil it was very different. He had
no objection to the French suit being talked about : that
might make Spain and the Austrians more tractable ; but
if it was allowed to go too far, the Emperor would take
umbrage, and the Spaniards would balance matters by
marrying Mary Stuart to some nominee of their own.
When, consequently, Cecil saw De Foix, he was cool
and argumentative, talked much of the difficulties of the
match ; and on De Foix suggesting that such a union
with France would preserve England from danger, he
replied that England could defend herself, and had
nothing to fear. By these tactics he avoided a direct
negative, delayed and procrastinated, whilst his agents
were busy in Germany smoothing the way for the Arch
duke. The French matter was a strict secret, but the
Queen could not avoid giving some very broad hints
about it to her friend Guzman. When he objected that
the young King would be a very little husband for her,
she angled dexterously but ineffectually to extort an
offer of marriage from Don Carlos. Catharine de Medici
was just as eager as Elizabeth 1 that the negotiations for
1 Castelnau de la Mauvissiere was in London in May 1565 on his way to
France from Scotland, and gives, in a letter to the Queen-mother, a most
entertaining account of a conversation with Elizabeth at a night garden-party
given by Leicester in his honour (the letter itself is in a private collection, but
is printed in Cheruel's Marie Stuart et Catharine de Medici). She said how
much more popular in England Frenchmen were than Spaniards ; praised the
young King as "the greatest and most virtuous prince on earth." She asked
Castelnau whether he would be vexed if she married the King. " Although
she had nothing," she said, " worthy of so great a match : nothing but a little
realm, her goodness and her chastity, on which point at least she could hold
her own against any maiden in the world," and much more to the same effect.
Castelnau says he never saw her look so pretty as she did. Catharine took the
hint, and her industrious approaches to Smith were largely prompted by
Elizabeth's coquetry to Castelnau on this occasion.

1 68 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
the marriage with Charles IX. should not be dropped,
for she was getting seriously afraid now of the Catholic
combination into which she had been drawn, and indus
triously plied Smith with arguments in favour of the
match. But Smith knew as well as Cecil himself that
the whole matter was a feint, and dexterously avoided
giving a favourable opinion. The Huguenots, however,
were in deadly earnest about it, and Elizabeth and
Catharine contrived to carry on the farce intermittently
until eventually Charles IX. was betrothed to a daughter
of the Emperor.
Elizabeth was barely off with the old love than Adam
Swetkowitz, Baron Mitterburg, came on behalf of the new.
Ostensibly his mission was to return the late Emperor's
insignia of the Garter, but really every step to be taken by
him had been previously agreed upon through Throgmor
ton, Roger Le Strange, Baron Preyner, Mundt, and the
Duke of Wurtemburg. The Spanish Ambassador, how
ever, had been studiously kept in the dark until shortly
before Swetkowitz's arrival, and was not in a hurry to
pledge his master in the Archduke's favour, until he
learned what arrangements had been made about reli
gion. On the contrary, he first approached Leicester,
who was ill in consequence of an accident, and secretly
urged him to press his suit before the Emperor's envoy
appeared. Leicester was doubtful, but still not quite with
out hope. When Swetkowitz actually arrived, Leicester
understood that the current was too powerful for him
to oppose at first, and he became strongly and osten
tatiously in favour of the Austrian match. Swetkowitz
first saw the Queen at the beginning of June. Her
people, she said, were urging her to marry, and she
was anxious to hear whether the King of Spain would
favour the Archduke's suit for her hand. This Swet-

\

iS6S] JTHE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 169
kowitz col^d not tell her ; and he was referred to Cecil
for further cnscussion of details.
The conditions as laid down by Cecil 1 were prudent
and moderate, nut certainly not likely to commend
themselves to the \King of Spain, or even to the Em
peror; for no power was to be given to the Consort,
and the question of religion was jealously safeguarded.
It is evident that the German thought that Leicester
might be made instrumental in modifying these condi
tions. He writes to the Emperor, " Since the principal
promoter of this transaction will be the illustrious Earl
of Leicester, who is most devoted to the Archduke, and
is loved by the Queen with a sincere and most chaste
and honest love, I think your Majesty and the Archduke
would aid the business by addressing fraternal letters to
the Earl." J But Leicester's momentary adhesion to the
policy of Cecil, Sussex, and Norfolk, was only for the
purpose of deceiving the Secretary, and putting him off
his guard. Whilst Cecil was proceeding in good faith
with Swetkowitz, and the latter, a Lutheran, was just as
earnest in his efforts to bring about the marriage, both
the Queen and Leicester were playing a double game.
Probably Elizabeth's marriage with her favourite was
never nearer than at this juncture, when she was carrying
on a serious negotiation with the Austrian, and was still
making an appearance of dallying with De Foix. The
circumstances, indeed, were for the moment all in favour
of Leicester. Guzman was very cool about the Archduke
1 Hatfield Papers, in extenso in Haynes.
2 Cecil writes to Smith, 3rd June 1565 (Lansdowne MSS., 102). "My Lord
of Lecester furdereth the Quene's Majesty with all good reasons to take one
of these great princes, wherein surely perceaving his own course not sperable,
he doth honourably and wisely. I see few noblemen devoted to France ; but
I being Mancipum Regina, and lackyng witt for to expend so great a matter,
will follow with service where hir Majesty will goo before." This attitude is
very characteristic of the writer.

170 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
and the Lutheran envoy. The Queen was for ever
trying to ascertain Philip's feeling about/the Archduke,
and at the same time dragging Leicester/s name into her
complicated conversational puzzles jwith the Spaniard.
The latter on one occasion, disbelieving her sincerity
about the Archduke, urged her ^0 marry his friend
Leicester, if she married a subject ; and only a day or
two afterwards De Foix, who had/ by this time lost all
hope of success for Charles IX.,/ and wished to check
mate the Austrian, also went and pleaded Leicester's suit.
The Earl, thus having the/ good word both of the
Spanish and French Ambassadors, could afford to grow
cool on the Austrian match.1 Cecil, and Sussex parti
cularly, were scandalised and apprehensive at this new
instance of Leicester's falseness, and laboured despe
rately to bring the Archduke to England to force the
Queen's hand. But the Emperor was slow and doubt
ful about the religious conditions, and would not risk a
loss of dignity.
Matters thus dragged on month after month, whilst
Leicester's chances looked brighter and brighter. Among
the principal reasons for the rising hopes of Leicester
were the events which had happened in Scotland during
the previous few months. After much apparent hesita
tion, Elizabeth had in February granted to Darnley
1 There is an enigmatical entry in Cecil's journal at this period, August
1565, saying, " The Queene's Majestie seemed to be much offended with the
Earle of Leicester, and so she wrote an obscure sentence in a book at
Windsor." Strype, who has been followed by most other historians, thought
that this referred to Leicester's opposition to the Archduke's suit. The
real reason for the Queen's squabble with Leicester is given by Guzman
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.). August 27 : "I wrote to your
Majesty that the Queen was showing favour to one Heneage, who serves in
her chamber. Lord Robert and he have had words, and as a consequence
Robert spoke to the Queen about it. She was apparently much annoyed at
the conversation. . . . Heneage at once left the court, and Robert did not
see the Queen for three days, until she sent for him. They say now that
Heneage will come back at the instance of Lord Robert, to avoid gossip."

1565] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 171
permission to join his father in Scotland for three
months. A few weeks later a messenger came from
Mary Stuart to the Spanish Ambassador in London,
asking him whether he had any reply to send to her.
Guzman was cautious, for he did not quite know the
meaning of this ; but said he would speak to Maitland
of Lethington, who was then on the way to London
from the Border. Simultaneously with this, Lady Mar
garet Lennox also approached Guzman. " She told me
the kind treatment her son had received at the hands of
the Queen of Scots, and that the French Ambassador
had sent to her secretly offering all his support for the
marriage of her son. But she knows the French way of
dealing . . . and repeats that she and her children have
no other refuge but your Majesty (Philip), and begs me
to address your Majesty in their favour, in case the
Queen of Scotland should choose to negotiate about
her son, Darnley, or in the event of the death of this
Queen, that they may look to your Majesty." When
Maitland arrived in London in April, he saw Guzman in
secret, and after some fencing and feigned ignorance,
offered his mistress's adhesion and submission to Spain.
His mistress, he said, had waited for Philip's answer
about Don Carlos for two years, but had now listened
to some proposals for a marriage with Darnley, as
neither Elizabeth nor her own subjects wished her to
marry a foreigner. But before concluding the affair she
wished to know if there was still any hope of her obtain
ing Don Carlos, in which case she still preferred that
alliance. Guzman replied that, as Cardinal Lorraine
had gone so far in his negotiations for the marriage with
the Archduke Charles, Philip had abandoned all idea of
opposing him by bringing forward his own son Carlos.
Maitland assured him that the negotiations of Cardinal
Lorraine were carried on against Mary's wish, and in

1 72 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
the interests of France; but Guzman knew now that
the match with Don Carlos was hopeless, and said so.
Maitland then spoke of the Darnley marriage, which,
however, he feared would be very dangerous if Elizabeth
took it badly. All would be well, he said, if the King of
Spain would take Mary and Darnley under his protection ;
but beyond bland banalities he could get nothing from
Guzman.1 Darnley's demeanour in Scotland, and Mary's be
haviour towards him, together with the rising hopes
of the Catholics there, had alarmed Murray and his
friends ; and Elizabeth and her Council were now also
alive to their danger. Cecil drew up one of his pro and
contra reports with regard to the influence that such
a marriage would have on England,2 which was sub
mitted to the Council, and a unanimous condemnation
of the match was adopted, and Throgmorton was sent
in May post-haste to Scotland to dissuade Mary from
taking a step so threatening to Elizabeth. Randolph's
letters to Cecil at the time showed that the danger was
a real one. Darnley, he says, is a furious fool, and
Mary was infatuated with him. To the Pope, to Philip,
to Cardinal de Granvelle, and to Guzman, Mary made
no secret that her object was to unite the Catholics and
claim the crown of England ; and Lady Margaret had
from the first admitted that this was her aim in promot
ing the marriage of her son. When Elizabeth's eyes
were opened to the imminence of the peril, she did what
she could to stay the match. She, De Foix, and Throg
morton again pressed Leicester's marriage with Mary,
Murray and his Protestant friends were encouraged to
resist, Lady Margaret was placed under arrest in the
Tower, Darnley was ordered to return to England, and
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Harl. MSS., 6990.

1565] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 173
the Queen promised Maitland that if his mistress would
marry to her liking she would acknowledge her right of
succession to the English crown. Meanwhile rumours
came thickly from Scotland that Mary was already
married, Philip promised all his support to Mary and
Darnley if they would be his faithful servants, Murray
and Lethington were thrust into the background, Rizzio
was ever at Mary's side, and her foolish young English
lover, hated and contemned for his arrogance, urged his
infatuated bride to the religious intolerance that led to
her ruin.1
The remonstrances of Throgmorton and Randolph,
and the letters of the Queen and Cecil, were as power
less to move Mary now as was the threatening attitude
of her nobles and people, for she had decided to depend
entirely upon Philip, and to defy the Queen of Eng
land. In July, a few days before her marriage, she sent
a special messenger to Guzman with letters for Philip.
"begging for help and favour against the Queen of
England, who has raised her subjects against her, to
force her to forsake the Catholic religion."2 Murray,
Argyll, and the Hamiltons, she says, are in revolt, and
if aid do not come from Spain she will be lost.
When Mary's marriage was known for certain in
London, the Archduke's suit was being laboriously dis
cussed ; but almost immediately afterwards, the renewed
hopes of Leicester already referred to were noticed. It
was felt that, now that Mary's marriage to a subject had
taken place, one of Elizabeth's principal reasons for con
tracting an alliance with a son of the House of Austria dis
appeared, and a precedent had been set for her marriage
with a man not belonging to a sovereign house.
Swetkowitz therefore found that he had to encounter
1 Randolph to Cecil, 3rd June. Harl. MSS., 4645.
2 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, vol. i.

174 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
all manner of new conditions and demands from the
Queen, which drove him to despair, and Guzman looked
upon the Austrian's chance as a very poor one indeed.
The Earl of Sussex and Cecil did their best to keep the
matter afoot, whilst Leicester and Throgmorton openly
proclaimed the hollowness of the whole negotiation.
The old Earl of Arundel asked Guzman to dinner at
Nonsuch early in August, apparently for the purpose
of dissociating the English Catholics from the intrigues
of both parties. He assured the Spaniard "that the men
who surrounded the Queen did not wish her to marry. I
said it was quite possible that some of them who thought
they might get the prize for themselves might wish to
hinder it ; but as for Secretary Cecil, I thought that his
disagreement with Robert (Leicester) might well lead
him to support the Archduke, if it were not for the
question of religion. He (Arundel) told me not to
believe that Cecil wanted the Queen to marry. He
was ambitious and fond of ruling, and liked everything
to pass through his hands, and if the Queen had a
husband he would have to obey him." This view of
the matter is not improbable ; but it is certain that
Cecil, in any case, would resist to the last the marriage
of the Queen with Leicester, under the patronage of
either France or Spain. Such a marriage would have
imperilled the results of his strenuous labour, and would
have thrown England back into the slough from which
the Queen and he had rescued it.
When Leicester's star was seen to be in the ascend
ant, and the Archduke's chance waned, Cecil and his
friends once more revived the suit of the King of
Sweden. Splendid presents of sables and valuable
plate came to the Queen and her court ; and Eric's
romantic sister Cecilia, Margravine of Baden, again
made ready for her much -desired visit to England,

1565] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 175
where she arrived early in September. At the water-
gate of Durham House, where she lodged as the Queen's
guest, Leicester's opponents were assembled in force to
bid her welcome. The Countess of Sussex, Lady Bacon,
Lady Cecil, and Cecil himself, all did honour to the
Swedish King's sister, and Elizabeth was overwhelming
in her cordiality for the first royal visitor she had enter
tained since her accession ; but the Princess wore out
her welcome, and nothing came of her visit, though it
served its purpose of again spoiling the appearance of
Leicester's chances for a time.
In the meanwhile, English money and men were
supporting Murray and the Protestant Lords against
Mary and Darnley, who were sending emissaries to the
Pope, to Cardinal Lorraine, to Flanders, and to Philip,
begging for help for the faith. When Elizabeth was re
monstrated with by Guzman, De Foix, and Mauvissiere,
for helping rebels against their Queen, and for her harsh
treatment of Lady Margaret, she replied that she had
been shamefully deceived, but what she was doing was to
endeavour to rescue Mary from the hands of her enemies,
into which she had fallen, and she blamed Darnley
and his Catholic friends more than Mary. The same
excuse, said Guzman, which she used when she helped
the French rebel Huguenots. At the end of September
a special meeting of the full Council was held, at which
Cecil set forth the position with regard to Scotland, and
the policy it was proposed to adopt. He pointed out
the many reasons that existed for distrusting the French,
who were very busy in Scottish affairs since Mary's
marriage ; 1 and he told the Council that Mary had sent
1 The action of the French representatives was extremely perplexing. On
the one hand, they offered help to Elizabeth against Scotland, and urged
Mary to make terms with Murray; whilst on the other, they continued to
intercede with Elizabeth for Lady Margaret and Mary, and conveyed the
kindest messages to the Queen and Darnley. (See Randolph's letters.)

176 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1565
Darnley's secretary, Yaxley,1 to beg aid of Philip, in
addition to the letters sent through Guzman, and to the
Pope. The interference of the Catholic powers in
Scotland, he said, was a menace to England ; and it
was decided that all preparations should be made for
war upon the Border, as a measure of precaution, whilst
an embassy was sent from England to endeavour to effect
a reconciliation between Mary and the Protestant Lords.
Before any decided steps could be taken, however,
Murray retired into England, and arrived in London
on the 22nd October. The Queen affected anger, and
received him sternly in the presence of her Council
and of the French Ambassador. Murray was dressed
in deep mourning, and entered humbly. Kneeling, he
addressed the Queen in Scots. She told him to speak
in French, which he said he understood but imper
fectly. Notwithstanding this, she addressed to him a
long harangue in French, for the edification of De
Foix and Mauvissiere. " God preserve her," she said,
" from helping rebels, especially against one whom she
had regarded as a sister." She understood that their
rising was in consequence of the Queen's marriage
without the consent of Parliament, and of fear that
their religious liberty would be infringed. But if she
thought he, Murray, had planned anything against his
sovereign, she would at once arrest and punish him.
Murray justified himself, and threw himself upon her
generosity, and Elizabeth replied that she would refer
the whole matter to her Council. All this scene was
1 Yaxley was sent back from Madrid with glowing promises and en
couragement from Philip to Mary and Darnley, and 20,000 crowns in money.
The ship, however, in which he sailed from Flanders was wrecked, and
Yaxley's lifeless body was washed up on the coast of Northumberland, with
the money and despatches attached to it. The money, of course, never
reached Mary, but formed the subject of a long squabble as to the respec
tive claims for it, of the Crown and the Earl of Northumberland. (Spanish
State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.).

i566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 177
for the purpose of putting herself right with France
and Spain, and had been arranged on the previous
night, when Murray was closeted with the Queen and
Cecil. Cecil's own minute of the interview agrees closely
with that of Guzman, just quoted. " Her Majesty asked
him (Murray), in the presence of several persons, if he
had ever undertaken anything against the person of his
Queen. He denied it firmly and solemnly, saying, if it
might be proved that he was either consenting or privy
to any such intent, he besought her Majesty to cause
his head to be struck off and sent to Scotland ... he
testified before God that in all his counsels he had no
other meaning but principally the honour of Almighty
God, by conserving the state of His religion in Scotland.
. . . And, to conclude, her Majesty spoke very roundly
to him . . . that she would by her actions let it appear
that she would not for the price of a world maintain any
subject in disobedience against his prince." 1
Cecil's characteristic policy is plainly seen in the
Queen's treatment of Murray. He invariably endeavoured
to keep Elizabeth legally in the right, and usually with
success. But still Murray and the Scottish Protestants
were now his main instruments for preventing the danger
approaching England over the Scottish Border. The old
national lines of division had grown fainter with the
international league of Catholics facing a league of
Protestants. Mary Stuart had definitely thrown in her
lot with the former, in the hope of satisfying her am
bition ; 2 and the Scottish spectre was perhaps more
1 State Papers, Scotland.
2 Randolph's letter, 6th February 1566, gives particulars of Mary's ad
hesion to the League of Bayonne (Harl. MSS. 4645) ; but she does not
appear actually to have signed the "bond" sent to her, as she was urged
to do by the Bishop of Dunblane and other papal emissaries. There is not
the slightest doubt, however, that she looked at this time to the Catholic
league alone for help in her claims, and had decided to defy England and
the Protestant party. M

178 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
threatening to England at this moment than ever it
had been before. The obvious course was that which
Cecil followed — namely, to avoid an excuse for a national
war or for foreign interference, and to encourage the
Scottish Protestants to stand for the liberties they had
won ; whilst assuming as indisputable that they were not
in arms against their sovereign, but against their enemies
and hers, who had interposed between the Queen and
her loving subjects.

CHAPTER VIII
1566-1567
Through the spring of 1566 the unfortunate Mary
Stuart hurried to her destruction. Her dislike of her
husband increased as Bothwell obtained more influence
over her ; all prudence with regard to the overt favouring
of Catholicism was cast aside, Murray and the " rebels "
were sternly forbidden to return to Scotland, and the
breach between Mary and "her good sister" grew wider
every day. Nor is this to be wondered at. Randolph
was busy in supporting the Protestants, and had been
warned away from Mary's court. His letters to Cecil are
full of dread foreboding of disaster to come, foreboding
which most historians interpret as foreknowledge. Cecil's
enemies have sought industriously to connect him with
the sanguinary scenes which were shortly afterwards
enacted in Scotland ; but they have always reasoned from
the information contained in Randolph's letters to him,
which in no case can be considered as evidence against
him. That he was aware before Rizzio's murder that
some sort of plot existed,1 and that Murray and his
friends were parties to it, is certain ; but that he himself
had any share in its concoction, so far as the killing of
Rizzio is concerned, has never been proved, and is most
improbable.2 As has been seen, his remedy for the
1 Randolph to Cecil, 1st March; and Randolph and Bedford to Cecil,
6th March (Scottish State Papers).
2 Randolph wrote to Leicester on the 13th February 1566, telling him of
a plot to kill Rizzio, and probably the Queen, in order that Lennox and his
son Darnley might seize the crown. He says he thinks it better not to tell
179

180 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
Scottish danger was not murder ; for so far-seeing a man
must have known that the killing of a favourite secre
tary could not divert Mary from the league of Catholic
sovereigns, or alter her policy towards England whilst
Huntly, Bothwell, and Athol were at her side, and papal
emissaries in her close confidence. The killing of Rizzio
satisfied Darnley's spite, and served Murray's and Argyll's
personal ends, but was more likely to injure than benefit
English national objects.
What Cecil was personally doing during the first three
months of 1566 was to strengthen the Protestant party
in Scotland by money and promises of support,1 whilst
dividing the Catholic sovereigns upon whom Mary Stuart
depended, by working desperately to bring the Arch
duke's match to a successful issue. With him now, in
addition to the Earl of Sussex, were the Duke of Norfolk,
the Earl of Arundel, and many others who usually leant
Cecil, but to keep the secret between the writer and Leicester. On the 1st
March, Randolph sent to Cecil copies of the two " Conventions," signed by
the Earls — namely, that of Darnley, Morton, and Ruthven, to kill Rizzio ; and
that of Murray, Argyll, Rothes, &c, to uphold Darnley in all his quarrels.
Bedford, writing to Cecil on the 6th March, begged him earnestly to keep the
whole matter secret, except from Leicester and the Queen. It will thus be
seen that, far from being a promoter of the Darnley plot to kill Rizzio, Cecil
did not know of it in time to stop its perpetration, if he had been inclined to
do so, as the murder was committed on the 9th March. Against this, how
ever, must be placed, for what it is worth, Guzman's statement that Cecil
had told Lady Margaret of Rizzio's murder as having taken place the day
before it really occurred.
1 From a statement of Guzman (28th January 1566) it would appear that
Cecil, probably in union with Murray, had some idea of bringing Darnley round
to the English interest. The Queen (Elizabeth), he Says, had refused Ram-
bouillet's suggestion that when he arrived in Scotland he might bring about a
reconciliation between the two Queens. " Afterwards, however, Cecil went to
his (Rambouillet's) lodgings, and told him that when the King of Scotland,
bearing in mind that he had been an English subject, should write modestly to
the Queen, saying that he was sorry for her anger, and greatly wished that it
should disappear, he (Cecil) believed that everything would be settled, if at
the same time the Queen of Scotland would send an Ambassador hither to
treat of Lady Margaret's affairs" (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.).

1566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 181
to the Catholic side ; for Leicester was openly under
French influence, always suspicious in the eyes of old-
fashioned Englishmen, and now more than ever dis
trusted, for Cardinal Lorraine's agents were around
Mary, and the Guisan Rambouillet was carrying the
Order of St. Michael to Darnley, with loving messages to
the Queen of Scots.
On the last day of January 1566, Cecil and other
Councillors went to Guzman's house to discuss the eternal
question of the trade regulations and the suppression of
piracy. When their conference was finished, Cecil took
the Ambassador aside and urgently besought him to use
his great influence with the Queen in favour of the Arch
duke's suit. The next day the request was pressed even
more warmly by Sussex, who told Guzman that the
majority of the Council had decided to address a joint
note on the subject to the Queen. The Spaniard was
not enthusiastic, for he did not wish to break entirely
with Leicester in view of possibilities ; but on the 2nd
February he broached the subject to the Queen and dis
cussed it at length. She was, as usual, diplomatic and
shifty ; but whenever she was uncomfortably pressed,
began to talk of her marriage with Leicester as a possi
bility ; and two days afterwards Guzman saw her walk
ing in the gallery at Whitehall with Leicester, who, she
said, was just persuading her to marry him, "as she
would do if he were a king's son." People thought,
she continued, that it was Leicester's fault she was
unmarried, and it had made him so unpopular that he
would have to leave court.
Almost daily Cecil or Sussex urged the Ambassador
to favour the Archduke with the Queen, and were un
tiring in their attempts to induce the Archduke himself
to come to England, in the hope of forcing the Queen's
hand. As a means to the same end they continued to

1 82 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
sow jealousy between the Catholic sovereigns. "Cecil
tells me," writes Guzman (2nd March), "that so great
and constant are the attempts of the French to hinder
this marriage, and to perturb the peace and friendship
between your Majesty and this country, that they leave
no stone unturned with that object. They are gaining
over Lord Robert with gifts and favours, and are even
doing the same with Throgmorton. It is true that Cecil
is not friendly with them, but I think he tells me the
truth with regard to it."1 Again, when Sir Robert
Melvil, who had come from Mary to pray Elizabeth
to release Lady Margaret, was leaving London' on his
return, Cecil begged him to see Guzman before his
departure, "as no person had done so much as he
had to bring about concord between the two Queens,
and he (Cecil) thought that if the differences could be
referred to him (Guzman) for arbitration, they might
easily be settled." Guzman thought so too, and wrote
by Melvil to Mary to that effect, advising her to abandon
arrogant pretensions, and accept such honourable terms
as should satisfy Elizabeth ; 2 and, as a preliminary, he
exhorted her to live on good terms with her husband.
Before Melvil left Cecil, the latter told him that they had
news of Rizzio's murder (this was written on the 18th
March), and at the same time there came a messenger
from Murray, saying that he had returned into Scotland
(from Newcastle) on a letter of assurance from Darnley.
The Earl of Murray had entered Edinburgh in triumph
the day after the murder, and the Queen and Darnley
had together started for Dunbar.
Another opportunity for Cecil to breed dissensions
between Spain and France came when the news arrived
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Only two days before this Guzman gave the same advice to Elizabeth.
Both she and Cecil then assured him of their desire for such a settlement, which
would have checked French designs in Scotland, and disarmed Spain.

1566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 183
of Pero Melendez's massacre of the French settlement
in Florida, on the ground that the territory belonged
to the King of Spain. The Queen professed herself to
Guzman delighted at such good news ; but was surprised
that Florida was claimed by Spain, as she always thought
that the Frenchman Ribault had discovered it ; indeed
she had seriously thought of conquering it herself. Guz
man saw Cecil when he left the Queen (30th March), and
the Secretary had nothing but reprobation for Coligny,
who had sent out the French Florida expedition. " He
said your Majesty should proclaim your rights with re
gard to Florida, that they might be known everywhere."
Cecil, shortly before this, whilst discussing the question
of Hawkins' voyages to Guinea and South America, said
that he himself had been offered a share in the enter
prise, but that he did not care to have anything to do
with such adventures. By all this it will be seen that
Cecil's strenuous efforts to combat the Catholic league,
which might lend to Mary Stuart a united support
against England, took the traditional form of drawing
the House of Austria to the side of England, and caus
ing jealousy between France and Spain. He knew that
in the long-run national antipathies were stronger than
religious affinities, and that the Catholic league, which
had been ineffectual after the peace of Cateau Cambresis
(1559), could with time and industry be broken again.1
1 We do not often hear of Lady Cecil's action in politics, but on this occa
sion she seems to have seconded her husband. Guzman writes (22nd April
1566): "Cecil's wife tells me that the French Ambassador says that if the
Archduke comes hither, he will cause discord in the country, as he will
endeavour to uphold his religion, and will have many to follow him. She
thinks the Queen will never marry Lord Robert, or, indeed, any one else,
unless it be the Archduke, which is the match Cecil desires. Certainly, if
any one has information on the matter, it is Cecil's wife, as she is clever and
greatly influences him."
A few days after the above was written, Guzman visited Cecil, who was
ill, and mentioned how annoyed the French were when they saw the Arch
duke's suit prospering. " They then at once bring forward their own King to

184 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
But while Cecil approached Spain in order to divide
her from France, he never forgot that Philip was the
champion of the Catholics throughout the world, and
kept his eyes on every movement which might forebode
ill to England. His spies in Flanders were daily sending
reports of the rumours there of King Philip's attitude
towards the resistance of the Flemish nobles to the In
quisition ; indeed, as Guzman writes to his master (29th
April) : " These people have intelligence from every
where, and are watching religious affairs closely ; but
it is difficult to understand what they are about, and
with whom they correspond, as Cecil does it all himself,
and does not trust even his own secretary." 1
Cecil might well be vigilant, for Mary Stuart's plots
went on unceasingly.2 Sir Robert Melvil arrived in
embarrass the Queen. When this trick has hindered the negotiations, they
take up with Leicester again, and think we do not see through them." " Yes,"
replied Cecil, "they are very full of fine words and promises, as usual, and
they think when they have Lord Robert on their side their business is as good
as done, but their great object is to embroil the Emperor with the King of
Spain." (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.)
1 When news came of Brederode's " protest " in the Netherlands and the
rising of the "beggars," Guzman tried hard to discover from Cecil whether
any connection existed between the rebels and the English. He concluded
that there was none, although the eastern counties' ports were full already of
Flemish Protestant fugitives. The Queen was very emphatic in her con
demnation of the " beggars" at first. " Fine Christianity, she said, was this,
which led subjects to defy their sovereign. It had begun in Germany and in
France, and then extended to Scotland, and now to Flanders, and perhaps
some day will happen here, as things are going now. Some rogues, she said,
even wanted to make out that she knew something about the affairs in
Flanders. Only let me get them into my hands, she exclaimed, and I will
soon make them understand the interest I feel in all that concerns my brother,
the King " (i.e. Philip). (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth. )
2 See the letters of Cecil's spy, Ruxby (or Rooksby), in extenso in Haynes.
This man had fled from England to Scotland for debt. He was known to
Cecil, who, when he heard that he was dealing with Mary Stuart in Edinburgh,
warned him. Ruxby then offered his services as a spy, and sent Cecil very
compromising information, about Mary's plans. Melvil discovered this, and
Ruxby was seized by the Scots and put in prison, Killigrew's attempts, at
the instance of Cecil, to convey him to England as an escaped recusant, being
thus frustrated. (Hatfield Papers.)

1566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 185
London in May, again to discuss the question of the
succession, and to ask Elizabeth to stand sponsor for
Mary's expected child ; but, greatly to Elizabeth's indig
nation, he brought amiable letters from the Scottish
Queen to the Earl of Northumberland and other Eng
lish Catholic nobles ; and whilst he was in London, an
emissary from Mary Stuart to the Pope passed through
on his return to Scotland with 20,000 crowns from the
Pontiff, and a promise of 4000 crowns a month to pay a
thousand soldiers for her (Mary's) defence. An envoy,
too, of the rebel Shan O'Neil was at the same time lurking
in Edinburgh, conferring with the Queen.
All this was known to Cecil and Elizabeth, and drove
them ever nearer to Spain and to the Archduke's match,
Leicester himself, probably out of jealousy of Ormonde,
who was vigorously flirting with the Queen, now openly
siding with the Austrian, Even Throgmorton was re
conciled with Cecil by the Earls of Pembroke and
Leicester, who promised the Secretary that Throgmorton
should no longer thwart his policy.
On the 23rd June, Sir James Melvil arrived with
breakneck speed in London from Edinburgh, with news
of the birth of Mary Stuart's heir.1 It was late, but
Sir Robert Melvil, the Ambassador, lost no time in
conveying the tidings to Cecil, whose own entry of the
event in the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield runs thus :
" 1566, 19 June, was borne James at Edinburgh inter
horae 10 et 1 1 matutino." Cecil promised to keep the news
secret from the court until Mary's own messenger could
convey it officially to tho Queen. Elizabeth was at Green
wich at the time, and when Cecil arrived she was " in
great mirth dancing after supper." Cecil approached the
Queen and whispered in her ear, and in a moment the
1 He started from Edinburgh a few hours after James's birth, and reached
London in four days (Melvil Memoirs).

t86 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
secret was out and all joy vanished. With a burst of envy,
Elizabeth, almost in tears, told her ladies that the Queen of
Scots was mother of a fair boy, whilst she, Elizabeth, was
but a "barren stock."1 When the Melvils saw her the next
day she had recovered her composure, and promised to
send Cecil to Scotland to be present at the christening,
which embassy the Secretary with some difficulty evaded,
" as there were so many suspicions on both sides." 2
The Queen had suffered a serious illness early in
the summer, which, with the anxiety of her position,
had reduced her to a very low condition. It was decided
that a progress should be undertaken for her health,
in which the University of Oxford could be visited,
and Cecil be specially honoured by a stay of the Queen
at his house of Burghley. She left London in July, and
underwent an ordeal at Oxford similar to that which she
had experiened two years before at Cambridge. The
vestments controversy was raging with great bitterness,
clergymen were deprived and punished for contumacy,
pulpit and press were silenced, and the Protestants
resentful. Cecil was firm, but diplomatic, and the
Queen indignant that her laws should be called into
question. Under the circumstances it required great
tact on both sides to avoid any untoward event during
the Queen's visit to Oxford, where the Puritan party
was very strong. Leicester and Cecil were both with
the Queen, the former strongly favouring the Puritans,
the latter taking his stand on the Queen's order for the
discipline of the Church. On the Queen's reception, the
Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Humphreys, one of the leaders of
the anti-vestment party, approached to kiss the Queen's
1 Melvil Memoirs.
2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i. On the 20th July, Cecil writes
to Lord Cobham, " I trust I shall not be troubled with the Scottish journey"
(Hatfield Papers).

1 566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 187
hand. "Mr. Doctor," said the Queen, smiling, "that
loose gown becomes you mighty well ; I wonder your
notions should be so narrow." Once, during the speech
of the public orator, tender ground was touched, but the
visit passed over without further embittering an already
bitter controversy, and Leicester and Cecil, Puritan
Knollys, Catholic Howard of Effingham, and many
others received the honorary degree of Master of
Arts.1 Cecil's own entries in his journal of the period are
meagre enough : —
"1566. June. Fulsharst, a foole, was suborned to
speak slanderously of me at Greenwich to the Queen's
Majesty ; for which he was committed to Bridewell.
" June 16. A discord inter Com. Sussex et Leicester
at Greenwych, ther appeased by Her Majesty.
"August 3. The Queen's Majesty was at Colly
Weston, in Northamptonshire.
"August 5. The Queen's Majesty at my house in
Stamford. l
" August 31. The Queen in progress Went from Wood
stock to Oxford."
During the progress a disagreement between Cecil
and Leicester took place, as well as that mentioned
between the latter and Sussex. The communications
between the Earl and the French were constant, and
had caused much heart-burning. The existence of a
strong and active party in the English court osten
tatiously leaning to the French side, at a time when
Cecil's whole policy depended upon keeping the good
will of Spain, hampered him at every turn, and he
wrote a letter to Sir Thomas Hoby, privately instructing
him to give out in France that Leicester's influence over
the Queen had decreased, and that the French need not
1 Nichol's "Progresses of Queen Elizabeth."

1 88 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
court him so much as they did. When the letter arrived,
Hoby, the Ambassador, was dead, and it fell into other
hands. Leicester heard of it, and taxed Cecil, who
retorted angrily.
Even in Cecil's own house the intrigues against his
policy continued. He had sent Danett to the Emperor
with the draft clauses of the proposed marriage treaty
with the Archduke, and the news from Vienna seemed to
confirm the best hopes of those who favoured the Austrian
match. This, of course, did not suit Leicester. Vulcob,
the nephew of the new French Ambassador, B6chetel de
la Forest, went to Stamford to carry his uncle's excuses
for not coming earlier to see the Queen. As he was enter
ing the presence-chamber at Burghley, Leicester stopped
him, and began talking about the marriage. He hardly
knew what to think, he said, but he was sure that if the
Queen ever did marry, she would choose no one but
himself for a husband. The Frenchman, no doubt, under
stood him. The Archduke's match was getting too pro
mising, and must be checked by the usual French move.
So Vulcob took care when he saw the Queen to dwell
mainly upon the attractive physical qualities of the young
King Charles IX. Elizabeth was never tired of such a
subject, and very soon the French Ambassador was
warmly intriguing to bring forward his master's suit
again, as a counterpoise to the Austrian hopes, but really
in Leicester's interests, whilst presents and loving mes
sages came thick and fast from France to Leicester and
Throgmorton. The Emperor's reply by Danett was, after
all, not so encouraging as Cecil and Sussex had been
led to expect, and Leicester's hopes rose higher than
ever. During the Queen's progress he arranged with his
friends a scheme which seemed as if it would stop the
Archduke's chances for ever. Parliament was to meet in
October, and the plan was to influence both Houses to

1566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 189
press the Queen on the questions of the succession and
her marriage, "so that by this means the Archduke's
business may be upset . . . and then he (Leicester) may
treat of his own affair at his leisure." It was clear that
any attempt on the part of the Puritans and Leicester to
force the Queen's hands with regard to the marriage
whilst the delicate religious question was under discus
sion with the Emperor, would put an end to the negotia
tions, and Cecil and his friends strove their utmost to
avoid such a result. They urged Guzman again to
persuade the Queen to the match ; the Duke of Norfolk
came purposely to court with the same object, and for
once Cecil himself was willing, in appearance, to place
the religious question in the background. "Cecil,"
writes Guzman, " desires this business so greatly, that he
does not speak about the religious point ; but this may be
deceit, as his wife is of a contrary opinion, and thinks that
great trouble may be caused to the peace of the country
through it. She has great influence with her husband,
and no doubt discusses the matter with him ; but she
appears a much more furious heretic than he is." Well
might the Queen and Cecil be apparently more anxious
to sink religious differences than Lady Cecil, for they pro
bably knew how imminent the danger was better than she.
The Protestants in Flanders and Holland were in open
revolt ; and slow Philip was collecting in Spain and Italy
an overwhelming force by land and sea, with which he
himself was to come as the avenger of his injured
kingship, and crush the rising spirit of religious reform.
If such an army as his swept over and desolated his
Netherlands, whither next might it turn ? For six years
Elizabeth had kept Spain from harming her, out of
jealousy of France ; but France was now more than
half Guisan, and in favour of Mary Stuart, and the
Huguenots themselves had deserted England when she

190 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1566
was fighting their battle at Havre. No help, then, could
be expected from France if Spain attacked Elizabeth for
her " heresy " ; and the Queen and her wise minister
were fain to conciliate a foe they were not powerful
enough to face in the open. Elizabeth went beyond the
Spaniard himself in her violent denunciation of the in
surgents in the Netherlands. Their only aim, she said,
was liberty against God and princes. They had neither
reason, virtue, nor religion. She excused herself for
having helped the French Huguenots, which she only
did, she said, to recover Calais. If the Netherlands rebels
came to her for help, she would show them how dearly
she held the interests of her good brother King Philip ;
"and she cursed subjects who did not recognise the
mercy that God had shown them in sending them a
prince so clement and humane as your Majesty."1 Cecil
was not quite so extravagant as this, but he missed
no opportunity at so critical a juncture of drawing
nearer to Spain, and was even more compliant than ever
before on the vexed subject of the English right to trade
in the Spanish Indies. "Cecil is well disposed in this
matter," writes Guzman, " and I am not surprised that
the others are not, as they are interested. Cecil assures me
that he has always stood aloof from similar enterprises."
In the meanwhile Leicester's persistent efforts to
hamper Cecil's policy were bearing fruit. With great
difficulty Cecil persuaded the House of Commons to
vote the supplies before the question of the succession
was dealt with, but a free fight on the floor of the House
preceded the vote. The Queen was irritated beyond
measure at the inopportune activity of the extreme party
about the succession. Sussex, the Spanish Ambassador,
and others of Catholic leanings, pointed out to her that
if she married the Archduke there would be an end of
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.

1 566] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 191
the trouble, and she need not then think of any successor
other than her own children. At length a joint meeting
of the two Houses adopted an address to the Queen,
urging her to appoint a successor if she did not intend to
marry. When the address was presented, her rage passed
all decency.1 The Duke of Norfolk, her own kinsman, and
the first subject of the realm, was insulted with vulgar
abuse, which well-nigh reduced him to tears. Leicester,
Pembroke, Northampton, and Howard were railed at
and scolded in turn ; only once did she soften somewhat
towards Leicester. She had thought, she said, that if all
the world had abandoned her, he would never do so.
What do the devils want ? she asked Guzman. Oh !
your Majesty, replied the Ambassador, what they want
is liberty, and if monarchs do not combine against it, it
is easy to see how it will all end. She would send the
ungrateful fellow Leicester away, she said, and the
Archduke might now be without suspicion. Gradually,
as she calmed, her diplomacy asserted itself, and cleverly,
by alternations of threats and cajolery, she reduced
Parliament to the required condition of invertebrate
dependence upon her will.2
1 Although Cecil was a member of the Commons deputation, he was, of
course, known to be against the measure, and escaped the Queen's vituperation.
Cecil himself in his notes thus refers to the matter: "1566. October 17.
Certen Lords, viz., Erie of Pembroke and Lecester, wer excluded the
presence-chamber, for furdering the proposition of the succession to be
declared in Parliament without the Queen's allowance."
2 The Parliament was dissolved on 2nd January 1567. The principal
measure adopted in it was that which gave Parliamentary confirmation to the
consecration of the bishops and archbishops, in order to counteract the attacks
promoted by Bonner against the Protestant consecration. The measure was
principally urged by the bishops themselves, and: in the Lords was carried to
a great extent by their votes, there being twenty-eight bishops present, and
thirty-two lay peers. The House of Commons was strongly Protestant, and
was dissolved instead of being prorogued, as was expected. Although the
measure referred to was passed, the Government refrained from proceeding
further against the Catholic bishops who had refused the oath of supremacy.
(See Strype's "Annals," &c.)

1 92 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
All this, we may be sure, did not decrease the ill-feeling
in the court, which for the next six months became a
hotbed of intrigue. On the one side were Norfolk,
Sussex, the Conservatives, and the Catholics, aided by
Guzman, and cautiously supported by Cecil and Bacon ;
whilst on the other, Leicester, Throgmorton, Pembroke,
Knollys, and the Puritans, backed by the French Ambas
sador, ceaselessly endeavoured to check the Austrian-
Spanish friendship, and if possible, above all, to ruin
Sussex and prevent his embassy to the Emperor. That
Leicester would stick at no inconsistency is seen by the
curious fact that, whilst he was nominally heading the
Puritan party, he, according to Melvil, was strenuously
favouring the claims of the Queen of Scots to the suc
cession. He assured Elizabeth that this would be her
best safeguard, or "Cecil would undo all," the reason
for this being that Cecil was known to be in favour of
Catharine Grey.
On the 14th February 1567, Cecil sent word to
his friend Guzman that he had just received secret
advice of the murder of Darnley, of which he gave
some hasty particulars. The intelligence could hardly
have come as a surprise to the Spaniard, for a month
previously he had informed Philip that some such act
was contemplated. Within a few hours of the reception
of the news in London, Leicester sent his brother, the
Earl of Warwick, to Catharine Grey's husband, to offer
him his services in the matter of the succession. Five
days afterwards Sir James Melvil came with full par
ticulars of the foul deed at Kirk o' Field, and at once
rumour was busy with the name of Mary Stuart as an
accomplice in her husband's death. Elizabeth expressed
sorrow and compassion on the day she heard the news,
but rather doubtfully told Guzman " that she could not
believe that the Queen of Scots could be to blame for

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 193
so dreadful a thing, notwithstanding the murmurs of the
people." When Guzman, however, pointed out to her
how dangerous it would be for the opposite party (Catha
rine Grey's friends) to make capital out of the accusation,
the Queen agreed that it would be wise to discounte
nance it, and to keep friendly with Mary Stuart, in
order to prevent her from falling under French influ
ence again.
In a letter from Cecil to Norris (20th February) he
says : " The Queen sent yesterday my Lady Howard
and my wife to Lady Lennox, in the Tower, to open this
matter to her, who could not by any means be kept
from such passions of mind as the horribleness of the
fact did require. ... I hope her Majesty will show
some favourable compassion of the said lady, whom
any humane nature must needs pity. . . . The most sus
picion that I can hear is of Earl Bothwell, yet I would
not be thought the author of any such report." 1 Lady
Margaret, in her agony of grief, made no scruple at first
in accusing her daughter-in-law of complicity in the
murder ; but the bereaved mother left the Tower on
the following day, doubtless warned of the unwisdom
of saying what she thought. At least, when she saw
Sir James Melvil she told him, " She did not believe
that Mary had been a party to the death of her son,
but she could not help complaining of her bad treat
ment of him." But whatever she might say, the spirits
of the Catholic party in England sank to zero at the black
cloud which hovered over their candidate. " Every day
it becomes clearer that the Queen of Scotland must take
some step to prove that she had no hand in the death
of her husband if she is to prosper in her claims to the
succession here," 2 wrote Guzman. Fortunately this book
1 Scrinia Ceciliana.
2 Spanish State Papers : Guzman to Philip, ist March. N

194 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
is not the place in which to discuss the vexed question of
Mary's complicity in Darnley's death, but her contempo
raries both in England and Scotland, as well as abroad,
certainly thought her guilty. Cecil, writing to Sir Henry
Norris in March, mentions the suspicions against Both-
well, Balfour, &c, and says, "There are words added,
which I am loth to report, that touch the Queen of Scots,
which I hold best to be suppressed. Further, such per
sons anointed are not to be thought ill of without manifest
proof." l And again, a few days afterwards, he says, "The
Queen of Scots is not well spoken of." The entry of the
event in Cecil's journal makes no mention of Mary. It
runs thus : " Feb. 9. The L. Darnley, K. of Scots, was
killed and murdered near Edenburgh ; " and on the fol
lowing day the news is amplified thus: "Feb. 10. Hora
secunda post mediam noctem Hen. Rex Scotice interfectus
fuit, per fac Co. Bothwell, fac Ormeston de Ormeston, Hob
Ormeston patrem dicti fac Ormeston, Tho Hepbourn!'
Morette, the Duke of Savoy's special envoy to Scot
land, had left Edinburgh the day after the murder, and
on his way through London saw Guzman. The Queen
of Scots had assured Morette that she would avenge her
husband's death, and punish the murderers, but he made
no secret of his belief that she had prior knowledge of
the plan. Whilst Morette was dining with Guzman and
the French Ambassador, a French messenger named
Clerivault arrived at the house, bringing a letter from
Mary to the Queen of England, claiming her pity, and
similar letters for Catharine de Medici, the Archbishop
of Glasgow, and others,2 denouncing the crime.3 Mary,
1 Scrinia Ceciliana,
2 These letters will be found in Labanoff, vol. ii.
3 Catharine de Medici's attitude when she heard the news was charac
teristic. She thus wrote to Montmorenci : "Gossip: my son the King is
sending you this courier to give you the news he has received from Scotland.

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 195
indeed, lost no time in endeavouring to put herself right
before the world. She offered rewards for the discovery
of the murderers ; but when all fingers are pointed at
Bothwell and his creatures, when public placards were
posted in the capital accusing them and hinting at the
Queen's complicity, Mary still kept the principals at her
side, and made no move against their subaltern instru
ments. In vain, for a time, the bereaved father Lennox
demanded vengeance ; in vain Elizabeth, by Killigrew,
sent indignant letters to Mary ; in vain the Catholic
Archbishop of Glasgow exhorted her to prove her own
innocence by pursuing the offenders without mercy.
Bothwell stood ever by her side, and his clansmen
cowed the murmuring citizens who looked with aver
sion now upon their beautiful young Queen. At length,
goaded to take some action by the danger of losing the
Catholic support, upon which alone she had depended,
she held the sham trial in the Edinburgh Tolbooth two
months after the crime. Lennox refused to attend the
travesty of justice, and Bothwell was unanimously ac
quitted. Murray had left the court before the murder,
and fled to France when the result of the trial was
known. Bothwell, loaded with favours, insolent with
success, seemed to hold Scotland and the Queen in the
hollow of his hand. The nobles were mostly bought
or threatened into shameful compliance, and only the
"preachers" and the townsfolk kept alive the growing
horror of the Queen. No longer, even, did the humble
peasant women hesitate, before Mary's face, to make
their loyal blessing conditional upon her innocence.1
You see that the young fool (Darnley) has not been King very long. If he
had been wiser he would have been alive still. It is a great piece of luck for
the Queen, my daughter, to be rid of him." (MSS. Bibliotheque Nationale,
Bethune.) 1 Drury to Cecil, April 1567 (State Papers, Scotland).

196 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
What was horrified doubt before became indignant
reprobation when, only three months after Darnley's
death, Mary married the hastily divorced Bothwell.
Then came the hurried flight in disguise towards Dun
bar, the gathering of the nobles, the flight of Bothwell
at Carbery Hill, and the conveyance of the disgraced
Queen to Edinburgh. When nothing but vows of de
fiance and vengeance against Bothwell's enemies could
be obtained from her, and it was clear that the unfor
tunate woman was deaf to reason and decency, came the
crowning degradation of Lochleven, and Mary Stuart's
sun set to rise no more.
To a short life of turbulent pleasure succeeded twenty
years of plotting against the peace and independence of
England and the cause of religious liberty. During that
twenty years Cecil and his mistress were pitted against
one of the cleverest women in Europe, supported by all
that was discontented in England and Scotland, and all
that was distinctively Catholic abroad. In the critical
position caused by the rising of the Protestant Lords
against Bothwell and the Queen, Cecil's view diverged
somewhat from that of Elizabeth. The latter was natu
rally first concerned at the want of respect shown on all
sides to an anointed sovereign, which subject was always
a tender one with her ; whereas the Secretary was still
anxious, before all else, to exclude French influence from
Scotland. Writing to Norris in France (26th June), he
conveys the news of Mary's restraint, and at the same
time encloses letters from Scotland recalling Murray
(then at Lyons), " the sending of which letters requireth
great haste, whereof you must not make the Scottish
Ambassador privy.1 . . . The best part of the (Scots)
nobility hath confederated themselves to follow, by way
of justice, the condemnation of Bothwell and his com-
1 Scrinia Ceciliana.

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 197
plices in the murder of the King. Bothwell defends
himself by the Queen's maintenance and the Hamiltons,
so he hath some party, though it be not great. The 15th
of this month he brought the Queen into the field with
her power, which was so small, as he escaped himself
without fighting and left the Queen in the field ; and she
yielded herself to the Lords, flatly denying to grant justice
against Bothwell, so as they have restrained her in Loch-
leven until they come unto the end of their pursuit
against Bothwell. . . . Murray's return into Scotland is
much desired by them, and for the weal both of England
and Scotland I wish he were here. For his manner of
returning and safety, I pray require Mr. Stewart to have
good care. . . . The French Ambassador, and Villeroy,
who is there (in Scotland), pretend favour to the Lords,
with great offers; and it may be that they may do as
much on the other side" (i.e. in France).1 It was this
last possibility which so much disturbed Cecil, and it was
to avert it that Murray's return was so ardently desired,
for he was known always to be opposed to the French
influence in his country. In August, after Murray had
returned to Scotland (visiting Elizabeth at Windsor on
his way home at the end of July), Cecil wrote again to
Norris : " You shall perceive by the Queen's letter to you
herewith how earnestly she is bent in the favour of the
Queen of Scots ; and truly since the beginning she hath
been greatly offended with the Lords in this action;2 yet
1 Scrinia Ceciliana.
2 Again, on the 3rd September, Cecil writes to Norris: "The Queen's
Majesty, our sovereign, remaineth still offended with the Lords (of Scotland)
for the Queen : the example moveth her." Later in the month (27th Sep
tember) a French envoy came through England on a mission to Scotland,
and proposed to Elizabeth that joint action should be taken to secure Mary's
liberation. The envoy was persuaded in London to refrain from continuing
his journey, and we see that Cecil's feeling in favour of the Protestant party
was gradually gaining ground in Elizabeth's counsels. He writes : " Surely

198 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
no counsel can stay her Majesty from manifesting of her
misliking of them ; so as, indeed, I think thereby the French
may, and will, easily catch them, and make their present
profit of them, to the damage of England. In this
behalf her Majesty had no small misliking of that book
which you sent me written in French, whose (author's)
name yet I know not; but, howsoever, I think him of
great wit and acquaintance in the affairs of the world.
It is not in my power to procure any reward, and
therefore you must so use the matter as he neither be
discouraged nor think unkindness in me." l
How much Cecil dreaded renewed French interfer
ence in Scotland is seen at this time by his ever-growing
cordiality towards Spain. An acrimonious discussion was
going on, both in London and in Paris, with regard to the
restoration of Calais to England, which was now due by
the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis. Cecil and the Queen were
both emphatic in their condemnation of the Protestant
risings in the Spanish Netherlands, though French agents
kept whispering to Guzman that help was being sent
thither by England. The union between Cecil and the
Spaniard was nevertheless closer than ever. The latter,
in March, secretly told Cecil that the King of France was
sending De Croc to Scotland,2 and that there seemed to
be some mystery brewing in that quarter. The Secretary
if either the French King or the (English) Queen should appear to make any
force against them of Scotland for the Queen (of Scots') cause, we find it
credible that it were the next way to make an end of her ; and for that cause
her Majesty is loth to take that way." As an instance of the divergence of
the Queen and Cecil during the summer, Guzman, detailing a private con
versation he had with the Queen in July, during which he warned her
again against French interference in Scotland, writes : " Certain things
passed in the conversation which . she begged me not to communicate even to
Cecil." 1 Scrinia Ceciliana.
2 The object of the French was to retain their alliance with Scotland in any
case, which, indeed, was their great safeguard against England and Spain.

1 567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 199
replied that he knew it ; they had a plot to steal the
Prince of Scotland and take him to France, but that
steps had been taken to prevent such a thing. Guzman
thereupon urged the Queen of England to have the
infant Prince brought to England, Mary having told
Killigrew that she was willing that this should be
done.1 Indeed, at this time Cecil's perseverance had
quite won Spanish sympathy, and had widened the
rift in the Catholic league, as was necessary for Eng
land's safety, Guzman being if anything more eager
than Cecil to checkmate the intrigues of the French in
Scotland. The efforts on the other side were just as incessant to
divide Spain from England, and more than once at this
period caused temporary estrangement between them.
In June a somewhat unexpected embassy came from the
Emperor, with the object of asking Elizabeth for mone
tary aid against the Turk. The principal Ambassador,
Stolberg, was a Protestant, and the Queen immediately
jumped at the incorrect conclusion that he had come to
arrange for the wedding of the Archduke. Before even
he arrived in London, Stolberg had been persuaded that
a great Catholic league had been formed, including his
own sovereign the Emperor, with the object of crushing
Elizabeth and rooting out Protestantism from Europe ;
and when, at his formal reception at Richmond,2 the
De Croc was sent as Ambassador in 1566 for this especial purpose. Villeroy
and Lignerolles were subsequently despatched respectively to conciliate Murray
and Bothwell. When Murray assumed the Regency, the French were just as
anxious to recognise him as they had been to welcome other regimes, and
Charles IX. himself assured Murray of his continued friendship. (See letters
and instructions in Ch cruel. )
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
2 Cecil writes to Lord Cobham (27th May) : " Lady Clinton hath procured
my wife to make a supper to-morrow, where a greater person will covertly be,
as she is wont. The Queen hath made asseverations to persuade the Duke (of
Norfolk) of her effectual dealing to marry, and to deal plainly in this embassy "

200 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
Queen gave Stolberg an unfavourable reply to his re
quest for aid against the Turk, Cecil took Guzman, who
accompanied him, aside and told him that the Queen
and Council had learned the particulars of a league of
the Catholic powers against Elizabeth and the Pro
testants,1 in favour of the Queen of Scots. The better
to effect the object, he said, the Emperor had made
a disadvantageous truce with the Turk, whereat the
English Council was much scandalised, and was deter
mined to make all necessary preparations, this being the
reason why the Queen had answered the Ambassador so
unfavourably.2 Guzman was shocked that so sensible a
person as Cecil should believe such nonsense. Probably
Cecil knew as well as Guzman that the league was dead,
so far as united action against England was concerned ;
but such attejnpts as this, to serve French ends by
arousing jealqusy between Spain and England, were
constant, and occasionally, as in this instance, aroused
some distrust on one side or the other.3
As soon as the detention of Mary Stuart was known
(Hatfield Papers). The object of the supper was to enable the Queen privately
to meet the Emperor's Ambassadors before their public reception. She seems
to have been much disappointed that they had nothing to say about the
marriage, and as a result decided at last to send the Earl of Sussex to the
Emperor. 1 Guzman expressed his disbelief in any such intelligence having been
received, whereupon Cecil showed him the paper. The document had reached
Cecil in German from one of his agents, and is still in the Burghley Papers.
Guzman pointed out to Cecil the undiplomatic form in which the articles
of the alleged treaty were drawn up and their inherent improbability, which
Cecil admitted. The particulars are now known to have been a fabrication,
although the main object of the league was unquestionably to suppress
Protestantism by extermination.
2 The answer, which Guzman calls a very impertinent one, will be found in
State Papers, Foreign, June 1567, and the original draft, in Cecil's hand, at
Hatfield. 8 Guzman writes (5th July ) : " Everything that can be done to arouse the
suspicion of the Queen against your Majesty is being done by certain people,
and I am trying all I can to banish such feeling and keep her in a good

1 567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 201
by the French Government an attempt was made to
gain Murray to the side of France, in order to ob
tain possession of the infant Prince. Murray delayed
pledging himself until he received the letters from the
Lords and from Cecil, already referred to. He then
started with all haste for Scotland, taking London on
the way. Whilst in London at the end of July he saw
Guzman, and told him as a secret that he had not even
communicated to Elizabeth, that a letter existed which
proved conclusively the guilt of his sister in the murder
of her husband.1 It was evident thus early that Murray,
whilst expressing sympathy for his sister, and deprecating
generally any derogation of the dignity of a sovereign,
was determined that Mary Stuart should do no more
harm to Protestantism or the relationship between Scot
land and England, if he could help it. " He said he
would do his best to find some means by which she
should remain Queen, but without sufficient liberty to do
them any harm, or marry against the will of her Council
and Parliament" 2 It is evident, from a letter from
humour, without saying anything offensive of the King of France . . ; I think
I have satisfied and tranquillised her ; although when they see your Majesty so
strongly armed, suspicion is aroused, and not here alone." On the 21st July,
he says, "With all the demonstrations of friendship and the friendly offers I
make to the Queen from your Majesty, I find her rather anxious about the
coming of the Duke of Alba to Flanders."
1 Murray very closely describes the contents of the "first" casket letter,
of which so much has been written. The arguments of Mary's defenders,
founded on the long delay in the production of the letters, therefore fall to
the ground, as Murray had evidently seen a copy, or the originals, before the
end of July. To those who accuse Murray himself of having caused the
letters to be forged, it may be replied that, on the 12th July, De Croc, on his
way from Scotland to France, mentioned to Guzman in London the existence
of the letters. As Dalgleish, with the letters, was captured in Edinburgh
on the 20th June, there was no time in the interval for Morton in Scotland
and Murray in Lyons to have concocted an elaborate forgery such as this.
Murray, at all events, must be acquitted, as De Croc, leaving Scotland at the
end of June, had copies of the letters in his possession.
2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

202 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
Cecil to Norris, that Murray arranged with the former
when in England to assume the Regency of Scotland on
his arrival, although not without misgiving on the part of
Elizabeth, even if she personally was a consenting party
to the arrangement. Murray, writing a friendly letter to
Cecil early in 1568 (Hatfield Papers), mentions that a
report had reached him that Cecil had been told that
he (Murray) was offended because Sir William in his first
letter had not addressed him as Regent. Murray assures
him that this was not the case, and begs him not to allow
any such thought to disturb their friendship, "the amity
of the two countries being the great object of both . . .
although the Queen, your mistress, outwardly seems not
altogether to allow the present state here, yet I doubt
not but her Highness in heart liketh it well enough."
Elizabeth was at the time divided between two feelings :
that of indignation at any restraint being placed upon
a sovereign by subjects, and the knowledge that the
imprisonment of Mary meant the disablement of the
only individual whom England had to fear. Cecil was
fully alive to the latter fact, whilst the former was to
him of quite secondary importance when compared with
the national issues involved.
When the news came of Mary's renunciation and the
crowning of the infant James, the Lords wrote to Eliza
beth, saying that either she must protect them, or they
must accept a French alliance ; and she was then obliged
to prefer the interests of England to her reverence for
the sacredness of a sovereign. Guzman thus tells the
story : " The Queen told me she did not know what was
best to be done, and asked my opinion, pointing out to
me the inexpediency of showing favour to so bad an
example, and, on the other hand, the danger to her of
a new alliance of these people with the French ... I
think I see more inclination on her part to aid them (the

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 203
Scots) than the case at present demands, as I gave her
many reasons for delay, whilst she still insisted that it was
necessary to act at once." The next day (August 9) the
tone of the Queen had somewhat changed. She would,
she said, recall Throgmorton from Scotland, as it was
beneath her dignity to have an Ambassador accredited
to a sovereign in duress,1 and she would refuse her pro
tection and aid to the Lords. The reason for this
perhaps was that " the letter she writes to Throgmorton
is very short. I have seen it, though I could not read it.
It was in the hands of Lord Robert (i.e. Leicester), who
dictated it, and he carried it to the Queen for signature
in my presence, Cecil not being present." 2 Cecil, indeed,
at this juncture had to proceed with great caution, and,
as usual, by indirect and devious ways. Leicester, Pem
broke, and their friends had now (August), as Guzman
says, "no rivals, as Secretary Cecil proceeds respectfully,
and the rest who might support him are absent. He
knows well, however, that he is more diligent than they,
and so keeps his footing."
1 How wavering Elizabeth's policy was at the time, according as Leicester
or Cecil was near her, may clearly be seen. By Throgmorton's instructions
of 30th June (State Papers, Scotland ; in extenso in Keith), it is evident that
his mission was to blame both Mary and the Lords, making Elizabeth the
arbiter between them, and to negotiate the restoration of Mary to liberty, but
without political power. The Lords would not allow this, and Throgmorton
failed. On the other hand, Melvil was sent back to Scotland shortly before
Throgmorton, taking a message from Elizabeth to the Lords, in reply to their
secret intimation that they intended to depose Mary, and a promise to the
effect that she would aid them "in their honourable enterprise" (Melvil to
Cecil, ist July — State Papers, Scotland ; in extenso in Tytler).
2 Guzman to Philip, August 9, 1567, Spanish State Papers. Guzman at
this time had a conversation with a French envoy, Lignerolles, who was
returning from Scotland. He told him that Leicester's henchman Throg
morton, on his embassy to Scotland, had acted earnestly and vigorously in
favour of Mary. "Which," writes Guzman, "I quite believe, as he has
always been attached to her. He is also a great friend of Lord Robert's, and
an enemy of Cecil, whom the Queen does not consider to be in favour of the
Queen of Scots, but a partisan of Catharine " (Grey).

204 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
In the meanwhile the Catholics in England were
allowed almost perfect immunity, whilst, on the other
hand, strong land and sea forces were mustered, as a
counterbalance to the great army to be led into Flanders
by Alba. The closest friendship existed between the
Spaniards and Cecil, who was never tired of assuring
Guzman that Hawkins' great expedition, then on the
coast bound for Guinea, should under no circumstances
do anything prejudicial in any of the territories of
the King of Spain ; notwithstanding which, and the
fact that Philip's Flemish fleet had just been effusively
welcomed at Dover, John Hawkins himself, when the
same fleet put into Plymouth, fired a few cannon shots
at the flagship, and banged away until the Spanish flag
was hauled down, to the unspeakable indignation of the
Flemish admiral.
Things were in this condition in the autumn of 1567,
all Europe being on the alert watching the gathering of
the storm over the Netherlands. So long as there was
any danger of French interference in Scotland, or of the
Catholic powers taking up the cause of Mary Stuart,
Elizabeth, and more especially Cecil, drew closer to
Spain and the Catholic party in England. But events
moved quickly, and the whole aspect changed within
a few weeks. Almost simultaneously, in September
1567, came from different quarters two preliminary
thunderclaps that announced the tempest. The advent
of Alba in the Netherlands on his mission of vengeance
had sent affrighted fugitives flying in swarms across
the narrow seas to England ; but when, on the 9th Sep
tember, after the treacherous dinner-party in Brussels,
the two highest heads in Flanders, Egmont and Horn,
were struck at, and the bearers lodged in jail, all the
world knew that the great struggle had begun between
liberty and Protestantism on the one side, and tyranny

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 205
and Catholicism on the other. Thanks mainly to Eliza
beth and Cecil, it was not to be fought out on British soil.
Only a few weeks afterwards came the news of Conde's
attempt to seize the young King of France and his
mother, and to rescue them from the influence of Car
dinal Lorraine. The attempt failed, but soon all France
was ablaze with civil war, for the Protestant worm at last
had turned. Betrayed, as they had been before, and
face to face now with foreign mercenaries hurried into
France to suppress them, the convinced Huguenots
decided to stand by their faith, and fight to the death
for liberty to exercise it, let the "politicians" do what
they might. The two events happening almost together,
whilst Mary Stuart was in prison under a cloud, and
the rebel Shan O'Neil in Ireland had finally fallen, at
once relieved England of all danger from without,
unless the Catholic party was irresistibly triumphant
both in France and Flanders. The best way to pre
vent that was to support those who were in arms
against it, and the policy of Elizabeth and Cecil was
again cautiously changed accordingly.
As soon as the Queen received from Norris news of
Conde's rising, she sent for B6chetel, the French Ambas
sador, and ostentatiously condoled with him for the dis
respect shown to his sovereign. She rather overdid the
pity, and suggested that she should arbitrate between the
King and the Huguenots, but would take care that no
help was given to the latter from England. Bochetel
dryly thanked her for the assurance that she would not
help rebels again, but said that his King was quite able to
deal with his subjects without her assistance. Here, as
in the case of Mary Stuart, Elizabeth's first feeling was
indignation at any disrespect being shown to a sovereign ;
but Cecil's letter to Norris at the time (November 3, 1567)
shows that he and his friends looked at the matter from

206 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1567
another point of view,1 which Elizabeth herself shortly
afterwards adopted, as she had done in the case of the
Queen of Scots. In the meanwhile the Council became
daily more outspoken in favour of the Huguenots.
Messages of encouragement went speeding across the
Channel to Coligny, to Montgomerie, and the rest of
the Huguenot leaders. Cecil himself took Archbishop
Parker to task for his leniency to Bishop Thirlby and
Dr. Boxall, who were in his custody for recusancy ;
and at the end of November the official blindness as to
people attending mass in London came to an end. The
English people who had worshipped undisturbed in the
Spanish Ambassador's chapel were suddenly arrested,
and many of them sent to prison.2 On the same day
Cecil complained to Guzman that he had promoted the
breaking of the law by persuading Englishmen to attend
mass, and repeated other sinister reports about him.
The Spaniard denied the charges, and warned Cecil that,
although his present attitude might be prompted by
patriotic motives, it was a dangerous one, "and that
some people were casting the responsibility upon him
(Cecil), for the purpose of making him unpopular."
1 "Her Majesty much dislikes of the Prince of Cond^ and the French
Lords. The (English) Council do all they can to cover the same. Her
Majesty, being a Prince herself, is doubtful to give comfort to subjects. You
(Norris), nevertheless, shall do well to comfort them as occasion shall serve "
(Scrinia Ceciliana). The day before this was written, Guzman writes to
Philip, speaking of the suspicion that exists that the Queen is helping the
Huguenots, of which, however, he cannot find any confirmation : " But still
I notice that when news comes favourable to the heretics, these Councillors
are more pleased than otherwise, whilst they grieve if the heretics fail"
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth).
2 Guzman's comment upon this is curious : " These heretics are so blind
as to marvel why your Majesty does not allow full liberty to all in your
dominions to enjoy their own opinions and schisms against the Catholic
religion, and yet they themselves refuse to let people live freely in the ancient
religion which for so many years they have followed without molestation."

1567] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 207
Cecil, apparently, was not afraid of this, for he had
strained the loyalty of his friends almost to breaking
limits lately by the severity exercised against the anti-
vestment divines and his approaches to Spain, and
doubtless welcomed the change in the political position
which allowed him to enforce uniformity upon Catholics
as well as upon his own co-religionists. There was a
talk of expelling all Catholics from the Queen's house
hold, and Bacon, the Chancellor, made a speech in the
Star Chamber directing the judges and officials to put
into renewed force and press vigorously, the laws against
the possession of books attacking the Protestant faith.
"What most troubles the Catholics, however," writes
Guzman, "is to see that Leicester has become much
more confirmed in his heresy, and is followed by
the Earl of Pembroke, who had been considered a
Catholic. There is nobody now on the Catholic side in
the Council."
The hollow negotiations, too, for the Archduke's
marriage, carried on by honest Sussex in Vienna, were
politely shelved ; and the political pretence which Eliza
beth and Cecil had kept up for so long, of a leaning
towards the Catholic side, could safely be discarded until
the renewed liability of England to attack from without
might again call for its resumption. So far the Queen
and her minister had dissembled to good purpose, for
the great struggle for the faith had been diverted from
England to the Continent, and the monarchs of France
and Spain were both busy in suppressing the religious
revolts of their own subjects.

CHAPTER IX
1568-1569
Norris in France, and Cecil's agents in Spain and
Flanders, continued to send home alarming news of
the intentions of Philip and the Guises against England.
The stories were untrue, but coming from so many
quarters at the same time, were evidently not invented
by the senders. They were in fact set afloat by Philip,
as a means of keeping England in a state of apprehen
sion, and so preventing her from sending overt aid to
the Protestants in Flanders and France. To some ex
tent they were successful in frightening Elizabeth, evi
dently to Cecil's annoyance, for the Secretary at least
had taken Philip's measure, and knew that his hands
were full. In a letter to Lord Cobham, written in
April 1568, Cecil gives expression to this feeling in the
figurative language which he was in the habit of em
ploying. Cobham, as Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,
had forwarded a secret proposal of some Frenchmen in
Calais to seize that citadel and deliver it to the Hugue
nots to be held for Elizabeth. The Queen was alarmed
at the boldness of the plan, but promised that she would
consider it if the King of France refused her offered
mediation between him and the Huguenots. Cecil
writes thereupon : " It grieveth me to hold and follow
the plough where the owner of the ground forbears to
cast in the seed in seasonable time, and I am all the
more grieved that your Lordship is in like manner
discouraged. ' Moremus sepe sed nihil promoremus! But
208

is68] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 209
besides the plough your Lordship follows, we are occu
pied with another, meaning to join both together for
surety, but still I despair of seed." 1
In the meanwhile, though Elizabeth herself was still
overshadowed by the traditional might of Spain, the
English Catholics were feeling, by the increased severity
exercised towards them, the changed political situation.
The English minister, and in her stronger moments the
English Queen, were speaking more firmly now than
ever they had dared to do since Elizabeth's accession.
For the first time the position was becoming defined.
It was no longer France or Spain nationally that was
the enemy of England : it was Catholic against Pro
testant the world over. Philip was as nervously anxious
to avoid war as Elizabeth herself, and his need to do so
much greater than hers ; but if Protestantism was allowed
to become strong, then his great empire must crumble,
and the basis of his system disappear. His own slow
stolidity had been in a great measure the cause of his
finding himself in so unfavourable a tactical position,
for he had allowed the champions of the autonomous
rights of his Flemish dominions — rights which at first he
might easily have conciliated with his own sovereignty —
to obtain for their cause the immense added impetus of
religious reform. It was this fact which had changed
the situation ; and it was accentuated in England by the
activity of the Pope (Pius V.) in establishing English
seminaries abroad, and by means of money and busy
agents in England itself, raising the spirits of those who
clung to the old faith.2
1 This second " plough " was probably an arrangement to subsidise
Murray to send a privateer naval force to intercept some of Philip's vessels
conveying a number of Flemish nobles to Spain, amongst others Count de
Buren, the young son of the Prince of Orange.
2 Dr. Allen had recently established the English seminary at Douai, and a
Dr. Wilson was apprehended in March 1568 for collecting money from
O

210 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
The answer to the effervescence thus caused amongst
the Catholics was the renewed harshness against them
by the English ministers and the rising aggressiveness
of the Protestants. Late in February 1568, Cecil sent
word to Guzman, with whom he was still ostensibly
on friendly terms, to say that the Queen had learnt
casually that the English Ambassador in Madrid (Dr.
Man) was not allowed to hold Protestant service in the
embassy. She was surprised at this, and had sent to
the Ambassador orders to demand the same rights as
were accorded to Guzman in England ; if these were
denied she would recall him. Cecil himself was more
outspoken and indignant than usual, and much more
so than the Queen. "They think, no doubt, that the
present troubles in France and elsewhere," writes Guz
man, " give them a good opportunity of gaining ground,
their own affairs being favourable ; so they have begun
to look out more keenly, and to trouble the Catholics,
summoning some and arresting others, and warning them
to obey the present laws . . . they (the Council) soon
change her (the Queen), and all their efforts are directed
at making her shy of me."1 Guzman's messenger to
Madrid travelled more quickly than Cecil's, and before
Dr. Man could demand his right to enjoy Protestant
service, he was unceremoniously hustled out of Madrid,
without obtaining audience of the King, the pretext
being that he had in public conversation at his own
table insulted the Catholic faith.2 Though Philip took
English Catholics for the seminary at Louvain. Cecil himself, in his essay
on the " Execution of Justice," mentions the large number of papal emis
saries in England at this time. Thomas Heath, brother of the Archbishop,
and Faithful Cummin, a Dominican monk, were both arrested during this
spring for carrying on a Catholic propaganda under the guise of Puritan
Nonconformists. (See Strype's Parker, &c).
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 He was said to have called the Pope a " canting little monk." Amongst
those who testified against him was Gresham's agent Huggins, who afterwards
became one of Cecil's spies in Spain, and betrayed both sides.

iS68] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 211
this strong course, he was as anxious as ever to avoid
an open quarrel with England about that or anything
else, and sent all sorts of conciliatory messages to the
Queen. Dr. Man, he said, had behaved himself so
outrageously that his further stay in Spain was impos
sible ; but if another Ambassador were sent who would
act as English Ambassadors always had done, he should
be received with open arms.
The news arrived in London at a bad time. A Portu
guese Ambassador had just come (May 1568) to complain
— "brawling," as Cecil calls it — of the Hawkins expeditions
to Guinea. He went to the audience with Guzman, and
found the Queen in a towering rage about a scurrilous
letter referring to her, written by the Cardinal Prince
Dom Henrique. Cecil had obtained possession of the
letter somehow, and produced it, saying that the pre
sumption of the Portuguese was insufferable and made
them hated by all nations. The matter of the letter quite
overshadowed the grievance about trade, as it no doubt
was intended to do, and the Portuguese got no redress.
On the contrary, Cecil called to him some Spanish resi
dents in London who accompanied the Ambassador to
Whitehall, and warned them that they might not attend
mass at the embassy. What ! not foreigners ? asked
Antonio de Guaras. No, retorted Cecil, and turned his
back upon them to rejoin the Queen. The next day when
Cecil saw Guzman, he complained of Alba's severity in
Flanders, and of some insulting reference to Elizabeth in
the " Pontifical History " of Dr. Illescas, so that when Dr.
Man's letter arrived immediately afterwards announcing
his practical expulsion from Spain, everything was pre
pared for an explosion. The Queen received the news
with some alarm as to what it might portend, and was
at first inclined to be conciliatory ; but when Guzman
visited Cecil in the Strand two or three days afterwards,

212 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
he found the Secretary in a fit of anger unusual with
him. Such treatment of an Ambassador, he said, was an
unheard-of insult to his mistress, unless it was meant
as a provocation to war. After storming for some
time, he stopped for want of breath ; and it needed
all Guzman's suavity to calm him. " I waited a little
for him to recover from his rage, and then went
up to him, laughing, and embraced him, saying that I
was amused to see him fly into such a passion over what
I had told him, because I knew that he understood
differently. The affair, I said, might be made good or
bad as the Queen liked to make it." x But Cecil was not
easily appeased. He told Guzman that the Council re
garded him with suspicion, that Englishmen were treated
harshly in Spain, and much more to the same effect, all
of which was very surprising to the Spaniard, who was
unused to such plain speaking from him. But in the
ten years that Elizabeth had sat upon the throne, things
had radically changed. Cecil could afford to speak boldly
to Spain now ; for whilst England had grown enormously
in wealth, commerce, industry, and shipping, under a
prudent, patriotic Government, both the great rivals she
formerly feared were rent by the religious schism which
the folly or ambition of their rulers had precipitated
upon them, and England at any given moment could
paralyse either of them for harm by smiling upon their
Protestant subjects.
Whilst Mary was in Lochleven Castle, Murray's
enemies, the Hamiltons and the Catholics, were busy.
Murray had tried his best by severity to reduce the
country to something approaching order, and the tur
bulent chiefs who profited by anarchy resented it. The
compromising papers which implicated the ruling powers
in the late deeds of murder and violence were burnt,
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii.

1 568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 213
though not those that implicated the Queen,1 and the
whole of the responsibility was cast upon the Queen and
Bothwell. Religious uniformity was passed by Parlia
ment, and the exercise of Catholic worship abolished.
All this violent action, too rapid and too partial to be
readily assimilated by a country so profoundly divided
as Scotland was, naturally caused reaction in favour of
Mary, and when after one unsuccessful attempt she
escaped from prison (2nd May), there were friends in
plenty to flock to her banner. The day before her flight
she had written the fervent prayer to Elizabeth, swearing
unchanging fidelity to her if she would send her help 2 —
help for which she had besought Catharine de Medici in
vain ; for France wanted the alliance of Scotland, not
that of Mary Stuart personally. The day after, when
Mary, surrounded by Hamiltons, was free again, the
possibilities were all changed. Mary Stuart turned in a
few hours from the humble suppliant to the haughty
sovereign. Her abdication was revoked, Murray's re
gency declared illegal, and all his acts annulled. Beton
was sent off post-haste to London and Paris to demand
for his mistress a thousand harquebussiers and a sum of
money. Beton's instructions were to tell the English
Government that if they would not send the help, he was
to demand it from the French. Cecil writes to Norris,3
16th May, that under these circumstances the Queen had
promised all that Mary demanded; but he was to keep his
eye on Beton, and if he asked for French aid, Catharine
was to be told the message he brought from Mary to
London. Before Beton left London he went to see
Guzman with a verbal message from Mary. Now that
she was free, she said, she would show the world how
1 Drury to Cecil, 28th November 1567 (State Papers, Scotland).
2 In Labanoff, vol. ii. Copy in Hatfield Papers, part i., and Haynes.
8 Scrinia Ceciliana.

214 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
innocent she was, and begged for the advice and help of
Guzman and his master. She was a firmer Catholic than
ever, she averred ; nearly all the people and nobles of
Scotland were on her side ; but she complained that she
was in the field without proper garb or adornments, and
begged Guzman to send a request to the Duke of Alba
to seize her jewels and restore them to her, if Murray
sent them to Flanders for sale.1
This was on the nth May. Two days afterwards the
result of the battle of Langside once more cast the un
happy Mary Stuart into the chasm of irredeemable mis
fortune, and on the 16th she fled across the Solway a
fugitive to England, to see her country no more in life.
Such a step as this was tempting fate. It is true that
Elizabeth had constantly professed sympathy for her in
her captivity ; but whilst the English Queen's words
were fair, the acts of her Government, dictated not by
personal motives, such as the friends of Mary have
absurdly tried to fix upon Cecil, but by high national
policy, had been uniformly in favour of Murray and
the Protestants. Mary's attitude, moreover, had from
the first, and not unnaturally, been favourable to the
French alliance, upon which for centuries Scotland had
depended for the preservation of its independence ; and
to place herself thus unconditionally at the mercy of
the English, whose policy she had opposed and whose
interests she sought to subvert, was little short of an act of
madness. Mary had no excuse for trusting to a Quixotic
generosity, of which Elizabeth had never given her the
slightest indication beyond conventional fine words, such
as would hardly deceive Mary. It was not so much that she
overrated her generosity as she underrated her boldness.
1 It is possible that these jewels may be those referred to in a memorandum
at Hatfield, of the date 17th May, in Cecil's writing, as having been bought
from one Felton.

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 215
Drury in Berwick had kept Cecil informed almost
from hour to hour of the course of events in Scotland ; 1
and a few hours only after Mary landed at Workington
she wrote her famous and oft-quoted letter to the English
Queen. In it she recites her sorrows, and begs Eliza
beth to aid her in her just quarrel ; but, above all, to send
for her as soon as possible, " for I am in a pitiable con
dition, not only for a Queen but a gentlewoman." The
position was a difficult one for the English Queen and
Council. Guzman says they were much perplexed, " as
the Queen has always shown good-will to the Queen of
Scots, and the majority of the Council has been opposed
to her, and favourable to the Regent and his govern
ment. If this Queen has her way, they will have to treat
Mary as a sovereign, which will offend those who forced
her to abdicate ; so that although these folks are glad
enough to have her in their hands, they have many things
to consider ... if she remain free, and able to com
municate with her friends, great suspicions will arise.
In any case it is certain that the two women will not
agree very long together." 3
When Mary had arrived at Carlisle a few days after
wards, she sent Lord Herries to London with a letter
for Cecil, which may be given in full. Mary's letters
were always clever, unless she lost her temper, as she
did sometimes, and here it will be seen that she appeals
to positively the only feeling which it was probable
would move Cecil to favour her, namely, her kinship
to his mistress and her regal status. " Mester Ceciles,"
runs the letter, " L'6quit6, dont vous avvez le nom d'estre
amateur, et la fidelle et sincere servitude que portez a
1 Drury to Cecil, 15th May, describing Langside (Cotton MSS., Caligula,
c. i.)., &c
2 Mary to Elizabeth (ibid.).
3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

216 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
la Royne, Madame ma bonne sceur, et par consequent
a toutes celles qui sont de son sang, et en pareille
dignite, me fayt en ma juste querele, par sur tous autres
m'adresser a vous en ce temps de mon trouble pour
etre avancee par votre bon conseille, que j'ai commande
Lord Heris, presant porteur vous fayre entandre au
long. . . . De Karlile ce xxviii Mey. Votre bien bonne
amye Marie R."1 With this letter Herries brought
others for the Pope and Guzman. He demanded aid
for his mistress on a pledge sent to her by Elizabeth
through Throgmorton in the form of a ring, and when
some hesitation was shown, he imprudently blurted out
that if Elizabeth did not keep her word his mistress
would appeal to France, Spain, the Emperor, and the
Pope. " The Pope ! " exclaimed puritan Bedford,
shocked at the idea. " Yes, the Pope," replied Herries,
" or the Grand Turk, or the Sophi, or any one else who
will help her." This sort of talk was sufficient to decide
Mary's removal to Bolton as a measure of precaution.
Before this took place, however, Lord Scrope and
Sir Francis Knollys had been deputed by Elizabeth to
visit and confer with Mary at Carlisle. Herries on that
occasion had said that if the English would not help
his Queen, she wished to go to France ; " whereupon,"
writes Knollys, we " answered that your Highness could
in no wise lyke hyr sekyng aide in France, therbie to
bring Frenchmen into Skotland ; " x and, continued the
envoys, the Queen of England could not receive her
personally until she was satisfied of her innocence in the
murder of her husband. Mary was just as imprudent
as Herries in her interview with the English envoys;
but what frightened Knollys most was the large number
of her English sympathisers in the north of England.
In his letter to Elizabeth he points out the danger of
1 Cotton MSS., Caligula, c. i.

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 217
the situation, and suggests that Mary should have the
choice of freely returning to Scotland, if she chose, or
of remaining in England ; but not of going to France,
as she evidently wished to do. " She was so agile and
spirited," says Knollys, that she could only be kept a
prisoner so near the Border by very rigorous means,
such as "devices of towels and toyes at her chamber
window " ; whereas to carry her farther inland might
cause " serious sedition."
Elizabeth and her Council decided to run the latter
risk rather than that Mary should go to France to be a
permanent thorn in the flesh of England, and the Queen
of Scots' long imprisonment commenced.1 Even in
the first few weeks of her stay she was busy endeavour
ing to subvert English ends ; appointing Chatelherault,
Argyll, and Huntly to the supreme government of the
kingdom against Murray ; Chatelherault being strongly
in the French interest, and daily clamouring through his
brother in Paris for French armed support. All this
was known to the Queen and Cecil ; and Mary's in
temperate letters of protest against her removal from
Carlisle, and her constant threats to appeal to France
and Spain if Elizabeth would not help her,2 made it
1 See Cecil's letters to Norris of this period, detailing the discussions
which this gave rise to in the Council. Cecil's whole efforts were directed
against preventing French troops being sent to Scotland at any cost. In
Cecil's own memoranda (Harl. MSS., 4653), when Mary first entered Eng
land, this is the main point dwelt upon. No person was to see Mary without
permission of the English guard, all the known accomplices of Darnley's
murder were to be arrested, all interference of the French was to be pre
vented, and if it was decided to restore Mary, it was only to be on conditions
which insured the exclusion of the French. The summing up of the docu
ment consists of a statement of the dangers that would ensue to England if
Mary were to be allowed to return to France, or if, on the other hand, she
remained in England. At this time Cecil was in favour of Mary's restora
tion under the strict tutelage of England.
2 See letters 21st June, &c, Hatfield Papers (in extenso in Haynes), and
13th June and 5th July, Cotton MSS., Caligula, c. i.

2i 8 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
altogether inconsistent with prudence to allow the mis
guided woman her liberty. The investigation into
Mary's guilt or innocence seems to have originated
with Cecil.1 Left to herself, Elizabeth, as we have seen,
was mainly influenced by the personal feeling of rever
ence for a sovereign : Cecil could not oppose this, and
as usual took an indirect means of reaching his end.
When Mary complained to Knollys at Carlisle of the
subjects who had dethroned her, he had told her that
as it was lawful for subjects to depose mad sovereigns,
it was also lawful for them to depose those who had lost
their wits to the extent of conniving at murder. Mary
wept at this, and Knollys softened the blow ; but Knollys
had certainly seen Cecil's report, and took the line sug
gested by it. If Mary could be shown to have connived
at Darnley's death — and Cecil must have known of the
damning proofs against her when he proposed the nego
tiation — the regal immunity fell from her like a loosened
garment, and Elizabeth's personal desire to consider the
sacredness of the monarch before the interests of the
country lost its principal resting point.
In the meanwhile the state of civil war in Scotland
continued, and news came daily of French armaments
preparing to aid Mary's party. Cecil ceaselessly urged
an armistice, and at last (ist September) was success
ful, though imprudent Herries continued to threaten
that if Elizabeth did not restore the Queen of Scots to
the throne in two months, she and her friends would
appeal only to France for armed aid. Elizabeth clearly
could not force Mary upon the Scottish people, and for
her interference to be effective she must be recognised
as a mediator, not by Mary alone, but also by Murray
and his party. This was difficult ; for Murray knew that
1 See Cecil's report and recommendations, Harl. MSS., 4653.

1 568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 219
if the final result was to restore Mary with any power
at all, he and his party sooner or later were doomed.
Thanks mainly to the efforts of Cecil, Murray at last gave
way, and the commissions of Scotch and English Coun
cillors were sent to York, ostensibly to mediate between
the Queen of Scots and her subjects. But Mary found
herself no longer, as she had hoped to be, the accuser
of Murray, but practically on her own trial for murder.
By a remark in a letter from Cecil to Norris at the time,
he seems again with some difficulty to have avoided being
appointed a commissioner himself.
Whilst the intricate and obscure proceedings in
York1 were progressing, Cecil's hands were full in
London. Protestant zeal was fairly aflame now at Alba's
proceedings in the Netherlands. All eastern England
swarmed with Flemish fugitives, many of whom found
their way back home again well armed with weapons
bought in England, and even more with messages of
indignant sympathy from English Protestants. Guzman
protested to Cecil again and again, but could get no
more than vague half promises, and once a proclama
tion, which the Spaniards described as a "compliment
rather than a remedy."
In September the mild and diplomatic Guzman
1 A journal of the proceedings made by the English president, the Duke
of Norfolk, is at Hatfield, part i. (No. 1200), and many letters on the subject in
extenso in Haynes. In November the sittings were transferred to Westminster.
On the 30th October a Council was held at Hampton Court, at which the
"casket letters " were considered, and it was decided that Mary's representa
tives, the Bishop of Ross and Lord Herries, should first have audience of Eliza
beth. They were to be so questioned as to " move them to confess their general
authority to answer all charges." The representatives of the Lords, Maitland
and MacGill, were then to be introduced and asked what answer they could
give to Mary's accusations, and why, in face of the letters they produced,
they refrained from charging the Queen openly with murder. It was decided
in the Council to remove Mary from Bolton to Tutbury. (See Minutes in
Cecil's hand, Hatfield Papers, part i. 1203- 1205 ; in extenso in Haynes.)

220 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
was withdrawn, much to Elizabeth's apprehension, and
Cecil's regret, and an Ambassador of very different
calibre was sent. For many years the warlike party in
Philip's councils, led by Alba, had been urging him to
active hostility towards England, but the peace party
of Ruy Gomez had prevented the advice from being
adopted. Now that Alba was supreme in the Nether
lands, and reported that the Protestant revolt was mainly
fed from England, Philip seems to have decided to alarm
Elizabeth into neutrality by sending a roughrtongued
representative. He had felt his ground first by his con
temptuous treatment of Dr. Man, and seeing that Eliza
beth had taken it quietly, he sent as his new Ambassador
a turbulent bigoted Catalan, named Gerau de Spes, to
endeavour by truculence to do what the suavity of Guz
man had failed to effect. Dutch, Huguenot, and English
privateers were preying upon Spanish shipping, to an
extent which well-nigh cut off communication by sea
between Spain and northern Europe. Money and arms,
unchecked, found their way from England to the brave
"beggars" in Holland ; and though Philip did not wish
to fight England, it was vital for him to paralyse her for
harm. Mary Stuart had written to Philip from Carlisle,
begging him for help against Elizabeth, and the chance
seemed to Philip a good one to disturb England for
his own ends, without war. He accordingly wrote cau
tiously to Alba (15th September), saying that he was
willing to help Mary, but desired Alba to report upon
what might be done to that end, whilst sending reassur
ing promises to the Queen of Scots.1 From the first
hour that De Spes set foot in England, he went be
yond his instructions and conspired actively against the
Government to which he was accredited.
There was more even than this untoward change
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 221
to occupy the thoughts and hands of Elizabeth's first
minister. The war had raged in France between the
Huguenots and the Catholics from September 1567 till
the clever management of Catharine had beguiled the
Protestants to accept the hollow peace of Longjumeau
(March 1568). Hans Casimir and his mercenary Ger
mans went home ; the Huguenots laid down their arms ;
and then again the Catholic pulpits thundered forth
that it was godly to break faith with heretics, and that
the blood shed of unbelievers sent up sweet incense to
heaven. Nearly 10,000 Huguenots were treacherously
slain in three months, and no punishment could be
obtained against the murderers. Condd and Coligny
fled to the stronghold of La Rochelle, there to be joined
by the Queen of Navarre with 4000 men-at-arms, and
all that was strong and warlike on the side of the
Huguenots. Elizabeth in the autumn was making a
progress through the valley of the Thames when she
heard that Cardinal Chatillon1 had escaped from Tie-
port, and had arrived in England and desired an audi
ence. Lord Cobham, Warden of the Cinque Ports,
made much of him when he landed ; Gresham enter
tained him ; the French Ambassador, himself inclined
to be a Huguenot, honoured him as if he were a prince ;
and as soon as the Queen's answer was received, Cha
tillon hurried down to Newbury to prefer his request to
the Queen. He looked little of a cardinal or a church
man, for he dressed in cape, hat, and sword, and his wife
joined him, but that perhaps made him all the more
welcome. Throgmorton voices the general idea in a
letter to Cecil. " I think," he says, " with you, that it is
a special favour of God to preserve this realm from
calamities by their neighbours' troubles. ... If her
Majesty suffer the Low Countries and France to be
1 Odet de Coligny, brother of the Admiral of France.

222 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
weeded of the members of the Church whereof Eng
land is also a portion, I see no other thing can happen
but a more grievous accident to us than to those whom
we have suffered to be destroyed." 1
But it is quite clear that neither the Queen nor Cecil
intended to allow the Huguenots to be destroyed. The
Cardinal was received with open arms, munitions were
brought from the Tower in hot haste, and a strong fleet
was fitted out to carry aid to Huguenots in Rochelle.
The French Ambassador might be half a Huguenot, but
his brother the Bishop of Rennes was not, and he came
and protested strongly in the name of Catharine against
Chatillon's reception in England. Cecil tells Norris
in Paris that he got a very short answer. " I told him,"
says Cecil, " we had more cause to favour him (Chatillon)
and all such, because the said Cardinal Lorraine was
known to be an open enemy of our sovereign. So he
departed with no small misliking, and I well contented
to utter some round speeches." 2 But, prudent as usual,
Cecil was a stickler for legality, and took care that
appearances were kept up. The Cardinal, he insisted,
was a faithful subject of his King ; it was the Guises who
were the enemies. Norris is directed to tell Catharine
that the fleet is "to protect our Burdeaux fleet from
pyrats " ; and if any complaint is made about money
and munitions of war being provided for Chatillon, he
is to say that the Queen would never do anything against
the French King, but if English merchants made bar
gains with the Huguenots, he (Cecil) knew of no way
to stop it. He certainly made no attempt to do so ; for
with a great civil war on hand it was clear that France
could not resort to arms for the cause of Mary Stuart ;
and whilst mediatory proceedings were dragging on in
1 Hatfield State Papers, 18th September 1568.
2 28th October (Scrinia Ceciliana).

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 223
England, the Protestant cause in Scotland was being
consolidated. The unhappy Queen of Scots herself, persuaded that
no help could just now reach her from her French
kinsmen, seems to have depended almost entirely upon
the aid to be given by the King of Spain and Alba to
the Scottish Catholics. No messenger came from her
to London without beseeching secret letters in cipher
to the Spanish Ambassador ; and whilst the trial dragged
on, she left no stone unturned to arouse indignation
against Murray and the English. They wished to kill
her child, she said, and force the reformed faith upon
her and Scotland. In an intercepted letter to one of
the Hamiltons, which fell into Cecil's hands,1 she says
that Dumbarton, with Murray's consent, was to be seized
by the English. Elizabeth had, she averred, promised
to sustain Murray, to recognise his legitimacy, and raise
him to the throne as her vassal ; both of these being
accusations which were likely to move the Hamiltons to
fury. But, above all, she accused Cecil of a deeper plot
still. He had arranged, she said, to marry one of his
daughters to the Earl of Hertford, father of Catharine
Grey's young heir, and thus, by mutual support, Hert
ford's son and Murray might occupy respectively the
English and Scottish thrones under Cecil's tutelage.
" So they will both be bent on my son's death." There
was no truth in it ; but it was an excellent invention
to arouse the ire of the Scottish Catholics. Before even
this was written (December), Cecil knew how bitter was
Mary's feeling against him. When Beton came to
London from Mary in October, with secret messages
for De Spes, suggesting her escape, "which will not
be difficult, or even to raise a revolt against this Queen,"
Cecil guessed his real errand, and, says De Spes, " Cecil
1 Hatfield Papers, part i. 1237.

224 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
is so much against the Queen of Scotland, and so jealous
in the matter, that as soon as he saw Beton he asked him
whether he had been with his complaints to the Spanish
Ambassador, and whether he came to see me often ; to
which Beton replied that he had no dealings whatever
with me." 1
But Cecil's spies were everywhere, and he knew that
De Spes was working ceaselessly in Mary's interests to
bring disaster upon England, in union with his chief, the
Duke of Alba, in Flanders. The great difficulty in the
way of the Spaniards was the extreme penury of the
treasury. Spain was in the very depths of poverty, its
commerce well-nigh killed by unwise fiscal arrangements
and the depredations of the privateers, against whom
De Spes inveighed to Cecil constantly, but in vain, though
the Secretary was strongly against piracy on principle.
Flanders desolated with war, Holland and Zeeland in re
volt, were no longer the milch-cows for the Spaniards that
they had been, and Alba, with an unpaid and rebellious
soldiery, was in despair of subduing Orange, much less
of crushing England, unless large sums of money were
forthcoming. Philip made a great effort in the autumn
of 1568, and borrowed a large sum of money from the
Genoese bankers to supply Alba with the sinews of war.
The money was to be conveyed by sea to Flanders at
the risk of the bankers. Three of the vessels duly arrived
in Antwerp, after having been chased by Huguenot
privateers ; but several others put into Southampton,
Plymouth, and Falmouth, to escape from their pursuers.
The representative in England of the bankers was the
Genoese Benedict Spinola, who requested De Spes to
ask the Queen to allow the money to be discharged and
brought overland to Dover, where it could be tran
shipped under convoy for the Duke of Alba. De Spes
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 225
saw the Queen on the 29th November, and she consented
to this course being adopted.
In the meanwhile the privateers, in crowds, were
clustered outside the harbours where the rich treasure
lay, and nearly every Spanish ship that entered the
Channel fell into their hands. De Spes had not been
sent by Philip to provoke war, but in the few months
that he had been in England his violence, insolence,
and bigotry had brought war nearer than ever it had
been before. Norris in Paris had just been warned,
and had sent the warning to Cecil, that a plot was
formed to kill the Queen, and that the papal banker
Ridolfi, De Spes, and the English Catholic nobility,
headed by the Earl of Arundel, had agreed to place Mary
Stuart on the English throne. De Spes was closeted
day and night with Mary's agents. "The Bishop of
Ross came at midnight to offer me the good-will of his
mistress and many gentlemen of this country. . . . The
Queen of Scotland told my servant to convey to me the
following words : ' Tell the Ambassador that if his master
will help me I shall be Queen of England in three months,
and mass shall be said all over the country.' " a
Condi's agents, too, were for ever telling the Queen
and Cecil of the plans against England of the Guises and
Alba, as soon as the Protestants in France and Flanders
had been subjugated ; and Knollys wrote almost despair
ingly from Bolton of Mary's haughty disbelief in Eliza
beth's power to harm her.2 There need, therefore, be
no surprise that the English Council began to question
the wisdom of allowing the treasure that had fallen into
their power to be used against the tranquillity and inde
pendence of their own country. When De Spes asked
Cecil for the safe conducts for the money, he was put off
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii.
2 Hatfield Papers, part i. No. 1243.

226 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1568
with vague evasions, whilst the main question was being
discussed. After much pressing, Cecil gave the safe
conducts, and sent orders to Plymouth and Falmouth
(13th December, N.S.) that the shore authorities were to
defend the treasure-ships, which were being threatened
by pirates, even in port. " These orders are now being
sent off," writes De Spes, " but in all things Cecil showed
himself an enemy to the Catholic cause, and desirous
on every opportunity of opposing the interests of your
Majesty. . . . He has to be dealt with by prayers and
gentle threats." 1 " The Council is sitting night and day
about the Queen of Scotland's affairs. Cecil and the
Chancellor (Bacon) would like to see her dead, as they
have a King of their own choosing, one of Hertford's
children." x
After deliberation, Cecil had sent for Bernard
Spinola, and ascertained from him that the money was
being conveyed at the bankers' risk, and could not
legally be called King Philip's property.2 This seems to
have decided the question. The money on the cutter
in Southampton harbour was discharged, on the pre
text of protecting it from pirates ; s and as soon as De
Spes got the news, on the 20th December, he went to
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 Spinola had been concerned in John Hawkins' ventures, and it has
usually been assumed that he had already received from his correspondents
in Spain news of the attack on Hawkins' fleet at St. Juan de Ulloa two
months before. It is asserted that the seizure of the treasure was urged upon
Cecil as a reprisal for this. I am of opinion that such was not the case, as
the seizure of the money was under consideration before it was possible for
the affair of St. Juan de Ulloa to be known.
3 The safe conduct for the money sent to the ports by De Spes was closely
followed by contrary orders from the Council to Sir William Horsey at South
ampton, and Champernoun at Plymouth, and the treasure was landed in
accordance therewith. On the 13th December, William Hawkins wrote to
Cecil from Plymouth with rumours of the attack on John Hawkins at St.
Juan de Ulloa, but the seizure must have been decided upon before Cecil
received the letter.

1568] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 227
the Queen in a violent rage to demand its return. He
only saw Cecil, who said the money was safe, but hinted
that it did not belong to the King. De Spes then gave
the bad advice to Alba to retaliate by seizing all English
property in the Netherlands, which was done, and Cecil
was provided with a pretext which gave him what he
always needed, a good legal position to justify his acts.
The Queen had not hitherto plainly said that she would
keep the money ; but as soon as she heard that Alba had
seized English property, it gave her the required excuse
for doing so. Her credit was as good as Philip's, she
said, and she would borrow it herself. Not only 400,000
crowns in gold, but every scrap of Spanish property
in England was seized, enormously in excess of all Eng
lish property in Flanders. In vain De Spes hectored
and stormed, in vain Alba alternately threatened and
implored, in vain Philip made seizures of Englishmen
and goods in Spain ; the Queen was in an unassailable
position. Alba had openly declared the seizures of Eng
lish property first, and all Elizabeth had done was to
adopt reprisals afterwards. But it crippled Alba and
Philip almost to exhaustion, and well-nigh ruined Spanish
commerce and killed Spanish credit.
For years open and secret negotiations went on to
obtain some restoration of the enormous amount of
Spanish property seized. Cajolery, bribery, and appeals
to English honour were resorted to without effect ; pri
vate negotiations were opened by the owners of the
property to get partial restitution on any terms ; envoy
after envoy was sent, and returned home empty-handed.
The Queen refused to acknowledge Alba or his agents in
any form, and Cecil was immovable in his determination
that no arrangement should be made that did not bring
into account all the confiscations and persecutions that
had ever been suffered by English in Spain at the hands of
the Inquisition, which he knew was impossible. In the

228 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
meanwhile the property dwindled and was jobbed away,
and little, if any, ever eventually reached its proper owners.
Early in January the Queen refused to receive De
Spes, and sent Cecil and the Lord Admiral, attended
by a large train, and the aldermen of the city, to see
him at his house. Cecil, as usual, was the spokesman.
He was angry and severe : upbraided the Ambassador
for his bad offices ; condemned the cruelty of the Duke
of Alba, and his insolence in seizing English property ;
and ended by placing De Spes and all his household
under arrest, in the custody of Henry Knollys, Arthur
Carew, and Sir Henry Knyvett. The reason of this was
that a violent letter from De Spes to Alba had been inter
cepted by Cecil's orders. To make matters worse, the
foolish Ambassador, whilst under arrest, wrote an inso
lent letter to Alba complaining of his treatment, and sent
it open to the Council. In it he says that " Cecil is harsh
and arrogant ; that he vapoured about religion, dragged
up the matter of John Man and about Bishop Quadra's
affairs, and, in short, did and said a thousand impertinent
things. He thinks he is dealing with Englishmen, who
all tremble before him. . . . The question of the money
does not suit him. I beg your Excellency not to refrain
on my account from doing everything that the interests
and dignity of the King demand ; for whilst Cecil rules,
I do not believe there will ever be lasting peace. It is a
pity so excellent a Queen should give credit to so scan
dalous a person as this. God send a remedy ; for in this
country, people great and small are discontented with the
Government. . . . Cecil is having a proclamation drawn
up, from which he leaves out what is most important, and
misstates the case. He refused to return my packet, and
is getting one Somers to decipher my letters. If he suc
ceeds I will pardon him."1 The transmission of this
insolent letter, open to the Council, to be sent to Alba,
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 229
produced the effect that might have been expected. De
Spes was asked to explain what he meant by such offensive
expressions against the Government, and by some scur
rilous references employed in another intercepted letter
towards the Queen. He tried to attenuate his insolence
towards the Queen, and the Council as a whole, but not
that towards Cecil personally.
And so affairs drifted from bad to worse. Every
letter from De Spes to Alba and the King was full of
abuse of Cecil, and statements of the determination of
the English Catholics to shake off his tyranny and raise
Mary Stuart to the throne. The people are all discon
tented, he says, and the slightest show of countenance
from Philip will enable Elizabeth and the detested Cecil
to be overthrown. Philip did not know what to think
of it, and sent to Alba orders to inquire independently
whether De Spes' representations were true. If it is so
easy, he says, he is willing to give the aid required, as
after his duty to maintain the holy faith in his own
dominions, it is incumbent upon him to re-establish it
in England. " If you think the chance will be lost by
again waiting to consult me, you may at once take the
steps you consider advisable."1 Alba soon undeceived
the King. He had his hands full in the Netherlands ;
he was almost without money ; rash and foolish De
Spes, he knew, was not to be depended upon, and he
told Philip plainly that he must temporise and make
friends with Elizabeth, leaving vengeance until later.
De Spes, he thought, was being deceived, perhaps be
trayed, by Ridolfi and the Catholics, and open war with
England must be avoided at any cost. Cecil, indeed,
had accurately gauged the situation, and knew far better
than De Spes that Philip dared not fight, now that the
Prince of Orange was holding Holland and Zeeland
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

230 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
against him. England's traditional alliance was not
with the House of Spain, but with the possessor of the
Netherlands, and in the same proportion as Spain lost
control over the Low Countries, the need for a close
union with her shifted.
Late in February the Duke of Norfolk, and his father-
in-law, the Earl of Arundel, to whom the changed situa
tion was not so clear as to Cecil, sent Ridolfi to De Spes
with a cipher communication to tell him that the money
and Spanish property should be returned.1 " They had
only consented to my detention and Cecil's other im
pertinences, because they were not yet strong enough
to resist him. But they were gathering friends, and
were letting the public know what was going on, in the
hope and belief that they will be able to turn out the
present accursed Government and raise up another
Catholic one, bringing the Queen to consent thereto.
They think your Excellency (Alba) will support them
in this, and that the country will not lose the friendship
of our King. They say they will return to the Catholic
religion, and they think a better opportunity never ex
isted than now. Although Cecil thinks he has them all
under his heel, he will find few or none of them stand
by him. I have encouraged them. ... In the mean
while Cecil is bravely harrying the Catholics, imprisoning
many, for nearly all the prisons are full. The Spaniards
(i.e. from the arrested ships) are in Bridewell to the
number of over 150, and a minister is sent to preach
to them." This gives us a clue to the real origin of
the plot against Cecil, which his domestic biographer
absurdly ascribes to a noble member of the Council
having seen upon his table a book attacking aristocracy.2
1 The seizure of Spanish property had greatly alarmed the English mer
chants and bankers, and was the pretext seized upon by Cecil's enemies to
ruin him. 2 Desiderata Curiosa.

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 231
Rapin is nearer in guessing the cause of the conspiracy
in ascribing it to Norfolk, Winchester, Pembroke, Leices
ter, Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Arundel, in
favour of Mary Stuart's claim, at least to the succes
sion, in opposition to Cecil's candidate, Catharine Grey's
son, Lord Beauchamp. Camden records that Throg
morton, Leicester's henchman, advocated the lodging
of Cecil in the Tower first. " If he were once shut up,
men would open their mouths to speak freely against
him." x As will be seen, however, Cecil was more than
a match for his jealous enemies, who were also the
enemies of England ; and the Queen, to her honour,
stood bravely up for her great minister.2 The plan
agreed upon was for Norfolk, a cat's-paw of Leicester,
to denounce Cecil for his supposed intention of forcing
the succession of Beauchamp, and provoking war with
Spain by advocating the seizure of Philip's treasure ;
but Leicester, too unstable, even, to keep the counsel
1 Fuller's " Holy State."
2 How moderate and cautious Cecil was in his triumph, after he had
discovered and apprised the Queen of the plot to ruin him, and had barely
escaped the dagger of the hired assassin who was to kill him, is seen in his
subsequent demeanour towards the conspirators. Instead of trying to disgrace
or punish them, he continued to work loyally with them. The real prime
mover in the plot was Leicester, with whom outwardly Cecil was always
friendly. Cecil, writing to a friend at the time, thus expresses himself: " I
am in quietness of mind, as feeling the nearness and readiness of God's favour
to assist me with His grace, to have a disposition to serve Him before the
world ; and therein have I lately proved His mere goodness to preserve me
from some clouds or mists, in the midst whereof I trust mine honest actions
are proved to have been lightsome and clear. And to make this rule more
proper, I find the Queen's Majesty, my gracious lady, without change of her
old good meaning towards me, and so I trust by God's goodness to observe a
continuance. I also am moved to believe that all my Lords, from the greatest
to the meanest, think my actions honest and painful, and do profess inwardly
to bear me as much good-will as ever they did." That this was the case, at
least with one of the conspirators, is proved by the fact that Lord Pembroke,
who died at the end of fhe year, left Cecil one of his executors, jointly with
Leicester and Throgmorton.

232 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
of his own plot, dropped a hint to the Queen, who
warned Cecil, and the whole nefarious conspiracy was
unveiled. The excuse given by Norfolk and Arundel to
De Spes for their failure was that so many Councillors
were interested in the plunder that they could not get
them to move against Cecil. " For my part," says De
Spes, " I believe that they have very little courage, and
in the usual English way wish things to be so far ad
vanced that they can with but little trouble win your
Majesty's rewards and favours."
On the strength of their intentions against Cecil,
Arundel, with his sons-in-law, Norfolk and Lumley,
tried their hardest to get some money from De Spes, but
without effect until the northern rebellion was in pre
paration. Their intermediary was a Florentine banker,
whose brother-in-law, Cavalcanti, was one of Cecil's agents,
and through him every step was known to the Secretary.
Spies were everywhere. Whilst Cecil's most confiden
tial private secretary, Allington, carried' all his secrets to
De Spes for a consideration,1 no visitor went to the
Spanish Embassy whose name and business was not
at once reported to Cecil, who, says De Spes, was sus
picious even of the birds of the air. Though Mary was
in captivity, she contrived to write constant cipher letters
through De Spes to the Pope, to Alba, and to Philip.
The Bishop of Ross, her indefatigable but imprudent
agent, took no step in Mary's cause without consultation
with the Spaniard. She would, he said, have been re
leased already but for Cecil, her great enemy in the
Council.2 If he could be got rid of, all would be well.
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 Although in all her letters Mary designates Cecil as her enemy, she
could, when not carried away by anger, perceive his good qualities. In
February 1569 she was removed to Tutbury, and was extremely angry and
alarmed at this. In conversation with Henry Knollys, who repeated the
conversation to a correspondent of Cecil's (Hatfield Papers, part i. 1279),

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 233
The Bishop of Ross went so far as to solicit another
husband for Mary to be chosen by Philip, and offered
her abject submission both for England and Scotland,
in return for aid to the coming rising in her favour.
It will be seen by this that a more dangerous and wide
spread plot even than that against Cecil was being planned
by the Catholic nobility.
At what period the first suggestion was made for a
marriage between the Duke of Norfolk and Mary Stuart
is not certain, but the Bishop of Ross afterwards deposed 1
that the Duke had sent his offer to the Queen before the
meeting of the Commission of York (October 1568), of
which he was president ; and as Lady Scrope, in whose
husband's house, Bolton Castle, Mary was kept, was
Norfolk's sister, it is probable that the plan was hatched
during her stay at Bolton. From Murray's statement2
it appears that Norfolk had a private conference with
him during the sitting of the Commission at York, when
the Duke proposed to suppress the papers which in
criminated Mary, in order to save the scandal of a
conviction. Murray placed the evidence before the
English Commissioners, and agreed to abide by Eliza
beth's decision, and Norfolk at once wrote a private
letter to Cecil conveying his strong impression of the
Queen's guilt, but advocating the suppression of the
evidence. Norfolk's conference with Murray, and pro
bably Cecil's knowledge of the marriage plan, appears
to have been the reason for the removal of the Com-
" she spared not to give forth that the Secretary was her enemy, and that
she mistrusted by this removing he would cause her to be made away." But
when her passion was over, she said that though the Secretary were not
her friend, he was an expert, wise man, wishing it might be her luck to get
the friendship of so wise a man.
1 Hatfield Papers ; in extenso in Haynes.
2 Denied afterwards by Norfolk, but confirmed by Melvil. (See State
Trials, and Melvil's Memoirs).

234 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
mission to London, and the employment of Norfolk else
where, as well as of the removal of Mary to Tutbury.
When Norfolk returned to court, Elizabeth received
him coldly, for the talk about his marriage with Mary
was now public, and the Duke assured the Queen of the
untruth of the rumours. After Murray, with real or pre
tended reluctance, had laid the whole of his evidence
against Mary before the Commission, and the sittings had
come to an end with the sole result of leaving the cloud
over her head, Norfolk's plan for a time was shelved ; 1
but the conspiracy of the nobles against Cecil in favour
of Mary again revived the idea of the marriage ; and
Guzman in June 1569 says that the new Lord Dacre had
mentioned the matter to him, and professed his willing
ness to hold in readiness 15,000 men in the north, to
rise in favour of Mary if he were assured of Philip's
support. De Spes asserts that Cecil had proposed to
marry his widowed sister-in-law, Lady Hoby, to the Duke,
a proposal which the Duke had rejected with scorn, "as
his eyes were fixed upon the Queen of Scots."
By this time matters had so far advanced that a large
sum of money (6000 crowns) was sent by Alba to the
Catholic nobles, through Lumley and Arundel, as well
as 10,000 to Mary, and the rising in the north was in
principle decided upon ; but Alba, whilst ready to supply
money secretly, strictly enjoined De Spes to turn a deaf
ear to any suggestions for overt aid against the Queen's
Government.2 His great care for the moment was to
1 The Bishop of Ross deposed afterwards that Norfolk was so much
exasperated at Murray's having finally brought forward the whole of the
evidence to convict Mary of murder, that he formed a plot for his assassi
nation. Melvil says, however, that before Murray returned to Scotland,
Throgmorton had fully gained his acquiescence in the projected marriage,
and had reconciled the Regent and the Duke.
2 Alba was very angry with De Spes for the way in which he was compro
mising Spain. He wrote again to him in July, saying that he " was informed

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 235
repair the effects of his mistake, and obtain some sort
of restitution of the Spanish property seized in England.
Agents were sent backwards and forwards, supple cosmo
politan Florentines mostly. Ridolfi, Fiesco, the Caval-
cantis, and several others tried by bribery and other means
to induce Cecil to consent to an arrangement. It suited
him to pretend a willingness to do so. Ridolfi dined
and conferred with him more than once on the subject
at Cecil House. De Spes was released from his captivity
in Paget House (on the site of the present Essex Street,
Strand), and allowed to take the Bishop of Winchester's
house instead ; but on various pretexts, invented, as he
says, by Cecil, the interminable negotiations about the
restitution dragged on without much result, as Cecil
evidently intended them to do. "We must have
patience," De Spes writes to Alba, "but the affair is
greatly injured by Cecil's having again got the upper
hand in the government, without fear now that the
other members may overthrow him, for he knows that
they could not agree together for the purpose." J
Whilst Cecil was temporising about the restitution,
and dallying with the Spanish agents, he kept his hand
on the pulse of the Catholic Lords. Arundel and his
party had arranged that De Spes should once more be
admitted to the Queen's presence at Guildford, and then,
from France that the Queen of Scotland was being utterly ruined by the
plotting of her servants with you, as they never enter your house without
being watched. This might cost the Queen her life, and I am not sure that
yours would be safe." The evidence given afterwards at the Duke of
Norfolk's trial, and the examinations of Bailly and the Bishop of Ross,
proved that Cecil had information of everything that occurred.
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth. Alba, writing to Philip soon after
wards (8th August), says, " I have written several times to Don Gerau, telling
him to suspend negotiations, as I plainly see they are tricking him, so as to
get all they can from him, and then say they have negotiated without authority.
He is zealous . . . but he is inexperienced ; he allows himself to be led away,
and is ruining the negotiation." It will be seen that it was comparatively
easy for Cecil to outwit such an instrument as this.

2 3 6. THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
go to a meeting of the conspirators at Nonsuch ; but
Cecil raised difficulties, and himself came to town speci
ally to tell De Spes that the Queen could not receive
him until he obtained fresh credentials direct from Spain.
Cecil had apparently by this time (August 1569) won
over the Earl of Pembroke ; and Leicester himself had
taken fright at the probable result of his plotting. His
accomplices had gone beyond him. The rise of Norfolk
and Mary under a Catholic regime would of course have
meant extinction for Leicester, and though he was ready
enough to ruin Cecil, he had no wish to be dragged down
in his fall. " The Duke's party," writes De Spes, " and
those who favour the Queen of Scotland, are incom
parably the greater number. ... I believe there will be
some great event soon, as the people are much dissatisfied
and distressed by want of trade, and these gentlemen of
Nonsuch have some new imaginations in their heads."
A few days after this was written, Norfolk received
the ominous warning from the Queen at Titchfield, to
" beware on what pillow he rested his head." The Duke
was a poor, weak creature, and instead of accompanying
the Queen to Windsor, he fled into Norfolk, and from
there wrote an apology to the Queen. Elizabeth's
answer was a peremptory summons for him to come
to court, ill or well. He delayed, and the Queen, in
a rage, sent and arrested him, confining him first at
Burnham, near Windsor, and shortly afterwards in the
Tower. How wise and moderate Cecil was under the
circumstances, may be seen in his own letters. He
knew better than any one that the conspiracy was
primarily directed against him, as one of the conditions
imposed upon Mary was stated to be that nothing
should be done against Elizabeth ; 1 yet this is how he
1 Mary consented to the condition; and the whole arrangement was,
according to Norfolk and the Bishop of Ross, acquiesced in by Leicester and

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 237
wrote to the Queen just before Norfolk was sent to
the Tower 1 (9th October) : " If the Duke shall be
charged with the crime of treason, and shall not thereof
be convicted, he shall not only save his credit, but in
crease it. And surely, without the facts may appear
manifest within the compass of treason (which I cannot
see how they can), he shall be acquitted of that charge ;
and better it were in the beginning to foresee the matter,
than attempt it with discredit, and not without suspi
cion of evil will and malice. Wherefore I am bold
to wish that your Majesty would show your intention
only to inquire of the facts and circumstances, and not
by any speech to note the same as treason. And if
your Majesty would yourself consider the words of
the statute evidencing treasons, I think you would so
consider it."
In a letter written by Cecil to Norris a few days
before this,2 he says that he had answered to the Queen,
who was very angry with Norfolk, for the latter's return ;
and he gives an account of the Duke's plight and re
ported willingness to obey the Queen's summons :
the majority of the Council. How far sincere Mary was in accepting the
condition, may be seen by her message to De Spes. " She says if she were
at liberty, or could get such help as would enable her to bring her country to
submission, she would deliver herself and her son entirely into your Majesty's
hands, but now she will be obliged to sail with the wind " (De Spes to Philip,
27th August). This, no doubt, referred to her haying consented to the mar
riage with Norfolk, and to the proposals submitted by the English Government
to Murray and the Parliament of Perth for Mary's return to Scotland. Murray
was opposed to his sister's return in any form, and neither of the Queen's
propositions, nor Mary's petition for a divorce from Bothwell, was granted.
That Cecil was at this time (the spring and summer of 1569) desirous of getting
rid of Mary from England, without allowing her to go to France, where the
Catholics had just beaten the Huguenots, is certain, and also that he did not
wish her to be ill used in Scotland. See his minute sent to Murray by Henry
Carey, demanding to know what hostages would be given for her safety if she
was returned. (Hatfield Papers, Haynes ; also Strype's Annals, and Rapin.)
1 Harl. MSS., 6353.
2 Scrinia Ceciliana, 3rd October.

238 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
" whereof I am glad ; first, for the respect of the State,
and next for the Duke himself, whom of all subjects I
honoured and loved above the rest, and surely found
in him always matter so deserving. Whilst this matter
hath been passing, you must not think but that the
Queen of Scots was nearer looked to than before ; and
though evil willers of our State would gladly have seen
some troublesome issue of this matter, yet, God be
thanked, I trust they shall be deceived. The Queen
hath willed Lord Arundel and Lord Pembroke to keep
their lodgings here, for that they were privy to this
marriage intended, and did not reveal it to her Majesty ;
but I think none of them did so with any evil meaning.1
Of Lord Pembroke's intent herein, I can witness that he
meant nothing but well to the Queen's Majesty. Lord
Lumley is also restrained, and the Queen hath also been
grievously offended with Lord Leicester, but considering
that he hath revealed all that he sayeth he knoweth of
himself, her Majesty spareth her displeasure more towards
him. Some disquiets must arise, but I trust not hurtful,
for that her Majesty sayeth she will know the truth, so
as every one shall see his own fault, and so stay." But
for all Cecil's diplomatic pleading, Norfolk went to
the Tower, where, with feigned submission and lying
protestations, he continued to plot with Mary Stuart
and the enemies of England. The Catholics and Nor-
1 In a postscript to a letter from the Earl of Huntingdon to Cecil from
Coventry, where he was in joint charge of Mary Stuart, 9th December 1569,
he mentions "the speech that passeth amongst many, how earnest a dealer
you were for this marriage for which the Duke and others do suffer her
Majesty's displeasure : yea, it is reported from the mouth of some of the
sufferers that, in persuasion, you (Cecil) yielded such reasons for it as he (the
Duke), by them, was most moved to consent." Cecil can hardly have been
so forward in the matter as is here suggested, or it surely would have been
mentioned in the rigorous examinations of those implicated. (Hatfield Papers,
part i.)

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 239
folk's friends, of course, threw the whole blame upon
Cecil.1 Shortly before Norfolk's arrest, De Spes, who was
still in close communication with the northern Lords
and the Duke's friends, wrote to the King, anticipating
a favourable result of the movement ; " although, on the
other hand, I observe that Cecil and his fellow- Protest
ants on the Council are still very much deluding them
selves. Even now, with the peril before them, they will
not come to reason, so firmly persuaded are they that
their religion will prevail." As soon as Arundel and his
friends were placed under arrest, De Spes says that
" every one cast the blame on Secretary Cecil, who con
ducts these affairs with great astuteness." All would be
lost, he said, by the Duke's cowardice, and the Queen
of Scots had sent to urge him to behave valiantly. But
valour was no part of wretched Norfolk's nature. A few
days before the Duke was lodged in the Tower, an envoy
of the northern Earls, headed by Northumberland, came
to De Spes, promising to raise and capture the north
country, release Mary, restore the Catholic religion, and
return unconditionally all the Spanish property seized.
They only asked in return that a few Spanish harque-
bussiers should be sent ; and they dropped Norfolk out
of their programme, looking to the Spaniards to provide
a fit husband for Mary. " Whilst Cecil governs here, no
good course can be expected, and the Duke of Norfolk
1 De Spes went so far as to say that it was Cecil who was urging that
Norfolk should be sent to the Tower — the very reverse, as we now know, being
the case. Cecil afterwards thought it worth while to defend himself against
this charge in a note of his still existing in the Cotton MSS. It runs:
"Whoso sayeth that I have in any wise directly or indirectly hindered or
altered her Majesty's disposition in the delivery of the Duke of Norfolk out of
the Tower, I do affirm the same is untrue, and he that sayeth so doth Speak
an untruth. If any man will affirm the same to be true against this, my asser-
iton, the same doth therein maintain an untruth and a lye. W. Cecil, xii,
Julii, 1570."

240 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1569
says that he wished to get him out of the government
and change the guard of the Queen of Scotland before
taking up arms. It is thought they will not dare to take
the Duke to the Tower, though in this they may be
deceived, because they who now rule are Protestants,
and most of them creatures of Cecil." The Secretary's
attitude in this matter has been treated somewhat at
length, because it happens that material exists which
shows conclusively how bitter and unjust were his
enemies towards him, and how impossible it is to accept,
without full examination, statements to his detriment,
made even by men who were in daily communication
with him.
In the middle of October the Catholic ferment in the
north reached its height. The Queen had summoned
Northumberland and Westmoreland, and they refused
to obey. Without waiting for the Spanish aid for which
they had stipulated, they entered Durham with 5000
foot and 1000 horsey and proclaimed the restoration of
the Catholic faith. Cecil himself, giving an account of
the rising to Norris,1 says, " They have in their company
priests of their faction, who, to please the people there
abouts, give them masses, and some such trash as the
spoils and wastes where they have been." Smashing
communion-tables and devastating Protestant houses as
they went, they advanced to Doncaster ; but the Govern
ment had long foreseen the affair, and were ready to cope
with it. Mary was hurried off, strongly guarded, to
Coventry, out of the reach of the rebels. Lord Darcy
repulsed one band ; the Earl of Sussex, president of the
north, held York against the main body ; the wardens of
the marches were well prepared and provided by Cecil's
foresight, and the country people in the great towns
pf the north were intimidated into quietude. On the
J 2nd November (Scrinia Ceciliana).

1569] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 241
24th December, Cecil could write : " Thank God, our
northern rebellion is fallen flat to the ground and
scattered away.1 The Earls are fled into Northumber
land, seeking all ways to escape, but they are roundly
pursued, by Sir John Forster and Sir Henry Percy
in one company, and Lord Sussex in another. The
1 6th December they broke up their sorry army, the 18th
entered Northumberland, the 19th into the mountains ;
they scattered all their footmen, willing them to shift for
themselves ; and of a thousand horsemen there are left
but five hundred. By this time they must be fewer, and,
I trust, either taken or fled into Scotland, where the Earl
of Murray is in good readiness to chase them to their
ruin." 2
So ended, ignominiously, the only important armed
revolt against Elizabeth in England, but the first of a
long series of plots against the peace and independence
of the nation, by which Mary Stuart from her captivity,
English Catholics who prized their faith more than their
country, and Spain and the Guises, for their own national
or dynastic ends, sought to bend the neck of England
once again to the yoke which the statecraft of Elizabeth
and her great minister had enabled her to shake off.
1 Full details of the operations against the rebels will be found in the
Sadler Papers ; Sir Ralph Sadler being the Warden of the East and Middle
Marches, and Paymaster-general of the army.
3 The Earl of Westmoreland succeeded in escaping to Flanders, and
thence to Spain. He remained a pensioner of Philip's for years afterwards,
plotting against England, and beseeching payment of the grudging dole which
the Spanish King had assigned to him. Northumberland was captured by
Murray and imprisoned in Lochleven ; and at the time of the Regent's assas
sination, Elizabeth's special envoys from the Border were negotiating for
Northumberland's surrender. He was delivered to the English Government
in 1572 by the Regent Morton, and beheaded at York.

CHAPTER X
i57°-i572
At no time since her accession had Elizabeth and her
government been in so much danger as immediately after
the suppression of the rebellion of the north. Cecil had
known that the Catholic English and Scottish nobles
and Mary were in constant communication with Spain
and the Pope, but even he was not aware how wide
spread was the conspiracy.1 Orange in the Netherlands,
and Coligny in France, had for a time been crushed ;
Conde had been killed in battle ; and everywhere the
Catholic cause was triumphant. This was the eventu
ality which alone England had to fear; and although
Spanish aid to the English Catholics was neither so
active nor so abundant as has usually been assumed,
1 On the pretext of negotiating once more for the return of the Spanish
property seized, Alba sent to England, in October, the famous Italian general,
Ciapino Vitello, and in his letters to Sadler, Cecil expresses great anxiety as
to the probability of an attack being made by Alba on Hartlepool at the
time. English writers have always assumed that Ciapino came to England
in order to take command' of a force to be sent by Alba to England, but there
is no trace of such a project in Alba's or Guzman's letters. Ciapino was
forced, however, to leave his large retinue at Dover, and considerable delay
took place before even he was received. Alba states to Philip that Cecil and
Leicester had been, or were to be, bribed by the bankers Spinola and Fiesco,
to allow Ciapino to come to England (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth), but
Leicester sent word to Ciapino, as soon as the rising in the north was known,
that his stay in England was considered very suspicious. He was then hurried
away as soon as possible. There was really, however, not the slightest ground
at the time to fear an armed invasion by Alba in favour of Mary. He wrote
to Philip, nth December, that he expected the rising "would all end in
smoke," and he would not move a step without Philip's precise instructions.

1570] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 243
unquestionably the hopes and promises held out both
by Philip and the Pope had raised the spirits of the
Catholics in England and Scotland higher than they
had been for many years. Spanish money and support
under papal auspices kept Ireland in a state of discord,
as we have seen ; Mary appealed to King Philip as a
vassal to her suzerain ; the Guisan agents were busy
plotting with the Hamiltons and Murray's enemies on
the Border, and the whole north of England was riddled
with religious discontent. Cecil wrote at the beginning
of 1570 to Norris : " We have discovered some tokens,
and we hear of some words uttered by the Earl of
Northumberland, that maketh us think this rebellion
had more branches, both of our own and strangers, than
did appear, and I trust the same will be found out,
though perchance when all are known in secret manner,
all may not be notified."
The truth of Cecil's forebodings came soon after
wards. On the 22nd February 1570, Murray was shot
by a Hamilton in the streets of Linlithgow, and in the
anarchy which followed, the friends of Mary Stuart on
the Scottish Border invaded England. Maitland of Leth
ington and others who had hitherto stood firmly by
Murray, now turned to the side of the Hamiltons and
the French party ; whilst a special French Guisan envoy
boldly demanded of Elizabeth, in the name of the King
of France, Mary Stuart's release, permission for himself
to pass into Scotland, and a pledge from the English
Queen that in future she would refrain from supporting
the Huguenots. Papal emissaries whispered at first that
the Pope had excommunicated " the flagitious pretended
Queen of England " ; and then one Catholic, bolder than
the rest (Felton), dared publicly to post the bull on the
Bishop of London's door. The Bishop of Ross was
tireless in spreading the view of Mary's innocence and

244 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1570
unmerited sufferings,1 and many Englishmen who were
opposed to her in everything were scandalised at her
continued captivity. So strong a Protestant as Sir
Henry Norris, the English Ambassador in Paris — for
ever the butt of French remonstrance against Mary's
imprisonment — advised Cecil to have her released. But
Sir William knew better the risk of such a step now, and
replied, " Surely few here amongst us conceive it feasible
with surety," and he was right. Stories, too, came from
Flanders of plans to assassinate Elizabeth ; but she was
never so strong or wise as when the circumstances were
difficult and dangerous. " I know not," writes Cecil,
" by what means, but her Majesty is not much troubled
with the opinion of danger ; nevertheless I and others
cannot be but greatly fearful for her, and do, and will
do, all that in us may lie to understand by God's assist
ance the attempts."
It was not long before Cecil had once more triumphed
over his enemies on the Council and in England : the
danger that then threatened was from without. Again,
the policy of disabling the foreign Catholics by aiding
the Protestants was resorted to. Killigrew was kept
busy in Germany arranging with Hans Casimir and
other mercenary leaders, to raise large forces for the
purpose of entering France and enabling the Huguenots
to avenge their disasters.2 Cardinal Chatillon was still, a
1 See inter alia the Bishop of Ross's letter to Philip, 4th November 1569
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth). His mistress, he says, had ordered him
to remonstrate with Elizabeth against her imprisonment at Tutbury, and to
demand either her restoration to her throne, or that she should be allowed to
go over to France or Spanish Flanders. He can get no answer from Eliza
beth, he says, and therefore in Mary's name fervently begs for Philip's aid.
2 Very large sums were granted by Elizabeth for this purpose. To Count
Mansfield alone she promised 100,000 crowns payable in three months, and a
like sum in two years. In February the Prince of Orange sent an envoy to
England to beg for similar aid, which was to be largely supplemented by the
Flemings in England. The envoy was secretly lodged in Cecil House.

1570] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 245
welcome guest at the English court. The privateers in the
Channel were stronger and bolder than ever, and had
practically swept Spanish shipping from the narrow seas.
The Flemings were encouraged with promises of help
and support when Orange had once more organised a
force to cope with Alba. Sussex and Hunsdon in the
meanwhile did not let the grass grow under their feet,
but harried both sides of the Border, stamping out the
last embers of rebellion, and striking terror into the
Catholic fugitives, whilst Morton and the Protestant
party were consolidating their position, momentarily
shaken by the murder of Murray.1 De Spes was cease
lessly clamouring to the King and Alba for armed inter
vention in England before it was too late. Mary might be
captured by a coup de main, as she herself suggested, and
carried to Spain ; a few troops sent to Scotland now, said
the Bishop of Ross, might overturn the new Regency ;
a small force in Ireland would easily expel the heretics ;
" and the whole nation will rise as soon as they see your
Majesty's standard floating over ships on their coast."
But Alba distrusted both French and English, Pro
testants and Catholics alike. He knew that the confla
gration in the Netherlands was still all aglow beneath the
surface, and he dared not plunge into war with England.
His slow master pondered and plotted, beset with cares
and poverty,and unable to wreak his vengeance upon Eng
land until he had the certainty of Mary Stuart's exclusive
devotion to his interests. But the extent and complexity
1 There is an interesting memorandum of this period in Cecil's hand (Hat
field Papers, part i., Nos. 1452 and 1455), entitled, "Extract of ye booke of ye
state of ye realme," in which the various dangers set forth in this page and the
remedies therefor are described. The dangers are — the conspiracy of the Pope
and the Kings of France and Spain against England ; that of Mary Queen of
Scots ; the decay of civil obedience and of martial power in the country ; the
interruption Of trade with Flanders, and the shortcomings in England's treaties
with foreign princes.

246 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1570
of Philip's difficulties were only known to himself, and
the danger appeared to Cecil even greater than it was.
The plague had raged in London for the whole of
the summer of 1569, and a recrudescence of it in the
following June gave Cecil a good opportunity for advo
cating Norfolk's partial enlargement. The Duke made
a most solemn renunciation of his proposed marriage
with Mary, and craved Elizabeth's forgiveness ; and
at length in August was allowed to retire to his own
house. That he owed his liberation to Cecil is clear
from his letters. At the beginning of July, apparently,
some person — probably Leicester — had told the Duke
that Cecil was against him, and the Secretary showed
him how false this was, and proposed to take action
against his slanderers. The Duke in reply thanked him
for his friendly dealing and his frank explanation, " which
have sufficiently purged him (Cecil) and laid the fault on
those who deserved it." But he begged him to refrain
from further action, as it might cause "mischief.1 When
Norfolk at length was " rid of yonder pestylent infectyous
hows" (the Tower), he unhesitatingly attributed his release
to Cecil. How busy the slanderers of the Secretary were,
and how deeply he felt the wounds they dealt him, may
be seen in another statement in his own hand of the
same period2 (July 1570), which contains an indignant
denial of the reports that had been spread with regard
to his alleged dishonest dealing with the property of his
ward the Earl of Oxford.
During the whole of Norfolk's stay in the Tower and
afterwards, the love-letters between him and Mary con
tinued, the Queen signing her letters " your own faithful
to death," and using many similar terms of endearment ; 3
1 Hatfield Papers, part i. 2 Ibid.
8 See her letters in Labanoff, iii., and also Banister's Confessions (Hat
field).

1570] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 247
and Cecil could hardly have been entirely ignorant of
the Duke's bad faith. But for political reasons it was
considered necessary, not only to conciliate him, but
Mary and the Spaniards as well. Concurrently, there
fore, with the negotiations for Norfolk's release, a show
of willingness was made to come to terms with Mary.
Her presence in England was an embarrassment and a
danger, and now that Murray was dead, the principal
personal obstacle to her return had disappeared. If she
could be so tied down as to be used as a means for paci
fying Scotland, whilst depending for the future entirely
upon England, her return to her country would relieve
Elizabeth of a difficulty. The first basis of negotiation
was the surrender of the English rebel Lords in exchange
for her, and the delivery to England of four or six of the
principal Scottish nobles and the young Prince as hostages.
But these terms were by no means acceptable to Mary's
agents or to herself. She feared that the Scots would
kill her, and the English her son, and so secure the joint
kingdoms to a nominee of Elizabeth or Cecil.
The main reason for Elizabeth's change of attitude
must be sought in the panic which seized upon England
in the early summer of 1570. A powerful Spanish fleet
was in the Channel, ostensibly to convey Philip's fourth
wife, Anne of Austria, from Flanders to Spain ; but
rumours came that the dreaded Duke of Alba was ready
now for the invasion of England. The Guises in Nor
mandy, too, were said to have an army of harquebussiers
waiting to embark for Scotland ; the Irish rebels were
being helped both by Philip and the Guises. The Pope's
bull absolving Englishmen from their oaths of allegiance
was the talk everywhere, and English merchants in
despair cried that at last they and their country were to
pay for the depredations of the pirates. The French
were demanding haughtily that the English troops should

248 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1570
evacuate the Border Scottish fortresses held by them,
and the Protestants in France and Flanders were not yet
prepared to furnish the diversion upon which the English
usually depended for their own safety.
The position was very grave in appearance, though
not so great in reality, and it alarmed Elizabeth out of
her equanimity. De Guaras says that she shut herself
up for three days, and railed against Cecil for bringing
her to such a pass ; and the same observer reports that
when Cecil one day in the middle of July left the Queen
and retired to his own apartment, he cried to his wife in
deep distress, " O wife ! if God do not help us we shall
be lost and undone. Get together all the jewels and
money you can, that you may follow me when the time
comes ; for surely trouble is in store for us." x This may
or may not be true in detail, and also Guaras' assertion
that Cecil had sent large private funds to Germany,
whither he would retire in case of trouble ; but it is
certain that panic reigned supreme for a few weeks in
the summer, accentuated, doubtless, by the plague which
was devastating the country. But fright did not para
lyse the minister for long, if at all. Twenty-five ships
were hastily armed, two fresh armies were raised of five
thousand men each, ostensibly for Scotland. Mary was
prompted to send Livingston to Scotland to negotiate an
arrangement with the Regent Lennox, and Cecil him
self, with Sir Walter Mildmay, was induced to go and
confer with Mary at Chatsworth ; but, says De Spes, " all
these things are simply tricks of Cecil's, who thinks
thereby to cheat every one, in which to a certain
extent he succeeds." The Secretary had by this time
discovered that in any case neither Philip nor Alba
would raise a finger to avenge a slight upon De Spes,
for he had imprisoned him and distressed him in a
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1570] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 249
thousand ways already without retaliation. At the same
time, a blow at such a notorious conspirator as he was
could not fail to produce a great effect upon the English
Catholics who plotted with him and looked to Spain
alone for support. Cecil therefore sent Fitzwilliams to
Flanders about the seizures, and instructed him to
complain to Alba of De Spes' communications with the
rebels. >." His object," wrote the Ambassador, " is to expel
me, now that they think I understand the affairs of this
country ; and Cecil thinks that I, with others, might make
such representations to the Queen as would diminish
his great authority. . . . Cecil is a crafty fox, a mortal
enemy of the Catholics and to our King, and it is
necessary to watch his designs very closely, because
he proceeds with the greatest caution and dissimulation.
There is nothing in his power he does not attempt to
injure us. The Queen's own opinion is of little import
ance, and that of Leicester less ; so that Cecil unre
strainedly and arrogantly governs all. . . . Your worship
may be certain that if Cecil is allowed to have his way
he will disturb the Netherlands."1 De Spes' informa
tion was correct on the latter point, as well it might be,
for in addition to Cecil's own secretary, Allington, he
had in his pay Sir James Crofts, a member of the
Council, and the Secretary of the Council, Bernard
Hampton, who between them brought him news of
everything that passed in the Council or in Cecil House.
The Secretary's efforts to get rid of so troublesome
a guest as De Spes, and to offer an object-lesson to the
English Catholics at the same time, were persistent, and
in the end successful. De Spes was refused the treat
ment of an ambassador, threatened with the Tower,
flouted, slighted, and insulted at every turn ; but he could
only futilely storm and fret, for neither his King nor
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

250 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1570
Alba was pleased with the difficult position which his
violence had created for them in England. It was all
the fault of Cecil personally, insisted De Spes. He
wished to afflict the Catholic cause without witnesses,
and would stick at nothing, even poison, to get rid of
the Spaniard.
Cecil would have liked to avoid his mission to Mary
Stuart, for he was almost crippled with constant gout,
and he was fully aware of the hollowness of the negotia
tions in hand. The interviews with Mary could hardly
have been agreeable, although they were carried out with
great formality and politeness on both sides. Cecil charged
her with a knowledge of the northern rebellion, which
she only partly denied, saying, however, that she did
not encourage it. Mary seems to have been alternately
passionate and tearful ; but her bad adviser, the Bishop
of Ross, was by her side, and though she argued her case
shrewdly, she could not refrain from unwisely and un
necessarily wounding Elizabeth at the outset.1 In the
second article of the proposed treaty, where Elizabeth's
issue were to be preferred in the succession, Mary
altered the words to " lawful issue," to which Elizabeth,
although acceding to it, replied that Mary "measured
other folk's disposition by her own actions." After
some acrimony on the subject of other alterations on
behalf of Mary, an arrangement was arrived at, which,
however, was afterwards vetoed by the Scottish Govern
ment,2 at the instance of Morton, who was the Com
missioner in London.
Whilst the negotiations with Mary had been pro
gressing, peace had been signed between the Huguenots
1 The whole of the documents are at Hatfield ; most of them in extenso
in Haynes. 2 See Morton to Cecil, gth February 1571 (Hatfield Papers, part i., 1541);
and Elizabeth to Shrewsbury, 24th March (ibid., 1546).

.57o] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 251
and Charles IX. at St. Germains (August 1570), and the
fears of Elizabeth and Cecil were consequently aggra
vated at the plans which were known to be promoted
by Cardinal Lorraine for the marriage of the Duke of
Anjou, next brother to the French King, with the Queen
of Scots. Now that the Montmorencis and the "poli
ticians " had reconciled parties in France, the danger of
such a match became serious both to England and the
sincere Huguenots. Anjou posed as the figurehead of
the extreme Catholic party, but was known to be vaguely
ambitious and unstable. Cardinal Chatillon therefore
thought it would be a good move to disarm him by yoking
him under Huguenot auspices to Elizabeth. The first
approach was made by the Vidame de Chartres to Cecil,
who privately discussed it with the Queen. They must
have regarded it with favour, for it was exactly the instru
ment they needed for splitting the league, and arousing
jealousy between France and Spain. The Emperor had just
given a severe rebuff to attempts to revive the Archduke's
match with Elizabeth, but the negotiation for making a
French Catholic prince King-consort of England under
Huguenot control was a master-stroke which sufficed
to overturn all international combinations, set France
and Spain by the ears, turned the Guises, as relatives of
Mary Stuart, against their principal supporter in France,
and reduced the Queen of Scots herself to quite a
secondary element in the problem. The idea was just
as welcome to Catharine de Medici, who hated Mary
Stuart as much as she dreaded the Guises. Both she
and the young King would have been glad to be quit
of the ambitious Anjou, who always threw in his weight
on the Catholic side, and made it more difficult for
the Queen-mother to hold the balance. So, very soon
Guido Cavalcanti was speeding backwards and for
wards between England and France, secretly preparing

252 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
the way for the more formal negotiations between the
official Ambassadors.
So far as the Queen of England was concerned, the
negotiation was purely political and insincere, for the
reasons just stated, but the comedy was well played by
all parties. Leicester of course was favourable, for it
meant bribes to him, and there was no danger. La
Mothe Fen&on, the Ambassador, gently broached the
matter to the Queen at Hampton Court in January 1571.
As usual she was coy and coquettish. She was too old
for Anjou, she objected, but still she said the princes of
the House of France had the reputation of being good
husbands.1 Cardinal Chatillon shortly afterwards was
blunter than the Ambassador. Would the Queen marry
Anjou if he proposed ? he asked, to which Elizabeth
replied, that on certain conditions she would ; and the
next day she submitted the subject to her Council, who,
as in duty bound, threw the whole of the responsibility
on to the Queen.
Walsingham had just replaced Norris as Ambassador
to France. He was a friend of Leicester, a strict Pro
testant, who had been indoctrinated in the political
methods of Cecil, with whom and with Leicester he kept
up a close confidential correspondence.2 One of his
first letters to Leicester gives a personal description of
the young Prince, in which a desire to tell the truth
struggles with his duty not to say anything which may
hamper the negotiation. The Guises and the Spanish
party in Paris exhorted Anjou to avoid being drawn
into the net, and the Duke himself at one time openly
used insulting expressions towards Elizabeth ; but such
was the position in England that it was absolutely
1 Correspondance de la Mothe FSnllon.
2 Walsingham Papers. Most of the letters in extenso in " The Compleat
Ambassador."

,57i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 253
necessary that an appearance of reality should be given
to the affair. Prudent Cecil, as usual, avoided pledging
himself personally more than necessary, and wrote from
Greenwich to Walsingham on the 3rd March, that he
had wished the Queen herself to write her instruc
tions, but as she had declined to do so, he merely
repeated her words in a postscript — namely, that if he
(Walsingham) were approached on the matter of the mar
riage, he might say that before he left England he had
heard " that the Queen, upon consideration of the benefit
of her realm, and to content her subjects, had resolved
to marry if she should find a fit husband, who must be
of princely rank." To this Cecil himself adds as his
private opinion, to be told to no one, " I am not able
to discern what is best, but surely I see no continuance
of her quietness without a marriage."1 Matters were
indeed critical at this juncture, and Cecil, Leicester, and
even Walsingham, repeatedly, and apparently with sin
cerity, stated their opinion that Elizabeth would be forced
to wed Anjou, or he would marry Mary Stuart, as it was
necessary for Catharine de Medici and the Huguenots
to get rid of this fanatical figurehead of the extreme
Catholic party.2
In his letter to Walsingham of ist March, Cecil signs
1 There are in the Foreign State Papers of the year several of Cecil's
balancing considerations of the advantages and disadvantages of the match.
From them it is clear that the Secretary himself was uncertain of the Queen's
intentions. In one important letter to her (31st August), Cecil suggests a way
by which she may extricate herself, if she pleases, from the agreement she had
made on the matter with Catharine's special envoy, De Foix, at Knebworth.
But he warns her very seriously of the dangerous position in which she stands
unless she does marry. "It will," he says, "also be necessary to seek by
your Majesty's best council the means to preserve yourself, as in the most
dangerous and desperate sicknesses, the help of the best physicians ; and
surely how your Majesty shall obtain remedies for your perils, I think, is only
in the knowledge of Almighty God."
2 Norris to the Queen (Foreign State Papers), 31st August 1570 ; also
Warcop's communications from Walsingham to Cecil, 16th July 1571, &c.

254 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
his name thus, " By your assured (as I was wont)
William Cecil ; " and then underneath, " And as I am
now ordered to write, William Burleigh." x That the
title was not of his own seeking is almost certain. The
Spanish Ambassador, De Spes, says that the Queen
ennqbled him in order that he might be more useful
in Parliament and in the matter of the Queen of Scots ;
and the new Lord himself, in a letter to Nicholas White,
speaks thus slightingly of his new honour : " My style
is Lord of Burghley if you mean to know it for your
writing, and if you list to write truly, the poorest Lord
in England. Yours, not changed in friendship, though
in name, William Burghley." To Walsingham again he
wrote on the 25th March, " My style of my poor degree
is Lord of Burghley ; " and on the 14th April in a letter
to the same correspondent he signs, " William Cecill —
I forgot my new word, William Burleigh."
At the time of his elevation the new Lord was suffer
ing from one of his constantly recurring fits of gout, and
his letters are mostly written, with pain and difficulty,
which he frequently mentions, " from my bed in my
house at Westminster." And yet, withal, the amount
of work he got through at the time was nothing short
of marvellous. Every matter, great and small, seemed
to be dealt with by him. He was a Member of Parlia
ment for the two counties of Lincoln and Northamp
ton ; 2 as Chancellor of the University of Cambridge he
1 Walsingham Papers.
2 His eldest son Thomas, afterwards Lord Exeter, also sat in this Parlia-
ment as representative of the borough of Stamford. He had ended the sowing
of his wild oats, lo which reference has been made, by running away with a
nun from a French convent ; and was now married to Dorothy Nevil, a
daughter of the last Lord Latimer, whose sister had married Sir Henry Percy,
brother of the rebel Earl of Northumberland. Lord Burghley, in the little
Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield, duly records the birth of all of Thomas's
children, three of whom had been born by this time.

1570 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 255
was deeply interested in the interminable disputes there
with regard to ritual, vestments, and scholastic ques
tions; as President of the Court of Wards he attended
personally to an immense number of estates and private
interests ; x and acquaintances, high and low, from Greys,
Howards, Clintons, and Dudleys, down to poor students
or alien refugees, still by common accord addressed their
petitions for aid and advice to him. To judge by their
grateful acknowledgments, they seem rarely to have
appealed to him in vain, and it is evident by the hun
dreds of such letters at Hatfield, that even when peti
tions could not be granted, they were assured of impartial
and just consideration from Lord Burghley. His own
great establishments, too, at Burghley, Theobalds, and
London, must have claimed much of his attention, for all
accounts passed under his own eyes, and in such small
matters as the rotation of crops, the sale of produce,
the breeding of stock, and the replenishment of gardens,
nothing was done without consultation with the master.
His hospitality was very great ; for we are told by his
domestic biographer that "he kept open house every
where, and his steward kept a standing table for gentle
men, besides two other long tables, often twice set out,
one for the clerk of the kitchen, and the other for
yeomen." He personally can have had but little enjoy
ment from his splendid houses and stately living. He
must have been almost constantly at court, or hard

1 The young Earl of Rutland, one of his wards, especially at this time
seems to have occupied much of his attention. He was sent with Lord
Buckhurst's embassy to France to congratulate Charles. IX. on his marriage
with Elizabeth of Austria, and at every stage of the journey a correspondence
was kept up between them, the Secretary being solicitous for the lad's
welfare and good treatment even to the smallest detail. In the State Papers,
Domestic, of 20th January 1571, there is a curious document in Cecil's hand
writing, headed "Directions for a Traveller," laying down for Lord Rutland's
guidance strict rules for his conduct whilst abroad.

25 6 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
at work at his . house in Cannon Row, Westminster,
handy for Whitehall, rather than at his new palace in
the Strand, where his wife and family lodged. He
seems to have had no hobby but books and gardens,
and to have taken no exercise except on his rare visits
to Theobalds or Burghley, when he would jog round
his garden paths on an ambling mule.
This was the man, vigilant, prudent, moderate, cau
tious and untiring in his industry, who in the spring and
summer of 1571 by his consummate statecraft once more
brought England out of the coil of perils which sur
rounded her on all sides. His counter-move to Spanish
support to the rebels in England and Ireland, and to
Guisan plots in Scotland, was to supply arms, muni
tions, and money to the Protestants of Rochelle and
the Dutch privateers, and to fit out a strong English
fleet. The pacification of France and the crushing of
reform in Flanders were answered by remittances of
money to Germany to raise mercenaries for Orange,
and the welcoming of Louis of Nassau and Cardinal
Chatillon in England ; whilst the marriage of Charles
IX. to an Austrian Princess, and the closer relations
between France and the Catholic league, were counter
acted by the marriage negotiations between Elizabeth
and Anjou, and the treaty with Mary Stuart for her
restoration. But as the effect of Cecil's diplomacy gradually be
came apparent, the more reckless of his opponents
resorted to desperate devices to frustrate him. Already,
by February 1571, Mary Stuart had convinced herself
that the treaty for her liberation was fallacious, and she
wrote an important letter to the Bishop of Ross, from
which great events sprang.1 She refers to plans for
her escape, and announces her decision to go to Spain,
1 Mary to the Bishop, 8th February 1571 (Cotton MSS., Caligula, c. xi.).

1 57 1] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 257
throwing herself in future entirely upon Philip as her
protector ; and she urges that Ridolfi should be sent to
Spain and Rome to explain her situation and resolve,
and to beg for help. Norfolk was to be asked to pledge
himself finally to become a Catholic ; doubt as to his
religion, she says, having been the principal reason for
Philip's lukewarmness. The Bishop sent a copy of the
letter to Norfolk, who was still nominally under arrest.
The Duke gave his consent, and Ridolfi started from
England at the end of March. It has been frequently
denied that Norfolk connived at this proposal for the
invasion of England by a foreign power ; but, in addi
tion to the depositions of Ross and Barker,1 the follow
ing letter from De Spes introducing Ridolfi to Philip
appears to settle the question against the Duke : 2 " The
Queen of Scots, and the Duke of Norfolk on behalf
of many other lords and gentlemen who are attached
to your Majesty's interests, and the promotion of the
Catholic religion, are sending Rodolfo Ridolfi, a Floren
tine gentleman, to offer their services to your Majesty,
and to represent to you that the time is now ripe to take
a step of great benefit to Christianity, as in detail Ridolfi
will set forth to your Majesty. The letter of credence
from the Duke of Norfolk is written in the cipher that
I have sent to Zayas, for fear it should be taken.
London, 25th March, 1571." The exact proposal to
be made verbally by Ridolfi is not stated, but De Spes
refers to it in his next letter as " the real remedy " for
Lord Burghley's activity. It is probable that not only
the support of Mary and Norfolk was intended, but also
the assassination of Elizabeth and her minister.3 Cecil
1 Hatfield Papers and State Trials.
2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
3 That this possibility was ever present to the minds of Elizabeth's advisers,
is seen by the constant warnings on the subject by Cecil's agents in Flanders,
R

258 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
had been put upon the alert by the kidnapping in
Flanders and bringing to England of the notorious Dr.
Storey, who, under torture in the Tower, had divulged
the dealings of the northern Lords with Alba through
Ridolfi and the Bishop of Ross. This caused Cecil to
keep a watch upon the doings of both the agents ; and
Lord Cobham, in Dover, was instructed to intercept
any cipher letters which might be brought by a Flemish
secretary of the Bishop of Ross, one Charles Bailly, who
was with Ridolfi in Flanders. The man was stopped
and his papers captured, with some copies of the Bishop
of Ross's book in favour of Mary's claims. The Cobhams
were never to be trusted ; and Thomas Cobham surrep
titiously obtained the cipher keys, and had them conveyed
to De Spes, substituting for them a dummy packet, which
was sent to Cecil. But Bailly himself, who had written
the papers at Ridolfi's dictation, was promptly put on
the rack in the Tower, and confessed that the letters
were written to two persons, designated by numbers,
under cover to the Bishop, and conveyed the Duke of
Alba's approval of the plan for invading England, and
his readiness, if authorised by his King, to co-operate
with the persons indicated.
Letters sent by the Bishop to Bailly after his arrest,
urging him to firmness, threatening the traitor who had
betrayed him, and in a hundred ways proving his own
complicity, were all intercepted and read. The tortured
wretch swore to the Bishop that he would tell nothing,
even if they tore him into a hundred pieces ; begged that
his trunk containing drafts of letters from Mary to Car-.
and by Walsingham. In one of Cecil's statements as to the advantages and
disadvantages of the Queen's marriage with Anjou (Foreign State Papers, 14th
January 1571), he enters on the contra side the possibility that, in the case of
there being no issue, the King-consort might shorten the Queen's life and
marry Mary Stuart. The confessions of the men who were to murder
Burghley in connection with the Ridolfi plot are at Hatfield.

.57i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 259
dinal Lorraine and Hamilton might be rescued from his
lodging. But Burghley forestalled them all. The whole
of the letters were taken, and every day, in the Tower,
fresh rackings, and threats to cut off his ears or his head,
were used by Burghley to the frightened lad, to force
him to give a key of the cipher. One morning at five
o'clock he was carried by the Lieutenant of the Tower
to Lord Burghley, and was told that, unless he immedi
ately confessed all, he would be racked till the truth was
torn from him. The lad, half distraught, day by day
unfolded as much as he knew, notwithstanding the
Bishop's frantic assurances that Burghley would not
dare to harm him much, as he was a foreigner and a
servant of the Queen of Scots.1 And so, piece by piece,
the whole conspiracy was unravelled so far as regarded
the main object, and the complicity of Alba, the Spaniards
and the Bishop of Ross proved beyond doubt ; but still
the persons indicated by the cipher numbers " 30 " and
"40" could only be surmised, for Bailly himself did not
know them. Gradually the names of Mary Stuart and
Norfolk crept into the depositions of those examined,
but without sufficient definiteness yet for open proceed
ings against them to be commenced.
Whilst Lord Burghley, with inexhaustible patience,
was tracking the plot to its source, the most elaborate
pretence of agreement with the French on the subject of
the Anjou match was kept up both in Paris and London;
though more sincere on the part of the former than the
1 Details of all the examinations and the letters are at Hatfield. Burghley
alleged that Bailly was a Scotchman. His claimed to be considered a servant
of the Queen of Scots was merely a technical one, although on his tomb in a
church in a suburb of Brussels he is called a secretary of the Queen, which he
certainly was not, and there is a bas-relief of her execution. This has led on
several occasions to the incorrect assertion that Charles Bailly was present at
the scene represented. He lived for many years in Flanders in the pay of
Spain; and, at least on one occasion (1586), he took part in a Spanish
attempt to foment a Catholic invasion and revolution in Scotland.

260 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
latter, for Catharine and Charles IX. were in mortal fear
of the Guises, the League, and the heir-presumptive to the
crown. Cavalcanti and officers of the King's household
ran backwards and forwards to England with loving mes
sages; and the Huguenots worked their best to bring
the matter to a successful issue, or, in default of it, for
a close alliance. Henry Cobham was sent to Madrid
ostensibly to treat on the matter of the seizures, but
really to learn, if possible, how far Philip was pledged
to the plans against England ; but the Spaniards were
forewarned and ready for him, and he learned nothing.
Lord Burghley had, however, a better plan than this.
Fitzwilliam, a relative of the English Duchess of Feria,
had been sent to Spain by him for the purpose of nego
tiating for the release of the men and hostages who had
been captured from Hawkins at San Juan de Ulloa.
He professed in Spain to be strongly Catholic and in
favour of Mary Stuart, and came back to England in
1571, with presents, pledges, and promises to the captive
Queen and her friends. Hawkins lay with a strong
auxiliary fleet at the mouth of the Channel, and it was
agreed with Lord Burghley that Fitzwilliam and Hawkins
should hoodwink the Spaniards, obtain a good haul for
themselves, and at the same time trace the ramifications
of the great international plot against England. De
Spes jumped at the bait, with but a mere qualm of mis
giving, when Fitzwilliam went and offered, on behalf of
Hawkins, to desert with all his fleet to Spain, and take
part, if necessary, in an attack upon England. When
he wrote to the King he said, " My only fear is lest
Burghley himself may have set the matter afoot to dis
cover your Majesty's feelings, though I have seen nothing
to make me think this."
But it was exactly the case, nevertheless, and the
ruse succeeded beyond expectation. By the end of

157O THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 261
August all Hawkins' men had been released in Spain
and sent back to England, with ten dollars each in
their pockets, and Hawkins himself was the better off
by .£40,000 of Spanish money. But more than this :
Burghley had obtained through Fitzwilliam full know
ledge of the aims of the Ridolfi conspiracy. It was clear
now to demonstration that the Pope,1 Philip, and the
Catholic party in France were pledged to a vast crusade
against England, for crushing Protestantism, destroying
Elizabeth,2 and raising Mary Stuart to the thrones of Great
Britain. Burghley and the Queen had practically known
it for months, as we have seen, and already the diplo
matic measures they had taken to counteract it were
producing their effects. But now that the evidence was
sufficient, the blow against the conspirators could be
struck openly. All unsuspecting still, De Spes was com
forting himself with the reflection that the capture of
Bailly was an unimportant incident ; he urged Alba and
the King to immediate action, fumed at the instructions
he received to hold back Philip's letters to Mary and
Norfolk until he had orders to deliver them, and sneered"
at the timid delay. "As all of Lord Burghley's jests
have turned out well for him hitherto, he is ready to
undertake anything, and has no fear of danger. They
and the French together make great fun of our meek
ness." " It is a pity to lose time, for Lord Burghley is
continuing to oppress the Catholics. If the opportunity
is lost this year, I fear the false religion will prevail in
this island in a way which will make it a harsh neighbour
for the Netherlands."
1 The Pope had sent by Beton, early in the year, as much as 140,000
crowns to Mary Stuart, which she received through Ridolfi. (Examination of
Ross: Hatfield.)
2 The conspiracy included also a design to assassinate Burghley himself.
(See the confessions of Edmund Mather, the proposed murderer, and Kenelm
Berney, January 1572. Hatfield State Papers, part ii.).

262 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1571
The opportunity, though he did not know it, had
been lost already, for all the threads were now in
Burghley's hands, and he was master of the situation.
In August was intercepted the bag of money (^600) with
a cipher letter1 being sent secretly to Herries and Kirkaldy
of Grange, Mary's friends in Scotland, by the Duke of
Norfolk's secretary, and in a day or two the net swept
into the Tower the Duke and all the underlings who had
served as intermediaries. Burghley lost no time now.
Almost every day, threats or the rack wrung some
fresh admission from the instruments — secretaries,
messengers, and the like. Norfolk at first, with extreme
effrontery, denied everything ; 2 but he was a weak man,
and soon broke down. Even then De Spes did not see
that all was lost. " The Catholics," he said, " are many,
though their leaders be few, and Lord Burghley, with his
terrible fury, has greatly harassed and dismayed them,
for they are afraid even of speaking to each other. The
whole affair depends upon getting weapons into their
hands, and giving them some one to direct them." 3 It
was too late. Mary Stuart's prison was made closer;
her correspondence was intercepted and read ; there
was no more concealment necessary or possible. One
Catholic noble after the other was isolated and im
prisoned; Dr. Storey's dreadful fate was held up as a
warning to traitors, and London and the country was
flooded with broadsheets calculated to arouse English
and Protestant sentiment to fever heat at the dastardly
conspiracy which was laid bare.
On the 14th December a message reached De Spes
summoning him to the Council at Whitehall. When
he arrived there he found them awaiting him, with Lord
1 The cipher letter from Hickford will be found in Harl. MSS., 290.
2 Examination of the Duke (Hatfield ; in extenso in Murdin).
3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 263
Burghley as spokesman. There was no mincing matters.
The Ambassador was told that he had plotted with traitors
against the Queen's life and the peace of the country, and
he would be expelled, as Dr. Man had been from Spain
with far less reason.1 De Spes tried to brazen it out, but
ineffectually. Burghley was on firm ground : no delay,
he said, could be allowed, excepting the time absolutely
necessary for the preparations for the voyage, which
time was to be passed out of London.2 Speechless,
almost, with indignation, in pretended fear that Burghley
would have him killed, De Spes was hustled out of the
country he had sought to ruin, and a week afterwards
(16th January 1572) the Duke of Norfolk was tried by
his peers and found guilty of the capital crime df high
treason. De Spes left England with bitter resentment at the
triumph of Burghley's diplomacy. " They will now,"
he says, " make themselves masters of the Channel, and
with one blow, with their practices in Flanders, will
plunge that country into a dreadful war. It is of no
use now to speak of our lost opportunities. They have
gone ; but . . . steps may still be taken to make these
people weep in their own country." When he arrived
1 The English draft of Burghley's speech is in Foreign State Papers ; De
Spes' version in the Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 It added to De Spes' rage that the time he was thus contemned Burghley
was celebrating with great magnificence the marriage of his eldest daughter,
[ Elizabeth, with the young Earl of Oxford, a connection which in after years
brought him much trouble and anxiety. During the wedding festivities the open
slight to Spain was made the most of. Cavalcanti was flattered and caressed,
the Guises were denounced as " Hispaniolised traitors," and the Queen's con
nection with the Protestants of Germany and Flanders boasted of ; whilst De
Spes and his master were scornfully held up as an object-lesson of England's
boldness and strength. De Spes, in his last letter to Alba before his embarka
tion, says that " Burghley has received certain threatening letters, and had
informed the Queen that if I stay here during the trial of the prisoners the
country will rise up in arms ; and he, timid, contemptible fellow that he is,
commits so many absurdities that people are quite astonished."

264 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
in Flanders he made a long report of his embassy, con
taining the following interesting appreciation of Burghley
as he appeared to his greatest enemy : " The principal
person in the Council is William Cecil, now Lord
Burghley, a Knight of the Garter. He is a man of
mean sort, but very astute, false, lying, and full of arti
fice. He is a great heretic, and such a clownish English
man as to believe that all the Christian princes joined
together are not able to injure the sovereign of his
country, and he therefore treats their ministers with
great arrogance. This man manages the bulk of the
business, and by means of his vigilance and craftiness,
together with his utter unscrupulousness of word and
deed, thinks to outwit the ministers of other princes,
which to some extent he has hitherto succeeded in
doing." Before De Spes was expelled, the efforts of Burghley,
Walsingham, and De Foix had been successful in
arranging the terms of a close political alliance between
France and England. Elizabeth swore to Cavalcanti
that she would never trust Spaniards again, and he might
see how little she cared for the King of Spain by the
way she had treated his Ambassador. She could, indeed,
afford now to slight the most powerful monarch in the
world ; for one of the counter-strokes to the Spanish-
Papal plot had been the concentration in the Channel
of a great fleet of Flemish and Huguenot privateers
under the Count de la Mark, and during the winter a
plan had been perfected for the seizure by the "beg
gars " of Brille, the key to Zeeland. The imposition in
Flanders of the tax which ruined Spain had been the
last straw,1 and the whole country was ripe for revolt.
For some time an arrangement had been in progress with
Louis of Nassau, by which the Huguenots should invade
1 The alcabala or tenth penny — ten per cent, on every sale.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 265
Flanders over the French frontier, in the interest of the
Flemish Protestants. However friendly Elizabeth might
be with France, this was a proceeding which was sure to be
looked upon by English statesmen with profound distrust;
and Walsingham, writing to Cecil on the last day of 1571,1
says that he has been asked whether, in the event of the
French entering Flanders, the Queen of England will
take Zeeland, as the Flemings fear that the French may
not be contented with Flanders. Some time before this,
in September, Walsingham had urged Cecil to promote
this invasion of Flanders by the French, as a means of
keeping the Huguenots in power, as well as embar
rassing Spain. " If not," he says, " the Guises will bear
sway, who will be so forward in preferring the conquest
of Ireland, and the advancement of their niece to the
crown of England, as the other side (i.e. the Huguenots)
is contrariwise bent to prefer the conquest of Flanders."
When the immediate danger from the Guises was over,
however, the i9ea of a French invasion of Flanders
could not be calmly endured without some correspond
ing move in English interests, and joint action in the
Netherlands was suggested. It is assumed by Motley and
most other historians that the capture of Brille by the
" beggars " under La Mark early in April was quite unpre
meditated, but De Spes warned Alba that the affair was
being planned in England at least six months before ; 2
and the sending away from Dover of La Mark's fleet did
not, as Motley surmises, arise alone from Elizabeth's fear
of offending Spain — for that she had already done — but
from the complaints of the Easterling merchants that their
trade with England had become impossible whilst these
freebooters of the seas lay off the coast. In any case, the
surprise and seizure of Brille by the "beggars" once
more gave Alba plenty to think about on his own side
1 Foreign State Papers. 2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

266 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
of the Straits ; and England might, for the present,
breathe freely again.
It had been as necessary for Catharine de Medici as
for Elizabeth to provide against the complete domina
tion of England and Scotland by a Spanish-Papal con
spiracy in favour of Mary Stuart, and she had seconded
Walsingham strenuously in endeavouring to overcome
Anjou's religious scruples against marrying Elizabeth.
Anjou shifted like the wind, as he fell under the influ
ence of the Guises and his mother alternately. Some
times the match looked certain, and Catharine was
effusive in her thanks to Burghley ; the next week it
appeared hopeless. But the intrigue served its pur
pose, and kept the French Government friendly with
Elizabeth during the critical time of the Spanish-
Guisan conspiracy against her — a conspiracy which
also threatened Catharine's influence in France. Burgh
ley himself seems to have been at a loss to understand
Elizabeth's real intentions at the time* but it would
appear that both he and Walsingham were in earnest
in wishing for the Anjou match, of course with the safe
guards laid down in Cecil's several minute^ on the matter ;
but "the conferences," wrote the Secretary, "have as
many variations as there are days."
When at length it was seen that Anjou would no
longer act as a party to the game, but was looking to
the possibility of a marriage with Mary Stuart or with a
Polish princess, the idea of the marriage of Elizabeth
with his youngest brother, the Duke of Alencon, was
again very cautiously brought up by Sir Thomas Smith
and Killigrew, who were acting as English Ambassadors
in France during Walsingham's illness. Alencon was
only a lad as yet, and could be used without loss of
dignity as a stalking-horse until the treaty of close alli
ance was finally agreed upon between the two countries.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 267
The inevitable Guido Cavalcanti broached the matter to
Burghley in January, as he was coming away from an
interview with Elizabeth, and after some conference
Burghley himself discussed the matter with the Queen.
She was thirty-nine, and the suggested bridegroom was
barely seventeen ; but she was full of curiosity as to the
looks of the suitor, and distrustful about their respective
ages. She asked Burghley how tall Alencon was. "About
as tall as I am," replied the Secretary. " About as tall
as your grandson, you mean," snapped her Majesty,1 and
so the colloquy ended for a time. On the 19th April
1572 the draft treaty between England and France was
signed at Blois. It provided that aid was to be given
unofficially by both nations to the revolted Hollanders ;
the fleet of Protestant privateers was to be sheltered and
encouraged, and Huguenot Henry of Navarre was to
marry the King's sister Margaret. The Protestants and
politicians of France had thus for the moment triumphed
all along the line ; the connection between England and
France was closer than it had been for many years,
and Elizabeth and Burghley could look back upon a
great peril to their nation and their faith manfully met
and astutely overcome.
The Catholic party in England was now utterly
prostrate. The Duke of Norfolk, condemned to death
for treason, was respited again and again by the Queen,
whilst he abjectly prevaricated, and threw the blame upon
others. The Bishop of Ross and Barker, he said, had for
sworn him : he never meant to bring a foreign force to
England to depose the Queen, and so forth. From the first,
Burghley, who had always been Norfolk's friend, urged the
Queen to let the law take its course.2 He has been bitterly
1 Correspondance de la Mothe Fenilon.
2 Burghley writes to Walsingham, nth February 1572, an account of the
Queen's vacillation about Norfolk's fate : " Suddenly on Sunday, late at night

268 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
blamed for doing so ; but seeing the danger to which
Norfolk's treason had reduced the realm, he would have
failed in his duty as a First Minister if he had allowed
any weakness or personal consideration to stand in the
way of the just punishment for a great crime. Norfolk,
though he was the most popular man and greatest noble
in the realm, and still has many apologists, had plotted
with the enemies of England to bring the country again
under foreign tutelage for his own ambition, and it was
right that he should suffer.
That Burghley did not flinch in the case of a man
with so many friends, is a proof of his rectitude and
his courage. Though Norfolk himself must have
known what his attitude was, his esteem for him was
evidently not lessened. In the first letter he wrote to
the Queen after his condemnation, 21st January 1572,
he prays for "her Majesty's forgiveness for his mani
fold offences, that he may leave this vale of misery with
a lighter heart and quieter conscience. He desires
that Lord Burghley should act as guardian to his poor
orphans," and he signs his letter, "Written by the
woeful hand of a dead man, your Majesty's unworthy
subject, Thomas Howard " ; 1 and when this prayer was
granted, he again wrote to the Queen expressing "his

the Queen's Majesty sent for me, and entered into a great misliking that the
Duke should die next day, and said she was, and should be, disquieted ; and
said she would have a new warrant made that night to the sheriffs to forbear,
until they should hear further. God's will be fulfilled, and aid her Majesty
to do herself good." (Walsingham Papers : Complete Ambassador). In
another letter from Burghley to Walsingham a few week's earlier than this,
he complains of the Queen's clemency : " The Queen's Majesty has always
been a merciful lady, and by mercy she hath taken more harm than by justice,
and yet she thinks she is more beloved in doing herself harm." And again :
" Here is no small expectation whether the Duke shall die or continue pri
soner. I know not how to write, for I am here in my chamber subject to
reports which are contrariwise."
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 269
comfort at hearing of her Majesty's intended goodness
to his unfortunate brats, and that she had christened
them with such an adopted father as Lord Burghley." x
At length, when Parliament had added its pressure to
that of her minister's, the Queen's real or pretended re
luctance to execute her near kinsman was overcome,
and the Duke's head fell on Tower Hill, 2nd June, before
the lamentations of a great populace, who loved him
above any subject of the Queen.
Less than a week afterwards Marshal Montmorenci,
Paul de Foix, and a splendid embassy arrived in Eng
land for the purpose of formally ratifying the treaty of
alliance between England and France, a corresponding
embassy from England under Lord Lincoln being in
France for a similar purpose. The courts vied with
each other in their splendid entertainments. The
Frenchmen with forty followers were lodged in Somerset
House. At Whitehall, at Windsor (where Montmorenci
received the Garter), at Leicester House, and at Cecil
House, sumptuous banquets were given, followed by
masques, balls, and tourneys. There was much talk
about the Duke of Alencon, but no decided answer
given by Elizabeth to the hints of marriage, which,
indeed, was not now so pressing a matter for her as it
had been. When the Frenchmen had taken leave,
Burghley sent to Walsingham an interesting letter giving
some account of the embassy, by which it is clear that
the Queen still desired to keep up the talk of the
marriage, in view of a possible need to draw still closer
to the French. " I am willed," he writes, " to require
you to use all good means to understand what you can
of the Duke of Alencon, his age in certainty, of his
stature, his conditions, his inclination in religion, his
devotion this way, his followers and servitors : hereof
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.

270 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
her Majesty seeketh speedily to be advertised, that she
may resolve before the month." He says, that for his
part, he can see no great dislike of the idea, except in
the matter of age, and hints at getting Calais as the
young Prince's dower. " If somewhat be not advised
to recompense the opinion that her Majesty conceiveth,
as that she should be misliked to make choice of so
young a prince, I doubt the end."1 When, however,
Lincoln came back from France loaded with plate and
jewels, and full of praise of the gallantry of Alencon,
the Queen became somewhat warmer, and Walsingham
for weeks to come was bombarded with minute ques
tions as to the personal qualities, and particularly as to
the pock-marked visage, of the suitor.
There was but one more of the great conspirators
against England to deal with. Norfolk had deservedly
died the death of a traitor, and those who had supported
him were either dead or lingering sufferers in prison, the
disloyal Catholics were despairing, Spain had received
its answer by the expulsion of De Spes and the renewal
of the war in the Netherlands, whilst Coligny and the
Huguenots rode rough-shod over the Guises and their
friends. But the very spring-head of the conspiracy
remained untouched. A commission was appointed in
June to formulate charges against Mary Stuart herself,2
and in Parliament it was resolved that she was unworthy
to succeed to the English crown. But Elizabeth again
allowed her personal feeling to stand in the way of her
patriotic duty, or, as some would prefer to say, desired to
fix upon others the responsibility of a grave act against
her own order and kin. Burghley, in his letter already
quoted, written at the end of June to Walsingham, says :
1 Walsingham Papers.
2 A copy of the charges with Lord Burghley's signature erased is in
Hatfield Papers, part ii.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 271
"Now for Parliament : I cannot write patiently : all that
we laboured for, and with full consent brought to fashion,
I mean a law to make the Scottish Queen unable and
unworthy of succession of the crown, was by her
Majesty neither assented to nor rejected, but deferred
until the feast of All Saints ; but what all other good and
wise men think thereof, you may guess. Some here have,
as it seemeth, abused their favour about her Majesty, to
make herself her most enemy. God amend them." 1
A fortnight after this letter was written Burghley was
made Lord Treasurer of England in place of the Marquis
of Winchester, who had recently died. The work and
strain of the Secretaryship had gravely affected Burghley's
health, and early in the previous April he had been so
ill that his life was despaired of. De Guaras, the mer
chant who acted informally as Spanish agent, says that
the Queen and most of the Councillors visited him, in
the belief that his state was desperate.2 For some time
he had been begging for permission to rest, but until
the great matters in hand were settled, this was impos-
1 There was in the Parliament in question a strong Puritan element. An
attempt was made by it to alter the rites of the Established Church in the
Genevan direction, which Elizabeth regarded as an interference with her
prerogative ; and the pressure put upon her to consent to the trial of Mary
Stuart led her to dismiss the Parliament, which did not meet again till 1575.
When Parliament did meet again, the clemency of the Queen towards Mary
was made a source of complaint by the Puritan Wentworth, who was im
prisoned for his undutiful speech. For the consultation and report of the
joint committee of the two Houses in 1572 respecting Mary Stuart, see
D'Ewes' "Compleat Journal."
2 It is probable that on this occasion the Queen made the celebrated
remark to Burghley's servant. He told her Majesty, who wore a very high
head-dress, that it would be necessary to stoop to enter the door of the
chamber where the sick man lay. " For your master only will I stoop,"
said the Queen, '" but not for the King of Spain." It may be worth while to
repeat De Guaras' remark when giving an account of this sickness of Burghley.
The latter had been showing an inclination to come to terms with Spain
about the seizures (it was shortly before the French alliance was signed), and
his illness had interrupted the negotiations. "If this man dies," writes

272 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
sible. The sky over England had once more become
cleared, and the great minister could hand over to his
old friend Sir Thomas Smith the Secretaryship, in which
he had done such signal service to the State.
The day after the elevation of Burghley to the
Treasurership, the Queen started on one of the stately
progresses which caused so much delight and enthu
siasm to all her subjects but those who had to entertain
her, except perhaps Burghley and his rival Leicester,
who were both honoured during this summer with a
visit from the sovereign. Burghley's entry of the great
event comes curtly enough in his diary after the memo
randum pf his new appointment, thus : —
"1572. July 15. Lord Burghley made Lord Treasurer
of England." " July 22. The Queen's Majesty at Theobalds." J
Elizabeth had visited Theobalds in 1564 and 1571.
On this occasion her stay extended over three days,
and the domestic biographer of Burghley thus refers
to this amongst other visits : " His Lordship's extra
ordinary chardg in enterteynment of the Quene was
greater to him than to anie of her subjects, for he en-
terteyned her at his house twelve several tymes, which
cost him two or three thousand pounds each tyme. . . .
But his love for his Sovereign, and joy to enterteyn her
and her traine, was so greate, as he thought no troble,
care, nor cost too much, and all too little."
De Guaras, " it will be very unfortunate for the purpose which he declared
to me. ... It is true that hitherto he has undoubtedly been the enemy of
peace and tranquillity, for his own bad ends ; but I am convinced that he is
now well disposed, which means that the Queen and Council are so, for he,
and no one else, rules the whole affairs of the State. God grant that if it be
for His service he may live." (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii.)
1 These are the dates in the diary, but they do not quite agree with the
entries in the little Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield, which run thus : —
" 19 July 1572. W. Cecill admiss. Thesaurus Angl.
" 19 July 1572. Quene's Majestie at Theobalds, 5 to 6."

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 273
Whilst Elizabeth slowly made her way from one great
house to another, by Gorhambury,1 Dunstable, Woburn,2
and so to Kenilworth, the correspondence on the negotia
tions for the Alencon match became warmer and warmer.
Agents and messengers speeded backwards and forwards
with portraits and amiable trifles, particularly from the
side of England.
There was a good reason for this. Before even the
treaty of alliance was signed, Burghley had deplored that
Charles IX. and his mother were cooling in the agree
ment for France and England jointly to aid the Flemish
rebels. The Pope and the Emperor were trying their
hardest to withdraw Charles and his mother from the
compromise into which he had entered with Elizabeth ;
and already the young King and Catharine de Medici
were discovering that Coligny and the Huguenots, when
they had the upper hand, could be as domineering and
tyrannical as the Guises themselves. Paris was in seething
discontent that the beloved Guises were in disgrace, and
Charles found his throne tottering. To add to his fears
from the Catholics, the Huguenot force that had entered
Flanders under Genlis had been routed and destroyed
by the Spaniards (19th July), and it was clear to Catharine
and her son, that if they did not promptly cut themselves
free from Elizabeth's attack on Spanish interests, they
would be dragged down when the Huguenots fell. The
very day that the news of Genlis' defeat arrived in Paris,
1 A curious letter from Sir Nicholas Bacon to Burghley respecting this
visit is in Lansdowne MSS., 14 (printed by Ellis), in which he prays for advice
and guidance, " ffor in very deede no man is more rawe in such a matter than
myself" (12th July 1572. Gorhambury).
2 There is another letter in the same collection from the Earl of Bedford to
Burghley, begging him to arrange that the Queen should not stay at Woburn
longer than two nights and a day. " I pray god the Rowmes and Lodgings
there may be to her Majesty's contentation for the tyme. . . . They should
be better than they be " (16th July 1572. Russell House). S

274 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
a young noble named La Mole was sent flying to Eng
land, ostensibly to confer with the Queen on the Alengon
match. There was no particular reason for roughly
breaking off that, and so offending Elizabeth ; but the
sending of a mere schoolboy like La Mole with only
vague instructions about the proposed joint action in
Flanders would show that Charles IX. did not intend to
take any further responsibility in that direction.
La Mole arrived in London on 27th July, and had
a long midnight interview with Burghley at the French
Embassy. He ostensibly only came from Alencon — not
from the King — and when, a few days afterwards, he
saw the Queen privately at Kenilworth, though he was
full of fine lovelorn compliments from Alencon, he could
only say from the King that the latter could not openly
declare himself in the matter of Flanders. He suggested
prudence, and fears of a league of Catholic powers against
him. He talked about the strength of Portugal and
Savoy, and generally cried off from his bargain. This
was ill news for Elizabeth, for there were hundreds of
Englishmen in arms in Holland, and brave Sir Hum
phrey Gilbert and his band were besieging Ter Goes.
But the English Queen made the best of it, and sought
to redress matters by pushing the Alencon match more
warmly than ever, and petting and caressing La Mole,
who accompanied her on her progress towards Windsor.
Burghley and the experienced Smith seem to have been
as firmly convinced as young La Mole himself, that the
Queen was in earnest, and would really, at last, make
up her mind to marry Alencon. In her conversations
with La Mole and Fdnelon she smoothed away all diffi
culties. Walsingham had made a great mistake, she
said, in declaring that Alencon's youth was an insuper
able difficulty ; and much more to the same effect. But
it is curious that all this artless prattle, all this coy

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 275
coquetry of the Queen, so spontaneous in appearance,
had in substance been carefully previously drafted by
Burghley, and the drafts are still at Hatfield. Whilst
Charles IX. was hesitating and looking askance at the
dominant Huguenots, the latter were assuring Burghley
and Walsingham that all would be well directly. Henry
of Navarre was to be married to the Princess Margaret,
and this would give them a pretext for gathering so
strong a force of their party that they could make the
King do as they pleased.1
But Elizabeth and the Huguenots had no monopoly
of cunning, and whilst the billing and cooing with La
Mole went on, the massacre of St. Bartholomew was
being secretly planned, and every effort was being made
by the French King to draw England into a position of
overt hostility to Spain, whilst he remained unpledged.
The Ambassador, Fenelon, and young La Mole, left the
Queen, and returned to London on the 27th August.
On the same day there arrived at Rye two couriers from
Paris, one from Walsingham to the Queen and Burghley,
the other to the French Ambassador. The French
courier was detained, and his papers sent forward with
Walsingham's despatches to the Queen. The news of
the great crime of St. Bartholomew fell upon Elizabeth
and her court like a death-knell ; for it seemed that at
last the threatened crusade against Protestantism had
begun, and that England was struck at as well as the
Huguenots. All rejoicings were stopped, mourning garb
was assumed, and the gay devices of masques and
mummeries gave way to anxious conferences and plans
for defence. Affrighted Protestants by the thousand
came flying across the Channel in any craft that would
1 Spanish State Papers, 22nd July 1572, a month before St. Bartholomew.
If this be true, it to some extent confirms the subsequent allegations of the
Catholics as to a plot of the Huguenots.

/

276 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
sail ; from mouth to mouth in England ran the dreadful
story of unprovoked and wanton slaughter, and on every
side the old English feeling of hatred and distrust of
the false Frenchmen came uppermost again. On the
7th September, La Mothe F^ndlon was received by the
Queen at Woodstock in dead silence, and surrounded by
all the signs of mourning. He made the best of a bad
matter : talked of a plot of Coligny and the Huguenots
to seize the Louvre, urged that the massacre was un
premeditated, and hoped that the friendship between
France and England would continue uninterrupted. But
Elizabeth knew that such a friendship could only be a
snare for her whilst the Guises were paramount, and she
dismissed the Ambassador with a plain indication of her
opinion. Two days afterwards Burghley penned a long letter
from the Council to Walsingham, dictating the steps
to be taken for the protection of English interests ; and
he accompanied it by a private note, in which the Lord
Treasurer's own view is frankly set forth, " I see," he
says, "the devil is suffered by Almighty God for our
sins to be strong in following the persecution of Christ's
members, and therefore we are not only vigilant of our
own defence against such trayterous attempts as lately
have been put in use there in France, but also to call
ourselves to repentance. . , . The King assures her
Majesty that the navy prepared by Strozzi shall not
in any way endamage her Majestie ; but we have great
cause in these times to doubt all fair speeches, and
therefore we do presently put all the sea-coasts in
defence, and mean to send her Majesty's navy to sea
with speed, and so to continue until we see further
whereunto to trust." x
Not many days after the massacre, Catharine de
1 Foreign Stale Papers ; in extenso in Digges.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 277
Medici saw the mistake she had made in allowing the
Guises a free hand, and she and the King did their
best by protestations to Walsingham, and through
Fenelon and Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, to draw
closer to Elizabeth again. Alencon did much more.
He went to Walsingham, swore vengeance upon the
murderers, and expressed his intention of escaping
from court and secretly flying to England. By an
emissary of his own he sent an extravagant love-letter
to the Queen, and ostentatiously took the Huguenot
side, whilst Anjou was on the side of the League.
Elizabeth did not wish to break with France, for her
safety once more depended upon avoiding isolation ;
but she was still deeply distrustful. Smith, in sending
the Queen's answer to Walsingham, quaintly defines her
attitude towards the French : " You may perceive by
her Majesty's answer, that she will not refuse the inter
view nor marriage, but yet she cometh near to them tam
timido et suspenso pede, that they may have good cause to
doubt. The answer to De la Mothe is addulced so much
as may, for she would have it so. You have a busie
piece of work to decypher that which in words is de
signed to the extremitie, in deeds is more than manifest ;
neither you shall open the one, nor shall they cloak the
other. The best is, thank God, we stand upon our guard,
nor I trust shall be taken and killed asleep, as Coligny
was. The greatest matter for her Majestie, and our
safety and defence, is earnestly of us attempted, nor yet
achieved, nor utterly in despair, but rather in hope." 1
For the next few months this firm attitude of watch
fulness was maintained, whilst the outward demonstra
tions of friendship between Catharine and Elizabeth
became gradually more cordial, thanks largely to the
1 Smith to Walsingham, 27th September (Foreign Stale Papers; in
extenso in Digges).

278 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
influence in the English court of the special envoy
Castelnau de la Mauvissiere. Elizabeth consented to
act as sponsor for the French King's infant daughter ;
Alencon's envoy, Maisonfleur, with the knowledge of
Burghley, sent to his master a plan for his escape to
England with Navarre and Condd, and assured him that
the Queen would marry him if he came. But all this
diplomatic finesse did not for a moment stay the grim
determination of the Queen and her Council to provide
against treachery, from whatever quarter it might come.
All along the coast the country stood on guard. Ports
mouth, Plymouth, the Thames, and Harwich were
swarming with shipping, armed to the teeth for the
succour of stern Protestant Rochelle against the Catho
lics, and to aid the Netherlanders in their struggle.1
The Huguenots of Guienne, Languedoc, and Gascony
had recovered somewhat from the shock of St. Bartholo
mew, and were arming for their defence ; and to them
also went English money, arms, arid encouragement.
At Elizabeth's court the Vidame de Chartres and the
Count de Montgomerie were honoured guests and busy
agents, whilst in France the young Princes of Navarre
and Cond6 were daily being pledged deeper to the cause
of Protestantism and England. The German princes,
too, as profoundly shocked at the treacherous massacre
as Elizabeth herself, drew nearer to the Queen, who
was now regarded throughout Europe as the head of
the Protestant confederacy.
It was soon seen that, though St. Bartholomew had
given more power to the Guises, it had also strengthened
1 When Orange entered Brabant in September he sent an envoy to
England to ask for aid. An agent at once started from London with ;£ 16,000
in money, and a few days afterwards ^30,000 in bills on Hamburg were
sent, for which the Prince wrote thanking Burghley. Large quantities of
stores were also shipped from England, and a force of 12,000 men collected
at the ports in case of emergency.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 279
and consolidated the reformers rather than destroyed
them. Month after month Anjou, at the head of the
Catholic royal army, cast his men fruitlessly against the
impregnable walls of Rochelle, well supplied as the
town was with stores by Montgomerie's fleet from Eng
land, until at last in the spring of 1573 it was seen by
Catharine and her sons that they had failed to crush
the reformers of France, and they were glad to make
terms with the heroic Rochellais, where the besiegers,
plague-stricken, starving, and disheartened, were in far
worse case than the beleaguered. Anjou, to his brothers'
and mother's delight, was elected to the vacant throne
of Poland, and a full amnesty was signed for the Hugue
nots (June 1573) ; complete religious liberty being ac
corded in the towns of Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes,
whilst private Protestant worship was allowed through
out France.

CHAPTER XI
1572-1576
One of the first effects of the massacre of St. Bartholo
mew was an approach on the part of Burghley to the
Spanish agent in England. The object probably was
to keep in touch and to learn what was going on, whilst
arousing the jealousy of the French, and, above all, to
reopen English trade with Flanders and Spain. In any
case, the cordiality of so great a personage as the Lord
Treasurer quite turned the head of simple-minded, vain
Antonio de Guaras, who suddenly found himself treated
as an important diplomatist, and for the rest of his life
tried, but disastrously, to live up to the character.1 Soon
after the expulsion of De Spes, one of Burghley's agents
had opened up communications with De Guaras, which
resulted in an interview between the latter and the Lord
Treasurer. The minister was graciousness itself, and
quite dazzled the merchant. There was nothing, he
assured him, that he desired more than an agreement
with Spain on all points ; and though it all came to
nothing at the time, and shortly afterwards the Flemish
Commissioners were curtly dismissed, a letter was handed
to Guaras late in August 1572 to be sent to Alba, making
professions of willingness to negotiate for a reopening of
trade, and to withdraw the English troops from Flanders.
Before the reply came in October the massacre of St.
Bartholomew had taken place, and when De Guaras
1 See his letters in Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth; and also "Antonio
de Guaras," by Richard Garnett, LLD. 28a

iS72] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 281
went to Burghley at Hampton Court with a letter from
Alba he found him all smiles. "The Queen was only
remarking yesterday," said he, "that she wondered An
tonio de Guaras did not come to court with a reply to
the message offering to withdraw the Englishmen who
were helping the rebels." They were only sent there,
said Burghley, to prevent Frenchmen from gaining a
footing. He was overjoyed to receive Alba's kind letter,
and took it to the Queen at once, though she had
already sickened with the smallpox, which a day or two
afterwards declared itself. He hoped, he said, that God
would pardon those who had caused the dissension
between the two countries ; and the Queen was most
willing to come to terms. He expressed delight at the
reported successes of Alba. He compared Spaniards
with Frenchmen, greatly to the disadvantage of the
latter, and " he said more against the French than I
did, speaking with great reverence of our King, and of
so courageous a Prince, which were the words he applied
to your Excellency " (Alba).
The delighted merchant was pressed to stay to supper
to meet such great personages as the Earl of Sussex, the
Lord Chamberlain, and others ; and the next day he was
in conference with Burghley for hours, with the result
that the latter consented to draw up a new draft treaty
for the reopening of trade, one of the clauses of which
was to touch upon the tender subject of the treatment
extended by the Inquisition to English merchants and
mariners in Spain. Burghley hinted to De Guaras that
some of the Council were against an accord, but he
persuaded him that his own feelings were all in favour
of a renewal of the close understanding with the House
of Burgundy. De Guaras was backwards and forwards
to court for weeks, more charmed than ever with the Lord
Treasurer's amiability. " It is," he says, " undoubted

282 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1572
that a great amount of dissension exists in the Council,
some being friendly to our side, and others to the
French ; but the best Councillor of all of them is Lord
Burghley, as he follows the tendency of the Queen,
which is towards concord. As he is supreme in the
country and in the Queen's estimation, in all the import
ant Councils which were held during the days that I
was at court, he, with his great eloquence, having right
on his side, was able to persuade those who were
opposed to him. He assured me privately that he had
gained over the great majority of his opponents, and
especially the Earl of Leicester, who has always been
on the side of the French."1 Burghley could be very
persuasive and talkative when it suited him, as it very
rarely did. The French, he said, were most anxious
for a close alliance, but the Queen and himself set but
small store on " these noisy French and Italians."
A Spanish spy in London, unknown to De Guaras,
scornfully wrote to Alba that Lord Burghley was playing
with De Guaras ; and before many weeks had passed,
the latter himself had begun to doubt. Burghley passed
him in his ante-room three times without so much as
noticing him. "Some great plot against the Spaniards
in Flanders " was hatching, he was sure ; " and in one
moment they decided that their false news was of more
importance than our friendship." " Whilst this Govern
ment exists, no good arrangement will be made, as the
Queen only desires it from fear, and the rest will oppose
it on religious grounds." When De Guaras saw the Lord
Treasurer later in November (1572), grave doubts were
expressed about the bona fides of Philip, much to the
Spaniard's indignation. Burghley said he was still strongly
in favour of an arrangement, because the French, who
wished the English wool trade to go to France instead
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1572] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 283
of Flanders, were so shifty, and could not be trusted.
The Queen would be glad, too, to mediate between
Spain and the Prince of Orange. Thus Burghley played
on the hopes and fears of Spain; but through the whole
negotiation it was clear that the objects were — first, if
possible, to reopen the ports for English trade on pro
fitable terms ; 1 and, secondly, to keep Spain in hand,
pending the development of events in France, and the
strengthening of Orange for his forthcoming campaign.
In the meanwhile Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his
800 Englishmen were recalled from Flanders, and the
elaborate pretence made that he was in disgrace for
having gone thither at all against the Queen's wish ; and
other demonstrations were made, especially by Burghley,
of a desire to agree on friendly conditions with Spain.
As weeks passed without any reply coming from Alba to
the draft treaty, Burghley grew distrustful, and, as De
Guaras complains, coldly passed him without recognising
him. At last, late in December, he sent for the Spaniard
and made a speech, which, De Guaras says, sounded as if
it had been studied. "He hoped," he said, "that the
good-will of himself and his friends would be recognised.
Some of the Councillors thought that De Guaras had been
playing them false,2 and his (Burghley's) party was much

1 How deeply interested Burghley was in the question of trade is seen in
the active efforts he was making at this time to establish the Flemish fugitives
in various parts of England, to exercise the handicrafts in which they excelled.
During the negotiations with De Guaras, he was establishing a community of
cloth-workers in his own town of Stamford, lodging them at first in a house
of his own, giving them a church and aiding them with money. (Dr.
Cunningham's " Alien Emigrants in England " ; State Papers, Domestic ;
and Strype's Parker.)
3 Burghley, on a previous occasion, had frightened De Guaras out of his
wits by charging him with conspiring against the Queen. Throughout the
whole negotiation the Spaniards were alternately flattered and threatened.
De Guaras himself was one day overjoyed with Burghley's amiability and
admiration for all things and men Spanish ; and the next day cast into the

284 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY .[1573
annoyed that no answer had come, especially about the
simultaneous opening of the ports." All the while the
vigorous support of Orange's preparations went on ;
money, men, and arms flowed over in abundance (early
in 1573) ; and the Dutch agents were in England urging
Elizabeth openly to take Holland and Zeeland under
her protection, and to lend national countenance to the
struggle against Spain. She waa not prepared for this
yet, for France was under the influence of the Guises,
and their intrigues in Scotland left her no rest. But
Alba was afraid of the bare possibility of a great Pro
testant league of English, Germans, and Huguenots, in
favour of Orange ; and his pride was humbled more
by this than by professions of friendship. The result
of Burghley's negotiations through De Guaras, and the
aiding of Orange, was that in the summer of 1573 the
Flemish and Spanish ports were once more opened to
English trade, on terms immensely favourable to Eng
land,1 since she obtained a free market for her cloth,
whilst she kept the great bulk of the enormous amount
of Spanish property which Elizabeth had seized five
years previously. This was a greater exemplification
of the impotence of Philip, even than the expulsion of
De Spes. All the world could see now that, much as
his Inquisition might harry individual Englishmen, the
King could neither defend nor avenge the injuries done
to himself ; and was obliged to overlook the presence of
depths of gloom, by haughty Indifference, or hints at punishment for treason,
of which the poor man was as yet quite innocent ; or, again, by talk of the
diversion of all English trade to France or Hamburg, the abundant aid being
sent to Orange, or the welcoming of the Dutch privateers into English ports.
The negotiation and its result are a good specimen of Lord Burghley's
diplomatic methods.
1 The documents relating to the protracted negotiations with regard to the
seizures, and the resumption of trade, will be found in the Cotton MSS.,
Galba ciii., civ., cv., cvi., and Vesp. cxiii.

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 285
armed English regiments on the side of his rebellious
subjects, for the sake of retaining the profit brought
to his dominions by English commerce. Burghley had
at all events established one fact, namely, that, for the
present, Philip alone could do no harm.
The struggles between the Protestants and Catholics
in Scotland had continued almost without interruption
since the death of Murray. Mary's friends were still
numerous and strong amongst the aristocratic and landed
classes, and were supported, as we have seen, by Spanish
and papal money, as well as by Guisan intrigue. The
Regent Lennox had been murdered by the Hamiltons
(September 1571), and his successor (Mar) had died of
poison or a broken heart (November 1572) ; but with
the advent of Morton, a man of stronger fibre, the Pro
testant cause became more aggressive, and the English
influence over Scotland more decided. Shortly before
this happened, when the effects of St. Bartholomew were
still weighing on the English court, and it was known
that Catharine de Medici and her son were as busy with
the Archbishop of Glasgow in supporting the Hamiltons
and Gordons as was Cardinal Lorraine himself, secret
instructions were given to Killigrew, the English Am
bassador in Scotland, to take a step which under any
other circumstances would have been inexcusable. The
secret instructions are drafted in Burghley's hand, and
more obloquy has been piled upon his memory in con
sequence of them than for any other action in his
career; even his thick -and -thin apologist, Dr. Nares,
confessing that he could only look upon Killigrew's
orders " with feelings of disgust and horror," Killigrew's
open mission was to reconcile the King's party with
those who championed the cause of his mother, and
especially with Kirkaldy of Grange and Lethington, who
still held Edinburgh Castle ; but his secret instructions

286 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
were to a different effect. He was to warn the Protest
ants that a second St. Bartholomew might be intended
in Scotland — not by any means an improbable sugges
tion, considering who were the promoters of the original
massacre. " But you are also chosen to deal in a third
matter of far greater moment." The continuance of
the Queen of Scots in England, he is told, is con
sidered dangerous, and it is deemed desirable that she
should be sent to Scotland and delivered to the Regent
(Mar), "if it might be wrought that they themselves
should secretly require it, with good assurance to deal
with her by way of justice, that she should receive that
which she hath deserved, whereby no further peril should
ensue from her escaping, or by setting her up again.
Otherwise the Council of England will never assent to
deliver her out of the realm ; and for assurance, none
can suffice but hostages of good value — that is, some
children of the Regent and the Earl of Morton." 1 The
suggestion was not a chivalrous or a generous one. It
meant nothing less than handing over the unfortunate
Mary to her enemies to be executed, and so to rid
Elizabeth of her troublesome guest without responsi
bility. Killigrew was Burghley's brother-in-law, and
the two, with Leicester and the Queen, were the only
persons acquainted with the intention.
On his arrival in Edinburgh the new envoy found
the Protestants profoundly moved by the news of the
massacre in Paris ; Knox, paralysed and on the brink of
the grave, used his last remaining spark of life to de
nounce the Guises and the Papists who had forged the
murder plot against the people of God. Killigrew found
Morton ready and eager to help in the sacrifice of Mary,
but Mar held back ; and Burghley and Leicester wrote,
1 Hatfield Papers ; in extenso in Murdin ; also State Papers, Scotland.

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 287
urging speed in the matter.1 When the terms of the Scots
at last were sent to Burghley, it was seen that, though
they were willing to have Mary killed, they would not
relieve Elizabeth of the responsibility.2 The death of
Mar put an end for a time to the negotiation, which was
never seriously undertaken again, as it was clear that the
Scots would drive too hard a bargain to suit Elizabeth.
It is my province to explain facts rather than to
apologise for them, and the explanation of the plan
to cause Mary to be judicially murdered in Scotland
must be sought in the panic which seized upon the
Protestants after St. Bartholomew. The massacre was
generally believed to be only a part of a plan for the
universal extirpation of the reformers, in which it was
known that Mary Stuart's friends and relatives were the
prime movers, and one of the main objects was repre
sented to be the raising of Mary to the throne of a
Catholic Great Britain. So long as this belief existed,
no sj:ep was inexcusable that aimed at frustrating so
diabolical and widespread a conspiracy. That Burghley
himself was not sensible of any turpitude in the matter
may be seen from a letter written by him to Walsingham
on the 14th January 1573, begging him to discover the
1 See letters in Cotton MSS., Caligula, ciii.
2 The terms were — that the hostages should be delivered within four hours
of the surrender of Mary ; that James should be taken under the protection of
Elizabeth, and his rights remain intact, and be recognised by the English
Parliament ; that a defensive alliance should be concluded between the two
countries ; that the Earls of Bedford, Huntingdon, and Essex should be
present at the Queen's execution with a force of 3000 men, and immediately
afterwards join the King's troops to reduce Edinburgh Castle, which should
then be delivered to the Regent ; and, finally, that all arrears of pay owing to
the Scottish army should be paid by England. The Spanish agents attributed
the failure of Killigrew's mission to the efforts of De Croc, the French
Ambassador in Scotland. Elizabeth told the latter, when she saw him in
London in October, that she was well aware of all his plots in Scotland.
Her uneasiness at the time was increased by the news of the arrival in Paris
of Cardinal Orsini, a papal envoy with a fresh plan for the release of Mary.

288 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
author of a book printed in Paris, in which he and
Bacon are scurrilously accused of plans against Norfolk
and Mary. " God amend his spirit," he says, referring
to the author, "and confound his malice. As for my
part, if I have any such malicious or malignant spirit,
God presently so confound my body to ashes and my
soul to perpetual torment in hell." 1
How soon Catharine de Medici and her son regretted
the false step of St. Bartholomew is seen by their attitude
towards England early in the following year (1573). The
Archbishop of Glasgow was plainly told that no more
help could be given to his mistress, Cardinal Lorraine
failed ignominiously to draw France into renewed activity
on behalf of the League, and Charles IX. considered it
necessary to apologise to Elizabeth for the presence in
his court of the special papal envoy already referred to.
It was seen also that the blood and iron policy of Alba
had ended in failure : the revolt in the Netherlands was
stronger than ever, Holland was entirely in the hands of
Orange, and most of the Catholic provinces of Flanders
even had broken from their Spanish allegiance. Under
these circumstances it seemed possible that the secular
dream of Frenchmen might eventually come to pass, and
the fine harbours and busy towns of Belgium might fall
to the share of France. But this could only be if she
had a close understanding and made common cause
with England. So once more the Alencon marriage was
vigorously pushed to the front by Catharine. In Febru
ary the French Ambassador saw Elizabeth, and formally
prayed her to give an answer whether she would marry
the Prince or not. If she would only let them know her
pleasure now, the King and Queen-mother would trouble
her no more. It was a good opportunity, and Elizabeth
1 State Papers, Foreign. See also Burghley's letters to Copley. Rox-
burghe Club.

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 289
made the most of it. Fair terms must be given to the
Huguenots in Rochelle, she said, and on condition that
this was done, she would give an answer about Alencon
through Lord Burghley. On the 18th February the Lord
Treasurer made his formal speech. The Queen would
never marry a man she had never seen. If the Prince
liked to come over, even secretly, he would be welcome ;
but in any case an interview had better precede the
discussion of religion, because if the lovers did not
fancy each other, the question of conscience would be
a convenient pretext for breaking off the negotiation ;
but still no public exercise of Catholic worship must be
expected. When Burghley sent to Walsingham a copy
of his speech, he added for his private information :
" I see the imminent perils to this State, and . . . the
success (i.e. the succession) of the crown manifestly
uncertain, or rather so manifestly prejudicial to the state
of religion, that I cannot but still persist in seeking
marriage for her Majesty, and finding no way that is
liking to her but this of the Duke, I do force myself to
pursue it with desire, and do fancy myself with imagina
tions that if he do come hither her Majesty would not
refuse him. ... If I am deceived, yet for the time it
easeth me to imagine that such a sequel may follow." 1
This was uncertain enough ; but Walsingham was even
less encouraging. He was sick of the whole hollow
business ; profoundly distrustful of the French ; and,
moreover, was a friend of Leicester, who constantly
plied him with letters deprecating the match. This,
then, is how he managed cleverly to stand in with
Burghley whilst serving Leicester. " Touching my pri
vate opinion of the marriage, the great impediment that
I find in the same is the contentment of the eye. The
gentleman, sure, is void of any good favour, besides the
1 Foreign State Papers ; in extenso in Digges.

290 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
blemish of the small pocks. Now, when I weigh the
same with the delicateness of her Majesty's eye, and
considering also that there are some about her in credit,
who in respect of their particular interests, have neither
regard for her Majesty, nor to the preservation of our
country from ruine, and will rather increase the misliking
by defacing him than by dutifully laying before her the
necessity of marriage ... I hardly think there will ever
grow any liking. . . . Whether this marriage be sincerely
meant here or not is a hard point to judge ... in my
opinion I think rather no than yea." x This was almost
the last letter written by Walsingham as Ambassador.
He was recalled, to be shortly afterwards appointed
joint-Secretary of State with Sir Thomas Smith, with
the intention of still further relieving Burghley from
routine labour ; and Dr. Dale, as Ambassador in Paris,
kept alive the ridiculous, and frequently insincere, dis
cussion of the marriage of Elizabeth and Alencon.2
Burghley's labours and anxieties were not con
fined to foreign affairs. His interest in the uniformity
and discipline of the Anglican Church was unceasing,
and especially in connection with his Chancellorship of
Cambridge University, gave him endless anxiety. The
vestments controversy had now widened and deepened.
The famous tract called " An Admonition to Parliament "
had been presented to the Parliament of 1572 by Cart-
wright ; and its violence in a Puritan direction had pro
voked a controversy, which, at the period now under
consideration (1573), had developed on one side into
a bitter antagonism to prelacy, and even sacerdotalism
in all its forms. Both parties appealed to Burghley.
He made a speech in the Star Chamber which left no
1 Foreign State Papers ; in extenso in Digges.
2 The progress of each stage in the complicated business is related in
the author's " Courtships of Queen Elizabeth."

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 291
doubt as to his attitude, if any such ever existed, on the
point. The Queen, he said, was determined to have the
laws obeyed. No innovation of ritual or practice would
be permitted. If any of the " novelists" were under the
impression that departures from the rules laid down
would remain unpunished, he disabused their minds. A
Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, named Chark, violently
attacked the hierarchy from the University pulpits, and
was admonished. He persisted, and was ejected from his
Fellowship. Another Cambridge man, Edward Dering,
Lecturer at St. Paul's Cathedral, acted similarly, and was
summoned before the Privy Council, and was suspended
from his preferment. At the instance of Bishop Sandys J
he was restored, but again brought before the Star
Chamber when he addressed a long letter to Burghley
advocating his views. Whilst Leicester always favoured
the Puritans, the Lord Treasurer was thus on the side of
the law and the prelates ; and though he was constantly
chosen as arbiter, even by those with whom he disagreed,
he never wavered in his insistence on the maintenance
of uniformity, and obedience to the prescriptions laid
down by Parliament and the rulers of the Church.2
Notwithstanding the appointment of two Secretaries
1 The Bishop of London's letter to Burghley is at Hatfield, part ii. ; in
extenso in Murdin. " These be dangerous days," he says, " full of itching
ears mislying their minds, and ready to forget all obedience and duty. . . .
A soft plaister is better than a sharp corosy to apply to this sore. ... If
Mr. Deryng be somewhat spared, yet wal scoled, the others, being manifest
offenders, may be dealt withal according to their deserts " (3rd June 1573).
2 In one case his love of justice had an unfortunate termination. A crazy
Puritan named Birchett stabbed Sir John Hawkins in the Strand, under the
belief that he was Sir Christopher Hatton, the declared rival of Leicester in
the Queen's affection ; and it was surmised also, his opponent in his Puritan
leanings. The Queen issued a commission for Birchett's summary trial and
punishment by martial law, but was persuaded by Burghley to remand him
to safe custody for further inquiries. He was imprisoned in the Lollard's
Tower, and a few days afterwards killed his keeper. He was clearly a maniac,
but the affair brought great odium upon Puritanism, and led to the arrest of Mr.

292 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
of State, which somewhat relieved him from writing
despatches, almost every matter, great and small, was
still referred to Burghley. We have given instances
of his activity in foreign and ecclesiastical affairs ; but,
as Ellis l truly says, " from a question of peace or war,
down to a regulation for the lining of slop hose ; from
quarrels at court to the bickering between a school
master and his scholar ; from the arrest of a peer to the
punishment of a cutpurse — all was reported to him, and
by all parties in turn his favour was craved."
It must Jhave been difficult for him to keep clear
of court factions and scandal ; but though it was noto
rious that Leicester always opposed him, they still re
mained outwardly friendly, and their letters to each
other are full of civil expressions. Sussex and Hatton
were for ever at feud with Leicester. Alencon's amorous
agents scandalised all beholders by their open flirting
with the Queen, to which Leicester retorted by making
violent love to two sisters, Lady Sheffield and Frances
Howard; and the light-hearted and light-heeled young
Earl of Oxford, Burghley's son-in-law at this time (1573),
had danced himself into the good graces of the erotic
Queen, which he soon lost by his folly. Stern Lady
Burghley openly and imprudently condemned this phil
andering, and the Queen fell into a rage with her ; yet
" my Lord Treasurer, even after his old manner, dealeth
with matters of the State only, and beareth himself
very uprightly. ... At all these love matters my Lord
Treasurer winketh, and will not meddle any way." %
Cartwright, the leader of the party. It is to be noticed that Burghley pro
vided suitable preferment for all the eminent Puritan nonconformists who were
dismissed from their positions in the Church ; Cartwright, Lever, and Samp
son being made respectively " masters " of charitable foundations where their
opinions on ritual were of little importance.
1 Original letters, Ellis.
2 Gilbert Talbot to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 9th May 1573 (Lodge's
Illustrations).

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 293
Burghley's private correspondence with his steward,
Kemp, at Burghley, at this period, shows that his care for
detail in his household management was as unwearied as
ever. One letter written in June 1573 by Kemp is very
curious. Burghley's mother was still alive, but, of course,
very aged. She appears to have become unduly penurious
as to her garb, and her son had ordered a dress for the
old lady. The steward writes : " Mr. Thomas Cecil
came home well, and my mistress, your mother, came
to Burghley two hours before him. The gown that you
would make, it must be for every day, and yet because
it comes from you (except you write to her to the con
trary) she will make it her holiday gown ; whereof she
hath great store already, both of silk and cloth. But I
think, sir, if you make her one of cloth, with some velvet
on it, with your letter to desire her for your sake to wear
it daily, she would accustom herself to it ; so as she
would forget to go any longer in such base apparel as
she hath used to have a delight in, which is too mean
for one of a lower estate than she is." The old lady
also desired a chaplain for service twice a day ; and by
Burghley's endorsement on the letter, it is evident that
the gown and the chaplain were sent to her.
During the Queen's great progress through Kent and
Sussex in the autumn, Burghley attended her ; and whilst
the court was at Eridge, the Treasurer, not without diffi
culty, persuaded the Queen to accede to Mary Stuart's
request, through the Earl of Shrewsbury, that she should
be allowed to visit the baths of Buxton, whither shortly
afterwards Burghley himself went for his own malady,1
1 The number and variety of remedies sent to Burghley from all parts of the
world for the cure of the gout are truly marvellous. We have already men
tioned some in an earlier page, but they became much more frequent after
this year (1573), when a Mr. Dyon sent one which Burghley endorses as
"Recipe pro podagra," as well as Lady Harrington. Dr. Nunes, the
Queen's Portuguese physician, sent quite a collection of nostrums in Latin,

294 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
and saw the unhappy Queen, whom on this occasion, at
all events, he impressed not unfavourably.1 During the
Queen's progress, which was on a more lavish scale even
than usual,2 a determined attempt was made — and, accord
ing to one of Mary Stuart's letters from Buxton, not quite
unsuccessfully — to arouse Elizabeth's distrust of Burghley.
Simultaneously there were sent to the Queen, to Burghley,
to Bacon, and the principal courtiers and ecclesiastics,
another violent book printed in France against Burghley
and the Lord Keeper. A copy was sent to the Queen
by Lord Windsor, a refugee on the Continent, with great
professions of attachment, and hints evidently directed
against Burghley, " although for my part, in mine
opinion, I suppose he is too wise to be overtaken in
many of those things which he is touched withal."3
Burghley received his copy from an unknown hand in
Canterbury Cathedral precincts, where he was lodged, and
it appears quite to have upset his equanimity. He wrote
(nth September 1573) to the Archbishop (Parker) bitterly
resenting the attack at such a time " by some domestic
hidden scorpion." " If God and our consciences were
not our defence and consolation against these pestilential
darts, we might well be weary of our lives." Parker
and a German doctor recommended certain medicated slippers ; a tincture
of gold was advocated by a Nicholas Gybberd, and the Earl of Shrewsbury
was loud in his praises of " oyle of stagg's blood." Most of the recipes men
tioned will be found in the Lansdowne MSS., 1 8, 21, 27, 29, 39, and 42.
1 See letters from Mary, in Labanoff, vol. iv. Elizabeth showed some
amount of jealous suspicion at Burghley's interview with Mary, of which
Leicester and the Treasurer's enemies made the most during his absence.
2 Burghley, as Lord Treasurer, seems to have been seriously concerned
at the heavy cost of these progresses. In the Lansdowne MSS., 16, there is
a document, altered and corrected by Lord Burghley himself, of this date
('S73)i showing how the royal household expenses had been increased by
this particular progress. It is to be deduced from the document that extra
expenditure entailed was ^1034, os. 6d.
3 See a curious letter from Lord Windsor to Burghley, loth January 1574,
exculpating himself for this letter (Hatfield Papers, part ii., No. 181).

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 295
returned "the mad book, so outrageously penned that
malice hath made him blind. I judge it not worth an
answer." Bacon was less disturbed with the matter
than his brother-in-law, and summarises the contents
of the book as follows : " It consisteth of three points.
Chiefly it is to change the religion that now is ; 2nd,
to establish the Scottish Queen's party ; and, 3rd, is an
invective against us two. I like the conjunction of the
matter, though I mislike the impudent lies of the author
to maintain it."
The accession of Morton to the Regency of Scotland
had been followed by the complete collapse of Mary's
cause there. Killigrew was ready with English bribes,
and the Hamiltons and the Gordons were induced to
abandon a hopeless struggle and lay down their arms.
Only Kirkaldy of Grange held out, hoping against hope
that the promised Guisan help would reach him in Edin
burgh Castle. Once a large sum of French money for
him was withheld by the treachery of Sir James Balfour,
corrupt almost to the point of grotesqueness ; and thence
forward Kirkaldy, Lord Hume, and the rest of the party
simply held out in the castle to save their lives. But
when Drury with English troops crossed the Border
and reinforced Morton, Kirkaldy surrendered to the
English general, on promise of fair treatment. Morton
insisted upon the prisoners being delivered to him, for
whilst they lived, he said, there would be no safety for
him or the State ; and though Drury held out, Elizabeth
at last gave way to Morton's importunity, and brave
Kirkaldy and the rest of Mary's staunch friends lost their
heads. Thenceforward Mary Stuart's cause was dead,
so far as the Scottish people themselves were concerned.
Morton nearly obtained the Bishop of Ross, too, from
Elizabeth, but he was after all a sovereign's Ambassador,
and her Council dissuaded her from surrendering him.

296 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1573
On his abject submission and solemn promise never
again to take part in public affairs,1 he was allowed to
go to France, to break his pledge at once, and become
thenceforward an untiring agent for the furtherance of
Spanish aims in England. Thus Scotland for a time,
under so firm an English ally as Morton, ceased to cause
active anxiety to Elizabeth and her minister.
Alba, sick of his sanguinary failure, was replaced in
Flanders by a more diplomatic Governor (Requesens) late
in 1573. Though De Guaras in London continued humbly
to imitate De Spes, and immersed himself in intrigues, such
as that of the English captains who proposed to betray
Flushing, the plans of those who offered to kill the Prince
of Orange, to kidnap the young King of Scotland, and
the like, many of these plans were merely traps set by
Burghley to learn how far the Spaniards were willing
to go ; and they came to nothing, for of all things Philip
needed peace the most. Alba and the war party in Spain
were in disgrace, the commerce of the country was almost
destroyed by the privateers, and friendly relations with
England were once more the great object of Philip's
policy. Burghley also renewed his efforts to draw the
countries closer together, for reasons which will presently
be stated. A great delivery of Catholics from prison was
made mainly at his instance, and drew upon him remon
strances and attacks, both on the part of some of the
Bishops themselves, in a guarded fashion, and more
violently from the Puritans, now openly patronised by
Leicester. Arising out of this, a great conspiracy was
said to have been discovered against the lives of Arch
bishop Parker and Lord Burghley, on the part of one
Undertree. The depositions of the accused, which are
in the Hatfield Papers, are, as usual in such cases, full
to the extent of diffuseness; but though Parker was
1 Hatfield Papers ; in extenso in Murdin.

1573] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 297
much alarmed, and the affair gave Burghley an infinity
of trouble, there does not appear to have been much
importance really attached to it.
The key to Burghley's milder attitude towards
the Catholics — apart from the disappearance of Mary
Stuart's party in Scotland — was the position of affairs in
France. The talk of Elizabeth's marriage with Alencon
had continued uninterruptedly, drawn out with a thousand
banalities as to the possibility of secret meetings between
the lovers, the depth and number of pock holes on the
suitor's face, his personal qualities, his religious elasticity,
and the like. His brother, Charles IX., was only twenty-
four, but it was known that he could not live long ; the
heir, Anjou, now King of Poland, was a furious and
fanatical Catholic. With the knowledge of Elizabeth and
her minister, all France was enveloped in a vast con
spiracy, in which the Montmorencis and the "politicians"
were making common cause with the Huguenots, of
which combination Alencon was the figure-head. But
Catharine de Medici was fully aware of the fact, and
was determined to frustrate it. With Anjou for King she
might still be supreme in France ; whereas the rise of
Alencon, under the tutelage of the Huguenots and the
Queen of England, would have meant extinction for
her. Several times before Charles died, Alencon and
the Princes of Navarre and Conde- had tried to escape
to England, but Catharine held them tight, and never
left them. Montgomerie was waiting for the signal, with
a strong fleet in the Channel, to swoop down upon
Normandy, and all the Protestants and anti-Guisans in
France were under arms. The mine was to burst in
April, the Princes were to be rescued forcibly from
Catharine, and St. Bartholomew was to be avenged.
But the Queen-mother was on the alert. Just before
the day fixed she hurried away from St. Germains to

298 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1574
Catholic Paris, clapped ' Alencon and Navarre, Montmo
renci, De Cosse, and all the chiefs into prison, and then
crushed the Protestant armies piecemeal, for they were
leaderless and far apart. When, therefore, Charles IX.
died (30th May 1574), Catharine was mistress of the
situation, and held France in her hand until the new
King, Henry 411., arrived, to take possession of the
throne. With such a sovereign as this in France, led
by Catharine, who had her grudge to satisfy against
Elizabeth for the encouragement she had given to the
Princes, it was natural that Burghley should again smile
somewhat upon the Catholics, and say civil words to
Spain ; especially as panic-stricken rumours came —
though they were untrue — that Philip was fitting out
a great navy to send with a powerful force to Flanders.1
Catholic Flanders, moreover, had mostly been brought
back to Spanish allegiance by the mildness of Requesens ;
and Elizabeth was growing less willing to continue to
provide large sums of money to uphold Orange in what
now appeared to be a well-nigh desperate cause, if it
had to be supported entirely from England. So when
Requesens' envoys came to see her about the regulation
of trade, and the exclusion of the privateers from her ports,
she was, all smiles ; and although upon being appealed
to, to allow English mercenaries to serve the Spaniards
in Flanders as they served Orange, she refused, though
1 As a matter of fact he was straining every nerve at the time to hold back
his half-brother, Don John of Austria, who, with papal support, was full of
all manner of grand plans for the founding of a great Christian Empire in
Africa or the East, with himself as Emperor ; or else for invading England
from Flanders, marrying Mary Stuart, and reigning over a Catholic Great
Britain. Don John and Gregory XIII. were very serious in their plans ; but
Philip was determined that nothing of the sort should be done with Spanish
forces. He was absolutely bankrupt at the time, and had recently been
obliged to repudiate the interest upon the vast sums he had borrowed. This
had caused wholesale financial disaster in Italy and Flanders, and Philip's
credit was at its lowest ebb.

1574] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 299
not very firmly, she expressed her desire to bring
Orange to submit to the King of Spain. Once more,
therefore, an unrestrained Catholic regime in France
inevitably drew England and Spain closer together. It
was only when the Huguenots were paramount, who
would not join Philip against England, or help the
Catholics of Scotland, that Elizabeth and Burghley could
afford to disregard the friendship of the King of Spain.
The behaviour of the young sovereign of France —
no longer a king, but a besotted monk, sunk into the
deepest abyss of debauchery and superstition — kept alive
the discontent of the Huguenots and " politicians," who
had regarded his accession with horror. Alencon and
the King held rival courts in Paris, the one surrounded
by reformers, the other by all that was retrograde and
vicious. Cardinal Lorraine was dead, and the King's
advisers were no longer statesmen, but mendicant
friars and the Italian time-servers of the Queen -
mother : Henry of Guise was just entering into the
arena, and was already a popular idol ; and all seemed
to portend a renewal of French activity in favour of
Mary Stuart.1 Elizabeth therefore went out of her way
to dazzle poor foolish De Guaras again. Seeing him
walking in Richmond Park, she called him to her, and
1 Mary's own hopes were high for a short time after the accession of her
favourite brother-in-law. But she soon found out her mistake.; Catharine's
aim was not to benefit Mary Stuart, but to prevent the extinction of French
influence in Scotland. Her first act after Henry III. ascended the throne
was to project an embassy to Scotland, accredited, not as all previous French
embassies had been, to Mary Stuart's party alone, but to both parties. Mary
indignantly protested at this proposed; recognition of the "usurpers," and
the embassy was abandoned. La Chatre was sent to London in March I575>
to confirm the treaty of Blois (in which Elizabeth and the Huguenots were
comprised), but he did not say a word in favour of the liberation of the Queen
of Scots. The withdrawal soon afterwards of the Guisan La Mothe Fenelon
from England, and the appointment, as Ambassador, of Castelnau, a great friend
ofthe English alliance, quite convinced Mary that she had nothing to hope for
from Henry III., who, sunk in sloth and vice, left everything to his mother.

300 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1575
exerted all her witchery upon him (March 1575). "You
understand," she said, "full well, old wine, old bread,
and old friends should be prized the most, and if only for
the sake of showing these Frenchmen who are wrang
ling as to whether our friendship is firm or not, there
is good reason to prove outwardly the kind feeling
which inwardly exists."1 She accused the poor man,
quite coquettishly, of having received a token from the
Queen of Scots — which he had not — but ended by quite
winning him over by her prattle. Almost simultaneously
with this, strict orders were given to the Warden of the
Cinque Ports " to prevent the landing of the Prince of
Orange, or any of his aiders or abettors in the conspiracy
against the King of Spain, and also to prevent their
receiving any aid, succour, or relief, in men, armour, or
victuals." 2
Considering that the revolt in Holland had been
mainly kept up from England, this was indeed a com
plete change of policy ; but more was behind it even than
appeared. Many of the Catholic refugees on the Con
tinent were spies in the service of Lord Burghley, to
whom nearly all of them appealed as their only hope
and protector, and one of them particularly, named
Woodshaw,* who was deep in the confidence of La
Motte, the Spanish Governor of Gravelines. The latter
suggested that, as war between France and England
was in the air, it would be a good plan for the English
to seize Calais or Boulogne, with the aid of the Spaniards,
and come to terms with Philip to prevent any aid or food
reaching the French from Flanders or Artois. This was
conveyed to Burghley, and soon Sir William Drury,
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 16th April 1575 (Hatfield Papers).
8 Woodshaw's interesting letters of this period to Burghley are in Hatfield
Papers. See also " Copley's Correspondence," Roxburghe Club.

iS75] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 301
Colonel Chester, and several of the officers who had
come from Holland, were in close conference daily with
him and the other Councillors remaining in London
when the Queen went upon her summer progress. De
Guaras, whilst reporting their movements, was in the
dark as to their object. " During the last three days,"
he says, "at night or at unsuspected hours, they have
taken from the Tower sixty waggons and gun car
riages, which have been shipped to Dover." Guns,
battery-trains, culverins, fieldpieces, and ammunition
were being shipped on four of the Queen's ships at
Rochester. Mariners were being pressed, commanders
were leaving secretly for the coast, Burghley's son-in-
law the Earl of Oxford, with Ralph Hopton and young
Montmorenci, hurried off to Germany, and the Huguenot
agents were closeted with Burghley almost day and
night. We know now what it all meant, by a letter from the
Earl of Sussex to Lord Burghley,1 in which he deplores
the projected war with Catholic France, which, he says,
is only brought about by those who wish to prevent the
Queen's marriage with Alencon. " It will bring her into
war with all Europe, and she and the realm will smart
for the pleasing of these men's humours." The cost of
the war, he says, was to be defrayed equally by the
King of Navarre (Henry), the German princes, and the
Queen ; " but he fears her Majesty in the end must pay
for all, or let all fall when she hath put her foot in."
Wilkes, the Clerk of the Council, was sent with a large
sum of money to young Montmorenci (Meru) in Stras
bourg, and then over the Rhine to the Duke Hans
Casimir, the great mercenary ; and Meru was able to write
to Burghley in October, " Thanks to the Queen's favour
by your means, we are now on the point of succeeding.
One of the finest armies that for twenty years hath issued
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.

302 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1575
from Germany, ready to march, is coming just in time to
succour the King's brother." x All through the summer
De Guaras was at fault as to the meaning of the pre
parations, which he thought might be a joint expedition
against the Spaniards in Flanders. As we have seen,
the very opposite really was the case. Some of the
principal English officers, indeed, who had been with
Orange were full of plots with De Guaras for poisoning
the Prince, for betraying Flushing into Spanish hands,
and so forth. For the moment there were certainly no
smiles from Elizabeth for the Netherlanders ; for Orange
had taken a masterly step, such as she herself might
have conceived. When he saw that English help was
slackening, he boldly made approaches to France for
help. So long as it was Huguenot help under her con
trol, Elizabeth did not mind ; but when it was a question
of marrying Orange's daughter to Alengon or some other
French prince, and obtaining French national patronage,
it was quite another matter — that Elizabeth would never
allow. So England and Spain grew closer and closer.
Sir Henry Cobham was sent as an envoy to Philip,
ostensibly on the question of the English prisoners
of the Inquisition, but really to propose a friendship
between the two countries, and inform the King of
the Prince of Orange's intrigues with the French.2 A
Spanish flotilla on its way to the Netherlands, under
Don Pedro de Valdes, was, moreover, welcomed in the
English ports, and an envoy from Requesens took part,
as the Queen's guest, in the memorable festivities at
Kenilworth. A renewed appeal was made to the Council by Orange
in August, through Colonel Chester. He offered the island
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.
3 See Philip's minute of his conversation with Cobham, October 1575
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth), and also Lord Burghley's Diary.

.575] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 303
of Zeeland to Elizabeth, if she would hold it, and begged
permission to raise two thousand fresh men in England.
The reply given by Burghley was to the effect that " if
the Queen allowed such a thing, the King of Spain would
have a good cause for introducing schism and fire into
her country through Ireland. If Orange carried out his
threat to hand over the territory to the French, the
Queen would oppose it." Every day some fresh proof
of friendship with Spain was given. Frobisher proposed
to place his fleet at the disposal of the King of Spain,
proclamations were issued forbidding all British sub
jects from taking service with Orange, and offers of
mediation were frequent. In September 1575, Alencon
managed to escape the vigilance of his brother and his
mother, fled to Dreux, adopted the Huguenot cause, and
headed the revolt with Henry of Navarre. This was the
eventuality in which the English preparations were to
have been employed. But, again, Catharine de Medici
was too clever to be caught. She suddenly released
Montmorenci and the rest of the " politicians " from the
Bastile, attached them to the King's cause, and through
them patched up a six months' truce between the two
brothers (November). The terms were hard for Henry.
Alencon was bribed with 100,000 livres, and the three
rich duchies of Anjou, Berri, and Touraine ; Hans
Casimir got 300,000 crowns, and a pension of 40,000
livres ; the German mercenaries were handsomely paid
to go home ; Conde" was promised the governorship of
Picardy ; the Montmorencis, De Coss£, the Chatillons,
and the rest of the malcontents were bought ; the crown
jewels of France were pawned, and the country plunged
deeply in debt to pay for the famous truce.
Then Elizabeth and her advisers found themselves
confronted with increased difficulties, as they usually did
when the Catholics in France had a free hand. Catharine

3o4 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1575
and the King saw that France was not big enough to
hold at the same time the sovereign and the heir pre
sumptive, and cast about for means to get rid of him
profitably. The best suggestion for them came from
the Walloon nobles in favour of Spain. Why should
not Alencon marry a daughter of the Spanish King and
be made Viceroy of Spanish Flanders ? The mere
whisper of such an arrangement drove Elizabeth into
a new course. She might hint, as she did pretty broadly
many times, at the marriage of the young Prince with
herself, but Alencon thought he saw more advantage else
where. For the next three years he was held tightly in
the leading-strings of his mother and brother — no longer
a Huguenot, but an ostentatiously devout Catholic, hating
the King and his surroundings bitterly; jealous, vengeful,
and turbulent, but looking for his future to the Catholics
and the League rather than to the Queen of England,
with whom he kept up just a sufficient pretence of love-
making to prevent her from opposing him in Flanders.
It was doubly necessary now for Elizabeth to be friendly
with Spain ; but she could not afford to see Orange utterly
crushed, for with the Huguenots and Protestant Hol
land both subdued, there was no barrier between her
and Catholic vengeance. The position was a perplexing
one for her. Orange sent over prayers almost daily for
help, or he must abandon the struggle. At one time, in
December, when the Queen learned that a great deputa
tion of Dutch Protestant nobles were on the way to offer
her Holland and Zeeland in exchange for English support,1
" she entered her chamber alone, slamming the door after
her, and crying out that they were ruining her over this
business. She declared loudly that she would have no
1 Burghley, in his Diary, refers to this embassy, giving the names of the
envoys. He says they based their offer of Holland, &c, to the Queen upon
her descent from Philippa of Hainault and Holland, who married Edward III.

1576] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 305
forces sent openly to Holland. She was in such grief
that her ladies threatened to burst her door open if she
would not admit them, as they could not bear her to be
alone in such trouble." x But loudly as she might pro
test, especially in the hearing of the friends of Spain, and
roughly as she might use St. Aldegonde, Paul Buiz, and
the rest of the Netherlanders who prayed for aid, she took
care, with Burghley's help, to look fixedly in another
direction when men and arms, munitions and money,
were sent over to Orange in violation of her own orders.
What Lord Burghley's action in the matter was is
seen by his letters. Beale, one of the clerks of the
Council, was sent over to Zeeland to report on
Orange's position, and to insist upon the suppression
of piracy. Burghley thus writes to Walsingham (16th
April 1576) : " I have perused all the letters and
memorandum of Mr. Beale's concerning his voyage
into Zeeland, and so well allow of the whole course
therein taken by the Lords, that both with heart and
hand I sign them." 2 The Flushing pirates appear
to have offered some insult to the Earl of Oxford,
Burghley's son-in-law, on his way to England, at which
the Treasurer was extremely angry,3 an unusual thing
1 Gerald Talbot writes : " Her Majesty is troubled with these causes,
which maketh her very melancholy, and she seemeth to be greatly out of quiet.
What shall be done in these matters is at present unknown ; but here are
ambassadors on all sides, who labour greatly, one against the other. Her
Majesty hath put upon her to deal betwixt the King of Spain and the Low
Country; the King of France and his brother. Her Majesty may deal as
pleaseth her, for I think they both be weary of war, especially Flanders,
which, as report goeth, is utterly wanting of money, munition, &c." Hampton
Court, 4th January 1576.
2 Burghley was at the time unable to attend the Council in consequence of
an attack of his old enemy the gout.
3 A few days later Burghley had reason to be still more angry with Oxford
himself, though with his reverence for rank he appears to have treated him
with inexhaustible patience and forbearance. Oxford had been very extrava
gant and got into difficulties. During his absence abroad he had made some
U

306 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1576
with him. In the same letter he writes : " I find it hard
to make a good distinction between anger and judgment
for Lord Oxford's misusage,and especially when I look into
the universal barbarism of the Prince's (Orange) force of
Flushingers, who are only a rabble of common pirates,
or worse, who make no difference whom they outrage, I
mistrust any good issue of the cause, though of itself it
should be favoured." He almost violently urges that
Beale should ask the Prince of Orange to avenge such
an insult " by hanging some of the principals." " Such
an outrage cannot be condoned without five or six
of such thieves being hanged. If the Prince were
rid of a hundred of them it would be better for the
cause. You see my anger leadeth my judgment. But
I am not truly more moved hereto for particular causes
than for the public." 1 The same day a very strong re
monstrance from the English Council was written to
Orange, saying that the piracy of the Flushing men
was rendering his cause odious to all Christendom, and
would ruin his enterprise.
The Netherlanders, especially Paul Buiz, who lodged
complaint to Burghley about his steward or agent, but nothing apparently of
consequence. In March, Lord Burghley wrote to him in Paris, saying that his
wife was pregnant ; and the Earl's answer was most cordial, full of rejoicing
at the news, and announcing his immediate return. The Treasurer's eldest
son, Sir Thomas Cecil (he had been knighted the previous year at Kenilworth),
travelled to Dover to meet his brother-in-law. All went well until they
arrived in London, when Oxford declined to meet his wife or hold any com
munication with her. Burghley reasoned, remonstrated, and besought in
vain. Oxford was sulky and intractable. His wife, he said, had been influ
enced by her parents against him, and he would have no more to do with
her. The whole of the documents in the quarrel are in Hatfield Papers. As
some indication of the state in which noblemen of the period travelled even
short distances, two entries in the uncalendared household account-book at
Hatfield may be quoted : " Saturday, December 1576. My Lord and Lady
Oxford came from London to Theobalds ; 28 servants with them." And
again, " Monday, 14th January 1577. My Lord and my Lady of Oxford and
28 persons came from London." '
1 State Papers, Foreign.

1576] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 307
with Burghley's servant, Herll, in Redcross Street, did
their best to excuse the Flushingers, and begged that
"these rough men be not roughly dealt with." It is
evident that they looked upon Leicester and the Puri
tans as their champions rather than moderate Burghley,
whose approaches to Spain at the time were, of course,
well known. Herll writes (14th March 1576) : " It is
given out by those of good sort who profess the religion,
that your Lordship has been the only obstacle to this
Holland service, by dissuading her Majesty from the
enterprise, when the Earl of Leicester and several earnest
friends were furtherers thereof. They complain that
these poor men who were sent to the Queen have been,
contrary to promise, kept by indirect dealing so long
here, to their utter undoing at home and abroad. They
say that Sir F. Walsingham dealt honestly with them
from the first. He said they would get nothing, and
lose their time. They say these unworthy proceedings
with foreign nations make the English the most hated
men in the world, and to be contemned for mere
abusers, as those who put on religion and piety and
justice for a cloak to serve humours withal. Your
Lordship's enemies, however, are compelled to say that
you are more subject to evil judgment for your good
service than for evil itself." When Herll spoke to Paul
Buiz about Burghley's anger at the outrage on Lord
Oxford, the Netherlander " struck his breast, and said
your Lordship was the only man who had dealt sincerely
with them, and truly favoured their cause, and yet was
forced to give them hard words, according to the altera
tions of the time, parties, and occasion, which kind of
free proceeding he preferred of all others." x
A few months later (August) Herll was made the
means of conveying to Colonel Chester, then with Orange,
1 State Papers, Foreign.

308 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1576
Lord Burghley's view of the situation. " Her Majesty,"
he says, " is so moved by those insolent delinges of the
Prynce and his Zeelanders, as none dare move her to
ani consideratyon towards theme, butt all is sett uppon
revenge of their lewd acts and worse speche, and to
extermynate them owt of the world, rather than endure
it ani longer. And where the Prynce pretends aid owt
of France, he dawnceth in a nett. If he se not that, her
Majesty knows the contrary, and that herein he is greatly
abused, or seeketh to abuse others, with small credit to
hymselfe and less assurans to his estate when this maske
is taken away." 1 The great indignation about the pirates
may or may not have been sincere ; but it is unques
tionable that it was the fear expressed of an arrange
ment between Orange and the French that really caused
the disquietude.2 The remedy to be proposed to Orange
by Chester was simply that he, Orange, should prevent
any repetition of the piratical outrages of the Flushing
men, and apologise for them, and his friends in England
will move the Queen " to help him underhand ; but to
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii,
2 How true this is may be seen by the account of an important conversa
tion De Guaras had with Burghley on the 30th January 1576 (Spanish State
Papers, Elizabeth). De Guaras had prayed Burghley to prevent the Queen
from accepting the offer of Orange's envoys for her to take Holland and
Zeeland. The Treasurer replied that, if the offer were accepted, it would
only be in the interests of Spain, and to prevent the French from obtaining
a footing. The Spaniard derided such a possibility, and Burghley said that
England, in pursuance of its ancient policy, would defend the rights of the House
of Burgundy, but that "foreign intruders" had misgoverned the States to an
extent which endangered England itself. "Foreign intruders" indeed, re
torted De Guaras ; "your Lordship cannot call Spaniards 'foreign intruders'
in Flanders." Burghley got angry at this, and said, "You people are of
such sort that wherever you set foot no grass grows, and you are hated every
where." Hollanders, he continued, were fighting for their privileges, and
would be successful in upholding them. The end of the colloquy was a
renewal of the Queen's wish to mediate between Orange and Spain. The
great object was to prevent the French from obtaining influence in Flanders,
and here Spanish and English aims were identical.

1576] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 309
say that her Majesty will be forced to do anything,
maugre her will, is a great absurdity." But if Orange
will open his eyes and see things as they are, " somewhat
(yea, some round portion) will be voluntarily given to the
assistance of the cause, and to aid both Zeeland and
Holland, especially the latter, to which country the
Queen and her Council are greatly inclined." Orange
was a diplomatist as keen as Burghley himself, and he
well knew that, as a last resource, he could always force
the hands of the English Government by negotiating for
aid from France. Elizabeth might swear at his envoys,
make friends with his enemies the Spaniards, threaten
to expend the last man and the last shilling she had to
turn the French out of Flanders, if ever they entered ;
but she always ended in sending aid "underhand" to
Orange to prevent his union with the French ; unless,
as happened later, the French were Huguenots disowned
by their own King, and going as her humble servants.
Leicester was for ever clamouring for open help to
be sent to Orange ; the Puritans, who took their cue
from him, were more aggressive than ever in the
country ; 1 but ready as the Queen might be to dally
Leicester, she took care to make no serious move in the
knotty question of the Netherlands without the advice
of her " spirit," as she nicknamed the great Lord Trea
surer.2 In spite of his almost continual illness, she
1 A violent attack against the hierarchy, and even against the Queen,
was made in Parliament (February 1576) by Paul Wentworth, member for
Tregony, a strong Puritan, who declared against the powers given to the
bishops to regulate ritual without the intervention of Parliament, and com
plained of the rejection by the Queen of the bills against the Queen of Scots
in the previous session of 1572. Wentworth was imprisoned in the Tower
for a few days for his boldness. (D'Ewes' Journal.)
2 As Sussex for once was on the side of Leicester and the Puritans, Burghley
seems to have depended as an ally at this time principally upon Hatton.
letter from the latter to the Treasurer (26th August 1576, Lansdowne MSS., 22)
shows that Burghley was urging him to return to court from the country,

310 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1576
summoned him to her, wherever she might be ; and at
about the period when the letters just quoted were
written, the Earl of Sussex writes saying that the Queen
has just received intelligence from beyond the seas which
she must discuss with him at once. When Burghley
had seen the Queen, either on that occasion or soon
after, and returned home, Sussex writes thus : " Her
Majesty spoke honourably of your Lordship's deserts,
and of her affection for you, and of your sound, deep
judgment and counsel ; using these words, ' that no prince
in Europe had such a councillor as she had of him.' If
your Lordship had heard her speeches, they must needs
have been to your great contentment. The end of her
Majesty's speeches was that she prayed your Lordship to
come to Nonsuch, as soon as you conveniently might."
Burghley, indeed, was the only one of her ministers
whom she treated with anything approaching respect,
for he always respected himself. Walsingham, espe
cially, was the object of her vulgar abuse. "Scurvy
knave " and " rogue " were the terms she frequently
applied to him ; and it was apparently not at all an un
common thing for her, in moments of impatience with
him, to pluck off her high-heeled shoe and fling it in
his face. Leicester she alternately petted and insulted.
After a squabble he used to sulk at Wanstead for a
few days, till she softened and commanded him to
return, and then the comedy recommenced. Hatton
and Heneage were treated in similar fashion, but with
even less consideration. Only towards the Lord Trea
surer, except for occasional fits of distrust caused by his
enemies, the Queen usually behaved with decorum.
How careful he was to avoid all cause for doubt is seen
where he was lying ill, and apparently unhappy. His recent unjust extortion
of the lease of Ely Place, Holborn, from the Bishop of Ely (Cox), had ren
dered him very unpopular.

1576] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 31 1
by his answer to Lord Shrewsbury's offer of his son as a
husband for one of Burghley's daughters.1 It will be
recollected that Lord Shrewsbury had the custody of the
Queen of Scots, and that Burghley had fallen into semi-
disgrace shortly before, because he had visited Buxton
at the same time as Mary and her keeper. The match
proposed was a good one, and the Lord Treasurer — a
new noble — was flattered and pleased at the offer, but
declined it, mainly because his enemies had put into the
Queen's head that he had gone to Buxton at the instance
of the Shrewsburys, to plot in favour of Mary ; " and
hereof at my return to her Majesty's presence, I had
very sharp reproofs . . . with plain charging of me for
favouring the Queen of Scots, and that in so earnest
sort, as I never looked for, knowing my integrity to her
Majesty, but specially knowing how contrariously the
Queen of Scots conceived of me for many things." He
continues his letter with an evidently sincere protest of
his loyalty and disinterestedness, and the absence in him
of any personal feeling against Mary, but declares his
determination to do his best, at all costs, to frustrate
any attempted injury against his mistress or her realm.
Notwithstanding this small cloud, Burghley went again
to Buxton in 1577. A somewhat curious letter from
Leicester, who went to Buxton before him in June, shows
that the Lord Treasurer's mode of life was not always
prudent. Leicester says that he and his brother are
1 A similar but more flattering offer was made in 1573 by the unfortunate
Earl of Essex, who proposed that his eldest son, then only about six years old,
should be betrothed to Burghley's daughter (Lansdowne MSS., 17). A few
hours before he died (21st September 1576) the Earl wrote a most pathetic
letter to Lord Burghley, praying him to take the same son into his household,
and beseeching him to be good to him for the sake of his father, "who lived
and died your true and unfeigned friend" (Hatfield Papers). It is sad to
consider that the son grew up to be the enemy of his father's friend ; to suc
ceed, in his enmity of Burghley, the vile Leicester, who dishonoured his
mother and deliberately ruined his father.

312 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1576
benefiting greatly from the water. "We observe our
physician's orders diligently, and find great pleasure
both in drinking and bathing in the water. I think it
would be good for your Lordship, but not if you do as
we hear your Lordship did last time : taking great jour
neys abroad ten or twelve miles a day, and using liberal
diet with company dinners and suppers. We take another
way, dining two or three together, having but one dish
of meat at most, and taking the air afoot or on horseback
moderately."1 In July (1577) Burghley started from
Theobalds for his Lincolnshire estates, and thence to
Buxton. Leicester wrote to him there that the Queen
was desirous of receiving a "tun of Buxton water in
hogsheads ; " but when in due time the water arrived,
"her Majesty seemeth not to make any great account
of it. And yet she more than twice or thrice commanded
me earnestly to write to you for it, and . . . asked me
sundry times whether I had remembered it or not : but
it seems her Majesty doth mistrust it will not be of the
goodness here it is there ; besides, somebody told her
there was some bruit of it about, as though her Majesty
had had some sore leg. Such like devices made her half
angry with me now for sending to you for it."2 This
hint of her sore leg was enough to make Elizabeth
sacrifice a river of Buxton water if necessary. She, like
her father before her, really had an issue in one of her
legs, and there was no point upon which she was more
sensitive. 1 Hatfield Papers. 2 Ibid.

CHAPTER XII
1576-1580
We have seen that from the accession of Henry III. of
France in the autumn of 1574 it suited English policy to
draw closer to Spain. An event happened, however, late
in 1576 which once more changed the entire position.
Requesens, the Spanish Viceroy of Flanders, had died in
March 1576, before his mission of pacification was com
plete. It is true that Catholic Flanders and Brabant had
been won back again, but Holland and Zeeland still stood
oat The fierce Spanish infantry cared for no distinction
between Fleming and Hollander, Catholic or Protestant,
and were openly discontented at the conciliatory policy
which Philip's penury rendered needful. They were
unpaid, for there was no money in the treasury to pay
them, and soon mutiny, pillage, and murder became the
order of the day. Philip was in despair, and ordered
his brother Don Juan to hurry to Flanders from Italy to
pacify and withdraw the troops, and to conciliate the
indignant Catholic Flemings at any cost Don Juan
scorned and hated the task — which he said a woman
could do better than a soldier. He was full of a secret
plan to dash over to England with the Spanish infantry
from Flanders ; and instead of obeying orders and going
direct to his new government he hurried to Spain for the
purpose of persuading his brother to allow him to have
his way.
The time thus wasted was fatal. Peace with Eng-

314 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1576
land was absolutely necessary for Philip, and he re
fused to countenance Don Juan's plans. But Orange
had spies everywhere ; Burghley's secretary, Herll, was
in Flanders, and long before Don Juan arrived on the
Flemish frontier the hopes of the murderous rabble of
soldiery that the young Prince would lead them to Eng
land were well known to the Lord Treasurer and his
mistress. Early in November 1576 the Spanish fury
burst upon Antwerp. The Council of Regency consisted
mostly of Flemish Catholic nobles, and they fought as
well as they might against the blood lust of the King's
soldiers. When all hope was gone, and the fairest cities
of Flanders had been devastated and ruined, and their
populations massacred, without distinction of age, sex, or
creed, then Catholic Flanders turned against the wreckers
of their homes, and shoulder to shoulder with Orange
and his Protestants, stood at bay. When Don Juan
arrived at Luxemburg he was informed that the States
would only allow him to take up his governorship on
terms to be dictated by them in union with Orange ; the
first condition of which was that the Spanish troops must
leave the Netherlands forthwith, and by land, in order
that they might not invade England. Don Juan was
mad with fury and disappointment ; but chafe as he
might, he had to give way, and in the end was forced to
enter Brussels only as Governor on sufferance of the
States in the spring of 1577.
To England there came now to beg for aid and sup
port, not rough Zeelanders alone, not beggars of the
sea, not boorish burghers, but the very nobles who had
often come before as Philip's representatives — De Croys,
Montmorencis, De Granvelles, Zweveghems, and the
like ; Catholics of bluest blood, but ready to claim any
help against the Spanish oppressor. Dr. Wilson was sent
as English envoy to the States, and Sir John Smith went

.577] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 315
to Madrid with a formal offer from Elizabeth to mediate.1
Philip's only course was to accept any terms which left
him even a nominal sovereignty of his Netherlands
dominions, and this he did, rather than allow Elizabeth
to pose as mediatrix between him and his subjects. But
the altered position in Flanders completely changed the
attitude of England towards Spain, especially when in
the summer of 1577 Don Juan lost patience, broke faith
with the Flemings, threw himself into the fortress of
Namur, and defied the States. England's traditional
alliance had not been with the crown of Spain, but with
the House of Burgundy as possessor of the Netherlands ;
and now that Flanders and Brabant were at one with
Holland and Zeeland in upholding their rights against
Spain, England was naturally on their side against the
foreigner, quite independently of the question of creed.
There was no longer any concealment about it.2 The
Duke of Arschot's brother was at the English court in
September with the acquiescence of Orange, planning
an arrangement which seemed to offer a means by
which all parties might be satisfied. The young Aus
trian Archduke Mathias, Philip's nephew, was suddenly
spirited away from Vienna and installed by the Flemings
1 Philip's reception of Smith was cold, more so even than had been his
treatment of Sir Henry Cobham. Smith writes to Burghley (5th February
1577) saying that he " has had special care to make known the Queen's noble
nature and the great love and obedience of her subjects ; in which he has not
detracted any title of honour that your Lordship is worthy of. Yea, even the
Duke of Alba himself gives you the honour to be one of the most sufficient
men in Christendom in all politic government." Smith's reports of the
extremity of Philip's financial exhaustion caused great surprise amongst the
friends of Spain in Elizabeth's court, many of whom disbelieved them. When
Smith returned and begged the Queen for a reward for his services, she refused
to accord him anything except to take his bills payable in twelve months for
^2000 instead of a mortgage she had on his lands. (See letter 21st Septem
ber 1578, Hatton to Burghley: State Papers, Domestic.)
2 A sum of no less than 400,000 crowns was openly provided by Elizabeth
for the States at the request of the Catholic Flemish nobles.

316 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1577
as sovereign of Flanders, with Orange as his guide
and mentor. An English array under Leicester or his
brother was to be raised to support him against Don
Juan, who was rallying a Catholic force, crying to the
Duke of Guise for help, and making a last appeal to his
brother to save his honour, if not his sovereignty. The
outbreak of the Protestants in Ghent, encouraged by the
proximity of Orange, the capture and imprisonment of
Arschot and the Catholic nobles, and the desecration of
Catholic shrines (end of October), forced Philip's hands.
The Archduke Mathias as a tributary sovereign, with the
Catholic Flemings paramount over Orange, might have
been tolerated ; but if the Protestants and Orange were
going to predominate, Spain must fight to the end. So
with a heavy heart Philip bent to the inevitable, and
sent Alexander Farnese and a Spanish army from Italy
once more to reconquer the Netherlands.
The invariable excuse given by Elizabeth for her help
to the States was, that it was to keep the French out of
Flanders ; Don Juan's appeal to the Guises being espe
cially distasteful to her. " The present support desired
of her," she declared, " is only in consideration of the
extreme necessity of the States by reason of the great
preparations in France and elsewhere to overrun them,
and bring utter ruin upon them ; and it not disagreeing
with the ancient treaties between the crown of England
and the House of Burgundy . . . the purpose of the
States being no other than by these succours to keep
themselves in due obedience to the King their sove
reign, her Majesty is content to grant the aid desired." 1
The plausible reasons advanced, however, made no differ
ence to Philip. It was only evident to him that the
Queen of England was subsidising rebellion against him,
and that her subjects held fortresses in his dominions as
1 Hatfield Papers.

1577] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 317
a pledge for the money she had advanced. He could
not afford to declare war with England at the time, but
he did what he could. The Irish malcontents were
encouraged with the aid of Papal money ; and Catholic
plots, with Spanish and Guisan aid, for the rescue of
Mary Stuart, the assassination of Elizabeth, and the like,
kept the English court in alarm,1 and pointed the moral
for ever on the lips of Philip's many paid agents and
friends in Elizabeth's counsels.
During most of the period when the arrangements
with the States were being concluded in 1577, Burghley
was absent from court, and it may be fairly assumed
that the less cautious attitude adopted towards Spain
was owing to the unchecked influence of Leicester ; but
with Burghley's return late in the autumn the astute
balancing diplomacy of the master-hand becomes once
more apparent, both in the declaration quoted above,
and the letter drafted by the Treasurer taken by Wilkes,
Clerk of the Council, to Madrid. In it Elizabeth prays
Philip to have compassion upon his Flemish subjects and
to grant their just demands, and again explains her sup
port of them. Moderate and deferential, however, as the
tone of the letter was, it did not alter prior facts, and
Philip was indignant and wrathful at what he called an
attempt of Elizabeth to lay down the law for him. " Send
this man off," he says, " before his fortnight is up, and
before he commits some impertinence which will oblige
1 See the extraordinary Italian letter of this period from Baptista de Trento
to the Queen, in which nearly the whole of her nobility (including Leicester
and Sussex) are accused (Hatfield Papers), and also a letter written by
Burghley to Lord Shrewsbury, after his return from Buxton, warning him to
keep his eyes on Mary, who was, he said, suspected of suborning some of
Shrewsbury's servants. The persecuting Bishop of London (Aylmer) also
wrote at the same time to Burghley urging him to " use more severity than
hath hitherto been used ; or else we shall smart for it. For as sure as God
liveth they look for an invasion, or else they (the Catholics) would not fall
away as they do " (Strype's Aylmer).

3i 8 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY
us to burn him." Philip might well be angry, for he
was impotent : he had to reconquer his own Flemings,
Catholics and Protestants too, thanks to the aid they had
obtained from Elizabeth. To make matters more galling,
Antonio de Guaras had suddenly been arrested at dead
of night, all his papers captured, his property seques
trated, and the poor man himself accused of consorting
and plotting with the Queen's enemies.1 Lord Burghley,
his former friend, was daily threatening him with the
rack in the Tower ; and for eighteen months he was
treated with calculating contumely and harshness, only
at last to be released, old, broken, and penniless, and
sent to Spain scornfully to die.
In January 1578, Don Juan and Farnese defeated the
States troops at Gemblours, and it seemed as if once
more Flanders and Brabant would fall a prey to Spanish
soldiery. Elizabeth's aid had become less liberal with
the return of Burghley, who had no objection at all to
Spanish predominance in Catholic Flanders; his only
interest there was to keep the French out.2 But the
Flemings naturally regarded the position from another
point of view. What they wanted was to preserve their
autonomous rights against Spain. Mathias had turned
out a broken reed : he had no money, no followers, no
friends, and no ability ; and the really dominant man in
the Government was Protestant Orange. This did not
1 According to his own statement the case against him was divulged to
Burghley by some of the Catholic Flemish nobles who were aware of his
former practices ; but there are many indications in his letters up to the time
of his arrest, that he was a party to plots then in progress, especially one with
Colonel Chester and others.
2 An interesting minute on the subject, in Burghley's writing, is in Hatfield
Papers (part ii., No. 530- Two personages were to be sent from England to
bring about peace : one to the States, and the other to Don Juan. The States
were to be reminded that they owed gratitude to Elizabeth for risking war
with Spain on their behalf, and aiding them with ^85,000 ; and the envoy was
to point out to them the danger of their receiving French help. The French,

1578] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 319
please the Catholic nobles, and they cast about for
another prince with a greater following than Mathias,
who should at once be a Catholic and yet acceptable to
Orange and the Protestants. Catharine had for some
time past anticipated the position, and had been busy,
but secretly, pushing the claims of her son Alencon ; but
for her purpose it was necessary to manage warily, in
order to avoid giving Philip open offence. Alencon,
however, was bound by no such considerations. Nothing
would have suited him better than to draw France
into war with Spain. He was under arrest and strictly
guarded, but he contrived, on the 14th February 1578,
to escape out of a second-floor window in the Louvre.
All France was in a turmoil. Huguenots and malcon
tents flocked to the Flemish frontier, and Catharine raced
half over France to beg her errant son to return. Henry
III. assured Mendoza, the new Spanish Ambassador on
his way to England, that his brother was obedient, and
he was sure he would do nothing against Philip in Flan
ders. But all the world knew that he would if he could ;
and that whatever he might do with a French force there
would be against English as well as Spanish interests.
Once more, therefore, it was necessary for Elizabeth
to change her policy somewhat, and Lord Burghley
resumed his favourite character of a friend to the ancient
Spanish alliance.
The new Spanish Ambassador saw Elizabeth on the
they are to be told, may either turn and side with the enemy, or try to keep the
country for themselves. As a last resort, the English envoy is to be authorised
to offer English aid if the States will desist from dealing with the French.
Don Juan, on the other hand, is to be told that if he does not make terms
with the States, the French will conquer the country, in which case the Queen
will send such aid to the States as will enable them to hold their own against
everybody. As usual with Burghley's minutes, there is at the end a carefully-
balanced summary of possibilities, and courses to be pursued, all tending to the
same end — the exclusion of the French from Flanders. The mission in ques
tion was that of June 1578, the envoys being Lord Cobham and Walsingham.

320 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1578
16th March 1578, and gave her all sorts of reassuring
messages from Philip. He was the most clement of
sovereigns. A successor to Don Juan should be appointed
who should please everybody, and all would soon be
settled. A few days afterwards Mendoza had a long
conversation with Burghley, in the presence of other
Councillors. As Philip had, said the Treasurer, practi
cally accepted the various concessions to the Flemings
recommended by the Queen ; " if the terms offered were
not accepted by the States, she herself would take up
arms against them." This was probably too strong for
Leicester and Walsingham, Puritans both, and Mendoza
says they seemed to be urging something upon Burghley
very forcibly, which he thought was the question of the
withdrawal of the Spanish troops from Flanders ; but it
ended in Burghley again pointedly offering the Queen's
mediation. A few days later the Duke of Arschot's brother, the
Marquis d'Havrey, Leicester's great friend, arrived in
England to counteract Mendoza's efforts, and to beg that
the troops that had been promised should be sent to the
States. He was made much of by the English nobles and
the Queen, who was now greatly influenced by Leicester,
and Burghley at the moment seems to have stood almost
alone in his resistance of open aid being sent to the
States.1 It did not take Mendoza many days to discover
how things really lay. " I have found the Queen," he
writes, "much opposed to your Majesty's interests, and
most of her ministers are quite alienated from us, particu
larly those who are most important, as although there
are seventeen Councillors . . . the bulk of the business
really depends upon the Queen, Leicester, Walsingham,
and Cecil, the latter of whom, although by virtue of his
1 For a wonder, on this occasion Sussex sided with his enemy Leicester,
although, as will be seen, only for a short time.

1578] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 321
office he takes part in the resolutions, absents himself
from the Council on many occasions, as he is opposed to
the Queen's helping the rebels so effectively, and thus
weakening her own position. He does not wish, how
ever, to break with Leicester and Walsingham on the
matter, they being very much wedded to the States and
extremely self-seeking. I am assured that they are keep
ing the interest of the money lent to the States, besides
the presents they have received out of the principal.
They urge the business under the cloak of religion,
which Cecil cannot well oppose." x
This, indeed, was one of the periods when Burghley's
moderating influence was overborne by Leicester, Wal
singham, and the Puritans. The Lord Treasurer still
did his best — constantly ill though he was — to stem the
violence of the tide, befriending the bishops who were
being bitterly attacked,2 and counselling caution in aiding
the Flemings against Spain ; but, as we have seen, he
was somewhat in the background, and absented himself
from court as much as possible. It is curious, however,
to see, even under these circumstances, how he was
still appealed to by all parties. He was very ill in April
at Theobalds, and the Queen happened to be suffering
from toothache. Of course Hatton must write to the
Lord Treasurer, begging him to come to court and give
his advice as to what should be done. The reply is
very characteristic. Notwithstanding his own pain he
would come up at once, he wrote, if by so doing he
could relieve the Queen ; but as the physicians advised
that the tooth should be extracted, though they dared
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 Grindall, Archbishop of Canterbury, had been deprived by the Queen
for neglecting to suppress the "prophesying"; and Sandys, Archbishop of
York, was also in disgrace ; but, as Strype says, " his good friend Lord
Burghley stood up for him." He certainly did so in the case of Grindall, who
kept up a constant correspondence with the "good Lord Treasurer." X

322 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1578
not tell the Queen so, all he could do would be to urge
her Majesty to have it done." ! Hatton did not care to
incur the responsibility of saying so himself, and simply
showed the Queen Burghley's letter. Doubtless Eliza
beth took the good advice tendered ; for it was only a
day or two afterwards that young Gilbert Talbot, Lord
Shrewsbury's son, was walking in the Tilt Yard, White
hall, one morning, under the Queen's windows, when
her maiden Majesty herself came to the casement in her
night-dress, in full view of Talbot, who wrote : " My eye
fell towards her, and she showed to be greatly ashamed
thereof, for that she was unready and in her night-stuff ;
so when she saw me after dinner as she went to walk,
she gave me a great fillip on the forehead, and told the
Lord Chamberlain how I had seen her that morning,
and how ashamed she was." Talbot, in writing this to
his father (ist May 1578) ends his letter by saying that
the Queen was that week to stay three or four days
with Burghley at Theobalds. It is plain to see that
the renewed severity against the Catholics in England,
and the almost ostentatious aiding of the States against
Spain, did not meet with the approval of Burghley. He
was much more concerned for the moment at the large
levies of French troops being collected on the Flemish
frontier ; and his ordinary policy would have been either
to side with the Spaniards against them, or to have dis
armed their figurehead Alengon (or Anjou as he was now
called) by holding out hopes of his marriage with the
Queen, if the earnest attempts of the English to mediate
between the States and Don Juan were fruitless. But
he had to reckon with Leicester and Walsingham, and
the Queen's policy wavered almost daily between her
two sets of counsellors.2
1 Add. MSS., 15,891 ; 21st April 1578.
2 To such an extent was this so, that whilst, according to Mendoza, money

1578] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 323
To the Queen's visit to Theobalds is doubtless due
the entry in Burghley's diary of 15th May, recording the
despatch of Edward Stafford to inspect and report upon
the French forces on the Flemish frontier. Alencon him
self used every effort to convince the Queen of his desire
to look to her, rather than to his brother, as his guide and
support. On the 19th May he sent her a letter by one
of his friends, informing her of his intention of relieving
the Netherlands ; " of which intention," he says, " she
already knows so much that he will not tire her by
explaining it further." On the 7th July he crossed the
frontier, and threw himself into Mons for the purpose,
as he declared, " of helping this oppressed people, and
humiliating the pride of Spain ; " and at the same time
he sent his chamberlain to offer marriage to Elizabeth,
and assure her of his complete dependence upon her.
It was unwelcome news for Elizabeth, for she could
never trust the French. Alencon, after all, was a Catho
lic, and she was uncertain whether Henry III. was not
really behind his brother. Gondi, one of the leaders of
Catharine's counsels, had recently come to England with
a request to be allowed to see Mary Stuart ; l Catholic
and men were constantly being sent to Flanders, and Leicester and Walsing
ham were planning the murder of Don Juan and the expulsion of Mendoza
from England, ," I can assure your Majesty that the Earl of Sussex is sincerely
attached to your Majesty's interests, and Cecil also, though not so openly.
But if he and Sussex are properly treated they will both be favourable, and
their good disposition will be much strengthened when they see it rewarded."
His suggestion was that Burghley and Sussex should be granted large pensions.
It will be observed that Sussex had already broken free from Leicester.
1 Elizabeth appears to have been very angry about Gondi's mission. " She
told him," says Mendoza, " loudly in the audience chamber, that she knew
very well he had come to disturb her country, and to act in favour of the worst
woman in the world, whose head should have been struck off long ago. She
was sure he had not come with the knowledge of his King, but only of some of
those who surrounded him. Gondi replied that the Queen of Scots was a
sovereign, as she was, and her own kinswoman, and it was not surprising
that efforts should be made on her behalf. The Queen answered him angrily,

324 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1578
intrigues in Scotland had succeeded in putting an end to
Morton's regency (March 1578) ; and on all sides there
were indications that, if Elizabeth could only be dragged
into open hostility to Spain, and so rendered powerless,
an attempt would be made on the part of France to
recover 'its lost influence over Scotland. Mendoza care
fully fanned the flame of Elizabeth's distrust against the
French ; and the effect of Walsingham's absence in
Flanders, whilst Leicester was away at Buxton, is notice
able at once. " The Queen," writes Mendoza (19th July),
" is now turning her eyes more to your Majesty ; and her
ministers have begun to get friendly with me. If your
Majesty wishes to retain them, I see a way of doing it." '
Alencon's agents in the meanwhile were not idle.
One after the other came to assure her of their master's
desire to marry her, and look to her alone for guidance.
He had quarrelled with his brother, he said, and had
no other mistress than the Queen of England. They
quite convinced Sussex, apparently, for he entered
warmly into their marriage plans, which gave him an
other chance of revenge upon Leicester. Elizabeth's
desire to be amiable to Alencon's envoys at Long
Melford during her progress (August) led her to insult
Sussex, as Lord Steward, about the amount of plate on
the sideboard. This gave an opportunity for Lord
North, a creature of Leicester, to give Sussex the lie,
and led to a further feud which continued for months.2
that she should never be free as long as she lived, even if it cost her (Eliza
beth) her realm and her own liberty. The Queen-mother, she said, must
surely know what Mary had attempted against her." (5th May 1578 ; Spanish
State Papers, Elizabeth.)
1 Mendoza dilates much upon the venality of the English Council, and
says, " I am told by a person in the palace, that, even in the matter of giving
me audience readily, the Queen has been considerably influenced by the gloves
and perfumes I gave her when I arrived."
2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, and also a letter from Sussex to
Burghley in November, printed by Lodge, vol. ii. ; also Sussex to Burghley,

1578] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 325
But though Elizabeth was somewhat tranquillised with
regard to the French King's connivance in Alencon's pro
ceedings, she was cool about the marriage business. " If
the Prince liked to come, she told De Bacqueville, he
might do so ; but he must not take offence if she did not
like him when she saw him ; " whereupon Burghley told
the envoy that if he were in his place he would not bring
his master over on such a message. All the charming
of Alencon's attractive agents was unsuccessful in opening
the Queen's money bags, and the loan of 300,000 crowns
they prayed for was refused. If he wanted her aid or
affection, she said, he must first obey her and retire from
Flanders, and. she would then consider what she should
do. Pressure was put upon Alengon by his brother, by
the Pope and the Catholics, on the other hand, to desist
from his enterprise. Splendid Catholic alliances were
proposed to him, and dire threats of punishment held
out if he did not retire. When the Protestant Hollanders
discovered that Alengon could count neither upon Eng
land nor France to support him, they began to cry off.
The only temptation they had in welcoming a Catholic
prince was the hope of national aid. If he did not bring
that, he was as useless to them as poor Mathias had
been. And so all through the autumn of 1578 the fate
of Flanders hung on Elizabeth's caprice. Henry III.
was anxious to get his brother married to Elizabeth, and
a fresh national alliance concluded ; but he wished to
avoid pledging himself against Spain, so as to be able to
hold the balance. Elizabeth's aim was similar, and she
would promise nothing ; but she swore both to Flemings
and Spaniards that for every Frenchman that set foot in
Flanders there should be an Englishman. Fresh German
Hatfield Papers, part ii., where he mentions that "Burghley also had been
ill-used by lewd speech. I will on all occasions stick as near to you as your
shirt is to your back." (5th November 1578.)

326 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1578
mercenaries were raised at her expense to aid the States ;
renewed attempts, backed by threats, were made to per
suade Don Juan to ratify the pacification of Ghent ; but
Alengon, in the meanwhile, with a dwindling force and
no money, was falling to the ground between the two
stools of France and England, Huguenot or Catholic.
At the end of the year ominous news came that the
Huguenots had been won over by the Queen-mother ; 1
that the King of France had entered into a great Catholic
league against Elizabeth, and was raising a force of mer
cenaries in Germany to help Alengon to keep a footing
in Flanders, in spite of England ; whilst a Scottish noble
man, a Douglas, was at the French court carrying on
some secret intrigue with Henry III.
Elizabeth was alarmed at this, and at once became
warm in the Alengon marriage, thanks partly also to the
arrival of the Prince's agent Simier, who very soon estab
lished a complete influence over the Queen, to the infinite
scandal of all Europe. Against this influence Mendoza,
able, bold, and crafty, battled ceaselessly : for ever point
ing at the intrigues of the French in Scotland, their old
jealousy of England, the approaching marriageable age of
the King of Scots, which would give an opportunity for
recovering French influence in his country, and much
more to the same effect. After one conversation of this
sort with the Queen, late in January 1579, Mendoza
drove his points home one by one to Burghley and
Sussex, showing them how much more profitable was an
alliance with Spain than with France, and the danger of
England herself being attacked if she took the Nether
lands rebels under her protection. Amongst other things
Burghley replied that "he had told M. Simier that one
of the principal arguments in favour of the marriage,
1 This was true. The treaty of Nerac was signed in February 1579 by
Henry of Navarre, now the acknowledged leader.

1578] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 327
namely, that Alengon might become King of France,
had- turned him (Cecil) against it, as he considered that
it would be a disadvantage to England, whereupon
Simier had complained of him to the Queen. For his
own part his desire had always been to see the Queen
married to a prince of the House of Austria, with which
it was well to be in alliance ; but since old friends cast
them off, and your Majesty refused to confirm the
treaties, or receive a minister at your court,1 they must
seek new friends."
The current of affairs and the Queen's fickleness
evidently displeased the Lord Treasurer. In September
(1578) he had unsuccessfully begged leave of absence to
visit Burghley,2 where the rebuilding of the mansion was
still progressing, under the care of Sir Thomas Cecil. He
was not allowed to go ; but the plague raged in London
all the autumn, and Burghley retreated to Theobalds,
where he was within easy reach of the Council. He
found, moreover, Leicester's enmity towards him more
active than ever,3 and Hatton, now his chief henchman,
for Sussex was unstable, was of inferior rank, influence,
and ability. But though his political influence for a
time was under a cloud, there was no abatement of the
appeals to his judgment and for his intercession with the
Queen. Imprisoned Catholics, deprived Puritans, old
friends, like the Duchess of Suffolk, Lord Lincoln, or
the Earl of Bedford, claimed his advice in their affairs ;
suitors at law besought his good word ; miners or ex
plorers prayed for his patronage ; bishops bespoke his aid
to govern their clergy ; the clergy appealed to him against
the bishops. High and humble, friend and stranger,
1 Cobham, Wilkes, and Smith had all been sent back with a short answer.
2 Sir Thomas Cecil to Burghley, and Lord Lincoln to the same (Hatfield
Papers). 8 Hatton to Burghley, 28th September 1578 (Hatfield Papers),

328 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1579
rich and poor alike, looked to Burghley for guidance,
and found at least patient consideration for their causes.1
By the beginning of 1579, however, the aspect of
European politics had become so threatening that the
practised hand of the Lord Treasurer was needed at the
helm, and thenceforward his influence was again in the
ascendant. Simier was making violent vicarious love to
the Queen, and letters of the most extravagant descrip
tion were exchanged between the young Prince and
Elizabeth, whilst really sincere and earnest efforts were
being made in favour of the match by Henry III. and
Catharine de Medici. Commissioners and ambassadors
went backwards and forwards, and the conditions, not
only of the Queen's marriage, but of a national offensive
and defensive alliance between France and England,
were under discussion. Henry III. was ready, he said,
to submit to any conditions desired by Elizabeth, and
Alengon was almost blasphemous in his praising of
the charms of his elderly flame. There were two
main reasons for this drawing together of England and
France. Don Juan was dead, and the military genius
and diplomacy of Alexander Farnese had once more
separated Catholic Belgium from Protestant Holland
(Treaty of Arras, January 1579). Orange himself still
clung to the hope of consolidating a united Flemish
nation, including north and south, and desired to use
Alengon, with the Queen of England's support, for that
purpose but there was no enthusiasm in Holland for
the idea ; and in the meanwhile Alengon was isolated in
Catholic Flanders, with his own brother raging at the
compromising position in which he placed him, and
ordering him to return to France. It was evident to
Henry that the only way in which his turbulent brother
1 There are many hundreds of such letters as these at Hatfield and in the
Lansdowne MSS.

1579] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 329
could be established in Flanders, without causing both
Spanish and English arms to be used against him, was
to let him depend solely upon Elizabeth and Orange,
whilst France stood aloof. This was one of the reasons
for the closer relations desired by Catharine and her
son. The other was more important still. The young
King of Portugal had fallen in battle in Morocco, and
the new King was an aged, childless Cardinal. Philip
of Spain was already intriguing for the succession, which
he claimed. The possession of the fine harbours and
Atlantic seaboard of Portugal by Spain would enor
mously increase her maritime potency, to the detriment
of England and France ; and it was felt that these
powers must unite to resist the common danger. That
Lord Burghley was early alive to its importance is
proved by a genealogical statement of his relating to
the Portuguese succession immediately after the death
of the King Don Sebastian 1 (August 1578), and several
memoranda of subsequent date on the subject.
Under these circumstances the Alengon approaches
again became to all appearance serious. The Prince,
ceding to the pressure placed upon him, consented to
retire from Flanders early in the year, and was reconciled
to his brother ; and then the arrangements for effective
action in the Netherlands and a visit of Alengon to England
were actively proceeded with. How busy Lord Burghley
was in the matter will be seen by the very voluminous
minutes in his own hand of the discussions in Council
on the subject (Hatfield Papers). In all probability the
Queen was not even now sincere in the matter of the
marriage, especially as Leicester and Hatton pretended
to be warmly in favour of it, until they became per
sonally jealous of Simier ; but Burghley was evidently
doubtful. In his balancing papers he gives much more
1 Hatfield State Papers, part ii.

330 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1579
space to the "perils" than to the advantages of the
match, and his own final judgment is, that "except
that her Majesty would of her own mind incline to
marriage he would never advise thereto." In the mean
while, all England was in a veritable panic at the idea of
the marriage of the Queen to a Papist. Puritan pulpits
rang with denunciations ; Stubbs' famous book, " The
Discovery of a Gaping Gulph," which cost the author
his right hand and deeply offended the Queen, was read
widely ; and the Queen herself was obliged to warn her
eager suitor of the hatred of her people to the idea of his
proposed visit. But the preparations went on, and the
court was ordered to make itself as fine as money would
make it, Leicester alone sending to Flanders for twelve
hundred pounds' worth of silks, velvets, and cloth of
gold. Simier in the meanwhile was daily becoming more
clamorous for a definite answer to his master's proposal.
Large bribes were paid by the French Ambassador and
Mendoza respectively to the Councillors to forward or
impede the match, and the probabilities shifted from
day to day.1
When the Queen seemed really bent upon the match,
Burghley did not attempt to oppose her ; he simply placed
before her the arguments for and against it, and left the
decision to her. This is exactly what Elizabeth did not
wish. Simier and her own imprudence had drawn herx
into an extremely dangerous position, and she wished her
Council to assume the responsibility of extricating her
1 Mendoza, writing on 8th April, says, " Lord Burghley is not so much
opposed to the match as formerly ; but I cannot discover whether he and
Sussex have changed their minds because they think that they may thus bring
about the fall of Leicester, and avenge themselves upon him for old grievances,
and for his having advanced to the office of Chancellor an enemy of theirs "
(i.e. Bromley). On another occasion, when the Queen learned of the Papal-
Spanish expedition to Ireland to aid the Desmonds in Munster, she was so
much alarmed that she dropped the French negotiations for some days and
refused to see Simier.

1579] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 331
from it. Her first object in resuming the negotiations had
been to get Alengon and the French out of Flanders,
whilst preventing the despair and collapse of Orange ; her
present aim was to secure the King of France to her side,
and weaken Spain without herself being drawn into open
hostility. The talk of marriage helped her in this ; but if
once she fell into the trap, and was married indeed, her
power of balance would be gone. Driven into a corner,
late in April she took Simier and the French Ambassador,
with Burghley, Leicester, Sussex, and Walsingham, to
Wanstead, where she desired the Councillors to give her
in writing their individual opinions, in order that she might
show them to the Frenchmen. They refused to do so,
and once more laid before her the "perils and advan
tages " of each course, leaving her to decide. The Coun
cillors mentioned sat in conference almost day and night
during their three days' stay at Wanstead, but, after all,
returned as they came. Simier was furious, and threat
ened to go back to France ; and a full Council sat at
Whitehall on the 3rd May, from two o'clock in the day
till two the next morning, finally to discuss the question.
It was found that the only man really in favour of the
marriage was Sussex, and Simier was called in and in
formed that his master's conditions were unacceptable.
The envoy roared out that he had been played with, and
flung out of the room to make his complaint to the Queen.
She was all sympathy. She wanted to get married — she
must get married. It was all the fault of her Councillors,
and so forth, until her ruffled " ape," as she called him,
was pacified. Alengon was not lightly put off. He an
nounced his intention of coming to see his goddess, no
matter what the consequences might be. The Queen
was for refusing him leave, but Lord Burghley pointed
out to her the danger of this open affront to a French
prince. She had gone too far to refuse, and she was

332 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1579
obliged to give a passport. Simier rarely left the Queen's
side now, and she seems quite to have lost her head.
Mendoza worked hard to spread the sinister murmurs
of her behaviour through the country. Leicester grew
violently jealous, and . twice hired an assassin to kill
Simier, which he nearly did once in. the Queen's own
barge. The Queen was beside herself with rage, and
Simier, to revenge himself upon Leicester, told the
Queen, as no one else had dared to do, of the marriage
of Leicester with Lady Essex. It was a master-stroke.
The Queen's fury was boundless, and she swore like
a trooper at Leicester and the she-wolf he had married.
For a time Leicester's influence was gone, and Simier
lived in the palace of Greenwich, to the open disgust of
the English people. In August, Alengon rushed over to
England in- disguise. His coming was an open secret,
but the Queen kept him hid in the palace of Greenwich.1
She posed before him, showed off all her charms, dined
and supped with him in private, fell desperately in love
with him, or pretended to do so, and sent him off after a
week's stay as secretly as he came, with expressions of
affection on both sides, even too fervid to be sincere,
and long afterwards continued by correspondence.
Whatever might be the final result of the marriage
negotiations — and Burghley himself was as much in the
dark as any one on that point — a close alliance between
France and England was of growing importance to both
countries. The English Council under Burghley sat at
Greenwich almost continuously froni the 2nd to the 8th
October discussing, weighing, and reporting upon the
whole question of alliance and marriage. The final result
1 It has not been noticed by Burghley's biographers that, true to his cautious
character, he found an excuse for going into Northamptonshire shortly before
Alencon arrived in London. He writes an interesting letter to Hatton from
Althorpe, dated 9th August (Nicholas's " Life of Hatton "), in reply to the ad
vices respecting the fortifying of the Papal force at Dingle, in Kerry. The

1579] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 333
was that the marriage would be undesirable, Burghley
and Sussex being the only Councillors who were not
strongly opposed to it.1 The message to the Queen was
delivered by Burghley. It was ambiguous and moderate,
begged the Queen to tell the Council her own mind,
and so on ; but there was no doubt of the meaning of it
to the Queen. The Council was against the match, unless
some guarantee could be found that the Protestant reli
gion should not be imperilled. Burghley's minute sets
forth the Queen's answer. " She shed many tears to find
that her Councillors, by their long disputations, should
make it doubtful whether it would be safe for her to
marry and have a child." She was a simpleton, she said,
to have referred the question to them. She expected
they would have unanimously begged her to marry,
instead of raising doubts about it. When they saw her
again later in the day she was more angry still. She
railed at those who would think of " surety " before her
happiness, " and that any should think so slenderly of
her" as to doubt that she would take care that religion
was properly safeguarded if she married. She managed,
as usual, to reduce the Council to a state of confusion
with her tears and reproaches ; and a hasty meeting was
called, at which a resolution was passed to the effect, that
ships must be sent against them, he says, double-manned, " as there is no good
access by land." He is very jealous of foreigners setting foot in Ireland, for
fear any " discontentation grow betwixt France and us upon a breach of this
interview (i.e. with Alencon), or if the King of Spain shall be free from his
troubles in the Low Country." He approves of the agreement of Cologne and
the pacification of Ghent, wjiereby Holland and Zeeland were to remain Protes
tant, and Flanders Catholic, rather than the war should go on. " On Tuesday
morning we will be at Northampton, where after noon we mean to hear the
babbling matters of the town for the causes of religion, wishing that we may
accord thein all in mind and action ; at least we will draw them to follow one
line by the rule of the laws, or else make the contrariant feel the sharpness
of the same law." On the same day Burghley wrote a vigorous letter to
Walsingham directing energetic action in Ireland.
1 Burghley's minutes of the deliberations are in Hatfield Papers, part ii.

334 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1579
as the Queen seemed so much bent upon the marriage,
the Councillors all offered their services to promote it.
When this message was taken to her, Lord Burghley
records that "her Majesty's answers were very sharp
in reprehending all such as she thought would make
arguments against her marriage, and though she thought
it not meet to declare to them whether she would marry
with Monsieur or no, yet she looked from their hands that
they should with one accord have made a special suit to
her for the same." 1
No wonder that with such a change on the part of
the Queen from morning to afternoon, the Councillors
were at their wits' end to know what she really meant ;
but it is evident that she intended to have her own way,
whatever it was, and lay the responsibility upon others.
Burghley and Sussex had avoided open opposition, and
were favourably regarded by the Queen in consequence ;
whilst Leicester, Walsingham, Knollys, and even her
poor "sheep" Hatton, came in for a share of her
vituperation and abuse ; and the Puritans who were
leading the outcry against the match received harder
measure than ever.
Early in November she summoned the Council again,
and told them that she had decided to marry. It was
only for them now to consider the means. Let them, she
said, individually put their opinions in writing. It was
evident that this course would again bring forward the
dissensions on the subject, and render it more difficult,
which was perhaps her intention. Simier went and told
her so, whereupon she asked him angrily how he knew
what orders she had given to her Council. He replied
that Lord Burghley had told him. " Surely," she cried,
" it is possible for my Councillors to keep a secret. I
will see to this." Then she sent orders to the Council to
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 335
write a letter to Alengon, asking him to come to England
quickly, which they refused to do. He was, they said,
coming to marry her, not them, and she ought to write
herself. They openly quarrelled with Simier, who was
finding England too hot for him, and who left late in
November, taking with him a hastily patched draft agree
ment for the marriage, in which the Queen characteris
tically introduced at the last hour an additional loophole
of escape, by stipulating that the articles should remain
in suspense for two months, "during which time the
Queen hopes to have brought her people to consent. If
before that time she did not write consenting to receive
ambassadors for the conclusion of the treaty, the whole
of the conditions would be void." x
The year 1580 opened full of anxiety for Elizabeth.
The ostentatious fitting out of the Spanish fleet, and the
active support by Spain and the Pope of the Desmond
rebellion, the success of Parma, and the desperate at
tempts of Orange to reunite Flanders with Holland under
Alengon in the national cause, were all so many dangers
to England. If Elizabeth offended France or alienated
Alengon himself, Flemish affairs might be settled without
her participation, and to her detriment, and she would
have to face Spain alone. This was the more to be
feared, as religious affairs in England were in a worse
condition than before, and for the first time since her
accession the Queen herself was unpopular. Her light
conduct with Simier, and, above all, her seeming deter
mination in favour of the Alengon marriage, had aroused
all the old hatred against the French, and had embittered
the widespread Puritan distrust of the " Papists." The
1 The original draft of the protocol in Simier's handwriting is in the Hat
field Papers. A most valuable digest or "time-table," in Burghley's hand
writing, of the whole of the negotiations for the Queen's marriage up to the
period of Simier's departure, will be found in the Hatfield Papers, part ii.

336 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
country was being flooded with seminary priests, speci
ally trained for the propaganda to which they devoted
their lives,1 and the great Catholic party in England,
having recovered somewhat from the blow of the Norfolk
conspiracy, were once more holding up their heads.
Elizabeth had allowed Leicester and her own passions
to lead her too far, and she struggled to free herself
from the toils. When she tried in January to withdraw
gently from the Alengon negotiations, and suggested to
Henry III. that some fresh conditions were necessary, she
found it difficult. The King was determined to throw
the responsibility of breaking upon her, and it still suited
him to keep up an appearance of friendship. She could,
he replied, make her own stipulations ; he would accept
them. As for religion, that was his brother's affair.
Alengon himself also said that he would come over at
once to England and leave everything to her. He hoped
she was not reviving the religious question for the purpose
of deceiving him again, as some people said ; but he
would risk everything for his love. He went so far as to
beg her to forgive Leicester for his sake, and blamed
Simier for quarrelling with the Earl.
But Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham were quite
determined now to stop the marriage, which looked too
serious to please them ; and a cloud of questions about
religion, rank of ambassadors, &c, soon threw the matter
into obscurity again. How completely affairs had
changed in this respect in a few weeks is seen in the long
draft of a letter to the Queen at Hatfield, dated at end of
January 1580, in the handwriting of Sir Thomas Cecil,
although it can hardly have been really written by him
to the Queen, but certainly represents the views of his
1 Allen's famous English seminary had been transferred to Rheims under
the patronage of the Guises, and a great number of young priests were con
tinually sent into England, especially after 1579, the first members of the
Jesuit mission, Persons and Campion, arriving in 1580.

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 337
father. Burghley had struggled during all his ministry,
and often against great difficulties, to preserve peace
with Spain, whilst holding high England's honour and
prosperity ; but now that Leicester and the extreme
Protestant party, together with Philip's seizure of Portu
gal, had forced the Queen into a position which sooner
or later must end in hostility to Spain, and perhaps
with France also, Burghley urged the need for a close
understanding with France, on the safest terms possible
for his country.
The course now taken by the Queen seemed to
render inevitable that which Burghley had all his life
endeavoured to avoid, namely, the isolation of England
with both of the great powers against her. The address
above referred to lays down that, so long as the Queen
was favourable to the Alengon marriage, the writer was
willing to sacrifice his life for it. He still maintains that
it is the only safe course, and one which should enable
the Queen to " rule the sternes of the shippes of Europe
with more fame than ever came to any Quene of the
Worelld." But finding her Majesty utterly against it, he
proposes such remedies as are necessary, at least for
comparative safety. He points out that she cannot
expect that France and Alengon will sit down patiently
under the slight, though they may dissemble for a time ;
and he suggests that Alengon should be diverted from
allying himself with Spain, by encouraging his enterprise
in the Netherlands, dangerous though such a course was
to England, All Papists should be dismissed from
positions of trust ; the army, navy, and fortifications
should be placed on a war-footing ; mercenary Germans
should be bespoken ; fresh vents for English commerce
should be sought ; x the Irish should be conciliated, and
1 Mendoza at this period writes to the King of the enormous number of
ships being built. "This," he says, "makes the English almost masters of
Y

338 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
their just grievances remedied, and " certain private dis
orders in Ireland winked at." The Queen of Scots should
be brought to a safer place farther south, and repress
ive precautions taken against her friends in England.
Whoever may have given this remarkable state paper
to Elizabeth,1 it is certain that the advice contained in
it was followed. Orders were given to bring Mary
Stuart to Ashby-de-la-Zouch,2 the mild and lenient Lord
Shrewsbury being reinforced in his guard by Sir Ralph
Sadler and two other known Protestants;3 a general
muster of militia was summoned, 90,000 men in all ;
London was called upon for 4000 armed men ; the
Queen's navy, seventeen ships, was mobilised ; * and
negotiations were opened for Cond6 and a Huguenot
force, with a number of mercenary German Protestants,
to enter Flanders.5 It was considered rightly that if a
the commerce ... as they have a monopoly of shipping, whereby they profit
by all the freights." Burghley was an untiring promoter of extension of
legitimate trade, as he was a constant enemy to piracy. He was at this time
promoting Humphrey Gilbert's colonisation schemes in North America, the
enterprises of Frobisher and his friends in Hudson's Bay, the trade of the
Muscovy Company, the overland route to the Caspian by the White Sea and
the Volga, and other similar adventures ; but, as we shall have occasion to see
later, he disapproved entirely of Drake's proceedings in the Pacific, and other
expeditions of a wantonly aggressive character.
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.
2 Sadler State Papers.
3 The intention, however, was not carried out. In the summer Lord
Shrewsbury wrote to Lady Burghley asking her to prevail upon her husband
to obtain the Queen's permission for Mary Stuart to go to Buxton and
Chatsworth. Lady Burghley in her reply suggests that the Queen was angry
and refused. Mary, however, did go to Buxton later, but not to Chatsworth.
4 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth. Burghley's interest in naval affairs
was great. He had, when danger threatened from Alba, in the summer of
1578, elaborated a scheme for the mobilisation of the navy, and had put
fourteen ships into commission. The Council appear to have addressed to
him most of their minutes respecting naval organisation, instead of to the
Lord Admiral.
8 The Duke Hans Casimir was in England at the time (January 1580),
and took a large sum of money back with him for the purpose in question.

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 339
large body of Huguenots depending entirely upon Eng
land were by Alencon's side, it would not only prevent
his brother from supporting him, but would render his
enterprise in Flanders less dangerous to England.
Concurrently with these precautions, the Queen re
newed her extravagant love correspondence with Alengon.
There is no more remarkable instance than this of the
consummate statesmanship of Burghley. The country
had been driven out of the straight course in which he
had held it so long, and was rapidly nearing the breakers.
The document now under consideration laid before the
Queen the only course which could avert destruction,
and this course, as we see, she wisely took. If Burghley
had openly opposed Leicester and Walsingham from the
first, he would probably have fallen into disgrace, and
have lost his influence entirely ; but by holding aloof
and tempering their policy only, he was able, when catas
trophe impended, to lead the ship of state into a harbour
of comparative safety. Under the influence of fear and
Burghley, the Queen at the same time became most ami
able to the Spaniards again. She assured Mendoza (20th
February) that " she would never make war upon your
Majesty, unless you began it first, which she could not
believe by any means you would do." She was, she said,
a sister to Philip. " She had always done her best for
the tranquillity of the Netherlands, and to prevent the
French from getting a footing there." Mendoza spoke
some hard truths to her, but she was very humble.
A few days afterwards, when the French Ambassador
had been driving her into a corner about Alencon, and
threatening that the Prince would publish her letters,
she was closeted in her chamber at Whitehall with
Burghley and Archbishop Sandys. " Here am I," she
cried, "between Scylla and Charybdis. Alengon has
agreed to all my conditions, and wants to know when

340 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
he is to come and marry me. If I fail he will probably
quarrel with me, and if I marry him I shall not be able
to govern the country. What shall I do ? " Sandys
gave a courtier-like reply, and Burghley was silent. The
Queen was impatient at this, and roughly told him
he was purposely absenting himself from the Council.
What was his advice ? Thus pressed, the Lord Trea
surer replied that if it was her pleasure to marry she
should do so, as Alengon had accepted the terms which
rendered her safe. " That," said the Queen, " is not the
opinion of the rest of the Council, but that I should keep
him in play." Burghley was aware of this already, and
dryly told the Queen that those who tried to trick princes
generally ended by being caught themselves. But Eliza
beth knew her profound powers of dissimulation better
even than Burghley did, and went on her way. The
Lord Treasurer stood almost alone among the coun
cillors in his mild and cautious policy. Sussex, in deep
dudgeon, was generally at his mansion at Newhall ; and,
as we have seen, Burghley himself avoided as much as
possible incurring responsibility for the present action of
the Queen, except so far as to advise her how to render
her policy as little harmful as possible. But it is evident
that Elizabeth, in moments of difficulty like this, always
turned away from Leicester, and sought the sounder aid
of the Lord Treasurer.
Leicester, in March, pretended to fall ill, and during
his absence from court completely turned round. Now
that Lord Burghley was urging for a close friendship
with France, since Leicester's policy had alienated Spain,
the Earl, with characteristic instability, suddenly pro
fessed to Mendoza a desire to " serve the King of Spain."
His enemies, he said, were plotting this French alliance
and marriage only to spite him, and he would bring the
Queen to a close friendship to Spain. The Queen was,

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 341
doubtless, aware of Leicester's change ; because when
Castelnau, the French Ambassador, addressed Elizabeth
with an important message from Catharine, proposing that
a joint effort should be made to prevent the domination
of Portugal by Philip (17th April 1580), he was referred
to Burghley alone, and only after the decision had been
adopted not to commence hostilities, as suggested, was
Leicester let into the secret. Dangerous as it was to
England that Philip should dominate Portugal, it was
of more importance to France ; and it was determined
to cast upon the latter power, if possible, the responsi
bility of preventing it.
The prospect of a serious cause for dissension between
France and Spain was, indeed, a welcome one for Eliza
beth, and she made the most of it. The star of Morton
in Scotland was waning fast, and D'Aubigny, Earl of
Lennox, had already gained a complete command of the
young King's affection. Mary Stuart from her captivity
was taking the grave step of laying herself, her country,
and her child at the feet of the King of Spain, with the
acquiescence this time of the Duke of Guise. The English
Government, however, was not yet aware of this, and
looked upon France as more likely than Spain to influ
ence Scotland under D'Aubigny.1 Division in France
was consequently promoted by Leicester and his party.
Alengon was warned not to be too pliant in agreeing
1 This was actually the case at the time so far as Scotland itself as apart
from Mary was concerned. There is in the Hatfield Papers of this date ( 1 580)
a fervent appeal from James VI. to the King of France, begging for assistance
in force to release his mother, and support him against his heretic subjects.
Mendoza also reports (4th September 1580) that Guise had just recognised
James's title of King for the first time, and that intimate relations were being
formed between the courts of Scotland and France. This probably arose from
the long delay of the reply from Spain to Mary, Guise, and the Archbishop of
Glasgow, relative to their offer of complete submission to Philip. The whole
matter, however, was changed in the following year, and thenceforward Mary
and her friends depended upon Spain alone.

342 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
with his brother; and when Conde and Navarre once
again raised the Huguenot standard, the former rushed
over to England to beseech for funds (June 1580), and
was received several times in secret by the Queen and
Leicester. He immediately sent a message to his ad
herents in France that all was well, and that assistance
would be given to him.
After some days the Queen sent word to Castelnau,
the French Ambassador, saying that she had heard that
Conde was in England, but she would not receive him
except in the Ambassador's presence. Burghley, writing
to Sussex, says that on arriving at Nonsuch from Theo
balds, " I came hither about five o'clock, and repairing
towards the Privy Chamber to see her Majesty, I found
the door at the upper end shut, and understood that the
French Ambassador and the Prince of Conde had been
a long time there with her Majesty, with none others of
the Council but my Lord of Leicester and Mr. Vice-
Chamberlain Hatton." After the audience Castelnau went
to Burghley and complained of Cond£ for raising dis
turbances in France. " He augmenteth his suspicions
upon the sight of the great favours shown to the Prince
of Conde by certain Councillors here, whom he under-
standeth have been many times with him (Conde) at the
banqueting-house where he is lodged." The Queen told
Burghley that Conde had asked for a contribution of
one-third of the cost of a Huguenot rising, the King of
Navarre and the German Protestants paying the other
two-thirds ; but the Lord Treasurer's opinion of it is
sufficiently expressed in the following words, which
probably decided the question, for Conde did not get
the aid he sought notwithstanding Leicester's efforts :
" I wish her Majesty may spend some portion to solicit
them for peace . . . but to enter into war and therewith
to break the marriage, and so to be left alone as subject

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 343*
to the burden of such a war, I think no good counsellor
can allow." x
The fact that he had not been personally consulted
earlier did not apparently ruffle Lord Burghley. In his
quiet, prudent way he brought things round to his view,
without caring for the personal aspect. Not so, irritable,
hot-tempered Sussex. He replied in boiling indignation
against Leicester — " I have never heard word from my
Lord Leicester, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, or Mr. Secretary
Walsingham, of the coming of the Prince of Cond£, or
of his expectations, or to seek to know what I thought
fit to do in his cause ; whereby I see either they seek
to keep the whole from me, or else care little for my
opinion . . . perhaps at my coming some of them will
mislike I am made such a stranger ... I can give as
good a sound opinion as the best of them ... I am
very loath to see my sovereign lady to be violently
drawn into war."2 In any case, Burghley's unaided
efforts were sufficient to prevent the Queen from giving
money to Conde, and thus setting the King of France
against her as well as the King of Spain. She was,
indeed, in a month, so completely turned by Lord
Burghley's influence as to exert herself to bring about
some sort of accord between Henry III. and the
Huguenots.8 1 In Strype's " Annals," in extenso.
2 Hatfield Papers. Another letter of this period (June 1580) from Sussex
to Lord Burghley (Hatfield Papers) shows forcibly the affection and veneration
he felt for him. " I do love, honour, and reverence you as a father, and do
you all the service we can as far as any child you have, with heart and
hand. . . . The true fear of God which your actions have always shown
to be in your heart, the great and deep care you have had for the honour
and safety of the Queen . . . and the continual trouble you have of long
time taken for the benefit of the commonwealth, and the upright course you
have always taken respecting the matter, and not the person, in all causes
. . . have tied me to your Lordship in that knot which no worldly frailty
can break."
3 See her letter to Henry III. (Hatfield State Papers, 27th July 1580).

344 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
During the rest of the year the haggling between
Elizabeth and Alengon went on. The deputies of the
States, after much discussion, offered the sovereignty to
the French Prince, whose letters to the Queen grew
more preposterous than ever. It was evident that if
he went too far in the Protestant direction to please
Elizabeth he would be useless as a means for attracting
the Catholic Flemings to cordial union with Orange;
whereas an uncompromising Catholic attitude, or any
appearance of depending upon his brother for armed
aid, would have been fiercely resisted both by the
English and the Hollanders. Many points therefore
had to be reconciled, and the Queen kept the affair
mainly in her own hands, playing upon the hopes,
fears, and ambitions of Alengon with the dexterity of
a juggler. Burghley's main efforts in the meanwhile were
directed to preventing her from drifting into war, either
with France or Spain. When the envoys came from
the Portuguese pretender, Don Antonio, they brought
bribes and presents in plenty for Leicester, who enter
tained them splendidly, and urged their suit for assist
ance for their master ; but again Lord Burghley pointed
out to the Queen the expense she would incur and
the risks she would run in a war with Spain, and one
Ambassador after another went back discomfited, whilst
Leicester pocketed their bribes, and alternately raged
and sulked when his advice was not followed.
There were others besides Leicester whose reckless
ness or greed was dragging England to the brink of a
war with Spain, in spite of Burghley's efforts. Strong
as was the great statesman's interest in increasing the
legitimate trade of the country, we have seen that from
the beginning of Hawkins' voyages to the West Coast
of Africa, and thence to South America with slaves,

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 345
Burghley had refused any participation in the syndi
cates that financed them. He had, it is true, on more
than one occasion repudiated the claim of the Spaniards,
and especially of the Portuguese, to exclusive dominion
of the western world by virtue of the Pope's bull, but he
had always frowned upon the filibustering attempts of
the syndicates, under the auspices of some of the alder
men of London, to establish posts in territory occupied
by other Christian powers, or to force trade upon estab
lished settlements against the will of the authorities. He
had honestly done his best to check robbery in the
Channel by those who called themselves privateers,
and almost alone of the Councillors, he had no share
or interest in the piratical ventures under the English
flag which had committed such destructive depredations
upon shipping.
The attack upon Hawkins' fleet at San Juan de Ulloa,
1568, had aroused fierce and not unnatural indignation
amongst sailors and merchants in England ; but the
expedition was in defiance of the Spanish law, in a port
belonging to and occupied by Spain, and it is more
than doubtful whether Burghley advised the seizure of
the specie belonging to Philip, in December 1568, in
reprisal for the attack. There were ample reasons, and
an excellent legal pretext, for the seizure of the money
without that. In fact it was a master-stroke of policy
which the foolish rashness of De Spes had put into
Burghley's power, and the latter and Elizabeth naturally
welcomed the opportunity of crippling Alba. But when
it became a question of revenging San Juan de Ulloa by
the despatch of a strong armed expedition against Spanish
colonies, Lord Burghley looked askance at what might
well be made a casus belli by Spain, and could only
enrich the mariners and shareholders who took part
in it

346 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
Drake's raid upon Nombre-de-Dios, 1573, had been
robbery pure and simple, carried out swiftly and secretly,
so that the authorities at home had no opportunity, even
if they had the will, to prevent it ; and Drake kept out
of the way for nearly three years afterwards, to escape
punishment. But in 1577 he was introduced by Wal
singham or Hatton to the Queen,1 who told him that she
wished to be revenged upon the King of Spain, and that
he, Drake, was the man to do it. When Drake ex
plained his plan for a great piratical raid into the Pacific,
the Queen swore by bier crown that she would have any
man's head who informed the King of Spain of it ; and,
says Drake, "her Majesty gave me special commandment
that of all men my Lord Treasurer should not know it."
But the preparations for the voyage could not be kept
secret entirely from Burghley, who was well served by
spies, and had many means , of winning men. He could
not prohibit the expedition, of course ; but, as usual, he
sought to render it as innocuous as possible. Thomas
Doughty, presumably a barrister, certainly a man of
questionable character, had become Hatton's secretary,
and was deep with Drake in the plans for the expedi
tion. The whole business is somewhat obscure, but
Lord Burghley appears to have bought this man to his
interests, and, according to Doughty himself, to have
offered him the post of his private secretary, which,
however, is unlikely. In any case, he learned from him
all that there was to know about Drake's intentions, and
when, in November 1577, Drake's expedition sailed,
Doughty accompanied it as Burghley's secret agent, and,
1 According to Drake's statement given in Cooke's narrative in Vaux,
Drake was presented to the Queen by Walsingham ; but Doughty, of whom
we shall speak presently, asserted when he was on his trial that he, who was
a great friend of Drake, and private secretary to Hatton, had interested the
latter in the project, and that it was he who persuaded the Queen to counte
nance Drake.

1580] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 347
it may charitably be surmised, for the express purpose of
moderating if not frustrating its action. First he tried to
desert with his ship, and was duly chased and brought
back by Drake. Then he was accused of attempting to
sow discord, discouragement, and mutiny amongst the
men, and Drake hanged him with his own hands on the
coast of Patagonia.1 Winter, the other captain, drifted
back to England again from Tierra del Fuego, whilst
Drake in the little Pelican went on his great voyage of
plunder round the world. All Europe rang with the news
of his ravages in the South Seas, and the shareholders,
says Mendoza, "are beside themselves with joy." But the
feelings of peaceful English merchants, and of Burghley
himself, were far different. They saw that Spain had
been attacked wantonly, her mariners hanged, her trea
sure stolen without legal excuse, her sacred edifices
ransacked, and it was felt that a war of retaliation was
inevitable, in which all England would suffer for the
dishonest profit of a few.
One day towards the end of September 1580, after
an absence of nearly three years, when most people had
given up Drake for lost, the Pelican sailed quietly into
Plymouth Sound, bringing in her hold plundered riches
incalculable. Drake posted up to London, hoping doubt
less that Elizabeth's greed would overcome her fears of
war. He was closeted for six hours with the Queen; but
when he was summoned to the Council not one of his own
backers was there, but only Burghley, Sussex, Crofts —
a Spanish agent — and Secretary Wilson. They ordered
all his treasure to be brought to the Tower, and a pre
cise inventory made of it, preliminary to its restitution.
When the order was taken to Leicester, Walsingham,
and Hatton, they refused to sign, and exerted their influ-
1 20th June 1578. Doughty confessed that he had given Burghley a plan
of the voyage. It was this, unquestionably, that sealed Doughty's fate.

348 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1580
ence with the Queen to get it suspended. Mendoza
raged and threatened. The Queen was in mortal fear
of war, and had promised that Drake should be punished
if he came back. But she loved money, and was not
blind to the injury that had been done to her probable
foe by Drake's boldness. So she temporised as usual,
accepted Drake's presents graciously, and gradually
came round to making a hero of the great seaman, in
spite of Mendoza's talk of war and vengeance. She
must have proofs against Drake before she punished
him, she said. Besides, what were the Spanish troops
doing in Ireland ? When the last Spanish-Papal soldier
was withdrawn, she would talk about the restitution of
Drake's plunder — not before.1 At present she was the
aggrieved party. Gifts and bribes showered from Drake
upon the Councillors ; but when Burghley was offered
3000 crowns' worth of fine gold, he refused it, saying
he could not receive a present from a man who had
stolen all he had,2 and Sussex also declined any portion
,of the booty. Once more it was Burghley's task to
avert or provide against the war with Spain, which the
ineptitude and cupidity of others had brought within
jneasurable distance.
1 Mendoza writes to the King (23rd October 1580): "Sussex, Burghley,
Crofts, the Admiral, and others insist that the Queen should retain the trea
sure in her own hands in the Tower, and if your Majesty will give them the
satisfaction they desire about Ireland, the treasure may be restored, after
reimbursing the adventurers for their outlay. . . . Leicester and Hatton
advocate that Drake should not be personally punished, nor made to restore
the plunder if the business is carried before the tribunals. The fine excuse
they give is that there is nothing in the treaties between the countries which
prohibits Englishmen from going to the Indies."
2 Spanish State Papers.

CHAPTER XIII
1581-1584
Alencon had nominally accepted the sovereignty of
Flanders offered to him by the States of Ghent in the
autumn of 1580 ; but whilst the Huguenots were in
arms against his brother, he had no force of men to
enable him to enter and assume the government of his
new dominion. He had industriously striven to draw
Elizabeth into a marriage, or into aiding him in Flanders
as a price for her jilting him ; but she had always been
too clever for him, and kept on the right side of a posi
tive compromise. When the fears of war with Spain
engendered in England by Drake's depredations became
acute, and the Spanish aid to the Irish rebels could no
longer be concealed, it was necessary once more for
England to draw close to France. A request was
accordingly sent for a special French embassy to come
to England empowered to settle the details of the
Alengon marriage and a national alliance. Elizabeth's
letters to Alengon became more affectionate than ever :
she promised him 200,000 crowns of Drake's plunder
to pay German mercenaries to support him in Flanders,
she sent the lovelorn Prince a wedding-ring, she petted
and bribed his agent until her own courtiers were all
jealous ; and under the influence of Burghley and
Sussex, once more the marriage negotiations assumed
a serious aspect, whilst Leicester and Hatton chafed in
the background.
The activity of the seminary priests and missionaries,
349

350 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
in conjunction with the Papal invasion of Ireland, had
been answered in England by fresh severity against
the Catholics. The gaols were all full to overflowing
with English recusants ; fresh proclamations were issued
against harbouring priests ; and spies at home and abroad
were following the ubiquitous movements of the zealous
young members of the Society of Jesus, who yearned
for the crown of martyrdom. There is no doubt that
to some extent the new persecution of the Catho
lics was for the purpose of reconciling the Puritans to
the Alengon match, but it was still more owing to
the genuine alarm of a war against Spain and the
Pope. Parliament opened on the 16th January 1581, after
twenty-four prorogations, this only being its third session,
although it was elected in 1572. We have already seen
that the Puritan party was strong in the House of Com
mons, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Walter
Mildmay, in his speech, voiced the general feeling of the
country at the dangers that seemed impending. "Our
enemies sleep not," he said, " and it behoveth us not to
be careless, as though all were past ; but rather to think
that there is but a piece of the storm over, and that
the greater part of the tempest remaineth behind, and
is like to fall upon us by the malice of the Pope, the
most capital enemy of the Queen and this State." x He
denounced the "absolutions, dispensations, reconcilia
tions, and such other things of Rome. You see how
lately he (the Pope) hath sent hither a sort of hypocrites,
naming themselves Jesuits, a rabble of vagrant friars,
newly sprung up, running through the world to trouble
the Church of God." The aim of the oration, of
course, was to lead the House to vote liberal supplies
for the defence of the country, and in this it was
1 D' Ewes' Journal.

1581] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 351
successful ; though, when the Puritan majority endea
voured to appoint days of fasting and humiliation by
Parliamentary vote, they were rapped over the knuckles
by the Queen, as they had been in the previous session,
for interfering with her prerogative.1
The country, in fact, was now thoroughly alive to
the danger into which it had drifted, and Lord Burghley's
hand once more took the tiller, to remedy, so far as he
might, the evils which had resulted from the temporary
abandonment of his cautious policy.2 His task was
not an easy one to settle the preliminaries of the
pompous embassy which was to come from France.
There were a host of questions to be considered. The
Queen would insist upon the Ambassadors being of the
highest rank, and having full powers. Leicester and
Hatton objected to their coming at all ; Alengon in
sisted that they should be only empowered to nego
tiate a marriage, and not an alliance ; whilst Cobham,
the English Ambassador, endeavoured ineffectually to
draw Henry III. into a pledge to break with Spain about
1 Sir Walter Mildmay introduced a bill in this Parliament by which re
conciliation to Rome should be punishable as high treason, the saying of
mass by a fine of 200 marks and a year's imprisonment, and the hearing of
mass half that penalty. Absence from church was to be punished by a fine
of £20 a month, and unlicensed schoolmasters were to be imprisoned for a
year. The bill met with much opposition by the Lords and by Burghley's
party, and was somewhat lessened in severity before it became law.
2 How entirely Elizabeth herself depended upon the Burghley policy now,
is proved by a remark reported by Mendoza (27th February). D'Aubigny
was quite paramount in Scotland, and Morton was in prison, his doom prac
tically sealed. Mendoza reports that the Earl of Huntingdon, Leicester's
brother-in-law, Warden of the Marches, had connived at a raid of Borderers
into England as far as Carlisle, where some Englishmen were killed, in order
that he might have an excuse for crossing into Scotland and attacking Morton's
enemies. When the Queen heard of this she was extremely angry. " What
is this I hear about Scotland ?" she asked Walsingham. " Did I order any
thing of this sort to be done ? " Walsingham minimised the affair. The
answer was, "You Puritan 1 you will never be content until you drive me
into war on all sides, and bring the King of Spain on to me." (Spanish State
Papers, Elizabeth.)

352 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
Portugal- before the embassy left France. At last all
was arranged, and in April the Ambassadors, with a suite
of two hundred persons, arrived in London.1 Drake's
silver was drawn upon liberally for presents ; a new
gallery was built at Whitehall for the entertainment of
the envoys ; Philip Sidney wrote a masque, and played
the fool for once for their delectation ; and joust and tour
ney, ball and banquet, succeeded each other hourly, to
the exclusion of more serious business.
Leicester had done his best to stop the embassy, but
without effect, and wrote to Lord Shrewsbury that he
"was greatly troubled at these great lords coming."2
He tried to work upon the Queen's weak side, by assur
ing her that the one object of the Frenchmen was to
lead her into heavy expenditure, and so to enfeeble her,
that she might the more easily be conquered.3 This, at
all events, caused some restriction in the expenditure ;
for the Queen suddenly discovered that it would not
be dignified for her to entertain the Ambassadors or
pay for horses until they actually arrived in London.
Burghley may be presumed to have been delighted at
their coming, for he made no effort to limit the cost
of his banquet to them at Cecil House, in the Strand,
which was one of the most splendid entertainments
offered to them. There is in the Lansdowne MSS. a
full relation of this splendid feast of the 30th April, with
the bills of fare, accounts of expenses, &c, which gives
some notion of the splendour and extent of Burghley's
1 It consisted of two very young princes of the blood sent for appearance'
sake, Francis de Bourbon, Dauphin d'Auvergne, and Charles de Bourbon,
Count de Soissons ; Marshal de Coss£, Pinart, La Mothe FeVieion, Brisson,
and a great number of courtiers of rank. So desirous was Elizabeth that they
should be impressed with the splendour of her court, that she ordered that
the London mercers should sell their fine stuffs at a reduction of 25 per cent.
in order that the courtiers might be handsomely dressed.
2 Lodge, vol. ii,.
3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth,

1581] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 353
household. There were consumed two stags, 40s. ; two
bucks, 20s.; six kids, 24s.; six pigs, 10s. ; six shins of beef,
24s. ; four gammons of bacon, 16s. ; one swan, 10s. ;
three cranes, 20s. ; twenty-four curlews, 24s. ; fifteen
pheasants, 30s. ; fifty-four herons, £8, 15s. ; eight part
ridges, 8s., and vast quantities of meat of all sorts ; and
sturgeon, conger, salmon, trout, lampreys, lobsters,
prawns, gurnards* oysters, and many sorts of fresh-water
fish. Herbs and salads cost no less than 36s., and cream,
27s. There were consumed 3300 eggs, 360 lbs. of
butter, 42lbs. of spices, and three gallons of rose-water.
¦£11, 7s. 3d. was paid for the hire of extra vessels and
glass ; flowers and rushes cost .£5, 7s. iod., and Turkey
carpets, £n. This Gargantuan feast was served by
forty-nine gentlemen and thirty-four servants, and was
washed down with ^75 worth of beer as well as Gascon,
sack, hippocras, and other wine costing .£21 ; the entire
expenditure on the afternoon's feeding being ^649, is. 5d.
Though Burghley and Sussex had brought over the
embassy in hopes of a marriage, or at least an alliance,
the Queen changed from hour to hour. When Leicester
complained to her, she silenced him by saying that she
could avoid a marriage whenever she liked by bringing
Alengon over whilst the embassy was in England, and
then setting the Frenchmen at loggerheads, and by sub
sidising the Prince's attempts in Flanders. At the same
time she certainly led Sussex, and probably Burghley, to
believe that she might be in earnest at last.
After some weeks the elder Ambassadors got tired of
trifling, and begged the Queen to appoint a committee of
the Council to negotiate with them. The great banquet
at Burghley House was the preliminary meeting, and a
paper at Hatfield, endorsed by Burghley, lays down, in
the usual precise manner of the time, every aspect of the
matter. The propositions are three : ist, if the Queen

354 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
should remain unmarried ; 2nd, if she should marry
Alengon ; and 3rd, if she should enter into some strait
league with the French. In the first eventuality the Queen
must strengthen herself and weaken her opponents ; Scot
land must be reduced to the same friendship that existed
before the advent of D'Aubigny ; James's marriage to a
Catholic must be prevented ; Mary Stuart must be held
tightly ; Ireland must be subdued ; the entire domination
of Spain over the Netherlands must be avoided, and
an alliance concluded either with France or the German
Protestants. In the second eventuality, that the Queen
should marry Alengon, the writer urges that the wedding
should take place without delay, but always on condi
tion that religion in England must be safeguarded, and
Henry III. pledged to provide most of the means for
Alengon's enterprise in Flanders. On the other hand,
if the marriage is not to take place, care must be taken
that no offence is given to the suitor. " Since the treaty
with Simier many accidents have happened to make this
marriage hateful to the people, as the invasion of Ireland
by the Pope, the determination of the Pope to stir up
rebellion in this realm by sending in a number of Eng
lish Jesuits, who have by books, challenges, and secret
instructions and seductions, procured a great defection
of many people to relinquish their obedience to her
Majesty. Likewise there is a manifest practice in Scot
land, by D'Aubigny, to alienate the young King of
Scotland, both from favouring the Protestant religion
and from amity to her Majesty and her realm, notwith
standing that he hath only been conserved in his crown
at her Majesty's charges." x
Although this paper has usually been treated as ema
nating from Burghley, I consider it much more likely
to have been the work of Walsingham. There is at
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.

581] TH&GJ&AT, LORD BURGHLEY 355

Hatfield, of si
Lord Treasur
and this is p:
definite answi
her Majesty's
treaty tend, e
or no amity."
this informati
speech simpl
to Alengon, h
can say anyti
there has be
alliance, the Qu
powered to d
The Amb
speech of Bur
in which he

nd May 1581), a note, all in the
his speech to the Ambassadors,
1 private remark that, before a
iven, " it is necessary to know
to what end she will have this
arriage or no marriage, amity
ey seems not to have possessed
surprising that the draft of his
elay. The Queen has written
must have a reply before she
about the marriage ; but as
Ik on both sides of a close
lsBts the Ambassadors to be em-
also.1
mselves give an account of a
er on this or another occasion,
at, although he was formerly

against the marriage, he now personally thought it desir
able. Brisson replied in a similar strain, and then the
strong Protestantism of Walsingham asserted itself. He
said that the hope of the marriage had caused the Pope
to flood England with Jesuits and invade Ireland, the
Catholics in England were already in high feather about
it, and Alengon had broken faith, and had entered into
negotiations with the States General, since Simier took
the draft treaty. Besides, he said, look at the danger of
child-bearing to the Queen at her age. The marriage
would probably drag England into war at least, and
until the Queen received a reply to her letters the nego
tiations for the marriage must stand over.2
It is quite evident that the Queen desired an alliance
without a marriage, and to draw" France into open
hostility to Spain, whilst she remained unpledged. But
1 Hatfield Papers, part ii.
2 Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris : Fonds francais, 3308.

356 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
Secretary Pinart was almost as clever as .Burghley, and
played his cards well, and no progress was made. Let
them marry first, said Pinart, it would be easy to make
an alliance afterwards. Affairs were thus at a deadlock.
Alengon was on the frontier with a body of men ready
to enter Flanders to relieve Cambray, when his brother's
forces dispersed them. It was then clear to the Prince
that he must depend upon the Queen of England alone ;
and ceding to the pressure of his agent in England, he
suddenly rushed over to London (2nd June), to the
confusion of the Ambassadors, who shut themselves up
to avoid meeting him. The Queen was all smiles, for
she was satisfied now that Alengon was obliged to look
to her only for aid, marriage or no marriage. Alengon
went back after a few days as secretly as he had come,
but every one saw that the Queen had won the trick;
and the pompous embassy went back loaded with
presents, but only taking with it a draft marriage treaty,
accompanied by a letter from Elizabeth, saying that she
might alter her mind if she liked, in which case the treaty
was to be considered as annulled.1
In the meanwhile Mendoza was watching closely the
attempts of Leicester to persuade the Queen to aid Don
Antonio in Portugal, as well as to provide means for
Alengon in Flanders. Walsingham had laid a trap for
Mendoza, who was induced to pay a large sum of money
to some Hollanders who promised to betray Flushing
to the Spaniards, but really did just the opposite. The
Hollanders left with the Spanish Ambassador the child
son of one of them as a hostage. By orders of Walsing-
1 In addition to the letter of the Queen, there is another document signed
by the Ambassadors and by the English Council, saying that the terms shall
not be considered binding upon the Queen, unless within six weeks she and
Alencon report in writing to the King of France that they have arranged
certain personal questions to their mutual satisfaction. Both documents are
printed in extenso in Digges.

1581] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 357
ham the embassy was violated and the boy taken away ;
and this amongst many other grievances was the source
of endless squabbling with the Queen, who invariably
retorted to all Mendoza's complaints that Philip had
connived at the invasion of Ireland. After one of his
interviews with the Queen (24th June) he writes : " It
is impossible for me to express the insincerity with
which she and her ministers proceed. . . . She con
tradicts me every moment in my version of the nego
tiations. ... I understood from her and Cecil, who
is one of the few ministers who show any signs of
straightforwardness, that they understood that your
Majesty intended to write to the Queen assuring her
that the succour had not been sent to Ireland on
your behalf. I told them that the matter referred to
the Pope alone, but Cecil said they wished to see
a letter from your Majesty ; " whereupon Mendoza
angrily told him that the word of an Ambassador was
sufficient. On the same day that this conversation took place,
Burghley's task of keeping the peace was rendered still
more difficult by the arrival in England of the fugitive
Portuguese Pretender, Don Antonio, who was at once
taken up by Leicester and Hatton. The Spanish Am
bassador was told by Hatton that if he wanted his
passports he could have them, and the Queen almost
insultingly refused him audience. Mendoza then wrote
her a letter, which he thought the Queen would be
obliged to show to the whole Council, " where I was
sure some of the members would point out to her the
danger she was running in refusing to receive me and
thus irritating your Majesty. Cecil, particularly, who is
the person upon whom the Queen depends in matters
of importance, had seen me a few days before, and said
how sorry he was that these things should occur, and

358 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
that he should be unable to remedy them, as he was
sure I could not avoid being offended." x
A few weeks afterwards Mendoza made another
attempt to see the Queen, who was then in the country.
She said that as Philip had not written any excuse
about the Spanish expedition to Ireland, she did not
see her way to receive the Ambassador. If he had
anything to say he might tell it to two Councillors.
Burghley was known to be the most favourable of them,
and had expressed to Mendoza his ignorance that the
audience had been refused. " He did not think it wise
to refuse me ; and as he is the most important of the
ministers I thought best to inform him of the reply I
had received, and to say I should like to see him."
Burghley was ill of gout at Theobalds at the time, but
shortly afterwards he came to town and asked Mendoza
to see him at Leicester House, " his gout preventing
him from coming further." Mendoza found him with
Leicester together, and in reply to the stereotyped
complaints of the Ambassador about Drake's plunder,
the aid to the Portuguese, and the refusal of audience,
the Treasurer firmly told him that the Queen thought
he had been remiss in not obtaining a letter from the
King disclaiming the Irish expedition. This Mendoza
haughtily refused to do, and the conference ended un
satisfactorily.2 It is evident that at this period (August 1581) Burghley
was in despair of keeping on friendly relations with
Spain. The Queen and Leicester had determined to
subsidise Alengon in Flanders, and to countenance Don
Antonio's attempts on Portugal. This coming after the
1 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth.
2 The real reason for the Queen's ostentatious slighting of Mendoza at
the time was to draw the King of France on, and make him believe that she
was willing to break with Spain.

1 58 1] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 359
retention of Drake's plunder, and refusal of audience
to the Ambassador, seemed to make the continuance
of peace between the two countries impossible, and
Burghley was once more obliged to turn to the neces
sary, but to him distasteful, alternative — a close union
with France.
The great French embassy had gone back defeated,
for they saw that Elizabeth was befooling Alengon, and
that the national alliance would only be made on terms
advantageous to English interests in Flanders. But it
was necessary for Henry III. and his mother to cling
to England if they were effectually to oppose Philip in
Portugal. The Guises were becoming more overbearing
and powerful than ever under the popular Duke Henry ;
they were known to be turning towards Spain, and their
ambitions were high both for themselves and for their
cousin Mary Stuart. To avoid the complete subjugation
of France to their ends, the King was therefore obliged
to* court Elizabeth, and suffer her to have her way with
Alengon and Flanders. Henry III. consequently asked
Elizabeth, through Somers, to name a day for the
marriage, simultaneously with which an offensive and
defensive alliance would be concluded, and a secret
agreement entered into with regard to the establishment
of Alengon in Flanders. This, of course, was understood
to be merely fencing, and Walsingham himself was sent
to France to conclude a treaty. He was instructed to
say that the French were mistaken in supposing that the
marriage was settled. The Queen could not consent to
the marriage now, for, as Alengon was already in arms
against the King of Spain, it would " bring us and our
realme into war, which in no respect our realme and
subjects can accept." But if the King will accept her
secret aid to Alengon's plan in Flanders, and the opposi
tion to Spain in Portugal, she will be willing to conclude

360 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
an offensive and defensive alliance with him. In any
case, the marriage was to be abandoned. Walsingham
saw Alengon in Picardy before going to Paris, and, as
may be supposed, the young Prince was in despair at
the Queen's fickleness. He was certain his brother would
not make an alliance without the marriage, as he feared
the Queen would slip out of it, leaving France alone face
to face with Spain.1 If, said Catharine, who was with
her son, the Queen of England broke her word about
the marriage for fear of her people, she might break an
alliance for a similar reason. But Walsingham made it
clear to both of them that Elizabeth would not allow
herself to be dragged into war with Spain, though covert
aid should be given to her late suitor. Poor Alengon
wept and stormed, but in vain. Anything short of mar
riage was useless to him, he said. His brother neither
had helped nor would help him against Spain, unless the
marriage took place. He himself would come to Eng
land for an answer from the Queen's lips as soon as he
had raised the siege of Cambray. Elizabeth complained
of Walsingham's management of the interview ; he could
rarely content her. He had, she said, been too abrupt in
breaking off the marriage. Burghley pointed out to her
that she could not have all her own way. She wanted,
he said, to keep the marriage afoot, and yet not to marry;
to aid Alengon secretly, whilst France aided him openly ;
to conclude an alliance by which she gained everything,
and France nothing.2
Elizabeth, in a rage, swore that Leicester and the
Puritans were dragging her into all sorts of expense and
trouble,3 from which she could not extricate herself with-
1 Walsingham to the Queen : "fearing lest when he should be embarqued
your Majesty would slip the collar" (Walsingham Papers). See also Wal
singham's letters to Burghley, in the same.
* Burghley to Walsingham ; in extenso in Digges.
3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1581] THE GHEAT LORD BURGHLEY 361
\ 1
out war. Walsin^mm was soon disgusted with his task,
for he could make/ but little progress in Paris, and the
Queen found fault with him constantly. He answered
boldly, almost rudtfly, to all her strictures. He told her
that with all this hesitation about the marriage " you lose
the benefit of timti, which, if years be considered, is not
the least thing to be weighed. If you mean it (the mar
riage) not, then asuire yourself it is one of the worst
remedies you can us'e. . . . When your Majesty doth see
in what doubtful terms you stand with foreign princes,
then you do wish with great affection that opportunities
offered had not been overslipped ; but when they are
offered you, if they be accompanied by charges, they
are altogether neglected. The respect of charges hath
lost Scotland, and I would to God I had no cause to
think it might not put your Highness into peril of losing
England."1 Even Burghley, with all his influence, was in despair
at getting the Queen to spend any money. Walsingham
had told the Queen that if she lent Alengon 100,000 ducats
secretly he might be appeased. Burghley pointed out
to her that her niggardliness was ruining the chance
of effectually weakening Spain. "In no wise," writes
Burghley, "would she have the enterprise of the Low
Countries lost, but she will not particularly warrant you to
offer aid. She allegeth that now the King (of France) hath
gone so far he will not abandon it. . . . Her Majesty is
also very cold in the cause of Don Antonio, alleging that
she liketh it only by opportunity [importunity ?] of her
Council ; and now that all things are ready, ships, victuals,
and men, the charges whereof come to .£12,000, she hath
been moved to find .£2000 more needful for the full fur
niture of the voyage, wherewith she is greatly offended
with Mr. Hawkins and Drake, as the charges are greater
1 Hatfield State Papers, part ii.

362 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
than was said to her . . . hereupon l.ner Majesty is con
tent not to give a penny more ; ahd now after Drake
and Hawkins have made shift for the £2000, she will
not let them depart until she be assured by you that
the French will aid Don Antonio, fot; she feareth to be
left alone. ... All these things do marvellously stay her
Majesty ... yet she loseth all the charges spent in vain,
and the poor King (Antonio) is utterly lost." x
But Burghley might reason and remonstrate, Wal
singham might tell her, as he did, that the penuriousness
would bring her to ruin, Elizabeth would not open
her purse strings until it was almost too late. Alengon
had made a dash into Flanders soon after seeing Wal
singham in August, and relievf/d Cambray, and then
being absolutely penniless, his (brother, in a fright at
his boldness, refusing any aid, the Queen was obliged
to send him ^20,000 to prevent the abandonment of
the whole business, and a unicj>h with the Guises which
he threatened. He returned to France after a few
weeks, and then again announced his intention of
coming to England to exert his personal influence on
the Queen. To stave off the visit several other sums
of money were sent to him. Leicester, too, strove his
hardest to stop it ; but Alengon's agents and Alengon's
lovelorn epistles were more flattering to" the Queen even
than Leicester, and the lover came early in November.
Although Walsingham had almost arranged a draft
treaty of alliance without marriage when he was in
Paris, it fell through on the eternal question of the
Queen's "charges" and responsibility, and when Alengon
arrived in England the whole matter was as far from
settlement as ever. Of the extraordinary cajolery by
which the Queen alternately raised Alengon to the
pinnacle of hope and plunged him to the depths of
' Burghley to Walsingham ; in extenso in Digges.

1581] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 363
despair during hi£ stay with her at Richmond and
Whitehall, a full description will be found elsewhere.1
By her dexteritj^arie bound him personally to her, and
made it appear u|iat the only obstacles to the match
were those raised by the King of France. From the
coming of Alengon. it is clear that Leicester alone under
stood the Queen's game. The earl was radiant and
joyous, which made Sussex distrust the result, notwith
standing appearances. So far as he could Lord Burghley
held aloof, although when the Prince came to London
he waited upon hira with other Councillors formally
every morning at nine. When the famous scene was
enacted (22nd November) in the gallery at Whitehall,
where the Queen boldly kissed her suitor on the lips
and publicly pledged herself to marry him,2 Burghley
was confined to his bed with an attack of gout. The
Queen sent him an account of what had passed. Men
doza reports that he thereupon exclaimed, " Blessed be
the Lord that this business has at last reached a point
where the Queen, on her part, has done all she can ;
it is for the country now alone to carry it out." The
deduction which Mendoza drew from this exclamation
was probably the correct one. To him it proved that
the whole plan was insincere on the part of Elizabeth,
and that the intention was to cause conditions to be
imposed by Parliament which the King of France could
not accept, and then to throw the responsibility of the
breach upon the latter.
This was all very well, but it was a reverse for
Burghley's policy. Leicester and Walsingham had drawn
the Queen into a position of almost open hostility to
Spain ; and yet a close union with France was rendered
1 " Courtships of Queen Elizabeth," by the present writer.
2 See Camden ; Memoires de Nevers ; Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth ;
and "Courtships of Queen Elizabeth."

364 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
difficult by Elizabeth's fickleness and dread of responsi
bility, and by Leicester's jealousy. \ As usual in such
circumstances, Burghley cautiously endeavoured to re
dress the balance. When the treaty \fath France seemed
assured, Mendoza had been refused1! audience, and on
remonstrating with Burghley he had found him far
less willing to be friendly than before. Leicester quite
openly talked about turning the Sbanish Ambassador
out of England, and even Burghiey had replied, to
an application for audience on bahalf of Mendoza to
deliver a letter from Philip to the/ Queen, who was at
Nonsuch, that the Queen was alone and unattended by
Councillors, " and as Don Bernardino is to bring letters
to the Queen from so great an/ enemy to her as his
master, it is meet that he shomd be received as the
minister of such a one." When ijhe Spaniard did see the
Queen (October), his threats and complaints about Don
Antonio and Alengon were metywith anger and indigna
tion by her. All the old complaints on both sides were
repeated, and both then and later Mendoza was certain
by the attitude of Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham,
that they were determined to have war with Spain, and
that Burghley, for once, would not stand in their way.
But a change came in the attitude of the latter in
December. It seemed then impossible for the Queen to
withdraw her pledges to Alengon without a breach with
France, whilst she could hardly help him without a war
with Spain. Scottish affairs, moreover, were a subject of
deep anxiety. D'Aubigny was now master, and Morton,
to Elizabeth's indignation, had been executed. Catholic
priests and Jesuits were known to be flitting backwards and
forwards ; and worst of all, Mary Stuart had, for the first
time since her flight, opened up friendly negotiations
with her son's Government, and had formally joined
James with herself in her sovereignty. She had more-

1581] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 365
over written confidently asking for many fresh conces
sions which Elizabeth was loath to grant her.1
Any appearance^ of an approach of the French and
Scots always drew England and Spain together, and with
the added dangers already cited, this was quite sufficient
to change Lord Burghley's tone. Mendoza accordingly
reports (25th December 1581) that, at a meeting of the
Council held to consider the situation, Burghley sug
gested that an allianct; should be made with Spain, and an
agreement arrived at with regard to the Low Countries.
This was approved of by the Lord Chancellor (Bromley),
the Lord Admiral (Lincoln), and Crofts. Sussex held
aloof, wavering between his enmity to France and
Leicester, and his attachment to Protestantism ; whilst
Leicester, Walsingham, Hatton, and Knollys were strenu
ously opposed to any approach to Spain, as they were,
even more violently, to Burghley's proposal that Drake's
plunder, or what was left of it, should be restored. A
few days afterwards Burghley had some business with a
Spanish merchant established in London, and to him he
expressed a desire that negotiations should be opened for
an agreement between the two countries. When the
merchant carried the message to Mendoza, the latter
attributed the suggestion entirely to the fear which he
had aroused by his firmness, and he made no response.
Mendoza himself, indeed, one of the warlike Alba
school, had now no hope or desire for peace. The rise
of D'Aubigny in Scotland and the coming of the Jesuits
had quite altered the position during the last year, and
Mendoza had in his hands a plot that seemed to promise
the triumph of the Catholics.
As early as April 1581, Mary Stuart had renewed her
approaches to Spain through the Archbishop of Glasgow
1 Wilkes, Clerk of the Council, was sent to confer with Mary upon the
subject. His report in full is in State Papers, Scotland, and at Hatfield,

366 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
in Paris. " Things were now," she sa^d, " better disposed
than ever in Scotland for a return to its former condition
. . . and English affairs could be dealt with subsequently.
The King, her son, was quite determined to return to the
Catholic religion, and much inclined to an open rupture
with the Queen of England." She begged for armed
aid from Philip, to be landed first in Ireland, and to enter
Scotland at a given signal after the alliance between
Scotland and Spain had been signf/d. Nothing came of
this at the time ; and after several other attempts on the
part of Mary to get into touch with the Spaniards, she
became distrustful of her Ambassador (Archbishop Beton)
and other intermediaries, and contrived in November to
communicate with Mendoza direct. She had heard that
all the priests who flocked into Scotland and England
looked to him for guidance, and that through them he
had sent a message to the Scottish Catholics, saying that
everything now depended upon Scotland's reverting to
the old faith. The English Catholic nobles then at
liberty had, at Mendoza's instance, formed a society with
this object, and secretly sent two priests to sound
James and D'Aubigny, and to promise that they would
raise the north of England, release Mary, and secure
the English succession to James. They brought back
a favourable reply, which the ambassador at once con
veyed to Allen and Persons on the continent. This was
late in the autumn of 1581, and Mendoza looked coldly
upon Burghley's new advances, for he was now the centre
of the plot to overthrow Elizabeth by means of the Scottish
Catholics, a plot in which, against his will, he was obliged
to make use of the Jesuit missionaries, who themselves at
first had no idea of the Spanish political aims that under
lay the conversion of Scotland to Catholicism.
Side by side with the Jesuits, Creighton, Persons, and
Holt, who were employed in the political movement,

i58i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 367
were others who had been sent to England and were
intended purely for spiritual work. They had been
extremely successful in their propaganda, and had once
more infused spirit into the English Catholic party. This
could not be done without the printing and dissemina
tion of books, as well as preaching, and the spies of the
Council were directed to track to earth the priests who
were at the bottom t of the movement. Nearly every
writer upon the subject has taken for granted that Lord
Burghley was at the bottom of the persecution which
followed. Such, however, does not appear to have been
the case. As we have seen, the Lord Treasurer insisted
upon some uniformity in the practice of the Anglican
Church, but he must have known that many of his
closest friends, and the colleagues upon whom he
depended in the Council, were Catholics, and his life
long tendency was to a political union with Spain, the
champion of Catholic Christendom. He was determined,
it is true, to crush treason to the Queen and the insti
tutions of the country, no matter who suffered; and
when Catholicism meant revolution he harried it fiercely ;
but he was no persecutor for the sake of religion itself,1
and the cruel torture and execution of Campion, Sherwin,
and Briant,2 during Alengon's visit to England (ist De
cember 1581), for denying the Queen's supremacy, were
almost certainly prompted in the main by Walsingham,
Knollys, and the Puritans, who were in a fever of
apprehension lest the marriage with Alengon would
lead to toleration of the Catholic faith. The men
actually executed were not in fact employed in the
political portion of the propaganda at all, but were
honest religious missionaries ; but they, and the scores
1 See his own book, " Treatise on the Execution of Justice," written in 1583
in answer to Allen's attacks.
2 See Simpson's Life of Campion, Spanish State Papers, Camden's
Elizabeth, and Allen's De Persecutione Anglicana,

368 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
of other Catholics who were swept ,into prison at the
time, were useful object lessons for Walsingham and
Leicester, whose aims, as we have seen, were in direct
opposition to those of Burghley.1 The latter, indeed,
was at the very time of the execution approaching Men
doza with suggestions for an alliance with Spain, which
were coldly received for the reasons already explained.
During Alengon's stay in England, the Queen, who
was playing her own game, which was to reduce the
Prince to utter dependence upon her and to distrust of
his brother, had been constantly thwarted by the jealousy
of Leicester and Hatton. They were for granting enor
mous sums to the suitor to get rid of him at any cost,
which was no part of the Queen's plan. Lord Burghley
alone of the Councillors never displeased her in the
matter ; whenever it was a question of large expenditure,
he always had a convenient attack of gout, and thus
never openly thwarted the Queen. The difficulty was
to get Alengon out of the country without ruinous ex*
pense or further pledges, and when it was found that
all the Queen's persuasions were unavailing she had to
employ Burghley's diplomacy. He began by inflaming
the young Prince's ambition, and enlarging upon the
splendid destiny awaiting him in his new sovereignty,
which was now clamouring for his presence. Promises
were made never meant to be literally fulfilled, of the
vast sums the Queen would contribute to his support,
1 Burghley, writing to Lord Shrewsbury (Lansdowne MSS., 982) in Augusl
1581, telling him of the trial and execution for treason of the priest Everard
Duckett, who had denied the Queen's authority, says in reference to Campion
and his companions, " If they shall do the like, the law is like to correct them.
For their actions are not matters of religion, but merely of state, tending
directly to the deprivation of her Majesty's crown." Campion, he says, had
been brought before Leicester and Bromley, but had not confessed anything of
importance. It appears to have been the result of the admissions wrung from
Campion and others about this time as to the houses in which they had lodged
that led to the great number Of Catholic arrests all over England.

ij8i] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 369
and at last, after infinite trouble, he was induced to
promise to sail for Flanders. He wished to stay until
the new year ; but when Burghley pointed out to him
the large amount of money he would have to spend in
presents he seemed to give way, for money he had none.
But when the time came he still stayed on. The Queen
told Burghley after supper on Christmas night that she
would not marry the lad to be empress of the world,
and that he must get rid of him somehow. Catharine
de Medici, the Prince of Orange, the German princes,
and the French Ambassador all added their pressure
to that of the Queen and Burghley to get Alengon out of
England. Leicester and Hatton fumed and threatened.
Burghley at last frankly told the Queen that the only way
to get rid of her suitor was to provide a sum of ready
money for him, and promise that he should come back
to England as soon as he was crowned. The Queen did
not like the alternative, and said she must wait for the
King of France's answer to her last demands. This time
Catharine de Medici beat her with her own weapons.
The answer was a full acceptance of everything required
by the English ; and to make it more complete, Alengon
said he was willing to become a Protestant.
This was indeed alarming, and the Queen sent
hurriedly to Burghley to get her out of the scrape. His
suggestion this time was that she should demand Calais
and Havre as security for the fulfilment of the King's
promises, which was a device after her own heart. But
still Alengon would not go, and the Queen became
seriously alarmed. She promised him ^60,000 ; but
Burghley was opposed to any such sum as that being
paid, or indeed more than was necessary for the Prince's
voyage. The Queen said that she did not mean to pay
it, but only to promise it, which was quite another
matter. It is evident that Burghley was now quite
2 A

370 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1581
undeceived, and against both the pretence of marriage and
any large support being given to Alengon. He dreaded
the revenge of France for the insult put upon it; and
of Spain, for aiding the Frenchman's usurpation of
Philip's sovereignty under English protection. His
remedy, as usual, was a friendship with Spain. Wal
singham, on the other hand, was all in favour of vigorous
help to Orange and a war with Spain. The Queen
usually leant to the side of Burghley, but was swayed
hither and thither by her fears of France, by Pinart's
threats, Alengon's tears, Leicester's jealousy, and her
own greed and vanity.
At last after infinite trouble Alengon sailed with fifteen
ships, attended by Leicester (sorely against his will),
Hunsdon, Sidney, Willoughby, Howard, and Norris,
to take upon himself the sovereignty of Holland and
Flanders. The Queen after all had to provide a large
sum of money, but it was sent to the States, and not
entrusted to Alengon, except a personal present of
£25,000 from the Queen. Leicester escaped from the
new sovereign's side on the very day he was crowned,
and hurried back to his mistress's side. He reported
that Alengon and the French were hated by the Pro
testant Dutchmen, who had only admitted him because
the Queen of England was behind him. The English
Ambassador in Paris at the same time sent word that
Henry III. had repudiated his brother's action, and
had denounced as traitors all those who aided him.
This was exactly what Elizabeth feared. She had
offended both the great powers, and was alone. She
swore at Leicester for sanctioning, by his presence, the
investiture of Alengon ; she railed at Walsingham as a
knave for dragging her into such a business; and she
insisted upon Burghley, who was ill with fever in Lon
don, getting up and coming to Windsor to tell her what

1582] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 371
to do. When he appeared, she asked him whether it
would not be better for her at once to become friendly
with Spain. Thus, though the sagacious Lord Treasurer
had let her go her own way, she had at last been brought
by circumstances to propose his policy again. "He
replied that nothing would suit her better, especially
if peace could be arranged in the Netherlands by the
concession of liberty of conscience."1 Sussex was of
the same opinion, but distrusted both the Queen and
Burghley, who, he said, had spoken coolly on the sub
ject on the Council. There is, however, no reason to
doubt that the Treasurer was sincere in his desire for
such an arrangement, which indeed was the only one
which seemed to promise peace to England.
In the meanwhile the Spanish and Jesuit plot in
Scotland was progressing. Guise had drifted further
and further away from Henry III. and his mother, from
whom he saw he could get no aid for Mary Stuart or
his own ambitious plans. When, therefore, the Queen
of Scots had offered her submission and the sending
of her son to Spain, he had separated himself from
French interests, and tendered his own humble services
to Philip. This made all the difference. If the Holy
League and this undertaking made the Guises Catholics
and Spaniards before they were Frenchmen, Philip
need have no hesitation in helping their niece to the
crowns of Scotland and England ; and the Jesuits were
set to work to secure James and D'Aubigny, whilst Mary
Stuart's spirits rose high. The Scottish Catholic nobles
were ready to rise, and even, if necessary, to kill or
deport the King if he would not be a Catholic. All
they asked was a force of two thousand foreign troops.
D'Aubigny entered eagerly into the affair, and by the
spring of 1582 all was arranged, when the Jesuit emis-
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

372 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1582
saries and D'Aubigny between them mismanaged it.
Guise was foolishly brought into the plan by D'Aubigny,
and he wanted to invade the south of England with his
troops at the same time. D'Aubigny made exaggerated
claims for himself, and the Scottish Catholic nobles
followed suit. Philip recognised that Guise was still
playing for his own hand, though not for France. If
Mary was to be Queen of Great Britain and his humble
servant, she must owe her crown to him, and not to Guise.
Philip therefore grew cool, and the raid of Ruthven and
the banishment of D'Aubigny, by which young James fell
into the hands of the Protestants (August 1582), effectu
ally put an end to the projects of invasion for a time.
On the 18th March 1582, Alengon in Antwerp was
giving an entertainment on the occasion of his birthday,
when the Prince of Orange was stabbed, it was thought
mortally, by a young Spaniard hired by those greater
than himself. The one cry, both in Holland and in
England, was, that Alengon and his false Frenchmen
were at the bottom of the crime, and, but for the forti
tude of Orange, every Frenchman in the Netherlands
would have been massacred. Elizabeth was beside her
self with fear. Her first impulse was to get Alengon out
of Flanders, even if she brought him to England ; but
Walsingham gravely warned her that if the Prince came
again she would certainly have to marry him.
Whilst Orange lay between life and death, Leicester,
Hatton, Knollys, and Walsingham were for ever urging
the Queen boldly to take Flanders and Holland under
her own protection, whilst Burghley, aided by Sussex and
Crofts, again advocated an arrangement with Spain. But
the latter were in a minority ; the Protestant feeling of the
country was thoroughly aroused at the attempted murder
of Orange, and Burghley was obliged to be cautious.
Mendoza was instructed by Philip, March 1582, to use

.582] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 373
his influence with the Council to prevent aid being given
to Alengon. " I have," writes Mendoza, " tried every
artifice to get on good terms with some of them, but
they all turn their faces against me, particularly the Lord
Treasurer, whom I formerly used to see, the rest of them
being openly inimical. Only lately I sought an oppor
tunity of approaching him again, and asked him to see
me. He replied that his colleagues looked upon him
as being very Spanish in his sympathies, and therefore
he could not venture to see me alone, except by the
Queen's orders. I had, he said, better communicate my
business through Secretary Walsingham, in the ordinary
course." x
Walsingham, on the other hand, lost no opportunity
of widening the breach, in order to force the Queen to
more vigorous action in favour of the Dutch Protestants.
In May he sent an insulting message to Mendoza, to the
effect that the Queen would not receive him until some
satisfaction was given about Ireland. The Ambassador
at once complained to Burghley. War, he said, might
well result from this treatment of him. Burghley endea
voured to minimise the slight. It was a mistake of the
messenger, he said, and Mendoza had better write to the
Queen. He did so, but with no result but to confirm
Walsingham's message, though Elizabeth softened it
somewhat by saying, " God forbid that she should ever
break with your Majesty, to whom she bore nothing
but good-will."2 When, in July, Alengon demanded
more money, Walsingham, Leicester, and Hatton were
for sending him £50,000 at once — anything to prevent
his coming to England again — but Cecil opposed it
vigorously. There was but £80,000 in the Treasury, he
said, and so only £30,000 was sent to Flanders.
By the death of Bacon, the fatal illness of Sussex, and
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth. * Ibid.

374 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1582
the defection of Hatton, Lord Burghley was at this time
almost alone in the Council ; for Crofts, the Controller,
a regular pensioner of Spain and a Catholic, was a man
of no influence ; and, according to Mendoza, the Lord
Treasurer in November told the Queen plainly that she
must appoint two more Councillors of his way of think
ing, " to oppose Leicester and his gang." It was pro
bably in pursuance of this policy that Burghley cast
about for some counterbalancing influence to be used
against Leicester.
At the end of 1581 a young captain named Walter
Ralegh, whose company in Ireland had been disbanded
on the suppression of the Desmond rebellion, had been
sent over to England with despatches. He was clever
arid brilliant, and full of schemes for governing Ireland
more cheaply than the Viceroy, Lord Grey, had done.
Grey rebuked him for his presumption, and sent him
home in semi-disgrace. Leicester was a bitter enemy of
Grey's, and was glad to welcome the young captain who
impeached his government, and that of Leicester's rival
Ormond.1 Ralegh was invited to the Council-table to
explain his plans to Lord Burghley. His recommenda
tions were approved, and submitted to the Queen, who
gave him audience. Before many weeks passed (May
1582), favours began to shower upon him ; and by the
autumn, Leicester and Hatton had taken fright, and were
bitterly jealous of him, whilst the Lord Treasurer had
cleverly enlisted the new favourite under his banner.
He was never a member of the Council, but he had the
Queen's ear, and kept it for years ; for Leicester was
elderly and scorbutic, and Hatton was an affected
1 Ralegh was certainly known to Leicester before this. He was attached
to his suite when he accompanied Alencon to Antwerp in February ; and
always professed to be specially attached to him personally, even when he
was lending his aid to his political opponents.

1 582] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 375
fribble, whilst Ralegh was young, handsome, and manly,
and as wise as he was ambitious.
During the autumn of 1582 the plague raged in
London, and Burghley took refuge at Theobalds, where,
in November, his recently married young son-in-law,
the eldest son of Lord Wentworth died. The letters
written on this occasion from Walsingham1 and Hatton 2
prove that the political opposition in the Council did
not degenerate into personal enmity ; indeed, nothing
is more remarkable than the affectionate regard, and
even reverence, which are constantly expressed by Lord
Burghley's correspondents towards him. An especially
kind thought seems to have occurred to Walsingham.
He suggests to Hatton that " it would be some comfort
to his lady (i.e. Elizabeth Wentworth), if it might please
you so to work with her Majesty, as his (Burghley's)
other son-in-law (Lord Oxford), who hath long dwelt
in her Majesty's displeasure, might be restored to her
Highness's good favour." 3
The Earl of Oxford had constantly been a source of
trouble to Lord Burghley. He was extravagant, eccen
tric, and quarrelsome, and only by the exercise of great
forbearance on the part of his father-in-law had any
semblance of friendship been kept up. If on this occa-
1 B. M. Add. MSS., 15,891 : Walsingham to Hatton.
a B. M. Lansdowne MSS., 36: Hatton to Burghley.
3 The probable cause of the Queen's displeasure with Oxford on this
occasion was an affray between him and Sir Thomas Knyvett, one of the
Queen's Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, in March 1582. Nicholas Faunt
writes to Anthony Bacon (Bacon Papers, vol. i.): "There has been a fray
between my Lord of Oxford and Knyvett, who are both hurt, but Lord
Oxford more dangerously. You know," he adds, " Master Knyvett is not
meanly beloved at court, and therefore is not likely to speed ill, whatsoever
the quarrel be." There is also a most interesting letter from Burghley to
Hatton (12th March 1582, B. M. MSS., Add. 91), in which he begs him to
intercede with the Queen for Oxford, and recites the whole of the accusations
against him,

376 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1582
sion, as is probable, Hatton acceded to Walsingham's
suggestion, and persuaded the Queen once more to re
ceive Oxford at court, it was not long before the intract
able Earl again misbehaved himself ; for on May of the
following year (1583) his long-suffering father-in-law
appealed to the new favourite, Ralegh, to exert his in
fluence with the Queen to forgive him again. Ralegh's
answer,1 giving a long account of his efforts to move the
Queen, shows that Oxford had injured him also. " I am
content," he writes, "for your sake to lay the serpent
before the fire, as much as in me lieth, that having re
covered strength, myself may be most in danger of his
poison and sting."
As we have seen, Mary Stuart had never ceased, since
the triumph of D'Aubigny, to negotiate through Men
doza for her release and restoration, and the subsequent
invasion of England over the Scottish Border. The
raid of Ruthven and the fall of D'Aubigny did not at
first discourage her. She still believed that the expected
arrival of foreign troops, and her son's secret favour of
the Catholics, would enable the plot to be carried
through,2 and under this belief it was that she wrote her
violent letter of denunciation and complaint to Elizabeth
(8th November).3
Almost simultaneously with the receipt of this letter
in London there arrived the Guisan, La Mothe Fenelon,
on his way to Scotland, for the purpose of inquiring into
the treatment of D'Aubigny by the Protestant lords, unit
ing Mary and her son on the throne, and, if possible, to
mediate with Elizabeth in favour of the captive Queen ;
whilst, at the same time, another envoy (De Maineville)
was sent by sea with secret instructions to plan a fresh
1 State Papers, Domestic.
2 Mary to Beton, 18th November 1582 (Spanish State Papers).
3 Harl. MSS., 5397.

1582] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 377
rising of the Catholic nobles in union with James.
Castelnau, the regular Ambassador, might protest untruly
to Elizabeth, as he did, that it was " une chose du tout
contraire a la verity de dire que le Sieur De Maineville
eut une seconde et particuliere secrete instruction ; " but
the embassy was quite terrifying enough to Elizabeth,
coming after the plots that she knew had been hatching
between the Spaniards, the Jesuits, and D'Aubigny.
Walsingham hurried from his country house to court
the moment he heard of La Mothe F6nelon's arrival, for
all the official French plans for helping James and
D'Aubigny had purposely been allowed to leak out. We
know now that they were merely a trick of the Queen-
mother's to frighten Elizabeth into helping poor Alengon
in the Netherlands, the only really serious part of them
being De Maineville's secret mission, which depended
entirely upon Guise.1 The Queen kept La Mothe dallying
for weeks before she would give him a passport, whilst
she tried to dazzle him anew with the talk of marrying
Alengon and supporting him in Flanders. Before he left
for Scotland, D'Aubigny had passed through London
on his way to France, where he died shortly afterwards ;
and when La Mothe proceeded on his mission it was
already too late, if ever it was intended to be effectual.
It is one of the standing reproaches to Lord Burghley's
memory that he was the constant enemy of Mary. In
former chapters I have shown that this was not the case.
That he was inflexible in tracing and punishing treason
against his mistress and her Government is obvious, for
it was his first duty as a minister ; but how far he was
from any personal enmity against the unfortunate Mary,
1 Full particulars of De Maineville's and La Mothe Fe"nelon's missions
in M. CheWl's Marie Stuart et Catherine de Medicis, drawn from the
correspondence of La Mothe Fenelon and the archives of the D'Esneval
family.

378 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1582
may be seen in his many letters to Lord Shrewsbury at
Hatfield and elsewhere. On the receipt of Mary's im
prudent letter to the Queen and the arrival of La Mothe
in England, a Council was called to consider the removal
of the Queen of Scots from the care of Shrewsbury.
Mendoza says that " the Treasurer was greatly opposed
to her being removed from the Earl's house, where she
had remained for fifteen years, especially as Shrewsbury
had not failed fully to carry out his instructions. He
said her removal would scandalise the country." x
Burghley's relative William Davison, in conjunction
with Robert Bowes, was sent to Scotland at the same
the time as La Mothe, to dissuade James from acceding to
French suggestion of associating his mother with himself
in his sovereignty ; and Walsingham's brother-in-law,
Beale, was deputed to proceed to Sheffield for the pur
pose of negotiating with Mary with regard to her future.2
Mary from the first had seen that the interference of
Henry III. and his mother was a feint in favour of
Alengon, and sent Fontenay to Mendoza whilst Beale
was with her, to ask for his guidance in the negotiation.3
Elizabeth had secretly authorised Beale, under certain
circumstances, to offer Mary her release. This, Mendoza
understood, was unfavourable to Spanish ends, because
she would almost infallibly fall in such case into the
hands of the French, or be compelled, if she stayed in
England, to make such renunciations and compromises
as would render her useless as an instrument with which
to raise the Catholics. The Spaniard therefore naturally
advised her to stay where she was, and the unhappy
woman followed his interested advice. She gave Beale
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 See Beale's instructions, Harl. MSS., 4663 ; also Beale's report of his"
proceedings in Lord Calthorpe's MSS.
8 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1 583] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 379
a somewhat unyielding answer, and her last chance of
liberation fled.1
In the meanwhile Alengon continued to clamour for
money, and repeated his vows of everlasting love and slavish
submission ; anything if Elizabeth would only send money
to save him from becoming the laughing-stock of Europe.
The Protestant Dutchmen were tired of him ; Orange
saw that he was a useless burden, and prayed Elizabeth
to take her bad bargain back again. Seeing that he could
expect but little from England, he obtained the help of
his mother. Marshal Biron crossed the frontier into
Flanders, and in January 1583 the false Valois endea
voured to seize and garrison with Frenchmen the strong
places of the Netherlands. The affair failed, and Alengon
fled from Antwerp detested and distrusted. The States
disowned him, and Norris, the English general, refused
to obey him ; and though Elizabeth pretended to be
angry with Sir John Norris and the Englishmen, she
thought better of it when Alengon asked her to with
draw them and let his Frenchmen deal with the Flemings,
for it was now clear that she could never trust him in
Flanders alone.
With the invidious position into which Elizabeth's tor
tuous policy had led her ; almost hopeless as she was now
of conciliating Spain, and conscious of having insulted
France beyond forgiveness by her treatment of Alengon ;
with Orange discontented, and Scotland in a ferment, it
is not strange that division existed in the Queen's
counsels. Burghley himself at this time was tired of the
struggle. The fresh Councillors had not been appointed,
1 This is according to Beale's official report. But on the following day
(17th April 1583) Beale wrote to Lord Burghley (Harl. MSS., 4663), saying
that she had abandoned all ambition, she was old and ill, and was ready to
swear to anything for her liberation. This, however, was before she received
Mendoza's letter (6th May ?) advising her on no account to accept her release
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth).

380 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1583
and he had to contend with infinite diplomacy for every
point that he carried. The general tendency of the
Queen's policy was opposed to his view of what was
wise ; he was now old and almost constantly ill, and
either the Queen's obduracy with regard to his unworthy
son-in-law Oxford, or the opposition he constantly met
with, led him to seek release from his offices, and to
desire to pass the rest of his life in retirement. His
complaint would rather seem to have been against the
Queen herself, to judge from her very curious letter
turning his desire to ridicule. On the 8th May 1583
she wrote : —
"Sir Spirit,1 I doubt I do nickname you, for those
of your kind, they say, have no sense. But I have
of late seen an ' Ecce Signum,' that if an ass kick you,
you feel it so soon. I will recant you from being a
spirit if ever I perceive you disdain not such a feeling.
Serve God, fear the King, and be a good fellow to the
rest. Let never care appear in you for such a rumour ;
but let them well know that you rather desire the
righting of such a wrong by making known their error,
than you be so silly a soul as to foreslow that you
ought to do, or not freely deliver what you think
meetest, and pass of no man so much, as not to re
gard her trust who putteth it in you. God bless you,
and long may you last omnino. E. R." 2
The duplicity of the young King of Scots and the
intrigues of the Guisan envoy were successful in June
in withdrawing James from the power of the lords of
the English faction, and once more the Scottish Catholics
1 The Queen had nicknames for most of her friends j Burghley was the
Leviathan or the Spirit, Hatton was Bellwether or Lyddes, Walsingham
was Moon, Alencon was Frog, Simier was Ape, Ralegh was Water, Leicester
was Sweet Robin, and so forth.
2 Printed in Dr. Nares' Life of Burghley.

1583] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 381
held up their heads.1 Thus encouraged, Mary at once
informed Elizabeth that the conditional promises she had
made to Beale and Mildmay in the negotiations for her
release, were to be considered void unless she were at
once liberated,2 her attitude being no doubt to some
extent the result of the strenuous efforts of the Spaniards
through Mendoza to keep her in England, and to prevent
her from entering into any compromise as to religion.
This new phase of affairs profoundly disquieted Eliza
beth.3 Her Ambassador in France, Henry Cobham, con
tinued to send alarming news of Guise's designs,4 and it
is certain that Walsingham, at all events, was aware of the
constant communications between Mary and Mendoza.
It was therefore decided to send Walsingham himself to
Edinburgh, to obtain from James some assurance that
English interests should not suffer by his change of
ministers, and to offer him a subsidy in consideration
of his acceptance of the terms proposed by Elizabeth.
That the mission was an unwelcome one to Walsingham,
who foresaw its failure, is proved by Mendoza's state
ment (19th August) : " He strenuously refused to go,
and went so far as to throw himself at the Queen's
1 See letter from a Scottish gentleman to De Maineville, 13th July (Spanish
State Papers, Elizabeth), and Mary to Mendoza, of same date (ibid.).
2 See letter of Castelnau to Henry III., 1st July j in extenso in Cheruel's
Marie Stuart. How completely Mary distrusted the French and Castelnau
at the time, notwithstanding her cordial letters to them, may be seen by a
paragraph in her letter to Mendoza of 13th July (Spanish State Papers). The
recognition of James as King by La Mothe's embassy had confirmed Mary's
determination to depend only upon the Spaniards.
' One of Elizabeth's movements as soon as she heard the news was to
summon Lord Arbroath, the eldest of the Hamiltons, from France, to proceed
to Scotland in her pay. See letter, Mary to Castelnau, September (Hatfield
Papers), and Mendoza to the King, 19th August (Spanish State Papers).
1 Guise sent Persons (alias Melino) to the Pope in August, giving him an
account of his plans. Four thousand Spaniards were to land at Dalton-in-
Fumess, Lancashire, whilst Guise made a descent on Sussex, simultaneously
with a rising of Catholics in the North of England and on the Scottish Border
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, 22nd August).

382 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1583
feet, and pronounce the following terrible blasphemy :
he swore by the soul, body, and blood of God, that
he would not go to Scotland, even if she ordered him
to be hanged for it, as he would rather be hanged in
England than elsewhere. . . . Walsingham says that he
saw that no good could come of the mission, and that
the Queen would lay upon his shoulders the whole of
the responsibility for the evils that would occur. He
said she was very stingy already, and the Scots more
greedy than ever, quite disillusioned now as to the
promises made to them ; so that it was impossible that
any good should be done."1 But Walsingham went
nevertheless, and came home safely, though, as he fore
told, his embassy was fruitless, for; the Catholics had
entirely captured James.
Alengon, in despair of obtaining sufficient help from
Elizabeth, now that he had shown his falseness, had
retired to France, leaving his forces under Marshal
Biron. Lovelorn epistles and frantic protestations con
tinued to pass between him and Elizabeth; but it was
acknowledged now that his cause was hopeless, and he
fell henceforward entirely under the influence of his
mother. The States and Orange again and again urged
Elizabeth to take the provinces into her own hands
and carry on the war openly. Leicester, Walsingham,
Bedford, Knollys, and the Puritans urged her seriously
to do so ; but she refused on the advice of Burghley,
1 Walsingham's disinclination to undertake the mission is quite compre
hensible. He was at the time engaged in a complicated intrigue with the
triple traitor Archibald Douglas, by which he learnt the secrets of Mary
Stuart ; and at the same time he and Leicester were making approaches to
Mary Stuart and James, for a marriage between the latter and Lady Dorothy
Devereux, the step-daughter of Leicester, on condition of James being de
clared the heir of England. See letters from Mary to Castelnau, September
1583 (Hatfield Papers, part iii.), and Mendoza to the King, 13th March 1583
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth) ; also Castelnau to Henry, 1st January 1584
(Harl. MSS., 1582), and the same to Mary (Harl. MSS., 387). The heads of
Walsingham's instructions are in Hatfield Papers, part iii.

1583] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 383
"who told her that she had not sufficient strength to
struggle with your Majesty, particularly with so small a
contribution as that offered by the States. Leicester and
the rest of them are trying to persuade her to send five
or six thousand men thither." 1
Events were irresistibly nearing a crisis which made
it necessary for Elizabeth to take an open course on one
side or the other ; and Lord Burghley had again been
overborne by the zealous Protestants in the Council
until a breach with Spain had become unavoidable
sooner or later. Walsingham had never lost touch of
Mary Stuart's proceedings,2 or of her French cousin's
various plans for the murder of Elizabeth, and the in
vasion of England. Guise had submitted to Philip in
1583 a regular proposal for the Queen's assassination,
and in the autumn had sent his pensioner Charles
Paget (Mopo) to England to negotiate for the rising
of the English Catholics. One of the results of this
was that young Francis Throgmorton, a correspondent
of Mary Stuart, and one of her intermediaries with
Mendoza, was arrested with others and charged with
1 Mendoza to the King, 19th August (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth).
2 Many of her compromising letters to Mendoza were intercepted and
read. Mary herself, writing to Elizabeth from Tutbury (29th September
1584), thanking hex for her change of lodging, protests against the stoppage
of her correspondence with the French Ambassador Castelnau. " All that
I write," she says, " passes through the hands of your people, who see, read,
examine, and keep back in order to point out to me any fault if they find in
it anything offensive or injurious to you " (Harl. MSS., 4651). This was more
true than Mary thought when she wrote it, for she had no idea that some
of her more compromising letters to the Spaniards were read. A letter from
Mary to Sir Francis Englefield, Philip's English Secretary (9th October
1584), contains the following dangerous words : "Of the treaty between
the Queen of England and me I may neither hope nor look for good issue.
Whatsoever shall come of me, by whatsoever change of my state and con
dition, let the execution of the great plot go forward without any respect
of peril or danger to me." And she continues by saying that the plan (i.e.
the rising and invasion) must take place at latest next spring or the cause
will be ruined.

384 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1584
a plot to assassinate the Queen. How far this accusa
tion was true it is at this moment difficult to say, but
there is no doubt that the Throgmortons, with the Earl
of Northumberland, who was imprisoned, Lord Paget,
who fled, and many other Catholics, were in league with
Charles Paget for a rising, in conjunction with Guise.
It is to be noted that Lord Burghley took no part
in the prosecution of Throgmorton, which was mainly
forwarded by Leicester, who was always suspected of
having poisoned Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the uncle
of the accused man. The apprehension of the con
spirators and the consequent expulsion of Mendoza
(January 1584) certainly served the purposes of the
strong Protestant majority led by Leicester1 and Wal
singham in the Council, and aided them in forcing the
hands of the Queen and Burghley. The death of Alencon
in June, and the murder of Orange by an agent of the
Spaniards in July, still further acted in the same direc
tion. It was no longer possible for England to hold
a non-committal position. Either Spain must be per
mitted to crush Protestantism in the Netherlands, or
the head of the Protestant confederacy must cast aside
the mask and boldly fight the Catholic powers. There
were reasons why this course might now be taken with
much more safety than previously. The Queen-mother
of France was frantic with rage against Spain for the
loss of her favourite son. The King was childless, and
the Guises were already plotting to grasp the crown,
1 There are several reasons for believing that the prosecution of Somerville,
the Ardens, Throgmorton, and others, was not entirely honest on the part of
Leicester. Somerville was obviously a madman, and was strangled in his
cell ; the estates of Arden, whose wife was a Throgmorton, went to enrich a
creature of Leicester ; and the priest, Hall, on whose evidence the prisoners
were condemned, was quietly smuggled out of the country by Leicester's
favour. Although it is possible that Throgmorton may have participated in
Guise's murder plot— he certainly did in the invasion plot— there is no satis
factory evidence to prove it.

1584] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 385
or partition France on Henry's death, rather than he
should be succeeded by the Huguenot Henry of Navarre.
Elizabeth had therefore the certainty, for the first time
since her accession, that France nationally would not
coalesce with Spain against her, and that any attempt of
Guise to injure her would be counteracted by Catharine,
Navarre and the Huguenots.
The question of the future policy to be pursued by
England under the changed circumstances was, as usual,
submitted to the judicial examination of Lord Burghley,
whose minutes x set forth the whole case pro and contra.
The question propounded was, " Shall the Queen defend
and help the Low Countries to recover from the tyranny
of Spain and the Inquisition ; and if not, what shall she
do to protect England when he shall have subdued
Holland ? " After stating the advantages and disadvan
tages of each course, it is evident that the judgment is
in favour of aiding the States, on certain conditions of
security, which Burghley himself notes in the margin.
The aid is to cost as little as possible ; some of the best
noblemen of Zeeland are to be held as hostages in the
hands of the English ; the chief military commands to
be held by English officers ; the King of Scots to be
secured to the English interest ; the King of Navarre to
erroarrass Spain on her frontiers, and a Parliament to
be called in England for the purpose of sanctioning the
course proposed. But, continues the document, if it is
decided that England shall not help the States, then
she must be put into a condition of defence, the navy
increased, a large sum of money collected, some German
mercenaries engaged to watch the Scottish Border, and
the English Catholics " put in surety." " Finally, that
ought to be Alpha and Omega, to cause her people to
be better taught to serve God, and to see justice duly
1 Hatfield State Papers, part iii.
2 B

386 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [iS84
administered, whereby they may serve God, and love
her Majesty ; and that if it may be concluded, Si Deus
nobiscum, quis contra nos ? "
Lord Burghley was thus, after a quarter of a century
of striving to keep on friendly relations with Spain, forced
by the policy of Leicester, Walsingham, and the strong
Protestants, into the contest which he had hoped to
avoid. Circumstances had been stronger than indi
vidual predilections, and Mary Stuart's ceaseless designs
against the crown and faith of England, and especially
her submission to Spain, had given the Protestant party
an impetus which swept aside the cautious moderation
of Burghley's policy, and proved even to him the neces
sity for war.

CHAPTER XIV
1584-1587
The militant Protestants were now paramount in Eliza
beth's Council, and soon made their influence felt, not
only in foreign relations, but in home affairs as well.
They were in favour of an aggressive policy in aid of
Protestantism abroad, and doubtless thought that the
best way to strengthen their hands would be to strike at
Prelacy at home, and to discredit the last vestiges of the
old faith, against the foreign champions of which they
were ready to do national battle.
The appointment of Whitgift to the Archbishopric of
Canterbury had been avowedly made by the Queen
(September 1583) for the purpose of repairing the effects
of Grindal's leniency, and bringing the Nonconformists
to obedience ; " to hold a strait rein, to press the disci
pline of his Church, and recover his province to unifor
mity." He had set about his work with a thoroughness
which brought upon him a storm of reproach from
ministers, and greatly embittered the controversies within
the Church.1 Burghley felt strongly on the question of
uniformity, as involving obedience to the law ; but Whit-
' How keenly Whitgift felt the attacks upon him for doing what he con
ceived to be his duty, may be seen by his letters in Strype's Whitgift. In a
letter to Anthony Bacon (Birch's Elizabeth) he writes : "I am, thank God,
exercised with like calumnies at home also ; but I comfort myself that lies
and false rumours cannot long prevail. In matters of religion I remain the
same, and so intend to do by God's grace during life ; wherein I am daily
more and more confirmed by the uncharitable and indirect practices, as well
by the common adversary the Papist, as also of some of our wayward, un
quiet, and discontented brethren." 387

388 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1584
gift's methods were too severe even for him, and pro
duced from him more than one rebuke. He was the re
feree of all parties — Puritans, Churchmen, and Catholics
appealed to him as their friend — and he strove to hold
the balance fairly, whilst deprecating extreme views on
each side. Leicester and Knollys were ceaseless in the
attacks upon the prelates, and Whitgift's violence made
it difficult for Burghley to defend him. In one of his
letters to the Archbishop he says, " I am sorry to trouble
your Grace, but I am more troubled myself, not only
with many private petitions of ministers recommended
by persons of credit as being peaceable persons in their
ministry, but yet more with complaints to your Grace and
colleagues, greatly troubled ; but also I am now daily
charged by Councillors and public persons to neglect
my duty in not staying your Grace's proceedings, so
vehement and general against ministers and preachers,
as the Papists are thereby encouraged, and ill-disposed
subjects animated, and her Majesty's safety endangered."
Now that the Puritan party had the upper hand,
Burghley's proverbial middle course was not strong
enough for his colleagues, and they determined to deal
with Prelacy and Papacy at the same time. The first
thing was to pack the new Parliament, and in this
Leicester laboured unblushingly. Sir Simon D'Ewes'
Journal sets forth the great number of blank proxies sent
to the Earl ; and if his letter to the electors of Andover
is typical, this is not to be wondered at. He boldly asks
them to send him " your election in blank, and I will put
in the names." Another letter from the Privy Council to
Lord Cobham1 directs him to obtain the nomination of
all the members for the Cinque Ports. Parliament met
at the end of November, and a formal complaint of the
Puritan and Nonconformist ministers was presented to
1 Hatfield State Papers, part iii.

1584] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 389
the House of Commons, which, after reducing the number
of its articles from thirty-four to sixteen, it adopted and laid
before the House of Lords. Whitgift and his colleagues
fought hard, cautiously aided by Burghley and the Queen,
who, when she afterwards dismissed Parliament, roundly
scolded the members for interfering with her religious
prerogative ; and the only effect of the complaints was to
enable Burghley to exert pressure upon the prelates to
allay their zeal.
The attack of the militant Protestants against the
Catholics, however, was more effectual, although even
that was somewhat palliated by Lord Burghley's modera
tion. It was evident now that the Catholic League abroad
and its instruments would stick at nothing. Father
Creighton, the priest who had played so prominent a
part in the abortive plans of D'Aubigny, Mendoza, and
the Jesuits, had been captured with some of his brother
seminarists, and the rack had torn from them confirma
tion of the desperate plans of which the Throgmorton
conspiracy had given an inkling. Leicester and his party
had aroused Protestant horror of such projects to fever
heat. At his instance an association had been formed,
pledged by oath to defend the Queen's life or to avenge
it, and to exclude for ever from the throne any person
who might benefit by the Queen's removal. Mary Stuart
somewhat naturally regarded the last clause as directed
against herself, and endeavoured to take the sting from it
by offering her own qualified adhesion to the association,
which, however, was declined.
When the association was legalised by a bill in Par
liament, the Queen (Elizabeth), under Burghley's influ
ence, sent a message to the House, abating some of the
objectionable features, and reconciling it with the rules
of English equity. No penalties were to accrue before
the persons accused had been found guilty by a regular

390 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [.584
commission, and Mary and her heirs were excused from
forfeiture, unless Elizabeth were assassinated.
The new bill against Catholics was easily passed, under
feelings such as those prevailing in the House and the
country, and the enactment was regarded as a natural
retort to the promulgation of the Papal bulls in favour
of revolution in England. All native Jesuits and semi
narists found in England after forty days were to be
treated as traitors, and it was felony to shelter or harbour
them. English students or priests abroad were to be
forced to return within six months and take the oath of
supremacy, or incur the penalty for high treason ; and
many similar provisions were made, by which the world
could see that the militant Protestants of England had
picked up the gage thrown down by Philip and the
Pope. Henceforward it was to be war to the knife
until one side or the other was vanquished, and Lord
Burghley's astute policy of balance and compromise was
cast into the background after a quarter of a century of
almost unbroken success.1
Almost the only dissenting voice in the House of
Commons against the penal bill was that of Dr. William
Parry, member for Queenborough. In a violent and
abusive speech, he said that the House was so evidently
biassed that it was useless to give it the special reasons
he had for opposing the bill, but would state them to the
Queen alone. This was considered insulting to the House,
and he was committed to the charge of the sergeant-at-
arms, but was released by the Queen and Council the
following day. The events which followed form one of
the unsolved riddles of history. Parry was a man of bad
1 Even whilst the bill was passing through Parliament, however, the
effects of his moderation were seen. In March twenty Catholic priests and
one layman, either convicted or accused of treason, were released from prison
and sent to France. Father Howard himself told Mendoza that he was at a
loss to account for this leniency.

1584] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 391
character, who for years had been one of Burghley's
many spies upon the English refugees on the Continent.
He appears, however, to have been esteemed more highly
by the Treasurer than such instruments usually are.
When young Anthony Bacon was sent on his travels
to France, his uncle, Burghley, specially instructed him
to cultivate the acquaintance of Dr. Parry. Leicester
complained to the Queen of this, and the Lord Treasurer
undertook that his nephew should not be shaken either
in loyalty or religion by his acquaintanceship with Parry.1
After the latter returned to England in 1583 he was
elected member of the Parliament of the following year,
after having persistently but unsuccessfully begged a sine
cure office from Burghley. From his first arrival he had
been full of real or pretended plots for the assassination
of the Queen, which he professed to have discovered on
the Continent. He was, like all men of his profession, an
unprincipled scamp, and made these secret disclosures
the ground for ceaseless demands for reward. He was
disappointed and discontented, as well as vain and boast
ful, and overshot the mark. In one of his interviews
with the Queen he produced a somewhat doubtfully
worded letter of approval from the Papal Secretary of
State, Cardinal Como,2 which, he said, referred to a pre
tended project undertaken by him (Parry) for the murder
of the Queen. He talked loosely to Charles Neville and
other Catholics of this plot as a real one, and six weeks
1 He certainly was not benefited in purse ; for One of the first things
Parry did was to borrow fifty crowns of the young man, which he never
returned (Birch's Elizabeth). In the correspondence of Sir Thomas Copley
with Burghley at this period (iS79-8o), Parry is presented in a more favour
able light than that in which he is usually regarded, and so far as can be
judged by his letters he retained the Lord Treasurer's esteem almost to the
time of his arrest.
2 Mendoza, writing to Philip from Paris at the time, says that this letter
was forged (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth), but in any case the letter did
not necessarily imply approval of murder.

392 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1584
after his escapade in Parliament was arrested and lodged
in jail. At first he would admit nothing, but the fear of
the rack, or some other motive, produced from him a
full and complete confession of a regular plan — once, he
said, nearly executed — for killing Elizabeth ; but before
sentence he vehemently retracted, and appealed to the
knowledge of the Queen, Burghley, and Walsingham
that he was innocent. But if they possessed this know
ledge they never revealed it, and Parry died the revolting
death of a traitor, clamouring to the last that Elizabeth
herself was responsible for his sacrifice.
It cannot be doubted that Parry was an agent provo
cateur, and great question arises as to the reality of the
crime for which he was punished. I have found no
trace in the Spanish correspondence of his having been
a tool of Mendoza or Philip, such as exists in the cases
of Throgmorton, Babington, and others ; and I consider
that the evidence generally favours the idea that he was
deliberately caught in his own lure, and sacrificed in
order to aggravate the anti-Catholic fervour in the
country, and secure the passage of the penal enact
ments. In one particular I dissent from nearly every
historian who has written on the subject. All fingers
point at Lord Burghley as the author of the plan. I
look upon it as being the work of Leicester, Knollys,
and Walsingham. It was they, and not Burghley, who
were anxious to strengthen the fervent Protestant party.
It was they, and not Burghley, who were forcing the
penal enactments through the Parliament they had
packed. The Treasurer could hardly have been blind
to what was going on, but he could not afford to cham
pion Parry. The latter, a venal scoundrel known to be
in Burghley's pay, but discontented with his patron, was
doubtless bought by Leicester to play his part in Par
liament, and afterwards to confess the Catholic plot on

1584] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 393
the assurance of pardon, with the object of blackening the
Catholics, and perhaps, by implication, Burghley as well.
That Leicester's friends were at the time seeking to
represent the Lord Treasurer as against the Protestant
cause is clear from several indignant letters written by
Burghley himself. " If they cannot," he says, " prove all
their} lies, let them make use of any one proof wherewith
to prove me guilty of falsehood, injustice, bribery or
dissimulation or double-dealing in Council, either with
her Majesty or with her Councillors. Let them charge
me on any point that I have not dealt as earnestly with
the Queen to aid the afflicted in the Low Countries to
withstand the increasing power of the King of Spain,
the assurance of the King of Scots to be tied to her
Majesty with reward, yea, with the greatest pension that
any other hath. If in any of these I am proved to be
behind or slower than any in a discreet manner, I will
yield myself worthy of perpetual reproach as though I
were guilty of all they use to bluster against me. They
that say in rash and malicious mockery that England is
become Regnum Cecilianum may use their own cankered
humour." In July of the same year he writes in similar
strain to Sir Thomas Edmunds i1 "If you knew how
earnest a course I hold with her Majesty, both privately
and openly, for her to retain the King of Scots with
friendship and liberality, yea, and to retain the Master
of Gray and Justice-Clerk, with rewards to continue their
offices, which indeed are well known to me to be very
good, you would think there could be no more shameful
lies made by Satan himself than these be ; and finding
myself thus maliciously bitten with the tongues and pens
of courtiers here, if God did not comfort me, I had cause
to fear murdering hands or poisoning points ; but God
is my keeper." 1 Hatfield Papers, part iii.

394 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1584
The more or less hollow negotiations for the libera
tion of Mary, and for the association of her son with
herself in her sovereign rights, had dragged on inter
mittently for years, Burghley himself has set forth the
reasons for the successive failures ; x in each case the
discovery of some fresh plot in her favour. The serious
set of conspiracies brought to light in 1584 had caused
her removal from the mild custody of Burghley's friend,
Lord Shrewsbury, to that of the rigid Puritan, Sir Amyas
Paulet, at Tutbury. In her troubles the captive Queen,
like every one else, appealed to Burghley, and especi
ally in the matter of the reckless accusations of immo
rality brought by the Countess of Shrewsbury and her
Cavendish sons against her husband and Mary.2
Burghley's kindness in this matter, and his attempts
to soften the fresh severity of the Queen's captivity, had
not only persuaded Mary's agents that he was her friend,3
but had given to Leicester and his party an excuse for
spreading rumours to the Treasurer's detriment. At an
inopportune time, Nau, Mary's French secretary, had
gone to London with new plans of associated sove
reignty ; but almost simultaneously the Master of Gray
had arrived as James's Ambassador. He was easily
bought by the English Government, as we have seen,
with the full approval of Burghley ; * and on his return
to Scotland promptly caused the rejection by the Lords
of Nau's project in favour of Mary. It was never on
the question of securing the Scots by bribery to the
English interest that Burghley was remiss. It was open
war with Spain that he always opposed.
In the meanwhile the toils were closing round the un-
1 Harl. MSS., 4651. 2 Hatfield Papers, part iii.
3 See letter (Nau?) to Mary (Hatfield Papers, part iii. p. 125).
4 See letter from Burghley's nephew Hoby, at Berwick, to the Treasurer
(Hatfield Papers, part iii. p. 71).

1585] THE GREAT LORD M^^?*1^* 397
happy Mary. She had now thr^^seTfentirely n>>.^ v
the arms of Spain ; and the Gt^vere being gradually
but steadily forced into theickground by Philip, as
being likely to frustrate his ans, by claiming for their
kinsman, James Stuart, the<uccession of England after
his mother. Every letter , and from Tutbury was
intercepted by Paulet. Mor^n, Charles Paget, Robert
Bruce, and others, in their cc;nmunications with Mary,
laid bare her hopes and their iitrigues.1 If any doubts
had previously existed as to the ntentions of Spain and
the Queen of Scots, they could =xist no longer. The
only question for England was how best to withstand
the combination against her. He;re, as usual, Burghley
was at issue with the now dc/minant party of militant
Protestants; and equally, ar/usual, his opposition was
cautious and indirect, j^gfeester and his friends were
for open operations ^(galnslf Spain both in the Nether
lands and on tha^X. sea^, and for helping Henry III.
to withstand; Gufses . Whilst the Treasurer preferred
to stand /Ve defensive/and keep as much money in
hand Possible.2 Elizabeth rarely required urging to
parsimJ pOSSlD! i v aoDeiline to her weakness Burghley
^i£^%£* the Pla"SOf th6 °thCr

BHt events were too strong fo>fm. Mainly by his
influe? fTe"'celr had been restrained since 1580 from
SUSsingTgreat expedition ag^insf Philip in favour
°f ^Portuguese Pretender, Don^AnUo ; but in the
SPrin4of 1^85 the treacherous sei^reV of English ships
» SPC had aroused the English to fury. ^ Drake s
great Sedition of twenty-nine ships was fitted out,
andgfeeral reprisals authorised. Never was an expedi-
Ijfeatfield State Papers, part iii. Hatfield Papers,
Ifepanish State Papers, Elizabeth, part in. p. 5i

part— Tiii. p. 99

394 THE r^w^T LORD BURGHLEY [1585
.JSii more popular », hoIkhiS) for the English sailors were
aching for a fight wun tug they knew they could beat>
and Burghley's cautions vere scouted. Drake's fleet
sailed in September, doubtL, to the last moment whether
the Queen would not be pre\ iled upon to stay it . 1 and
by sacking Santo Domingo/d ravaging Santiago and
Cartagena almost without hindrance> demonstrated the
ineffective clumsiness of <philip.s methods. Leicester
and the war-party were ? w almost unrestrained ; for
the Lord Treasurer m^ the best of itj and confined
his efforts to minimising the CQst of the new policy as
much as possible, andf suggesting cauti0n to the Queen.
The Commissioner^ from the states continued to urge
the Queen to assume tiw3vereignty of the Netherlands,
and to govern the country, dther directly or through a
nominee ; but this was a ^w,onsibility which neither
she nor Burghley cared tc^lS^^ At lengthi after
much hesitation on the pai-^t ofT^nueen Sir John
Norris was sent with an English force*or*^J00 men t0
take possession of the strong, cautionary plailL offered
by the Hollanders, and Leicester was desigA(ate<j to
follow as Lieutenant-General of\the Queen's forc\es /gep.
tember 1585). ) \
Elizabeth approached the business with fean. anrj
trembling. It was a' departure from Burghley's salfe anj
tried policy, and 1 vas involving her in large expend jiture.
She distrusted reb els and popular governments ; sfjjg ^
not like to send away her best troops in a time of
and she railed often and loudly at Leicester and x
ham for dragging her into such a pass. Only a
Leicester's appointment she changed her mind an^
him suspend his preparations. " Her pleasure is,

langer, alsing-
ay after
d bade
wrote

Walsingham, "that you proceed no further untiflL 0ll
speak with her. How this cometh about I know\not,
1 Carliell to Walsingham, 4th October 1585 (State Papers, Domestic!

1585] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 397
The matter is to be kept secret. These changes here
may work some such changes in the Low Countries ar-
may prove irreparable. God give her Majesty another^
mind, ... or it will work both hers and her best affected
subjects' ruin."1 To this Leicester wrote one letter of
submission to be shown to the Queen, and the other for
Walsingham's own eye, full of indignation. " This," he
says, "is the strangest dealing in the world. . . . What
must be thought of such an alteration ? I am weary of
life and all."
Elizabeth had, however, gone too far now to retire,
and Leicester's journey went forward. But it is plain to
see that whilst he was making his preparations to act as
sovereign on his own account, the Queen, influenced by
Burghley, was drafting his instructions in a way that
strictly limited his power for harm, and minimised her
responsibility towards Spain. Leicester was directed to
" let the States understand that whereby their Commis
sioners made offer unto her Majesty, first of the sove
reignty of those countries, which for sundry respects she
did not accept ; secondly, under her protection to be
governed absolutely by such as her Majesty would appoint
and send over as her Lieutenant. That her Majesty,
although she would not take so much upon her as to
command them in such absolute sort, yet unless they
should show themselves forward to use the advice of her
Majesty . . . she would think her favours unworthily
bestowed upon them."
This must have been gall and wormwood for Leices
ter, for in his own notes he lays down as his guiding
principles, " First, that he have as much authoryte as the
Prince of Orange had ; or any other Captain-General
hath had heretofore: second, that there be as much
allowance by the States for the said Governor as the
1 Cotton, Galba, cviii. (Leycester Correspondence).

398 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1585
Prince had, with all offices apportenaunt." J He had
infinite trouble in getting money from the Queen, and
vent so far as to offer to pledge his own lands to her as
security ; but at last, in December, all was ready, and
Leicester foolishly went to Holland with his vague ambi
tions, leaving Burghley in possession at home. It is
plain from his beseeching letter of farewell to the Lord
Treasurer that he recognised the danger. He prays him
earnestly not to have any change made in the plans
agreed upon, and to provide sufficient resources for the
sake of the cause involved and for the Queen's honour.
" Hir Majesty, I se, my lord, often tymes doth fall into
myslyke of this cause, and sondry opinions yt may brede
in hir withal, but I trust in the Lord, seeing hir Highness
hath thus far resolved, and gone also to this far executyon
as she hath, and that myne and other menne's poor lives
are adventured for hir sake, that she will fortify and
mainteyn her own action to the full performance that
she hath agreed on."2 Burghley was very ill at the
time, unable to rise from his couch, but in answer to the
Earl's appeal he assured him that he would consider
himself "accursed in the sight of God" if he did not
strive earnestly to promote the success of the expedition.
The Lord Treasurer was, of course, sincere in his
desire to prevent the collapse of the Protestant cause in
the Netherlands, for he had never ceased for years to
insist that the quietude of England mainly depended
upon it. Where he differed from Leicester was in his
determination, if possible, to avoid such action as
would lead to an open breach with Spain. Before
even Leicester landed at Flushing he had begun to
quarrel with the Dutchmen, and in a fortnight was
intriguing to obtain an offer of the sovereignty of the
1 Harl. MSS., 285 (Leycester Correspondence).
2 Harl. MSS., 6993 (Leycester Correspondence).

1586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 399
States for himself. The offer was made, and modestly
refused at first ; but on further pressure Leicester ac
cepted the sovereignty, as he had intended to do from
the first (January 1586). The rage of Elizabeth knew no
bounds. This would make her infamous, she said, to all
the world. Leicester was timid at the consequences of
the step he had taken, and made matters worse by delay
ing for weeks to write explanations to the angry Queen.
Walsingham and Hatton did their best, but very ineffec
tually, to appease her. Burghley in a letter to Leicester
(7th February) assured him that he too had done so, and
that he himself approved of his action, and hoped to
"move her Majesty to alter her hard opinion." As we
have seen, Burghley's opposition was seldom direct, and
it may be accepted as probable that he mildly deprecated
the Queen's anger against her favourite ; but a remark in
a letter (17th February) from Davison, who was sent by
Leicester to explain and extenuate his act to the Queen,1
seems to show that the Lord Treasurer's advocacy had
not been so earnest as he would have had Leicester to
believe. The Queen had ordered Heneage to go to Holland
post-haste, to command Leicester openly to abandon his
new title; but from the 7th February till the 14th, whilst
Heneage's harsh instructions were being drafted, Burgh
ley was diplomatically absent from court, and the pleading
of Walsingham and Hatton had no softening effect upon
the Queen. On the 13th February, Davison at length
1 The unfortunate Davison, born apparently to be made a scapegoat, had
to bear Leicester's reproaches for the Queen's anger, which the Earl said was
owing to Davison's ineffective or insincere advocacy — Davison being a distant
connection both of Burghley's and Leicester's. The latter even had the
meanness to allege that it was mainly owing to Davison's persuasion that he
accepted the sovereignty, and Davison was disgraced and banished from court
for a time in consequence. See Sir Philip Sidney's letters tQ Davison (Harl.
MSS., 285).

400 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
arrived with Leicester's excuses. The Queen railed and
stormed until he was reduced to tears. She refused at
first to receive Leicester's letter or to delay Heneage's
departure. Burghley arrived the next day, and Davison
writes on the 17th that he " had successfully exerted himself
to convince the Lord Treasurer that the measures adopted
were necessary, and that his Lordship had urged the
Queen on the subject."
The only effect of Burghley's persuasion, however,
was to obtain for Heneage discretion to withhold, if he
considered necessary, the Queen's letter to the States,
and to save Leicester from the degradation of a public
renunciation. Burghley had thus done his best to pre
serve Leicester's friendship and gratitude ; but, after all,
it was his policy, and not that of Leicester, that was
triumphant. Heneage was a friend of the Earl's, and on
his arrival in Holland delayed action ; but the Queen
was not to be appeased. She had, she said, been
slighted, and her commission exceeded, and would send
no money till her instructions were fulfilled. Confusion
and danger naturally resulted, and Leicester's friends
redoubled their efforts to save him. Burghley himself
assured Leicester (31st March) that he had threatened to
resign his office unless she changed her course. " I used
boldly such language in this matter, as I found her
doubtful whether to charge me with presumption, which
partly she did, or with some astonishment of my round
speech, which truly was no other than my conscience
did move me, even in amaritudine anima. And then her
Majesty began to be more calm than before, and, as I
conceived, readier to qualify her displeasure." x
When the Queen saw that Heneage and Leicester
were construing her leniency into acquiescence of the
Earl's action, she blazed out again ; and when Burghley
1 Cotton, Galba, ex. (Leycester Correspondence).

1586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 401
begged her to allow Heneage to return and explain the
circumstances, "she grew so passionate in the matter
that she forbade me to argue more ; " and herself wrote
a letter to Heneage containing these words : " Do as
you are bidden, and leave your considerations for your
own affairs ; for in some things you had clear command
ment, which you did not do, and in others none, which
you did." At the urgent prayer of the States, however,
representing the danger to the cause which a public
deposition of Leicester would bring about, the Queen
finally allowed matters to rest until they could devise
some harmless way out of the difficulty.
Throughout the whole business Burghley almost
ostentatiously acted the part of Leicester's friend. It
was a safe course for him to take, for the Queen was
so angry that he could keep the good-will of Leicester
and the Protestants, and yet be certain of the ultimate
failure of his opponent. As soon as the States under
stood Leicester's position, and had realised his incom
petence, they were only too anxious to be rid of him ;
and throughout his inglorious government Burghley
could well speak in his favour, for it must have been
evident that the Earl was working his own ruin, and that
his position was untenable. One curious feature in the
matter is that both Burghley and Walsingham hinted to
Leicester that the Queen was being influenced by some
one underhand. " Surely," writes the Secretary, " there
isfcome treachery amongst ourselves, for I cannot think
she would do this out of her own head ; " and the gossip
qf the court pointed at Ralegh, who wrote to Leicester x
vigorously protesting against the calumny.
There were, however, wheels within wheels in Eliza
beth's court. Two of her Councillors were Spanish spies,
Ralegh was Burghley's partisan, the Conservative party
1 Harl. MSS., 6994 (Edwards' " Letters of Ralegh ").
2 C

402 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
in favour of friendship with the House of Burgundy was
not dead, and, notwithstanding all that has been written,
it may be fairly assumed that the decadence of Leicester
and the militant Protestant party during the Earl's ab
sence in Holland did not take place without some secret
prompting from Lord Burghley.
In the meanwhile the plans for the invasion of Eng
land were gradually maturing in Philip's slow mind.
The raid of Drake's fleet upon his colonies, and Leices
ter's assumption of the sovereignty of the Netherlands,
had at last convinced Philip, after nearly thirty years of
hesitancy, that England must be coerced into Catholi
cism, or Spain must descend from its high estate. So
long as the elevation of Mary Stuart meant a Guisan
domination of England, with shifty James as his mother's
heir, it had not suited Philip to squander his much
needed resources upon the overthrow of Elizabeth ;
but by this time Guise was pledged to vast ambitions
in France, which could only be -realised by Philip's
help. The Jesuits and English Catholics had persuaded
the Spaniard that he would be welcomed in England,
whilst a Scot or a Frenchman would be resisted to the
death. Most of Mary's agents, too, had been bribed to
the same side, and Mendoza in Paris was her prime
adviser and mainstay. Various attempts were made by
the Scottish Catholics and Guise's friends to manage
the subjugation of England over the Scottish Border ;
but though Philip affected to listen to their approaches,
and used them as a diversion, his plan was already
fixed — England must be won by Spaniards in Mary's
name, and be held thenceforward in Spanish hands.
Mary was ready to agree to anything, and at the prompt
ing of Philip's agents she disinherited her son (June 1586)
in favour of the King of Spain. Morgan, Paget, and
others had at last succeeded in reopening communica-

1586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 403
tion with Mary, who had now lost all hope of release
except by force. A close alliance between England
and James VI. had been agreed to : she knew that no
help would come from her son or his Government ;
and her many letters to Charles Paget, to Mendoza,
and to Philip himself, leave no doubt whatever that
she was fully cognisant of the plans for the overthrow,
and perhaps murder, of Elizabeth, in order that she,
Mary, might be raised by Spanish pikes to the English
throne.1 In May 1586 the priest Ballard had seen Mendoza
in Paris, and had sought the countenance of Spain for
the assassination of Elizabeth ; and in August the matter
had so far progressed as to enable Gifford to give to
Mendoza full particulars of the vile plan. There was,
according to his account, hardly a Catholic or schis
matic gentleman in England who was not in favour
of the plot ; and though Philip always distrusted a con
spiracy known to many, he promised armed help from
Flanders if the Queen were killed. Mendoza, when he
saw Gifford, recommended that Don Antonio, Burghley,
Walsingham, Hunsdon, Knollys, and Beale should be
killed ; but the King wrote on the margin of the letter,
" It does not matter so much about Cecil, although he
is a great heretic, but he is very old, and it was he who
1 Amongst many other proofs may be mentioned her letter to Charles
Paget, 27th July 1586 (Hatfield Papers, part iii.), in which she says : " Upon
Ballard's return the principal Catholics who had despatched him oversea
imparted to her their intentions;" but she advises that "nothing is to be
stirred on this side until they have full assurance and promise from the Pope
and Spain." In another letter of the same date to Mendoza she says that
although she had turned a deaf ear for six months to the various overtures
made to her by the Catholics, now that she had heard of the intentions of
the King of Spain, she had consented thereto (Spanish State Papers, Eliza
beth, part iii.). Again, on the same day, she instructed the French Ambassador
to ask Burghley to be careful in the choice of a new guardian for her, "so
that whatever happen, whether it be the death of the Queen of England,
or a rebellion in the country, my life may be safe" (LabanofT).

4o4 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
advised the understandings with the Prince of Parma,
and he has done no harm. It would be advisable to do
as he [i.e. Mendoza] says with the others." J
The folly of Babington and his friends almost passes
belief. They seem to have been prodigal of their con
fidences, and to have had no apprehension of treachery.
Babington's own letter to Mary setting forth in full all
the plans in favour of "his dear sovereign" (6th July)
was handed immediately by the false agent Gifford to
Walsingham. No move was made by Walsingham,
except to send the clever clerk Phillips to Chartley to
decipher all intercepted letters on the spot, and so to
avoid delay in their delivery, which might arouse the
suspicion of the conspirators. Surrounded by spies
and traitors, but in fancied security, the unhappy Queen
involved herself daily deeper in the traps laid for her;
approved of Babington's wild plans, and made provision
for her own release, whilst Walsingham watched and
waited. When the proofs were incontestable, and all
in the Secretary's hands, the blow fell. On the 4th
August Ballard was arrested, Babington and the in
tended murderer Savage a day or so afterwards, and
Mary Stuart's doom was sealed. She was hurried off
temporarily to Tixhall ; Nau and Curll were placed
under arrest, the Queen's papers seized, and her rooms
closely examined. Amias Paulet was a faithful jailer,
and he did his work well. " Amyas, my most faithful,
careful servant," wrote Elizabeth, " God reward thee
treblefold for the most troublesome charge so well
discharged. If you knew, my Amyas, how kindly, be
sides most dutifully, my grateful heart accepts and
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. iii. The reference to Parma applies
to certain negotiations for peace which had been attempted by Andrea de Looe,
Agostino Graffini, and William Bodenham. In a statement furnished by an
English agent to Philip in November, it is also asserted that these negotia
tions were initiated by Burghley " who was always against the war."

1586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 405
prizes your spotless endeavours and faultless actions,
your wise orders and safe regard, performed in so dan
gerous and crafty a charge, it would ease your travail
and rejoice your heart. . . . Let your wicked murderess
know how with hearty sorrow her vile deserts compel
these orders, and bid her from me ask God's forgive
ness for her treacherous dealing." Elizabeth and her
ministers rightly appreciated the great peril which she
had escaped, and from the first it was recognised by
most of them that Mary had forfeited all claim to con
sideration at their hands.1
It is usually assumed by a certain class of writers
that Mary was unjustly hounded to her death, mainly
by the personal enmity of Lord Burghley. Nothing, in
reality, is more distant from the truth. A most dangerous
conspiracy against the government and religion of Eng
land had been discovered, in which she was a prime
mover. Her accomplices rightly suffered the penalty of
their crime,2 and it was due to justice and to the safety
of the country that the mainspring of the conspiracy
should be disabled for further harm. But still the
matter was a delicate and dangerous one, for Catholics
were numerous in England, and the great Catholic con
federacy abroad was ready to take any advantage which
a false step on the part of Elizabeth might give them.
As we have seen, moreover, the feelings of the Queen
1 Mendoza wrote to Philip (8th November) : " When Cecil saw the
papers (taken in Mary's rooms) he told the Queen that now that she had so
great an advantage, if she did not proceed with all rigour at once against
the Queen of Scotland, he himself would seek her friendship. These words
are worthy of so clever a man as he is, and were intended to lead the other
Councillors to follow him in holding the Queen of England back." It is
evident from this that Mendoza did not consider Cecil to be Mary's enemy.
2 Babington, Savage, Ballard, Barnewell, Tylney, Tichbourne, and Abing
don were executed. at St. Giles-in-the-Fields on the 20th September. Mendoza
says that as Babington's heart was being torn out he was distinctly heard to
pronounce the word "Jesus" thrice.

406 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
of England herself with regard to the sacredness of
anointed sovereigns was strong, and no more difficult
problem had ever faced the Government than how to
dispose of their troublesome guest in a way that should
in future safeguard England from her machinations,
whilst respecting the many susceptibilities involved. As
usual in moments of difficulty, Elizabeth turned to her
aged minister,1 and as a result of a long private con
ference with him the question was submitted to the
Privy Council. The Catholic members advocated only
a further stringency in Mary's imprisonment. Leicester
was in favour of solving the difficulty by the aid of
poison,2 whilst Burghley, followed by Walsingham and
others, proposed a regular judicial inquiry, which was
now legally possible by virtue of the Act of Association
passed by Parliament in the previous year. A commis
sion was consequently issued on the 6th October for
the trial of Mary, containing the names of forty-six of
the principal peers and judges, and all the Councillors,
but only after some bickering between the Queen and
Burghley with regard to the style to be given to Mary
and other details.3
Before this point had been reached, however, measures
had been taken to test the feeling of foreign powers
on the subject. Diplomatic relations had ceased between
Spain and England ; but as soon as the Babington con-
1 State Papers, Domestic. 2 Camden.
3 Davison, who had just been appointed an additional Secretary of State,
wrote to Burghley from Windsor (5th October) that the Queen did not like
the wording, "Tam per Maria filiam et hseredem Jacob! quinti nuper Scotoru
Regis ac communiter vocatam Scotoru Regis et dotare Franciae." She wished
it to be, " Tam per Maria filiam &c. . . . Scotoru Regis et dotare Franciae
communiter vocata Regina Scotoru." Thus it is seen that, although Elizabeth
made no difficulty about acknowledging Mary as Queen Dowager of France,
she would not recognise her as of right Queen of Scots. Davison adds that
she was sending a special messenger to Burghley to discuss the matter with
him.

i586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 407
spiracy was discovered, Walsingham impressed upon
Chateauneuf, the French Ambassador, that the Spaniards
were at the bottom of it, and that it was directed almost
as much against the King of France as against Elizabeth
herself. The Ambassador himself was a strong Guisan,1
and personally was an object of odium and suspicion to
the excited Londoners ; but his master's hatred of the
Guises and dread of their objects was growing daily, and
when Madame de Montpensier prayed Henry to inter
cede for the protection of Mary, she obtained but a cold
answer;2 and no official step by the French was taken in
her favour at the time, except as a matter of justice Eliza
beth was requested that she might have the assistance of
counsel. It was clear, therefore, that Henry III. would
not go to war for the sake of his sister-in-law.
Mary was removed to Fotheringay for trial on the 6th
October, and on the following day Paulet and Mildmay
delivered to her Elizabeth's letter, informing her of the
charges against her, and the tribunal to which she was to
be submitted. She indignantly refused to acknowledge
Elizabeth's right to place her, an anointed sovereign,
upon her trial ; but she denied all knowledge and com
plicity in the murder plot. This was the safest attitude
she could have assumed, although the proofs against her
already in the hands of Elizabeth were overwhelming ; 3
1 He was the secret means of communication between Mendoza and his
spies in England. 2 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
3 Nau and Curll, the two Secretaries, had been closely examined by
Burghley in London, and at first had denied everything, but subsequently
when confronted with their own handwriting, were obliged to acknowledge
— especially Nau — Mary's cognisance of Babington's plans. Nau afterwards
(1605) endeavoured to minimise his admissions, but Mary's letter to Mendoza
(Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, 23rd November) which was not delivered
or opened until long after Mary's death, leaves no doubt whatever that Mary
considered he had betrayed her. Curll lived for the rest of his life on a
handsome pension from Spain, but Nau got nothing. Mary's first answer to
her accusers, that she was a free princess and not subject to Elizabeth's tribunal,
had been foreseen by Beale (see his opinion, Harl. MSS., 4646).

408 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
and the arguments of Burghley and Lord Chancellor
Bromley failed to alter Mary's determination. This was
embarrassing, and in the face of it Elizabeth wrote to
Burghley1 instructing him that, although the examination
might proceed, no judgment was to be delivered until she
had conferred with him. At the same time she wrote to
Mary a letter of mingled threats and hope, with the
object of changing her attitude towards the tribunal.
This, added to the persuasions of Hatton, succeeded in
the object,2 and Mary, unfortunately for her, retreated
from her unassailable position.
On the 14th, two days afterwards, the tribunal sat in
the great hall of Fotheringay Castle, and Mary, almost
crippled with rheumatism, painfully hobbled to her place,
supported by her Steward, Sir Andrew Melvil. On the
right of the Lord Chancellor sat Lord Burghley. That
the proceedings against Mary, in which he had from the
first taken an active part, were in his opinion necessary
for the safety of England, is clear from his many letters
upon the subject; but it is equally evident that if he
could decently have avoided personal identification with
them he would have been better pleased. His letters to
Popham, the Attorney-General, show that he wished to be
absent from the trial ; but as he wrote at the time to Sir
Edward Stafford, the English Ambassador in France, " I
was never more toiled than I have been of late, and yet
am, with services that here do multiply daily ; and whoso
ever scapeth I am never spared. God give me grace."
Much of the obloquy that has been unjustly cast upon
him in the matter of Mary Stuart arises from his invete
rate habit of putting everything in writing, which other
men did not do. For instance, the draft of the whole case,
or, as he puts it, " the indignities and wrongs done and
1 Queen to Burghley, I2th October (Cotton, Caligula, cix.).
2 Camden Annals, and Life of Sir Thomas Egerlon.

1586] THE*GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 409
offered by the Queen of Scots to the Queen," is in his
handwriting,1 and the letters to the Queen detailing the
progress of events at Fotheringay are sent from him,
whilst Elizabeth's instructions through Davison are all
addressed to Walsingham and Burghley. But it must
be remembered that he was the Queen's most trusted
and experienced Councillor, and the existence of records
written by or to him does not show that he was more
eager than the rest for the sacrifice of the Scottish
Queen. Mary defended herself with consummate ability before
a tribunal almost entirely prejudiced against her. She
was deprived of legal aid, without her papers, and in ill
health ; and, according to modern notions, the procedure
against her was unjust in the extreme. Once she turned
upon Walsingham and denounced him as the contriver
of her ruin, but soon regained her composure ; and in
her argument with Burghley, with respect to the avowals
of Babington and her Secretaries, reached a point of
touching eloquence which might have moved the hearts,
though it did not convince the intellects, of her august
judges.2 But her condemnation was a foregone con
clusion ; and although the sentence was not pronounced
until the return of the Commission to Westminster
(October 25), Mary left the hall of Fotheringay practically
a condemned felon on the 15th.
But it was one thing to condemn and another thing
to execute. Here Elizabeth's scruples again assailed
1 Hatfield Papers, part iii.
2 Howell's State Trials. Burghley writes to Davison ( 1 5th October, Cotton,
Caligula): "She has only denied the accusations. Her intention was to
move pity by long artificial speeches, to lay all blame upon the Queen's
Majesty, or rather upon the Council, that all the troubles past did ensue from
them, avowing her reasonable offers and our refusals. And in these speeches
I did so encounter her with reasons out of my knowledge and experience, as
she hath not the advantage she looked for. And, as I am assured, the audi
tory did find her case not pitiable, and her allegations untrue."

410 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
her. The two Houses of Parliament addressed her on
the 12th November, begging that for the sake of the
realm and her own safety the sentence might be carried
into effect. At no point of her career was the profound
duplicity of Elizabeth more resorted to than now. She
had evidently determined that Mary must die, which is
of itself not surprising ; but she was equally determined
that, if she could help it, no blame should personally
attach to her for having disregarded the privileges of a
crowned head. After much pretended sorrow and re
pudiation of any desire for revenge, but at the same time
setting forth a careful recapitulation of Mary's offences,
she complained of Parliament for passing the Act which
made it necessary for her to pronounce sentence of death
on a kinswoman, and said she must take time for prayer
and contemplation before she could give an answer to the
petition. A few days afterwards she besought the Houses
to consider again whether some other course could not
be adopted instead of executing Mary, but she was
assured by them that there was "no other sound and
assured means " than that which they had formerly re
commended (18th November). Her next address to the
Houses was still more hypocritical. After infinite talk
of her mercy, her goodness, and her hatred of blood
shed, even for her own safety, she ended enigmatically :
"Therefore if I should say I would not do what you
request, it might be peradventure more than I thought,
and to say I would do it might perhaps breed peril of
what you labour to preserve, being more than in your
own wisdoms and discretions would seem convenient." J
Several days before this, Mary's sentence had been
communicated to her by Lord Buckhurst and Beale.
She was dignified and courageous, rejoiced that she was
to die, as she said, for the Catholic faith, and again
1 Hollingshead.

1 586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 4n
affirmed that she had taken no part in the plot for the
murder of Elizabeth, which was doubtless true so far as
active participation or direction was concerned. Her
letters written immediately afterwards to Mendoza x and
the Duke of Guise2 are conceived in the same spirit,
and appear to entertain no expectation of mercy. The
Spaniards, however, were more hopeful, and ascribed to
Burghley a deep scheme for selling Mary's life to France,
in exchange for concessions to English interests.
The arrangements for the invasion of England by a
great fleet from Spain were now so far advanced as to be
impossible of concealment, and the English Government
were actively adopting measures of defence and reprisal.
Under the transparent pretext of aiding Don Antonio,
English armed ships were hounding Spanish commerce
from the seas and harrying Spanish settlements ; the
English troops under Leicester, and the Scots under the
Master of Gray, were fighting Spaniards in Holland,
and the English militant Protestant party had now sup
planted Burghley's policy on all sides. But still the
cautious old statesman patiently worked in his own way
to minimise the dangers with which his political oppo
nents had already surrounded the Queen. There were
two things only that he could do, namely, once more to
endeavour to disarm Spain by making a show of friend
ship, and to sow discord between France and Spain ;
and both these things he did. One of Ralegh's privateers
had captured Philip's governor of Patagonia, the famous
explorer and navigator, Sarmiento ; and almost simulta
neously with the passing of Mary's sentence, Ralegh was
invited to bring his prisoner to Cecil House for a private
conference. Sarmiento was flattered and made much of,
1 Mary to Mendoza, 24th November (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth,
part iii.).
2 Paris Archives ; in extenso in Von Raumer.

412 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
and received his free release on condition of his taking to
Spain messages from Burghley and Ralegh suggesting a
friendly arrangement between the countries. Ralegh,
indeed, went so far as to offer — whether sincerely or not
does not affect the question — two of his ships for Philip's
service, and for many weeks sympathetic messages found
their way secretly from the Lord Treasurer and Sir
Walter to Spain and Flanders.1
At the same time Sir Henry Wotton was sent to Paris
with certified copies of Mary's will in favour of Philip,
and of her correspondence with Mendoza. " He is
instructed to point out how much she depended upon
your Majesty, and how shy she was of France."2 This was
exactly the course most likely to alienate Henry III. from
Spain and his sister-in-law ; and although he tardily sent
Pomponne de Bellievre to remonstrate with Elizabeth, the
Spaniards and Guisans, at all events, never believed in the
sincerity of his protests.3 Mendoza writes : " Elizabeth
has given orders that directly Bellievre arrives in England
the rumour is to be spread that the Queen of Scots is
killed, in order to discover how he takes it. Bellievre,
however, is forewarned of it, and has his instructions what
1 Philip's secret agent in London wrote at the time urging that "a
message should be sent from Spain to the Lord Treasurer, who is the ruling
spirit in all this business, and is desirous of peace, to let him know that your
Majesty wished for his friendship" (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, part iii.).
' Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, part iii.
3 Bellievre did not arrive in England until 1st December. An account of
his embassy will be found printed in Labanoff. The regular Ambassador,
Chateauneuf, did his best, for he was a Guisan, but Elizabeth flatly told him
she believed he was exceeding his instructions. His own doubts as to his
master's real wishes are expressed in a letter to D'Esneval in Paris (20th
October): "Je vous prie me mander privement, ou ouvertement, l'intention
de Sa Majeste sur les choses de deca ; car il me semble que l'on se soucie fort
peu de par dela du fait de la Reine d'Ecosse." Davison wrote to Burghley at
Fotheringay (8th October), telling him ofthe "presumption" of Chateauneuf s
first remonstrance, and the rebuke sent to him by the Queen "for attempting
to school her in her actions."

1586] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 413
to say when he hears it. It is a plan of Cecil's arising
out of a desire (as I wrote to your Majesty) to sell to the
French on the best terms they can what they do not
dream of carrying out. The English and French will
have no difficulty in agreeing on the point, because the
King and his mother are very well pleased that the Queen
of Scots should be kept alive, though a prisoner, in order
to prevent the succession of your Majesty to the English
throne; whilst the English see plainly that the many
advantages accruing to them from keeping the Queen of
Scots a prisoner would change into as many dangers if
they made away with her." J
On the 6th December public proclamation of Mary's
sentence was made in London amidst signs of extra
vagant rejoicing on the part of the populace. The next
day Bellievre delivered a long speech to the Queen, in
which he made no attempt to deny Mary's guilt, but
appealed to Elizabeth's magnanimity, and proposed
guarantees from France to insure Mary's future harm-
lessness. The Queen repeated bitterly her grievances
against Mary, and replied that the life of Mary was in
compatible with her own safety ; and Lord Burghley, in
a subsequent interview with the Frenchman, repeated
more emphatically the same idea. Shortly afterwards,
at the renewed request of Bellievre and Chateauneuf,
Elizabeth ungraciously consented to grant a respite of
twelve days to Mary to enable the Ambassadors to com
municate with their master. But Henry III. himself was
now in a hopeless condition. " Such is the confusion of
the court, the vacillation of the King, and the jealousy,
hatred, and suspicion of the courtiers, that decisions are
adopted and abandoned at random. . . . The King is
trying to draw closer to the Queen of England, which is
1 Mendoza to Philip, 7th December (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth,
part iii.).

4H THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1586
the principal object of Bellievre's mission." J The only
reply, therefore, sent to Bellievre and Chateauneuf from
France was a pedantic and wordy appeal to Elizabeth's
mercy, which must have convinced her that she need
fear nothing from the French.2
Notwithstanding the first movement of indignation
on the part of James also, it soon became clear that
selfish reasons would confine his action to protest. This
is not altogether to be wondered at. He had been in
formed that Mary had disinherited him, and told De
Courcelles, the French Ambassador, that he knew " she
had no more good-will towards him than towards the
Queen of England." The Master of Gray, at his side, too,
was the humble servant of England, and the traitor,
Archibald Douglas, represented him in the English
court. On pressure from France, however, James sent
Sir William Keith, another English partisan, to intercede
for his mother, or at least to induce Elizabeth to delay
the execution until a fitting embassy from him might be
sent. Elizabeth hectored and stormed at James's threaten
ing letters ; but when she became calmer she granted the
twelve days' respite already referred to. The Master of
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, part iii. In a marginal note to another
letter, Philip himself expresses an opinion that Bellievre has gone, not to save
Mary's life, but for another purpose.
2 See Lord Burghley's notes of this appeal for his reply thereto (Hatfield
State Papers, part iii.) ; and also Elizabeth's own most interesting letter to
Henry III. (Harl. MSS., 4647). She ends by a hit at Henry's helpless
position : " I beg you, therefore, rather to think of the means of preserving
than of diminishing my friendship. Your States, my good brother, cannot
bear many enemies ; do not for God's sake give the rein to wild horses, lest
they throw you from your seat." Another characteristic step taken in England
at the same time was to concoct a bogus plot to murder Elizabeth, in which
it was pretended that the Ambassador Chateauneuf was concerned. This gave
an opportunity for much anger and complaint on the part of Elizabeth, especi
ally against the Guises ; and in Lord Burghley's memoranda giving reasons
for Mary's execution, this so-called plot of Stafford, Moody, and Destrappes
is gravely set forth as a contributing factor.

is87] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 415
Gray and Sir Robert Melvil subsequently arrived at the
English court and were equally unsuccessful.1 Melvil
undoubtedly did his best, and Elizabeth threatened his
life in consequence ; but the Master of Gray's advocacy
went no further than he knew would please the English
Government. It is certain that Elizabeth herself had decided that
Mary should die, if the execution could be carried out
without uniting France and Spain against her, and
especially if she herself could manage to escape personal
opprobrium. Of Lord Burghley's personal opinion on the
matter it is extremely difficult to judge. He is generally
represented by historians as being the prime enemy and
persecutor of the unhappy woman, which he certainly was
not. He was a cautious man and took his stand behind
legal forms ; but the slightest slackness on his part was
represented by Leicester and his friends as a desire to
curry favour with Mary. He, the Howards, Crofts, and
the other conservatives were, as usual, desirous of
staving off the rupture with Spain, but dared not appear
for a moment to favour so unpopular a cause as that of
Mary. The truth of this view is partly shown by the
revelations of Sir Edward Stafford, the English Ambas
sador in Paris, a great friend of Burghley's and a paid
agent of Spain. Stafford told Charles Arundell in January
that Burghley had written that Bellievre had not acted
so cleverly as they had expected, and if that he (Burghley)
had not prompted him he would have done worse still.
1 Gray's own feelings in the matter may be seen by his copious correspond
ence with Archibald Douglas, at Hatfield. He had, when he was in Flanders,
proposed that Mary might be put out of the way by poison, and was hated
by Mary's friends in consequence. " If she die," he said, " I shall be blamed,
and if she live I shall be ruined ; " but he was forced against his will to accept
the embassy and acted in a similar way to Bellievre — pleaded with strong
words but weak arguments, in order that his own position might be saved
whether Mary lived or died.

416 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
"He was advised to ask for private audience without
Chateauneuf, and was closeted with the Queen, who was
accompanied by only four persons. What passed at the
interview was consequently not known ; but that he
(Cecil) could assure him (Stafford) that the Queen of
Scotland's life would be spared, although she would
be kept so close that she would not be able to carry
on her plots as hitherto. This is what I have always
assured your Majesty was desired by the Queen of
England, as well as the King of France. Cecil also
says that, although he has constantly shown himself
openly against the Queen of Scots, Leicester and Wal
singham, his enemies, had tried to set the Queen against
him by saying that he was more devoted to the Queen
of Scotland than any one. But she (Elizabeth) had
seen certain papers in her (Mary's) coffers that told
greatly against Leicester, and the Queen had told the
latter and Walsingham that they were a pair of knaves,
and she saw plainly now that, owing to her not having
taken the advice of certain good and loyal subjects of
hers, she was in peril of losing her throne and her life,
by burdening herself with a war which she was unable
to carry on. She said if she had done her duty as
Queen she would have had them both hanged." x
By this and several similar pronouncements it would
appear that Burghley, true to his invariable method,
was still by indirect and cautious steps endeavouring to
lead the Queen back to the moderate path from which
Leicester, Walsingham, and the militant Protestants had
diverted her ; and that, very far from being the mortal
enemy of Mary, he would probably have saved her if
he could have done it with perfect harmlessness to him
self, and have insured the future security of the Queen
1 Mendoza to Philip, 24th January 1587 (Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth,
vol. iv.).

1587] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 417
and Government. But whilst the Queen was very slowly
being influenced by the Catholics and Conservatives near
her, events were precipitated and Mary paid the last
penalty. There is no space in this work to tell in
detail the obscure and much debated story of the issue
of the warrant for Mary's execution ; J but a summary
glance at Burghley's share in it cannot be excluded in
any biography of the statesman. Soon after the procla
mation of the sentence (6th December 1586) Elizabeth
herself directed Burghley to draft the warrant for the
execution. He did so, and sent for Secretary Davison —
Walsingham being absent from illness — and informed
him that as he, Burghley, was returning to London,
the court then being at Richmond, he would leave the
draft with Davison that it might be engrossed and
presented to the Queen for signature. When Davison
laid the document before the Queen she told him to
keep it back for the present. Six weeks passed without
anything more being done, and Leicester in the interval
complained to Davison, in Burghley's presence, of his
remissness in not again laying the document before the
Queen. The Master of Gray left London at the end of
January, and on the ist February Lord Admiral Howard
told the Queen that there was much disquieting talk in
the country with regard to attempts to be made for the
rescue of Mary, &c.2 Elizabeth then requested Howard
to send for Davison and direct him to lay the warrant
befpre her for signature. The Secretary accordingly
carried the warrant to the Queen, who was full of
smiles and amiability, and asked him what he had there.
D^lsOn told her, and she signed the warrant, explaining
1 JThe matter is fully discussed in Nicolas's Life of Davison.
2 It is curious that the warning should come from Howard, a Catholic and
a Conservative, several of whose relatives were Spanish pensioners.
2D

4i 8 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
to him whilst doing so, that she had hitherto delayed
it for the sake of her own reputation. Then, with a
joke, she handed the signed warrant back to him, and,
according to Davison, bade him carry it at once to the
Lord Chancellor, have it sealed with the great seal as
privately as possible, and send it away to the Commis
sioners, so that she should hear no more about it.
Elizabeth afterwards, however, swore that she had
given him no such instructions. As he was leaving, Eliza
beth directed him to call on Walsingham, who was
confined to his house by illness, and to tell him what
had been done. She then spoke bitterly of Amias
Paulet for not having made the warrant unnecessary,
and hinted to Davison that he might write to Paulet
again suggesting the poisoning of Mary. This Davison
demurred at doing, as he knew that it would be fruitless,
and he did not relish the task, but promised to mention
it to Walsingham. The Secretary's story is that he went
straight to Lord Burghley amd showed him and Leicester
the warrant, repeating tfye Queen's directions. He then
proceeded to Walsingham House ; and the result of his
visit is seen in a memorandum (dated the next day, 2nd
February) in Walsingham's hand, annotated by Lord
Burghley, laying down the steps to be taken for imme
diately carrying/the warrant into effect.1 The fullest
details, even fop the burial, are set forth, and at the end
it is directed t,hat " the Lords and court are to give out
that there will be no execution."
Thus far Davison's statement has been followed ; but
there is at Hatfield (part iii., No. 472) a rough draft in
Lord Burghley's handwriting, which, in view of the
date upon it, 2nd February, throws rather a new light
1 Hatfield Papers, part iii. There is no mention of the poison letter to
Paulet, but it was written, and is printed in Nicolas's Life of Davison, with
Paulet's reply.

1587] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 419
upon the matter, and proves that, unknown to Davison,
Lord Burghley and the rest of the Council were accom
plices of the Queen in her intention of subsequently
repudiating her orders and ruining her Secretary, and
that the tragi -comedy was not played by Elizabeth
alone, but by her grave Councillors as well. The draft
document is in the name of the Council, and sets forth
the reasons that had moved them to despatch the warrant
without further consulting the Queen ; " and yet we are
now at this time most sorry to understand that your Majesty
is so greatly grieved with this kind of proceeding, and do
most humbly beseech your Majesty," &c. This, be it remem
bered, is dated the 2nd February, before the warrant
had been sent off or the Queen even knew it had been
sealed. Early in the morning of the 2nd the Queen sent
Killigrew to Davison, directing him not to go to the
Lord Chancellor until he had seen her. When he
entered her presence she asked him, to his surprise,
whether he had had the warrant sealed, and he in
formed her that he had. Why so much haste ? she
asked ; to which he replied that she had told him to use
despatch. He then inquired if she wished the warrant
executed. Yes, she said ; but she did not like the form
of it, for it threw all the responsibility upon her, and
again suggested poison as the best way out of her
difficulty. All this made Davison suspicious, and he went to
Hatton and told him that he feared the intention was
subsequently to disavow him. He would, he said, take
no more responsibility, but would go at once to Lord
Burghley. This he did, and the latter summoned the
Privy Council for next day ; whilst he, Burghley, busied
himself in drafting the letters to the Commissioners, the
Earls of Kent and Shrewsbury. The next morning

420 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
(3rd February) the Council met in Lord Burghley's
room, and the Lord Treasurer laid the whole matter
before them, repeating Davison's story, and recom
mending that the warrant should be despatched with
out further reference to the Queen. This was agreed
to, and the instructions and warrant were sent the same
night (Friday, 3rd February) to the Commissioners,
Burghley himself handing the document to Beale to
carry down into the country.
The next morning when Davison entered the Queen's
room at Greenwich she was chatting with Ralegh, and
told the Secretary that she had dreamed the previous
night that the Queen of Scots was executed, which made
her very angry. It was a good thing, she said, that
Davison was not near her at the time. This frightened
Davison, and he asked her whether she really did not
wish the warrant executed. With an oath she said she
did, but again repeated what she had said the previous
day about the responsibility, and " another way of doing
it." A day or so afterwards, Davison informed the
Queen that Paulet had indignantly refused Walsing
ham's suggestion to poison Mary, whereupon she broke
into complaints of the " daintiness of these precise
fellows," and violently denounced people who pro
fessed to love and defend her, but threw all responsi
bility upon her.
On the 8th February the tragedy of Fotheringay was
consummated, and in the afternoon of the 9th young
Talbot brought the news to London. Lord Burghley
at once summoned Davison, and after consulting with
Hatton and others, it was decided not to tell the Queen
suddenly. When she learnt it later in the day the well-
prepared blow fell upon Davison. The Queen pre
tended to be infuriated, swore that she had never
intended to have the warrant divulged, and whilst

1587] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 421
blaming all the Councillors,1 threw most of the onus
upon Davison. The Council advised him to retire from
court, and he was soon afterwards cast into the Tower
and degraded from his office. After a long and tedious
trial and a painful imprisonment, he was condemned
to a fine sufficient to ruin him, and thenceforward lived
in poverty and obscurity. The Earl of Essex fought
manfully in his favour whilst he lived, but Lord Burghley
and the rest of the Councillors were too strong for him,
and the man they had ruined was never allowed to raise
his head again.2
That Burghley and the other principal Councillors
were parties to the plot, and that the Queen's anger
with them was assumed, is also seen by a memorandum
in Burghley's handwriting at Hatfield,3 dated 17th Feb
ruary, headed " The State of the Cause as it ought to be
1 The Queen kept up a pretence of anger against the Councillors for some
time, and especially against Burghley, who on the 13th February wrote her a
submissive letter praying for her favour. He was excluded from her presence,
and complains that she " doth utter more heavy, hard, bitter, and minatory
speeches against me than against any other," which he ascribes to the
calumnies of his many enemies, and to the fact that he alone was not allowed
to justify his action personally to her. " I have," he says, " confusedly
uttered my griefs, being glad that the night of my age is so near by service
and sickness as I shall not long wake to see the miseries that I fear others
shall see that are like to overwatch me." When at length he obtained
audience of the Queen, she treated him so harshly that he again retired, and
was only induced to return again by the intercession of Hatton. Elizabeth's
special anger with Burghley may have been an elaborate pretence agreed
upon between them, or, what is more probable, the result of some calumnies
of Leicester. 2 An interesting statement of Burghley's treatment of Davison in later
years will be found in Harl. MSS., 290. Part of his unrelenting attitude to
him is commonly attributed to Burghley's desire to secure the Secretaryship
of State for his son, Sir Robert Cecil. It is evident, however, that Davison
was adopted by Essex as one of his instruments to oppose Burghley's policy,
and the restoration of Davison would thereafter have meant a defeat for
the Cecils. This, it appears to me, amply explains the Lord Treasurer's
attitude. 1 Hatfield Papers, part iii. 223.

422 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
conceived and reported concerning the Execution done
upon the Queen of Scots," in which the Queen's version
is adopted, and all the blame thrown upon Davison and
the Council. Even before this was written the affair
was so reported to Burghley's friend Stafford in Paris,
in order that this version might be spread on the Conti
nent. Charles Arundell, in conveying the news from
Stafford to Mendoza, says that Burghley was absent
through illness,1 and that the execution was carried
through by Davison, " who is a terrible heretic," and
the rest of Mary's enemies. This is perhaps the blackest
stain that rests upon Burghley's name. We have seen
before that he was not generous or magnanimous in his
treatment of others when his own interests were at stake ;
and the sacrifice of Davison would probably appear to
him a very small price to pay for helping Elizabeth out
of a difficult position, and maintaining his own favour.
Although we have seen that the Lord Treasurer from
motives of policy had been forced to take a prominent
part in the condemnation and execution of Mary, it can
not be supposed that the position of affairs at the time
was agreeable to him. The wars in Flanders, the per
secution of English Protestants in Spain, the reprisals of
Drake and the privateers, and the Catholic plots in the
interests of Mary had aroused a strong Protestant war
feeling in the country. Leicester and his friends had
the popular voice on their side, and Burghley and the
Conservatives could only very cautiously and tentatively
endeavour to stay the impetus with which the country
1 That Lord Burghley was desirous of dissociating himself personally from
the execution, and of remaining on good terms with the Catholic party, is
further seen by a remark made in a letter from Mendoza to Philip (26th
March 1587): "Cecil, the Lord Treasurer, said publicly that he was
opposed to the execution, and on this and all other points feeling was running
very high in the Council ; Cecil and Leicester being open opponents " (Spanish
State Papers, Elizabeth).

1587] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 423
was rushing towards a national war with the strongest
power in Christendom. The great Armada was in full
preparation, and the ports of Italy, Flanders, Spain, and
Portugal rang with the sound of arms. Don Antonio- 1
once more was welcomed in England, to be used as a I
stalking-horse, this being Lord Burghley's last hope of [
levying war without national responsibility.
But though there was much talk about Don Antonio,
and Spanish spies in England continued to report that
the great fleet under Drake was to be employed in his
interests, its real object was to render impossible, at
least for that year, the junction of Philip's naval forces in
Lisbon. Thanks to the efforts of Burghley and his party,
an elaborate pretence was kept up of the expedition
being a private one ; but it was really controlled and
organised by government officers, and the second in
command, Borough, was a Queen's admiral, sent avow
edly to place a check upon Drake, and to prevent him
from going too far in his open attack upon Spain.
Drake's instructions were " to prevent or withstand any
enterprise as might be attempted against her Highness's
dominions, and especially by preventing the concentra
tion of Philip's squadrons ; " and he was to distress the
ships as much as possible, both in the havens themselves
and on the high seas. Drake arrived in Plymouth from
the Thames on the 23rd March, and in a week of inces
sant energy had everything ready. The secret of his
intentions was well kept, and Mendoza's many spies
could only tardily report the loose gossip of the streets.
Sir Edward Stafford assured his Spanish paymaster that
no living soul but the Queen and the Lord Treasurer
knew what the design was to be.
Leicester was now at Buxton (April 1587), shortly to
start on another visit to Flanders, and in his absence
Burghley's influence, both Ralegh and Hatton being on

424 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
his side, as well as Crofts and the Catholics, overshadowed
that of Walsingham and Knollys. Drake seems to have
feared the consequence of this, and hurried his departure
from Plymouth (2nd April). He was only just in time,
for as soon as he had gone a courier came in hot haste with
orders from the Council, which now meant Burghley,
strictly limiting Drake's action : x " You shall forbear to
enter forcibly into any of the said King's ports or havens,
or to offer any violence to any of his towns or shipping
within harbour, or to do any act of hostility on land."
This was exactly what Drake had foreseen. The
ship sent after him with the orders failed to reach him,
and the great seaman went on his way. But, as usual
with Drake, the official drag on the wheel had to be
overcome. Off Cape St. Vincent, Borough recited to the
Admiral the conditions under which the Queen's ships
accompanied him, evidently expecting that he would not
confine his operations to preventing the concentration
of the Spanish squadrons. But Drake was on his own
element now, and sailed straight to Cadiz, as some people
had shrewdly expected he meant to do from the first.2
Borough warned him not to exceed the Queen's orders,
and was placed under arrest for his pains ; and unopposed,
Drake sailed into Cadiz harbour, to the dismay of the
astounded Spaniards. He plundered, burned, and sank
all the ships in port, destroyed the stores, and then
quietly sailed out again unmolested. He did damage to
the extent of a million ducats (though Philip wrote that
1 Walsingham, conveying this news to Leicester in Flanders (17th April),
says : " There are letters written from certain of my Lords, by her Majesty's
effectual command, to inhibit him (Drake) to attempt anything by land or
within the ports of Spain." Onthe nth he wrote : "This resolution pro
ceeded altogether upon a hope of peace, which I fear may do much harm."
2 The first hint to this effect reached Philip too late to be useful. It was
conveyed by Mendoza from Stafford in Paris on the 19th April, the day that
Drake reached Cadiz.

1587J THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 425
he felt the insolence of the act more than the material
damage), and if he had cared to disobey the Queen's
orders further he might have stopped the Armada for
good by burning the ships in Lisbon, for they had
neither guns nor men on board to protect them. But
he knew now that the peace party in the Council were
busy arranging with Parma's envoy for the meeting of
a conference, and doubtless thought he had gone far
enough in his brilliant disobedience.
The indispensable Andrea de Looe had arrived in
London from the Prince of Parma immediately after
Drake sailed, and was soon deep in negotiation with
Burghley with the object of arranging a meeting of
Peace Commissioners. When he had returned to Brussels
with the proposals, news came of Drake's daring raid.
De Looe then wrote a long letter to Burghley (nth July),
pointing out how much the cause of peace was injured
by such acts of aggression. Burghley's answer1 (28th
July) perfectly defines his position towards Drake's
action. After professing the Queen's desire for peace,
and readiness to send her Commissioners to Flanders if
the Duke of Parma will suspend hostilities (before the
Sluys), he says: "True it is, and I avow it upon my
faith, her Majesty did send a ship expressly with a mes
sage by letters charging him (Drake) not to show any
act of hostility before he went to Cadiz, which messenger,
by contrary winds, could never come to the place where
he was, but was constrained to come home, and hearing
of Sir Fras. Drake's actions, her Majesty commanded
the party that returned to be punished, but he acquitted
himself by oath of himself and all his company. And so
unwitting, yea unwilling, to her Majesty those actions
were committed by Sir Fras. Drake, for the which her
Majesty is greatly offended with him ; and now also for
1 Foreign Office Records, Flanders, 32.

426 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
bringing home of a rich ship that came out of the East
Indies."1 And then, as some counterbalance to these
enormities, Lord Burghley sets forth once more the
various grievances of England against Spain.
Whilst the elaborate and frequently insincere negotia
tions for peace were being laboriously pursued for many
months, Lord Burghley's other standing policy was not
neglected, namely, that of causing jealousy between France
and Spain. Henry III. was now in mortal fear of Guise,
and was ready to listen to English and Huguenot sugges
tions that Philip's conquest of England would be followed
by a Guisan dynasty under Spanish patronage in France
All the French influence at the Vatican was exercised to
procure the conversion of James Stuart and the opposi
tion of Spanish aims, and before the end of the year Lord
Burghley had the satisfaction of seeing that Henry III.
and his clever mother in no case would aid Philip to
subjugate England.
Elizabeth, in the meanwhile, was assailed by doubts
and fears, and periodical fits of penuriousness in the
midst of her danger, which drove her Councillors to
despair. Stafford told Mendoza that " Cecil writes that
the Queen is so peevish and discontented that it was
feared she would not live long. Her temper is so bad
that no Councillor dares to mention business to her, and
when even he (Cecil) did so, she had told him that she
had been strong enough to lift him out of the dirt, and
was able to cast him down again. He (Cecil) was of
opinion that the Councillors might be divided into three
classes — those who wished to come to terms with Spain,
those who desired a close friendship with France, and
those who wanted to stand aloof from both, whilst enrich
ing themselves with plunder. He (Cecil) was neither a
1 This was the great galleon San Felipe, one of the richest prizes ever
brought to England.

1587] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 427
Spaniard nor a Frenchman, but wished the Queen to be
friendly with both powers. King Henry, under whom
the country was powerful and tranquil, thought he was
doing a great thing when he was able to make war with
France when he had an alliance with Spain ; and now
it happened that the French were as desirous of being
friendly as the English were, and he urges the Ambas
sador to hasten the conclusion of an agreement.1
But whilst he was writing amiably for the French, he
took care, on the other hand, to make the most of the
peace negotiations with Spain, and thus to cause Henry
to be the more anxious for England's friendship. The
old statesman was thus cautiously and slowly going on
his traditional way, hopeless though he must have been
of the final result as regarded keeping peace with Spain.
The long-continued preparations of the Armada were
rapidly approaching completion ; the Pope had been
cajoled into promising funds unwillingly to aid Philip's
aims ; the English Catholic refugees were eagerly await
ing the harvest of their efforts ; the great, cumbrous
machine for crushing England was already in motion,
and no efforts of diplomacy could stop it.
But yet Burghley did his best. The war and plunder
party, as usual, checked him at every turn ; but early
and late, through constant pain and sickness, family
trouble 2 and public disappointment, he struggled on in
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.
2 His mother, the owner of Burghley, had just died, aged eighty-five ; and his
unmanageable son-in-law, the Earl of Oxford, still caused him endless trouble.
His only family consolation at the time was the promise of his favourite son,
Sir Robert Cecil, whose great talents and application were already remark
able. How incessant and varied Lord Burghley's labours still were may be
seen by the great number of letters addressed to him, entreating him for help,
influence, or advice. The Catholic Earl of Arundel from the Tower, the
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Buckhurst, Lord Cobham, and a host of other
nobles appealed to him to forward their suits ; Puritan divines like Ham
mond, Cartwright, Humphreys, and Travers ; prelates like Whitgift, Aylmer,

428 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1587
the way he had marked out for himself so many years
before — to divide England's possible enemies, and
keep the peace with Spain so long as was humanly
possible. The Queen was full of qualms and misgivings ;
swaying now to one side, now to another, and abusing
in turn both the party of peace and the advocates of
war. " The Queen has been scolding the Lord Treasurer
greatly for the last few days, for having neglected to
disburse money for the fleet," wrote a Spanish spy in
November ; and a few days afterwards, when she was
alarmed at the delay in Parma's reply, she flew into
a tremendous rage with Burghley, "upon whom she
heaped a thousand insults," for having induced her to
negotiate for peace whilst the enemy completed his
preparations. " She told the Treasurer he was old and
doting ; to which he replied that he knew he was old,
and would gladly retire to a church to pray for her."
But the old minister gave the Queen as good as she
brought, and in vigorous words pointed out in detail
that her present dangers arose entirely from her neglect
of his advice and the imprudence of his opponents in
the Council.1 But the next day came Parma's answer,
and the Queen was all smiles again towards Burghley
and the peacemakers.
Herbert, and Sandys, by common accord chose him as the arbiter of their
constant disputes. The Court of Wards, too, entailed a large correspondence
and much personal attention ; whilst at this period Burghley was also deeply
concerned in checking the tendency of Cambridge students to indulge in
1 ' satin doublets, silk and velvet overstocks, great fine ruffs, and costly facings
to their gowns."
1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

CHAPTER XV
i 588-1593
WHILST the tedious negotiations with Parma were drag
ging on, no slackness was visible in the preparations for
resisting the attack on England. Drake was sent to the
mouth of the Channel with a fine squadron of ships,
whilst the Lord Admiral's fleet was being put in readiness
in the Thames with all haste ; and Ralegh in Devon
shire, Hunsdon in the north, and Lord Grey and Sir
John Norris in the home counties, were busily organising
the land forces. As usual, upon Lord Burghley rested
much of the labour and responsibility, and to him
matters great and small were referred for decision.1 The
English preparations met with many difficulties. The
Queen was fractious and fickle, one day hectoring and
threatening, and the next cursing Walsingham and his
gang, who had drawn her into this strait, and were for
ever pestering her for money, which she doled out as
sparingly as possible. There was, moreover, no great
alacrity shown at first by the people at large in providing
special funds to meet the great national emergency, and
the trading classes were grumbling at Leicester and the
greedy gentlemen whose piracy was largely responsible
for the coming war.
The sending of Peace Commissioners to Parma was,
1 As instances see letters — Ralegh to Burghley, 27th December 1587 (State
Papers, Domestic, ccvi. 40) ; Howard to Burghley, 22nd December (State
Papers, Domestic, ccvi. 42) ; same to same (Harl. MSS., 6994, 102) ; Burghley's
own holograph list of ships and their destinations, 5th January 1588; Hawkins
to Burghley, 1 8th January 1588 (both in State Papers, Domestic, cviii.) ; and
many similar papers of this period in State Papers, Domestic, cviii., and Harl.
MSS., 6994. 4»9

430 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1588
as usual, the subject of division in the Council, Burghley
naturally advocating the pacific policy, and Leicester,
Walsingham, and Paulet violently opposing the negotia
tions except on impossible terms. The Queen wavered
constantly, but was more frequently on the side of peace.
Soon after Leicester returned from Holland (January
1588) he opposed in the Council the sending of Com
missioners. A comedy was played the same night before
the Queen and court, and as the company rose, Elizabeth
turned upon Leicester in a great rage and told him she
must make peace with Spain at any cost. " If my ships
are lost," she said, " nothing can save me." Leicester
tried to tranquillise her by talking about Drake ; but she
replied that all he did was to irritate the enemy to her
detriment.1 The instructions to the Peace Commissioners, as
drafted by Burghley,2 seem to be an honest attempt to
come to terms. England was to pledge herself not to
send aid of any sort, to the prejudice of Philip, to any
of the dominions he had inherited (thus excluding Por
tugal), and Philip was asked, at least, to bind himself to
prevent the molestation by the Inquisition of English
mariners on board their ships in Spanish ports. But
side by side with this there is reason to believe that Lord
Burghley, probably through Crofts, endeavoured to gain
the Duke of Parma personally to the side of peace.3
He had been badly treated by Philip in the matter of
Portugal, and was still in the dark as to the King's real
intentions. He was liable to dismissal at any moment ;
1 Stafford told Mendoza (25th February) that Burghley had written to
him saying, that he would do his best to prevent Drake from sailing, as his
voyages were only profitable to himself and his companions, but an injury to
the Queen and an irritation to foreign princes ; and in May, Burghley told
Stafford that if he had remained out of town two days longer, his colleagues
would have let Drake go.
2 Hatfield Papers, part iii. 3 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1588] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 431
he was short of money, and chafing at the inexplicable
delay of the Armada. It was suggested that a condition
of the peace might be to give him fixity of tenure of his
government of Flanders for life. How far these ap
proaches may have influenced him it is at present diffi
cult to say, but he certainly appealed to Philip earnestly
and solemnly to allow him to make peace,1 and when
the Armada finally appeared in the Channel he did no
thing to falsify his own prediction of the disaster which
awaited it.
The English Commissioners 2 embarked for Ostend (a
town in English-Dutch occupation) in March, but one
of them, Crofts, a Spanish agent, made no hesitation of
landing in Philip's town of Dunkirk and proceeding over
land to Ostend. After infinite bickering as to the place
of meeting, the preliminary conferences were held in a
tent between Ostend and Nieuport ; but on questions of
procedure and powers the negotiations were delayed
until the Armada had sailed from Lisbon, and Philip's
pretence could be kept up no longer, when the Commis
sioners hurriedly returned. Crofts' desire to serve his
Spanish paymasters, and to obtain peace at any price,
caused him to go beyond his public instructions in making
concessions, and at the instance of Leicester he was cast
into the Tower on his return ; but the rest of the Com
missioners acknowledged that they had been tricked, and
that Philip had never intended peace. Many persons
had thought so from the first, though the delay had been
1 This mission was said to have been entrusted originally to Paulet, and
afterwards to Herbert ; but as they did not go to Flanders, it is more likely
to have been left to Crofts. I can, however, find no record of it except in
Spanish account.
2 The Commissioners were the Earl of Derby, Lord Cobham, Sir James
Crofts, with Valentine Dale and Rogers. Burghley's son, Sir Robert Cecil,
was also attached. The whole correspondence of the Commissioners, mostly
directed to Lord Burghley, will be found in Cotton, Vesp., cviii.

432 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1588
advantageous for England. The Lord Admiral, writing
to Walsingham before the Commissioners left England,
says : " There never was since England was England such
a stratagem and mask made to deceive England, withal,
as this is of the treaty of peace. I pray God we have not
cause to remember one thing that was made of the Scots
by the Englishmen ; that we do not curse for this a long
grey beard with a white head, witless, that will make all
the world think us heartless. You know whom I mean." J
Though Burghley had struggled for thirty years to
maintain peace with Spain, when war was inevitable he
took far more than his share of the labour of organising
it. As usual, he worked early and late, sometimes almost
in despair at the Queen's penuriousness and irritability,
and himself suffering incessantly. Whilst he was still
striving for peace (10th April) he thus writes to Walsing
ham : " I cannot express my pain, newly increased in all
my left arm. My spirits are even now so extenuated as
I have no mind towards anything but to groan with my
pain. . . . Surely, sir, as God will be best pleased with
peace, so in nothing can her Majesty content her realm
better than in procuring it. . . . So forced with pain,
even from my arm to my heart, I end." 2 In the midst
of the preparations, when Howard, Winter, Drake, and
Hawkins were daily writing reports or requests to the
over-burdened Lord Treasurer, his favourite but unfor
tunate daughter, Lady Oxford, died. In his diary he
simply records the fact in the words, "Anna Comitissa
Oxoniae, filia mia charissima, obiit in Do. Greenwici et
25, Sepult. Westminster ; " 3 but the bereaved father was
1 Motley thought that Burghley was referred to, but surely Howard would
not call him witless. Probably Crofts is meant.
2 State Papers, Domestic, ccix.
3 Howard, writing on the 13th June to Walsingham, says : " I forbear to
write unto my Lord Treasurer because I am sure he is a very heavy man for
my lady his daughter, for which I am most heartily sorry.''

1588] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 433
in a few days hard at work again, though still confined
to his bed.1
At length, on the 30th July (N.S.), the long looked for
Armada appeared in the Channel. The story of how the
sceptre of the sea passed to England during the next
week has often been told elsewhere, and need not be
here repeated ; but Burghley's share of the glory at least
must not go unrecorded. We have seen how the details
of" organisation were largely left in his hands ; but, in
addition to this, like other great nobles, he raised a
special force, clothed in his colours, and maintained at
his expense,2 and visited the army encamped at Tilbury,
" where," says Leicester, " I made a fair show for my
Lord Treasurer, who came from London to see us." It
is usually asserted also that his two sons, Sir Thomas
and Sir Robert, joined the English fleet, like so many
other gentlemen of rank ; and although this may be
true, for certainly Sir Robert was at Dover,3 and might
perhaps have gone on board one of the ships, it is ques
tionable, and their names do not appear in any of the
records as being present.
It was hardly to be supposed that the Spaniards would
1 Writing to Walsingham, "from my house near the Savoy," 17th July,
he says : "lam at present by last night's torment weakened in spirits, as I
am not able to rise out of my bed ; which is my grief the more, because I
cannot come thither where both my mind and duty do require ; " and yet on
the same day he (Burghley) sent a long minute corrected with his own hand
to Darrell, giving directions for the victualling of the navy.
2 In September, when the news came of the flight of the Armada, grand
reviews of these forces were held previous to their being disbanded. Lord
Chancellor Hatton entertained the Queen at dinner in Holborn, and his hun
dred men-at-arms in red and yellow paraded before her Majesty. The next
day (20th August) a similar ceremony took place at Cecil House, and shortly
afterwards Leicester's troop was reviewed. But they were all thrown into the
shade by Essex's splendid force of sixty musketeers and sixty mounted harque-
bussiers, in orange-tawny, with white silk facings, and two hundred light
horsemen, in orange velvet and silver.
3 See his letter, 30th July (O.S. ), to his father, giving him an account from
hearsay of what had happened off Calais (State Papers, Domestic, ccxiii.).
2 E

434 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1588
so readily submit to defeat as not to renew the attack,
for Englishmen had not yet gauged the paralysing effect
of Philip's system upon his subjects, and, like the rest of
the world, took Spain largely on trust ; but Burghley was
right in his forecast that the Armada itself was so broken
and weak that it would run round Ireland and return no
more. When the heroics in England were over and
matters were settling down, there was still no cessation
in the work of the Lord Treasurer. There were intricate
victualling accounts to be laboriously calculated in per
plexing Roman numerals ; J there were wages to be paid ;
captains and admirals to be brought to book for every
item of their expenditure, for the Queen would have no
slackness in that respect, even though the country and
herself had been rescued from a great peril ; there were
prisoners to interrogate, and plans to be made for future
defence, and, as usual, Puritans and prelates to be ap
peased and reconciled. The lion's share of all this fell
to the gouty, crippled old man with the bright eyes, the
grave face, and the snowy hair — to Lord Treasurer
Burghley. Shortly after the disappearance of the Armada, Leices
ter died (4th September), on his way to Kenilworth, and
Burghley lost the political rival who had continued to
thwart him for nearly thirty years. Nothing proves more
clearly Burghley's consummate prudence and tact than
the fact that, to the very last, his relations with the Earl
were always outwardly polite, and even friendly.2 That
1 The ordinary Arabic numbers were never used by Burghley, even in
calculations. 2 One of the last letters that Leicester wrote was to Burghley, from Maiden
head, two days only before his death, asking for some favour for a friend, Sir
Robert Jermyn, and apologising for leaving court without taking leave of the
Lord Treasurer ; and in November the widowed Countess of Leicester— the
mother of Essex— wrote begging Burghley to use his influence with the Queen
to buy a vessel belonging to her late husband.

i S88] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 435
this was not owing to the forbearance of Leicester is
seen by his violent quarrels with Sussex, Arundel,
Ormonde, Heneage, Ralegh, and others who crossed
his path.
The death of Leicester, together with that of Sir
Walter Mildmay, which happened shortly afterwards,
changed the balance of Elizabeth's Council, The old
ministers were dropping off one by one and giving place
to younger men, who could not expect to exercise over
the experienced and mature ruler the same influence as
that of her earlier advisers. In order to strengthen his
party Lord Burghley had patronised Ralegh ; but Leices
ter had retorted by bringing forward his young step
son Essex, whom his dying father had left as a solemn
charge to Burghley. Essex was a mere lad of twenty-
two when Leicester died, and as yet too young to head
a party against the aged minister ; but he had absorbed
all the traditions of the dead favourite, and henceforward
thwarted the Cecils to the best of his power with all the
persistence of Leicester, but with a haughty incautious-
ness which belonged to himself alone, and ultimately
led him to his tragic death.
Notwithstanding the crushing blow that Spanish power
had received, English public feeling continued apprehen
sive and nervous. Spies abroad still sent alarmist reports
of Philip's future plans, and few Englishmen had yet
realised how completely their foe was disabled. When
Parliament met, therefore, in February (1589), the largest
subsidies ever voted were granted for the defence of the
country, and the Houses petitioned her Majesty " to
denounce open war against the King of Spain."
There were, however, other ways of crippling the
foe more acceptable both to the Queen and her prin
cipal minister. Since 1581 Elizabeth had been playing
fast and loose with Don Antonio, the claimant to the

436 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1588
crown of Portugal. Leicester and Walsingham had
more than once encouraged him to spend large sums
of money in England — raised on the sale or security of
his jewels — in fitting out naval expeditions in his favour,
but nothing effectual had been done for his cause.
Catharine de Medici, on the other hand, had counte
nanced the despatch of two fine expeditions from France
to the Azores, both of which had been disastrously de
feated ; and in the Armada year Antonio again came
to England to seek for aid against the common enemy.
He was sanguine, and ready to promise anything for
immediate aid. Just before the Armada arrived, the
plan of diverting Philip's forces by an attack on Portu
gal had been broached by the Lord Admiral in a letter
to Walsingham, but the Queen would not then hear of
any of her ships being sent away.
In September, however, circumstances had changed.
It was useless to ask the Queen to accept the whole
expense and responsibility of an expedition ; but in
September 1588, Antonio saw Lord Burghley, who wrote
down the plans and offers he made. If, said the pre
tender, he could once land in Portugal with a sufficient
force, all the country would rise in his favour ; and his
suggestion, supported by Sir John Norris and Sir Francis
Drake, was to form a joint-stock undertaking with the
countenance and help of the Queen and the Dutch, for
the purpose of invading and capturing Portugal in his
interest. In exchange he promised to pay the soldiers,
and handsomely ; to allow them to loot Spanish pro
perty in Lisbon ; and, above all, to burn Philip's ships
in Lisbon and Seville, and recoup the adventurers their
expenditure with a large bonus.1 If war were to be
made at all, this was a method of making it likely to
1 Lord Burghley's memoranda (State Papers, Domestic). For particulars
ofthe expedition see " The Year after the Armada," by the present writer.

.589] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 437
find favour in the eyes of the Queen and Burghley ; and
in February 1589 l a warrant was issued authorising the
expedition, and appointing rules for its government.
Drake was to command at sea, and Norris by land, and
the objects are carefully set forth in Burghley's words :
" first, to distress the King of Spain's ships ; second, to
obtain possession of the Azores in order to intercept
the treasure ships ; and third, to assist Don Antonio to
recover the kingdom of Portugal if it shall be found
that the public voice be favourable to him."
The Queen contributed ^20,000 and seven ships of
the navy, and strict conditions were made that her
money should not be wasted. But the affair was mis
managed from the first. Most of the men who went
were idle vagabonds, the scum of the towns and the
sweepings of the jails. The Dutch contingent fell away,
the promises of support in England were not kept,
money ran short, and the victuals went bad. The Queen
lost her temper and began to frown upon the expedition
when Drake's constant demands for further help became
too pressing ; but finally, after weeks of galling delay,
through bad weather and other causes, the expedition
put to sea (13th April), nearly 200 sail of all sorts, with
20,000 men. Shortly before it left, the Earl of Essex, with
his brother and other gentlemen, had fled to Plymouth
in disguise, shipped on board the Swiftsure and put to
sea.2 The Queen had specially refused him permission
1 Don Antonio had been deceived so often in England, that although
preparations for the expedition were being made for some months previously,
he was not convinced that it was really intended for him until the end of
the year 1588.
2 On the eve of his flight Essex thus explained his action in a letter to
Heneage (Hatfield Papers, part iii. 966) : " What my courses have been I need
not repeat, for no man knoweth them better than yourself. What my state
now is I will tell you. My revenue is no greater than when I sued my livery,
my debts at least two or three and twenty thousand pounds. Her Majesty's
goodness has been so great I could not ask her for more j no way left to repair

438 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1589
to accompany the expedition ; and when she found that
her favourite had disobeyed her, her fury knew no bounds.
From that hour the expedition and commanders got
nothing but ill words from her. Not content simply to
burn the few ships in Corufla, the commanders lost a
precious fortnight, in direct violation to orders, in be
sieging the place and burning the lower town. Wine
was found in plenty, and excess incapacitated the greater
part of the Englishmen ; pestilence and desertion worked
havoc in their ranks, and subsequently, as a crowning
disaster, Norris, persuaded by Antonio against Drake's
advice, marched overland from Peniche to Lisbon, in
stead of forcing the Tagus.
But Antonio had been deceived. None but a few
country people joined him ; the Portuguese in Lisbon
were utterly cowed by the firmness and severity of the
Archduke Albert and his few Spaniards, and Norris had
no siege artillery. After a few days of useless heroism,
in which young Essex showed himself the brave, rash,
generous lad he was, the attempt was abandoned ; and
harassed by enemies in flank and rear, beset by famine,
sickness, and panic, Norris, and what was left of his
army, beat a retreat to Cascaes, where Drake and the
ships awaited them. The Azores were never approached,
and the ships in Lisbon and Seville were not burned,
and the inglorious expedition slunk back again to Eng
land with a loss of two-thirds of its number of men.
Although Burghley had drawn up the conditions of
the Queen's aid to the expedition, he took no active part
in its subsequent organisation, for a great sorrow was
impending, which fell upon him ten days before the
expedition sailed. He had lived in harmony and affec-
myself but mine own adventure, which I had much rather undertake than
offend her Majesty with suits, as I have done. If I speed well, I will ad
venture to be rich ; if not, I will not live to see the end of my poverty."

1589] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 439
tion with his wife for forty-three years, and her death
on the 4th April cast him for a time into the deepest
sorrow.1 But even in the midst of his grief, his passion
for placing everything on record led him to write a most
interesting series of meditations on his loss, which is still
extant.2 Commencing by a reflection on the fruitlessness
of wishing his " dear wife alive again in her mortal body,"
he proceeds at great length to lay down the direction his
thoughts should take for consolation, such as gratitude
to God for " His favour in permitting her to have lived
so many years together with me, and to have given her
grace to have the true knowledge of her salvation." But
most of the curious document is occupied by a statement
of the liberal anonymous charities of Lady Burghley,
which during her life she had kept inviolably secret,
even from her husband ; and as some indication of the
reality of Lord Burghley's grief, it may be mentioned
that he signs the paper " April 9, 1588.3 Written at Col-
ling's Lodge by me in sorrow."
Through the whole course of his life we have seen
William Cecil pursuing the traditional policy of suspicion
of France and Scotland, and a desire to draw closer to
1 His entry in his diary recording the fact runs thus: "1589. April 4
Die Veneris inter hor 3 et 4 mane obdormit in Domino, Mildreda Domina
Burgley." She is interred at Westminster Abbey, with her daughter the
Countess of Oxford ; a very long Latin inscription is on the tomb, written by
Burghley, recording their many virtues and the writer's grief at their loss.
There is at Hatfield (part iii. 973) a note of the mourners and arrangements
for the funeral in Lord Burghley's handwriting.
2 MSS. Lansdowne, ciii. 51.
3 This is a not unnatural mistake under the circumstances for 9th April
1589. The year then began on the 1st April, and in his sorrow Lord Burghley
had overlooked the change of year. More than a month after this he wrote a
letter, full of grief still, to his old friend the Earl of Shrewsbury, by which we
see that he was still living in retirement in one of the lodges of his park at
Theobalds, as it is signed "From my poore lodge neare my howss at Theo
balds, 27 Maii 1589. P. S. The Queene is at Barn Elms, but this night I will
attend on her at Westminster, for I am no man mete for feastings."

440 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1589
the rulers of the Netherlands. But in his old age a series
of circumstances which were impossible to have been
foreseen, entirely revolutionised the political balance of
Europe, and for a time led even Lord Burghley to re
verse his main policy. The heavy yoke of the Guises,
doubly heavy now that they had the power of Spain
behind them, had at last galled to desperation the
vicious Valois who ruled France. The long-foretold
and carefully-planned blow which had murdered the
Duke of Guise and his brother, and rid Henry of his
hard taskmaster, had been followed by a combination
of all French Catholicism against the royal murderer.
The subjects were declared to be absolved from their
allegiance to the King, Paris flew to arms, the Church
thundered denunciations, and the erstwhile royal bigot
and monk, the figurehead of the Catholic League, the
sleepless persecutor of Protestants, found himself driven
into the arms of the only subjects he had who were not
ready to tear him to pieces, namely, the Huguenots and
excommunicated Henry of Navarre, the legitimate heir
to the throne. Together they advanced upon Paris to
crush the Guisan Catholics, and wreak vengeance upon
the citizens who had deposed their sovereign. Henry
of Navarre had often sought and obtained Elizabeth's
help against the Catholics, and looked to her again in
this supreme struggle which was to decide, as it seemed,
the fate of France. For the first time, however, on this
occasion English aid took the form of supporting the
sovereign against rebels, instead of the reverse.
In Scotland also the Catholic nobles had been busy
intriguing for the landing of a Spanish force, which
should coerce or depose James, and finally crush Pro
testantism there.1 The plan had been discovered, and
1 For the particulars of the Catholic plots of Huntly, Crawford, Errol,
Claud Hamilton, and Bothwell (Stuart), see Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth.

1589] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 441
Elizabeth, who had again made sure of James, had urged
him to severity, and offered him support if necessary
against his Catholic nobles. So that in Scotland, as in
France, it was Catholicism that represented rebellion, and
Protestantism in both countries looked to England to up
hold legality. That the position struck Lord Burghley as
curious is seen in a letter from him to Lord Shrewsbury !
(16th June). "The world," he says, "is become very
strange ! We Englishmen now daily desire the pros
perity of a King of France and a King of Scots. We
were wont to aid the subjects oppressed against both
these Kings ; now we are moved to aid both these Kings
against their rebellious subjects ; and though these are
contrary effects, yet on our part they proceed from one
cause, for that we do is to weaken our enemies." In
another letter he says, " Seeing both Kings are enemies
to our enemies we have cause to join with them." In
fact, once more for a time religious union had become
stronger than national divisions. It was the Protestant
ism of England, France, Scotland, and Holland, led
by Elizabeth, against militant Catholicism everywhere,
championed by the Spanish King.
Six weeks after the above letter was written the
changed position towards France was further accentuated
by the murder of Henry III. at the hands of a fanatic
monk in the interests of the Catholics. With the
Huguenot Henry of Navarre as King of France, and
with Spain as the power behind the League, England
and France were pledged to the same cause. The main
sources of distrust in England against France always
had been the fear that the latter power might dominate
Flanders or gain a footing in Scotland. James's adhe
sion to the Protestant party, his alliance with England,
and his growing hopes of the English succession, had
1 State Papers, Domestic.

442 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1589
made the latter contingency one which might now be
disregarded, whilst the possession of strong places in
the Netherlands in English hands, the religion of the
new King of France, and his need to depend upon
England for support, rendered it in the highest degree
improbable that he would dream of conquering and
holding Spanish Flanders against the wish of Elizabeth.
For the last three years Elizabeth had continued to
supply Henry of Navarre with large sums of money to
pay mercenaries ; but if Henry was to reign over France
he must now fight the League and Spain ; and to enable
him to do this, England would have to subscribe more
handsomely than ever. Henry accordingly sent Beauvoir
la Node to London to push his master's cause. Great
quantities of ammunition were shipped to the coast of
Normandy, whither Henry had retired with his army ;
but men were wanted too, and on the 17th August
Beauvoir dined with the Lord Treasurer at Cecil House,
and concluded an arrangement by which Elizabeth was
to lend 300,000 crowns to pay for German reiters in
the spring, and to make a cash advance to Henry of
70,000 crowns.
By a letter from Beauvoir in the following year
(16th June 1590) it is clear that Burghley's old distrust
of the French had not been overcome without difficulty.
"At last," he says, "I have conquered the Lord Treasurer !
Now it must be borne in mind that if the Queen says
'Do this,' and Burghley says 'Do it not,' it is he who
will be obeyed. Still I find him easier and more tract
able than he was ; these are humours that come and
go, like the wind blows. Nevertheless he does well,
though he is not one of those who act up to the pro
verb 'Quis cito dat, bis dat.'" In the same despatch
Beauvoir fervently urges the King to keep his promise
with regard to the payment for the ammunition, &c,

1589] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 443
supplied to him. He says that the failure to meet such
engagements is called in England " to play the Vidame." x
" For God's sake," he continues, " make provision for
payment, or abandon all hope of getting anything else
here except on good security." 2
Henry's first attack on Paris failed, and he was forced
to retire (November 1589) ; but he sent the gallant old
hero La Noue to Picardy to withstand the League there.
When young Essex heard of his proximity he was
anxious to join him.8 From the first he had been
trying to persuade the Queen to send national forces
under his command to aid the Huguenots, but cautious
Burghley was always at hand to hint at expense and
responsibility, and the auxiliary English troops under
Willoughby, now in Henry's service, were complaining
bitterly of the hardships and penury they were under
going. A great fleet also was being fitted out in Spain,
the destination of which was kept secret, but rumours
ran that it was coming to England, or what was almost
as bad, to capture a French port in the Channel as a
naval base from which the invasion of England could
be effected. Brittany was held by the Duke de Mercceur
for the League by Spanish aid, and already (January)
overtures had been made by him to Philip to occupy a
port on the coast.
1 The Vidame de Chartres was the Huguenot agent in Elizabeth's court
for some years, and was constantly craving aid for the cause. His promises
of repayment were very rarely kept, as the Huguenots had most of the wealth
of France against them. Hence the saying quoted.
2 Egerton MSS., 359.
3 "November 30. I have heard a rumour that you have arrived at
Calais, and that if the enemy comes to attack that place you will be there
with troops to defend it. If this news be true I pray you let me hear it from
yourself, and advertise me by the ordinary courier what the enemy is doing
and what you think of these designs. For I shall be very happy to see some
opportunity by which we could together win honour and serve the common
weal. I am idle here, and have nothing to do but to hearken for such oppor
tunities." (Essex to La Noue ; Hatfield Papers, part iii. )

444 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1590
But whether England was to be attacked direct or
a Brittany port first taken possession of, it behoved
Elizabeth to stand on her guard, and on the 15th March
a great plan for the muster and mobilisation of troops
all over England was issued by the Lord Treasurer.1 On
the day before the order was made in England the
Huguenot King had gained the great battle of Ivry,
crushing Mayenne's army and rapidly beleaguering Paris
again. For the moment, therefore, Henry was able to
hold his own, and the apprehension of the English
Government was mainly directed towards Brittany, where
a Spanish force of 4000 men were supporting the Duke
de Mercceur ; and the claim of Philip's daughter to the
duchy, if not to the crown of France, was being
advanced. Burghley's age was now telling upon him greatly.
He had become very deaf, and almost constant gout
kept him crippled ; but still he remained, as ever, the
resource of every one with an appeal to make, a question
to be decided, or an end to be served.2 The recent
death of Walsingham (April 1590) left him the only
one of the Queen's early Councillors, except Crofts,
who died soon afterwards, and Sir Francis Knollys,
1 Hatfield Papers, part iv.
2 A letter from Sir John Smith to Burghley, 28th January 1590, expresses
sorrow "to hear that you were very dangerously sick, being next unto her
Majesty, in my opinion, the pillar and upholder of the Commonwealth. How-
beit, I am now very glad to hear you have recovered your health ; " to which
the Lord Treasurer appends the note " relatio falsae " (Hatfield Papers, part iv.).
Later in the year, however (October), the Clerk of the Privy Seal( writing to
Lord Talbot, says, " I never knew my Lord Treasurer more lusty or fresh
in hue than at this hour." How heavily business still pressed upon the Lord
Treasurer is seen by a remark of his in a letter to Mr. Grimstone (January 1 59 1 ) :
" The cause " (of his not having written) " is partly for that I have not leisure,
being, as it were, roundly besieged with affairs to be answered from north,
south, east, and west ; whereof I hope shortly to be delivered by supply of
some to take charge as her Majesty's principal secretary" (Bacon Papers,
Birch).

IS91] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 445
whose fanatical Puritanism and anti-Prelatism still gave
much trouble to the Treasurer. The latter had evidently
marked out his brilliant younger son Robert Cecil
for Walsingham's successor ; and certainly no better
choice could have been made, for he had for some time
past relieved his father of some of his most laborious
work, and had imbibed much of his policy and method.
The mere hint of such an intention, however, was
sufficient to arouse the opposition of Essex, who, either
out of generosity or in a mere spirit of contradiction
of "the Cecils," took up the cause of Davison, and
endeavoured to bring him back to office.1 The Lord
Treasurer was powerful enough to prevent that ; but
did not push the matter to extremes by obtaining the
appointment of his own son until some years afterwards,
although Robert Cecil was knighted (May 1591) and
was sworn a Member of the Privy Council shortly after
wards (August 1591), and thereafter practically discharged
much of the duty of Secretary of State.2 Burghley has
frequently been blamed for a want of generosity towards
Davison at this juncture. He was, as we have had
occasion to notice more than once, not a generous man ;
1 Soon afterwards, Essex was at issue with Robert Cecil about the appoint
ment of a successor to one of Heneage's offices (Essex to Sir Henry Union ;
Hatfield Papers, part iv.). How bitter Essex was against the Cecils is shown
by a letter from him to Sir Henry Unton in Paris (June 1591) : "Things do
remain in the same state as they did. They who are most in appetite are
not yet satisfied, whereof there is great discontentment. If it stand at this
stay awhile longer they will despair, for their chief hour-glass hath little sand
left in it, and doth run out still. "
2 In one of the letters suggested by the secret intelligence secrelary,
Phillips, to be written to English Catholics abroad (31st August 1591), Robert
Cecil's appointment to the Council is noted; "but the Queen seems deter
mined against Robert Cecil for the Secretaryship ; but my Lord being sick,
the whole management of the Secretary's place is in his (Robert's) hands, and
as he is already a Councillor, any employment of him between the Queen and
his father will be the means of installing him in the place" (State Papers,
Domestic).

446 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1591
but this was a crucial trial of strength between him and
young Essex, and if Davison had been reappointed
Secretary of State the influence of Burghley would have
suffered irreparably. It was obvious now that Essex
was determined, if possible, to force Elizabeth into an
aggressive policy, especially against Spain, and it was
exactly this policy which Burghley still devoted his life
to opposing. But it is clear that the Treasurer did not
gain his point with regard to Davison without some
little trouble. Whilst the matter was in dispute he
pleaded his age and infirmities as a reason for his com
plete retirement from office ; x and such a hint always
brought the Queen to her bearings.
He, however, absented himself from court and stayed
in dudgeon at Theobalds, where the Queen, to pacify
him, paid him a stately visit in May, and the notes at
Hatfield in the Lord Treasurer's writing show that on
this occasion, as usual, the smallest details of the Queen's
reception were arranged by him. Whilst there the Queen
appears to have written the extraordinary jocose letter
to "The disconsolate and retired spryte, the hermite of
Tyboll," in which, with tedious and affected jocularity,
Hatton, in her name, exhorts him to return to the world
and his duty. He must have done so promptly, for he
was with the court at Greenwich again as busy as ever
1 He expressed this wish as soon as Essex's opposition to Robert Cecil's
appointment became manifest. A letter (State Papers, Domestic) from Hatton,
15th July 1590, thus refers to the matter : " We can well witness your endless
travails, which in her Majesty's princely consideration she should relieve you
of; but it is true the affairs are in good hands, as we all know, and thereby
her Majesty is the more sure, and we her poor servants the better satisfied.
God send you help and happiness to your better contentment." Nearly all
through 1590 and 1591 repeated reference is made in his correspondence to
Burghley's infirmities. This, added to the everlasting disputes between the
Prelatists and the Puritans, in which he was between two fires, and the
galling opposition of Essex to his son's appointment, might well have excused
his desire to be relieved of his heavy burden.

1591] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 447
in a fortnight, writing to Mr. Grimstone, the agent in
France, a letter (June), which shows that already the old
distrust of French methods was reasserting itself. "In
truth, her Majesty findeth some lack that the King doth
not advertise her more frequently of his actions and
intentions ; and especially she findeth it strange that
there is no more care had for the state of Brittany, in
that the King sendeth no greater forces thither to
encounter the Spaniards' new descents, or to recover
such port towns as be of most moment. And her
Majesty is truly comforted with certain successes that
have happened in Brittany since the arrival (there) of
Sir John Norreys."1 The letter ends with an emphatic
reminder of Henry's obligations to Elizabeth, and a
somewhat doubting hope that he will be properly
grateful. Henry naturally was for winning Paris, the head
quarters of the League and the capital of his realm, and
he was already giving pause to Elizabeth and Burghley
by his willingness to " receive instruction " from priests,
with a view to his conversion. What from the English
point of view was most to be feared was that he might at
last be forced or cajoled into consenting to a partition
of France, in which the Infanta's claim to the Duchy of
Brittany, which was a very strong one, should be acknow
ledged. This would have brought the Spaniards into the
Channel opposite England, and have completely altered
the balance of power. Already Don Juan del Aguila had
a firm grip upon the port of Blavet, and Elizabeth's
Government were pressing Henry to direct his attention
to the north of France, where the League had occupied
1 Bacon Papers, Birch. Sir John Norris had recently gone to Brittany
with a small English auxiliary force, and had captured Guingamp. There
were also 600 Englishmen in Normandy and an English squadron on the
Brittany coast. Burghley holds out hopes also of sending 600 more men to
Brittany.

448 TH% GREAT LORD BURGHLEY L«59«
most of the principal ports, exciipt Dieppe: ? ^1S ^ffirriji
self was reducing Chartres and other places ne^tf'T'aris,
whilst his officers in the north, with inadequate forces,
were doing their best to recover the coast towns.
At the urgent desire of Elizabeth, Henry promised
to come to Normandy,1 and Essex prevailed upon the
Queen to give him command of a considerable English
force to besiege Rouen 2 (July). The young Earl was in
semi-disgrace in consequence of his recent marriage with
Walsingham's daughter (Sir Philip Sidney's widow), but
the Queen gave him strict orders not to expose himself
to danger. Henry, however, did not keep his word to
meet Essex on the coast, and as soon as Essex landed,
made an attempt to utilise the English force elsewhere.
Essex was indignant, and rushed off to Noyon to remon
strate with Henry.3 When, however, Rouen was at last
besieged, he violated the Queen's commands and took
an active part in the siege.4
1 Henry wrote one of his clever characteristic letters to Elizabeth (5th
August), expressing in fervent terms his delight at hearing of her intention of
coming to Portsmouth during his visit to Normandy. He swears eternal
gratitude, and begs her to allow him to run across the Channel ; "et baiser
les mains comme Roi de Navarre, et etre aupres d'elle deux heures, a fin que
j'aie ce bien d'avoir veu, au moins une fois, en ma vie, celle a qui j'ai consacre
et corps et tant ce que j'aurai jamais ; et que j'aime et revere plus que chose
que soit au monde." Referring to Essex's force, he says: "Le secours que
qu'il vous a pleu i present m'accorder m'est en singuliere grace, pour la quality
de celluy auquel vous avez donne la principale charge, et pour la belle force
dont il est composed" (Hatfield Papers, part iv.)
2 The Earl's brother, Walter Devereux, was killed In the siege.
3 Essex seems to have quarrelled with every one in France, and the Coun
cil in England condemned his proceedings from the first. In a letter to the
Council (September) he says the whole purport of their letters is "to rip up
all my actions and to reprove them " (Hatfield Papers, part iv.). The Queen
also wrote him a very angry letter (4th October) consenting on strict condi
tions that the English shall only be allowed to remain a month longer in
France. 4 From a long letter from Burghley (22nd October), Essex appears to have
again left his command and run over to England. He begged Burghley to
ask the Queen's permission for him to join Biron at the siege of Caudebec.

J^EY 449

1592] THE GREAT LORD
„ ... , , ^iizabeth declared that she would be played
sonc
with no longer by him, and he was forced to return to
his infuriated mistress,1 whilst the siege of Rouen dragged
on for months longer, sometimes in the presence of
Henry himself, until the arrival of Parma and Mayenne
caused it to be abandoned (May 1592). The anger of
the Queen with Essex and the war-party was increased
by the ill success in the autumn (1591) of the attempt to
intercept the Spanish treasure fleet off the Azores ; 2 and
for a time "the Cecils" had their way, which was to
administer just so much aid, and no more, as should pre
vent Maurice of Nassau in Holland and Henry of Navarre
in France from succumbing to the power of Spain, whilst
the Queen in the meanwhile railed at Navarre for his
shiftiness, and at Essex for his disobedience. Her Eng
lishmen, she said, had been badly treated and exposed
to undue hardships, her advances were unpaid, nobody
was grateful to her ; and in future she declared, that
though Henry might have her prayers he should have
no more of her money.
The Lord Treasurer says he had not done so, as he was sure the Queen
would refuse. Her strict orders were that neither Essex nor his men should
risk themselves at the siege of Havre or elsewhere except by her orders.
Essex appears to have disobeyed, and returned to France at once without
seeing the Queen. During his absence the Englishmen had deserted wholesale.
Burghley says there were not 2000 of them remaining — they were unpaid and
mutinous, and, according to Biron and Leighton, were committing outrages
on all sides. Beauvoir de Node wrote to Essex as soon as he had gone
back to France (22nd October), " Les courroux de la reine redoublent."
1 See the Queen's very angry letter peremptorily recalling him (24th De
cember 1591), (Hatfield Papers, part iv.).
2 The heroic but unprofitable result of the expedition was the famous fight
of the Revenge and the death of Sir Richard Grenville, who quite needlessly,
and out of sheer obstinacy, engaged the whole Spanish squadron. The great
difficulty of getting the expedition together is seen by the large number of
towns which addressed Lord Burghley personally or the Council, begging on
the score of poverty to be excused from fitting the ships, as they had been
commanded to do. Southampton, Hull, Yarmouth,' Newcastle, and other
towns professed to be so decayed as to be quite unable to contribute ships
(Hatfield Papers, part iv.).
2 F

450 TEG- GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1592
The determined efforts o'f Essex anct his party., md
more especially of the two Bacons, Francis ancf Antony,
to wound and discredit the Cecils, stopped at no incon
sistency. From their earliest childhood the Earl and the
Bacons had been attached to the Puritan party, and still
posed as its champions ; and yet they were the first to
endeavour to cast upon Burghley the odium of the severe
proclamation and fresh persecution of the seminary
priests that had been considered necessary.1 From the
action of Allen, Persons, and their friends at the time of
the Armada, from the letters intercepted by Burghley
disclosing the Jesuit plot in Scotland, and from the con
tinued bitter writings of Person's directed against Eliza
beth and her minister, it was beyond question now, that
whatever may have been the case at the beginning of
their propaganda, the aim of the seminarists was simply
to undermine and overturn the political government of
the country.2 And yet the Bacons, nephews of Burghley
1 The reports of spies of plots in Flanders at the time amply justified the
precautionary measures taken. Burghley was still appealed to by both reli
gious parties, and he appears at this time to have been claimed by both. In
March 159 1 one of the spy-letters suggested by Phillips to be sent abroad
mentions Burghley's feud with Archbishop Whitgift and his favour to the
Puritans. The Catholic spy in Flanders, Snowdon, in June of the same year,
says that the anti-Spanish English Catholic refugees there, Lord Vaux, Sir
T. Tresham, Mr. Talbot, and Mr. Owen were opposed to the plots then in
progress. "It is said amongst them that if occasion be offered they will re
quite the relaxation now afforded them by his Lordship's (Burghley's) modera
tion, for it is noted that since the cause of the Catholics came to his arbitrament
things have gone on with wonderful suavity (State Papers, Dom.). On the
other hand, Phillips (in July) tells another spy, St. Mains, of the extravagances
of the fanatics, Hacket, Coppinger, and Ardington, and speaks of Burghley
as being on the side of the Puritans.
2 In a spirited reply (Hatfield Papers) to a remonstrance of Antony
Standen, Lord Burghley insists that Catholics who were punished by death in
England are "only those who profess themselves by obedience to the Pope to
be no subjects of the Queen ; and though their outward pretence be to be sent
from the seminaries to convert people to their religion, yet without reconciling
them from their obedience to the Queen they never give them absolution."
Those, he says, who still retain their allegiance to the Queen, but simply

.592] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 451
and sons of a fiercely Puritan mother, prompted by the
double spy Standen and men of the same evil class,
almost violently took up the cause of the persecuted
Catholics when they thought it would injure the kinsman
to whom they owed so much, and his son, of whom they
were jealous.1
The renewed severity against the seminarists at this
time was certainly not without justification. The shifty
James Stuart was again listening to the charming of his
Catholic nobles and the agents of Spain, though doubt
less with the intention of outwitting them, and from all
sides came the news of a powerful fleet being prepared
in the Spanish ports either for England, Scotland, or
Ireland. For a time in the autumn of 1592, whilst Lord
Burghley was accompanying Elizabeth through the
southern counties,2 a perfect panic of apprehension
fell upon the people ; partly, it must be confessed,

absent themselves from churches, are only fined in accordance with the law.
The same contention is more elaborately stated in Lord Burghley's essay on
"The Execution of Justice." The examinations of various spies, giving
alarming accounts of the plots in Flanders at this time to kill the Queen
and Burghley (State Papers, Domestic), afford ample proof that Lord
Burghley's contention as to the aims of the Spanish seminarists was
correct. 1 Francis Bacon frankly confessed that he adhered to Burghley's enemies
because he thought it would be for his own personal advantage as well as for
that of the State ; and his brother Antony writes (Bacon Papers) : " On the
one side, I found nothing but fair words, which make fools fain, and yet even
in those no offer or hopeful assistance of real kindness, which I thought I
might justly expect at the Lord Treasurer's hands, who had inned my ten
years' harvest into his own barn."
2 It was during this progress at Oxford that the circumstance thus related
by Sir J. Harrington happened : " I may not forget how the Queen in the
midst of her oration casting her eye aside, and seeing the old Lord Treasurer
standing on his lame feet for want of a stool, she called in all haste for a stool
for him ; nor would she proceed in her speech till she saw him provided.
Then she fell to it again as if there had been no interruption." Harrington
says that some one (probably Essex) twitted her for doing this on purpose to
show off her Latin.

452 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1592
caused by the fear of reprisals for the ceaseless ravages
of the English upon Spanish shipping. Burghley him
self had always been opposed to these ravages,1 and had
steadily refused to accept any share in the profits of them ;
but when the prizes were brought back he took care that
the Queen's share was not forgotten. A good instance
of this occurred in 1592. Ralegh and the Earl of
Cumberland with some associates fitted out a powerful
expedition to intercept the treasure galleons, and, if
possible, to raid some of the Spanish settlements. When
the squadron had sailed, Ralegh was suddenly recalled
by the angry Queen and thrown into the Tower (May)
for having married.
The Roebuck, Ralegh's own ship, captured off Flores
amongst other prizes the great carrack Madre de Dios,
which reached Dartmouth on the 8th September. The
riches she contained were beyond calculation ; pearls,
amber, musk, and precious stones, tapestries, silks,
spices, and gold formed her cargo. Plunder began
long before she reached England, and when the news
came of the capture the great road to the west was
crowded by Jew dealers, London tradesmen and fine
ladies and gentlemen on their way to buy bargains.
Ralegh's sailors were already sulky at the imprisonment
of their beloved master, and when attempts were made
by the shore authorities to recover some of the plunder
and prevent further peculation, they became unmanage
able. Sir John Hawkins wrote to Lord Burghley that
Ralegh was the only man who could bring them to
order.2 But Ralegh was in the Tower, "the Queen's
poor prisoner " ; and it needed all the Lord Treasurer's
1 Writing to Archibald Douglas advising him how to excuse as well as he
might the depredations of Scotsmen on Danish shipping, he says in a post
script, " I write not this in favour of piracies, for I hate all pirates mortally"
(Hatfield Papers, part iv.). 2 Lansdowne MSS., lxx.

1592J THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 453
influence, working on Elizabeth's greed, to obtain per
mission for Sir Walter, still under guard, to go down
to Devonshire and set matters straight.1 Preceding
him by a few hours on the same errand went Sir
Robert Cecil, whose letters to his father on his journey,
detailing the measures he had adopted on the way to
intercept the plunder, are extremely graphic and inter
esting.2 Such depredations upon Spanish shipping as this —
and they were of constant occurrence — although they
might enrich the adventurers, and to some extent even
the Queen, were a means of keeping the English people
generally in a constant state of apprehension, and ren
dering legitimate commerce dangerous and difficult.
As we have seen, Lord Burghley had steadily set his
face against piracy of all sorts, and Sir Robert Cecil
followed his lead. Ralegh had from his first appear
ance at court been a friend of the Cecils, as against
Leicester and Essex, and he still remained on their side ;
but he was greedy and unscrupulous, and certainly from
the time of the capture of the great carrack the cordiality
between the Cecil party and himself diminished.3 The
talk of the court generally was that Burghley was jealous
of the rise of all men who might compete with his
1 Lansdowne MSS., lxx., and Hatfield Papers, patt iv.
2 Through the whole of the autumn and winter Lord Burghley was busy
in the liquidation and division of the vast plunder brought in the carrack.
Ralegh had risked every penny he possessed, and came out a loser. The
Queen got the lion's share, and the adventurers, with the exception of Ralegh,
received large bonuses.
3 One of Thomas Phillips' suggested spy-letters to be sent abroad (22nd
March 1 591 ) says that although the Puritan party is the weaker, Essex has made
Ralegh join him in their favour. Ralegh's Puritan birth and breeding naturally
gave him sympathy for Essex's party, whilst his active temperament and his
greed made him in favour of war, especially with Spain. His only tie with the
Cecils was his early political connection. Though he was usually in personal
enmity with Essex, his natural bent was therefore more in sympathy with
Essex's party than with that to which he was supposed to be attached.

454 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1592
beloved son Robert ; and Ralegh's friend Spenser puts
the thought in verse (" The Ruins of Time ") thus : —
" O grief of griefs ! O gall of all good hearts !
To see that virtue should despised be
Of him that first was raised for virtuous parts,
And now broad spreading like an aged tree,
Lets none shoot up that nigh him planted be.''
That Lord Burghley in his failing age should desire to
continue his policy through his son was perfectly natural,
especially as in his case the son was in every way worthy
to succeed him ; and it is not fair to blame him for mean
filial jealousy to the detriment of Ralegh, as Spenser
does, for Ralegh, although nominally his adherent, was
in the matter of the Puritans and aggressive action
against Spain, acting rather on the side of Essex. It
is to this fact that Ralegh owed his life-long disappoint
ment at being excluded from the Privy Council.
That Essex and his party were sleepless in their
attempts to undermine the influence of the Cecils there
is abundant evidence to prove. Amongst many others,
an interesting letter from Ralph Lane to Lord Burghley
(March 1592) may be quoted.1 Sir Thomas Cecil and
his more brilliant younger brother had quarrelled whilst
their father was staying in retirement at Theobalds, sick
and sorry. " The world speaks of your Lordship's grief,"
writes Lane, " and thinks it proceeds from the differences
between your two sons. The matter is not great, but the
humours short. That which grieves your well-wishers,
who are the true well-wishers of her Majesty and the
State, is that it has been misrepresented to her Majesty
so as to injure you for credit and wisdom, and that these
hard constructions made against you to her are the
principal cause of your own grief. Good men moan
1 State Papers, Domestic.

iS92] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 455
that her Majesty is sought to be deprived in this dan
gerous time of so wise and approved a Councillor. I
hope that no envy will make her Majesty disconceit a
personage the choice of whom in the beginning of her
reign prognosticated her future greatness."
But Elizabeth, though she might listen to the
youngsters who sought to contemn her aged Coun
cillor, knew his worth better than they, and much as
he desired rest, when it came to the pinch, she always
refused to let him go. Only a few days after the above
letter was written, indeed, Lord Burghley received a
life-grant of Rockingham Forest, part of the lands of
the deceased Lord Chancellor Bromley, as if in answer
to the detractions of his enemies. Another instance of
the dependence of the Queen upon him and of his de
votion to his duty happened in June. He had gone
to Bath to seek alleviation from the gout which had
afflicted him all the spring, and writes from there to
the Queen, who was on her progress, enclosing her an
important letter from her Ambassador in France. " I
would," he says, "have attended your Majesty myself
with it, but I am in the midst of my cure and may not
break off without special harm and frustrating my re
covery, which is promised in a few days. But still I
will risk all, and come if your Majesty desires it." x
1 Numerous similar instances of this devotion occur in the letters of
Burghley to his son and others. In April 1594 he writes to Sir Robert from
Cecil House, that as her Majesty desires to have him there (Greenwich)
to-day, he will go, if it be her pleasure that he should leave his other engage
ments. He then recounts his various duties for the day, including sitting all
the morning in the Court of Wards, " with small ease and much pain," and
again in the afternoon ; the next day he had to preside in the Exchequer
Chamber, the Star Chamber, &c. ; " but if her Majesty wishes I will leave
all. I live in pain, yet spare not to occupy myself for her Majesty." In
July he writes to his son, " I can affirm nothing of my amendment, but if my
attendance shall be earnestly required I will wear out my time at court as
well as where I am" (State Papers, Domestic). How great and generally

456 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1592
The persistent attacks upon Burghley and his policy
were not confined to Essex and the Puritans. The
Spanish Jesuit party in Flanders, which in former
years had often looked upon him with sympathy and
sometimes with hope, now cast upon him the re
sponsibility of everything that happened in England,
even when the policy was dictated by Burghley's oppo
nents. In all the plots of Holt, Yorke, Archer, Cahill,
and the rest of the desperadoes in Flanders, Burghley
was one of the principal objects of attack. " He was
but a blood-sucker," said Yorke ; and the latter swore
he would lay a poisoned glowing coal in his way and
kill him.1 Burghley, he said, had poisoned the young
Earl of Derby in order to marry his grand-daughter to
the Earl's brother. " England was governed by the
Machivellian policy of those who would be kings, and
whom it is time were cut off ; " 2 and much more of the
same sort. These grosser calumnies and accusations of
corruption 3 were in most cases obviously false, and could
hardly have caused Lord Burghley very deep concern ;
but the most artful of his enemies, Father Persons, well
recognised his influence still was is seen by the depositions of what disaffected
persons said of him. Prestall (Kinnersley's deposition, State Papers, Domestic,
1 591) said " the Lord Treasurer was the wizard of England, a worldling
wishing to fill his own purse, and good for nobody ; so hated that he would
not live long if anything happened to the Queen." " The Treasurer led the
Queen and Council, and only cared about enriching himself. "
1 Declarations of Kinnersley, Young, and Walpole (1594), State Papers,
Domestic. 2 Ibid.
3 In accordance with the practice of the time Burghley doubtless re
ceived presents from suitors for office and others (see State Papers, Domestic) ;
but it is on record that he frequently refused such offerings when they assumed
the form of bribes to influence judicial decisions or questions of account.
Above all, there is no proof that he accepted any bribes from Spain, even
when almost every other Councillor of the Queen was paid by one side or the
other. Several mentions are made in the Spanish State Papers of the ad
visability of paying him heavily, and even sums were allotted for the purpose ;
but I have not found a single statement of his having accepted such payments j
although in after years his son certainly did so.

1593] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 457
knew the weak point in his armour, and wounded him to
the quick in his books, in which he pretended to show
that the Lord Treasurer was of base origin, his father a
tavern-keeper, and he himself a bell-ringer.1 We have
seen in a former similar case that attacks upon his an
cestry almost alone aroused Lord Burghley's anger ; and
an anti-Spanish Catholic writing at the time (January
1593) records how deeply he was pained by the books
of Persons and Verstegen just published, "which," he
says, " will do the Catholics no good."
The division, indeed, between the two parties of
Catholics was now well defined. Those who adhered to
Spain and the Jesuits were of course bitterly inimical to
moderate statesmen like the Cecils, whose efforts would
naturally tend to bring about a compromise with James
or Arabella Stuart for the Queen's successor, peace with
Spain, and toleration for Catholics. The Vatican, the
French, the Venetians, and many of the English and
Scottish Catholics abroad were in favour of this solu
tion ; 2 and the English Catholic secular clergy were
enlisted almost entirely on the same side. The extreme
parties, however, were naturally violently opposed to
compromise of any sort ; so that the Cecils, as leaders
of the peaceful and moderate party, were the target for
envenomed attacks at the same time both of Spanish
Jesuits, who wished for a purely Catholic England under
1 Francis Bacon answered the book in an able pamphlet published the same
year (1592), called " Observations upon a Libel published in the Present Year,"
in which Lord Burghley and Sir Robert Cecil are very highly lauded.
2 One ofthe loyal English Catholics, St. Mains, writing (January 1593) to
Fitzherbert, says that "the Lord Treasurer has been dangerously ill, but is
now well recovered, thanks be to God ; for the whole state of the realm de
pends upon him. If he go, there is not one about the Queen able to wield the
State as ,it stands." The principal Catholic refugees against Spain at this
period were Charles Paget, William Gifford, the Treshams, Hugh Griffith,
Dr. Lewis, Bishop of Cassano, the Scottish Carthusian Bishop of Dunblane,
Thomas Morgan, Thomas Hesketh, Nicholas Fitzherbert, &c.

458 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1593
Spanish auspices, and the militant Protestant party led
by Essex, who aimed at a purely Protestant England
and an aggressive war with Spain.
The bitterness of party feeling was promptly de
monstrated at the meeting of Parliament in February.
Intelligence of continued armaments in Spain, and the
recent revelations of informers as to the anti-English
plots hatched in Flanders, had rendered necessary the
employment of large sums for the national defence. A
statement of the apprehensions entertained was made in
the House of Lords by the Lord Keeper Puckering, and
in the Commons by Sir Robert Cecil, the substance
of both speeches having been previously drafted by Lord
Burghley. The patriotism of the members was appealed
to in fervent terms to provide funds for maintaining the
national independence. The Puritan party, aided by
Ralegh, fanned the flame and sought to pledge the
Houses to an offensive war ; and with but little dissent a
treble subsidy was voted, payable in four years. Francis
Bacon J struck a discordant note by asking that the pay
ments should extend over six years. The people were
poor, he said, and hard pressed ; do not arouse their dis
content " and set an evil precedent against ourselves and
our posterity." Sir Robert Cecil somewhat indignantly
answered his cousin's speech, and the Queen and Lord
Treasurer soon made their displeasure felt, and Francis
Bacon could only protest his loyalty and sorrow for his
offence. If only he could wound the Cecils and bring
himself into the good graces of Essex, he seemed to care
but little.
The House of Commons, as usual, had a strongly
1 Francis was member for Middlesex, whilst his brother Antony sat for
Wallingford. The Queen remained angry with Francis for many months. It
was only in September that Essex with the greatest difficulty obtained per
mission for him to appear at court (Bacon Papers, Birch).

1593] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 459
Puritan leaven, and the indefatigable Peter Wentworth
once more incurred the Queen's anger by bringing for
ward the succession question. Whilst the Puritan leaders
in the Commons were being sent to the Tower and the
Fleet,1 the bishops were preparing a blow which should
demolish for good all attempts at attacks against the
Establishment. A new extreme sect called Independents
or Brownists had gained considerable popularity. Other
Nonconformists resisted the orders of the Church, and
opposed the authority of prelates, but the Brownists
were for disestablishment altogether. Their leaders,
Barrow and Greenwood, and several others, were in
prison ; but their followers were many, and growing
in number, and the prelates were determined to stamp
out this new danger to the Church, come what might.
Several Brownists were arraigned for sedition, on the
ground that attacks upon the Establishment were attacks
upon the Queen. Barrow and Greenwood were found
guilty, and condemned to death. During the prosecu
tion the prelates in the Lords had passed a severe bill
against recusancy, designed to press more hardly against
Brownists than even against Catholics. On the 31st
March the condemned men were dragged to Tyburn,
with all the hideous formalities usual in executions for
felony ; and when the ropes were already around their
necks, a reprieve suddenly arrived. Lord Burghley
himself, though seriously ill, had insisted upon a sus
pension of the sentence. " No Papist," he said, " had
suffered for religion, and Protestants' blood should not
1 Morice was sent to Tutbury Castle and kept there in prison for some
years for making a speech in this Parliament complaining of the grievances of
the Puritans. Wentworth was sent to the Tower, and Stevens and Walsh to
the Fleet. Puckering, the Lord Keeper, told the House that the Queen had
not called it together to make new laws ; there were more than enough already.
"It is, therefore, her Majesty's pleasure that no time be spent therein"
(D'Ewes).

460 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1593
be the first shed, at least before an attempt was made
to convince them." We are told also that he spoke
sharply to the Archbishop (Whitgift). The recusants
bill went to the lower House on the 4th April, and
Ralegh amongst others made a vigorous speech against
it. The opposition in the Commons, we are told,1
hardened the prelates' hearts, and both Barrow and
Greenwood suffered the last penalty two days after
wards, to be followed in their martyrdom for Protestant
Nonconformity by many others all over the country.
This case has been stated here somewhat at length,
because it has become usual to cast upon Lord Burghley
the odium for cruel persecution both of Catholics and
Protestants, in disregard of the fact that there were
in England two extreme parties struggling with each
other, he being, so far as religion was concerned, a
moderator between the two. He was, of course, the
most prominent man in the Government, but he only
maintained his influence by avoiding the extremes of
both parties, and in order to do this he was obliged
to refrain from running strongly counter to either.
It may be said that in this case of the Brownists, as
well as that of the Catholics, he might have firmly put
his foot down and have prevented the sacrifice ; but
in that event he would not have been William Cecil,
Lord Burghley, and he would not have held the tiller
of the State for forty years.
In the summer, Essex received a strange and power
ful coadjutor in his policy of aggressive war against
Spain. He and his friends the Bacons, much to the
Puritan Lady Bacon's concern, were already deep in
confidence with Standen, and other double spies and
professed Catholics, the object apparently being to
organise, for the benefit of Essex, a separate spy system,
1 Phillips' suggestions to Sterrell (State Papers, Domestic).

1593] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 461
independent of the universal network controlled by the
Cecils. The new recruit to Essex was a man of a very
different calibre to the other instruments. Antonio
Perez, the former all-powerful minister of Philip II.,
was at deadly feud with his master, and had been
welcomed at the court of France as the bitterest enemy
of his native country. He was one of the most brilliant
and fascinating scoundrels that ever lived, and soon
won the good graces of the jolly Bearnais, who was
already meditating what he called the " mortal leap "
of going to Mass, and turning the Huguenot Navarre
into the Catholic King of France, eldest son of the
Church. He had depended much upon Elizabeth's
help ; although of late that had been slackening as
Essex's influence waned, and he knew that the step
he was about to take would turn her full fury upon
him. Who could so plausibly plead his cause and
inflame the hearts in England against Spain as this
mordant foe of Philip, who knew every weakness, every
secret, of his former master ? So in June, Perez went
to England with Henry's blessing, and with the cold
permission of Elizabeth, for she had no love for traitors,
and Burghley knew Perez's errand.
When he arrived he found Elizabeth already fuming.
at Henry's apostasy, and complaining bitterly to Beau
voir de Node of his master's ingratitude.1 She refused
absolutely to receive the " Spanish traitor," and the cau
tious Cecils gave him a wide berth. Essex in some
1 Elizabeth seems to have received the first hint of his intention in May,
and Lord Burghley sends an indignant letter to his son about it (26th May).
He ends by saying, " If I may not have some leisure to cure my head, I shall
shortly ease it in my grave ; and yet if her Majesty mislike my absence, I will
come thither " (Hatfield Papers, part iv. ). See also letters of Sir Thomas
Edmunds (State Papers, France, Record Office) ; and Elizabeth's curious
letters to Henry (July), signed, " Votre tres assuree sceur si ce sdit a la vielle
mode : avec la nouvelle je n'ay qui faire, E. R." (Hatfield Papers).

462 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1593
notes to Phillips, soon after Perez's arrival, directs him to
set informers to work to discover the real reason of the
Spaniard's coming. Lord Burghley, he says, has seen
him once, and the Earl of Essex twice. " Burghley only
wished to compare his judgment with his own experi
ence ; but he (Essex) wished to found upon Perez some
action, for all his plots are to make war offensive rather
than defensive." l Essex soon got over his doubts, and
plausible Perez stood with Bacon 2 ever at his right hand,
living at his cost, writing his biting gibes, weaving his
plots against Philip, and with his matchless ability and
experience advising the young Earl how best to drag
England into war with Spain, even though Henry was
a Catholic, and so to outwit the watchful Cecils. It
was not long, too, before he flattered and wormed him
self into the good graces of the Queen, who gave him
a handsome pension ; and so gradually the war-party
gained ground in Elizabeth's councils, for in this Ralegh
too was on the side of Essex, and the ceaseless talk of
the intrigues of the Jesuits kept the English war feeling
at fever heat.
Most of the routine work formerly falling upon
Lord Burghley was now undertaken by his son.
Letters from all quarters, and upon all subjects, came
to Sir Robert, whose diligence must have been almost
as indefatigable as that of his father ; but apparently
only those of special importance and touching foreign
affairs were submitted to the Lord Treasurer. But
1 State Papers, Domestic.
2 How deeply Lady Bacon resented her son's friendship with Perez
is seen in a letter of hers to Francis Bacon: "I pity your brother; but
yet so long as he pities not himself, but keepeth that bloody Perez, yea,
a court companion and a bed companion — a proud, profane, costly fellow,
whose being about him I verily believe the Lord God doth mislike, and
doth the less bless your brother in credit and in health. Such wretches as
he is never loved your brother, but for his credit, living upon him " (Bacon
Papers, Birch).

1593] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 463
though Sir Robert might be diligent, he certainly
lacked the high sense of dignity which had always been
characteristic of his father. At a time when courtiers
vied with each other in addressing almost blasphemous
flattery to the Queen, when all the firmament was ran
sacked to provide comparisons favourable to her Majesty's
beauty and wisdom, Lord Burghley, although always
respectful and deferential to the Queen, never sacrificed
his dignity to please her.
That his son was more of a supple courtier than he,
is seen by the address penned by him to be delivered to
the Queen by a man dressed as a hermit on her entrance
to Theobalds, where she passed some days on a visit to
the Lord Treasurer, in October. For turgid affecta
tion and grovelling humility this production could
hardly be excelled by the egregious Simier, or Hatton
himself. The subject evidently has reference to the
Queen's previous visit to the house when Lord Burghley
was in deep trouble and living in retirement. On that oc
casion there was much affected verbosity about the Lord
Treasurer as a hermit, and in October 1593, when the
pretended hermit addressed her Majesty, he reminded her
that the last time she came, " his founder, upon a strange
conceit to feed his own humour, had placed the hermit,
contrary to his profession, in his house, whilst he (Burgh
ley) had retired to the hermit's poor cell." Whilst his
founder (Burghley) lived he was assured that he would
not again dispossess him (as he never turned out tenants)
" Only this perplexeth my soul, and causeth cold blood in
every vein, to see the life of my founder so often in peril,
nay, his desire as hasty as his age to inherit his tomb. But
this I hear (which is his greatest comfort), that when his
body, being laden with years, oppressed with sickness,
having spent his strength in the public service, desireth
to be rid of worldly cares, even when he is grievously

464 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1593
sick and lowest brought, what holds him back and
ransometh him, is the fear that my young master may
wish to use my cell. And therefore, hearing of all the
country folks I meet, that your Majesty doth use him
in your service, as in former time you have done his
father, my founder, and that though his experience and
judgment be not comparable, yet as report goeth he
hath something in him like the child of such a parent,"
he (the hermit) begs the Queen, whose will is law, to
bid Robert Cecil to continue in active life, and leave to
the hermit the cell granted to him by his father.
This was doubtless considered at the time a highly
ingenious device for asking the Queen for a reversion
of the fathers' offices for the son, and is certainly not
lacking in the worldly wisdom which looks ahead ; but
surely never was any man's coming death talked about
so much in his lifetime, and with so little constraint, as
that of Lord Burghley.2
1 Nichols' Progresses, vol. iii.
2 Burghley appears to have been very dangerously ill a few weeks after
wards at Windsor. Essex's spy Standen wrote to his friend Antony Bacon
(6th November) that he had gone up to the Lord Treasurer's lodging to
inquire after his health ; but was refused admittance by the servants, who
told him, however, that his Lordship had rested better than on the previous
night. Whilst Standen " was going down the stairs, the Queen was at my
back, who, unknown to me, had been visiting my Lord, so I stayed among the
rest to see her Majesty pass. A little while after I met Mr. Cooke, who told
me, that true it was that my Lord had somewhat rested the night past ; but
that this morning his Lordship had a very rigorous fit of pain, and dangerous "
(Bacon Papers, Birch). We hear from the same source of similar attacks in
December and January following.

CHAPTER XVI
1 594-i 598
All through the year 1593 Lord Burghley's agents in
Spain had sent news of the powerful naval preparations
being made at Pasages, Corufia, and elsewhere, and the
war-party at home and abroad had strained every nerve
to induce the Queen to assume the offensive. Raleigh,1
Drake, and Hawkins supported Essex in his efforts ;
but the caution of "the Cecils," the Queen, and the
Lord Admiral restrained, as well as might be, the
ardour of the forward party.
There were, indeed, many elements of danger near
home which amply justified a cautious policy. James
Stuart's extraordinary lenity to the Catholic lords who
had rebelled against him, and his known dallying with
Spain and Rome, again suggested the possibility of a
Spanish invasion of England over the Border, simul
taneously with a rising of Catholics in England. The
almost complete control of the coast of Brittany by the
Spaniards, their recent seizure and fortification of a
strong position in Brest harbour, and their continued
intrigues in Ireland, all pointed to the aggressive policy
against this country which Philip's newly reorganised
fleet enabled him to adopt. What would have caused
but modified alarm to England a few years before,
became much more terrible now that Henry IV. had
1 "I hope you will remember," wrote Raleigh to Howard, "that it is the
Queen's honour and safety to assail rather than to defend " (Hatfield Papers).
465 2 G

466 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1594
become a Catholic and was making peace with the
League. Elizabeth and her trusted advisers, therefore,
kept Drake and Hawkins at home, and with the exception
of sending Frobisher and Norris in the autumn of 1594
to oust the Spaniards from Brest harbour,1 stood on the
defensive. Essex, often in temporary disgrace with the Queen,
headstrong and inexperienced, was no match in
diplomacy for Robert Cecil, fortified by the experience
and sagacity of his father ; but he had enlisted in his
service some of the cleverest and most unscrupulous
spies and agents to aid him. Wherever the Queen had
an ambassador, or the Cecils an agent, Essex also had
a man to represent his interest. Every envoy that came
from James Stuart or Henry IV. to ask for aid which
the Cecils considered it imprudent to give under the
circumstances, was received by Essex and his friends
with open arms ; and counter intrigues were carried
on through them against the policy of Lord Burghley.
In Scotland, Holland, and France, it was Essex who
posed as the friend at the expense of the Cecils.2
It had been to a considerable extent owing to the
diplomacy of Antonio Perez that Henry IV. had decided
to come to terms with the League, in order that the
united forces of France might be opposed to the
Spaniards. It was now Perez's secret mission from
the French King, with the aid of Essex, to exacerbate
English feeling against Spain nationally, and to pledge
1 Frobisher was mortally wounded in the assault.
2 See the extraordinary letters of Foulis, Cockburn, and other Scottish
agents, to Bacon, &c, in the Bacon Papers (Birch). "Mr Bowes, the
English Ambassador here (in Scotland), is very much scandalised at the
behaviour of Crato (i.e. Burghley) and his son towards me, and assures me
he will remonstrate with the Queen at his return," writes Foulis to Bacon
(Bacon Papers) ; and similar expressions in the letters of other French and
Scotch agents show clearly that Essex took care to cultivate the idea that it was
only the Cecils who prevented the adoption of a generous policy towards them.

1594] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 467
Elizabeth to help him against the common enemy,
independently of the question of religion. This would
have been a distinct departure from the traditional
policy of England, which had usually been to stand
aloof whilst the two great rivals were fighting ; and only
the attachment of the King of France to the Protestant
cause had for a time altered this policy. Elizabeth's
interests in France, now that Henry was a Catholic,
were limited to preventing the permanent establishment
of the Spanish power on the north coast opposite Eng
land,* and to that end the Cecils directed their efforts.
This, however, did not satisfy Essex and the war-party ;
and the persistent plots of the English Jesuits in Spain
and Flanders1 added constant fuel to the flame, which
Perez so artfully fanned from Essex House.2
An opportunity occurred late in 1593 by which some
of the instruments of the Cecils might be discredited,
and a fresh blow dealt at the policy of cautious
moderation. Many of the Portuguese gentlemen who
surrounded the pretender, Don Antonio, had for years
sold themselves both to Philip and to England — and
played false to both. It has been seen that Lord
Burghley's network of secret intelligence, under the
management of Phillips, was extremely extensive ; and,
amongst others, several of these Portuguese were em
ployed.3 The most popular physician in London at
1 See the many confessions and declarations of spies and informers (1594)
as to alleged plots for the murder of the Queen, Burghley, &c, at this time
(State Papers, Domestic).
2 It was here, and at Eton College, where he was lodged when the court
was at Windsor, that he wrote his bitter "Relaciones" against Philip. He
alleged that men were sent to London to assassinate him, and with indefatigable
zeal of tongue and pen kept up and increased the ill-feeling in the court
against Spain. His copious correspondence with Henry IV. leaves no doubt
whatever either as to the real object of his mission or the utter baseness
with which he executed it.
3 See Burghley's correspondence with Andrada, Da Vega, and others
(State Papers, Domestic), and Mendoza's references to the same men in
the Spanish State Papers.

468 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1594
the time was Dr. Ruy Lopez, a Portuguese Jew, the
Queen's physician, who was frequently employed by
Burghley as an intermediary with the spies, in order
to avert suspicion from them. On several occasions
suggestions had been made to Philip by these spies of
plans to kill the pretender, and Lopez's name had been
mentioned to the Spanish Government as one who
would be willing to undertake the task of poisoning him.
In 1590 one Andrada had been discovered in an act
of treachery against Don Antonio, and arrested in
England, and a letter of his to Mendoza had been inter
cepted, in which he said that he had won over Lopez
to the cause of Spain. In another letter, not intercepted,
he gave particulars of a proposal of Lopez to bring
about peace between England and Spain, if a sum of
money was paid to him. Through the influence of
Lopez, however, Andrada was liberated, and sent abroad
as a spy in the interests of England. Thenceforward for
three years secret correspondence was known, by Lord
Burghley, to be passing between Spanish agents in Flan
ders and Spain, and Dr. Lopez, through Andrada and
others. The intermediaries were all double spies and
scoundrels who would have stuck at nothing, and were
so regarded by Lord Burghley ; but Lopez was thought
to be above suspicion, and to be acting solely in English
interests. He had, however, made an enemy of Essex ;
and Perez artfully wheedled some admissions from him
that he was in communication with Spanish agents about
some great plan. In October 1593, Gama, one of the
agents, was, at Essex's suggestion, arrested in Lopez's
house and searched. The letters found upon him were
enigmatical, but suspicious. Then another agent named
Tinoco, with similar communications and bills of ex
change in his pocket from Spanish ministers, was laid
by the heels. Essex, prompted by Perez, was indefati-

1594] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 469
gable in the examination of the men. They lied and pre
varicated — for it is certain that they were paid by both
sides ; but one of them mentioned Dr. Lopez as being
interested in some compromising papers found upon
him, and suddenly on the 30th January the Queen's
physician was arrested. He was immediately carried
to Cecil House in the Strand, and there examined by
the Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Cecil, and Essex.1
His answers seemed satisfactory to the Cecils, whose
agent Lopez was, but did not please Essex. The Earl,
however, was forestalled by Robert Cecil, who posted
off to Hampton Court and assured Elizabeth of the
physician's innocence. Whilst he was assuring her
that the only ground for the accusation — which
had now assumed the form of a plot to murder the
1 On the way from this examination Sir Robert Cecil and Essex rode together
in a coach. The former — surely to annoy Essex — reverted to a subject which
had caused intense acrimony between the Earl and the Cecils for months past,
namely, the appointment to the vacant Attorney-Generalship which Essex was
violently urging for Francis Bacon ; an appointment to which neither the
Queen nor Lord Burghley would consent, although the latter was willing for
him to have the Solicitor-Generalship. The abuse and insult heaped upon
the Cecils behind their backs on this account by the Earl, by the scoundrel
Standen, and by the Bacons themselves, may be seen in the Bacon Papers
(Birch). On this occasion the violent rashness and want of tact on the part
of Essex is very clear. Cecil asked him, as if the subject was new, who he
thought would be the best man for the Attorney-Generalship. The Earl was
astonished, and replied that he knew very well, as he, Cecil, was the principal
reason why Bacon had not already been appointed. Cecil then expressed his
surprise that Essex should waste his influence in seeking the appointment of a
raw youth. Essex flew in a rage, and told Cecil that he was younger than
Francis, and yet he aspired to a much higher post than the Attorney-Generalship,
i.e. the Secretaryship of State, and then, quite losing control of himself,
swore that he would have the appointment for Francis, and would "spend
all my power, might, authority, and amity, and with tooth and nail procure
the same against whomsoever." The hot-headed Earl foolishly ended by an
undisguised threat against Cecil and his father (Bacon Papers), which we
may be sure the former, at least, did not forget, although Essex had quite
changed his tone and wrote quite humbly to Cecil on the matter in the
following May (Hatfield Papers). It is hardly necessary to say that Bacon
was disappointed of the Attorney-Generalship.

470 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1594
Queen — arose from the Earl's hatred of Lopez, Essex
was endeavouring to strengthen the proofs against
the accused. When the Earl appeared at court the
Queen burst out in a fury against him, called him a
rash and temerarious youth to bring this ruinous accusa
tion of high treason against her trusty servant from
sheer malice, and told him that she knew Lopez was
innocent, and her honour was at stake in seeing justice
done. Gradually, however, the nets closed around the
doctor. The Cecils did as much as they dared in his
favour, but the presumptive evidence against him was
too strong. The underlings competed with each other
in the fulness of their confessions against Lopez, in
hope of favour for themselves ; and at length some
sort of confession was said to have been wrung from
Lopez himself,1 Robert Cecil, with horror, was forced
to admit his belief that he was guilty,2 and Lopez and
his fellow-criminals were executed at Tyburn early in
June.3 This, together with the simultaneous declara
tion of other Spanish Jesuit plots against the Queen,
and the activity of Perez's venomous pen, aroused a
feeling of perfect fury against Philip and his country.
All eyes looked to Drake and the sailors again to
punish Spain upon the sea. Talk of great expeditions
to America, to the Azores, to Spain itself, ran from
mouth to mouth. What had been done with impunity
1 See the extensive correspondence and proceedings in the case (State
Papers, Domestic, and Hatfield Papers).
2 Cecil to Windebanke (State Papers, Domestic).
3 Great obscurity still surrounds the case. Apart from his own alleged
confession, Lopez's condemnation depended upon the declarations of the
double spies who were his accomplices, and he solemnly asserted his inno
cence on the scaffold. I have carefully examined all the evidence — much of it
hitherto unknown — and although there is no space to enter into the matter
here, I am personally convinced that the service that Lopez was to render
was to poison Don Antonio — not the Queen — and bring about some sort of
modus vivendi between England and Spain.

iS94] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 471
before, might, said the Englishmen, be done again,
even though the King of France had become a Papist
and was unworthy of English help. But the Queen
was in one of her timid moods, and the Cecils held the
reins tightly. Essex remained sulking or in disgrace
for the greater part of the summer, and, we learn from
a letter from Sir Thomas Cecil to his brother, only
became ostensibly reconciled with the Lord Treasurer
in August. Little of the routine business passed through Lord
Burghley's hands now, thanks to the activity of his son,
but we get a glance occasionally at the aged minister
from friends and foes who visited him. In the latter
category we may place the spy Standen, a place-hunter
and double traitor, who had fastened himself upon
Essex, and yet was for ever pestering Burghley for an
appointment. Sometimes the Lord Treasurer pretended
to forget who he was, sometimes he gravely and politely
expressed his regret at his inability to help him ; but
on one occasion, at least, he let him know that as he
had joined Essex he must expect nothing from him.
Standen was hanging about Hampton Court in the
spring, and when the Queen had left, thinking the Lord
Treasurer would be less busy than usual, " he stepped
into his Lordship's bedchamber, and found him alone
sitting by the fire." After some compliments, the place-
hunter, for the hundredth time, set forth his claims.
Burghley replied as before, that Standen was in Eng
land for a long time after his return from abroad with
out even coming to salute him. Standen said he had
been ill with ague ; " but," said the minister, " you have
been about the court all the winter and must have had
some good days. And," he asked, " how is it I have not
seen the statement the Queen told you to draw up
about Spain and to hand to me ? " Standen hemmed

472 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1594
and ha'd, but at last had to confess that he had given
the statement to Essex for the Queen six months before.
" Then my Lord began to start in his chair, and to alter
his voice and countenance from a kind of crossing and
wayward manner which he hath, into a tune of choler," J
and told the spy that since he had begun with the Earl
of Essex he had better go on with him, and hoped him
well of it. Then angrily telling him some home-truths
about his conduct, the Lord Treasurer dismissed the
spy ; though for the rest of the great minister's life
he was not free from his importunities.
It was not often that Lord Burghley thus exhibited
anger, even to a man like Standen. We seem to know
the aged statesman better in the following pathetic
little word-picture contained in a letter from his faith
ful secretary, Sir Michael Hicks, to Sir Robert Cecil 2
(27th September) : " My Lord called me to him this
evening, and willed me to write to you in mine own
name, to signify to you that the Judge of the Admiralty
came hither to him a little before supper time, to let
him understand that he was not furnished with sufficient
matter to meet the French Ambassador, and required
five or six days' further respite . . . wherewith he
(Burghley) was well contented ... for at the time of
his coming to him he found himself ill, and not fit to
hear and deal in suits, and he doth so continue. And
truly, methinks, he is nothing sprighted, but lying on
his couch he museth or slumbereth. And being a little
before supper at the fire, I offered him some letters
and other papers, but he was soon weary of them, and
told me he was unfit to hear suits. But I hope a good
night's rest will make him better to-morrow." s
But though the great statesman was nearing his end,
1 Bacon Papers, Birch. 2 Ibid.
3 Hatfield Papers, part iv.

1594] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 473
his mind was as keen as ever, and his influence was
strong enough to prevent Essex from dragging England
into an offensive war with Spain for the benefit of Henry
IV. The Bearnais had still to cope with rebellion in
various parts of his realm, and the Spaniards had secured
a firm footing in Picardy and Brittany; his finances
were in the utmost disorder, and against the advice of
Sully he declared a national war against Philip in
January. He had clamoured and cajoled in vain for
more aid from Elizabeth, and in his pressing need had
appealed with more success to the Hollanders.
This was the last straw. All the old distrust of the
Burghley school against the French revived. The Queen
was furious that these ingrate Dutchmen, whom she
alone had rescued from the Spanish tyranny, should
now curry favour with France. They owed her vast
sums of money and eternal gratitude, they had offered
her the sovereignty of their States, and yet instead of
paying their debts and releasing some of her forces
occupied in their service, they must needs seek fresh
friends. If possible she was more indignant still with
Henry ; for, as we have seen, one of the two pivots upon
which English policy turned was to exclude French
influence in the Low Countries. Thomas Bodley was
sent back to the States with reproaches for their in
gratitude, and a peremptory demand that they should
pay her what they owed her. Before he left England,
however, he also was gained by Essex, and notwith
standing Burghley's and the Queen's strict instructions,
was far more careful to provide excuses for the States
than to press them.1 Henry IV., too, never ceased to
1 Correspondence with Burghley, in the Hatfield Papers, part v. , and State
Papers, Flanders (Record Office) ; and with Essex, in Bacon Papers (Birch).
Burghley, apparently to occupy his mind during his illness, wrote a most
elaborate minute, "to be shown to her Majesty when she is disposed to be

474 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1594
declare that unless much more English help was sent
to him, the north of France would slip from his grasp
whilst he was busy in the south ; and in the autumn,
point was given to his warning by the treacherous sur-
sender of Cambray to the Spaniards. This was a direct
danger to England, and Henry made the most of it by
sending a special envoy to demand fresh English aid.
But still Burghley was against violent measures, for a
great Spanish fleet was being fitted out in Galicia, and
Tyrone's rebellion in Ireland was being actively pro
moted by Philip. Defence, as usual, was the first
thought of the Lord Treasurer ; and disabled as he was,
he drew up in the autumn a complete scheme for the
protection of the country against invasion.1
But though Elizabeth would not commence offensive
warfare against Spain, she was induced to listen at last
to Drake's oft-rejected prayer for permission to raise a
powerful privateer squadron to capture prizes and raid
Panama. This was what people wanted. Drake's name
had not lost its magic, and volunteers joined in thousands,
eager for fighting and loot under the great admiral. The
ports of Spain and Portugal were panic-stricken at the
mere prospect of a visit, and if the fleet had sailed
promptly in the spring, Philip might have been crippled
again. But the Queen and Burghley were still appre
hensive, and loath to let Drake sail too far away. Sud
denly on 23rd July four Spanish pinnaces landed 600
soldiers on the Cornish coast, and without resistance
they ravaged and burnt the country round Penzance.
merry, to see how I am occupied in logic and neglect physic ; " proving that
her demands upon the States to be made by Bodley are founded upon the
maxims of civil law. " If," he says, " my hand and arm did not pain me as
it doth in distempering my spirits, I would send longer argument ""(Hatfield
Papers, part v.). Thanks to Burghley's persistence, terms were made with
the States.
1 Printed in Strype's "Annals,"

1S94] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 475
It was a mere predatory raid from the Brittany coast ;
but it seemed to justify all Elizabeth's fears, and, to
Drake's despair, she forbade him to go direct to Panama.
He was, she said, to cruise about the Channel and Ireland
for a month, then to intercept any fleet from Spain that
might threaten, and finally to lay in wait for the Spanish
treasure flotilla before he crossed the Atlantic. The
orders doubtless originated from Howard, who was as
cautious as Burghley himself ; but Drake and his officers
flatly refused to obey them. They had, they said, on
the Queen's commission fitted out at vast expense a
private fleet for a certain purpose, and it was utterly
inappropriate to the service now demanded of it. The
Queen was angry, and, as usual, called upon Burghley
to refute the strategical arguments of the sailors, which
he did in a learned minute. But it was never sent, for
Drake was obviously in the right, and the Queen was
obliged to give way. She made Drake pledge his honour
to be back in England again in the following May to fight
the new Armada, and, on the 28th August, Drake and
Hawkins sailed out of Plymouth to failure and death.
All through the year, with but short intervals of
comparative ease, Lord Burghley remained ill, but
manfully determined to perform his duty. His letters
to his son, written, of course, with greater freedom than
to others, disclose more of his private feelings than we
have been able to see at any earlier period of his career.
Both in these letters and those of his secretaries the
note touched is intense devotion to the public service
at any cost to his own repose. Maynard writes to Sir
Robert Cecil (23rd December 1594) that the sharp
weather had increased the Lord Treasurer's pain.
"But for your coming hither his Lordship says you
shall not need, although you shall hear his amend
ment is grown backward." A few months later at

476 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1595
Theobalds, Clapham sends to Sir Robert very un
favourable news of the invalid, and in the following
month of May we find him confined to his bed at
Cecil House in London, suffering greatly, and fretting
at his inability to go to court. In the autumn he tells
his son that he is obliged to sign his letters with a stamp,
" for want of a right hand " ; but even then he con
cludes his letter thus — "And if by your speech with
her Majesty she ;will not mislike to have so bold a
person to lodge in her house, I will come as I am (in
body not half a man, but in mind passable) to the
muster of the rest of my good Lords, her Majesty's
Councillors, my good friends. . . . Upon your answer
I will make no unnecessary delay, by God's permission."1
In the midst of his pain his letters are full of directions
upon State matters. In a letter to Cecil in October,
urging the Queen to send prompt reinforcements to
Ireland, which apparently she was inclined to neglect,
he says, "My aching pains so increase that I am all
night sleepless, though not idle in mind."2
1 The Queen at this time appears to have been desirous of saving Burghley
trouble. When the court was at Nonsuch (September 1595), the Council was
held in his room, the Queen being present. (Bacon Papers.)
2 That he was not idle in mind even in his greatest pain is shown by the
fact that during this autumn, whilst he was almost entirely disabled, he not
only continued his close attendance to State affairs, but gave a great amount
of attention to the new question which was disturbing the Church, and
especially setting the University of Cambridge by the ears. A Mr. Barrett, of
Gonville and Caius, had preached a sermon in which the doctrine of free grace
was enunciated. This was thought by many to be " Popish," and Burghley,
as Vice-Chancellor, ordered him to recant. The doctrine was eloquently
defended by Burghley's protege, Professor Baro. Curiously enough, Whitgift,
a prelate of prelates, then came out with a series of articles (called the
Lambeth articles) enforcing the extreme Calvinistic doctrine of absolute pre
destination. Burghley was passionately appealed to by both parties, and
while supporting the authority of Whitgift, expressed his dissent from the
doctrine of predestination. The Queen, annoyed at the question being raised,
instructed Sir Robert Cecil to stop the dispute, which had caused much
trouble both to her and Burghley.

1595] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 477
That the Lord Treasurer's bodily weakness and over
powering political influence were recognised elsewhere
than in England as a powerful factor in the international
situation, is evident from the correspondence — amongst
many others — of the Venetian Ambassador in France.
Henry had gone north, and was besieging La Fere, in
Picardy, in the late autumn, after the fall of Cambray,
and had sent his agent Lomenie to England to support
the efforts of Essex in his favour. But the Earl was in
semi-disgrace, and the French agent went back with
but small promises of aid. Henry was about to send
a stronger envoy, Sancy, but Essex told him it would
be useless, and the clever Bearnais, knowing best how
to arouse Elizabeth's jealousy, despatched Sancy to
Holland. Thereupon the Venetian Ambassador writes
to the Doge : " If Sancy went to England just now he
would not find the Queen well disposed towards the
policy of his Majesty (Henry IV.), not only on the
grounds I have so often explained, but also because
she does not approve of the conduct of the French
ministers. The chief reason, however, is that there
reigns a division in the councils of the Queen, and
her two principal ministers are secretly in disaccord.
One of these ministers, the Lord Treasurer, is very ill-
disposed towards the crown of France, and uses all his
influence to prevent the Queen from taking an active
part in this direction. There is a strong suspicion that
he has been bought by Spanish gold. The other noble
man, a prime favourite with the Queen, is of the contrary
opinion, urging that every effort should be made to
quench the fire in one's neighbour's house to prevent
one's own from being burnt. The Queen is in the
greatest perplexity. The Lord Treasurer, in addition
to his other arguments, urges the plea of economy, to
which women are naturally more inclined than men.

478 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1595
All the same, no efforts are being spared to dispose her
mind, so that should Sancy go to England he may easily
obtain all he asks for." l
When it became evident that Henry was again ap
pealing to the States, Elizabeth was forced to make a
counter-move, and decided to send Sir Henry Unton to
offer further English help, if certain French towns, espe
cially Calais, were placed in her hands as security. It
was clear that Henry neither could nor would agree to
such terms, and probably the Queen and Burghley were
quite aware of the fact ; but upon Unton's embassy
Essex founded a regular conspiracy for the purpose
of outwitting the Cecils and dragging England into war.
Antonio Perez had already been sent back to France
in July 1595, self-pitying and lachrymose at leaving the
luxury of Essex House to follow a camp ; but to be
received in France almost with royal consideration, and
to be welcomed once more as the bosom friend of the
King. He betrayed everybody ; but his real mission
was to send alarming news to Essex as to Henry's
intentions, in order that Elizabeth might be frightened
into an alliance with him to prevent his joining her
enemies against her. Perez thought more of his own
discomfort than of his English patron's policy, and had
to be brought to book more than once. The Earl sent
Sir Roger Williams to upbraid him for not making
matters more lively. "I am doing," says the Earl,
" what I can to push on war in England ; but you !
you ! Antonio, what are you doing on that side ? "
But when Unton went on his mission early in January
1596, a stronger ally than Perez was gained. He was
entirely in Essex's interests, and received secret instruc
tions from the Earl.2 Perez and Unton were to work
together, of course without the knowlege of Sir Thomas
1 Venetian State Papers. 2 In extenso in Bacon Papers (Birch).

1596] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 479
Edmonds, the regular Ambassador, who was a "Cecil
man." Henry IV. was to be prompted to feign anger and
indignation with England, and threaten to make friends
with Spain. " He must so use the matter as Unton may
send us thundering letters, whereby he must drive us to
propound and to offer." Perez, too, was to keep the
game alive by assuring Essex that a treaty was on foot
between France and Spain, and to reproach Essex for
allowing Unton to be sent on such an errand as would
mortally offend the King.
But the Cecils were too clever for Essex and Perez
combined. One of Perez's secretaries played him false,
for which he was afterwards imprisoned in the Clink by
Essex ; and it is probable that the threads of the intrigue,
all through, were in the hands of Burghley. In any
case, there was no great change in Elizabeth's policy,1
and Unton himself died in France before his mission was
complete (23rd March 1596). Only a few days after
wards news reached London that the Spaniards were
marching on Calais. This, at all events, was calculated to
1 Burghley did not prevail with the Queen at this juncture without trouble
when Essex was near. In March 1596, Essex arrived at the court at Rich
mond, and Standen says : ' ' The old man upon some pet would needs away
against her will on Thursday last, saying that her business was ended, and
he would for ten days go take physic. When she saw it booted not to stay
him she said he was a froward old fool" (Bacon Papers). The following
dignified letter written soon afterwards by Burghley to his son evidently refers
to this incident : "My loving son, Sir Robert Cecil, knt., I do hold, and
will always, this course in such matters as I differ in opinion from her
Majesty. As long as I may be allowed to give advice I will not change my
opinion by affirming the contrary, for that were to offend God, to whom I
am sworn first ; but as a servant I will obey her Majesty's command and no
wise contrary the same ; presuming that she being God's chief minister here,
it shall be God's will to have her commandments obeyed — after that I have
performed my duty as a Councillor, and shall in my heart wish her command
ments to have such good success as she intendeth. You see I am a. mixture
of divinity and policy ; preferring in policy her Majesty before all others on
earth, and in divinity the King of Heaven above all." This letter seems to
enshrine Burghley's lifelong rule of conduct as a minister.

480 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1596
arouse Elizabeth to action ; and on Easter Sunday 1596 all
the church doors in London were suddenly closed during
service, and there and then a number of the men-wor
shippers pressed for service. They were hurriedly armed
and on the same night marched to Dover for embarka
tion under Essex. No sooner were the men on board and
ready to sail than a counter order came from London.
Essex was frantic, and wrote rash and foolish letters to the
Queen and the Lord Admiral. He writes to Sir Robert
Cecil on the same day : " O ! pray get the order altered.
I have written to the Queen in a passion. Pray plead
for me, that I may not be disgraced by any one else
commanding the succour whilst I have done the work.
Pray do not show the Queen my letter to the Admiral ;
it is too passionate." x Almost in sight of Essex, the day
after this was written (14th), the citadel of Calais fell
into the hands of the Spaniards, and Elizabeth found
she had overreached herself.2 When Unton had asked
1 Hatfield Papers, part v.
2 Lord Burghley must be absolved from all blame for the hesitation to
succour Calais. The delay and failure were entirely the fault of the Queen.
Whilst Burghley held back and resisted attempts to drag England into war
with Spain unnecessarily ; when English interests were really at stake, as in
the case of Calais, he could be as active as any one. On the 6th April, as
soon as the news arrived, his secretary wrote to Robert Cecil — the Lord
Treasurer being "freshly pinned" with the gout and unable to write— ap
proving of Essex's plan to relieve Calais ; and on the ioth he writes himself,
after the town had surrendered, but whilst the citadel held out : "lam heartily
sorry to perceive her Majesty's resolution to stay this voyage, being so far
forward as it is ; and surely I am of opinion that the citadel being relieved the
town will be regained, and if for want of her Majesty's succour it shall be lost,
by judgment of the world the blame will be imputed to her. . . . These so'
many changes breed hard opinions of counsell." Sancy and the Duke de
Bouillon came to Elizabeth at Greenwich to remonstrate with her, in Henry's
name, on the effect which her demand for Calais in return for her aid had pro
duced. Sancy had a long conversation with Burghley on the 23rd April, and
the latter frankly told him that the conversion of Henry had entirely changed
the situation. The only common interests now, he said, between the two
countries was their vicinity. Sancy says the Lord Treasurer praised the
Spaniards to the skies, to the detriment of the French. The French envoy

1596] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 481
for Calais as the price of her help, the Bearnais had said,
with his usual oath, that he would see it in the hands of
the Spaniards first ; and for once he had told the truth.
The blow to Elizabeth's policy was undoubtedly
a severe one, and a counter-stroke had to be delivered.
The old project which on several occasions had been
submitted by Howard to the Council for an attack
upon the shipping in Cadiz harbour, was revived.
Essex was all aflame in the business from the first ;
but the Queen changed her mind from day to day.
"The Queen," wrote Reynolds in May,1 "is daily
changing her humour about my Lord's voyage, and
was yesterday almost resolute to stay it, using very
hard words of my Lord's wilfulness." Lord Burghley
appears to have been very ill at the time of the pre
parations ; 2 but he was sufficiently well to secure the
appointment of the aged Lord Admiral to the joint
command of the fleet, to the discontent, and almost
despair, of Essex ; and to pen an order from the Queen
strictly limiting the objects of the expedition to the
destruction of the Spanish ships manifestly intended
for the invasion of England. The great fleet of 96 sail,
with a contingent of 24 sail of Hollanders, left Plymouth
was endeavouring to secure an offensive and defensive alliance with England,
which Burghley steadily opposed. How could Henry help Elizabeth? the
Treasurer asked; and what more could Elizabeth do for him than she was
doing ? In one of their interviews Burghley flatly told Sancy that the Queen
did not intend to strengthen Henry in order that he might make an advan
tageous peace over her head. Sancy was shocked at such an imputation on
his master's honour, and gave a written pledge of Henry that he would
never treat without England, and this was embodied in the treaty (26th May
1596). Burghley made as good terms as he could, but he never was in
favour of the treaty. His letter quoted above (page 479) and his quarrel with
the Queen evidently had reference to this subject.
1 Bacon Papers.
2 Writing from Theobalds to Robert Cecil soon after the expedition sailed
from Plymouth, he says, " I came here rather to satisfy my mind by change of
place, and to be less pressed by suitors, than with any hope of ease or relief. "
2 H

482 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1596
on the 5th June, and on the 20th appeared before the
astounded eyes of the citizens of Cadiz. The divided
command, and the small experience of actual fighting
at sea of Howard and Essex, was nearly bringing about
a disaster to the English ; but at a critical moment
Ralegh's advice was taken. The fleet sailed boldly
into the harbour, and destroyed the shipping first, and
then captured and sacked the city.
It was the greatest blow that had ever been dealt to
the power of Spain ; and it proved that Philip's system
was rotten, and that the Spanish pretensions were
incapable of being sustained by force of arms. When
Essex came back he found that Sir Robert Cecil had
been appointed Secretary of State (July) in his absence.1
The Queen was fractious, and offended that her orders
had been exceeded, and above all, that she had not
received so much booty as she expected ; and for a time
Essex was kept at arm's length. But now that Cecil
had obtained the coveted post of Secretary, he wisely
endeavoured to make friends with Essex, who had so
bitterly opposed him ; 2 and, greatly to the Queen's
delight, a new appearance of cordiality between them
was the result. Sir Robert even brought Ralegh into
the circle of grace. He had been for five years under
1 Essex had lately, and most intemperately, been trying to force Bodley
into the Secertaryship. His importunity was so great as to offend the Queen,
and predisposed her against his proteges. How jealous Antony Bacon was
may be seen in his letter. " Elphas peperit ; so that now the old man may
say, with the rich man in the gospel, * requiescat anima mea.' " Bacon Papers.
2 That the reconciliation was not easy will be seen in Essex's letters in
the Bacon Papers. The Earl writes in September to'Lady Russell, "Yester
day the Lord Treasurer and Sir Robert Cecil did, before the Queen, contest
with me, . . . and this day I was more braved by your little cousin (Cecil)
than ever I was by any man in my life. But I was, and am, not angry,
which is all the advantage I have of him." In the following April Essex
entertained Cecil and Ralegh at dinner, "and a treaty of peace was con
firmed." During the Earl's disgrace with the Queen shortly afterwards, Cecil
appears to have behaved in a friendly manner towards him.

1597] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 483
the Queen's frown, but Cadiz had made him friendly
with Essex, and now Cecil and Essex together brought
about a reconciliation with the Queen. On the 2nd
June 1597 Ralegh once more knelt before his royal
mistress, and donned his long-neglected silver armour
as captain of the guard.
The sacking of Cadiz had irretrievably ruined Philip's
prestige; but it had not deprived him of all material
resources, heavy and ceaseless as had been the drain
upon his treasury for the war in France. The Irish
chiefs left him no peace from their importunities, and
assured him again and again that with the aid of a few
men the island might be his, and Elizabeth and the
heretics at his mercy. Promises, sums of money, and
slight succour were sent from time to time; but the
insult of Cadiz and the exhortations of the Church, at
length prevailed upon the King to attempt one great
effort in Ireland to crush his enemy before swift
approaching death struck him down. We understand
now that such a system as his foredoomed to failure
any attempt to organise promptly an efficient naval
armament ; for penury, peculation, delay, and ineptitude
were the natural result of the minutest details being
jealously retained in the hands of an overworked hermit
hundreds of miles away from the centre of activity.
But in England the news of his intentions caused far
greater apprehension than we now know that they de
served ; and Essex was again all eagerness to take out
another fleet, and repeat elsewhere the coup of Cadiz.
This time he found no obstacles raised by the Cecils.
In a biography of Lord Burghley, it is not necessary to
probe the vexed question of the sincerity of Sir Robert
Cecil's reconciliation with Essex. Most inquirers of
late years have assumed, with some show of justification,
that it was from the first a deep-laid plot of Cecil, perhaps

484 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1597
with Ralegh's co-operation, to ruin the Earl, as in its
results it certainly did. But without admitting this, or at
least implicating Burghley himself in such a plan,1 it may
fairly be assumed that when Cecil saw how smoothly
things went for him, and how soon he obtained the
Secretaryship when Essex was absent, he may have
welcomed any opportunity of again getting rid of so
turbulent and quarrelsome a colleague.2 The earl's pride
and jealousy had also taken from him much of the
Queen's regard, and she was determined to humble or
to break him. The first project had been to raise a small
expedition under Ralegh and Lord Thomas Howard to
intercept the Spanish treasure fleets ; but when it became
known that the Adelantado of Castile was making ready
a fleet of 10b ships and a powerful army in the Galician
ports, Essex proposed a great enlargement of the plan.
He was authorised to raise a force of 120 ships, the
Dutchmen were induced to send a strong contingent,
and with infinite labour Essex and Ralegh induced the
Queen to consent to their plan for burning the Spanish
fleet, in port or wherever they could find it, and then
to intercept and capture the homeward-bound flotillas
from the East and West Indies.
Lord Burghley's attitude is seen by a cordial letter
he wrote to Essex early in May (State Papers, Domestic).
" I thank you," he says, " for not reproving my objec-
1 It is curious that in the previous year, when Essex was going on the
Cadiz expedition, Bellievre, the French minister, expressed an opinion that
" his appointment isa suggestion of the Lord Treasurer, in order to divert
the Queen from sending aid to his Majesty (Henry IV.), and to get rid of
the Earl of Essex on the pretext of this honourable appointment, which would
leave him (Burghley) master of the Council." It is fair to say that the Venetian
ambassador who transmits this opinion, expresses his disbelief in it. Venetian
State Papers.
2 That the sagacious Bacon saw and foretold the consequences of Essex's
willingness to absent himself in risky enterprises, is evident from his letters
to the Earl in October 1596 (Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu, vol. 9).

iS97] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 485
tions for the resolutions for conference. I hope to see
you at Court to-morrow, if God by over-great pains do
not countermand me. / like so well to attempt something
against our Spanish enemy that f hope God will prosper the
purpose!' The fleets gathered in Plymouth Sound early in July,
and sailed in three fine squadrons under Essex, Thomas
Howard, and Ralegh respectively.1 On the day he
sailed unsuspecting Essex in the fulness of his heart
wrote a fervent letter of thanks to Cecil.2 He would,
he said, never forget his kindness whilst he lived ; " and
if I live to return, I will make you think your friend
ship well professed." Unfortunately he returned sooner
than he expected, for the fleets were caught in a storm
and driven back with much suffering and danger.
Famine and sickness broke out, and for a whole month
the fleets were wind-bound in the Channel, whilst the
Queen began to waver about allowing her ships and
men to be exposed again so late in the season. Once
more the aged Lord Treasurer wrote to Essex on his
return (July 23), " It is not right that I should condole
with you for your late torment at sea, for I am sure
that would but increase your sorrow, and be no relief
to me. I am but as a monoculus, by reason of a flux
falling into my left eye ; and you see the impediment
by my evil writing and short letter. ... In the time
of this disaster I did by common usage of my morning
prayer on the 23rd of every month, in the 107th Psalm,
read these nine verses proper for you to repeat, and
especially six of them, which I send to you. This
letter savours more of divinity. As for humanity, I
1 There were about 120 ships, English and Dutch, and a force of some
6000 men, including 1000 English veterans from the Low Countries, led by the
gallant Sir Francis Vere.
2 State Papers, Domestic.

486 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1597
refer you to the joint-letter from the Lord Admiral,
myself, and my son." x
Essex and Ralegh posted to London early in August
and prayed the Queen to let them resume their voyage.
"Only," said Essex, "allow me to take half the ships
and to do as I please where I like, and I will perform a
worthy service." But the Queen would not hear of such
a thing, nor should they with her permission enter any
Spanish port at all. At last, as a compromise, she con
sented to Ralegh's sending a few fire-ships into Ferrol,
on condition that Essex was to keep quite away from
the enterprise ; and to be sure she should be obeyed,
she insisted upon the soldiers being left at home. At
length, on the 17th August, the truncated expedition
again sailed. Disaster, jealousy and division dogged it
from the first. Another great storm drove the squadrons
asunder. The winds prevented them from approaching
Ferrol. Ralegh, under a misunderstanding, attacked
Fayal, in the Azores, in the absence of Essex, and the
sycophants around the Earl bred evil blood between
them. The main body of the flotillas from the Indies
escaped them ; and eventually Essex, with his ships
battered and disabled, crept into Plymouth at the end
of October, bringing with them hardly sufficient plunder
to pay their expenses. Fortunately in their absence the
Spanish fleet for the invasion of Ireland had also been
driven back and practically destroyed by a storm, and
all present danger from that quarter had disappeared.
Essex found that in his absence the Lord Admiral
had been made Earl of Nottingham, which, in conjunc
tion with his office, gave him precedence, and that Secre
tary Cecil had been made Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster. The Earl was furious, and sulked at Wanstead
instead of going to court ; but the old Lord Treasurer
1 State Papers, Domestic.

iS97] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 487
was once more amiability itself— as well he might be, for
his son was winning all along the line. On the 9th
November he wrote to the Earl, " My writing manifests
my sickness. Some of your friends say that the cause of
your absence is sickness, so I send my servant to ascer
tain your health. I wish I could remedy any other cause
of your absence ; but writing will do no good. It requires
another manner of remedy, in which you may command
my service." J And again, ten days later, " I hoped you
would have come to court for the fortieth anniversary of
her Majesty's coronation. I hear, to my sorrow, that
you have been really sick, but hope you will soon be
back at court, where you shall find a harvest of business,
needful for many heads, wits, and hands." 2
Although the young Earl obstinately absented himself
from court, he seems to have sent a letter of thanks and
friendship to Lord Burghley ; for the latter on the 30th
November writes expressing his joy at the Earl's content
ment, but chiding him for his continued absence, which
he says is exposing him to " diversity of censures." " I
find," he says, " her Majesty sharp to such as advise her
to that which it were meet for her to do, and for you to
receive. My good Lord, overcome her with yielding
without disparagement of your honour, and plead your
own cause with your presence ; whereto I will be as ser
viceable as any friend you have, to my power — which is
not to run, for lack of good feet, nor to fight, for lack of
good hands, but ready with my heart to command my
tongue to do you due honour." 3 At length, probably at
the suggestion of Burghley, the angry Queen made Essex
Earl-Marshal, which gave him precedence over Howard,
and he came back to court sulky and quarrelsome, galled
that cooler heads and keener wits than his could work
their will in spite of him.
1 State Papers, Domestic. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid.

488 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1597
In the meanwhile the war between France and Spain
was wearing itself out. Since the conversion of Henry IV.
matters were gradually working back into their natural
groove of nationalities instead of faiths. Philip was bank
rupt in purse, broken in spirit, and already on the brink
of the grave ; but the awful sacrifices his ruined country
had made had at least prevented France from becoming
a Protestant country. He was leaving Flanders to his
beloved daughter Isabel, and wished to bequeath to her
peace as well. By Henry's treaty with England and the
United Provinces two years before he had bound himself
to make common cause with them against the King of
Spain ; but the main cause of his own quarrel with Spain
had nearly disappeared, for the Leaguers were now
mostly on his side, and for a year past the Pope (Clement
VIII.) had been busy trying to bring about a reconcilia
tion between the two great Catholic powers. The pontiff
assured Henry that he was not bound to keep faith with
heretics, and might break the treaty with Elizabeth and
Holland. " I have," replied the Bearnais, " pledged my
faith to the Queen of England and the United Provinces.
How could I treat to their detriment, or even fail in a
single point, without betraying my duty, my honour, and
my own interests ? No pretext would excuse such base
ness and perfidy, and if it could, sooner than avail myself
of it I would lose my life."
But when, in the autumn of 1597, the Spaniards
were finally routed at Amiens, it was evident that Spain
could fight no longer, and that the moment for peace
had come. The Archduke, who was to marry the
new sovereign of Flanders, was especially anxious for
peace before the Spanish King died, and at his instance
advances to Henry were made. This was the last great
international question in which Burghley was personally
interested, and by a curious coincidence it brought once

1597J THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 489
more to the front the traditional English policy, of which
he was the representative ; a policy which had for many
years past been broken and interrupted by the religious
position on the Continent. The growing power and
ambition of the Dutch United Provinces, and their aid
sent to Henry IV. against Spain, together with Henry's
conversion to Catholicism, had once more aroused the
fear of England that by an arrangement between them
the French might dominate Spanish Flanders. The pro
ject of making the Infanta and her husband practically
independent sovereigns of the Belgic provinces was there
fore eminently favourable to English interests, and drew
England once more irresistibly to the side of Spain, as
against the Dutchmen and Henry IV. ; for the possession
of Flanders by the French (or now even by the strong
pushing young Republic under French influence) was
one of the two eventualities against which for centuries
the traditional policy of England had been directed.
Coincident, therefore, with Henry's negotiations, secret
approaches were made by England to the Archduke, and
once more, after a half-century of fighting, England was
smiling as of old on a " Duke of Burgundy," as against a
French King.1
In November Henry sent envoys to the States and to
England to demand further aid, but with the alternative
of a peace conference. The Dutchmen thought they had
been betrayed, and indignantly said so ; refusing abso
lutely to make peace with ruined, defeated Spain, except
on their own terms, and in their own time. Elizabeth had
far greater reason than they for indignation with her ally,
and had to be approached more gently and with greater
diplomacy. De Maisse, Henry's envoy, arrived in Lon-
1 De Maisse, the French peace envoy to England, wrote, " These people
are still dwelling on their imagination of the house of Burgundy, . . . but it
does not please them to have so powerful a neighbour as the King of Spain."

490 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1597
don on the 2nd, and was received by the Queen on the
8th December. He found the Cecils absolute masters
of the Council ; for all of Burghley's predictions of the
falsity of Frenchmen had come true, and his objection
to the treaty of alliance (May 1596) had been more than
justified. Essex, only just returned to court from his
sulky fit at Wanstead, took in earnest Henry's demands
for reinforcements against Spain, and was all for fight
ing again, whilst Burghley of course understood them
to be only a mask for the peace suggestion. The Queen
and Burghley were determined to assume indignation and
grievance in order that, in the coming peace, they might
get the best possible terms for England ; indignant, how
ever, as they might pretend to be, there was nothing they
desired more than a pacification that should open all
ports to English trade and leave Flanders in the hands of
a modest, moderate sovereign under the guarantee of
Spain. But withal it behoved them to walk warily, for
Spain had outwitted them in the peace negotiations of
1588, and Protestant Holland could not be abandoned.
On the 8th December De Maisse was received in
State by Elizabeth at Whitehall,1 whither Lord Burghley
was brought in a litter, but Essex was still absent. The
Queen was enigmatical but polite, and referred the envoy
to Lord Burghley, with whom he conferred on the 10th,
when it became evident that the object of the English
was to gain time whilst other negotiations were proceed
ing. The Queen exerted all her wiles and ancient coquetry
on De Maisse to delay matters, and not without success ;
whilst she inflamed Caron, the envoy of the Dutch
States, with hints of Henry's desertion and perfidy, in
order to embitter French relations with them.
1 Full particulars of his embassy will be found in his Journal, in the
Archives de la Ministere des affaires etrangeres, Paris, partly reproduced in
Prevost Paradol's " Elizabeth et Henry IV."

1598] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 491
At length Henry IV. got tired of this buckler play,
and De Maisse plainly told Elizabeth that the King con
sidered that her delay in giving him a definite answer
released him from his pledges under the treaty of
alliance. Again he was referred to Burghley, whom he
saw again early in January. The Queen could not treat
with the Archduke, said the Treasurer. If her envoys
were to attend a peace conference, it could only be
with the representatives of the King of Spain ; besides,
he said, the Queen must settle with States before she
entered into any negotiations at all. It was well known
to Henry and his minister at this time that brisk secret
negotiations were being conducted between Elizabeth
and the Archduke ; and in a final interview with Burgh
ley on 10th January, De Maisse gave him an ultimatum.
His master must make peace or be supported in war.
Essex was present at the interview ; and although the
Lord Treasurer invited him to speak he remained ob
stinately silent, except to say that he did not see how
religious dissensions would allow of peace being made
with Spain.
At length Burghley announced that the Queen would
send an embassy to France to settle with Henry the
whole question of peace or war, in conjunction with
an embassy from the States. The embassy consisted
of Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Thomas Wilkes, and Dr. Her
bert ; and the instructions taken by them are con
tained in the last of the important State papers written
by the failing hand of the great statesman. The docu
ment is a long and sagacious one, laying down as an
absolute condition of any peace with Spain that the
United Provinces should be secured from all fear of
future attempts to subdue them. An earnest desire for
peace breathes all through the document, but it must
be a real peace, which acknowledged accomplished facts,

492 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1598
abandoned inflated claims, and recognised the rights
of Protestantism to equal treatment.
Cecil and his companions embarked from Dover on
the 17th February, and on the death of Wilkes in Rouen,
the whole burden of the embassy fell upon the Secretary.
It was not until they reached Angers on the 21st that
Cecil saw the King. In effect the Bearnais had already
made peace secretly with the Archduke ; the States were
determined that they would give up no tittle of their
hard-won independence, and haughtily refused even a
truce if their rights were not recognised. England dared
not abandon them, so that Cecil on his interview with
Henry could only reproach him for his desertion of
the ally to whom he owed so much. Henry replied
that his position was such that he could not do other
wise. " I am," he said, " like a man clothed in velvet
that hath no meat to put in his mouth." x
On the 28th March Cecil received a letter from his
father dated the ist, which caused him deep alarm.
" The bearer," it said, " will report to you my great
weakness. But do not take any conceit thereby to
hinder your service ; but I must send you a message
delivered to me in writing by Mr. Windebanke. I make
no comment, not knowing out of what shop the text
is come, but in my opinion non sunt ponendi rumores
ante salutem. God bless you in earth and me in heaven,
the place of my present pilgrimage.2 Cecil unwillingly
followed Henry to Nantes on his hollow errand ; but
this letter disturbed him, and at the earliest moment
he took leave of France and returned, although on
the way somewhat better news reached him. " Mr.
Secretary returned the ist of the month " (May), says
1 For Cecil's account of his embassy see Bacon Papers, Birch. There
are also a great number of papers and letters on the subject of the mission
in Cotton Vesp., cviii., and B.M. MSS. Add. 25,416.
2 State Papers, Domestic.

1598] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 493
Chamberlain, " somewhat crazed with his posting jour
ney, the report of his father's dangerous state gave him
wings; but for aught I can learn the old man's case
is not so desperate but he may hold out another year
well enough." x
Before Cecil had left on his mission, greatly against
his inclination, he had received a promise from Essex
that during his absence he would not cause any altera
tion to be made either in policy or court affairs. The
Earl had been as good as his word, and for a few days
after Cecil's return they were friendly ; but when the
Peace of Vervins was actually signed between Henry
and Philip the old feud between the policies of peace
and war broke out again. This was one of those
junctures when France and Spain being friendly, it
had always been the Burghley policy to draw closer
to the latter power, whilst at the same time fortifying
those who were opposing her ; and this was the course
adopted by the Cecils on the present occasion. Francis
Vere was sent to Holland with promises and encourage
ment for the States to stand firm ; whilst the Archduke
in Flanders was secretly informed that the Queen desired
peace, and would enter into negotiations if she were
assured that her desires were reciprocated. This policy
soon alienated Essex and the war-party, and after one
stormy interview on the subject with the dying Lord
Treasurer, the latter handed to the Earl a book of Psalms
and silently pointed with his finger to the line, " Blood
thirsty men shall not live out half their days;" a last pro
phecy which the Earl's pride and folly hastened to fulfil.2
1 Chamberlain Letters, Camden Society.
2 The Venetian Ambassador in France writes at this time (24th July) :
"The States are sending three representatives to England to urge the Queen
to continue the war, as in her councils there are not wanting those who
recommend this course, chiefly the Earl of Essex ; but the Lord Treasurer is
opposed, and, more important still, the Queen herself is inclined to peace."

494 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1598
All the summer the aged minister lingered sick unto
death in his palace in the Strand, sometimes taking the
air in a coach or litter, and on two occasions going as
far as Theobalds. During the time his great yearning
was to bring about a peace before he died between his
mistress and the old enemy, who, in the bitterness of
defeat, was dying too in the frowning mountains of the
Guadarrama far away. For forty years these two men
had striven as none ever strove before to maintain peace
between England and Spain ; and their efforts had been
unavailing, for religious differences had for a time obli
terated national lines of policy. But Burghley had had
the supreme wisdom of bending before superior force
and adapting his varying means to his unvarying objects.
England thus had gained, whilst Philip, buoyed up with
the fatuous belief in his divine power and inspiration,
scorning to give way to considerations of expediency,
had been ruined by war and had failed in most of his
aims. And yet through the welter of wrong and slaughter,
Providence had decreed that the objects that both men
aimed at should not be utterly defeated. The alliance
between the countries was needed both by Spain and
England in order that Flanders should not fall into the
hands of the French, and this at least had been attained.
By England it was required to counterbalance a possible
French domination of Scotland, and this had ceased to
be a danger. On the side of Philip had been gained the
point that France was still a Catholic country ; whilst to
England it was to be credited that Protestantism was
now a great force which demanded equality with the older
form of belief, and, above all, that England was no
longer in the leading strings of France or Spain, but had,
in the forty years of dexterous balance under Elizabeth
and Burghley, attained full maturity and independence,
with the consciousness of coming imperial greatness.

1598] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 495
To say that this was all owing to the management of
the Queen and her minister would be untrue. Circum
stances and the faults and shortcomings of their rivals —
nay, their own shortcomings and weaknesses as well —
aided them powerfully to attain the brilliant success that
attended them ; but it may safely be asserted that without
a man of Burghley's peculiar gifts at her side Elizabeth
would at an early period of her reign have lost the nice
balance upon which her safety alone depended.
It was curious that the last hours of Burghley should
have been occupied in striving still to bring about peace
with Spain, which had been his object through life,
though he had attained for England already most of
the political advantages which a peace with Spain might
bring; but old prejudices against France were still as
strong as they had been in his youth, for, as he had
truly foretold, the Bearnais had played them false, and
thenceforward no Frenchman should ever be trusted
ag<iin. Spain, in any case, would keep the false French
men out of Flanders ; so Spain was England's friend.
For twelve days the Lord Treasurer lay in his bed at
Cecil House before he died, suffering but slightly, and
resigned, almost eager for his coming release. On the
evening of the 3rd August he fell into convulsions, and
when the fit had passed, "Now," quoth he, "the Lord
be praised, the time is come ; " and calling his children,
he blessed them and took his leave, commanding them
" to love and fear God, and love one another." J Then
he prayed for the Queen, handed his will to his steward
Bellot, turned his face to the wall, and died in the early
hours of the next morning; decorous, self-controlled, and
dignified to the last.
His death, though long expected, was a blow which
the aged Queen felt for the rest of her life. She wept,
I Desiderata Curiosa.

496 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1598
and withdrew herself from all company, we are told,
when she was informed of her loss ; a and two years after
wards Robert Sidney, writing to Sir John Harrington,
says, " I do see the Queen often ; she doth wax weak
since last troubles, and Burghley's death doth often draw
tears from her goodly cheeks."
Even Essex, who had wrought so much against him,
felt the loss the country had sustained. At the splendid
funeral in Westminster Abbey 2 on the 29th August, we
are told by an eye-witness that "my Lord of Essex to
my judgment did more than ceremoniously show sor
row";3 and Chamberlain, writing on the next day, says,
" The Lord Treasurer's funeral was performed yesterday
with all the rites that belonged to so great a personage.
The number of mourners were above 500, whereof there
were many noblemen, and among the rest the Earl of
Essex, who (whether it were upon consideration of the
present occasion or for his own disfavours), methought,
carried the heaviest countenance of the company." 4
Throughout Europe the death of the Lord Treasurer
was looked upon as a loss to the cause of peace, Essex,
it was thought, would now hold sway and launch
England upon a policy of warlike adventure. But
Essex was himself hurrying to his doom ; and Robert
Cecil held firmly in his hand the strings of his great father's
1 A superficial observer, Dudley Carlton, writes a few days after Burghley's
death : " There is so much business to be thought of on the Lord Treasurer's
death. The Queen was so prepared for it by the small hopes of recovery that
she takes it not over heavily, and gives ears to her suitors. The great places
are in a manner passed before his death." (State Papers, Dom.)
2 The full arrangements for the funeral will be found in the State Papers,
Domestic, of the 29th August (Record Office). After the funeral at West
minster, the body was carried with great state to Stamford and buried at St.
Martin's Church, in accordance with the will. Dr. Nares appears to be in
doubt as to whether the interment was at Westminster or Stamford, but the
State Papers seem to admit of no question on the point.
3 Lytton to Carlton (State Papers, Domestic).
4 Chamberlain Letters.

1598] THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY 497
policy — a policy which was on the death of the Queen
to bring a Scottish king to the English throne, and
unite England and Spain again in a friendly alliance.
The baseness and trickery that accompanied the reunion
of the countries belong to the history of the reign of
James, and formed no part of the plan of Lord Burghley
or his mistress. There was no truckling in their relations
with foreign nations, however powerful they might be,
and the servile meanness of the Stuarts in carrying out
Lord Burghley's traditions must be ascribed to their
degeneracy rather than to the policy itself.
Of Lord Burghley's place amongst great statesmen it
may be sufficient to say that 'his gifts and qualities were j
exactly what were needed by the circumstances of his (
times. He was called upon to rule in a time of radical }
change, when vehement partisans on one side and (
the other were fiercely struggling for the mastery of
their opinions. It is precisely in such times as these
that the moderate, tactful, cautious man must in the
end be called upon to decide between the extremes,
and to prevent catastrophe by steering a middle course.
This throughout his life was the function of William
Cecil. His gifts were not of the highest, for he was
not a constructive statesman or a pioneer of great
causes. He often stood by and saw injustice done by
extreme men on one or the other side rather than lose
his influence by appearing to favour the opposite ex
treme ; and, as we have seen in his own words, he was
quite ready to carry out as a minister a policy of which
as a Councillor he had expressed his disapproval. This
may not have been high-minded statesmanship, but at
least it enabled him to keep his hand upon the helm,
and sooner or later to bring the ship of State back to
his course again. He was a man whose objects and
ideals were much higher than his methods, because the
2 I

498 THE GREAT LORD BURGHLEY [1598
latter belonged to his own age, whereas the former were
based upon broad truths and great principles, which are
eternal. But it may safely be asserted that the rectitude
of his mind and his great sense of personal dignity would
prevent him from adopting any course for which warrant
could not be found, either in the law of the land or what
he would regard as overpowering national expediency.
The first cause he served was that of the State ; the
second was William Cecil and his house. Through a
long life of ceaseless toil and rigid self-control these
were the mainsprings of his activity and devotion. If
he was austere in a frivolous court, if bribes failed to
buy him in an age of universal corruption, if he was
cool and judicious amidst general vehemence, it was
because the qualities of his mind and his strict self-
schooling enabled him to understand that his country
might thus be most effectively served, and that it would
be unworthy of William Cecil to act otherwise. The
gifts which made him a great minister at a period when
moderation was the highest statesmanship, would have
made him a great judge at any period, and it is in its
judicial aspect that the finest qualities of his mind are
discovered. It was to the keen casuist who weighed to
a scruple every element of a question and saw it on
every side ; it was to the calm, imperturbable judge, that
from the first hour of her reign Elizabeth looked to save
her against herself ; and whatever may be said of Cecil's
statesmanship in its personal aspect, it had the supreme
merit of having kept the great Queen upon the straight
path up which she led England from weakness, dis
traction, and dependence, to unity and strength.

INDEX

A'Lasco, his visit to England, 29
Alba, Duke of, 77, 204, 219, 223-224,
227, 245, 249, 258, 265, 282, 288
Alengon, Duke of, his relations
with the Flemings, 319, 323, 328,
335, 344, 349, 354-356, 358-359,
360-362, 363-370, 372-373, 379,
382
Alengon, Duke of, suggestions of
marriage with Elizabeth, 266-267,
269, 274-275, 288-290, 303, 324-
327, 328-341, 344, 349, 353-354,
358-359, 362-370, 379 J death of,
384
Alford, Roger, 39
Allington, 232, 249
Alterennes, seat of the Cecil
family, 7
Amboise, Treaty of, 136
Andrada, a spy in the Lopezplot, 468
Anglican Church, uniformity in,
78, 139, 144, 160, 163, 166, 290-
291, 367, 387
Anjou, Duke of (Henry III.), pro
posed marriage with Elizabeth,
252-253, 266, 279
Antonio, Don, Portuguese Pre
tender, 344, 356, 358, 361, 395,
403,411,422,435, 467
Aquila, Bishop of, Spanish Am
bassador, 80, 81, 88, 93, 100, 109,
in, 127-128, 130, 136-137, 142;
death of, 147
Archduke, the, suggested marriage
with Elizabeth, 77, 80, 88, 103,
I5S-I57. 160, 168-170, 173-174,
181, 188, 199, 207
Armada, the, 402, 411, 423, 427,
431, 433-434 499

Arran, Earl of, 85-86, 88, 114, 126
Arundel, Earl of, 36, 65, 72, 99, 174,
180, 225, 230, 238
Arundell, Charles, 41 5
Ascham, Roger, 9 ; appointed tutor
to Princess Elizabeth, 12, 13, 62
Audley, Lord, his remedies for
gout, 37
Babington plot, 402-405
Bacon, Antony, 450, 458
Bacon, Francis, 450, 458 ; his
attempts to obtain the Attorney-
Generalship, 469
Bacon, Lady, 45, 61, 460
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 9, 61, 71, 79,
138, 192, 273, 294, 373
Baden, Margravine of, Cecilia of
Sweden, 174
Bailly, Charles, 258-259
Balfour, Sir James, 295
Ballard, agent in the Babington
plot, 4°3-4°4
Barker, 257
Barrow, a Brownist leader, 459
Beale, Clerk of the Council, 378, 381,
403,411,420
Beaton, 213
Beaton, Cardinal, 15
Beaumont, 36
Beauvoir de Node, envoy from
Henry of Navarre, 442-444, 461
Bedford, Countess of, 61
Bedford, Earl of, 19, 61, 66-67, 71,
79,99, 106, 110,327, 382
Bellievre Pomponne de, sent to
England about Mary Stuart's
condemnation, 412-413, 415
Berchamstow granted to Cecil, 47

500

INDEX

Bertie, Francis, 51
Bill, Dr., 9
Biron, Marshal de, 379, 382
Bochetel de la Forest, French Am
bassador, 188, 205, 221-222
Bodley, Sir Thomas, sent to the
States, 473
Bonner, Bishop, 18, 23, 50
Borough, Sir John, 423-424
Boston, W Cecil appointed Re
corder of, 32
Bothwell, Earl of, 179, 180, 193-196
Boulogne, 15, 18, 24
Bourne, Lincolnshire, birthplace of
Lord Burghley, 6, 8
Bowes, Robert, 378
Boxall, Dr., 206, 223, 224
Briant, Father, 367
Brille, capture of, 264-265
Briquemault, Conde's envoy to
Elizabeth, 136
Brisson, French envoy, 355
Brittany, Spaniards in, 444, 447,
465, 466, 473
Bromley, Lord Chancellor, 365,
408, 419
Brownists, 459
Bruce, Robert, 395
Buckhurst, Lord, 411
Buiz, Paul, 305, 306, 307
Burghley, Lady, 50, 61, 189, 292 ;
death of, 438
Burghley, Lord, birth of, 5 ; pedi
gree, 6 ; education, 8 ; at Cam
bridge, 9; first marriage, 10; his
first recommendation to Henry
VIII., 11, 12; custos brevium, 14;
Master of Requests to Somerset,
14; present at the battle of Pinkie,
16; secretary to Somerset, 16;
grants to, 1 8 ; his attitude on the
downfall of the Protector, 19-22,
28-31 ; sent to the Tower, 22 ;
appointed Secretary of State, 24 ;
his character, 25; his attitude to
wards Northumberland's foreign
policy, 27; knighted, 31; Recor
der of Boston, 32 ; his report upon
the Emperor's demand for help,
33 ; his care for English com
merce, 35 ; illness of, in the last

days of Edward VI., 37 ; grant
of Combe Park, 37; made Chan
cellor of the Garter, 37; his atti
tude towards Queen Mary's suc
cession, 38-43; his justification to
Mary, 40-46; grants to him dur
ing Edward's reign, 47; splendour
of his household, 47 ; his love of
books, 48; patronage of learning,
49 ; his liveries, 50 ; conforms to
Catholicism, 52; brings Pole to
England, 5 5 ; accompanies him
to Calais, 56; represents Lincoln
shire in Parliament, 57 ; his action
infavburofthe Protestants, 58-59;
his habits, 60; his devotion to his
wife, 61 ;. his connections with
Princess Elizabeth, 62-63 \ his
position, on the succession of
Elizabeth, 66-67 '> his first ar
rangements for Elizabeth's gov
ernment, 69; his foreign policy
on the accession, 72-73, 76-77;
his action in passing the Acts of
Supremacy and Uniformity, 78 ;
Spanish plan to bribe him, 79 ;
his approaches to Spain, 81; his
Scottish policy, 82, 85, 86, 88 ;
war with Scotland, 91-94 ; ar
ranges the terms of peace in
Edinburgh, 95-96; court intrigue
against him, 99 ; checkmates
Dudley, 103, 105 ; the suggestion
as to the Council of Trent, 107-
109; proceedings against Catho
lics, 1 1 1 ; his counsel to Knox, 115;
his attitude towards Mary Stuart,
1 16; his numerous activities, 1 17;
against piracy, 118; his assertion
of English right to trade, 119;
distress at his son's conduct, 120-
125;" his attitude towards, the
Huguenots, 128-129, 132-133 ;
his relations with the Bishop of
Aquila, 130-131, 136-138; dis
trust of the French, 142; his ac
tivity in defensive measures, 144;
his interest in mineralogy, 144;
appointed Master of the Court of
Wards, 145; his action as Chan
cellor of Cambridge University,

INDEX

501

145-146; his character, 150;
Dudley's intrigues against him,
I52~I53; renewed approaches to
Spain, 154-157; continued in
trigues of Dudley, 158, 160, 164-
165; his conditions for the Arch
duke's match, 169, 174; his dis
trust of Catholic interference in
Scotland, 175 ; his support of
Murray, 176-177; his con
nection with the murder of
Rizzio, &c, 179-180 ; urges the
Archduke's match, 18 1 -182;
again approaches the Spaniards,
183; with the Queen at Oxford,
186; visited by the Queen at
Burghley, 187; dispute with
Leicester, 187; urges the Arch
duke's match, 189, 190; "opposes
the Netherlands revolt, 190 ; his
reception ofthe news of Darnley's
murder, 192-194, 197; again ap
proaches Spain, 198; his attitude
towards Murray, 201-202'; again
leans to the Protestants, 206-207;
renewed severity towards Catho
lics, 210-212; letter from Mary
Stuart to him, 216; his treatment
of her, 218; aids the Huguenots,
221-222; his rebuke to De Spes,
228; Leicester's plot against him,
231; magnanimous treatment of
his enemies, 238 ; his despair, 248 ;
visits Mary at Chatsworth, 248;
made a peer, 254; his activities,
255; his mode of life, 255-256;
Ridolfi plot and expulsion of De
Spes, 256-263; execution of Nor
folk, 268; entertains the French
envoys, 269; urges the measures
in Parliament against Mary, 27 1 ;
serious illness of, 271 ; action after
St. Bartholomew, 278^279 ; ap
proaches Spain again, 280; nego
tiations with De Guaras, 280-283;
suggests sending Mary to Scot
land, 285-286; his conditions fof
the Alengon match, 289; religious
anxieties, 290-291 ; his household,
292-293; interview with Mary at
Buxton, 294; book against him,

294-295 ; renewed approaches to
Spain, 296-305 ; his anger at the
Flushing pirates, 305-306; visit
to Buxton, 311-312; his moderat
ing influence, 320-321; in semi-
retirement, 327; his attitude to
wards the Alengon match, 330-
335 ; his foreign policy as an
alternative ofthe Alengon match,
336-340; efforts infavourof peace,
343-344 ; opposes the retention
of Drake's plunder, 346-348 ;
approaches to France, 351-352;
entertains the embassy, 352 ;
details of the feast, 353 ; his re
view of the political situation,
353-354 ! flis attitude towards
Alengon, 363 ; renewed approach
to Spain, 365; his treatment of
the Jesuits, 367-368; fresh pre
dominance of the Protestant
party, 372-373 ; demands new
Councillors of his party, 374 ;
wishes to retire, 379-380 ; his
attitude towards the Throgmor
ton plot, 384 ; his review of
foreign policy, 385 ; his attitude
towards the religious controversy,
387-390 ; his relations with Dr.
Parry, 391-392 ; slandered by
the Leicester party, 393 ; his
kindness to Mary Stuart, 394 ;
his relations with Leicester in
the Netherlands, 396-401 ; his
conduct towards Mary Stuart
after the Babington plot, 404-
409 ; fresh approach to Spain,
411-412; intrigues against him,
416 ; his conduct towards Davi
son, 417-422 ; his attitude to
wards Drake's Cadiz expedition,
424-426 ; negotiations for peace
with Spain, 425, 427-428, 429-
432 ; organises the defence of
England, 429, 432-434; visits
the camp at Tilbury, 433 ; his
troop of soldiers, 433 note ; his
share in the Lisbon expedition,
436-438 ; death of his wife and
his meditations thereon, 438-
439 ; change of policy, 440-442 ;

502

INDEX

opposition of Essex, 445-446,
450 ; Spenser's accusation of
jealousy, 454 ; grant of Rocking
ham Forest, 455; his devotion to
duty, 455 ; persistent attacks
upon him, 456-457 ; his influence
on the religious controversy, 459;
his son to succeed him, 663-664;
his cautious influence on the war-
party, 465-466 ; his attitude in
the Lopez plot, 468-470 ; descrip
tion of him by Standen, 471; by
Sir Michael Hicks, 472 ; renewed
distrust of the French, 473 ; a
scheme of national defence, 474 ;
continued illness, 475 ; ill-dis
posed towards France, 477 ;
Essex's attempt to force his
hands, 478-479 ; his disagree
ment with the Queen, 479 ; his
attitude towards Essex's attempt
to relieve Calais, 480 ; towards
" the islands voyage," 484-486 ;
his negotiations with De Maisse,
490-491 ; strives for peace with
Spain to the last, 494-495 ; re
sults of his national policy, 494 ;
funeral, 496 ; appreciation of his
character, 497-498
Burghley, Lord, his diary, 5, 22, 24,
37, 55, 59, 61, S3, 185, 187, 194,
272, 432, 439
Burghley House, 47, 188-189, 327
Cadiz, Drake's attack upon, 423-
424
Calais, loss of, 64, 72-73, 75-76
Calais, restitution of, claimed, 198,
208, 369, 478
Calais, capture of, by the Spaniards,
479-480
Cambridge University, 9, 15, 145-
146, 290
Campion, Father, 367
Cannon Row, Burghley's house at,
31, 60, 66, 120, 256
Carbery Hill, 196
Carew, Arthur, 228
Carew, Sir Peter, 95
Carrack, the great (Madre de Dios),
452-453

Cartwright, leader of the Puritans,
290
Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, 175,
277,341-343
Cateau-Cambresis, peace of, 76, 80
Catharine de Medici, 10, 92, 128,
133, 142, 154, 157, 166, 213, 221-
222, 251, 266, 273, 297, 326, 341,
369, 384, 413
Catharine of Aragon, 3, 4, 7
Catholic plots against Elizabeth
and Burghley, 225, 244, 256-259,
270, 317, 364-366, 371,376, 383-
384, 389, 390-392, 402-405, 422,
450, 456, 470
Cavalcanti, Guido, 73, 75, 232, 251,
267
Cave, Sir Ambrose, 7 1
Cecil, David, grandfather of Burgh
ley, 7
Cecil, Mrs., 293, 427
Cecil, Richard, Burghley's great
grandfather, 6
Cecil, Richard, Burghley's father,
7, 8, 37
Cecil, Sir Robert, 433, 437~438, 445,
45o, 453-454, 454 note, 457-458,
461-464, 466-470, 475,. 479-48o,
482-483, 486 ; his mission to
France, 491-493
Cecil, Thomas, birth of, 10 ; his
journey to Paris, 120-122 ; his
bad conduct, 122-125, 327, 336,
433 ; quarrel with his brother, 454
Cecil (or Burghley) House, in the
Strand, 269 ; grand banquet at,
to the French envoys, 352-353,
411, 442, 476; Burghley's last
days there, 494-495
Chark, a preacher at Cambridge,
291
Charles V., 3, 4, 13, 27, 32, 33, 53
Charles IX., King of France, 157,
166-168, 188, 205, 250, 273, 297;
death of, 298
Chartres, Vidame of, 73, 133, 137,
251, 279
Chastelard, 143
Chateauneuf del' Aubespine, French
Ambassador, 407, 413, 416
Chatillon, Cardinal, 221, 244, 251

INDEX

5°3

Cheke, Mary, marriage with W.
Cecil, io ; her death, 1 1
Cheke, Sir John, 9 ; appointed tutor
to Edward VI., 12, 14, 31, 32,38,
45 ; exiled, 51 ; lured to England,
conforms and dies, 58
Chester, Colonel, 301, 302, 307
Clerivault, a messenger of Mary
Stuart, 194
Clinton, Lord Admiral, 31, 47, 66,
99, 269, 327, 365
Cobham, Lord, 16, 60, 208, 221,
258
Cobham, Sir Henry, sent to Spain,
302 ; sent to France, 381
Cobham, Thomas, 258
Coinage, Burghley's care of, 28, 1 17
Coligny, 106, no, 133, 136, 183, 206,
221, 242, 270
Combe Park granted to Cecil, 37
Commerce, Burghley's care of, 35,
118, 151, 183,211,283, 338,345
Commercial war with Spain, 151-
T53> 158, 227, 280-283
Conde, Prince of, 127-128, 133, 136,
154, 157, 204, 221, 225 ; killed,
242
Conde, Prince of, the younger, 278,
297, 342-343
Cooke, Sir Anthony, W. Cecil's
father-in-law, 12, 14; exiled by
Mary, 51, 58, 61
Cooke, Mildred, married to W.
Cecil, 12
Cornwall, Spaniards land in, 474
Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, 50-
5i
Courtney, Sir William, 59
Cranmer, 14, 19-21, 32, 53, 57
Creighton, Father, 366, 389
Crofts, Sir James, 347, 365, 372,
374, 424, 430-43I, 444
Curll, Mary Stuart's secretary, 404
Dacre, Lord, 234
Dale, Dr., English Ambassador in
France, 290
Danett, Thomas, sent to Vienna,
188-189
Darcy, Lord, 240
Darcy, Sir Thomas, 14

Darnley, 93, 130, 144, 161, 163, 171-
172, 173, 179-180, 181-182, 192-
193
D'Aubigny (Lennox), 341, 354, 364-
366, 371, 376
Davison, William, 378, 399 ; his
connection with the execution of
Mary Stuart, 417-422 ; Essex
proposes him for Secretary of
State, 445
De Coss£, Marshal, 298, 303
De Maineville, Guisan envoy to
Scotland, 376-377
De Maisse, Henry IV.'s envoy to
Elizabeth, proposes peace with
Spain, 489-491
Deeping granted to Cecil, 47
Dering, Edward, Lecturer at St.
Paul's, 291
Doughty, Lord Burghley's agent
with Drake, 346-347
Douglas, Archibald, 414
Drake, Sir Francis, his voyage
round the world, 346-348 ; the
question of his plunder, 358, 365 ;
his expeditions to aid Don An
tonio, &c, 361, 422, 436-438 ;
his expedition to Santo Domingo,
&c, 395-396, 402 ; his attack
upon Cadiz, 423-425 ; urges re
prisals against Spain, 465 ; his
last expedition, 470, 474-475
Dreux, battle of, 135
Drury, Sir William, 215, 295, 300
Drury, Thomas, 19
Dudley, Guildford, 38
Dudley, Lady Robert, 101
Dudley, Lord Robert. See Leicester
Durham Place, 38, 44, 128, 137 ;
the Spanish Ambassador ex
pelled, 138 ; Cecilia of Sweden
lodged there, 174
Dymoke, Sir Edward, champion, 5 1
Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 393, 479
Edward VI., 12-13 \ his appeal for
Somerset, 20 ; betrothed to Eliza
beth of Valois, 24 ; his journal,
33 ; his will, 38 ; death of, 43 ;
his educational foundations
prompted by Cecil, 49

504

INDEX

Egmont, Count, 138, 204
Elizabeth, Princess, 12, 49; enters
London with Mary, 50, 51, 52, 62,
63 ; proposals for marriage of,
63-64, 65 ; her accession, 66
Elizabeth, Queen, her accession,
66-68 ; suggestions for marriage,
75, 76-77 ; her first religious
measures, 78, 79, 80 ; proposal for
marriage to Nemours, 84 ; with
Arran, 85 ; with the Archduke,
80, 88 ; with the Prince of
Sweden, 89-90; war with Scot
land, 91-96 ; talk of marriage
with Dudley, 100-103 ! her re
ligious intrigues with Spain, 104-
105, in; fears of plots to poison,
in ; her distrust of Mary Stuart,
113 ; illness of, 117 ; her attitude
towards the Darnley match, 132 ;
aids the Huguenots, 133 ; falls
ill of smallpox, 134 ; anger at
Conde"'s defection, 136 ; her
anger with Parliament on the
succession question, 141 ; visits
Cambridge University, 147 ; re
newed approaches to Spain, 157 ;
suggested marriage with Charles
IX., 157, 166-168; approaches
to the Catholics, 165 ; her atti
tude towards the Darnley match,
172-173 ; her reception of Mur
ray, 176-177 ; renewed approach
to Leicester, 181 ; her reception
of the news of James Stuart's
birth, 185-186 ; illness of, 186 ;
visits Oxford, 186-187 ; renewal
at Burghley House of negotia
tions for marriage with Charles
IX., 188-189; her anger with
Parliament respecting the suc
cession, 191 ; her reception of the
news of Darnley's murder, 192-
193 ; condemns the rising in the
Netherlands, 198 ; her attitude
towards Murray, 202 ; towards
the Catholics, 209 ; removes
Mary from Carlisle, 217 ; aids
the Huguenots, 221-222 ; seizure
of the Spanish treasure, 227 ;
her treatment of Norfolk, 231-

241, 246 ; her danger, 242, 247-
248 ; suggestions for marriage
with Anjou, 251-253; Ridolfi
plot, 256-263 ; alliance with
France, 264-267 ; in favour of
Mary Stuart, 270-271 ; receives
the news of St. Bartholomew,
275 ; progress in Kent, 293 ;
approaches to Spain, 299-300 ;
projected war with Henry III.,
301 ; refuses aid to Orange, 303-
305 ; rejects the sovereignty of
Holland, 304 ; her treatment of
Burghley, 310 ; her reception of
Mendoza, 320 ; her difficulty
with Alengon, 330-332 ; inter
view with Conde", 342 ; danger
of war, 350 ; her relations with
France and Alengon, 353-362 ;
her parsimony, 361-362 ; pledges
herself to Alengon, 363 ; her
trouble to get rid of him, 368-
370 ; negotiations with Mary-
Stuart, 378 ; letter to Burghley,
380 ; assumes the Protectorship
of the Netherlands, 396 ; her
rage at Leicester's conduct there,
399-401 ; her treatment of Mary
after the Babington plot, 404-
408 ; her answers to Parliament,
410 ; her reception of French
and Scotch remonstrances, 412-
415 ; her conduct in the execu
tion of Mary Stuart, 417-422;
her perplexity, 426-429 ; anger
with Essex for going to Lisbon,
437-438 ; her aid to Henry of
Navarre, 442-444 ; anger with
Essex, 448-450; dangerous
position, 451-452; anger at
Henry IV.'s conversion, 461 ;
fears of attack from Spain, 465-
466 ; anger with Essex about
Lopez, 470 ; her anger with the
Hollanders, 473 ; Drake's last
voyage, 474 ; her policy towards
Henry of Navarre, 478 ; her
hesitation to relieve Calais, 479-
480 ; her fickleness about Essex's
Cadiz voyage, 481 ; about "the
islands voyage," 484-486 ; her

INDEX

5°5

anger with Essex, 486-487 ; her
indignation at Henry IV. for
entering into peace negotiations
with Spain, 489-493 ; urges the
States to stand firm, 493 ; grief
at the death of Burghley, 495-
496
Elizabeth of Valois marries Philip
II., 76, 84
English Jesuit party in favour of
Spain, 456-457, 467, 47o
English troops in France against
the League, 443-444, 466
Erasmus at Cambridge, 9
Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux),
421, 435, 443, 445, 448, 449, 450-
45 1, 454, 457-458, 460-462, 466-
467, 4/2-473, 477 ; his plan to
force war with Spain, 478-480 ;
his attempt to relieve Calais, 480 ;
his expedition to Cadiz, 482-483 ;
" the islands voyage," 484-486 ;
retires from court, 486-487 ;
urges war with Spain, 493 ;
attends Burghley's funeral, 496
Essex, Lady, marriage with Leices
ter, 332
Farnese, Alexander, 316, 318,
328 ; peace negotiations with
England, 425-432
Felton, 243
Fere, La, siege of, 477
Feria, Duke of, Spanish Ambassa
dor, 65-67, 72-73, 76-77 '
Fitzwilliam sent to Spain, 260
Flanders, revolt against the Span
iards in, 133, 184, 189, 204, 209,
219, 224, 229, 242, 245, 264-265,
273, 283-285, 303-307, 313-319,
320-321, 325, 328, 335, 359, 370-
373, 379, 382-385, 395-401, 411,
422, 488-489
Foix, De, French Ambassador, 157,
158, 166, 169-170, 175, 265, 269
Foreign policy of England, 4, 26,
33, 46, 64, 72-73, 74, 80-81, 85,
88,91-92, 112-114, 128-129, 136-
138, 154-155, 166-168, 175-176,
182, 198-200, 205, 211, 219, 223-
224, 228-229, 256-263, 269, 273-

279, 280-283, 300-303, 308, 322,
328-329, 336-337, 353-354, 370,
379, 383-384, 385, 395-396, 407,
411-412, 426, 440-444, 473, 488-
493
France, civil wars in, 126, 133-
136, 205, 221, 242, 251, 273, 276-
279, 297, 300-303, 319, 342-343;
wars of the League, 442-444,
447, 461-480
Francis I., 13
Francis II., King of France, 92 ;
death of, 106
French embassy to England (1 581),
351-359
French influence in Scotland, 15,
82, 91-92, 94-96, 107, 132, 144,
175, 198, 213, 217, 243, 285, 326,
365, 378
Frobisher, death of, 466
Gama, a spy in the Lopez plot,
468
Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester,
14, 23, 29-30, 50
Garrard, Sir William, 118
Gemblours, battle of, 318
German mercenaries, 301-302
Gifford, agent in the Babington
plot, 403-404
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 283
Glajon, De, his mission from Philip
to Elizabeth, 93
Glasgow, Archbishop of, exhorts
Mary to clear herself, 195, 285,
367
Gondi, 323
Gonson, Controller of the Navy,
118
Gout, curious remedies for, 37, 293
note
Granvelle, De, 77, 172
Gray, Master of, 394, 411, 414, 417
Gray's Inn, Burghley a student at,
n
Greenwood, a Brownist leader, 459
Grenville, Sir Richard, 449 note
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 221
Grey, Catharine, 93, 134, 140, 192
Grey, Lady Jane, 36, 38, 43, 44
Grey, Lord, 73, 374, 429

506

INDEX

Grey, Lord John, 60, 91, 99
Grimstone, Mr., 447
Grindall, Archbishop, 387
Guaras, Antonio de, Spanish agent,
248, 271, 280-283, 296, 299, 302,
308, 318
Guise, Francis, Duke of, 126
Guise, Henry, Duke of, 299, 341,
359, 37i, 381, 383-384, 4n ; mur
der of, 440
Guzman de Silva, Spanish Ambas
sador, 152, 158, 165, 170-171,
174-175, 181-182, 190, 192-194,
199, 201, 210-212, 219
HADDON, Dr., 9
Hales, Sir John, 39
Hampton Court, 19, 469, 471
Hatfield, 5, 6, 51, 65-66, 120, 255
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 292, 321,
329, 334, 336, 347, 364-365, 369-
37o, 372, 374, 399, 408, 419, 424
Havre de Grace, 133-134, 142, 190
Hawkins, John, 204, 344-345, 361,
452, 465, 475 ; lays a trap for
Philip, 260-261
Heath, Archbishop of York, 66, 71
Heckington, William, grandfather
of Burghley, 8
Heneage, Sir Thomas, 399-401
Henry II. of France, 27, 75 ; death
of, 84
Henry III. of France, 297-298, 303,
313, 325, 328, 359, 370-371, 379,
384-385; his attitude towards
Mary Stuart's trial and execution,
407, 412-414, 416 ; his fear of the
Guises, 426, 440 ; rallies to the
Huguenots, 440 ; murder of, 441
Henry of Navarre, 278, 297, 301,
303, 342, 385, 440-444, 447-449,
461, 465-466, 473, 477-480, 488 ;
makes peace with Spain, 488-
493
Henry VIII., 4 ; favours W. Cecil,
11-12 ; his death, 13
Herbert, Lord, 19
Herll, 306-307, 314
Herries, Lord, 215, 262
Hertford, Earl of, 140, 192
Hertford, Earl of. See Somerset.

Hoby, Lady, 234'
Hoby, Sir Philip, betrays Somerset,
20 ; friendly with Cecil, 60
Hoby, Sir Thomas, English Am
bassador in France, 187
Holt, Father, 366, 456
Horn, Bishop of Winchester, 109
Horn, Count, 204
Howard, Lady, 193
Howard, Lord Thomas, 484, 485
Howard, Lord William, 66, 72, 99
Howard of Effingham, 187, 370,
417, 429, 465, 475, 480-481;
Earl of Nottingham, 486
Huguenots. See France, civil wars
in
Hume, Lord, 295
Humphreys, Dr. Laurence, 186-
187
Hunsdon, Lord, 245, 370, 403, 429
Huntingdon, Earl of, 101-102, 134,
140
Huntly, Earl of, 180
Ireland, Papal intrigues in, m,
243, 247, 317, 335, 348, 355, 357-
358, 374, 474
Ivry, battle of, 444
James VI., his birth, 185 ; corona
tion, 202 ; Catholic plans to kid
nap him, 296 ; English mission
t°, 378, 380 - 382 ; sends the
Master of Gray to England, 394 ;
alliance with England, 403 ; his
remonstrance with Elizabeth at
Mary's condemnation, 414 ; at
tempts of Catholics to convert
him, 426 ; his alliance with Eng
land, 441 ; again listens to the
Catholics, 451, 465 ; Essex's atti
tude towards him, 466
Juan, Don, 313-316, 318
Keith, Sir William, 414
Kent, Earl of (Reginald Grey),
419
Killigrew, 199, 285, 286, 419
Kingston, Sir Anthony, 59
Kirkaldy of Grange, 262, 285, 295
Knollys, Henry, 228

INDEX

507

Knollys, Sir Francis, 71, 79, 187,
192, 217, 218, 334, 365, 367, 372,
382, 388, 392, 403
Knox, John, 86, 114-115, 287
Knyvett, Sir Henry, 228
La Mark, capture of Brille by,
264-265
La Mole, French envoy, 274-275
La Mothe Fenelon, French Am
bassador, 252, 275-277, 376-377
La Motte, Spanish Governor of
Gravelines, 300
La Noue, Huguenot leader, 1 36, 443
Langside, battle of, 214
Latimer, 57
League, the Catholic, 154, 157, 199-
200, 205, 251, 265, 273, 277, 288,
326, 371, 442-444, 447, 461-466
Leicester, Earl of, 70, 87, 90, 99,
100, 112, 132, 135-136, 138, 152,
157-158, 159, 161, 163-164, 165,
167-170, 174, 181, 186-187, 191-
192, 231, 249, 252, 282, 286, 291-
292, 296, 307-309, 311, 317, 320,
322, 324, 327, 329, 330-332, 334,
336, 340, 342-343, 347, 352, 356,
359, 363-364, 365, 368-370, 372-
374, 382-384, 386, 388, 392-393,
395-401, 406, 411, 416, 418, 423,
429-430, 433 ; death of, 434-435
Leith, siege of, 93-96
Lennox, Lady Margaret, 114, 127,
130, 143, 171, 175, 182, 193
Lennox, the Regent, 130, 195, 248,
285
Lincoln, Lord. See Clinton
Lisbon, the English expedition to,
436-438
Liturgy, Cecil aids Cranmer in
settling, 32
Livingston sent to Scotland, 248
Lochleveu, 196
Longjurreau, peace of, 221
Lopez. Dr. Ruy, 467-470
Lorraine, Cardinal, 83, 113, 154,
J171, 178, 205, 222, 251, 285, 288
fumley, Lord, 232, 234
I aitland of Lethington ,113-114,
126, 132, 141-144, 171, 285

Man, Dr. English, Ambassador in
Spain, 210, 263
Mary, Queen, 17, 23, 30, 36 ; her
succession, -38-43, 46, 50 ; coro
nation of, 51 ; her marriage, 53 ;
her reign, 53-65 ; her death, 66
Mary of Lorraine, 15, 17; death
of, 95
Mary Queen of Scots, 15 ; to marry
Edward VI., 15 ; to marry the
Dauphin, 17, 75, 78, 82-83, 85-86,
92-93 ; refuses to ratify the peace
of Edinburgh, 106; intrigues for
her marriage, 1 1 2-1 13 ; arrives
in Scotland, ,113-115 ; her ap
proaches to Elizabeth, 131-132 ;
her claims to the succession, 140-
142 ; proposal to marry Don Car
los, 142-143; suggested marriage
with Leicester, 162 ; with Darn
ley, 1 70-1 7 1 ; her approaches to
Spain, 171-173, 175, l84; sus
picions of her complicity in the
murder of Darnley, 193-198 ;
Lochleven, 196 ; the casket let
ters, 201 ; appeals to Elizabeth
and France, 213 ; escapes to
England, 214 ; her interview with
Knollys, 216-217; removed from
Carlisle, 217; the Commission
at York, 219 ; her approaches to
Spain, 223 ; English plots in her
favour, 225-246 ; Elizabeth ne
gotiates for her release, 247-250 ;
leans entirely on Spain, 256-257 ;
her connection with the Ridolfi
plot, 261 ; suggestion to send her
to Scotland, 286 ; goes to Buxton,
293 ; adheres entirely to Spain,
341 ; approaches to D'Aubigny's
government, 364-366 ; Spanish-
Jesuit plot in her favour, 371, 376;
her negotiations with Elizabeth,
378, 381; sent to Tutbury, 394 ;
sends Nau to Elizabeth, 394 ; her
letters intercepted, 395 ; disin
herits James in favour of Philip,
402 ; her connection with the
Babington plot, 404 ; removed
to Tixhall, 404 ; to Fotheringay,
407 ; her trial, 408-409 ; con-

508

INDEX

demned and sentenced, 409-410 ;
executed, 417, 420
Mason, Sir John, 26, 27, 99
Mathias, Archduke, 315, 318
Maurice of Saxony, 13, 32
Mayenne, Duke of, 444
Maynard, Sir Thomas, 475
Melancthon, 9
Melvil, Sir Andrew, 408
Melvil, Sir James, 161-162, 185,
192
Melvil, Sir Robert, 182, 184, 415
Mendoza, Spanish Ambassador,
319, 324, 326-327, 339, 348, 356,
363-364, 366, 372-373, 376, 378,
381-382, 402-404, 411, 423
Mercosur, Duke of, 443
Mewtys, Sir Peter, 106, 130
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 248, 350, 381,
407, 435
Monluc, Bishop of Valence, 95
Montagu, Chief-Justice, 38
Montgomerie, Count de, 84, 133,
206, 278-279, 297
Montmorenci, Constable, 81, 84,
269, 299, 303
Morette, the Duke of Savoy's agent,
194
Morgan, Thomas, 395, 402
Morice, a Puritan Parliament man,
459
Morton, Earl of, Regent, 285, 295,
324, 341 ; execution of, 364
Morysine, Thomas, 26, 31
Muhlberg, battle of, 13, 27
Mundt, Dr., 155
Murray, Earl of, 110, 113-114, 126,
132, 175-176, 177-180, 182, 197,
201, 212, 218-219, 223; murder
of, 243
Nantouillet, Provost of Paris, a
hostage in England, 137
Nau, Mary's secretary, 394, 404
Navarre, King of (Anthony de
Bourbon), 106, no, 127; death
of, 135
Navy, English, 144, 248, 338
Noailles, De, French Ambassador,
36
Norfolk, Duke of, 50

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, fourth
Duke of, 90, 101, 165, 169, 180,
191, 192, 231-241, 246-257 ; con
demned to death, 267 ; executed,
268
Norris, Sir Henry, English Ambas
sador in France, 193, 201, 205,
208, 213, 222, 225, 237, 244,
252
Norris, Sir John, 379, 396, 429, 436-
438, 447, 466
Northampton, Marquis of, 71, 191
Northern Lords, rising of, 240-241
Northumberland, Duke of, 16, 18-
25 ; his foreign policy, 27 ; his
religious policy, 36 ; his action
as to the succession, 38-39 ; leads
the forces against Mary, 43-44 ;
his betrayal by the Council, 45-
46 ; his execution, 50
Northumberland, Earl of, 185,239
Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, 165
O'Neil, Shan, 127, 136, 185
Orange, Prince of, 242, 283-284,
288, 296, 302, 304, 307, 316, 328,
335, 372, 379, 382; murder of,
384
Oxford, Countess of (Anne Cecil),
61, 263 note, 292, 305-306 note j
death of, 432
Oxford, Earl of, 263 note, 292, 301,
305,375-376
Paget, Charles (Mopo), 383, 395
Paget, Sir William, 19-21, 36 ; Lord
Paget, 59, 64, 66, 76-77, 99
Palmer, Sir Thomas, divulges
Somerset's alleged plot against
Northumberland, 28
Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury,
108, 140, 206, 296
Parry, Dr. William, 390-392
Parry, Sir Thomas, 62, 6(1-67, 71 >
is jealous of Cecil, 79-80" ,
Passau, peace of, 33
Patten, William, his description of
the Scotch campaign, 16
Paulet, Sir Amias, 394-395, 404-
405, 407 ; his refusal to poison
Mary Stuart, 418, 420, 430

INDEX

509

Peace negotiations with France
(i555)» Cecil present at, 56; (1558-
1559), 65, 72-76, 80
Pembroke, Earl of, 45, 66, 191- 192,
238
Percy, Sir Henry, 95 ; Earl of
Northumberland, 384
Perez, Antonio, 461-462, 466-467,
478-479
Persons, Father, 366 ; his books
against Burghley, 456-457
Petre, Sir William, 19-22, 24, 59,
95
Philip II., 53, 57, 64-65, 74-75, 84,
89, 92, 113, 133, 190, 208, 220,
225, 249, 314-315, 3'8, 364, 372,
402-403, 443, 483 ; death of, 495
Philip II. and Mary Stuart, 142-
143, 171-172, 223, 245, 256-259,
266, 341, 371-372, 378, 381-382,
395, 402-403
Phillips, T., cipher secretary, 404,
467
Pickering, Sir William, 27, 31 ;
flight under Mary, 52
Pinart, Secretary, French envoy,
356
Pinkie, battle of, 16, 17
Plague in London, 246, 375
Pole, Cardinal, 53 ; brought to
England by Cecil, 55 ; accom
panies him to Calais, 56
Pollard, Sir John, 59
Popham, Attorney-General, 408
Portugal, 211; succession to the
crown of, 329, 341
Poynings, Sir Adrian, 134
Privateers, 220, 224-225, 298
Protestant exiles under Mary, 51,
57-59
Puckering, Lord Keeper, 458
Ralegh, Sir Walter, 374, 376,401,
411, 421, 424, 429, 435, 452-453,
458, 465, 482-483, 484-486
Rambouillet, 181
Randolph sent to Scotland, 107,
no, 127, 130, 162, 172-173, 179
Reformation, birth of, 2-3, 13
Religious matters, Cecil's partici
pation in them, 32, 53-54, 70, 99,

104-106, 107-109, 139, 144, 160,
163, 186, 203, 206-207, 209, 270,
290-291, 296, 322, 327, 350, 367,
387-390, 45°, 457-46o
Renard, Imperial Ambassador, 53,
57
Rennes, Bishop of, 222
Requesens, Spanish Governor of
Flanders, 296, 298
Ridley, 57
Ridolfi plot, 225, 229-230, 235, 257-
259
Rizzio, 173, 179, 182
Rogers, Edward, 71, 141
Ross, 257
Ross, Bishop of, 225, 232, 243, 250,
256-259, 295
Rouen, siege of, 448-449
Russell, Lord. See Bedford
Russian Company, Cecil one of
the founders of, 36
Ruthven, raid of, 376
Ruy Gomez, 77
Sadler, Sir Ralph, 86, 91, 95
St. Aldegonde, 305
St. Bartholomew, 275-276, 288
St. John's College, Cambridge, 9,
15, 146
St. Quentin, battle of, 64
Sandys, Archbishop, 339
Sarmiento de Gamboa, 411
Savage one of the Babington con
spirators, 404
Savoy, Duke of, 63
Scotland, anarchy in, 1 5 ; war with,
16 ; invasion of, by Somerset, 16 ;
battle of Pinkie, 1 6 ; French forces
in, 82 ; war with England, 91 ;
peace of Edinburgh, 95-96;
English support of Protestants
in, 107, no ; Mary and the Pro
testants, 113-114; Mary refuses
to ratify the peace of Edinburgh,
115; marriage with Darnley, 173 ;
revolt of Murray, 173, 175; mur
der of Rizzio, 182 ; murder of
Darnley, 192-193 ; French plots
in, 197-199 ; Murray as Regent,
212 ; Langside, 214 ; civil war,
218; murder of Murray, 243;

5*°

INDEX

Catholic influence dominant, 243 ;
Morton Regent, 285 ; rise of the
Protestant party, 295 ; rise of
D'Aubigny, 341, 354, 364; Span
ish Jesuit plot in, 371 ; Master of
Gray sent to England, 394
Scrope, Lady, 232
Scrope, Lord, 216
Seminary priests in England, 209,
336, 349, 354, 366, 389-390, 402,
450-451
Seymour, Lord Admiral, 17
Sherwin, Father, 367
Shrewsbury, Countess of, her accu
sations against her husband and
Mary Stuart, 394
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 66, 293, 310-
3H,352,378,394
Sidney, Lady, 88, 90
Sidney, Sir Henry, 104
Simier, 326, 328-329, 330-332, 334-
335, 336, 354
Smalkaldic league, 13
Smith, Sir John, sent to Madrid, 314
Smith, Sir Thomas, 9, 16, 19-22,
24, 62, 134, 157, 266, 274, 290
Somers, English envoy to France,
359
Somerset, Duke of, 12-14; his in
vasion of Scotland, 16 ; Cabal
against him, 17; his downfall, 19-
25 ; execution of, 28 ; Burghley's
behaviour towards him, 28-31
Southampton, Earl of. See Wrio-
thesley
Spain, English relations with, 33,
72-73, 76-77, 80-82, 88, 92-94,
103-106, 129-130, 136-139, 152,
154, 158-160, 181-183, 187, 189,
210-21 1, 219, 227-229, 232-241,
248, 257-263, 280-283, 296, 300-
308, 313-316, 319-320, 326-327,
336-337, 346-347, 356-359, 385-
386, 411-412, 422, 453, 457-458,
465, 474
Spalding, 18
Spanish fury in Antwerp, 314
Spes, Gerau de, Spanish Ambassa
dor, 220, 223-224, 225, 227-228,
232-239, 245-248 ; expelled from
England, 263

Spinola, 159, 224
Stafford, Sir Edward, English Am
bassador in France, 415, 423
Stamford Grammar School, 49
Standen, Anthony, 460, 464 note,
471
Stanhope arrested on Somerset's
downfall, 21
Stolberg, Count, 199
Storey, Dr., 262
Stuart, Arabella, 457
Stubbs' book against the French
match, 330
Succession to the crown of Eng
land, 140, 191, 231, 402, 413, 419,
457-458
Suffolk, Duchess of (Lady Wil-
loughby), 7, 15, 26, 31 ; flight
under Mary, 51, 58, 99, 327
Suffolk, Duke of (Grey), 31, 43
Supremacy, Act of, 78
Sussex, Earl of, 60, 169-170, 174,
181, 190, 192, 240, 245, 292, 301,
324, 326, 331, 333-334, 340, 343,
347, 353, 365, 372
Swetkowitz, Adam, an envoy of
the Emperor, 168-170, 174
Sweden, King of (Eric XIV), 89-
90, 103, 112, 113, 174
Talbot, Gilbert, 322, 420
Theobalds, Burghley's house, 255 ;
the Queen visits, 272, 321-323,
327, 358, 375, 446, 463, 476;
Burghley's last visits, 494
Thetford granted to Cecil, 47
Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, 65, 72, 206
Throgmorton, Francis, his plot, 383
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, 83-84,
92, 106, no, 120-124, 128-129,
130, 134, 172-173, 174, 192, 203,
221, 230-
Thynne arrested on Somerset's
downfall, 21
Tinoco, a spy in the Lopez plot,
468
Trent Council, 105, 108-109, "l
Tyrone's rebellion, 474
Unton, Sir Henry, his mission to
France, 478-479

INDEX

511

Valdes, Pedro de, 302
Venturini, Borghese, 128, 130
Verstegen, his book against Burgh
ley, 457
Vervins, peace of, 493
Vielleville, Marshal, 133
Waldegrave, Sir Edward, in the
Tower, in
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 252, 264-
265, 275-277, 290, 310, 320, 322,
331, 336, 347, 354-355, 356, 359-
360, 363, 365, 367, 372-373, 378,
381-382, 386, 392, 396, 399-401,
403, 416, 418, 429
Warwick, Earl of. See North
umberland
Warwick, Earl of (Ambrose Dud
ley), 134, 159
Watson, Dr., 9
Wentworth, Mrs. (Elizabeth Cecil),
375
Wentworth, Peter, 458-459
West, rising of the, 1 7
Westmoreland, Earl of, 240
Whalley, 29
White, Bishop of Winchester, 70
White, Nicholas, 254
Whitgift, Archbishop, 387-389, 460
Wilkes, Clerk of the Council, 301,
317

Williams, Sir Roger, 478
Williams, Speaker ofthe House of
Commons, 139
Willoughby D'Eresby, Lord, 7
Willoughby D'Eresby, Lord (Pere
grine Bertie), 370, 443
Wilson, Dr., sent to the States,
314 ; Secretary, 347
Wimbledon, 18, 31, 37, 47, 51, 60
Winchester, Marquis of, 31, 37, 47,
99, 139 ; death of, 271
Windebank, 121-124
Wolsey, 3
Wotton, Dr., Secretary of State,
22 ; succeeded by Burghley, 24,
65, 72, 74, 95
Wotton, Sir Henry, sent to France
respecting Mary Stuart's con
demnation, 412
Wrangdike granted to Cecil, 47
Wriothesley, Lord Chancellor, 13,
18, 36
Wroth, Sir Thomas, 129
Wurtemburg, Duke of, 155, 168
Wyatt's Rebellion, 51
Wynter, 118
Yaxley, an envoy of Mary Stuart
to Spain, 176
Yeoman of the Robes. See Cecil,
Richard

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