YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

TRUBNER'S
ORIENTAL SERIES.

¦BaHantgne ¦pccsa
BALLANTYNK, HANSON AND CO.
EDINBURGH AND LONDON

c/

CHINESE BUDDHISM

& Uolume of Sftetrfjes,

HISTORICAL, DESCRIPTIVE, AND CRITICAL.

REV. JOSEPH EDKINS, D.D.,
AUTHOR OF
' RELIGION IN CHINA," " INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE CHINESE CHARACTERS,"
" A MANDARIN GRAMMAR," ETC.

LONDON:
TRUBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL.
1880.
[All rights reserved.]

£d4 ¦

ADVERTISEMENT.

The Publishers have to acknowledge the efficient and
disinterested aid they have received from Mr. A. Wylie,
late Agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society in
China, who, owing to the absence of the author from
England, has revised the proof sheets of this work in
their passage through the press; and they are also in
debted to him for the preparation of the copious and valu
able index appended to it.

PREFACE.

When the first Hindoo missionaries arrived at the capital
of China and were admitted to see the emperor, it was,
the Buddhists tell us, in the last month of the year a.d.
68, and the 30th day of that month. By imperial com
mand they were entertained in a building called Pe-ma
si, "Office of the white horses;" so named because they
had ridden on white horses on their way from Cabul.
The two Brahmans enjoyed the imperial favour, and one
of the books they translated has remained popular to the
present time.
Thirteen years before these men reached China, the first
missionaries of Christianity crossed the .ZEgean Sea and
entered Europe. Instead of being received, however, with
the smiles of those in power and enjoying imperial hospi
tality, they were publicly whipped and imprisoned by
the magistrates of a Roman colony, and ignominiously
dismissed. Buddhism covered China with monasteries and images ;
Christianity covered Europe with churches and charitable
institutions. A hundred authors have written on the his
tory of the spread of Christianity in the various countries
of Europe. Very few have ever studied the history of
Buddhism as it has spread through China, and taught its

viii PREFACE.
doctrines in every part of that empire. There is room for
new information on the entrance, progress, and charao<j
teristics • of Chinese belief in the religion founded by|
Shakyamuni. Especially is there a need for facts on the history of
Buddhism, because it is that one among the world's
religions which has acquired the greatest multitude of
adherents, and has also above any other carried out most
systematically the monastic institute.
Isaac Taylor drew attention in his Ancient Christianity
to the knowledge of Hindoo monasticism possessed by
Clement of Alexandria, and traced the origin of the
monasticism of Christianity to that of India.
Buddhism never became the State religion of China. It
has grown side by side with the State religion, and obtained
only the partial faith of the people. In this it differed
from Christianity, which in Europe took the place of the
old State religions of the various countries, after first
vanquishing them all.
One of the titles of Buddha is " the Lion ; " another
is " the Great hero ; " another is " Honoured one of the
world ; " another is " King of the Law." His followers love
to represent him as completely victorious over metaphy
sical opponents by argument, and as gaining a thorough and
final conquest over temptation impersonated by demons.
He is also spoken of as victorious in saving from their
unbelief all sorts of heretics, of men sunk in pleasure, and
every class of adversaries. He has infinite pity, as well as
infinite wisdom.
Such is the ideal of Buddha. Let it be compared with
that of the Christian Saviour. Let the result o'f the
teaching of Shakyamuni on the Chinese be compared wit!
that of the teaching of Christ on Europe. Is China as

PREFACE. ix
much better for Buddhism as Europe is for Christianity ?
If the beginnings of the world's religions are very interest
ing and important subjects of inquiry, their progress and
development are not less so. The various causes which
operated to aid the spread of Buddhism, if carefully inves
tigated, will be a valuable contribution to the history of
humanity. Koeppen has said that, at the time of Alex
ander's conquests, while there was a tendency imparted by
him to the races he conquered, which led to the breaking
up of a restrictive nationalism, and to the welding of
various peoples, formerly separated by blood, customs,
religions, and culture, into a higher unity in the conscious
ness of a common humanity, so also India was, by the
propagators of Buddhism, putting forth vigorous efforts in
the same cause. Alexander sought to make all mankind
one. So did Buddhism. The Greek spirit and the spirit of
Buddhism sympathised with each other and helped each
other. In this way he finds an explanation of the rapid
spread of the Buddhist religion in the Punjab, Afghan
istan, Bactria, and the countries near. He then proceeds
to compare Buddhism with Christianity, which he speaks
of as cosmopolitan Judaism to which had been added
Alexandrian and Essene elements. Just as Christianity
conquered the Western world, so Buddhism the Eastern ;
and this it was able to do because it rejected caste and
taught the brotherhood of humanity.
It must ever be regarded as a noble instinct of the
Hindoo race, which prompted them to throw off the yoke
of caste. But it should not be supposed that the yoke of
caste was so strong then as it now is. It was easier then
than now for a Hindoo to visit foreign countries. The
social tyranny of caste was then less powerful.
What gave the first Buddhists their popularity ? In
o

x PREFACE.
part, doubtless, the doctrine of the common brotherhood
of men; but there were several other principles in their
teaching which rapidly won adherents, and must also be
taken into account.
They taught the universal misery of man, and offered
a remedy. They met the yearning of humanity for a
redemption by giving instruction, which they said came
from the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, each of whom was a
powerful saviour to the devotee.
These saviours, instead of being members of the Hindoo]
hierarchy of popular gods, like those of Olympus, were
either human beings or incarnations of ideas, and combin
ing wisdom with mercy in their acts and teaching.
The early Buddhists surrounded death with a halo of
lofty spiritual glory, and called it the Nirvana. Death
became synonymous with absolute peace, and so was
looked on with less dread and dislike.
When the Buddhists began to teach races to whom the
subtle Hindoo metaphysics were a riddle beyond their
comprehension, they taught, for the Nirvana, a Western;
Heaven ruled by a newly-invented Buddha, and additional
to the paradises of the Devas. This is a new doctrine of s
future life which is commonly accepted by the Northern
Buddhists, from the Himalayas to the Altai mountains,
and from Thibet to Japan.
Another popular element was communism joined with
the monastic institute. The monastery is a refuge for the
unhappy, for those who have not succeeded in trade, foi
sickly children, for all who feel a call to enter on a monastic
life. In the monastery they subsist on the common fund
supplied by the gifts of the charitable. A home, a quiet life
and very little to d6, was the prospect held out to those whom
society can very well spare, and is not unwilling to part with

PREFACE. xi
Another popular element was the charm of nobleness
attached to the monastic life. Self-denial becomes attrac
tive, and not at all difficult to those who are sensible of
this charm. The renunciation of the world, and the absorb
ing occupation of a religious life, seem to many who enter
the gates of the monastery a pleasant dream, and very
desirable. Another attractive element in Buddhism has been the
social character of the worship. The monks meet for
morning and evening prayers in the presence of the images.
To this should be added the agreeableness to the eye of
dressed altars, lofty gilt images, and the encouraged belief
that they are representative of powerful beings, who will
afford substantial protection to the devotee who faithfully
discharges his duty as a disciple.
Then there is the doctrine of the Karma. Every act
of worship, every Buddhist ceremony, every book of devo
tion read, every gift to a monastery or a begging priest,
every mass for the dead, every invocation of a Buddha
or Bodhisattwa, every wish for the good of others, infal
libly causes great good, through the necessary operation
of the law of cause and effect in the moral. sphere.
How far these and other causes have helped to spread
Buddhism through the many countries where it now pre
vails deserves the careful thought of the European student
of the history of religions. Next to India itself, Chin a \
has done more for the development of Buddhist thought |
than any other Buddhist country. This is a remarkable/
fact and very useful ; showing, as it does, that, judging)
from the past, the Chinese are susceptible to a very con-|
siderable degree of a foreign religion. They will also use
intellectual energy in teaching and expanding it. Let
any one who doubts this look over Ksempfer's account of

xii PREFACE.
Japanese Buddhism. He will there find nearly all the
Chinese sects described in this volume occurring again,
They have been transplanted entire with their books and
discipline into that island empire,— a striking proof of the
vigour of Chinese Buddhism.
Why should they not accept Christianity with the
same zeal, and apply to the task of teaching it as much']
mental force ?
Dr. Draper says,1 " From this we may also infer how
unphilosophical and vain is the expectation of those who !
would attempt to restore the aged populations of Asia :
to our state. Their intellectual condition has passed
onward never more to return."
My own conviction is, that so far as this theory of
despair affects China, it is not warranted. The eras of
intellectual expansion in that country may be briefly enu
merated in the following way : — After the Chow period,
the most famous of all, came that of Han, when classical
studies, history, and Tauist philosophy flourished together^
Then followed a Buddhist age. Then came an age of
poetry and elegant literature, that of the T'ang dynasty.
After this came the time of the Sung philosophers, who
were most prolific in moral and critical writings tinctured
with a peculiarly bad philosophy of nature. The present
is an age of classical criticism, a reaction from that of the
Sung writers.
We have six distinct periods of intellectual vigour.
covering nearly three thousand years, and what do we now
see? The intellectual vigour connected with Buddhismi
and Tauism dead, past any hope of a resurrection. Con
fucianism is still living, but it is not very strong. The
people have an excellent physique, adapting them for
1 Draper's Intellectual Development of Europe, vol. i. p. 57.

PREFACE. xiii
various climates. They emigrate extensively. They have
at home an autonomous empire of immense dimensions,
administered by printed codes of laws, and such a mode
of governing as to enable them to keep that empire from
falling to pieces in a time of foreign wars and rebellions.
They are not then to be despaired of intellectually.
What they need is to be educated in the mass, to be ele
vated by the diffusion of a living Christianity, to have
improvements in the physical condition of the poor, with
a system of scientific instruction in every province, and
a development of the mineral and manufacturing resources
of the country.
No one need despair of the intellectual progress of the
people, or of their susceptibility of spiritual development.
Christianity fosters mental growth, and the science of the
West is eminently stimulating to thought. The descen
dants of the men whose mariners sailed with the compass
seven hundred years ago, and whose schoolmasters were at
the same time making use of printed books in education,
will not fail to respond to these powerful influences.
That Buddhism has affected Chinese literature and
thought to a considerable extent, is shown in the follow
ing pages. It taught them charity, but it did not impart
a healthy stimulus to the national mind. It made them
indeed more sceptical and materialistic than they were
before, and weakened their morality.
But since Buddhism has had among the Chinese its
age of faith, prompting them to metaphysical authorship,
and the formation of schools of religious thought, and
also impelling them to undertake distant and perilous
journeys, to visit the spots where Shakyamuni passed his
life, it must be admitted that there is a very promising
prospect for Christianity, and that the beneficial effect on

.xiv PREFACE.
the people must be in proportion to the excellence of the '¦
Christian religion.
Perhaps Dr. Draper, in view of the facts contained in
this book, would not be unwilling to modify his theory of
the necessary decline of nations so far as it appertains to
China, or at least allow the people of that country a
further tenure of national life, till Christianity and educa
tion have had a trial.
The present volume is the fruit of many years' studies.
Some parts of it were written nearly twenty-five years
ago ; nearly all is the fruit of Chinese reading.
Dr. Eitel of Hongkong and Mr. Thomas Watters have
since written ably and extensively on the same subject,!
But my mode of treatment differs from theirs, and in my
revision it has been an advantage to have the results of
their researches before me. My own collection of native
books on Buddhism has increased, while my acquaintance
with the actual form of this religion in its popular \
development at the present time has been considerably
enlarged. The facts here collected on the esoteric sects are adapted!
to - throw light on the history of Buddhism in India,)
and will help, it may be, to define the position of the
Jains. In the section on Feng-shui, I ask attention to the view
there given on the influence of Buddhism in producing)
the modern Chinese doctrine of the physical influences of
nature, and the part that, through the Buddhists, India-
and Greece have both had in producing the superstitious!
materialism of the Chinese in its modern shape.
Peking, October 1879.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.
PAOB
Buddhism deserves examination — Kesearches of Remusat, Burnouf,
Koeppen, and St. Hilaire — Sanscrit manuscripts from Nepaul —
Buddhist books reveal to view the ancient Hindoo world — The
opening scene of the Kin-kang-king, ... . . r-o

A LIFE OF BUDDHA,
IN FOUR CHAPTERS.
CHAPTER I.
LIFE OF SHAKYAMUNI TILL HIS APPEARANCE AT BENARES
AS A TEACHER.
Previous lives — Chronology — The seventh Buddha — Birth — Early life
— Becomes a hermit — Becomes Buddha — Legendary stories of
his early preaching — Hwa-yen-king — Extramundane teaching —
Appearance at Benares,  i r-26
CHAPTER II.
LIFE OF BUDDHA FROM HIS APPEARANCE AS A TEACHER AT
BENARES TO THE CONVERSION OF RAHULA.
The four truths — Godinia and his four companions — The first monas
tic community— The first lay brother — Conversion of five hundred
fire-worshippers in the kingdom of Magadha — Buddha at Raja-
griha — At Shravasti, in Jeta's garden — Appoints punishments for
crimes of monks — Goes to see his father after twelve years' absence
— Story of his son Rahula,  27~33

xvi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF RAHULA'S RELIGIOUS LIFE TILL
THE NEAR APPROACH OF THE NIRVANA. PAG
Buddha sends for Rahula — Arrangements for instructing Rahula
and other boys — Tutors — Boys admitted to the vows — Nuns —
Rapid spread of monasticism — Disciplinary rules — Education in
metaphysics — An ami a and the Leng -yen-king — Buddha in these
works like Socrates in Plato — Buddha said to have gone to Cey
lon — Also to the paradise of desire — Offer of Devas to protect
Buddhism — Protectors of China — Relation of Buddhism to Hin
doo polytheism — Prajna-paramita — King Prasenajit — Sutra of
the Benevolent King — Daily liturgy — Ananda becomes Buddha's
attendant disciple — Intrusted with the Sutras in twelve divisions
— Buddha teaches his esoteric system — Virtually contained in the
"Lotus Sutra" — In this the sun of Buddha culminated — His
father's approaching death , announced — Buddha reaches the
forty-ninth year of his public preaching,  34-45
CHAPTER IV.
LAST DISCOURSES AND DEATH OF BUDDHA.
Buddha's immortality in his teaching— Death real and final— Object of
Nirvana teaching — Buddha visits the Tau-li heaven— Descends
again by Indra's staircase— The first images— Death of Buddha's
aunt — Death of Shariputra — Buddha at Kushinagara — Between
the Sala trees— Last instructions — Kashiapa made patriarch —
Flesh prohibited — Relieves the king of Magadha— Sends for
Ananda — Answers to four questions — Brahma comes — Buddha's
last words — Death — Gold coffin — Maya comes — Cremation — His
relics— Pagodas,  46-59
CHAPTER V.
THE PATRIARCHS OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
Features of Asiatic life in the time of the patriarchs— Character,
powers, and intellectual qualities of the patriarchs— Series of
thirty-three patriarchs — Appointment of Kashiapa by Shakya
muni— The Svastika— Council of Rajagriha, for writing out the
books of Buddha, and settling what should be received as canonical
—The part taken by Ananda in the authorship of the Buddhist
books— Ananda, second patriarch— The third was Shangnavasu 
Remarks on samadhi and reverie — Fourth, Upagupta— Conversion
of a wicked woman when dying— Fifth, sixth, and seventh patri
archs—Buddha's prophecy regarding Buddhanandi, the seventh-
Struggle between filial love and Buddhist conviction in Buddha-

CONTENTS. xvii
PAGE
mitra — The way m which he subdued an unbelieving king — Ma-
ming given to the king of the Getse to induce him to raise the siege
of Pataliputra — Kapimara, the thirteenth — Nagarjuna, the four
teenth—Converts ten thousand Brahmans — Writes the Ta-cM-tu-
lun — Vigorous defence of Buddhism by Kanadeva— Assassination
of Kanadeva — Sanghanandi, precocious as a boy — Prophecy re
specting him — Rahulata ascends to heaven— Sangkayasheta's dis
cussion on the nature of sound — Converts five hundred hermits —
Kumarada's views on the inequality of present retribution — Diffi
culties met with by Manura in teaching Buddhism in Southern
and Western India — A patriarch's power over birds — Haklena
converts Singhalaputra, who succeeded him as patriarch (the
twenty-fourth), but was killed by the king of Candahar — The
orthodox school has only twenty-four patriarchs — The contempla
tive school has twenty-eight — Pradjnyatara, the twenty-seventh,
converts Bodhidharma, the twenty -eighth, who proceeds to China
— Hindoo knowledge of the Roman empire, .... 60-86
CHAPTER VI.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BUDDHISM IN CHINA.
The emperor Ming-ti sends an embassy to India for images, A.D. 6r —
Kashiapmadanga arrives in China — Spread of Buddhism, a.d. 335
— Buddojanga — A pagoda at Nanking, a.d. 381 — The translator
Kumarajiva, A.D. 405 — The Chinese traveller, Fa-hien, visits India
— His book— Persecution, a.d. 426 — Buddhism prosperous, 451 —
Indian embassies to China in the Sung dynasty — Opposition of the
Confucianists to Buddhism — Discussions on doctrine — Buddhist
prosperity in the Northern Wei kingdom and the Liang kingdom —
Bodhidharma — Sung-yiin sent to India — Bodhidharma leaves Liang
Wu-ti and goes to Northern China — His latter years and death —
Embassies from Buddhist countries in the south — Relics — The
Liang emperor Wu-ti becomes a monk — Embassies from India and
Ceylon — Influence of Sanscrit writing in giving the Chinese the
knowledge of an alphabet— Syllabic spelling — Confucian opposition
¦ to Buddhism in the T'ang dynasty — The five successors of Bodhi- ¦ —
dharma — Hiuen-tsang's travels in India — Work as a translator —
Persecution, a.d. 714 — Hindoo calendar in China — Amoghaintro-
duces the festival for hungry ghosts— Opposition of Han Yii to
Buddhism — Persecution of 845 — Teaching of Ma-tsu — Triumph of
the Mahayana — Bodhiruchi — Persecution by the Cheu dynasty —
Extensive erection of pagodas in the Sung dynasty — Encouragement
of Sanscrit studies — Places of pilgrimage — P'u-to — Regulations
for receiving the vows — Hindoo Buddhists in China in the Sung
dynasty — The Mongol dynasty favoured Buddhism— The last
Chinese Buddhist who visited India — The Ming dynasty limits the
right of accumulating land — Roman Catholic controversy with
Buddhists— Kang-hi of the Manchu dynasty opposes Buddhism —
The literati still condemn Buddhism,  87-154

xviii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SCHOOLS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM. PAQ!
The growth of esoteric sects in India— The Jains— Their series of
twenty-four patriarchs — Bodhidharma headed a new school in
Southern India, and was heretical as viewed from the Jains' stand
point—He founded the contemplative school in China — Nagarjuna,
the author of the most revered books of this school — Tsung-men—
Kiau-men— Divisions of Tsung-men — The Tsung-men sects are
heretical in the view of the old orthodoxy — Specimen of the teach
ing of the Tsung-men— Lin-tsi school— Professes strict discipline
— Its founder died a.d. 868 — His monument on the bank of the
Hu-to river in Chi-li — Resemblance to European speculation on
the absolute— Is Buddhism pantheistic? — Exoteric sects — Lu-mm
( Vinaya) — Yogachara — Fa-siang— Madhyamika— Fa-sing — Tsing-
tu, or sect of the " Pure land " or "Western heaven " — T'ien-t'ai
— Poetry of the Tsing-tu school,  m-^H
CHAPTER VIII.
ON CHI-K'AI AND THE T'IEN-T'AI SCHOOL OF BUDDHISM.
T'ien-t'ai, a place of great note in Chinese Buddhism — Chi-k'ai resided
there in the sixth century — His cloak and rice bowl — Fu-lung f eng
— Fang-kwang si and the rock bridge — Legend of the Lo-hans —
Twelve monasteries founded — He taught the Fa-hwa-king—
System of threefold contemplation — Six connectives — Eight
modes of characterising Buddhism — Ten steps in progress —
Derived much from Nagarjuna — T'ien-t'ai, a middle system-
Regulations,  ... 175-187
CHAPTER IX.
THE BUDDHIST MORAL SYSTEM.
The Ten virtues and Ten vices — The cause of human stupidity is in
the passions — The Five prohibitions — The Ten prohibitions — Klap-
roth's praise of Buddhism — But it is atheistic, and therefore this
praise should be qualified — Kindness to animals based on the
fiction of transmigration —Buddhism teaches compassion for suffer
ing without inculcating obedience to Divine law — Story of Shak
yamuni — Sin not distinguished from misery — Buddhists teach that
the moral sense is innate — They assign a moral nature to animals
— The Six paths of the metempsychosis — Hindoo notions of heaven
and hell — Countless ages of joy and suffering — Examples — Exemp
tion from punishment gained by meritorious actions— Ten kings
of future judgment — Fate or Karma — Buddhism depreciates

CONTENTS. xix
FAQS
heaven and the gods— Buddha not God, but a Saviour— Moral
influence of the Paradise of the Western heaven — Figurative inter
pretation of this legend — The contemplative school identifies good
and evil — No moral distinctions in the Nirvana — Buddhism, has
failed to produce high morality — The Confucianist condemnation
of the Buddhists — Mr. P. Hordern's praise of Buddhism in Birmah
— The Birmese intellectually inferior to the Chinese — Kindness to
animals known to the Chinese before they received Buddhism —
Buddha's reasons for not eating flesh,  188-204

CHAPTER X.
THE BUDDHIST CALENDAR.
National festivals— Festivals in honour of celestial beings — In honour
of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas — In honour of characters in
Chinese Buddhist history — Supplemental anniversaries — - Sin
ghalese Buddhists keep a different day for Buddha's birthday —
In the T'ang dynasty Hindoo astronomers reformed the calendar
— Gaudamsiddha — The week of India and Babylon known to the
Chinese — Word mit for Sunday — Peacock Sutra — The Hindoo
.Rahu and Ketu, ......... 205-212

CHAPTER XI.
RELATION OF BUDDHISM TO THE OLDER HINDOO MYTHOLOGY.
Buddhism accepted the Hindoo mythology, with the sacred books of
the Brahmans, so far as it agreed with its own dogmas — The gods
Indra, Brahma, and Ishwara listen as disciples to Buddha — Eight
classes of Devas — Four kings of Devas — Yakshas — Mahoragas — •
Pretas — Maras — Tama, king of the dead — Creation is denied to
the Hindoo gods in the Chung-lun and other works, . . 213-220
) CHAPTER XII.
THE BUDDHIST UNIVERSE.
The universe passes through incessant changes — Kalpas of various
¦ lengths — Kalpas of establishment, of destruction, &c— Saha world
— Sumeru mountain — The Southern continent is Jambudvipa —
Heaven of the thirty-three— Tushita paradise— Upper tier of para
dises — Heavens of form and of desire— Heavens without form —
Brahma's paradise — No wise man is born there, because Brahma
says he created the universe — The hells — Story from the "Ti-tsang
Sutra,"  221-227

xx CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE EXTENDED UNIVERSE OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS. PAIS!
Primitive Buddhism aimed at moral improvement and the Nirvana
—Its mythology was of popular growth — The Mahayana mythology
was introduced by the metaphysicians of Buddhism itself — Nagar
juna the chief inventor — Swa-yen-king — An extended universe
invented to illustrate dogma — Ten worlds beyond the Saha world
in ten different directions — New divinities to worship — Ainitabha
— His world in the West— Kwan-yin and Ta-shi-chi — The world
of Ach'obhya Buddha in the East — World of Yo-sh'i Fo, the heal
ing teacher — Mercy, wisdom, &c, are symbolised in the Bodhi-
sattwas— Wu-t'ai shan in China is introduced in the Hwa-yen-
king,  228-23!
CHAPTER XIV.
BUDDHIST IMAGES AND IMAGE- WORSHIP.
Temples — Entering hall, Si-ta-t'ien-wang — These four kings described
—The laughing Buddha, Mi-li Fo— Behind him, Wei-to— Chief
hall, Ta-hiung-pau-tien — Shakyamuni — Ananda — Kashiapa —
Kwan-yin, Wen-shu, and other Bodhisattwas — Buddha repre
sented as teaching — Buddha of the past, present, and future —
Chapels to O-mi-to Fo, Ti-tsang, and the Ten kings — Representa
tion of the eight miseries from which Kwan-yin delivers — Temples
in Ceylon — Images in temples near Peking — Tan-cho si snake —
Pi-yiin si — Hall of Lo-hans — Diamond throne of Buddha — Colossal
images of Maitreya — Musical instruments— Reflections, . . 239-25!
CHAPTER XV
MONASTERIES AT P'u-TO.
This establishment more modern than T'ien-t'ai and Wu-t'ai — Many
Thibetan inscriptions — Frequent visits of Peking lamas — Dedi
cated to Kwan-yin — Gifts by Kang-hi — Images — Caves — Pagodas
— Inscriptions — Resident defenders of Buddhism — The Potala of
Jehol in Mongolia— It is also the name of the palace— Temple of
the Dalai Lama — In China an island was preferred to be the tau-
ch'ang of Kwan-yin,  259-26; j
CHAPTER XVI.
BUDDHIST PROCESSIONS, ASSOCIATIONS, PILGRIMAGES AND
CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD.
Yu-lan-hwei, "Association forgiving food to the dead"  Worship of
ancestors— Liturgical services in the houses of the rich, for the
liberation of the souls of the dead from hell— Village processions—

CONTENTS. xxi
PAGE
Based on the old rural processions of classical times — Masquerades
— Plays— Pilgrimages to Miau-feng shan — Pilgrims wearing iron
chains — Supposed efficacy of the prayers of the priests— Zeal of
the laity in promoting pilgrimages to celebrated shrines, . 268-272
CHAPTER XVII.
BUDDHIST LITERATURE.
Buddhist libraries presented to monasteries by emperors — Ch'eng-tsu,
of the Ming dynasty, was the first to print the entire series of the
Buddhist accepted books — Prajna-paramita, eighty times as large
as our New Testament —The Pei-tsang, or second printed edition,
dates from the sixteenth century — The Kia-hing edition of the
Pei-tsang — Division into King, Lii, Lun — First Council — Work of
Ananda — The Mahayanaof Northern Buddhism— Council of Cash
mere — Authors of the Mahayana — Lung-shu wrote the Hwa-yen-
king — Contrasts between the primitive and Mahayana books — List
of translators, A.D. 70 to A.D. 705 — Sixteen hundred works are
classified, inclusive of those by Chinese authors — On the councils
for settling the canon — Translations by Burnouf and others —
Lotus — Book of Forty-two Sections — Character of this and other
early works — Stories illustrative of ancient life— Fan-viang-king
—Chan-tsH-king translated by Beal — Pratimoksha, . . . 273-288
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE LENG-YEN-KING— FIRST CHAPTER.
The Sutra of firm establishment in all doctrine, describing clearly the
secret merit and attainments in the religious life of Tathagata, who
appears as Buddha in his great and unsurpassed stature ; also the
many acts of the Bodhisattwas,  289-301
CHAPTER XIX.
THE EKASHLOKA SHASTRA.
The " Ekashloka Shastra," translated from the Chinese, with an
analysis and notes  302-^x7
CHAPTER XX.
EFFECT OF BUDDHISM ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE SUNG DYNASTY.
The Sung philosophers differ from Confucius— Five periods of Chinese
intellectual development— The Sung writers changed the old cos
mogony — The Han writers had already done so— Diagram of the
Great Extreme— Other pictorial illustrations— Avoidance of the
doctrine of a personal God — Materialistic philosophy of nature —
New view of divination,  318-326

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXI.
FENG-SHUI, OR THE WIND AND WATER SUPERSTITION
OF THE CHINESE. FiH
An obstacle to civilisation— Meaning of Feng, "Wind"— Of Shui, %
"Water "—Use of cyclic characters— Meaning of Lung, " Dragon "
— Names of the geomancers — Hindoo nomenclature — Sha-ch'i,
"Destructive vapour" — Dark arrow — Chen-wu, or "Protecting
shield"— Feng-shui professedly based on the " Book of Changes"
— Modern Feng-shui is based on the Han-lung-king — Buddhist
element in Feng-shui — The four elements of the Greeks— The
Hindoo "Air and water" is Feng-shui— Earth, water, fire, and
air are creative forces, existing in successive kalpas, and forming
successive worlds — Resemblance to the theories of the Ionian
philosophers— Geomancy in the T'ang dynasty— Rahu and-Keta—
The Feng-shui system grew out of Buddhism — Native element in
Feng-shui — Nine fancied stars — Causes of the contour of hills and
plains — Stars of the six houses — Feng-shui inconsistent with
genuine Confucianism,  . . 327-352
CHAPTER XXII.
BUDDHIST PHRASEOLOGY IN RELATION TO CHRISTIAN
TEACHING.
Use «f Buddhist terms in the Nestorian inscription, ad. 781 — Mo,
"demon;" in Sanscrit, mara — Ti-yii, "hell," is naraka — Ten
judges of hell — Among them Pau Cheng, the famous judge of the
Sung dynasty — The Sung philosophers encouraged the popular
belief in future retribution — This prepares for Christianity — T'ien-
t'ang, "heaven" — Defects of this term — Ming-kung, &c, as names
for "heaven" — Buddhist paradises possibly borrowed from West
ern Asia or some other country farther west — Redemption — Ti-
tsang and Kwan-yin — Pity — Instruction-— Effect of sin— Decreed
forgiveness to penitents — Secret merit — Happiness and merit
* confounded— Sin and misery confounded — Illustration from the
narrative of a Christian convert  353-37°
CHAPTER XXIII.
NOTICE OF THE WU-WEI-.KIAU, A REFORMED BUDDHIST
SECT.
Originated two hundred and seventy years ago by a native of Shan
tung—No showy ceremonial— No images— Sacred books six in
number— Interview of the founder with the emperor of the
period, Cheng-te— Discussion with opponents— Victory— One of
their leaders was crucified,  # 371-3I

CONTENTS. xxiii
CHAPTER XXIV.
BUDDHISM AND TAUISM IN THEIR POPULAR ASPECTS.
The popularity of Buddhism rests on its doctrine of retribution, and
not on its ethics— Magical claims of the Tauists— Kwan-yin, since
the twelfth century,, usually a female— Powers and claims of
Kwan-yin— Popular Buddhism loves to have prayers said for the
dead— Hopes for paradise hereafter— Popular Tauism believes in
haunted houses, in charms, and in the efficacy of the wizard in control
ling demons — The present head of the Tauists and chief magician
— Went from Western China to Kiang-si, where he has ever since
resided as hereditary Pope — The Tauist divinity Yii-hwang shang-
ti has incarnations assigned to him— Chang Sien the bowman, a
physician— Tail-cutting delusion— Tauist prayers for the dead—
The Buddhist Yen-lo-wang, " God of death "—The eight genii—
The eighteen Lo-hans— The Tauist delusions dangerous politically
— T'ien-tsin massacre— Need of the light of education— The effect
of the assault of Christianity on these religions, . . . 380-397
CHAPTER XXV.
ON THE USE OF SANSCRIT BY THE CHINESE BUDDHISTS.
Changes in Chinese sounds since the time of the Buddhist translitera
tion of Indian words — Examples of Sanscrit words in old and new.
Chinese — The importance of translations made in a.d. 60 to a.d. "
76 for reading the Four Books — The Hindoo translators did not
speak pure Sanscrit — Sanscrit was the language of the books — No
Pali books in China — The translators spoke Pracrit — The term po
ll, "glass" — Use of Sanscrit words in magic — Dharani — Inscrip
tion in six languages at Ku-yung kwan,  398-407
CHAPTER XXVI.
BOOKS AND PAPERS THAT MAY BE CONSULTED FOR THE
STUDY OF CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Foi kouS ki by Remusat — Works of Julien — Interesting passage from
Fa-hien — Translations by Beal — Schott, TJeberden Buddhaismus in
Soch Asien und in China — Writings of Palladius— Eitel's Handbook
for the Student of Chinese Buddhism — Watters' account of Chinese
Buddhism — Eitel's Three Lectures, and article on Nirvana, . 408-419
Alphabetical Index of Pboper Names and Subjects, . . 422-443
Alphabetical Index of Titles of Books Mentioned, . . 44S-4S3

E E E A T A.

3, note, line

1, for Meau-fa-lien-hwa- king.

> read Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king

4, „

„ 8, „ K'ang-he,

,, K'ang-hi.

14, line

6, for Shichi,

„ Shi-chi.

15, „

37, ,

, Fu-tsu-t'ung-ki,

„ Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki.

16, ,.

19, ,

, Tai-tsung,

,, T'ai-tsung.

19, „

n, ,

, Pradjna,

,, Prajna.

20, „

10, ,

, Pradjna paramita, ¦

, , Prajna paramita.

20, „

27, >

, Pu-hien,

,, P'u-hien.

21, „

15, ,

, King-kang-king,

. , Kin-kang-king.

21, „

34, ,

, Pu-hien,

„ P'u-hien.

32, „

2, ,

, Ft,

,, Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki.

4°, „

5, ,

, Tien,

„ Tien.

40, „

29> ,

, Kumaradjiva,

,, Kumarajiva.

40, „

34, ,

, Nagardjuna,

,, Nagarjuna.

43, „

6, ,

Do.

Do.

Si, ..

2, ,

, Pradjna,

„ Prajna.

58, „

13, ,

, Che-p'an,

,, Chi-p'an.

68, „

27, ,

, Sii-to-hwan,

,, Sii-t'o-hwan.

72, „

3i, ,

, Chi-p'an,

,, Chi-p'an.

73, „

6,

Do.

Do.

74, „

33, ,

, Ashvagosha,

„ Ashwagosha.

77, ,,

20, ,

, Ta-chi-tu-lun,

„ Ta-chi-tu-lun.

83, „

23, ,

, Hiung-noo,

„ Hiung-nu.

83, ,,

=4, ,

, Puenjab,

,, Punjab.

86, „

35,

, Ta-t'sin,

,, Ta-ts'in.

88, „

IS» .

, Foi-koue-ki,

,, Foe" koue ki.

9°, ,,

3, ,

, Pei-chi-li,

, , Pe-chi-li.

9°, „

14, ,

, K'u-tsi,

,, Kui-tsi.

91. »

12, ,

, Chang-an,

,, Ch'ang-an.

91, note, line 1, for Fol-kout-ki,

, , FoS kouiki.

100, line

9, for T'ung-kien-kang-mu,

„ T'ung-kien-kang-muh.

i°5> »

22, „ Do.

„ Do.

108, „

2, „ An-sih,

,, An-si.

109, „

4, ,, Seng-ki-lii,

,, Seng-ki-lii.

110, note, line 3, for Shih-sung-l&,

,, Shik'Sung-lii.

124, line

31, for Tae-tsung,

,, T'ai-tsung.

126, „

24, ,, Fu-kuh-piau,

„ Fo-ku-piau.

128, „

24, „ S'i-ch'uen,

,, Si-ch'wen.

132, note, line 2, for Asangha,

,, Asengha.

137, line

16, for Kwo-t'sing,

,, Kwo-ts'ing.

139. ..

14, .

S'i-ch'uen,

,, Si-ch'wen.

Page 139,

line 15, for Ti-t'sang,

read Ti-tsang.

.. !39,

>>

19, 3,

Wen-chu,

,, Wen-shu.

.. r43,

29, „

Hang-chow,

,, Hang-cheu.

,, 146,

„

27, „

Si-ngan,

„ Si-an.

,, 146,

note, line

1, for Yu-p'iau,

,, Yii-p'ien.

„ M7,

line 13, for Mongul,

„ Mongol.

„ 150,

..

32, „

Kwan-shi-yin,

,, Kwan-shi-yin.

,, 162,

,,

63 „

Shen-sieu,

,-, Shin-sieu.

„ l68,

,,

18, „

Sangharama,

,, Sangarama.

„ 168,

..

19. ,,

Chu Fa-lan,

s, Chu-fa-lan.

„ 168,

.,

22, „

Kieu-mo-lo-shi,

,, Kieu-mo-lo-shi.

„ 169,

33

", „

Tai-ping,

„' T'ai-ping.

.. 169,

note, line

1, for Asanga,-

,, Asengha.

., 171,

line n, for Tai-tsung,

„ T'ai-tsung.

» 178,

.,

3°, ,,

Cheh-kiang,

„ Che-kiang.

„ 181,

,,

26, „

Prajna,

,, Prajna.

» 189,

..

4, ,,

Senga,

„ Sanga.

„ 198,

)>

8, „

Yiin-tsi,

,, Yiin-ts'i.

3, 207,

33

13. „

FoS-koue-ki,

,, Foekoueki.

>i 207,

>.

16, „

Naga-rajah,

„ Naga-raja.

,, 210,

..

28, „

Dtpamkara,

,, Dipankara.

., 215,

,,

28, „

Fa-yuan-chu-lin,

,, Fa-yuen-chu-lin.

,, 216,

..

28, „

Vaishravana,

,, Vaishramana.

„ 227,

33

11, »

'Ts'ai-sheu,

,, Tsai-sheu.

„ 230,

33

27, »

San-t'sang,

,, San-tsang.

.. 231,

33

133 ..

Fa-hwa-hwei yi,

,, Fa-hwa-hwei-i.

= > 234,

33

6, „

Kwan-shii-y'm,

„ Kwan-shi-yin.

» 239,

„

10, „

Si-ta-tien-wang,

„ Si-ta-t'ien-wang.

>• 242,

,,

6, „

Shan-tsai,

„ Shan-ts'ai.

.. 245,

33

22, „

Sangharama,

,, Sangarama.

., 254,

33

16, „

Pi-yiin-si',

,, Pe-yiin si.

.. 255,

33

63 3,

Pu-hien,

,, P'u-hien. ^- ®

„ 257,

.J

9, „

Koeppen,

„ Koeppen.

„ 264,

33

32, „

Yu-hwang,

„ Yu-hwang.

,, 266,

,,

32, ,,

AvaldkiteshVara,

, , Avalokiteshwara.

.. 271,

.3

16, „

Tanist,

„ Tauist.

., 275,

,,

22, „

T'ai-p'ing,

,, T'ai-ping.

„ 275,

33

23, .3

Che-keang,

,, Che-kiang.

',, 279,

93

4, ,,

Ch'eng-wei-shih-lun,

,,. Ch'eng-wei-shi-lun.

.. 284,

„

5» )>

Wei-mo Sutra,

„ Wei-ma Sutra.

>> 284,

J.

6, „

Ya'ishali,

„ Vaishali.

» 293,

33

", ,3

Teh-ts'ing,

„ Te-ts'ing.

» 3°6,

13

29, 9,

Yuen-kio,

„ Yuen-kioh.

>, 322,

33

25, ,,

Ts'an-t'ung-k'i,

„ Ts'an-t'ung-ki.

.. 347,

,,

6. ,,

Yau-'ki,

,, Yau-k'i.

.. 353.

,,

13. >,

Ts'i-hang,

Ts'i-hang.

.. 399,

33

223 3 3

Sanghadeva,

,, Sangadeva.

CHINESE BUDDHISM.

INTRODUCTION.
Buddhism deserves examination — Researches of Remusat, Burnouf,
Koeppen, and St. Hilaire — Sanscrit manuscripts from Nepaul
— Buddhist books reveal to view the ancient Hindoo world —
The opening scene of the Kin-kang-king.
At the present time, when foreign intercourse with China
is increasing every year, and our knowledge of that country
is extending in proportion, an account of the history and
literature of Buddhism in that land will perhaps find more
readers than at any former period. The traveller will not
fail to inquire why this Indian religion has sunk into
such helplessness and decay as he observes. The philo
sophical historian naturally will wish to know the causes
of the vast extension of Buddhism, and of its present
decline. The Christian missionary would willingly learn
the amount and nature of the religious feeling possessed
by the monks, and the strength of the opposition which
the religion of Christ has to expect during its propagation,
:rom them and from the Buddhist laity. Especially the
'statesman needs to be informed how far the Chinese
people are likely to be offended by the introduction of
Christianity, and whether the opposition to idolatry
vhich it excites will strike at any of their most dearly-
iherished prejudices and beliefs.
A religion that has extended its sway over so many
Eastern nations, and whose converts far outnumber those
A

2 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of any other sect in the world, deserves minute investiga
tion. The present sketch will be necessarily too brief to do
justice to the subject, but it is hoped some results will
be brought forward that may assist the foreign observer
to explain the great and long-continued success of the
Buddhistic system, the causes of its growing weakness,
and the many indications of its hopeless decay.
Among European scholars Eemusat and his successors in
the study of Chinese literature have bestowed considerable;;
attention on Buddhism, and their labours have been re
warded with many interesting and valuable results. Espe^
cially is the world indebted to Burnouf and St. Hilaire for
their work in this field of Buddhist inquiry, and lucid
exposition of their results. The aid to be derived from
their investigations has not been neglected in the account
now given to the reader. Eurther, the most direct means of
gaining information is to study some parts of the volu
minous works extant in Chinese on this subject. The
numerous Indian priests who came to China early in the
Christian era were indefatigable translators, as is shorn
by what they have bequeathed to their disciples. These
monuments of the highly civilised race that spoke the
Sanscrit language, give to the inquiry a special literary
interest. They were till lately inaccessible in their
original form. The European students of Sanscrit foi
a long period sought in vain for an account of Buddhist
doctrines and traditions, except in the writings of theii
adversaries. The orthodox Indians destroyed the sacred
books of their heretical brethren with assiduous care. Tie
representations they give of the views of their opponents
are necessarily partial, and it may be expected that what
Colebrooke and others have done in elucidating Buddhism
from the polemical writings of the Brahmans, would receive
useful corrections and additions as well from Chinese
sources as from the Sanscrit manuscripts of Buddhist
books obtained by Hodgson.1
1 During his residence in Nepaul. Of these works, the Lotus of theOd

INTRODUCTION. 3
An extended critique of the Buddhist literature of
China and the other countries professing Buddhism, such as
Burnouf planned and partly accomplished for India, would
be a valuable contribution to the history of the Hindoo
race. The power of this religion to chain the human
mind, the peculiar principles of its philosophy, its mytho
logical characteristics, its mode of viewing human life, its
monastic and ascetic usages, all result from the early intel
lectual development of the nation whose home is south of
the Himalayas. In the Buddhist classics it is not the life
of China that is depicted, but that of Hindostan, and that
not as it is now, but as it was two thousand years ago.
The words and grammatical forms that occur in their
perusal, when deciphered from the hieroglyphic Chinese
form that they have been made to assume, remind the
reader that they spring from the same stem of which
the classical languages of Europe are branches. Much
of their native literature the Buddhist missionaries left
untouched — for example, the highly-wrought epic poems
and dramas that have recently attracted the admiring
notice of Europeans; but a large number of fables and
tales with a moral are found in Chinese Buddhist books.
Many specimens of this peculiar mode of composition,
which, originating in Greece, was adopted by the Hindoos,
and spread into the various literatures of modern Europe
and Asia, have long since been made to wear a Chinese
garb.1 Further, the elements of grammar and the know
ledge of the alphabet, with some important contributions
from mathematical science, have reached China through
the same medium. Several openings are thus presented
into the old Hindoo world. The- country where specula
tive philosophy, with grammatical and arithmetical science,
Law, in Chinese Meau-fa-lien-hwa- tures, and The Romantic Legend of
king, has been translated by Bur- Sdkya Buddha.
nouf, Paris, 1852. The Eev. S. Beal, 1 Of these works Stanislas Julien
Professor of Chinese in University has translated Les Avadanas, con-
College, London, has translated from sisting of tales and apologues. 1859.
Chinese A Catena of Buddhist Scrip-

4 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
attained greater perfection than anywhere else in ancient
times, is seen spreading its civilisation into the neighbour
ing countries, and producing remarkable and permanent
changes in the national life of China. To witness this, as
may be done in the Buddhist books, cannot be regarded
as devoid of attraction. The very existence of Buddhism
is sufficient evidence of the energy of the Indian race as
it was long ago. The Mongols, Thibetans, and Singhalese,
with the inhabitants of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, com
bine with the Chinese and Japanese to prove by the faith
they still maintain in Buddhism the enthusiasm of its
first missionaries, and their power to influence mankind.,
Buddhism was not always that decrepit and worn-out
superstition that it now appears.
Having said thus much by way of preface, it is time to
introduce to the reader's attention the founder of the re
ligion. No way of doing this suggests itself as more suit
able than to translate from the opening scene of a popular
Buddhist work called the "Diamond Classic" afew passages,
where he appears in the midst of his disciples, instructing
them in some of the principles of his system. The time,
according to the Singhalese chronology, was in the sixth
century before Christ. The place is Sha-wei,1 a city in
Central India. The hero is Shakyamuni himself, i.e., Bud
dha or Julai. The subordinate characters are the Bikshu2 or
religious mendicants, who are so denominated because they
beg instruction for the mind and food for the body. They
consist of two classes, says the editor of the Diamond
Classic. Those who have abandoned vice and are aiming
at virtue are the small Bikshu. Those who are released
from both alike are great Bikshu. Among the latter, who
1 Sha-wei was on the north of the according to K'ang-he Bi-k'u. The
Ganges, about 200 miles above Ben- orthography here adopted for Chinejl
ares. It is also written Shravasti. and Sanscrit words, agrees nearly witt
All the upper part of the valley of that of Sir T. Wade and of the
the Ganges was embraced in what French writers on kindred subjects
was known as Central India. For ou, the 00 of Morrison, u is lefl
2 This Sanscrit word is pronounced written.

INTRODUCTION. 5
have gone deeper than the others into the profundities of
Buddhist doctrine, are included those called Bosat and
Lahan, or, as these characters are now pronounced by the
Chinese, P'usa and Lohan.
The chief minister of the king having at Eajagriha heard
Buddha's instructions, and been deeply impressed by them,
wished to invite him to some suitable dwelling. Jeta,
the king's son, had a garden. The minister offered to buy
it. The prince said by way of jest that he was willing if
he would cover it with gold. The minister, who was child
less, obtained gold-leaf and spread it over the garden.
The prince then gave it him free of cost. According to
another account the minister ordered eighty elephants
loaded with gold to come immediately. The prince, admir
ing the doctrine which had so affected the minister as to
make him willing to give all this gold for a hall to teach it,
gave it for nothing. In a house " in this garden, which lay
outside the city Sha-wei, Buddha with his disciples, 1250
in number, assembled. It was the time of taking food.
Buddha put on the robe " called seng-gha-li, and with his
pat x or " mendicant's rice bowl " in his hand, entered the
city to beg for food. When having gone from door to
door he had finished his task, he returned to his lodsino--
place. "His meal being ended, he put his robe and
rice vessel aside, and washed his feet," for it was the
practice of this religious reformer to walk with naked
feet. " He then sat cross-legged on a . raised platform,"
remaining some time in meditation before he began to
teach. " At that time the aged Subhuti, who was sitting among
the crowd of disciples, arose. With his right shoulder un
covered, and kneeling on his right knee, he raised his
joined hands respectfully, and addressed Buddha in the
following words : — " Eare is it to meet with the world's

1 In modern Chinese the t is dropped and the a {a in father) changed to s>.
In Sanscrit the word is pdtra.

6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
honoured one,1 Juki,2 who in the best manner protects
his disciples (Bosat), keeps them in his thoughts, and gives
them his instructions. World-honoured sage ! (SM-tsun)
if good men and good women exhibit the unsurpassed jwt
and enlightened heart, how should they place it firmly,
and how should the evil risings of the heart be suppressed
and subdued ? " The words in italics, corresponding, to
the Sanscrit anutara samyalcsamluddhi,5 are written with
Chinese characters in the text, and are explained by the
commentator as consisting of an, " not," utara, " superior,"
samya, " right and equal," sambodi, " rightly knowing."
Buddha replied, " The question is a good one, and you have
truly described my disposition. It is thus that a resting-
place can be found and the heart controlled." The words
ju-sM, "thus," says the commentator, refer not to what
precedes, as in Chinese syntax, but to what follows, ac
cording to the usage of Sanscrit grammar. Subhuti
then expresses his anxious desire to hear the instructions1.
of the sage, who consequently addresses his disciples
called Bosat and Great Bosat (Ma-ha-saf). "All men,
whether they resemble in their nature oviparous animals,"
that are light and fly, or imitate the moral dispositions!
and reflecting habits of " the mammalia, or are like the]
fish," sprung from spawn, instinctively following the mul
titude in the path of evil, " or are of the same class with
animals born by transformation," and pass through re
markable changes, should enter that state which is final
and unchangeable i — the Nirvana,6 " Whether they still
1 A title of Buddha — Shi-tsun ; s These words are pronounced in
in Sanscrit, Lokis'varardja (Eitel's old Chinese a nu-ta-la sam-mia sum-
Handbook of Chinese Buddhism), or bo-di, and in Mandarin u, neu-ta-la
Lokadjyesht'a, v. Eemusat's Melanges san-miau san-p 'u-t'i.
Asialiques, vol. i. p. 164. * Without remainder, Wu-yu. :"
2 Julai is the Chinese translation s Nit is translated by the commen-
of Tathagata. It means literally tator " go out if ," and ban, " harail-
"thuscome,"andisexplained, "bring- ment." By the French Sinologue!
ing human nature as it truly is, with it is identified with Nirvana, the
perfect knowledge and high intelli- happy condition of perfect rest at
gence, he comes and manifests him- which the Hindoos aim. The diction-
Belf-" ary Ching-tsz-t'ung, says, that "the

INTRODUCTION. 7
think " On the phenomena of the sensuous world " or have
ceased to think," i.e., become so far enlightened as to pay
no attention to passing scenes, " or are neither with thought
nor without thought," that is, have become entirely indiffer
ent to life or death, appetite or aversion, love or hatred,
" they should thus seek salvation in destruction." Why
do not all living men obtain this immeasurably great re
lease ? " If the Bodhisattwa (Bosat, he who knows and
feels) has for his aim self, or man, or the world of living
things, or old age, he is not a true Bodhisattwa." Buddha
now bade Subhuti resume his seat, and went on to in
form him concerning the fixed place of rest for which he
had inquired. "The Bodhisattwa in action should have
no fixed resting-place for his thoughts. In what he does
he should not rest on colour, sound, smell, taste, collision,
or any particular action. He should not rest in forms of
things, that is, allow himself to attend to any special
sensational phenomena. If he thus acts, his happiness
and virtue will be boundless." Buddha is asked by his
disciple for a further explanation of this doctrine. He
replies by inquiring if the four quarters of space can be
measured by thought. Eeceiving a negative answer, he
says that the same is true of the doctrine that the Bodhi
sattwa in acting without regard to particular objects
obtains great happiness and virtue. He then asks if with
the material body and its senses Julai or Buddha can be
truly perceived. ~No, says the disciple, for body and form
are not truly body and form. Buddha himself replies by
denying the existence of all matter in the words " what
ever has form is an empty delusion. If any one sees that
all things having forms are not forms, i.e., nothing, he then
Chinese equivalent of this Sanscrit may be, by a Hindoo who pronounced
term is, to announce that he is at the word Nirbana. It is called in
rest, and that it is applied to describe some translations Nif wan. The Hin-
the death of Buddha, because his is doo translator would pronounce Nir-
not a true death like that of other wana. The Chinese character used
men, whose tsing-shin (soul) does not for ni was called nit in some parts
die." The sound ban was selected, it of China, and nir in others.

8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
truly perceives Juki" in his formless and matterless1
reality ; that is, has attained to a profound understanding
of Buddhist doctrines.
In these few passages from the Kin-hang-hing or
" Diamond Sutra," some of the most prominent doctrines of
Buddhism are brought to view, viz. : — (i.) The happiness of
the Nirvana or state of unconsciousness which frees him
who attains it from the miseries of existence. (2.) The
mischievous influence of human life, with its struggles
after particular forms of happiness, and of the sensuous
world with its deceptive phenomena. (3.) The non-exist
ence of matter, to be convinced of which is to take the
first grand step on the road to enlightenment.
This introduction into the Buddhist sphere of thought
makes the system appear to be based rather on philosophy
than on any religious principle. More will subsequently
occur to confirm the correctness of this opinion. With
regard to the real character of Buddhism, piety towards
the Euler of the world does not form either its foundation
or the result to which it aims to elevate its votaries. It
will be seen that, while striving to escape from the evils
incident to life, and from every selfish aim, it is nothing
but selfishness in an abstract philosophical form, stripped
of the grosser qualities which are manifested in the com
mon course of human history.
In enumerating the various kinds of sensations conveyed;
to our minds by the senses, a verb "to strike or pierce," ck'%,
is employed in place of "touch," the familiar term of our own
popular philosophy. All these sensations are said by the
Buddhists to be produced by the respective organs with
which they are connected. They are called the six kinds
of " dust " or " worldly things " — the unwelcome accretions!
that attach themselves to our garments as we walk through
the world. "Action/'/a, said to emanate from the "will,"
yi, is classed with them as the sixth mode assumed by
worldly phenomena.
The preceding specimen of Buddha's teaching, sur-

INTRODUCTION. 9
rounded by his disciples in a city of ancient India, is
sufficient to introduce the subject. The principal facts in
the life of that sage will now be detailed. Buddha will be
here represented as he appears in the Chinese biographies.
They describe him as a sort of divine man, possessed of
unbounded magical power, and visiting the most distant
spots, as, for example, the paradises of the gods, in an
instant of time.
In giving an account of Chinese Buddhism, I feel the
importance of exhibiting Shakyamuni in the form which
is familiar to the Chinese devotee. It is well, in our pic
ture, to retain the details of a marvellous nature which
have been so abundantly added by the Northern Bud
dhists to the simplicity of the first narrative. Man cannot
live without God. This was an effort to recover the divine.
When God, through the absurdities of polytheism, was
pushed out of view, the substitute was Buddha, the perfect
sage, the model ascetic, the patient and loving teacher, the
wonder-working magician, the acknowledged superior of
gods and men. Such was the conception worked out by
the Hindoo mind to take the place of the old polytheism
of India, and accepted by all the Buddhist nations north
of Shakyamuni's birthplace. In the history of religions
it is of extreme importance that this fact should be
recognised and appreciated.

A LIFE OF BUDDHA
IN FOUR CHAPTERS.

CHAPTEE I.
LIFE OF SHAKYAMUNI TILL HIS APPEARANCE AT BENAKES
AS A TEACHER.
Previous lives — Chronology — The seventh Buddha — Birth —
Early life— Becomes a hermit — Becomes Buddha — Legendary
stories of his early preaching — Hwa-yen-king — Extramundane
teaching — Appearance at Benares.
In examining the Buddhist writings, the reader is at once
reminded that he has entered a field where he is deprived
of the trustworthy guidance and careful adherence to facts
and dates of native Chinese authors. Not only is this true
of works that contain the wilder extravagances of Indian
mythology, and introduce the wondering disciple to the
scenery and inhabitants of numberless other worlds, even
those that wear an historical look, and yield the most in
formation, do not fail thus to betray their foreign origin.
The doctrine of transmigrations, and an eternal succession
of kalpas past and future, is tempting to the biographer
who wishes for variety of incident. He can place his hero
wherever he pleases, in the universe boundless in space and
time of the Indian imagination. The founder of Buddhism,
Shakyamuni, or the " Sage of the house of Shakya," is a
case in point. It is said of him that before his birth more
than two thousand years since in the present kalpa, he
had during many previous ones taken religious vows,

13 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and honoured the Buddhas who then instructed the
world. His name is associated particularly with Dipan-
kara, in Chinese, Janteng, a fictitious Buddha, who re
ceived him as his disciple, and foretold that he would in
a subsequent kalpa become Buddha, and bear the name
by which he is now known. The time when this hap
pened was too long ago to be expressed by common.
Chinese numerals. It was at a distance of numberless
kalpas} In modern Chinese temples, an image behind
that of Juki sometimes represents Janteng. In the
kalpa immediately preceding the present, Shakya is
said to have risen to the rank of Bodhisattwa. He
was then born in the heaven called Tushita,2 and when
the time was come his soul descended to our world. He
came on a white elephant having six tusks. The date of
Shakya's birth is very variously given. The Siamese,
Peguans, and Singhalese, all using the PaH versions of
the Buddhist classics, differ among themselves. The
numbers as stated by them are B.C. 744, 638, and 624}
The Chinese historian, Ma Twan-lin, mentions two dates
as assigned by various authorities to this event, viz.,
1027 and 668. The former is what is commonly given
in Chinese books. Burnouf rightly prefers the chrono
logy of the Southern Buddhists. Their discrepancies
between themselves form an objection, but not at all a
fatal one, to such a conclusion. The uncertainty that
involves this question is an instance of the difficulty
attending researches in Indian chronology and history,
as contrasted with the fulness and accuracy of Chinese
writers. What was the original language of Buddhism|
is another point not yet fully determined. The settle
ment of it would throw light on the chronology. Only
one of the dates can be right, for there is no doubt as
1 A-seng-gi-kap. The Sanscrit word 2 Tushita now pronounced TusKto.
Asankhyd means "innumerable." s See Klaproth's Life of Buddha,
Kalpa is applied to periods of time and Tumour's Examination of Un
varying from a few hundreds to many Pali Buddhistical Annals.
thousand years.

CHRONOLOGY. I3
to Buddha's identity. If Sanscrit was the language in
which he taught his disciples, it must have been just
dying out at the time, for the old Buddhist inscriptions,
in the countries watered by the Ganges, are in a dialect
derived from the Sanscrit and differing little from Pali.
The mother-tongue of the Hindoos must then have been
already supplanted by a derived dialect in the time of
AshSka, king of Central India, who reigned near Patna,
as both the Northern and Southern Buddhists inform us,
about 150 or 200 years after Buddha's death. It is to
his age that those monuments are ascribed. Perhaps a
discussion as to whether the Sanscrit or Pali versions of
the sacred books were the earlier, may have led to a
designed altering of dates by the Northern or Southern
school of Buddhism. The deception was an elaborate
one, by whichever party it was practised, for the interval
from the death of Buddha until modern times is in the
writings of both schools filled up by a series of events
and dates.1 The lives of some of the patriarchs, as given
in Chinese books, appear too long. Ananda, a favourite
disciple of Buddha, is made to die eighty-three years after
him. Of his successors in the office of patriarch, the first
two held it for sixty-two and sixty-six years respec
tively. The average of the first fourteen patriarchs is
more than fifty-two years to each. Without forgetting
the simple and abstemious habits of these ancient ascetics,
their Hves must be regarded as prolonged beyond proba
bility. Perhaps the most convincing argument for the
claim of the PaH to be that which was spoken by Buddha
himself, is that the ascertained interval between him and
Ashoka is too short for the formation of a new language.
The work caHed San-kiau-yi-su2 places the Buddha
called Shakyamuni in the seventh place among those whom
1 The suggestion of Tumour to This throws light on the design of
account for the sixty-five years dis- the Northern Buddhists in antedating
crepancy of the Singhalese and Greek Buddha's birth by 447 years.
dates is, that dates were altered to re- a San-kiau-yi-su, " Supplementary
concileBuddha'sprophecieswithfacts. account of the three religions."

14 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
it commemorates as having, on account of their perfect
enlightenment, received that title. The list begins with the
ninety-eighth Buddha of a preceding kalpa. He is called
the Biba Buddha. The two next, who are supposed to five
toward the close of the same vast period of time, are called
Shiehi and Baishevu. The three first Buddhas of the pre
sent kalpa are said to have been named Kulusan, Kuna-
shemuni, and Kashiapa. In Ward's Mythology of th
Hindoos, it is said, " The Buddhists assign to their hero
ten incarnations, and designate the histories of these in
carnations by the names of ten Hindoo sages." But the
true history of the religion begins with Shakyamuni.
Where aU is fictitious, it matters not very much whether
the preceding six Buddhas were incarnations of Shakya
muni Buddha, or were separate in their personality. There
appears to be no ground for believing in any Buddhism
before Buddha. Given a hero, it is easy to invent for him
six preliminary Hves, or six predecessors in the sa^me dig
nity. One would like to know whether the Mohammedan ;
series of seven sages, selected out of the Jewish and Chris
tian Scriptures, from Adam to Christ, is imitated from this
Hindoo series of seven sages.
The effects of the teaching of each of the past Buddhas
are recorded. The most ancient of the seven is said to
have saved 34,800 men. The figures diminish, step by
step, to 20,000, the number attributed to the immediate
predecessor of the historical Buddha.
The names of the most faithful, and also the two pro
ficient disciples, are given in the case of each Buddha.
The city in which they Hved is also mentioned, and the
tree under which they were fond of delivering instruction.
The favourite city of Shakyamuni was Shravasti, and his
tree, the Bodhi tree. His disciples were too many fr-
number. His faithful disciple was Eahula, his son, and
his two most proficient pupils were Shariputra and Maud-
galyayana. The true history of the Buddhist religion begins with

BIRTH. I5
Shakyamuni. He was the son of Suddhodana, king of the
city Kapilavastu, near the boundary of Nepaul. The king
of Kapilavastu was subject to the king of Magadha, a
country in Southern Bahar, to which the Ganges provinces
were then tributary. Suddhodana is called in Chinese
Tsing-/am — " He who eats food freed from impurities."
Buddha was born B.C. 623, and attained the rank of
Buddha at thirty- five years of age, in B.C. 588, the sixteenth
year of the reign of Bimbisara. He died at seventy-nine,
in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatashatru, B.C. 543.
These are Ceylonese dates, and are, says Turnour, too late
by sixty-five years. According to the Siamese and Birmese
chronology, the birth and death of Buddha are assigned to
the years B.C. 653 and B.C. 628. Koeppen prefers the
former dates, on the ground that they are usuaUy accepted
by the Southern Buddhists, and the date of the Nirvana is
sanctioned by a very extended official use. He suggests
that the Buddhists of China and other northern countries
were influenced by the prophecy uttered by Shakyamuni,
which stated that his doctrines would spread in China a
thousand years after his death. It was in a.d. 64 that
Buddhism entered China. The Nirvana, therefore, should
have its date a thousand years earlier. From this we may
understand why the Chinese Buddhists place the life of
Buddha so much earlier than do their brother believers in
the south. Koeppen also remarks that Ceylon was con
verted to Buddhism much earlier than countries north of
India, and that historical events are, therefore, more likely
to be correctly recorded in Ceylon. The events in Buddha's
life were fresher in remembrance when the early Buddhist
literature of Ceylon was compiled, than when Buddhism
spread in China and other northern countries.
The accepted date in China for Buddha's birth is B.C.
1027. His name was Siddharta, and that of his mother
was Maya. She died ten days after his birth. The ques
tion in regard to this date is thus treated by the author of
Fu-tsu-t'ung-ki. He first gives six grounds for accepting

1 6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the older chronology, i. A portent in the year B.C. 1027.
According to a work caUed Cheu-shu-yi-ki, a bright light
of five colours was seen to pierce the c6nsteUation Tai-wei,
and pass over the whole west. On seeing it, the historian
Su Yeu remarked that a great sage was born in the west.
Seventy-nine years later, a white rainbow was seen, having
twelve stripes stretching from south to north. The his
torian Hu To, seeing it, said, " It is the sign of the death of
a great sage in the west." 2. Kashiapmadanga said to
the Han emperor, Ming-ti, who introduced Buddhism into
China, that it was in the year B.C. 1027, on the eighth day
of the fourth month, that Buddha was born. 3. The
statement of the third Chinese patriarch in the sixth
century, that it was in the fifty-first year of the cycle, on
the fourth month and eighth day. 4. Another early work
of a Chinese Buddhist gives the year B.C. 1027, the
month and day agreeing. 5. The same is true of a state
ment by a Buddhist in the History of the Wei, an imperial
work. 6. Early in the seventh century, the emperor Tai-
tsung ordered an investigation into the date of Buddha's
birth. Lieu Te-wei, a minister of State, inquired of a
famous Buddhist named Fa-lin the reason of the 'dis
crepancy in the current accounts. The consequence was
that Fa-lin settled it to be B.C. 1027.
The same author proceeds to give several other epochs,
believed in by as many authorities. 1. Inscription on a
stone pillar. This gives B.C. 718. 2. The statement of
the pilgrim Fa-hien, B.C. 1197. 3. The statement of the
work Siang-cheng-ki, B.C. 75 3. 4. Another statement place!
it in the time of Hia-kie, B.C. 1800. The fifth authority,
Chung-sheng-tien-ki, gives the date B.C. 457. The sixth
states that B.C. 68f was the year in question, and that
then, according to the Tso-chwen, there, was a shower of
falling stars. This phenomenon is supposed to indicate
Buddha's birth. A learned Buddhist, Ku-shan, argues
that the birth must have taken place in the second month
of the modern Chinese calendar, because in the Cheu

EARLY LIFE. 17
dynasty the year began two months later. To this the
defenders of the orthodox Chinese view say in reply, that
in three Sutras the birth of Buddha is said to have taken
place in the fourth month, and as they were all translated
since the modern calendar was adopted, a century before
the Christian era, it is not open to us to say that it took
place in the second month.
At fifteen years of age he was, in an assembly of nobles
and Brahmans, formally invested with the rank of heir-
apparent. The nobles presented to his royal father basins
filled with water from the four seas, and ornamented with
the seven precious things. They also sprinkled water on
the prince's head, and gave him the seal of the seven
precious things.
At seventeen he was married to a Brahman maiden
of the Shakya family called Yashodara. He was taught in
his youth every possible accomplishment, and was supplied
with all the delights that high position and riches could
afford, but he soon learned to despise them.
At eighteen years of age he left the palace to visit cer
tain pleasure gardens and groves. Passing the east gate
of the city he saw there a Deva who had assumed the
form of an old man, with white hairs and crooked back.
He thought sadly on the rapidity with which men grow
old. They become aged like lightning, and yet are not
afraid. Going out again, the same divinity presented him
self at the south gate in the disguise of a sick man, with
languid features and swelled paunch. At the west gate
he saw a dead man, and the members of his family laugh
ing as they followed him to the grave. He went out once
Wre, and saw at the north gate a begging priest, a Bikshu
in fact. He wore the garb of an ascetic, and carried a
bowl. A staff was in his hand. The prince asked him
who he was. He replied, " I am a Bikshu, practising
sacred duties, and always obtaining the reward of freedom
from action." As he finished these words he rose into the
air, and was soon out of sight. The prince thought, " I fear

1 8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
lest I may be pressed down by old age, sickness, death,
the miseries I have witnessed. This Bikshu has arrived
at the perception of my feelings. He shows me the path
of deliverance." From this time the prince began to desire
the ascetic life.
At twenty-five years old he sought an interview with
his father, and said, " Kindness and affection, multiplied as
they may be, lead but to partings. Allow me to enter
on the ascetic life, that I may learn what wisdom is." His
father tried in vain to detain him. On the seventh day
of the second month the prince, while reflecting on the
life of the recluse, emitted from his body a light which
shone to all the palaces of the Devas. These beings then
knew that Siddharta had become a recluse, and came to
congratulate him. He asked their aid, and left his father's
palace in the night-time under their escort, resolved to be
a hermit, and saying, " If the eight miseries " — viz., birth,
death, sickness, love, hatred, &c. — " be not abandoned, wis
dom cannot be attained." He refused to return to his
father's palace, and lived on the Himalaya Mountains in
solitary spots, trying various methods to attain mental
satisfaction, but in vain. He lived on hemp and barley,
and assuaged his thirst with snow, tiU at thirty years of
age he came to the perception of the true condition. and
wants of mankind. " He sighed, and said, ' It is strange
that all men while they have within them Julai (the capa
city of perceiving the true nature of life and worldly
phenomena), and possess knowledge and virtue as the
original property of their nature, should be entangled by
deceptive thoughts, and remain in ignorance of these
things.' After this he lived forty-nine years, and delivered
thirty-five discourses of special importance."
There were, during Buddha's life, five principal periods
of instruction.
I. The time of delivering the Hwa-y en-king.— ^
scene was mostly in the paradises of the Devas, and the
audience was composed of mythological persoriHges. This

EARLY PREACHING. i9
was the first grand outburst of Buddhist thought, and it
belongs to the " Greater development."
II. The deer garden period. — Buddha now becomes
historical. His teaching and his audience are human.
This is the period of instruction in the four miseries,
examples of which we have in the Sutra of Forty-two Sec
tions, and other works.
III. The teaching of squareness and equality ; — where
aH the principles of Shakyamuni's philosophy appear in
symmetry, as in the Leng-y en-king.
IV. The period of the Pradjna. — Here Shakyamuni
becomes most coldly metaphysical, and expounds the
doctrine of salvation for man and all living beings in the
triumphant tone of an icy logic. The miseries of society
are to be terminated by minute hair-splitting and belief
in certain profound abstractions, which, after all that may
be said for them, are simply impossibilities.
V. The closing period of Buddha's public life included
the announcement of the Lotus of the Good Law, and the
doctrine of Nirvana. Here, in prospect of death, the
warmth of human feeling returns. Shakyamuni becomes
sympathetic and touching, as in the days of youth when
he founded the Hindoo monastic societies, and when, as
an enthusiastic preacher, he visited one after another the
great cities of Oude and Bahar.
At first Buddha appeared Hke the sun in the east
illuminating the tops of the western hills. Bodhisattwas
from immense distances were attracted, and came to re
cognise him as the teacher whose instructions would guide
mankind to the highest truth. This was the Hwa-yen
period. Next the sun shone on the valleys, and then
upon the wide plains. After the Bodhisattwas had been
taught, the first disciples of the human race, the Shra-
manas, or " listeners," were instructed in the valleys, and
then aU mankind in the plains. The changes of milk are
referred to in illustration. The first teaching was like
milk fresh from the cow. There are four subsequent

20 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
stages, cream, ordinary butter, rich butter, and the oil
which appears on the surface in the last boiling process.
In Mongolia and North China milk is boiled to make
butter. The Hwa-yen doctrine is described also as tun, "an
abrupt outburst." The teaching of the Bikshus is
"gradual and elementary'' (tsien), proceeding step by
step from the Book of the Forty -two Sections to the
Leng-yen, or " Square and equal," and from thence to the
Pradjna paramita. Beyond that, in the later years of
his life, Buddha unfolded the " secret " (pi-mi) and " un
fixed " (pu-ting) aspects of his doctrine.
The scene of the delivery of the Hwa-yen Sutra was
laid in nine places. The first was under the Bodhi tree
of Aranya in the kingdom of Magadha. This is different
from the Bodhi tree of the Agama Sutras of the Small
Development school. Aranya is " wild," " a quiet place,"
" belonging to the woods ; " and Aranyakah " a forester,"
" a hermit," " living in seclusion " (see Eitel). The addition
of ka marks an agent. Before Buddha's time, and during
his youth, the hermit life had already become a fashion
in India. He would, when a young and enthusiastic
hermit, find himself more at home with men of this class
than any other. In some green glade of the forests that
skirt the mighty Himalayas, Shakyamuni is pictured by
his northern followers with numberless mythological per
sonages assembled before him. Pu-hien, or, as he is called
in Sanscrit, Samantabhadra, is the principal speaker. He
is one of the fabulous Bodhisattwas. Manjusiri, another,
follows him.
The scene is then suddenly changed to the paradises
of the Devas. Indra receives Buddha in one of his palaces1
1 The Tau-li-t'ien, or " Heaven of ble su, like el, is a prefix. If this sup-
the number 33 ; " in Sanscrit, Triyas- position be correct, the Hindoo race,
trimsas. Sumeru is probably Elburz, when forming its legends of the Devi .
an isolated mountain of the Caucasus worlds in their first form, must have
range, 18,000 feet in height, and sur- lived in the vicinity of the Caucasus.
rounded by low ground. The sylla- Su = El ; Me = By, ; Ru = r.

HWA-YEN-KING. 21
on the Sumeru Mountain, and utters an encomium upon
him in a speech in which he states that Kashiapa Buddha
had discoursed on the same spot. He is foHowed by
ten Bodhisattwas, who all speak in praise of Buddha's
wisdom. Buddha is next found in the heaven -of Yama, the
Indian Pluto, and after this in that called Tushita, liter
ally " the happy," where his mother Maya resides. After
this, the scene of the instructions and encomiums of the
Bodhisattwas in the presence of Buddha is transferred to
other Deva paradises, where Indra and other gods of the
Brahmanical mythology hold conference with them.
Last of all, at the close of this long Sutra, the scene is laid
in the garden of Jeta as in the " Sutra of the Diamond,"
King-kang-king. Shariputra and other disciples are there
by anticipation, but do not see Buddha, nor the magnifi
cent assemblage of Bodhisattwas. Before the assembly
breaks up, Manjusiri takes his fareweU of Buddha, and
sets forth on a southward journey among mankind.
Shariputra and 6000 Bikshus went to him for instruction.
He exhorted them to practise the duties of the Bodhisatt
was, that they might obtain the samadhi of faultless vision,
and see the Buddha regions and aU the Buddhas. Man
jusiri then proceeded to the " city of happiness," on the
east of which he met the youth familiarly known among
the Northern Buddhists as Shan-ts'ai-t'ung-tsi, who be
came his disciple and learned from him the knowledge
of Bodhi. He also traversed Southern India, where he
taught in no cities.
Shakyamuni himself says very little in the course of
this Sutra. It is intended rather for developing the my
thology of the great Bodhisattwas. As such, it is highly
valued in China, where the images of Wen-shu (Manjusiri)
and Pu-hien are common in the temples. Pu-hien in one
speech mentions China under the name Chen-tan,1 as a
1 Hwa-y en-king, chap. xxvi. Tan means "country,'' as in Hindostan,
Afghanistan.

22 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
region where many Bodhisattwas have been engaged in
past times in instructing the people.
But the time had arrived when Shakyamuni must be
come a teacher of mankind, and we now find him suddenly
making his appearance at Benares.
Legend having resolved to exalt Shakyamuni to the
utmost extent of her resources, busied herself particularly
with the year when he attained that perfect vision of truth
which is called the state of Buddha.
He had passed six years in the exercises of severe absti
nence and meditation. One day he thought, " I had better
eat, lest the heretics should say that Nirvana is attained
in famishing the body. Let me eat, and then attain to
perfect knowledge." He went to the Nairanjana river to
bathe. Here a shepherdess gave him food which suddenly
grew on a lotus-flower at her feet. He took it, and felt
his strength return. He went to sit under a banyan tree
(Pippala), or tree of Bodhi. The god Indra brought him
a straw seat. He sat here, resolved not to move till the
transformation he was about to undergo should be com
pleted. The king of the Maras, perceiving that the walls and
foundations of his palace were shaking, thought in him
self, " Gautama is now attaining perfect knowledge. Before
he has reached the height of wisdom, I will go and trouble
him." He went with bow and arrows, and attendant
demons, to the tree where the object of his attack was
sitting. He then addressed him — " Bodhisattwa ! give up
the monastic principle (c'hu-kia fa), and become a ' wheel
king.' x If you rise not, I wiU shoot my darts at you."
The Bodhisattwa was unmoved. The darts, as they fell,
became lotus flowers. The king of the Maras then offered
him his three daughters to attend on him. Shakyamuni
said, "You attained, by a smaU act of virtue, the body
1 A king who rules the world, and Chakravarti in Sanscrit, from Chakm,
causes the wheel of doctrine every- "wheel," the symbol of activity,
where to revolve. The great Ashdka whether of Buddha in preaching, ot
was a wheel king. The word is of kings like AshOka in ruling.

RANK OF BUDDHA ATTAINED. 23
of a Deva. You think not on the perishing, but seek to
tempt me. You may leave me ; I need you not." The
king of the Maras again said, " I will resign to you my
throne as a Deva, with the instruments of all the five
pleasures." "No," replied the Bodhisattwa, "you attained
the rank of Ishwara by some charitable deed. But this
happiness has an end. I wish it not."
An army of spirits now issued from the ground and
rebuked the tempter, who, as his last device, summoned a
host of demons to assault the unconquerable youth. The
air was filled with grim faces, gnashing teeth, and bristling
spears. The Bodhisattwa looked on this scene as if it
were child's play. A spirit in the air was now suddenly
heard to say, "The Bodhisattwa attains this day, under
the Bodhi tree, the perfection of knowledge. Here stands
the diamond throne of many past Buddhas. It is not for
you to disturb him. Cease your hostility, and wait upon
him with respect." The king of the Maras then returned
to his palace.
It was on the seventh day of the second month that
Shakyamuni, after this victory, attained the rank of
Buddha. This is described as entering into a state of
reverie, emitting a bright light, and reflecting on the four
modes of truth.1 It is added, that he comes to the com
plete knowledge of the unreality of all he once knew as
good and evil acting, long and short life, and the five paths
of the metempsychosis, leading aU living beings into a
perpetual interchange of sorrow and joy. As the morning
star of the eighth day of the month appeared, he suddenly
awoke to this consciousness, and attained the perfect view
of the highest truth.
As soon as Shakyamuni had risen from the state of
1 These are, Ku, "misery," Tsi, separation from the ties of passion,
"assembling," Mie, "destruction," the possibility of destroying the de-
and Tau, "the path,'' consisting in sires, and the path of salvation as
knowledge of misery, truth, and regards the practical Buddhist life.
oppressive restraints, the need of

24 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
P'usa to that of Fo, the assembly of the forty-one great
teachers embodying the law, and of innumerable Devas,
Nagas, and other supernatural beings, gathered round him,
as the clouds gather round the moon.
To them he discoursed, as already described, in the Hwa-
yen-king. While he was meditating on the hopelessness of attempt
ing the instruction of mankind, none but a Buddha being
able to comprehend what Buddha knew, it first appeared
better that he should enter at once into- the Nirvana. But
from this wish he was dissuaded by Brahma and Indra,
who came to intercede for mortals, and induce Buddha to
become a public teacher. During seven days he received
in silence Brahma's entreaties. In the second week he
reflected on the sufferings and sorrows of man. In the
third week, he said, " I ought to open the gate of the sweet
law. Who should first hear it ? The hermit Arara, who
desired the perfect knowledge of truth ? Let me first save
him." A voice in the air said, " He died yesterday." Again
he thought, " Then let the hermit Nalana be the first." The
voice again said, " He died last night." He thought once
more, " The five messengers sent by the minister of state
had a like wish. Let them first hear the law." Buddha
accordingly set out for Benares.
On the way, he sat by a pool in a state of samadhi for
seven days. A blind Naga (snake or dragon) that lay in
the pool felt the light that shone from Buddha restore his
vision. He came out of the water, was transformed into
a youth, and received the vows as a disciple.
On the seventh day of the third month, the spirit of the
tree under which Buddha had for seven days been in a
state of samadhi, took notice of Buddha's long abstinence
from food. Five hundred travelling merchants passed at
the moment, and the oxen that drew their waggons proved
unable to pull the vehicles over the obstacles that lay in
the road. Two of the merchants came to the tree to ask

APPEARANCE AT BENARES. 25
the spirit's aid. The spirit advised them of the presence
of Buddha near the pool, and said they should offer him
food. They gave him barley mixed with honey. The
four kings of the Devas (who are seen in the front haU of
Buddhist temples) took from the mountain stones four
sweet-smelling bowls, which they found there by a happy
chance. In these they offered the food. Buddha took all
the bowls, for fear of giving offence to any of the kings.
He then piled them up on his left hand, and, with his
right (by magical manipulation), formed them into one,
holding it so that aU present might see it. Then, after
uttering a charm, he ate the food, and proceeded at once
to administer the vows to the two merchants, who, with
their companions, aU attained high grades in Buddhist
knowledge. Buddha, in this instance, imposed on the neophytes the
ordinary five prohibitions suited for men and Devas. This
must be regarded, therefore, as exoteric teaching. But as
the grade attained was high in proportion to the amount
of training, it belongs so far to the unfixed or arbitrary
division of the exoteric doctrine Hien-lu-cM-pu-ting-kiau,
" manifested, and not fixed teaching."
It is at this point in Shakya's biography that a new
section begins.
Mankind were not at this time in a state to receive the
doctrine of the Greater development, and Buddha must
be content to leave the brilliantly-illuminated regions of
the great Bodhisattwas and shine upon the retired valleys,
where he wiU, by a gradual process of teaching, reform
and make happy such groups as he may meet of ordinary
mortals in their wretchedness and desolation. He will,
for the time, postpone his more elevated discourses, and
proceed to Benares to teach the rudiments of his system.
The shining robes of the recognised Buddha must be
exchanged for the tattered garb of the ascetic. This is to
him a temporary disguise.

26

CHINESE BUDDHISM.

The Northern school, with all the looseness of its chrono
logy, professes great exactness in dates.

Month.

Day.

Event.

23

8
29 67
8

Shakyamuni becomes Buddha.
Teaches the Hwa-yen doctrine.
In reverie by the pool.
Receives food from the merchants.
In the garden at Benares.

In these dates, says the biographer, intervals of three,
four, and five weeks may be observed.

( 27 )

CHAPTER II.
LIFE OF BUDDHA FEOM HIS APPEARANCE AS A TEACHEK AT
BENARES TO THE CONVERSION OF RAHULA.
The four truths — Godinia and his four companions — The first
monastic community — The first lay brother— Conversion of five
hundred fire -worshippers in the kingdom of Magadha — Buddha
at Rajagriha — At Shravasti,in Jeta's garden — Appoints punish
ments for crimes of monks — Goes to see his father after twelve
years' absence — Story of his son Rahula.
It was exactly thirty-five days after his arriving at perfect
wisdom that Buddha opened his public Hfe at Benares, by
discoursing to Godinia and others on the four truths.
"You should know," he said to his auditors, "the fact
of misery (Duk'a), and the need of becoming separated from
the accumulation of entanglements caused by the passions
(Samudata). These two truths belong to the world from
which you are now exhorted to take your departure. You
should also experience the extinction of these miseries
and entanglements (Niroda), and the path of reformation
(Marga). These two truths belong to the monastic life on
which you should now enter."
Having these subjects to discourse on, Buddha went
forth to appeal to the youth of India, the hermits, the
followers of the Zoroastrian fire-worship, the Brahman
who studied the Vedas, and to men of every class.
The wheel of doctrine revolved thrice. There was first
didactic statement, then exhortation, and lastly appeal to
evidence and personal experience. The image is that
of grinding. The chaff and refuse are forced from the

28 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
good flour by repeated revolutions of the wheel. The
statement of facts, the urgent appeal, and the proof are
repeated in the inculcation of each of the " four truths."
The wheel of Buddhist preaching was thus made to per
form twelve revolutions.1
Having once launched the subject under these four
heads, it was natural that the Hindoo minds of the time,
fond as they were of dialectical hair-splitting, should ramify
them into numberless subdivisions. They talked of the
eighty-one states of misery, the eighty-eight varieties of
deception, the thirty-seven methods of reformation, &c.
One of Buddha's earliest converts was Godinia, who
was attracted by his teaching upon the four truths, and
attained the first grade of clear vision. It was at Benares,
the ancient Varanasi, in the Mrigadava garden (Lu-ye-yuen),
that this conversion and that of four others took place.
Thus began the revolving of the wheel of the Buddhist
law, which was destined to spread the new doctrine over
so wide a portion of Asia, and to continue for so many
centuries. These new disciples asked to be permitted to
commence the monkish life. This Shakya allowed, say
ing, " Bikshus ! it is for you to take off your hair, wear
the kasha, and become Shramanas." He discoursed of the
non-permanence of human actions, of the emptiness of the
external world, the non-existence of the Fgo, the deliver
ance of the mind from thraldom by the cessation of faults,
and the consequent attainment of the moral and intellec
tual rank of Arhan.
" Thus," adds the delighted Buddhist historian, " the
world for the first time had six Arhans, and (including
the new doctrine) the Three Precious Ones {San Pau). The
first was Buddha, the second was the revolving of the
wheel of the doctrine of the four truths (Dharma), and
the third was the company of the five Arhans (Sanga).
Well might that garden be regarded as the happy land of
men and Devas (T'ien)" 1 Shi-er-hing-fa-lun.

THE FIRST LA Y BROTHER. 29
This was the foundation of the spiritual communities of
Buddhism. The Sanga, or assembly of believers, distin
guished by common vows of abstinence from marriage,
from animal food, and the occupations of social life, now
commenced. The Sangarama and Vihara,1 or monastery,
was soon rendered necessary for the residence of the
voluntary coenobites, who daily grew in numbers, and the
greatest social revolution that ever took place in India
was fairly begun.
Soon afterwards, a youth of great intelligence saw in
the night-time a light. He opened the door of the house,
and went out in search of the light. He soon reached
Buddha's garden, was taught, became an Arhan, and re
quested permission to take the vows, to which Buddha at
once consented. The father of this youth came in search
of him, and was also taught by Buddha. He became a
convert ; with purged vision took the vows of adherence
to the Three Precious Ones, and returned home to become
the first Upasaka, or lay brother, keeping the rules, but
living at his own house. It was permitted to the neophyte,
if he preferred it, to continue in the position which he held
in social life, and not to join the monastic community.
As soon as the number had increased to fifty-six, another
great step was taken by Shakyamuni. He broke up the
community, and dismissed all its members to travel every
where, giving instruction in the doctrine of the four
miseries to all persons with whom they met. This occu
pation was connected with begging for food. At this
time the Buddhist community had no property. It was
supported by the liberality of the new members, or by the
gifts of rich persons. Whether the monks were in the
monastery or upon their travels, the normal mode of gain
ing support was by the charity of neighbours, of passers-
by, of kings and nobles, and all the kindly disposed. The
system was thus gradually, in the early years of Shakya-
1 Sanga, "assembly;" ar&ma, "garden;" Vihdra, "a place for walking
about in."

30 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
muni's teaching, assuming the form it has taken in all
Buddhist countries. Monastic vows, living in spiritual
communities, voluntary poverty, and universal preaching
— these formed the basis on which the great Buddhist
structure was erected. We cannot but admire the won
derful practical genius of the man who conceived the
system, and carried it out with such triumphant success.
In a few years India was covered, through the labours
of the Buddhist preachers, with flourishing communities
of monks, and in the cool season of the year the Bik-
shus, or religious mendicants, were everywhere seen on
the roads and in the cities teaching the true path to the
Nirvana. As Shakyamuni was the first in time of the founders of
monastic communities, so he surpassed them all in the
originality of his conceptions, in the success of his system,
and in the force of his influence.
The Buddhist preachers left their master, who proceeded
from Benares to Magadha. At evening he slept in the
house of TJluvilva Kashiapa. He there subdued a fiery
snake, and administered to him the vows of adherence to
Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood. To produce an
impression on Kashiapa' s mind, he enclosed the snake in
a rice bowl. Kashiapa ' was still deficient in knowledge,
but from this time he ripened and progressed visibly.
On the banks of the Nairanjana river, Shakyamuni had
an interview, says the legend, with his old enemy, the king of
the Maras (the Chinese mo in mo-kwei, " devil "), who wished
to enter the Nirvana. But Buddha refused his thrice re
peated request, on the ground that he was not mentally pre
pared for the change. Thus, legend — which was never more
active in inventing wonderful stories about any one than
about Shakyamuni — makes him sovereign over the most
powerful supernatural beings. He did not, however,
always refuse applicants for salvation from other worlds.
He is said to have gone up to the Tushita paradise to
instruct his mother Maya in the new law.

J ETA 'S GARDEN A T SHRA VAST! 31
. On the banks of the same river, five hundred fire-wor
shippers, after hearing his discourse on the four miseries,
became Arhans, and threw their implements of worship
into the river. This religion — frequently mentioned in
early Buddhist history — was, as it would appear, propa
gated from India to Persia not long before the time of
Cyrus, and there succeeded in destroying the old Magian
worship of the heavenly bodies. But while fire-worship
triumphed in Persia, it was destined to be expelled from
India by Buddhism. With these new converts, Buddha
went to the city of Bajagriha, and was received there with
perfect confidence and admiration. The king Vimbasara,
Ajatashatru's father,1 and all the principal persons in the
city, Brahmans, officers, and people, became his disciples.
The ruins of this city are still visited by the Jains, at a
spot sixteen miles south-west of Bahar.2 It was the metro
polis of the Magadha princes till the era of Ash6ka, the
Buddhist monarch who ruled all India about two hundred
years after the time of Shakyamuni. Here Buddha taught
for many years, and received some of his most celebrated
disciples, such as Shariputra, Maudgalyayana, and Ka
shiapa. At this time Buddha began to appoint the wear
ing of the shangati, or upper robe, reaching to the knees.
It is worn outside the kasha, or long robe, which was in
use from the commencement of the monastic institute.
Three years later, Shakya was invited to Shravasti, to
occupy a house and garden expressly provided for him by
the king's eldest son and a rich noble, as already described.
It was the Jetavana Vihara, or Monastery of Jeta's Garden.
Here he was in the kingdom of Kosala, then ruled by Pra-
senajit, who, with the chief persons of influence, were all
in favour of the new doctrine.
Buddha was obliged to become a legislator. As thefts,
assassination, and evil-speaking occurred in his community,
1 From Vimba, "shadow;" sdra, 2 Eitel's Handbook of Chinese
"strength." In old Chinese, Bimba- Buddhism.
sola.

32 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
he made special rules for the punishment of such crimes
(Ft. iii. 30).
His father sent a messenger to him, after he had been
absent from home for twelve years, to inform him that he
wished to see him, and to invite him to come for a visit.
The messenger was a Brahmachari (a religious student
or observer of Brahmanical rules of purity), named Udaya.
On hearing Buddha discourse, Udaya at once attained to
the state of Arhan (Lohan). Buddha now resolved to go
to see his father, and attempt, by teaching, to save both
him and his mother. He sent forward Udaya to inform
the king, and perform before him the eighteen changes —
a series of magical effects. The king was delighted, and
went out of the city thirteen miles, accompanied with an
escort of ten thousand persons, to welcome Shakyamuni,
who was conspicuous for his stature — being sixteen feet in
height — and his brilliant golden colour. He appeared like
the moon among the clouds. Around him were many
Brahmachari who had long been in the woods and moun
tains, and whose bodies were black. They seemed like
those black-winged birds that fly round the purple-golden
mountain. The king then ordered five hundred youths
of distinguished families to become monks and attend
on Buddha, like phoenixes round Mount Sumeru.
The hermit life in India preceded the monastic life.
Buddha himself was at first a hermit, like the Brahmachari
of the time. But while they aimed at the old Brahmanical
purity, his mind swelled with new thoughts and aims.
They were content to avoid the stains of a secular life.
He was bent on saving multitudes by teaching.
When Buddha was come to see his father after twelve
years' absence, his wife brought his little son, Kahula,
to see him. The boy was just six years old, and the
courtiers doubted if Buddha was his father. Buddha said
to the doubters, " Yashodara has been true to her duty.
I will give proof of it." He then, by his magical power,
caused the monks present all to become Buddhas in

5 TOR Y OF RAH ULA. 33
appearance. Yashodara then took a signet ring and gave
it to the boy, saying to him, " This is your father's ; give
it to him." Eahula took it and gave it at once to Buddha.
The king and all the courtiers said, " Good ! this boy is
truly the son of Buddha." x
1 Other stories take the place of this in Mr. Beal's translation of The
Romantic Legend of Sdkya Buddha.

( 34 )

CHAPTEE III.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF RAHULA'S RELIGIOUS LIFE TILL
THE NEAR APPROACH OF THE NIRVANA.
Buddha sends for Rahula — Arrangements for instructing Rahula and
other boys — Tutors — Boys admitted to the vows — Nuns — Rapid
spread of monasticism— Disciplinary rules — Education in meta
physics — Ananda and the Leng-yen-king — Buddha in these
works like Socrates in Plato — Buddha said to have gone to
Ceylon — Also to the paradise of desire — Offer of Devas to pro
tect Buddhism — Protectors of China — Relation of Buddhism to
Hindoo polytheism — Pradjna Paramita — King Prasenajit —
Sutra of the Benevolent King — Daily liturgy — Ananda becomes
Buddha's attendant disciple — Intrusted with the Sutras in
twelve divisions — Buddha teaches his esoteric system — Virtually
contained in the " Lotus Sutra " — In this the sun of Buddha
culminated — His father's approaching death announced —
Buddha reaches the forty-ninth year of his public preaching.
When Buddha was forty-four years old he sent a messen^.
ger to his father and wife to say that his son Eahula was
now nine years of age, and ought to commence the reli
gious life. Maudgalyayana was the messenger. The
mother replied, "When Julai (Tatbagata) was a prince
he married me, and before we had been married three
years he went away to lead a mountain life. Having
after six years become Buddha, and returned to visit his
country, he now wishes me to give him my son. What
misery can be so great as this?" She was, however,
persuaded to consent to this sacrifice, and committed
him to the care of the messenger. With him the king

BOYS AND NUNS ADMITTED. 35
sent fifty sons of noble families to be his companions
in taking the vows and receiving instruction.
They were placed, says the legend, under the care of
Shariputra and Maudgalyayana as their tutors — Ho-shang
(Upclsaka), and A-che-li (Acharya).1 The original meaning
of the ordinary Chinese term for Buddhist priest thus
appears to be " tutor." The primary duty of the Ho-shang
was to be the guide of young monks. The term was
afterwards extended in Eastern Turkestan to all monks.
From that country it was introduced into China, where
it is still used in the wider sense, all monks being called
Ho-shang. It was now arranged by Buddha that while boys might
be received into the community, if the parents were will
ing, when still of tender years, as from twelve to seventeen,
they should not receive the full vows till they were twenty.
He also ordered the erection of an altar for administer
ing the vows. It is called Kiai-t'an, " Vow altar." It is
ascended by three flights of steps. On the top sit the
officiating priest and his assessors. The flights of steps
are so arranged that the neophyte passes three times
round the altar on his way up, to indicate his triple sub
mission to Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood.
Women began to ask and received permission to take
the vows. They were called in India Bikshuni, and in
China Niku. M is the Sanscrit feminine termination
of Bikshu, and ku is a common respectful term used of
aunts, young girls, &c.
In twelve years from the commencement of his public
teaching Buddha's doctrines had spread over sixteen Indian
kingdoms, the monastic system was founded, and the out
line of the regulations for the monks and nuns was already
drawn. Shakyamuni taught morality by rules. He hedged
1 Eitel's Handbook. The word From Turkestan it was introduced
Ho-shang is translated from Updsaka into China.— (Fan-yi-ming-i).
into the former language of Khoten.

36 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
round his community with the strictest regulations, but
he made metaphysics the staple article of his oral instruc
tions. He tried first to bring his disciples out of danger
from the world's temptations by introducing them to the
spiritual association of the Bikshus. Here there was
community of goods, brotherhood, the absence of secular
cares, strict moral discipline, and regular instruction. The
only respite was when the whole community went out
into the streets of the city to receive the alms of the
householders in the form of money or food. The instruc
tion consisted of high metaphysics and a morality which
speaks chiefly of mercy, and only looks at duty on its
human side. Obedience to the law of God is in Shakya-
muni's morality kept assiduously out of view. Instead
of theology he taught metaphysics, and instead of a his
tory of God's dealings with mankind, such as the Bible is
to the Christian, he supplied them with an unlimited
series of the benevolent actions of the Buddhas and Bodhi
sattwas. This is true of Northern and Southern Buddhism, but
the system prevailing in Ceylon and Siam has perhaps
somewhat less of the metaphysical and more of the moral
element than that found in China and Mongolia.
One of the most striking examples of the use of meta
physics as a cure for moral weakness, is found in the
Leng-yen-king. The incident, which is of course legendary,
is placed by Buddha's biographers in the forty-fifth year
of his age and in the city Shravasti. Ananda, the fa
vourite disciple, lingered one evening in the streets, where
he proceeded alone from door to door begging. He acci
dentally met a wicked woman named Matenga. The god
Brahma had already resolved to injure Ananda, and now
drew him by a spell into the house of Matenga. Buddha,
knowing of the spell, after the evening meal returned
from the house of the rich man who entertained him,
sent forth a bright lotus light from his head and received
a charm. He then directed Manjusiri to take the charm

ANANDA AND THE LENG-YEN-KING. 37
with which he had thus been miraculously furnished, and
go to save Ananda. By means of it he was told to bring
Ananda and Matenga for instruction. Ananda on arriving
made his bow and wept, blaming himself that he had not
come before, and that after much teaching his " strength "
(tau-li) was so far from perfect. Earnestly he asked the
aid of the Buddhas of the ten regions that he might obtain
the first benefits of knowledge (Bodhi). Buddha in agree
ing to his desire announced to him the doctrine of the
Leng-yen-king. The attempt is made to strengthen the
disciple against temptation by a grand display of meta
physical skill. The man who founded the monastic in
stitute as a cure for worldliness, might consistently teach
philosophical negations as a remedy against bad morality.
But it is for ever to be regretted that Shakyamuni failed -^
to see the true foundations of morality. Confucius was
able to uncover the secret of the origin of virtue and
duty so far as to trace it to conscience and natural light.
Judaism found it in the revealed law of God. Christian
ity combined the law written on the heart with the re
vealed law of the Divine Euler. But Shakyamuni failed
to express rightly the relation of morality to God or to
human nature. Here is the most grievous failure of his
system. He knew the longing of humanity for deliver
ance from misery, and the struggle which takes place
perpetually in the heart of mankind between good and
evil ; but he misunderstood them because he was destitute
not only of Christian and Jewish, but even of Confucian
light. Fortunately, however, all the imperfect teaching
in the world cannot destroy the witness which conscience
in every land bears to the distinctions of eternal and
immutable morality, or Buddha's teaching would have
been still more harmful.
The occurrence of the Leng-yen-king early in Buddha's
public life constitutes a difficulty to the Buddhist com
mentators. Buddha is perfect. He commences with the
superficial, and finishes with the profound. How was it

38 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
that this most polished specimen of his acumen, acknow
ledged to be so by noted Chinese Confucianists like Chu-
fu-tsi, should equal the Sutras which were delivered at
the end of his life? They therefore deny its equality
with the Fa-hwa-king," The Lotus of the Good Law,"
delivered, so they say, when Shakyamuni was an old
man. It has cost much labour to reduce the Sutras into a
self-consistent chronological order. The Northern Bud
dhists when they added the literature of the Mahayana
to that which was composed by Shakyamuni's immediate
disciples, felt obliged to show in a harmonious scheme of
his long life, to what years the various Sutras of the Hina-
yana and Mahayana, or " Smaller " and " Greater Develop
ment," should be assigned.
Imagine a life of Socrates composed by a modern author
on the hypothesis that he really spoke all that Xenophon
and Plato said in his name. Each of these authors im
parted his own colouring to his account, and introduced
his own thoughts in various proportion ; and Plato's works
certainly constitute the record of his own intellectual life
rather than that of Socrates. His rambles in the world
of thought have ever since his time been regarded as his
own much more than they were those of his revered
teacher. How foolish and useless would be the endeavour
to construct a biography of Socrates on the principle that
he wrote Plato, that the Platonic dialogues were all the
products of his mind, that the incidents real or fictitious
they record were all capable of arrangement in a self-
consistent scheme, and that the philosophical principles
they contain were all developed in a symmetrical succes
sion, and at definite epochs in the life of Socrates ! Such
is the hopeless task undertaken by Buddha's Northern
biographers. Buddha, in the eighteenth year of his public teaching,
is said to have gone to Ceylon, called in the Sutras Lenga
Island. He went to the top of Adam's Peak, and here

THE PARADISE OF DESIRE. 39
delivered the Lenga Sutra. A Bodhisattwa said to him,
" Heretics prohibit the eating of flesh. How much more
should Buddha enforce abstinence from flesh ! " Buddha
assented, and gave several reasons why Bodhisattwas and
others should conform to this rule. Lenga Island is de
scribed as inhabited by Yakshas, and as unapproachable
by men except by those who are endowed with magical
power. During the next year Buddha is said to have visited
one of the heavenly paradises, in the middle of the second
range of the heaven of colour and desire, where an assem
blage of Buddhas and Bodhisattwas from the ten regions
gathered before him. Here he delivered the Ta-tsi-king.
Each P'usa appeared in the form of the element he governed,
whether it were " air " (k'ung), water, or any other. The
Devas and Nagas now came forward, and said, " We will
henceforth protect correct doctrine. If any kings scourge
members of the monkish community, we will not protect
their kingdoms. The disciples of Buddha will abandon
their inhospitable territories, which will then remain un
blessed. Not having the religious establishments which
bring happiness on a country, pestilence, famine, and war
will commence, while wind, and rain, and drought will
bring ruin on the agriculture."
After the gods and dragons had finished this speech,
Buddha addressed himself to a son of a Deva called
Vishvakarma, the patron of artisans,1 the Yaksha Kapila,
and fifteen daughters of Devas, having eyes with two
pupils, and directed them to become the patrons of
China. Each of them was told to take 5000 followers
and wherever there was strife, litigation, war, or pestil
ence, to put a stop to those evils, so that the eye of
Buddha's law might long remain in that land.
The mythology of India appears in this description in
its true light. The aboriginal inhabitants of a distant
1 Eitel's Handbook.

40 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
island like Ceylon were thought of as a race of demons.
The beings called Devas, the Theoi of Greece, and the
Bei of the Latins, were a class subordinate to Buddha,
the self-elevated sage. For want of a better word, the
Chinese term for " Heaven," Tien, is applied to them. The
" dragons," or nagas, — with which the Hebrew nahash 1 and
English snake may be compared, — are here viewed as a
class of celestial beings.
All these beings, however exalted, are regarded, by the
Buddhists as subject to the commands of their sage. Con
tinuing to rule the world, they do so in the interest of the
new law which Shakyamuni has introduced. Hence in
Buddhist temples they are placed at the door, and are
worshipped as invisible protectors of all faithful Bud
dhists. When the legend says that "gods" (Devas) and "dragons"
(Nagas) agreed to protect Buddhism, the meaning is, that
at this period in Buddha's life the Indian kings began to
favour his religion in a more public and extended manner
than before.
Shakyamuni next delivered — according to the Chinese
account of him — the Prajna Paramita (Pat-no-pa-la-mit-
ta). Prajna is " wisdom." Para is " the farther side " of
a river. Mita is " known," "measured," "arrived at." There
are six means of arriving at the farther shore of the sea of
misery. They constitute the six Paramitas. Of these, that
called the Prajna is the highest. The original works con
taining this system were thought too voluminous to be
translated in full by Kumaradjiva. It was not till the
seventh century that Hiuen-tsang the traveller, after his
return from India, undertook the laborious task of trans
lating one of these works, which extended to six hundred
chapters, and one hundred and twenty volumes. Nagar-
djuna, the most noted writer among the twenty-eight
patriarchs, founded on some of these works the Shastra
1 Nahash in Hebrew, " serpent," is named from the hissing sound of the
animal. To " utter incantations," is nahash or lahash.

KING PRASENAJ1T. 41
of the "Measure of Wisdom."1 The Chinese CM-k'ai,
the sage of T'ien-t'ai, made much use of the Prajna
in constructing his system. He had only Kumara-
jiva's fragmentary translations, such as the "Diamond
Classic." The " Benevolent King " (Jen-wang), here takes his place
in the Chinese narrative of Shakyamuni's life. This oft-
mentioned personage was Prasenajit, king of Shravasti.
It was to him that Buddha is said to have delivered one
of the Prajna discourses, and to have given the advice
that he should, for the avoidance of national calamities,
invite a hundred priests to recite this Sutra upon a hundred
elevated seats twice in one day. Thus he would be able
to prevent rebellion, the invasion of hostile armies, portents
in the sun, moon, and stars, great fires, inundations, dearth,
destructive winds, and drought. The king, when travel
ling, should have the Sutra placed upon a table ornamented
with the Seven Precious Things, viz., articles of gold, silver,
crystal, glass, cornelian, coral, and pearls, and it should be
fully a hundred paces in advance of himself. When at
home, it should be kept on an elevated throne, over which
hang curtains ornamented with the same precious things.
It should be honoured daily with reverential bows, as a
man would honour his father and mother.
Here is the first mention of the daily service, and of
the superstitious reverence for the sacred books called
Sutras common among the Buddhists of all countries.
The possession of a "Sutra" or nom among the Mongols, and
a king among the Chinese, is believed to bring good luck
to the family and the state. They are often written in
gilt letters, and occupy an honourable position/ near the
domestic idol. The rulers of nature will protect those
who honour Buddha's true words. Such is the Asiatic
fetishism. Buddha himself, and the books containing his
teaching, become worshipped objects ; and the grand litur
gical services performed by large companies of priests at
1 Chi-tu-lun. See Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki, xxx. 13.

42 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the call of emperors and rich men in times of drought,
sickness, death, and other calamities, are believed by the
people to be beneficial on the ground of such passages as
that just given.
When the same Sutra — the Prajna Paramita — was heard
by the kings of sixteen Indian States, they were, says the
enthusiastic but evidently not truthful narrator, so de
lighted, that they gave over the affairs of their govern
ments to their brothers, adopted the monastic life, and
became devoted seekers after Buddhist perfection. The
names of the countries or cities they ruled were — Shra-
vasti, Magadha, Paranai or Benares, Vaishali the seat of
the second synod, Kapilavastu Buddha's birthplace, Kushi-
nara the city where he died, Kosala the modern Oude and
Berar, Cophen the modern Cabul, Kulu, Gatakana, Kucha,
&c. — (Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki).
In the sixtieth year of his age, Ananda was selected to
be the personal attendant of Shakyamuni, and in his care
were deposited the Sutras in twelve great divisions. This
statement means that Ananda was the most active of the
disciples in preserving the sayings of his teacher, and
perhaps in composing the older Sutras. Godinia's offer
of service was declined on account of his age. Maudgal
yayana, in a state of reverie, saw that Shakyamuni's
thoughts were on Ananda. He told Godinia, who per
suaded Ananda to accept the duty.
In temples Ananda is placed on the right hand of
Buddha, for, says the legend, Shakyamuni' set his heart
upon him, as the sun at his rising sheds his light straight
on the western wall. In Singhalese temples Ananda's
image is not placed in that close proximity to Buddha
which is common in China.1 This circumstance suggests
that he does not, among the Southern Buddhists, occupy
so prominent a position as keeper of the Sutras and per
sonal attendant on Shakyamuni as he is entitled to in the
opinion of their Northern brethren. In the sentence "Thus
1 When at Galle in r8s8 I noticed this.

ESOTERIC SYSTEM. 43
have I heard," which opens all the Sutras, the person who
speaks is Ananda.
At seventy-one years of age, Buddha gave instruction
in his esoteric or mystic doctrine. It was in answer to
thirty-six questions propounded to him by Kashiapa.
Nagardjuna lays it down as a rule that " every Buddha
has both a revealed and a mystic doctrine." The exoteric
is for the multitude of new disciples. The esoteric is for
the Bodhisattwas and advanced pupils, such as Kashiapa.
It is not communicated in the form of definite language,
and could not, therefore, be transmitted by Ananda as
definite doctrine among the Sutras. Yet it is virtually
contained in the Sutras. For example, the Fa-hwa-king, or
" Sutra of the Lotus of the Good Law," which is regarded
as containing the cream of the revealed doctrine, is to
be viewed as a sort of original document of the esoteric
teaching, while it is in form exoteric.
This work, the Saddharma Pundarika, or " Great Lotus
of the Good Law," takes its name from the illustrations
employed in it. The good law is made plain by flowers
of rhetoric. For example, in the fifth chapter, Maitreya
rises in the assembly and addresses Buddha, reminding
him of the time, forty and more years before, when he
became an ascetic, left the palace of the Shakya clan, and
lived near the city of Gaya as a hermit. He then points
to the multitude of immeasurably exalted Bodhisattwas,
the fruit of his teaching. " The wonderful result is," he
says, "to men incredible. It is as if a man of beautiful
countenance and black hair, about twenty-five years of
age, should say, pointing to an old man of a hundred,
' This is my son ; ' and the old man should point to the
young man and say, 'This is my father.' Their words
would be hard to believe, but it is not less so to credit
the fact of the marvellous results of Buddha's exertions in
so short a space of time. How is it, too," he asks, " that
these innumerable disciples have, during past periods of
boundless time, been practising Buddha's law, exercising
magical powers, studying the doctrines of the Bodhisattwas,

44 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
escaping the stains of the world, emerging, like the lotus
from its miry bed, and now appear here with reverence in
the presence of the World's Honoured one ? "
This Sutra marks the time when, say the biographers,
Buddha's sun reached the zenith and cast no shadow.
They take the opportunity to remark here that Central
India, where Buddha lived, is in fact the Middle kingdom,
as shown by the gnomon, which, at the summer solstice,
in that latitude casts no shadow. China, they say, cannot
so well be called the Central kingdom, because there is a
shadow there on the day mentioned.
When Buddha's father was an old man, and was seized with
a threatening sickness, the son sent him a comforting mes
sage by Ananda. Having, by attending to the prohibitions
of purity, caused the removal of pollution from his heart, he
should rejoice and meditate on the doctrine of the Sutras.
The messenger was directed first to leap in the air, so as
to produce a supernatural light, which should shine upon
the sick king, causing relief from pain. Then he was to
put his hand upon his forehead, and state the message.
Immediately afterwards, the king, placing his hand on his
heart in an attitude of worship, suddenly took his de
parture preparatory to his next transmigration. Members
of the Shakya clan placed him in his coffin, and set him
upon the throne ornamented with lions. At the funeral,
the four kings of the Devas, at their own request, officiated
as coffin-bearers, having for this purpose assumed the
human form. Buddha himself went in front carrying an
incense-holder. The coffin was burnt, with sandal-wood
for fuel, and the bones were collected in gold caskets by
various kings, who afterwards erected Dagobas and Stupas
over them. Buddha informed his followers that the de
ceased, on account of his purity of life, had been born into
one of the higher paradises above the Sumeru mountain.
Early Buddhism favoured no castes. Persons of all
castes were equal in the eyes of Buddha. This circum
stance made the new religion very popular with men of
humble origin. This, perhaps, was the cause of the pre-

APPROACHING END. 45
servation of Buddha and Ananda when the clan of Shakya,
to which they belonged, was massacred. Prasenajit had a
son by a woman of low caste. This boy, when eight years
old, had been insulted by the Shakya clan. He was learn
ing archery in the house of a tutor. A new house for
Buddha to discourse in had just been completed, and the
sage had been invited with his followers. Euli, the young
prince, mounted the lion throne, when he was sarcastically
reviled by members of the Shakya clan for presuming to
sit on the throne, he being of ignoble birth. On succeeding
to the kingdom, he went to make war on the Shakyas, and
had an immense number of them trodden to death by
elephants in pits. His brother, Jeta, giver of the garden
of that name, was also killed by him for refusing to take
part in this cruel act.
Buddha told his followers that Jeta was born anew in
the Paradise of Indra, usually called in Chinese "The
thirty-three heavens." He also foretold the early destruc
tion of Euli and his soldiers in a thunder-storm, which took
place, it is said, according to the prediction, when they all
went to the hell called Avichi. Buddha also said that the
unhappy fate of the Shakyas was due to their mode of life.
They were fishermen, and, as they had been destroyers of
life, so were they destroyed.
In the view of Shakyamuni, a moral fate rules the
world. Innumerable causes are constantly working out
their retributive effects. These are the yin-yuen of which
we hear the Chinese Buddhists say so much. This moral
fate is impersonal, but it operates with rigid justice. Every
good action is a good yin-yuen, securing at some future
time an infallible reward. All virtuous and wise persons
are supposed to be so, as the result of good actions accumu
lated in former lives.
Buddha was now approaching the last year of his
life. In the eleventh month he said to the Bikshus
gathered round him in the city Vaishali, " I shall enter
the Nirvana in the third month of next year."

( 46 )

CHAPTEE IV.
LAST DISCOURSES AND DEATH OF BUDDHA.
Buddha's immortality in his teaching — Death real and final — Object
of Nirv&na teaching — Buddha visits the Tau-li heaven — Descends
again by Indra's staircase — The first images — Death of Buddha's
aunt — Death of Shariputra — Buddha at Kushinagara — Between
the Sala trees — Last instructions — Kashiapa made patriarch —
Flesh prohibited — Relieves the king of Magadha — Sends for
Ananda — Answers to four questions — Brahma comes — Buddha's
last words — Death — Gold coffin — Maya comes — Cremation — His
relics — Pagodas.
The fifth period of development in the discourses of Buddha
embraces those books which belong to the " Lotus of the Good
Law," and the " Nirvana." They close his public life as a
teacher, and are regarded as the mellowest and richest of his
productions. They were adapted to excite the longing of his
disciples for higher attainments. This was his meaningwhen
he said, " I am not to be destroyed, but shall be constantly
on the 'mountain of instruction' (ling-shan, 'efficacious
mountain ')." This, says the writer, is what is intended by
Buddha entering the Nirvana, where there is neither life
nor death. He is not dead, because he lives in his teaching.
Thus interpreted, the claim of the Northern Buddhists
on behalf of their sage amounts to an immortality in the
results of his instructions. This is the Buddhist non
omnis moriar. It is consistent with much scepticism,
and may amount by implication to a denial of the future
life, and the continued existence of the soul in any form.
We must not forget that the enthusiastic Buddhists

BUDDHA'S IMMORTALITY. 47
who wrote the treatises we are now examininp- belonged
to the same actual waking, moving world with ourselves.
They fell back, not seldom, from a state of metaphysical
reverie into the condition of common men under the do
minion of the senses. Then they took a firm grasp of the
world. Metaphysics vanished. Death they looked on as
a real death. The destruction of the material organisation
is real. As for the soul, it lives in its actions. A great
hero like Buddha lives only in the results of his life work.
Perhaps our Sung dynasty author of six centuries ago felt
satisfaction occasionally in resting the truth of his philo
sophy, as an expounder of the Mahayana, on the reality
of visible things. In this case he finds the Nirvana of
Shakyamuni in the unbroken continuance of the results
of his teaching.
The same tendency to look out on the actual world
accounts for the view here taken of the Nirvana as a
system of ultimate doctrine adapted to correct the faults
of negligent and misguided monks and others. After the
earlier instructions had been delivered, down to the period
of the " Lotus of the Good Law," there were still some men
who failed to comprehend the full sense of Buddha's teach
ing. To them it was necessary still to discourse on the
true nature of Buddha, that they might learn what is
" really permanent " (chen-c'hang), and so enter the Nirvana.
As the farmer has the early and the late harvest, so
Buddha, when the first sowing of instruction had been
followed by the ripening and the harvest, proceeded to a
later sowing and harvest. It was then that a multitude of
disciples, high and low in attainment, came to see, as never
before, the true nature of Tathagata, and to bear the fruit
of a ripe experience. After their autumn harvesting and
winter garnering, there was no more for them to do. Among
them were those who advanced from the Prajna Paramita
to the Fa-hwa (lotus), and others who, their perceptions
still blunted, found the Fa-hwa beyond their reach, and
were only capable of being reduced to a state of mental

48 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and moral submission by the Mrvdna. They find in the
Nirvana doctrine that which enables them to see Buddha's
nature. The historian has his eye upon those monks of later
times who like to read other books than those of Buddha
himself, and cease to use the books of Buddha for their
instruction. They learn to encourage injurious and de
structive thoughts, even when under the control of
Buddha's law. They shorten wisdom's life, and let go
completely from their possession the " embodiment of the
law" (fa-shen). It is for such backsliders that the doc
trine of permanence was introduced. Its fulness and
reality were to furnish them with a firm support. This
was why, near the close of his life, Shakyamuni dis
coursed specially on the Nirvana before himself enter
ing into that state of blissful extinction. By this means
he is stated to have strengthened the authority of the
monkish system of rules, and with it that of the three
divisions of the Buddhist library.
We see the teaching of the Nirvana to be the doctrine
of Buddha in his old age, when his experience was ripe.
It was the result of his observation of the needs of the
Buddhist community. It was the completing process in
the development of doctrine, and was adapted to affect
minds which remained unmoved under earlier and simpler
forms of teaching.
In the year 947 B.C., according to the chronology of the
Northern school, Buddha went to the Tau-li heaven, and re
mained three months. He sent Manjusiri to his mother to
ask her for a time to bend before the Three Precious Things.
She came. Immediately milk flowed from her and reached
Buddha's mouth. She came with Manjusiri to the place
where Buddha was, who instructed her. She attained the
Su-da-wan fruit. In the third month, when Buddha was
about to enter Nirvana, Indra made three flights of steps.
By these Buddha, after saying farewell to his mother,
descended to the world, led by a multitude of disciples,

DEATH OF BUDDHA'S AUNT. 49
and went to the Jetavana garden in the city of Shravasti.
The king Udayana, of Kaushambi, felt for Buddha a lov
ing admiration, and made a golden image. Hearing that
Buddha was about to descend by the steps Indra had made,
he came with the image and bowed before Buddha. The
image was of " sandal-wood " (chan-tan), and five feet high.
When the king Prasenajit heard of it, he also caused an
image to be made of purple gold. It was five feet high.
These were the first two images of Buddha known to have
been made in the world of Jambudvipa. These images
radiated light while the sky rained flowers.
Buddha joined his hands, and said to the image, " After
my entrance into the state of extinction and salvation, I
give into your charge my disciples."
Buddha's aunt, Mahaprajapati, could not bear the thought
of seeing Buddha's entering the state of extinction and sal
vation that would hide him from mortal view for ever. She
took with her five hundred women and girls under vows of
fasting, and made obeisance to Buddha. They then re
turned to the house, where they resided according to their
rules, and each then exhibited the eighteen movements,
attitudes, and marvellous performances. Some walked on
the water as on dry land; others, leaving the ground,
walked in the air, or sat, or lay down, or stood still, all in
the same element. Fire and water were seen flowing from
the right side of some, and from the left side of others. In
others it was seen issuing from their mouths. They then
all together entered the Nirvana.
Buddha now ordered Ananda to go into the city, and
announce to all the resident Buddhist householders, that
it would be proper for them to make five hundred coffins.
When the burning of the bodies with the coffins was com
pleted, the relics were gathered and placed in temples
erected for the purpose, where they might , be continually
honoured with worship.
Shariputra and Maudgalyayana were also grieved at the
prospect of witnessing the entrance of their master into
D

50 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the Nirvana, and themselves died first. At the same time
70,000 Lohans also entered the state of extinction. Buddha,
seeing that his disciples of all four classes were also exceed
ingly disturbed in mind, made use of his magical power,
and changed the two proficient ones into the form of two
attendant disciples, one on his right and the other on his
left. All living beings rejoiced when they saw this, and
were at once liberated from every anxiety and vexation.
On the fifteenth day of the second month, Buddha was
at the city Kushinagara. He went to a spot between two
Sala trees, and here in a short time entered Nirvana. A
great voice was heard proclaiming to all the assembly,
" To-day the World's Honoured One is about to enter the
Nirvana. Whoever has any doubts, now let him come
forward and ask for a solution of them. It is the last
opportunity of asking Buddha for instruction."
At this time the great Bodhisattwas, the various kings
of the Jambudvipa continent, the kings of the Devas, the
kings of the mountains and rivers, and of the birds and
beasts, with the personal disciples of Buddha, all arrived
with offerings, wishing to administer to the wants of the
World's Honoured One. In silence he firmly declined to
receive anything. Chunda, a "lay disciple" (Updsaka),
addressed him in the words, " We look to Juki for food
in the future. Now we desire to receive sorrowfully the
vows of the obedient, and to make our small offering."
Buddha replied, " I accept your offering, for it is the last
offering you will present to me."
Chunda said in reply, " Though I know the benefit that
is derived to mankind from Buddha entering the Nirvana
in a public manner, yet I cannot but grieve." For this
Buddha commended him.
At this time the kings of the Devas and Nagas urged
Shakyamuni, but in vain, not to enter the Nirvana at
present. In reply, the World's Honoured One discoursed
on the symbol " I," written with three dots (.-.), arranged as
a triangle resting on its base. This he used as a symbol

KASHIAPA MADE PATRIARCH. 51
of the embodied form of Tathagata when released from
the three methods of the Pradjna. All the assembly of
Bikshus then invited him to discourse on the cessation of
permanence, on misery, on emptiness, and on the negation
of self. Buddha, in consequence, gave them instruction
in the four antitheses, viz., the permanence which is not
permanent, the joy that involves sorrow, the I that is not
I, and the purity that contains impurity.
The vast audience of Bikshus said, " Juki being with
out these four contradictions, why will he not remain with
us for a kalpa or half a kalpa, that we may be informed
how to escape from the four contradictions ? "
Buddha said in answer, " I have already committed to
Maha Kashiapa the complete and unsurpassed doctrine,
to keep in trust, that you may all have a form of teaching
on which you can rely. It will be the same as if you had
Buddha himself." He then added, " I also intrust to you,
kings of countries and leaders of supernatural armies, the
deposit of sound doctrine that you may defend it by punish
ments and lawful force, in case of want of diligence, negli
gence, or wilful breaking of monkish rules."
The prohibition of animal food is referred by the Great
Development school to this period. The compiler takes
the opportunity here to throw blame on the Lesser
Development school, because it allows fish and flesh to
be eaten on certain occasions. This refers to the teaching
of Shakyamuni in the Deer garden at Benares, where the
Agama Sutras of the Lesser Development school were
delivered. In the first Sutras, those of the Hwa-yen and Fan-wang
class, the Bodhisattwas could not eat animal food. This
was the state of the question also at the time of the teach
ing in Benares. It occurs again in the Lenga Sutra, as a
restriction on the Bodhisattwa. In the work called Shih
tsien, " Tallies of the Shakya communities," it is said, that
the restriction on the entire Buddhist community began
subsequent to the Agama period. In the Nirvana teach-

52 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
ing of Buddha it was that the law was first made binding
on all disciples of the Buddhist religion. Thus the
Nirvana teaching made an important addition to the
Buddhist code of discipline.
Ajatashatru, king of Magadha, had killed his father, and
in consequence, by natural retribution, suffered from a
painful ulcer. He had six ministers of depraved minds
who counselled him, in their deceptive way, to apply for
relief to the six heretical teachers, Purana Kashiapa, &c,
who taught that there is no need to honour prince or
parents, and that happiness and misery do not depend on
the moral character of actions, but come by chance.
Another adviser informed the king that Buddha could
cure him. While the king was lamenting that Buddha
was about to enter the Nirvana, Shakyamuni himself
went into a remarkable state of samadhi, by which he
was enabled to radiate pure and cool light as far as to
the body of the king, whose ulcer was at once healed.
The king, with the queen and 5 80,000 of his subjects, then
proceeded to Kushinagara to see the sage, who there taught
them. In consequence, the heavy crime of Ajatashatru
became much lightened. He, his wife and daughters, made
high attainments in the Bodhi wisdom, and then bade
farewell to the sage, and returned to their palace.
Buddha now said to Godinia, " Where is Ananda ? "
Godinia replied, that he was beyond Salaribhu, involved
in the delusions of sixty-four thousand millions of de
mons. These demons had transformed themselves into
so many Buddhas, discoursing on the law and displaying
marvellous powers. Ananda was led to think himself
receiving instruction from true Buddhas, while he was at
the same time entangled in a demon thrall. Consequently
he did not come, and remained in this state of great
unhappiness. Buddha then addressed Manjusiri in the
words, " Ananda has been my disciple and has served me
for more than twenty years. My teaching of the law has
been heard by him in its entireness. As water flows into

BUDDHA SENDS FOR ANANDA. 53
a vessel, so he received my instructions. Therefore, I ask,
Where is he ? I wish him to hear from me the Nirvdna
Sutra. He is now vexed with demons. Take in your
hand this ' charm ' (dharani) of mighty power, and go and
save him." Manjusiri took it and went. The kings of
the Maras, on hearing the charm recited, at once began
to feel "wise thoughts" (Bodhi) stirring within them. They
immediately abandoned the devices of Maras, and released
Ananda, who returned to Buddha.
Buddha now informed Ananda that Subhadra, an " as
cetic " (Brahmachari) of a hundred and twenty years old,
who lived beyond the Salaribhu kingdom, although he
had acquired the eyesight and hearing of a Deva, and the
power to search into, other persons' minds and purposes,
had not been able to put away his pride. He directed
Ananda to go to him and say that Buddha, who came into
the world like the "Udumbara tree" (Ficus glomefata)}
would to-night enter the Nirvana. If he would do any
thing he should do it quickly.
Ananda went as commanded. Subhadra came with
him to see Buddha, who discoursed to him so effectively
that he attained the rank of Arhan, and immediately used
his endeavours to induce Buddha to delay entering the
Nirvana. The sage made silent signs that his resolution
was unchanged, and Subhadra, not able to bear the pain
of witnessing the entrance into the Nirvana, himself first
entered the state of destruction. On this, Buddha said to
the assembled multitude, " From the time that I attained
wisdom I have been engaged in saving men. The first
was Godinia, the last was Subhadra. I have now nothing
more to do."
Ananda, at the instance of Anuruddha, asked him four
questions : — " With whom should we live ? Whom shall
we take as our teacher? Where shall we live? What
words shall we use as a sign ? "
1 This tree, a fig-bearing fruit without distinct flowers, is said to bloom
once in three thousand years.

54 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddha replied, " In regard to your first question, my
judgment is that, after my death (entrance into the Nir
vana), such men as Chandaka, belonging to the six classes
of unreformed Bikshus, must come under the yoke, and
put away their evil dispositions.
" As to the question, Whom after Buddha's death you
should take as your teacher ? I reply that your teacher
will be the Shipara system of discipline.
" As to the question, Where shall you reside ? I reply,
In the four places of meditation, i. Meditation on the
body. The body and the moral nature are identical in
vacancy. 2. Meditation on receptiveness. Eeception is
not inside; nor is it outside; nor is it in the middle.
3. Meditation on the heart. It is only a name. The
name differs from the nature. 4. Meditation on 'the
Law' (Dharma). The good Dharma cannot be attained;
nor can the evil Dharma be attained.
" As to the words you should regard as a sign, there
should be in all Sutras, at the beginning, the sentence
Ju-shi-wo-wen — 'Thus have I heard.' This should be
followed by an announcement of the place where Buddha
was teaching, and of whom his audience was composed."
Ananda again asked, "After Juki has entered the Nir-
vana, how should the burial be conducted?" Answer,
"Like that of the wheel kings. The body should be
wrapped in fine white hair-cloth,1 and coated with a pulp
of odoriferous dust. The inner coffin should be of gold,
the outer of iron. When the body of the king is placed
m it, it should be sprinkled with melted butter and burned
with fragrant wood. When the burning is completed, let
the remaining fragments of bone be taken up and placed
under a pagoda, tower, or other monumental building.
Those who see it will both rejoice and grieve as they think
of the king who ruled his country justly. In this our
land the multitudes of men still to live will continue
to bury with washing, and with burning, and construct
1 Tie, 8, dip, " Fine hair-cloth," cf. tapis, tapestry.

BRAHMA COMES. S5
tombs and pagodas with a great variety of customary
practices." " Within the Jambu continent is the kingdom of China.
I will send three sages to renovate and instruct the people
there, so that in pity and sympathy, and in the institution
of all needful ceremonies, there may be completeness."
This passage is founded on statements in the Sutra
Tsung-mu-yin-yuen-king, " Sutra of Tombs in connection
with sympathetically operating causes." The three sages
are Confucius, Laou-tsi, and Yen Hwei. They are called
the Bodhisattwa of light and purity, the Kashiapa Bodhi
sattwa and the Bodhisattwa of moonlight.
Northern Buddhism gives its approval to the morality
of Confucius, the ascetic philosophy of Li Laou-tan, and
the high purpose of Yen Hwei. It also looks benevolently
on the funeral customs of the Chinese.
Brahma not appearing in the assembly when Buddha
was about to enter the Nirvana, was sent for by the angry
multitude, who appointed the immortal man of a hundred
thousand charms to go on this mission. Brahma's city
was found to be in a filthy condition. Filthy things filled
the moat, and the hermit died.
Buddha created a diamond king by the exercise of his
magical power, who went to Brahma's abode, and pointing
to the filth, transformed the moat into good land. He
then pointed to Brahma, and made use of a small portion
of his adamantine and indestructible strength. This had
its effect in inducing Brahma to come to the place where
Buddha was.
Buddha then proceeded to tell his disciples that they
must follow the instructions of the book of discipline
called Pratimoksha Sutra. This work details the laws
by which the priests are to conduct their lives. They
must not trade, or tell fortunes, or make profit by land,
or train slaves and serving girls for families. They must
not cultivate plantations for gain, or concoct medicines, or ,
study astrology. The rules he ordered them to maintain

56 CHINESE BUDDHISM
were of this kind. Thi3 treatise was to be their teacher
in place of himself.
The last words ascribed to Buddha by the author of
Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki (iv. 12) are, "While I have been in this
continent of Jambudvipa, I have appeared several times ;
and though I have entered the Nirvana, it has not been a
complete Nirvana. Therefore you ought to know the ' Law '
(Dharma) that constantly remains, the unchanging law."
Buddha then, as he lay on the couch of the Seven
Precious Things, reclined on his right side, with his head
to the north, his feet to the south, his face to the west,
and his back to the east. At midnight, without a sound,
he entered the Paranirvdna. He lay between eight Sala
trees, arranged in four pairs. When he had entered the
Nirvana, the two pairs that lay east and west became
one tree, as did also the two pairs that lay north and
south. They united to spread their shade over Buddha,
and through extreme grief changed to a storklike
whiteness. The grief of the multitude, manifested in loud cries,
now filled the universe with sadness. A large number
going into the city made a gold coffin, ornamented with
the Seven Precious Things. They also prepared banners
and canopies of sandal-wood, aloes, and other fragrant
substances. They came to where Buddha was, and pre
sented them respectfully. With sincere grief the multi
tude raised Buddha and placed him in the coffin of gold.
Four strong men were appointed to invite the coffin to
enter the city. They could not raise it. Then sixteen
strong men tried to lift it, but failed.
Anuruddha now said, " If all the people in the city
were to try to lift it, they would be unable. The Devas
must be appealed to, for they can do it." Before he had
finished speaking, Indra Shakra appeared in the air carry
ing a magnificent canopy. A host of Devas of the visible
heavens came with Shakra offering service. Buddha was
moved with pity. He himself lifted the coffin into the

b

MAYA COMES. S7
air to the height of a Sala tree. The coffin of itself entered
the west gate, and came out by the east. It then entered
the south gate, and came out by the north. In this way
Buddha went the round of the city gates seven times, and
arrived at last slowly at the place of cremation.
When the coffin reached the grove of the Seven Pre
cious Things, the four kings of the Devas arrived carrying
branches of sandal-wood and aloes.
On the twenty-second of the second month, Buddha, hav
ing entered the Nirvana seven days, wished to leave his
coffin. His disciples carried him weeping to the grove of
the Seven Precious Things. They then took odoriferous
waters and sprinkled him with it, and wrapped him from
head to foot in silk and fine hair-cloth. After this they
lifted him into the coffin, and placed him as he lay in
the coffin upon a high framework constructed of fragrant
wood. Each of them then took a torch of fragrant wood,
proceeded to the wooden structure, and all was consumed.
Anuruddha went up to the Tushita heaven to announce
these events to Maya, the mother of Buddha. Maya at
once came down, and the coffin opened of itself. The
Honoured One of the world rose up, joined his hands, and
said, "You have condescended to come down here from
your abode far away." Then he said to Ananda, " You
should know that it is for an example to the unfilial
of after ages that I have risen from my coffin to address
inquiries to my mother."
Kashiapa was instructing five hundred disciples at the
Gridhrakuta mountain when an earthquake occurred, from
which he knew that Buddha had entered the Nirvana.
At once he set out with his disciples to go to the spot
where the coffin was. Buddha compassionated him. The
coffin opened of itself, and presented to view the golden
and purple body of Buddha, strong and beautiful. Ka
shiapa, weeping, sprinkled it with fragrant water, and
wrapped it again with the hair-cloth.
The coffin again closed, and a Gatha was chanted by

58 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Kashiapa, when the feet of Buddha became again visible,
and the representations of the wheel of a thousand spokes
(on which Buddha sits) appeared outside of the coffin.
Kashiapa performed reverent salutations to the feet indes
tructible as the diamond, and saw them return within the
coffin. Another wonder was added. Flame from the
heart and bones of Buddha was seen extending out of the
coffin. The process of cremation went gradually on till
the seventh day, when the entire frame of fragrant wood
on which the coffin rested was consumed.
According to another account, Kashiapa took fire and
lit the pile of fragrant wood. The Sung dynasty author,
Che-p'an, prefers the statement that the cremation was
caused by a flame issuing from Buddha's own body.
Seven days had passed after the death (literally de
struction and extrication) of Buddha, when Kashiapa
announced to 500 Arhans that they should go to all
worlds and gather Arhans who possess the six powers of
penetration.1 No fewer than 808,000 came and received
instruction in Dharma near the two trees.
On the twenty-ninth of the second month, seven days
after the cremation of Buddha, Indra Shakra opened the
coffin and took out a right tooth of Buddha. He caused
two pagodas to be erected in his paradise. A Eaksha also
took two teeth. The people of the city came and filled eight
golden pots with relics. They took them into the city, and
made offerings to them for seven days in succession.
There was much contention among those who desired
a share in the relics. Those who struggled were the
kings of the Devas, the kings of the Nagas, and eight kings
of India. To end the strife, Upakutta proposed a division
into three parts for the Devas, the dragon kings, and the
Indian kings respectively. His advice was followed.
King Ashoka obtained 84,000 relics, and also the mous-
1 These are such as the power of ties of form, life, death, and retribu-
distinguishing all sounds, the feel- tion &c.
iujs and aims of all persons, varie-

PAGODAS. 59
taches of Buddha. On his way home he met Nanda, a
king of the Nagas, who begged relics from him, threaten
ing to destroy his kingdom if he refused. Ashoka gave
him a hair of Buddha's moustaches, which he took to the
Sumeru mountain. He there erected a pagoda of rock-
crystal for its safe keeping. In various parts of the
Jambudvipa continent ten pagodas were soon erected
with a similar object in view.

( 60 )

CHAPTEE V.
THE PATRIARCHS OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
Features of Asiatic life in the time of the patriarchs — Character,
powers, and intellectual qualities of the patriarchs — Series of
thirty-three patriarchs— Appointment of Kashiapa by Shakya
muni — The Svastika council of Rajagriha, for writing out the
books of Buddha, and settling what should be received as
canonical — The part taken by Ananda in the authorship of the
Buddhist books — Ananda, second patriarch — The third was
Shangnavasu — Remarks on samadhi and reverie — Fourth,
Upagupta — Conversion of a wicked woman when dying— Fifth,
sixth, and seventh patriarchs — Buddha's prophecy regarding
Buddhanandi, the seventh — Struggle between filial love and
Buddhist conviction in Buddhamitra — The way in which he
subdued an unbelieving king — Maming given to the king of the
Getae to induce him to raise the siege of Pataliputra — Kapimara,
the thirteenth — Nagarjuna, the fourteenth — Converts ten thou
sand Brahmans — "Writes the Ta-chi-tu-lun — Vigorous defence of
Buddhism by Kanadeva — Assassination of Kanadeva — Sangha-
nandi, precocious as a boy — Prophecy respecting him — Rahulata
ascends to heaven — Sangkayasheta's discussion on the nature of
sound— Converts five hundred hermits — Kumarada's views on
the inequality of present retribution — Difficulties met with by
Manura in teaching Buddhism in Southern and Western India
— A patriarch's power over birds — Haklena converts Singhala-
putra, who succeeded him as patriarch (the twenty-fourth), but
was killed by the king of Candahar — The orthodox school has
only twenty-four patriarchs — The contemplative school has
twenty-eight — Pradjnyatara, the twenty-seventh converts Bodhi
dharma, the twenty-eighth, who proceeds to China — Hindoo
knowledge of the Roman empire.
We are now in the midst of the Asiatic world of two thousand
and sixteen hundred years ago. In India, in Afghanistan, and

FEATURES OF ASIATIC LIFE. 61
in Turkestan, Buddhist priests had entered actively on that
pilgrim life to which monasticism inevitably gives origin.
With the object either of instructing, or of worshipping at
some celebrated shrine, travellers were constantly seen on
each foot-worn mountain path proceeding to some distant
monastery. Such scenes as the following, illustrating the
beliefs of the time and locality, would not seldom occur.
A wayfarer in the country of the Getse (Afghanistan)
knocks at the door of a Brahman family. A young man
within answers, "There is no one in this house." The
traveller was too well taught in Buddhism not to know
the meaning of this philosophical nihilism, and at once
answered, " Who is no one ? " The young man, when he
heard this, felt that he was understood. A kindred spirit
was outside. Hurriedly he opened the door, and invited
the stranger to enter. The visitor was the patriarch of
the time (seventeenth), with staff and rice bowl, travelling
to teach and make new disciples. On his entrance, he at
once proceeded to utter a statement that this young man
was the object of a long foretold destiny. A thousand
years after Buddha's death, a distinguished teacher would
appear in the country of the Getse, who would reform his
contemporaries, and follow up the work of illustrious pre
decessors. This meant that he was to become patriarch.
He is eighteenth in the series.
A patriarch is represented as one who does not look at
evil and dislike it ; nor does he, when he sees that which
is good, make a strong effort to attain it. He does not
put wisdom aside and approach folly ; nor does he fling
away delusion and aim at comprehending truth. Yet he
has an acquaintance with great truths which is beyond
being measured, and he penetrates into Buddha's mind to
a depth that cannot be fathomed. His lodging is not
with the sage, nor with the common class. Because he
is above every one else in his attainments, he is called
a patriarch. A patriarch has magical powers. He can fly through

62 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the air, cross rivers on a boat of leaves, rain milk x at will
from the air, and enter into a very great variety of trances
or samadhi.
A patriarch has the keenest intellectual perception. He
can dive into men's thoughts, and explain the meaning of
the longest and most obscure compositions. The superiority
of his mental faculties to those of common men is most
marked. He can accomplish intellectual feats where
others fail.
A patriarch is the chief defender of Buddhism against
the heretics and opposers of his time. Selected by the
last patriarch from the crowd of common disciples, he
takes the chief place ever after as champion of the Bud
dhist law and discipline.
He lives poorly, is meanly clad, and keeps up the dignity
of his position by the influence of mind, of character, and
of supernatural acts.
The succession was broken at the fifth Chinese patriarch,
and has never been restored.
The rank of patriarch could be the more easily dis
continued because he had no ruling power. He was simply
a defender, teacher, and example of the Buddhist doctrine
and life.
The following paragraphs are taken from papers I wrote
many years ago.
After the death of Shakyamuni, or, to speak honorifi-
cally, his entrance into the Nirvana at Kushinagara, a
series of thirty-three patriarchs, if we include five Chinese
holders of the dignity, superintended in succession the affairs
of the religious community he had founded. Eemusat has
given an abstract of the biography of tbe patriarchs taken
from a Japanese encyclopsedia. He says, Buddha, before
his death, committed the secret of his mysteries to his
disciple, Maha Kashiapa. He was a Brahman, born in the
1 This is stated in the life of grant milk." This is the name of a
Shangnavasu, the third patriarch, milky plant, Eschscholtzia cristata,
The word used is hiang-ju, " fra- allied to the vervain. — Williams.

APPOINTMENT OF KASHIAPA. 63
kingdom Magadha, in Central India. To him was intrusted
the deposit of esoteric doctrine, called Oheng-fa-yen-tsang,
"the pure secret of the eye of right doctrine." The symbol
of this esoteric principle, communicated orally without
books, is rt man or wan. This, in Chinese, means " 10,000,"
and implies the possession of 10,000 perfections. It is
usually placed on the heart of Buddha in images and
pictures of that divinity. It is sometimes called sin-yin,
" heart's seal." It contains within it the whole mind of
Buddha. In Sanscrit it is called svastika. It was the
monogram of Vishnu and Shiva, the battle-axe of Thor in
Scandinavian inscriptions, an ornament on the crowns of
the Bonpa deities in Thibet, and a favourite symbol with
the Peruvians.
The appointment of Kashiapa to be successor of Buddha
and patriarch is described in the following manner : — " The
World-honoured teacher ascended the platform from which
he gave his instructions, holding in his hand a flower, the
gift of a king. His disciples were all regardless of his
teaching. Only Kashiapa showed attention and pleasure
in his countenance. Buddha understood what was passing
in his mind, and gave him the pure mystery of right doc
trine, the secret heart of the Nirvana, that true know
ledge of existing things which consists in knowing them
not to exist, and the method of enlightenment and refor
mation." Kashiapa distinguished himself by severely ascetic prac
tices. Buddha knew his excellence, and wished him to
sit on the same seat with himself, as being not inferior in
merit. But to this he would not consent. He also easily
comprehended the ideas of Buddha. .Buddha, on one
occasion, used the following illustration: — "A notable
man's house took fire. He brought goat-carts, drawn by
goats, deer, and bullocks, to rescue his sons. He after
wards gave them a lofty, broad waggon, drawn by white
bullocks. The first are the methods of Hinayana. The
last is that of Mahayana." Kashiapa understood that

64. CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddha, when he thus alluded to the various modes of
teaching employed by him to save men, wished to point
out that the Mahayana is superior to the others in capacity,
adaptability, and utility.
He taught at Eajagriha after the Nirvana. The king,
Ajatashatru, supplied daily with food for a whole summer
a thousand Arhans, who were engaged under Kashiapa in
collecting the books containing the sayings of Buddha, i.e.,
the Tripitaka. This is what is called by Koeppen the First
Buddhist council.
Kashiapa taught after this for twenty years, and then
intrusted to Ananda the secret of pure doctrine. After
this we hear of his proceeding to the four places of pil
grimage to worship. These were — the place of Shakya
muni leaving his home to become a recluse, the place of ,
his becoming Buddha, of first preaching, and of entering
the Nirvana.
The second patriarch, Ananda, figures in many narra
tives as the constant attendant and disciple of Buddha.
In temples he is represented as the corresponding figure
to the old man Kashiapa, where he stands on Buddha's
right hand. He was the second son of Shakyamuni's
uncle, and_ was therefore first cousin of the sage. His
name means " joy." His face was like the full moon, and
his eyes like the lotus flower. He became a disciple at
eight years old.
At the assembly of the Lotus of the Good Law, Buddha
foretold of Ananda that he would ultimately become
Buddha. This was to be a reward for his joy at hearing
the law, and his diligent listening to it. Buddha obtained
knowledge and taught the law. The Bodhi was perceived ;
and the Dharma became its embodiment. The part of
Ananda was to grasp, hold firmly, and save from destruc
tion the Dharma as uttered by Buddha. In so doing
he also saved from oblivion the Dharma which will be
uttered by coming Buddhas, as foretold by Shakyamuni.
Kashiapa appointed that Ananda should sit on the lion

ANANDA, SECOND PATRIARCH. 65
throne, with a thousand secretaries before him. They
took down his words while he repeated the Dharma as he
had heard it from Buddha. Evidently he had a good
memory. Kashiapa was an old man, and Ananda was
comparatively young. Both were alike anxious to pre
serve the teaching of Buddha ; and the thousand Arhans,
who received the sacred Dharma, were selected from a vast
multitude of those who had accepted Buddha as the lion of
the law, the mighty hero of the new and popular religion.
It is not said that they wrote. They may have com
mitted to memory the sacred Dharma as Ananda gave
it, but writing became the common mode of preserving
Buddhist teaching so soon after, that this narrative may
describe actual dictation and the work of a diligent secre
tariat, or company of disciples, who acted as scribes.
The aged patriarch, Kashiapa, when he died, intrusted
to Ananda the very victorious law, and told him the
following story, which throws light on ancient Buddhism
as represented by the Northern school. "Anciently,
when Ting-kwang Fo was a ' Shamen ' (Shramana), he
had under his protection a ' Shami ' (Shramanera) whom
he required to recite prayers and meditations constantly,
reproving him severely if he failed in reading the whole
of his tasks. The Shami sometimes went out to beg for
his instructor; but if he delayed beyond the due time,
and did not complete his daily readings, he had to bear
heavy blame from that very instructor for whom he
begged. This led him to feel unhappy, and he com
menced reciting on the road as he went his rounds. A
kind and friendly man asked him the reason, and finding
how matters stood, addressed him as follows : — ' Do not
be sad. In future I will provide for your wants.' The
Shami ceased to beg, and gave his whole attention to
recitations of the sacred books, and was never deficient
in the number of pages read. This Shami afterwards
became Shakyamuni Buddha. His kind friend became
Ananda in a later birth, and his sagacity, his power of
E

66 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
retention, and diligence in learning resulted from his
meritorious treatment of the Shami."
The third patriarch was Shangnavasu of Eajagriha.
In a former life he had been a merchant. On the road,
as he travelled, he had met a Pratyeka Buddha, very sick,
and poorly clad. He gave him medicine, and clothing of
a beautiful grass-cloth.1
This is what, by Buddhists, is called sowing the " field
of happiness " (fu-t'ien). Other ways of acting so as to reap
happiness are improving roads, building bridges, respect
to parents, care of the poor, and opening common wells.
The Pratyeka Buddha said, " This is called the Shangna
robe. With it the acquirement of wisdom can be made,
and with it the Nirvana of destruction should be entered."
He then took wing, performed the eighteen movements
in the air, and entered the Nirvana.
Shangnavasu collected fragrant wood, burned the body,
and raised a dagoba over the relics. He also, as he wept,
uttered a wish that in five hundred future births he might
always wear a robe of this kind, and have a merit equal
to that of his present life.
He went to sea, obtained valuable pearls, and became
a rich man. He then invited large numbers to a free
feasting assembly in a forest, such as was held once in
three years. He built a tower at the entrance of the
place of meeting. Ananda said to him, " You should learn
our doctrine, and live to benefit mankind." To this he
consented. He took the vows and became an Arhan.
Going away to the Manda mountain, he there by means
of the samadhi of mercy, changed two poisonous young
Nagas into beings having a good disposition.
Samadhi means ecstatic reverie, and as there is some
uncertainty as to its nature in some writers on Buddhism,

1 This cloth was brought to China plant of which it was made had nine
from Thibet and other western coun- stalks. When an Arhan is born this
tries in the T'ang dynasty. It was plant is found growing in some clean
white, fine, thick, and strong. The spot.

REMARKS ON SAMADHI AND REVERIE. 67
it may be well to draw attention to this instance of snake-
charming. It means a mesmerising power, a fixing of the
mind and eye which has an effect on the snake. To fix
the faculties in Buddhist contemplation is to enter into
san-mei or samadhi. Those phenomena which we call
trance, brown study, reverie, are examples of an inactive
samadhi. The addition of an effort of will makes an
active samadhi, as that used in snake charming by Bud
dhists, and as that of mesmerists.
He founded a house to be used by monks as a con
templation hall at the spot, and perhaps the snakes he
tamed may have been kept there in a box, as is sometimes
done now in China. But the account does not say.
He went thence to Candahar, at that time called Kipin,
and there propagated the doctrines of Buddhism about
eighty years before the conquests of Alexander. He lived
in the Siang- (elephant) pe (white) mountain, sat on his
chair, and entered into a trance. While this was happen
ing, Upagupta, his successor, was being much troubled with
five hundred pupils, who were self-opinionated and proud.
He felt that they were beyond his power to guide and
elevate. There was not existing between him and them the
" secret link of influence " (yuen, " cause." Sansc. nidana)
that would have overcome this difficulty. This conviction
he acquired in a samadhi, and learned or rather thought
at the same time, while still in the ecstatic state, that
only Shangnavasu could reform them. The samadhi here
appears to be an elevated state of inspiration. But it has
also a magical power. The next point in the narrative
is the arrival of Shangnavasu himself flying through the
air. He was habited most shabbily, and when he sat
down on Upagupta's chair, the pupils stared angrily at him
for daring to do this. But Upagupta came before him and
bowed to him most respectfully. Shangnavasu pointed
to the air, and fragrant milk fell as if from a spring on the
side of a high mountain.
This was the result of a samadhi, which the patriarch
said was the samadhi of a Naga rushing eagerly forward.

68 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
He then exhibited five hundred different kinds of samadhi.
At the same time he observed to Upagupta, that when
Buddha performed any magical act by samadhi, his pupil
Maudgalyayana did not know what samadhi it was. Nor
did inferior disciples know the name of any samadhi by
help of which Maudgalyayana might do anything won
derful. " Nor do I," he said, " understand that of Ananda.
Nor do you understand mine."
" When I enter the Nirvana," he continued, " 77,000
Sutras will perish with me ; also 10,000 Shastras and
80,000 works of the class of discipline."
After this the five hundred pupils bitterly repented,
received the patriarch's instructions, and became Arhans.
Upon this the patriarch entered into the Nirvana.
Upagupta, the fourth patriarch, was a native of the Ma
dura country. He had a noble countenance which indi
cated his integrity, and was highly intelligent and eloquent.
His instructor, Shangnavasu, the third patriarch, told him
to keep black and white pebbles. When he had a bad
thought he was to throw down into a basket a black pebble ;
when he had a good thought he was to throw down a
white pebble. Upagupta did as he was told. At first bad
thoughts abounded, and black pebbles were very nume
rous. Then the white and black were about equal. On
the seventh day there were only white pebbles. Shang
navasu then undertook to expound to him the four truths.
He at once attained the fruit " Srotapanna " (Su-to-hwan).
At that time a woman of wicked life in the same city
with Upagupta, hearing of his upright conduct, sent mes
sengers to invite him to go and see her. He refused. The
son of a citizen in good repute at about the same time
went to stay with her. This youth she slew, because a
rich traveller came with presents of valuable precious
stones and pearls, which he offered for her acceptance.
She buried the youth in a court of her house. His rela
tions came to seek him and dug up the body. The king,
informed of what had occurred, ordered the woman to have
her arms and less cut off. and also her nose and ears. She

CONVERSION OF A WICKED WOMAN. 69
was then thrown out among graves in the open ground
beyond the city. When Upagupta went out on his begging
round he arrived at the spot. She said to him, " When I
invited you to come and see me I had a beautiful face,
but you refused. Now that I am maimed, my beauty
gone, and my death near, you have come to see me. Why
is this ? " He replied, " I have come to see you from a
wish to know what you truly are, and not through evil
desire. You have by your beauty corrupted and ruined
many. You were like a painted vase always giving out
evil odours. It was no pleasure to the truly enlightened
to approach you. They knew that this beauty would not
be permanent. Now all miseries have gathered on you
like numberless boils and ulcers. You ought diligently to
seek liberation by means which are in your power." The
woman as she listened opened the eye of Dharma, and
obtained the purification of her heart. At death she was
born anew in paradise.
Upagupta, when still a youth, saw that all the common
methods of redemption were marked by bitterness, empti
ness, and non-permanence, and at once attained the fruit
Anagamin, the third degree of saintship, or that from
which there is "no" (ana) "return " (gamin). He was then
seventeen. Shangnavasu at once received him to the
vows on his application, and he became an Arhan.
He was contemporary during the later years of his patri
archate with king Ashoka, who, hearing that he was on
Mount Uda discoursing to a large audience of believers,
sent messengers to him, inviting him to come to the city
where the king was, and bless him, by touching him on the
crown of the head. The king much desired to learn at
what spots he should erect pagodas in honour of Buddha.
To this the patriarch responded, by pointing out to him all
the places where Buddha had done anything remarkable
during his life.
The number of converts was immense. Each of them
threw down a tally four inches long. The tallies filled a
storehouse which was sixteen feet high. Upagupta became,

70 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
in virtue and wisdom, almost a Buddha, lacking, however,
the thirty-two points of characteristic beauty. When he
had finished his journeys for reforming others, and the
'' accomplishment of destiny in meetings with them " (hwa-
yuen-yi-pi, " renovating destiny already ended "), he per
formed the eighteen metamorphoses, and seized on the sal
vation that consists in destruction, i.e., he died. The tallies
in the house were used as offerings, ya-zun (yadjna), to
burn. The people all wept aloud, collected the " relics "
(sharira), erected a t'a (stupa), and performed regular wor
ship before it.
In this example of the saint worship of Buddhism may
be observed the upgrowth of superstitious practices. It
aptly illustrates the way in which the religious principle
in man works outward. Buddha, a sort of human god,
was first worshipped. Other highly venerated men of a
secondary type were in succession added, and became the
inferior gods of a new pantheon.
Drikata, the fifth patriarch, was given by his father to
Upagupta as a disciple, to be in constant attendance on
him as Ananda was upon Shakyamuni. Upagupta received
him to the vows at twenty years old. It was in this way.
Upagupta was on a religious journey. He came to the
door of an elderly man, who asked him, " Why do you, a
holy sage, travel unattended ? " He replied, " I have left the
world, and am without family ties. No one has given me
an attendant disciple. It may be you who will bestow
this kindness." The elderly man replied, " If I have a son
I will respectfully offer him to you." He afterwards had
a son whom he named Drikata, who devoted himself in
youth to the study of the Sutras and other books, and
then went in search of Upagupta.
When Upagupta was old, he said to Drikata, " My time
for entering the Nirvana is come. The Dharma which I
have taught I intrust to you. It will be your duty to
teach it in regions far and near." This he did in Central
India, and when he died (seized on the Nirvana) Devaa
and men were sad.

SE VENTH PA TRIARCH. 7 1
Michaka was the sixth patriarch. When he met first C*
with Drikata, he said to him, " I was formerly born with
you in the heaven of Brahma. I met with Asita,1 who taught
me the doctrine of the Eishis. You met with good and wise
teachers who instructed you in the principles of Buddhism.
So your path differed from mine for a period of six kalpas.
The record of the Eishis said, ' After six kalpas you shall
meet with a fellow learner. Through him you shall
obtain the holy fruit.' To-day, in meeting with you, is it
not the fulfilment of destiny ? "
Drikata then instructed him in Dharma, and he made
eminent attainments. The Eishis, his companions, did
not believe, until Drikata performed before them various
magical transformations, when they all believed and ob
tained the fruit of doctrine. When Drikata died, Michaka
took his place in renovating mankind by teaching the
Nirvana. The seventh (should be eighth) patriarch was Buddha-
nandi, a native of Northern India. When Michaka came
to his country, Buddhanandi saw on the city battlements
a golden-coloured cloud. He thought that there must be a
sage beneath the cloud, who would transmit the Dharma.
He went to search, and found Buddhanandi in the street
leading to the market-place. Michaka said, " Formerly
Buddha, when travelling in Northern India, said to An
anda, ' Three hundred years after my death there will be a
sage named Buddhanandi. He will make the Dharma
great in this region.' " Buddhanandi replied, " I remember
that in a former kalpa I presented to Buddha a throne.
It was on this account that he made reference to me, and
foretold that I should in the 'kalpa of the sages1 (Bhadra-
kalpa) spread the Dharma far and wide. Since this agrees
exactly with what you have said, I wish to become a disciple."
He at once obtained the four fruits of enlightenment.
The ninth patriarch, Buddhamitra, was found by his
1 A Rishi who was able to detect the marks of Buddha on a child.
Shakyamuni was his slave in a former birth. — Eitel,

72 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
predecessor in the patriarchate in the following manner.
Buddhanandi came to his country to teach. Seeing a
white light over a house, he said to his disciples, " There is
a sage here, who has a mouth, but does not speak, and has
feet, but does not walk." He went to the door, and was
asked by an old man why he came. The answer was, " In
search of a disciple." The old man replied, " I have a son
just fifty. He neither speaks nor walks." " That," said
Buddhanandi, " is my disciple."
Buddhamitra rose, made obeisance, walked seven steps,
and then pronounced the following Gatha : — " If my father
and mother are not my nearest of kin, who is so ? If the
Buddhas are not my teachers, who are my teachers?"
Buddhanandi replied, " You speak of your nearest relative
being the heart. To this your love for your parents is not
comparable. Your acting in accordance with ' doctrine '
(tau) is the mind of the Buddhas. The Buddha of the
wai tau (heretical teachers) belongs to the world of forms.
Their Buddha and you are not alike. You should know
that your real mind is neither closely attached nor sepa
rated." He further said to the father: — " Your son formerly
met with Buddha, and, stimulated by compassion, had
great longings to benefit others. But because he has
thought too much of his father's and mother's love, who
could not let him go, he has not spoken nor walked."
The aged father hearing this, at once let him leave the
family to become a monk.
When Michaka (in Eitel, Mikkaka ; in San-kiau-yi-su,
Misuchaka) was about to die, he intrusted to Buddhanandi
the correct Dharma to teach to mankind.
Such is the statement of Chi-p'an of the Kiau-men in
Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki. He rejects Vasumitra, the seventh patri
arch of the contemplatist school. He does not even men
tion Vasumitra, who yet was very distinguished. He
took a chief part in the last revision of the canon, as pre
sident of the third or fourth synod, under Kanishka, Eajah
of Cashmere, B.C. 153. See in Eitel, who adds, that he

SUBMISSION OF AN UNBELIEVING KING. 73
must have died soon after, though Chinese chronology
places his death in B.C. 590.
The Kiau-men writers apparently say little about the
synods or councils, perhaps because they were presided
over by the patriarchs, who favoured the contempla-
tist school. Can this be the reason that Chi-p'an has
neglected the seventh patriarch and caused Michaka to
nominate Buddhanandi (the eighth) as his successor,
making him the seventh ?
From this point I prefer to follow San-kiau-yi-su and
Eitel in numbering the patriarchs, while continuing to
take the story of their lives from the interesting pages of
Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki, because the author is full of anecdote.
Chi-p'an, to fill the vacancy caused by the omission of
Vasumitra, mentions Madhyantika, a disciple of Ananda,
who converted Cashmere. He was contemporary with
Shangnavasu. Buddhamitra passed at once through the
steps of enlightenment, and began to teach the correct
Dharma. There was a king then reigning who followed another
school, and wished to destroy the influence of Buddhism,
a religion which he despised. Buddhamitra, wishing to
bring this king to submission, took a red flag in his hand,
and carried it before the king for twelve years. The king
at last asked who this man was. Buddhamitra replied,
"I am a man of knowledge, who can discuss religion."
The king ordered an assembly of Brahmans to meet him
in a large hall, and discuss religion with him. Buddha
mitra took his seat, and delivered a discourse. A man
weak in knowledge was pitted against him, whose reason
ings he at once subverted. The rest declined to argue.
The king then entered himself into argument with him,
but soon gave way, and announced his intention to follow
the Buddhist religion.
In the same kingdom was a " Nirgrantha " (Nikan), who
reviled Buddhism, and was an expert calculator. Nirgrantha
means a devotee who has cut the ties of food and clothing,

74 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and can live without feeling hungry or cold. It is from
grantha, " tie." Buddhamitra went to him and received
information in regard to his calculations. The Nirgrantha
spared no abuse in speaking of Buddha. The Buddhist
then said, "You are now working1 out punishment to
yourself, and will fall into hell. If you do not believe
what I say, try your calculations, and you will find
whether it is so or not." The heretic calculated, and found
that it was so. He then said to the Buddhist teacher,
" How can I avoid this calamity ? "
The reply was, "You should become a believer in
Buddha. You may then have this demerit annulled."
Nirgrantha (or the Nirgrantha) upon this, pronounced five
hundred sentences in praise of Buddha, and repented of
his former faults.
Buddhamitra then said, " Having performed these meri
torious actions, you will certainly be born in one of the
heavenly paradises. If you doubt this, make the calcula
tions, that you may know it to be so." He did this, and
found that his demerit was gone, and that he would be
born in heaven. He and five hundred of his followers
joyfully enrolled themselves as Buddhist monks, shaved
their locks, and placed themselves under the protection of
the Three Precious Things.
The tenth patriarch was Parshva, and the eleventh
Punayaja. Parshva came to the city of " Pataliputra "
(Chinese, Hwa-sM), and rested under a tree. He pointed to
the ground and said, " If this earth should change to a
golden colour, a sage must be here." As soon as he had
said this, the ground changed its colour, and immediately
Punayaja arrived. He was received to the vows by
Parshva, and became his successor.
The twelfth patriarch was Ashvagosha, or Maming, " a
horse neighing." In the city of Pataliputra, five hundred
youths of princely families became at one time converts
1 Tsau-tsui, "creating, sin," i.e., the punishment of sin. Sin audits
punishment are confused and loosely identified.

MAM ING GIVEN TO THE KING OF THE GETAZ. 75
to his doctrine, and took the tonsure. The king feared
that his kingdom would become depopulated, and issued
an order that there should be no more chanting. This
decree was levelled against the use of some very popular
and sweet music introduced by Maming. The music
must have excited great attention, and must have had its
effect in leading many persons to resolve on leading the
¦ Buddhist life. This would lead to diminution in popula
tion. The country would become poorer. There would
be fewer workers, fewer tax-payers, fewer soldiers, and
fewer traders.
At this juncture the king of the Getse led his army tc
besiege Pataliputra. There were 900,000 men in the city,
and the besieging king required 900,000 pieces of gold as
a ransom. The king of Pataliputra gave him Maming, a
Buddha's rice bowl, and a cock, observing that each of
these gifts was worth 300,000 gold pieces. Maming's
wisdom was unrivalled. Buddha had boundless virtue,
and a merciful heart. The cock would not drink water
that had insects in it. All three would be able to drive
away enemies.
The king of the Getse was delighted, drew back his
troops, and returned to his country. After a time, the
Parthians attacked him. He gained a victory, and killed
900,000 of the enemy.
Maming was born at Benares, but taught chiefly at
Pataliputra. One day, while he was causing the wheel of
the wonderful law to revolve, an old man suddenly fell
on the ground just before him. The patriarch said, " This
is no ordinary person. There will be some remarkable
appearance." No sooner was this said than he vanished.
Then, in a trice, a man with a golden skin rose out of the
ground. He soon became changed into a young woman,
who pointed with her right hand at Maming and said, " I
bow to the aged and honoured patriarch. Let me receive
the mark of Juki." She disappeared. The patriarch
said, "A demon must be coming to struggle with me."

76 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
There was a violent wind and heavy rain. The sky
became dark. The patriarch remarked, "The demon is
indeed come. I must expel him."
When he pointed into the air, a golden dragon appeared,
who showed marvellous power, and shook the mountains.
The patriarch sat calmly, and the demon's agency came to
an end.
After seven days, a small insect appeared, which hid
itself uijder the chair of the patriarch, who took it up and
said to the assembly, " This is the demon in an assumed
shape come stealthily to hear my teaching."
He set the insect free, and told it to go, but the demon
in it could not move. The patriarch then said to the
demon, " If you only place yourself under the direction of
the Three Precious Things, you may at once obtain mar
vellous powers." The demon at once returned to his ori
ginal shape, made a prostration and a penitent confession.
The patriarch, asking him his name, he replied, " Kapi-
mara." When the inquiry, what was the extent of his
powers, was addressed to him, he replied that to transform
the sea was easy to him. " Can you," asked the patriarch,
" transform the ' sea of the moral nature ' (sing-hai) ? " He
answered that he did not know what was meant. Maming
explained that the physical world rests on this moral
nature for its existence. So also the powers of samadhi,
and of far-reaching perception on the part of Buddhist
proficients, also depend on this for all their value.
Kapimara became a believer, and three thousand of his
adherents all entered the ranks of the shaven monks.
The patriarch called in five thousand Arhans to aid in
administering the vows to this large crowd of applicants.
Kapimara became the thirteenth patriarch. His nume
rous followers spread the Buddhist religion in Southern
India. He compiled a Shastra (Lun), called the " Shastra
of the Non-ego." It extended to the length of ioo Gathas
(Kie). Wherever this Shastra came, the demons and
heretics were pitiably discomfited.

NAGARJUNA, THE FOURTEENTH PATRIARCH. 77
Lung-shu, or " Nagarjuna," was the fourteenth patriarch. ,
He belonged to Southern India. A king there was very
much opposed to Buddhism, and influenced by what that
religion calls "depraved views" (sie-kien). Lung shu wished
to convert him, and for seven years carried a red banner
before him when travelling. The Eajah asked, "Who is
this man ? " He replied for himself, " I am a man pos
sessing all kinds of knowledge." The Eajah asked,
"What are the Devas now doing?" He replied, "Just
now the Devas are fighting with the Asuras." In a
moment they became aware of the conflict of swords in
the sky, and, to the Eajah's astonishment, some ears and
noses of the giants fell on the ground. The Eajah reve
rentially performed a prostration before Lung-shu. Ten
thousand Brahmans who were at the time in the hall of
audience all joined in praising the marvellous virtue of
the patriarch, and at once submitted themselves to the
tonsure, and entered on the monkish life.
Lung-shu wrote several important Shastras. Among
them was that one called Ta-chi-tu-lun, " Shastra of the
Method of Great Wisdom." He was one of the most prolific
authors of the Mahayana school. On this account he be
came the object of the jealous dislike of the older school
of the Lesser Conveyance.
When drawing near the end of his life, he unexpectedly
fell one day into the trance called the samadhi of the
moon's wheel, in which he only heard words of the
Dharma, but saw no forms. His pupil, Deva, compre
hended him, and said, " The Buddha nature which you,
my teacher, make known to us, does not consist in sights
and sounds." Lung-shu intrusted to him the care of the
Dharma, and entered a vacant room. As he did not come
out for a day, the pupils broke open the door. He had
gone into a state of samadhi, and died. In all the king
doms of India, temples were erected for him, and he was
honoured as if he were Buddha.
The fifteenth patriarch was Kanadeva, a native of South ,

78 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
India. The king of his country followed a form of depraved
doctrine. When men were invited to act as guards, Kana
deva responded to the call, and took his place, spear in
hand, in the front rank, discharging his duties in so regular
and exemplary a manner that the king's attention was
attracted. In reply to the king's inquiries, he said he was
a man who studied wisdom and practised argumentative
oratory. The king opened for him a discussion hall. Here
Kanadeva proposed three theses : — (i.) Buddha is the most
excellent of sages ; (2.) No law can compare with the law
of Buddha ; (3.) There is no happiness (or merit) on earth
equal to that of the Buddhist monk. "If any one can
vanquish me in regard to these three theses, I consent to
have my head taken off." In the discussion that ensued,
all the heretics were worsted, and asked permission to
become monks.
A follower of one of the scholars who were vanquished
in argument felt ashamed for his master, was much enraged,
and resolved to kill Kanadeva. He attacked him while
engaged in writing a controversial work, and with his
sword pierced him through. Before life was extinct, the
patriarch said, " You can take my robe and rice bowl, and
go quickly to my disciples and inform them, that if any
among them have not made progress, they should keep
firmly to their purpose without despairing." The pupils
came to see their master with loud lamentation. He
said to them, " All methods and systems are empty. I do
not exist, and cannot be injured. I do not receive love or
hatred from any. What that man has injured is the form
of retribution for my past. It is not I myself." He then
cast off the body, as a cicada does its outer covering.
His disciples collected the relics after his cremation,
erected a dagoba, and paid him the regular honours of
worship. The' sixteenth patriarch was Eahulata, a native of Ka-
pila. When a certain Brahman wrote a work of 100,000
Gathas, extremely difficult to explain, Nagarjuna was able

SANGHANANDI PRECOCIOUS AS A BOY. 79
to understand the whole at first hearing, and Kanadeva
at the second hearing. Eahulata was able to comprehend
the whole when he had heard Kanadeva's explanation.
On this, the Brahman said, under the influence of great
astonishment, " The Shramana knows it as clearly as if
he had known it all of old." He then became a believer.
After his destined work of reformation and instruction
was done, Eahulata entered (the word is " took," " seized
on ") the Nirvana.
The seventeenth patriarch, Sanglianandi, of the city
Shravasti, was the son of the king. He could speak as
soon as he was born, and read the books of Buddha when
an infant. At seven years old he formed a dislike to a
worldly life. His parents tried in vain to check him in
resolving to be a monk. Two years later, Eahulata came
to the banks of the Golden-water river and said, pointing
with his finger, " At a distance of five hundred li from this
spot, there is a holy person, named Sanghanandi, who will,
a thousand years after Buddha, succeed him on the throne
of purity." Eahulata led his disciples to see him. He
had just awaked from a trance of twenty-one days, and at
once desired to take the monastic vows. He very soon
understood the principles of Buddha's teaching, and be
came himself an instructor.
One day Eahulata ascended to the heaven of Brahma
with a golden rice bowl in his hand to obtain rice for a
multitude of believing Buddhists. On a sudden they dis
liked its taste. Eahulata said, "The fault is not in me.
It is in yourselves." He then desired Sanghanandi to dis
tribute the food and eat with the others. All wondered.
Eahulata then said, " He is a Buddha of bygone times,
and you also were disciples of the law of Buddha in ages
long past. However, you had not attained to the rank of
Arhan, but only realised the first three fruits of the monastic
life." They replied, " The marvellous power of our teacher
can lead to faith. This Buddha of the past has still secret
doubts." Sanghanandi observed that when Buddha was

80 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
living, the earth was at peace and the waters made every
thing beautiful ; but after his death, when eight hundred
years had passed, men had lost faith. They did not believe
the true form of beauty. They only loved marvellous
powers and deeds that astonish.
He had no sooner ended, than he seized a crystal jar,
and slowly entered the earth. He went with it to the
boundary of the diamond wheel region, and filled it with
the "drink of the immortals" (kan-lu). This he brought
back to the assembly, and placed it before them. They
all repented of their thought, and thanked him.
An Arhan, full of all virtue and merit, came there.
Sanghanandi tried his powers by a question. " One born
of the race of the wheel kings was neither Buddha nor
an Arhan. He was not received by after ages as real,
nor was he a Pratyeka Buddha." The Arhan, unable to
solve this problem, went to the paradises of the Devas,
and asked Maitreya, who replied, " The custom of the
world is to form a lump of clay, and with a wheel make
it into a porcelain image. How can this image compare
with the sages or be continued to later generations ? "
The Arhan came back with this answer. Sanghanandi
replied, " It must have been Maitreya that told you this."
When his destined course was finished, he grasped a
tree with his right hand, and entered the state of destruc
tion and salvation. The corpse could not be removed by
his disciples on account of its great weight. A large ele
phant also came to try his strength, but was unable to
move it. The disciples then piled up fragrant wood
against the tree, and performed the process of cremation.
The tree became still more luxuriantly beautiful, A
dagoba was erected, and the relics were worshipped.
The eighteenth patriarch was named Sangkayasheta.
When he heard the bells of a temple ringing on account
of the wind blowing, his teacher asked him, " Is it the
bells that make the sound, or the wind?" The youth
replied, " It is neither the bells nor the wind, it is my

CONVERSION OF FIVE HUNDRED HERMITS. 81
mind." Walking on the sea-side, he came to a temple and
went into it to beg food, saying, " Hunger is the greatest
evil. Action is the greatest suffering. He who knows the
reality of Dharma that there is in this statement, may
enter the path of Nirvana." He was invited to enter and
supplied with food.
Sangkayasheta saw in the house two hungry ghosts,
naked and chained. " What is the meaning of this ? " he
asked. His host said, " These ghosts were in a foimer
life my son-in-law and daughter-in-law. They were angry
because I gave away food in charity, and when I instructed
them they refused to listen. I then took an oath and
said, ' When you suffer the penalty of your sin I will cer
tainly come and see you.' Accordingly, at the time of
their suffering their retribution, I arrived at a certain
place where monks, at the sound of the bell, had assembled
for food. When the food was nearly all eaten, it changed
to blood, and the monks began to use their bowls and
other utensils employed at meals, in fighting with one
another, and said, ' Why are you saving of food ? The
misery we bear now is a recompense for the past.' I asked
them to tell me what they had done. They replied, that
in the time of Kashiapa Buddha, they had been guilty on
one occasion, when Bikshus came asking food, of conceal
ing their store and angrily refusing to share it with them.
This was the cause of their present retribution."
Sangkayasheta went on the sea and saw all the five hun
dred hells. This taught him fear, and the desire to avoid, by
some means, such a fate as to be condemned to live there.
He attained the rank of Arhan, and finding in a wood
five hundred " hermits " (sien) who were practising ascetic
rules, he converted them to Buddhism by praising Buddha,
the Law, and the Priesthood. When his destined course
was run, he entered the Nirvana, B.C. 13.
In the account of Kumarada, the nineteenth patriarch,
is included an answer he gave to a youth who was puzzled
at the inequality of rewards and punishments in the pre-
E

82 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sent life. The youth's parents were devout Buddhists,
but in very feeble health. Their neighbour was a butcher,
and enjoyed an immunity from all sickness and pain.
Why should a man whose business it was to take animal
life escape retribution from this sin ?
Kumarada told him that the inequality of men's con
dition in the present life is mainly on account of sins and
virtuous acts in a former life. Virtue and vice belong to
the present. Happiness and misery are the recompense
of the virtue and vice of the past. The virtue and vice of
the present will be rewarded in the future life. Jayata
was charmed with this conversation. His doubts were dissi
pated. He subsequently became the twentieth patriarch.
Kumarada also said to him, " Activity, in which you have
hitherto believed, comes from doubt, doubt from knowledge,
knowledge from a man's not possessing the perceptive power,
and the absence of perception from the mind's being in a
morbid state. Let your mind be pure and at rest, and with
out life or death, victory or defeat, action or retribution, am
you will then have attained the same eminence as the Bur
dhas of the past. All vice and virtue, action and inactio
are a dream and a delusion." Kumarada died a.d. 23.
The work of the patriarchs was to engage in a perpeti1
argument against unbelief. There were differences in lo
lities. Some parts of India were more favourable to Bu
hism than others. In the account of the life of Man
the " twenty-first " patriarch, in Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki
really the twenty-second), it is said that in the two Indias
south of the Ganges, Western and Southern India, there
was great perversity of View. Manura was well skilled
in the analysis of alphabetic sounds, and was recommended
by a learned Buddhist named Yaja, to proceed to Western
and Southern India to teach Buddhism. Evidently he
would aid in giving alphabets to the Tamil and other lan
guages, which at that time were first committed to writing.
On the other hand, in Northern, Central, and Eastern
India, all stated to be to the north of the Ganges, the work

DIFFICULTIES MET WITH BY MANURA. 83
of Buddhist teaching is said to be easy. Yaja undertook
to teach in this part of India.
The campaign of Manura is described as a long struggle
with errors and heresies. He specially made use of a book
by the twelfth patriarch called the Sutra of the Not-me.
He found Western India under the control of king Teda,
who one day when travelling passed a small pagoda. His
attendants could not say what was the occasion of its
being erected. He asked the " Brahmans of pure life " (Fan-
hing), the " contemplatists " (ch'un-kwan), and the "utterers
of charms " (cheu-shu), who formed three classes of the
community of that day. They did not know.
Manura was then asked; who said it was a pagoda
erected by king Ashoka, and which had now come to
light through the good fortune of the king.1 The king was
much impressed with Manura's teaching, and became a
disciple. He gave over his royal authority to his son, and
himself took vows as a monk. In seven days he advanced to
the fourth grade of the understanding of Buddhist doctrine.
Manura gave the work of reforming the kingdom by
Buddhist teaching into the hands of the king, and went
himself to the kingdom of the Indian Getse, who — retreat
ing westward before the Hiung-noo, B.C. 180 — conquered
thePuenjab and Cashmere in A.D. 126. Manura taught in
Western India and in Ferghana in the third Christian
century. He is author of the Vibhasha Shastra.
The twenty-third patriarch was Haklena. He was of
the country of the Getse (Candahar). At seven years old
he began to rebuke those people who visited temples to
sacrifice to the gods. He said they were deceivers of the
people, by wrong statements of the causes of calamities
and of happiness. " Besides, you are," he said, " wasting
the lives of innocent cattle, which is a very great evil."
On a sudden the temple and images fell down in ruins.
At thirty-eight years of age he met with Manura, and was
1 "Good fortune," fu-li, "power fortune is always deserved by some
of the king's merit." Fu, "happi- good action done, either in the present
ness," is in a Buddhist sense "merit." or in some former life.
By the law of hidden causation, good

84 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
instructed. Manura told him that formerly five hundred
of his disciples had, on account of small merit, been born
as storks. " These are the flock that are now following
you, wishing to delude you into showing them favour."
Haklena asked him, " How can they be removed ? "
Manura spoke some sentences in the form of Gathas.
" The mind follows the ten thousand forms in their revo
lutions. At the turning-points of revolution, there really
must be darkness. By following the stream and recog
nising the true nature, you attain a position where there
is no joy or sorrow."
The birds hearing these words, flew away with loud cries.
This is inserted by the Chinese biographer as an example
of a patriarch's power over the animal creation.
Haklena went to Central India. While he was teaching
in the presence of a Eajah, two men appeared dressed in
dark red mantles and white togas. They came to worship,
and stayed a long time. Suddenly they went away. The
Eajah asked, " Who are they ? " Haklena replied, " They
are the sons of the Devas of the sun and moon."
His most promising disciple was Singhakputra (Lion
son; in Chinese, Sh'i-tsl), who had formerly believed in
Brahmanism, and abandoned it in favour of the Buddhist
faith. He asked Haklena, " To what must I give my chief
attention if I would attain the true knowledge of things ?"
¦" Do nothing," was the reply. " If you do anything there
is no merit in it. By doing nothing, you will comply with
the system of Buddha." Haklena died a.d. 209 (Chinese
chronology).
Q_iJ The twenty-fourth patriarch was Singhakputra, a
native of Central India. He went to Candahar (Ki-pin),
and there brought over very many persons to Buddhism.
Some heretics were guilty of gross crimes, and took the
name of Buddhists. The king became angry against
Buddhism, and cut off the head of the patriarch.
On account of this unhappy fate of the patriarch, the
succession, according to some authors, was broken off at
this point. Another reason for terminating the list of

THE CONTEMPLATIVE SCHOOL. 85
patriarchs here, is said, by the author of Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki,
to have been that the remaining patriarchs were not fore
told by Buddha by name, and did not equal in gifts
and honour those that preceded.
The contemplative school, or school of Bodhidharma,
however, have retained the twenty-eight names, and re
cognise no superiority in the twenty-four universally
acknowledged patriarchs over the remaining four. For
many centuries there was an active discussion on the
claims of the last four and the Chinese patriarchs to the
honour of the name. Chi-p'an, writing in a.d. 1269, at
Ningpo, decides against them. Some of the friends who
reviewed his work, and whose names are given, belonged
to the contemplative school. The difference of views
would not therefore be an unfriendly one. .
The twenty-fifth patriarch, according to the contem
plative school, was Basiasita. He was a Brahman, and
a native of Candahar. He travelled into Central and
Southern India, and died a.d. 328.
Putnomita was the next (twenty-sixth) that received the '
cloak and secret symbols of the patriarchs. He was a
Kshatrya of Southern India. He visited Eastern India,
where he found the king under the influence of heretical
doctrine, and converted him. He died in a.d. 388.
His successor, the twenty-seventh patriarch, was Pradj-
fiatara, a native of Central India, who travelled to the
southern part of the peninsula, and there took under his
instructions Bodhidharma, the second son of the king.
He died a.d. 457, and left as his successor the pupil just
mentioned, who, he foretold, would visit China sixty-nine
years afterwards. Bodhidharma asked him, when under
instruction, what he had to say about precious things,
pearls, and doctrines, which are round and bright. The
patriarch answered, "Among all precious things the
Buddhist Dharma is the most precious. Among all bright
things, knowledge is the brightest. Among all clear
things, a clear mind is the clearest.. Among all things,

86 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
other men and I are the highest. Among all things, the
" essential nature " (sing) of Dharma is the greatest."
y-f Bodhidharma was the twenty-eighth patriarch. He
represents a school that despises books and reduces Bud
dhist teaching to the simplest possible principles. He
was an ascetic of the first water.
In a.d. 526, Bodhidharma left Southern India for China
by sea. The sixty-nine years that passed between the
death of his predecessor and his departure from India
formed the basis of the prediction above mentioned, con
structed we must suppose after the event. The cause of
his departure was probably persecution and disaster. He
was a sectarian even in Buddhism, and possibly his ene
mies were not only the Brahmans, but also fellow-
Buddhists. The reading of books was the life and soul
of many monasteries. Bodhidharma decried book reading.
His system made the monasteries much less educational
and much more mystical and meditative than before.
Lovers of knowledge among the Buddhists would dislike
his system. This would be the case in China and in India.
In China the dogmatic reason given for not acknowledg
ing the last four patriarchs was that, in the " Dharmapitaka
Sutra," Buddha had said, " After my entering the Nirvana,
there will be twenty-four honourable teachers, who will ap
pear in the world and teach my law " (Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki, v. 1).
After this what could be done but take the statement
as a final answer to the inquiry, How many patriarchs
could there be ?
Bodhidharma wished to return to India, but died in
China before accomplishing this purpose.
The " Getse " mentioned in the account of Haklena are
called Yue-ti by the Chinese. In the Cyclopaedia Fa-
yuen-chu-lin, it is said that the great kingdoms to the east,
north, and west of India, are China, the Getse, and the
" Eoman empire," Ta-t'sin. By the kingdom of the Getse
seems to be meant some great empire between Eome and
China. This is an Indian statement.

( 87 )

CHAPTEE VI.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OE BUDDHISM IN CHINA.
The emperor Ming-ti sends an embassy to India for images, a.d. 61
— Kashiapmadanga arrives in China — Spread of Buddhism in
a.d. 335 — Buddojanga — A pagoda at Nanking, a.d. 381 — The
translator Kumarajiva, a.d. 405 — The Chinese traveller, Fa-
baen visits India — His book — Persecution, a.d. 426 — Buddhism
prosperous, 451 — Indian embassies to China in the Sung dynasty
— Opposition of the Confucianists to Buddhism — Discussions on
doctrine — Buddhist prosperity in the Northern Wei kingdom
and the Liang kingdom — Bodhidharma — Sung-yiin sent to
India — Bodhidharma leaves Liang Wu-ti and goes to Northern
China — His latter years and death — Embassies from Buddhist
countries m the south — Relics — The Liang emperor Wu-ti
becomes a monk — Embassies from India and Ceylon — Influence
of Sanscrit writing in giving the Chinese the knowledge of an
alphabet — Syllabic spelling — Confucian opposition to Buddhism
in the T'ang dynasty — The five successors of Bodhidharma —
Hiuen-tsang's travels in India— Work as a translator — Persecu
tion, a.d. 714 — Hindoo calendar in China — Amogha introduces
the festival for hungry ghosts — Opposition of Han Yii to Bud
dhism—Persecution of 845 — Teaching of Matsu— -Triumph of
the Mahayana — Budhiruchi — Persecution by the Cheu dynasty
— Extensive erection of pagodas in the Sung dynasty — Encourage
ment of Sanscrit studies — Places of pilgrimage— P'uto — Regula
tions for receiving the vows— Hindoo Buddhists in China in
the Sung dynasty — The Mongol dynasty favoured Buddhism —
The last Chinese Buddhist who visited India — The Ming dynasty
limits the right of accumulating land — Roman Catholic contro
versy with Buddhists — Kang-hi of the Manchu dynasty opposes
Buddhism — The literati still condemn Buddhism.
It was in the year A.D. 61, that the Chinese emperor
Ming-ti, in consequence of a dream, in which he saw the
image of a foreign god, sent messengers to India to ask for

83 CHINESE BUDDHISM.

country several thousand^ .miles_to_the south-east jrfjihe /
Buddhist, books and teachers.1 A native of Central India
named Kashiapmadanga, with others, accompanied them
back. He translated a small but important Sutra, called
the Sutra of Forty-two Sections, and died at Lo-yang. The
religion had now long been established in Nepaul and
Independent Tartary, as the travels of the patriarchs
indicate. It had also extended itself throughout India
and Ceylon, and the persecution of the Brahmans insti
gated partly by controversial feeling, and more by a desire
to increase their caste influence, had not yet commenced.
Long before this, it is stated that in B.C. 217, Indians had
arrived at the capital of China in Shen-si, in order to
propagate their religion. Eemusat, after mentioning this
in the Foe-kout-ki, adds that, towards the year B.C. 122, a
warlike expedition of the Chinese led them to Hieou-thou,
a country beyond Yarkand. Here a golden statue was
taken, and brought to the emperor. The Chinese author
states that this was the origin of the statues of Buddha
that were afterwards in use.
At this period the geographical knowledge of the Chinese
rapidly increased. The name of India now occurs for the
first time in their annals. In the year B.C. 122 Chang
K'ien, a Chinese ambassador, returned from the country
of the Getse, and informed the Han emperor Wu-ti, of the
kingdoms and customs existing in the west. Among other
things, he said, " When I was in the country of the Dahse,2
12,000 Chinese miles distant to the south-west, I saw
bamboo staves from K'iung and cloth from Si-ch'uen. On
asking whence they came, I was told that they were
articles of traffic at Shin-do (' Scinde,' taken for India), a
1 He had the dream in A.D. 61. the twelfth month they saw the em-
Eighteen men were sent. They went peror.
to the country of the Getae, bor- 2 Ta-hia, in old Chinese Dai-he. It
dering on India, and there they met was 207 years earlier that the Daha?
the two Brahmans. They came rid- and Getse were defeated in battle by
ing on white horses, with pictures, Alexander. Dahistan borders on the
images, and books ; and arrived Caspian, forming the south-east coast
in a.d. 67. On the thirtieth day of of that sea.

BUDDOJANGA., 8g
Dahse." It is added in the commentary to the T'ung-kien-
kang-muh, from which this account is taken, that the name
is also pronounced, Kan-do and Tin-do, and that it is the
country of the barbarians called Buddha.
Early in the fourth century, native Chinese began to take '
the Buddhist monastic vows. Their history says, under
the year 335, that the prince of the Ch'au kingdom in the
time of the Eastern Ts'in dynasty, permitted his subjects
to do so. He was influenced by an Indian named Buddo-
janga,1 who pretended to magical powers. Before this,"
natives of India had been allowed to build temples in
the large cities, but it was now for the first time that the
people of the country were suffered to become " Shamen " 2
(Shramanas), or disciples of Buddha. The first translations
of the Buddhist books had been already made, for we
read that at the close of the second century, an Indian
residing at Ch'ang-an, the modern Si-an fu, produced the
first version of the " Lotus of the Good Law." The emperor
Hiau Wu, of the Ts'in dynasty, in the year A.D. 381, erected
a pagoda in his palace at Nanking.
At this period, large monasteries began to be established '
in North China, and nine-tenths of the common people,
says the historian, followed the faith of the great Indian
sage. Under the year A.D. 405, the Chinese chronicles record
that the king of the Ts'in country gave a high office to
Kumarajiva, an Indian Buddhist. This is an important
epoch for the history of Chinese Buddhist literature. Kuma
rajiva was commanded by the emperor to translate the
sacred books of India, and to the present day his name may
be seen on the first page of the principal Buddhist classics.
The seat of the ancient kingdom of Ts'in was in the southern
1 He foretold future events by 2 The syllables Sang-mun are also
interpreting the sound of pagoda employed. Shramana means the
bells as they were blown by the "quieting of the passions." Sih-sin,
wind. On one occasion he placed "to put the mind at rest," is the
water in an empty flower-pot, and Chinese translation of it.
burned incense, when a blue lotus
sprang into view in full bloom.

90 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
part of the provinces Shen-si and Kan-su. Ch'au, another
kingdom where, a few years previously Buddhism was in
favour at court, was in the modern Pei-chi-li and Shan-si.
That this religion was then flourishing in the most
northerly provinces of the empire, and that the date, place
(Ch'ang-an), and other circumstances of the translations
are preserved, are facts that should be remembered in con
nection with the history of the Chinese language. The
numerous proper names and other words transferred from
Sanscrit, and written with the Chinese characters, are of
great assistance in ascertaining what sounds were then
given to those characters in the region where Mandarin is
now spoken.
Kumarajiva was brought to China from K'u-tsi, a
kingdom in Thibet, east of the Ts'ung-ling mountains.
The king of Ts'in had sent an army to invade that country,
with directions not to return without the Indian whose
fame had spread among all the neighbouring nations.
The former translations of the Buddhist sacred books
were to a great extent erroneous. To produce them in a
form more accurate and complete was the task under
taken by the learned Buddhist just mentioned, at the
desire of the king. More than eight hundred priests
were called to assist, and the king himself, an ardent
disciple of the new faith, was present at the conference,
holding the old copies in- his hand as the work of correc
tion proceeded. More than three hundred volumes were
thus prepared.1
While this work, so favourable to the progress of Bud
dhism, was proceeding, a Chinese traveller, Fa-hien, was
exploring India and collecting books. The extension of
the religion that was then propagated with such zeal and .
fervour very much promoted the mutual intercourse of
Asiatic countries. The road between Eastern Persia and
China was frequently traversed, and a succession of
Chinese Buddhists thus found their way to the parent
1 See the Ts'in history.

FA-HIEN'S BOOK. 91
land of the legends and superstitions in which they be
lieved. Several of them on their return wrote narratives
of what they had seen. Among those that have been
preserved, the oldest of them, the Account of Buddhist
Kingdoms, 1 by Fa-hien, is perhaps the most interesting
and valuable. He describes the flourishing condition of
Buddhism in the steppes of Tartary, among the Ouighours
and the tribes residing west of the Caspian Sea, in Afghan
istan where the language and customs of Central India
then prevailed, and the other lands watered by the Indus
and its tributary rivers, in Central India and in Ceylon.
iGoing back by sea from Ceylon, he reached Chang-an in the
\\°,ar 414, after fifteen years absence. He then undertook
vith the help of Pakts'anga, a native of India, the task of
editing the works he had brought with him, and it was
not till several years had elapsed that at the request of
Kumarajiva, his religious instructor, he published his
travels. The earnestness and vigour of the Chinese
Buddhists at that early period, is shown sufficiently by the
repeated journeys that they made along the tedious and
dangerous route by Central Asia to India. Neither re
ligion nor the love of seeing foreign lands, are now enough,
unless the emperor commands it, to induce any of the
educated class among them to leave their homes. Fa-
hien had several companions, but death and other causes
gradually deprived him of them all.
/The Ts'in dynasty now fell (a.d. 420), and with it in
quick succession the petty kingdoms into which China
was at that time divided. The northern provinces became
the possession of a powerful Tartar family, known in
history as the Wei dynasty. A native dynasty, the first
of the name Sung, ruled in the southern provinces. The
princes of these kingdoms were at first hostile to Buddhism.
1 V. Foi-lcoul-ki, translated by Re- nated Shwo-fu, a Ts'ung-shu (selec-
musat ; from the preface to which, tion of extracts and books old and
some of the facts given above are new) of the reign of Shun-chi'. Also
¦ taken. The original work, Fo-kwo-ki, in the Han-wei-ts'wng-shu.
is contained in the collection denomi-

92 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Image making and the building of temples were forbidden,
and in the north professors of the prohibited religion were
subjected to severe persecution. The people were warned
against giving them shelter, and in the year 426 an edict
was issued against them, in accordance with which the
books and images of Buddha were destroyed, and many
priests put to death. To worship foreign divinities, or
construct images of earth or brass, was made a capital
crime. The eldest son of the Tartar chief of the Wei
kingdom made many attempts to induce his father to deal
less harshly towards a religion to which he himself was
strongly attached, but in vain.
The work of this king was undone by his successor who,
in the year a.d. 45 1, issued an edict permitting a Buddhist
temple to be erected in each city, and forty or fifty of the
inhabitants to become priests. The emperor himself
performed the tonsure for some who took the monastic
VOWS. yxi^Jd-:'.", /i-i^W ftu- S-"1' ¦'- "ff ~i"'l' l' e"/'C-i''.'-l
The rapid advancement of Buddhism in China was not
unnoticed in neighbouring.kingdoms. The same prosperity
that awoke the jealousy of the civil government in the
country itself, occasioned sympathy elsewhere. Many
embassies came from the countries lying between India
and China during the time of Sung Wen-ti, whose reign of
more than thirty years closed in 453. Their chief object
was to congratulate the ruling emperor on the prosperity
of Buddhism in his dominions, and to pave the way for
frequent intercourse on the ground of identity in religion.
Two letters of Pishabarma, king of Aratan, to this emperor
are preserved in the history of this dynasty. He describes
his kingdom as lying in the shadow of the Himalayas,
whose snows fed the streams that watered it. He praises
China1 as the most prosperous of kingdoms, and its rulers
1 The common Indian name of these characters, that the Indians
" China," written in Chinese Chen- who translated into Chinese at that
tan, is here employed. Another or- early period, did not regard- the word
thography found in Buddhist books "China" as the name of adynasty,but
is Chi-na. It is clear from the use of as the proper name of the country to

INDIAN EMBASSIES TO CHINA. 93
¦as the benefactors and civilisers of the world. The letter
of the king of Jebabada, another Indian monarch, ex
presses his admiration of the same emperor in glowing
language. He had given rest to the inhabitants of heaven
and earth, subjected the four demons, attained the state of
perfect perception, caused the wheel of the honoured law
to revolve, saved multitudes of living beings, and by the
renovating power of the Buddhist religion brought them
into the happiness of the Nirvana. Belies of Buddha were
widely spread — numberless pagodas erected. All the trea
sures of the religion (Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood)
were as beautiful in appearance, and firm in their founda
tions as the -Sumeru mountain. The diffusion of the sacred
books 'and the law of Buddha was like the bright shining
of the sun, and the assembly of priests, pure in their lives,
was like the marshalled constellations of heaven. The
royal palaces and walls were like those of the Tauli heaven.
In the whole Jambu continent, there were no kingdoms
from which embassies did not come with tribute to the
great Sung emperor of the Yang-cheu1 kingdom. He
adds, that though separated by a wide sea, it was his wish
which it was applied. This leaves in traders coming from Kashgar, Samar-
great uncertainty the usual derivation cand, and Persia. Chen-tan, the
of the term " China " from the Dzin other Hindoo name of " China " used
dynasty, B.C. 250, or that of Ts'in, a.d. in the Buddhist books, may be the
300. The occurrence of the word as Thince of Ptolemy. When the first
the name of a nation in the " Laws of Buddhists reached China, the charac-
Manu," supposed to date from some ter used for writing the first of these
time between B.C. 1000 and B.C. 500, two syllables would be called Tin, and
with the use of the term " Sinim " in soon afterwards Chin. In Julien's
the "Prophecies of Isaiah," indicate a Methode, &c, its Sanscrit equiva-
greater antiquity than either of these lent is Chin. This would be some-
dynasties extends to. Some have what late. Would it not be better,
supposed that the powerful feudatory having traced the term to India, to
kingdom, Dzin, that afterwards grew make that country responsible for its
into the dynasty of that name, may etymology?
have originated the appellation by 1 At that time the territory of
which the whole country subject to Yang-cheu embraced Kiang-nan, with
the Cheu emperors was known to parts of Ho-nan and JKiang-si. Jam-
the Hindoos. Dzin occupied the bu, the southern continent, is one of
north-western tract now caUed Shen- the four Indian divisions of the
si and Kan-su. ^t was that part of world. India is in its centre.
China that would be first reached by

94 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
to have embassies passing and repassing between the two
countries. The extensive intercourse that then began to exist be
tween China and India may be gathered from the fact that
Ceylon1 also sent an embassy and a letter to Sung Wen-ti.
In this letter it is said, that though the countries are dis
tant three years journey by sea and land, there are constant
communications between them. The king also mentions
the attachment of his ancestors to the worship of Buddha^
The next of these curious memorials from Buddhist
kings preserved in the annals of the same Chinese emperor,
is that from " Kapili " (Kapilavastu), the birthplace of
Shakyamuni, situated to the north-west of Benares.
The compiler of the Sung annals, after inserting this
document, alludes to the flourishing state of Buddhism in
the countries from which these embassies came, and in
China itself. He then introduces a memorial from a
magistrate representing the disorders that had sprung from
the wide-spread influence of this religion, and recom
mending imperial interference. That document says that
" Buddhism had during four dynasties been multiplying its
images and sacred edifices. Pagodas and temples were
upwards of a thousand in number. On entering them the
visitor's heart was affected, and when he departed he felt
desirous to invite others to the practices of piety. Lately,
however, these sentiments of reverence had given place to
frivolity. Instead of aiming at sincerity and purity of
life, gaudy finery and mutual jealousies prevailed. While
many new temples were erected for the sake of display, in
the most splendid manner, no one thought of rebuilding
the old ones. Official inquiries should be instituted to
prevent further evils, and whoever wished to cast brazen
statues should first obtain permission from the authorities.''
A few years afterwards (a.d. 458) a conspiracy was
detected in which a chief party was a Buddhist priest.
1 Shi-tsi-kwo, the ""Lion kingdom,'" translated from the Sanscrit name
Sinhala, whence " Singhalese."

CONFUCIANIST OPPOSITION TO BUDDHISM. 95
An edict issued on the occasion by the emperor says, that
among the priests many were men who had fled from
justice and took the monastic vows for safety. They took
advantage of their assumed character to contrive new
modes of doing mischief. The fresh troubles thus con
stantly occurring excite the indignation of gods and men.
The constituted authorities, it is added, must examine
narrowly into the conduct of the monks. Those who are
guilty must be put to death. It was afterwards enacted
that such monks as would not keep their vows of absti
nence and self-denial should return to their families and
previous occupations. Nuns were also forbidden to enter
the palace and converse with the emperor's wives.
The advances of Buddhism later in the fifth century
were too rapid not to excite much opposition from the
literati of the time, and a religious controversy was the
result. In the biography of Tsi Liang, a minister of state under
the emperor Ts'i Wu-ti (a.d. 483), there are some fragments
of a discussion he maintained in favour of Buddhism. He
says, " If you do not believe in ' retribution of moral actions '
(yin-kwo), then how can you account for the difference in the
condition of the rich and the poor ? " His opponent says,
" Men are like flowers on trees, growing together and bent
and scattered by the same breeze. Some fall upon curtains
and carpets, like those whose lot is cast in palaces, while
others drop among heaps of filth, representing men who
are born in humble life. Eiches and poverty, then, can be
accounted for without the doctrine of retribution." To this
the advocateof Buddhism is said to havebeen unable to reply.
He also wrote on the destruction of the soul. Personating the
Coufucianists, he says that, " The 'soul' (shin) is to the 'body'
(hing) as sharpness to the knife. The soul cannot continue
to exist after the destruction of the body, more than sharp
ness can remain when the knife is no more." These ex
tracts show that some of the Confucianists of that age
denied any providential retribution in the present or a

96 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
future life. Whatever may be thought of notions con
nected with ancestral worship, and the passages in the
classical books that seem to indicate the knowledge of a
separate life for the soul after death, they were too imper
fect and indistinct to restrain the literati from the most
direct antagonism on this subject with the early Buddhists.
Holding such cheerless views as they did of the destiny of
man, it is not to be wondered at that the common people
should desert their standard, and adopt a more congenial
system. The language of daily life is now thoroughly
impregnated with the phraseology of retribution and a
separate state. All classes make use of very many ex
pressions in common intercourse which have been origi
nated by Buddhism, thus attesting the extent of its influ
ence on the nation at large. And, as the Buddhist
immortality embraces the past as well as the future, the
popular notions and language of China extend fo a pre
ceding life as much as to a coming one.
A distinct conception of the controversy as it then
existed may be obtained from the following extracts from
an account of a native Buddhist, contained in the biogra
phical section of the History of the Sung dynasty : — " The
instructions of Confucius include only a single life ; they
do not reach to a future state of existence, with its inter
minable results. His disciple, in multiplying virtuous
actions, only brings happiness to his posterity. Vices do
but entail greater present sufferings as their punishment.
The rewards of the good do not, according to this system,
go beyond worldly honour, nor does the recompense of
guilt include anything worse than obscurity and poverty.
Beyond the ken of the senses nothing is known; such
ignorance is melancholy. The aims of the doctrine of
Shakya, on the other hand, are illimitable. It saves from
the greatest dangers, and removes every care from the
heart. Heaven and earth are not sufficient to bound its
knowledge. Having as its one sentiment, mercy seeking
to save, the renovation of all living beings cannot satisfy

DISCUSSIONS ON DOCTRINE. 97
it. It speaks of hell, and the people fear to sin ; of heaven,
and they all desire its happiness. It points to the Nirvana
as the spirit's 'final home' (ch'ang-kwei, lit. 'long return'),
and tells him of ' the bodily form of the law ' (fa-shen)}
as that last, best spectacle, on which the eye can gaze.
There is no region to which its influence does not reach.
It soars in thought into the upper world. Beginning from
a space no larger than the well's mouth in a courtyard, it
extends its knowledge to the whole adjacent mansion."
These sentiments are replied to, in the imaginary dialogue
in which they occur, by a Confucian, who says, " To be
urged by the desire of heaven to the performance of virtue,
cannot bear comparison with doing what is right for its
own sake. To keep the body under restraint from the fear
of hell, is not so good as to govern the heart from a feeling
of duty. Acts of worship, performed for the sake of ob
taining forgiveness of sills, do not spring from piety. A
gift, made to secure a hundredfold recompense to the
giver, cannot come from pure inward sincerity. To praise
the happiness of the Nirvana promotes a lazy inactivity.
To speak highly of the beauty of the embodied ideal re
presentation of Buddhist doctrine, seen by the advanced
disciple, tends to produce in men a love of the marvellous.
By your system, distant good is looked for, while the
desires of the animal nature, which are close at hand, are
unchecked. Though you say that the Bodhisattwa is freed
from these desires, yet all beings, without exception, have
them." To these arguments for the older Chinese system,
the Buddhist comes forward with a rejoinder: — "Your
conclusions are wrong. Motives derived from a future
state are necessary to lead men to virtue. Otherwise how
could the evil tendencies of the present life be adjusted ?
Men will not act spontaneously and immediately without
1 When the Buddhist has become as in the " Diamond Sutra," it is
sufficiently enlightened, an ideal spoken of as a state that can be ar-
picture of Buddhistic doctrine pre- rived at, but here it seems rather to
sents itself to his mind. It is called mean an object of mental vision.

Fa-ihen or Fa-siang. Elsewhere,

G

98 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
something to hope for. The countryman is diligent in
ploughing his land, because he expects a harvest. If he
had no such hope, he would sit idle at home, and soon go
down for ever 'below the nine fountains.' " x The Confucian
answers that "religion" (tau) consisting in the repression of
all desires, it is inconsistent to use the desire of heaven as
a motive to virtue.
The discussion is continued with great spirit through
several pages, turning entirely on the advantage to be
derived from the doctrine of the future state for the in
culcation of virtue. The Buddhist champion is called the
teacher of the " black doctrine," and his opponent that of
" the white." The author, a Buddhist, has given its full
force to the Confucian reasoning, while he condemns with
out flinching the difficulties that he sees in the system he
opposes. The whole is preserved in a beautifully finished
style of composition, and is a specimen of the valuable
materials contained in the Chinese dynastic histories for
special inquiries on many subjects not concerned with the
general history of the country. It was with fair words
like these, the darker shades of Buddhism being kept out
of view, that the contest was maintained in those days by
such as would introduce a foreign form of worship, against
the adherents to the maxims of Confucius. The author
of the piece was rewarded for it by the reigning emperor.
In the northern provinces Buddhism was now flourish
ing. The prince of the Wei kingdom spared no expense in
promoting it. History says, that in the year 467 he caused
an image to be constructed " forty-three feet " in height
(fifty English feet). A hundred peculs of brass, or more
than five tons, were used, and six peculs of gold. Four years
after, he resigned his throne to his son, and became a monk.
When, about the same time, the Sung emperor erected a
magnificent Buddhist temple, he was severely rebuked by
some of his mandarins.
The time of Wu-ti, the first emperor of the Liang
1 Kiew-ts' euen-chi-hia, a common phrase for " death."

BUDDHIST PROSPERITY IN WEI AND LIANG. 99
dynasty, forms an era in the history of Chinese Buddhism,
marked as it was by the arrival in China of Ta-mo (Bodhi
dharma), the twenty-eighth of the patriarchs,, and by the
extraordinary prosperity of the Buddhist religion under
the imperial favour.
At the beginning of the sixth century, the number of
Indians in China was upwards -of three thousand. The
prince of the Wei kingdom exerted himself greatly to pro
vide maintenance for them in monasteries, erected on the
most beautiful sites. Many of them resided at Lo-yang,
the modern Ho-nan fu. The temples had multiplied to
thirteen thousand. The decline of Buddhism in its
motherland drove many of the Hindoos to the north of the
Himalayas. They came as refugees from the Brahmanical
persecution, and their great number will assist materially
in accounting for the growth of the religion they propagated
in China. The prince of the Wei country is recorded to
have discoursed publicly on the Buddhist classics. At the
same time, he refused to treat for peace with the ambas
sadors of his southern neighbour, the Liang kingdom. Of
this the Confucian historian takes advantage, charging him
with inconsistency in being attached to a religion that for
bids cruelty and bloodshed, while he showed such fondness
for war.
Soon after this, several priests were put to death (a.d.
515) for practising magical arts. This is an offence attri
buted more than once by the Chinese historians to the
early Buddhists. The use of charms, and the claim to
magical powers, do not appear to have belonged to the
system as it was left by Shakyamuni. His teaching, as
Burnouf has shown, was occupied simply with morals and
his peculiar philosophy. After a few centuries, however,
among the additions made by the Northern Buddhists to
popularise the religion, and give greater power to the
priests, were many narratives full of marvels and impossi
bilities, falsely attributed to primitive Buddhism. These
wcrks are called the Ta-ch'eng, or " Great Development "

ioo CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Sutras. Another novelty was the pretence of working
enchantments by means of unintelligible formulse, which
are preserved in the books of the Chinese Buddhists, as in
those of Nepaul, without attempt at explanation. These
charms are called Dharani. They occur in the Great
Development classics, such as the "Lotus of the Good
Law," Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king (Fa-hwa-king), and in various
Buddhist works. The account given in the T'ung-kien-
kang-mu of the professed magician who led the priests
referred to above, says that he styled himself Ta-ch'eng, used
wild music to win followers, taught them to dissolve all the
ties of kindred, and aimed only at murder and disturbance.
The native annotator says that Ta-ch'eng is the highest
of three states of intelligence to which a disciple of Buddha
can attain, and that the corresponding Sanscrit word, Maha
yana, means " Boundless revolution and unsurpassed know
ledge." It is here that the resemblance is most striking
between the Buddhism of China and that of other countries
where it is professed in the north. These countries having
the same additions to the creed of Shakya, the division of
Buddhism by Burnouf into a Northern and Southern school
has been rightly made. The superadded mythology and
claim to magical powers of the Buddhists, who revere the
Sanscrit as their sacred language, distinguish them from
their co-religionists who preserve their traditions in the
Pali tongue.
In the year a.d. 518, Sung-yiin was sent to India by the
prince of the Wei country for Buddhist books. He was
accompanied by Hwei-sheng, a priest. He travelled to
Candahar, stayed two years in Udyana, and returned with
175 Buddhist works. His narrative has been translated
by Professor Neumann into German, v
In a.d. 526, Bodhidharma, after having grown old in
Southern India, reached Canton by sea. The propagation
of Buddhism in his native country he gave in charge to one
of his disciples during his absence. He was received with
the honour due to his age and character, and immediately

BODHIDHARMA. 101
invited to Nanking, where the emperor of Southern China,
Liang Wu-ti, held his court. The emperor said to him —
" From my accession to the throne, I have been incessantly
building temples, transcribing sacred books, and admitting
new monks to take the vows. How much merit may I be
supposed to have accumulated?" The reply was, "None."
The emperor : " And why no merit ? " The patriarch : "All
this is but the insignificant effect of an imperfect cause not
complete in itself. It is the shadow that follows the sub
stance, and is without real existence." The emperor: "Then
what is true merit?" The patriarch: "It consists in purity
and enlightenment, depth and completeness, and in being
wrapped in thought while surrounded by vacancy and
stillness. Merit such as this cannot be sought by worldly
means." The emperor: "Which is the most important of
the holy doctrines ? " The patriarch: " Where all is empti
ness, nothing can be called ' holy ' (sheng)." The emperor :
" Who is he that thus replies to me ? " The patriarch : " I
do not know." The emperor — says the Buddhist narrator —
still remained unenlightened. This extract exhibits Bud
dhism very distinctly in its mystic phase. Mysticism can
attach itself to the most abstract philosophical dogmas,
just as well as to those of a properly religious kind. This
state of mind, allying itself indifferently to error and to
truth, is thus shown to be of purely subjective origin. The
objective doctrines that call it into existence may be of the
most opposite kind. It grows, therefore, out of the mind
itself. Its appearance may be more naturally expected in
the history of a religion like Christianity, which awakens
the human emotions to their intensest exercise, while, in
many ways, it favours the extended use of the contem
plative faculties, and hence the numerous mystic sects of
Church history. Its occurrence in Buddhism, and its kin
dred systems, might with more reason occasion surprise,
founded as they are on philosophical meditations eminently
abstract. It was reserved for the fantastic genius of India
to construct a religion out of three such elements as

102 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
atheism, annihilation, and the non-reality of the material
world ; and, by the encouragement of mysticism and the
monastic life, to make these most ultimate of negations
palatable and popular. The subsequent addition of a
mythology suited to the taste of the common people was,
it should be remembered, another powerful cause, contri
buting, in conjunction with these quietist and ascetic ten
dencies, to spread Buddhism through so great a mass of
humankind. In carrying out his mystic views, Ta-mo
discouraged the use of the sacred books. He represented
the attainment of the Buddhist's aim as being entirely the
work of the heart. Though he professed not to make use
of books, his followers preserved his apophthegms in writ
ing, and, by the wide diffusion of them, a numerous school
of contemplatists was originated, under the name of Ch'an-
hio and Ch'an-men.
Bodhidharma, not being satisfied with the result of his
interview with royalty, crossed the Yang-tsze keang into
the Wei kingdom and remained at Lo-yang. Here, the
narrative says, he sat with his face to a wall for nine years.
The people called him the "Wall -gazing Brahman."1
When it was represented to the Liang emperor, that the
great teacher, who possessed the precious heirloom of
Shakya, the symbol of the hidden law of Buddha, was lost
to his kingdom, he repented and sent messengers to invite
him to return. They failed in their errand. The pre
sence of the Indian sage excited the more ardent Chinese
Buddhists to make great efforts to conquer the sensations.
Thus one of them, we are told, said to himself, " Formerly,
for the sake of religion, men broke open their bones and
extracted the marrow, took blood from their arms to give
to the hungry, rolled their hair in the mud, or threw them
selves down a precipice to feed a famishing tiger. What
can I do ? " Accordingly, while snow was falling, he ex
posed himself to it till it had risen above his knees, when
the patriarch observing him, asked him what he hoped to
1 Pi-kwan "p'o-lo-men " (in old Chinese. Ba-la-men).

BODHIDHARMA'S LATTER YEARS AND DEATH. 103
gain by it. The young aspirant to the victory over self
wept at the question, and said, " I only desire that mercy
may open a path to save the whole race of mankind."
The patriarch replied, that such an act was not worthy of
comparison with the acts of the Buddhas. It required, he
told him, very little virtue or resolution. His disciple,
stung with the answer, says the legend, took a sharp knife,
severed his arm, and placed it before the patriarch. The
latter expressed his high approval of the deed, and when,
after nine years' absence, he determined to return to India,
he appointed the disciple who had performed it to succeed
him as patriarch in China. He said to him on this occasion,
" I give you the seal of the law as the sign of your adherence
to the true doctrine inwardly, and the kasha (robe worn by
Buddhists) as the symbol of your outward teaching. These
symbols must be delivered down from one to another for two
hundred years after my death, and then, the law of Buddha
having spread through the whole nation, the succession of
patriarchs will cease." He further said, " I also consign to
you the Lenga Sutra in four sections, which opens the door
to the heart of Buddha, and is fitted to enlighten all living
men." Ta-mo's further instructions to his successor as to
the nature and duties of the patriarchate are fully detailed
in the Ch'i-yue-luh. He died of old age after five attempts
to poison him, and was buried at the Hiung-er mountains
between Ho-nan and Shen-si. At this juncture Sung-yiin,
who had been sent to India a few years previously for
Buddhist books, returned, and inspected the remains of
Bodhidharma. As he lay in his coffin he held one shoe
in his hand. Sung-yiin asked him whither he was going.
" To the Western heaven," was the reply. Sung-yiin then
returned home. The coffin was afterwards opened and
found empty, excepting that one of the patriarch's shoes
was lying there. By imperial command, the shoe was
preserved as a sacred relic in the monastery. Afterwards
in the T'ang dynasty it was stolen, and now no one knows
where it is.

104 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The embassies from Buddhist kingdoms in the time of
Liang Wu-ti afford other illustrations of the passion for
relics and mementoes of venerated personages, encouraged
by the Buddhist priests. The king of Bunam, the ancient
Siam, wrote to the emperor that he had a hair of Buddha,
twelve feet in length, to give him. Priests were sent from
the Chinese court to meet it, and bring it home. Three
years before this, as the History of fhe Liang dynasty in
forms us, in building, by imperial command, a monastery
and pagoda to king A-yo (Ash6ka), a sharira, or " relic of
Buddha," had been found under the old pagoda, with a hair
of a blue lavender colour. This hair was so elastic that
when the priests pulled it, it lengthened ad libitum, and
when let alone curled into a spiral form. The historian
quotes two Buddhist works in illustration. The " Seng-ga
Sutra" (king) says, that Buddha's hair was blue and fine.
In the San-mei-king, Shakya himself says, " When I was
formerly in my father's palace, I combed my hair, and
measuring it, found that it was twelve feet in length.
When let go, it curled into a spiral form." This descrip
tion agrees, it is added, with that of the hair, found by
the emperor.
In A.D. 523, the king of Banban sent as his tributary
offering, a true " sharira " (she-li) with pictures and minia
ture pagodas ; also leaves of the Bodhi, Buddha's favourite
tree. The king of another country in the Birmese penin
sula had a dream, in which a priest appeared to him and
foretold to him that the new prince of the Liang dynasty
would soon raise Buddhism to the summit of prosperity,
and that he would do wisely if he sent him an embassy.
The king paying no attention to the warning, the priest
appeared again in a second dream, and conducted the
monarch to the court of Liang Wu-ti. On awaking, the
king, who was himself an accomplished painter, drew the
likeness of the emperor as he had seen him in his dream.
He now sent ambassadors and an artist with instructions
to paint a likeness of the Chinese monarch from life. On

RELICS. 105
comparing it with his own picture, the similarity was
found to be perfect.
This emperor, so zealous a promoter of Buddhism, in
the year A.D. 5 27, the twenty-sixth of his reign, became a
monk and entered the T'ung-tai monastery in Nanking.
The same record is made in the history two years after
wards. As might be expected, this event calls forth a
long and severe critique from the Confucian historian.
The preface to the history of the dynasty established by
this prince, consists solely of a lament over the sad neces
sity of adverting to Buddhism in the imperial annals of
the nation, with an argument for the old national system,
which is so clearly right, that the wish to deviate from it
shows a man to be wrong. In reference to the emperor's
becoming a priest, the critic says, " that not only would
the man of common intelligence condemn such conduct
in the ruler of a commonwealth, but even men like Bodhi
dharma would withhold their approval."
A few years afterwards, the same emperor rebuilt the
Ch'ang-ts'ien monastery five le to the south of " Nanking,"
in which was the tope (shrine for relics) of A-yo or Ash6ka.
The writer in the T'ung-kien-kang-mu adds, that a true
relic of Buddha's body is preserved near " Ming-cheu" (now
Ningpo). Ashoka erected 80,000 topes, of which one-
nineteenth were assigned to China. The tope and relic
here alluded to are those of the hill Yo-wang shan, well
known to foreign visitors, and situated fifty-two li east
ward of Ningpo. To Buddhist pilgrims coming from far
and near to this sacred spot, the she-li is an object of
reverential worship, but to unbelieving eyes it presents a
rather insignificant appearance. The small, reddish, bead
like substance that constitutes the relic, is so placed in
its lantern-shaped receptacle, that it does not admit of
much light being thrown upon it. The colour is said to
vary with the state of mind of the visitor. Yellow is
that of happiest omen. The theory is a safe one, for
there is just obscurity enough to render the tint of the

106 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
precious remains of Shakya's burnt body somewhat un
certain. King Ash6ka, to whom this temple is dedicated, was
one of the most celebrated of the Buddhist kings of India.
Burnouf in his Lntroduction a VHistoire du Buddhisme
Tndien, has translated a long legend of which Ash6ka is
the hero, and which is also contained in the Chinese work,
Fa-yuen-chu-lin. The commencement in the latter differs
a little from that given by Burnouf. Buddha says to
Ananda, " You should know that in the city ' Palinput '
(Pataliputra), there will be a king named ' The moon pro
tected ' (Yue-hu; in Sanscrit, Ghandragupta). He will have
a son named Bindupala, and he again will have a son
Susima." Ash6ka was the son of Bindupala by another
wife, and succeeded his father as king. The Indian king
Sandracottus, who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nica-
tor, the Greek king of Syria, B.C. 305, was identified with
Chandragupta by Schlegel and Wilson. According to
the Mahavanso, the Pali history of the Buddhist patriarchs,
there was an interval of 154 years from Buddha's death
to the accession of Chandragupta, making that event to be
in B.C. 389, which is more than half a century too soon.
Tumour thinks the discrepancy cannot be accounted for
but by supposing a wilful perversion of the chronology.
These statements are quoted in Hardy's Eastern Monachism,
from Wilson's Vishnu Purana. By this synchronism of
Greek and Indian literature, it is satisfactorily shown that
Ash6ka lived in the second century before Christ, and Bud
dha in the fourth and fifth. The commonly received chrono
logy of the Chinese Buddhists is too long, therefore, by more
than five hundred years.1 Probably this fraud was effected
to verify predictions found in certain Sutras, in which
Buddha is made to say that in a definite number of years
after his death, such and such things would happen. The
1 The Northern Wei History gives common date, to the time required by
the date of Shakyamuni's birth, B.C. the evidence.
688, which is much nearer than the

THE EMPEROR WU-TI A MONK. 107
Northern Buddhists wrote in Sanscrit, made use of Sanscrit
Sutras, and were anxious to vindicate the correctness of
all predictions found in them. Burnouf supposes that the
disciples of Buddha, would naturally publish their sacred
books in more than one language ; Sanscrit being then,
and long afterwards, spoken by the literati, while derived
dialects were used by the common people. By Fa-hien
Ashoka is called A-yo Wang, as at the monastery near
Ningpo. In Hiuen-tsang's narrative, the name Wu-yeu
wang, the " Sorrowless king," a translation of the Sanscrit
word, is applied to him.
The Liang emperor Wu-ti, after three times assuming
the Buddhist vows and expounding the Sutras to his
assembled courtiers, was succeeded by a son who favoured
Tauism. A few years after, the sovereign of the Ts'i king
dom endeavoured to combine these two religions. He
put to death four Tauist priests for refusing to submit to
the tonsure and become worshippers of Buddha. After
this there was no more resistance. In a.d. 558 it is re
lated that Wu-ti, an emperor of the Ch'in dynasty, became
a monk. Some years afterwards, the prince of the Cheu
kingdom issued an edict prohibiting both Buddhism and
Tauism. Books and images were destroyed, and all pro
fessors of these religions compelled to abandon them.
The History of the Northern Wei dynasty contains some
details on the early Sanscrit translations in addition to
what has been already inserted in this narrative.1 The
pioneers in the work of translation were Kashiapmadanga
and Chu-fa-kn, who worked conjointly in the time of
1 Of the interest felt by Sanscrit by that traveller to his native
icholars in this subject, the letter land.
of Professor Wilson, formerly San- Of the Chinese translations I col-
scrit Professor at Oxford, to Sir lected more than fifty while residing
John Bowring is evidence. He in- at Shanghai, for the library of the
vited the attention of the " China India House. Recently Rev. S. Beal
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society " has published an interesting account
to the translations made by Hiuen- of these translations in the Transac
ting in the T'ang dynasty, and tions of the Oriental Congress, held in
the Sanscrit original works brought London, TS74.

108 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Ming-ti. The latter also translated the " Sutra of the ten
points of rest." In A.D. 150, a priest of the "An-sih"
(Arsse ?) country in Eastern Persia is noticed as an excellent
translator. About a.d. 170, Chitsin, a priest of the Getse
nation, produced a version of the Nirvdna Sutra. Sun
K'iuen, prince of the Wu state, one of the Three Kingdoms,
who, some time after the embassy of Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus, the Eoman emperor, to China, received with
great respect a Eoman merchant at his court,1 treated with
equal regard an Indian priest who translated for him some
of the books of Buddha. The next Indian mentioned is
Dharmakakala, who translated the " Vinaya " or Kiai-lu
(Discipline) at Lo-yang. About a.d. 300, Chi-kung-ming,
a foreign priest, translated the Wei-ma and Fa-hwa?
"Lotus of the Good Law Sutras," but the work was im
perfectly done. Tau-an, a Chinese Buddhist, finding the
sacred books disfigured by errors, applied himself to cor
rect them. He derived instruction from Buddojanga and
wished much to converse with Kumarajiva, noticed in a
previous page. The latter, himself a man of high intelli
gence, had conceived an extraordinary regard for him, and
lamented much when he came to Ch'ang-an from Liang-
cheu at the north-western corner of China where he had long
resided, that Tau-an was dead. Kumarajiva found that
in the corrections he proposed to make in the sacred books;
he had been completely anticipated by his Chinese fellow-
religionist. Kumarajiva is commended for his accurate
knowledge of the Chinese language as well as of his own.
With his assistants he made clear the sense of many pro
found and extensive "Sutras" (King) and "Shastras"
(Lun), twelve works in all. The divisions into sections and
sentences were formed with care. The finishing touch to
the Chinese composition of these translations was given
1 In A.D. 226. This Roman was translated. See the " Liang History "
named Dzinlon. After describing — India.
his country to the Chinese prince, he 2 In Sanscrit, Saddharma Punda-
was sent back honourably. His name rika Sutra.
looks in its Chinese form as if it were

BUDDHIST WORKS TRANSLATED. 109
by Seng-chau. Fa-hien in his travels did his utmost to
procure copies of the Discipline and the other sacred
books. On his return, with the aid of an Indian named
Bhadra, he translated . the Seng - ki' - Iii (Asangkhyea
Vinaya), which has since been regarded as a standard
work. Before Fa-hien's time, about A.D. 290, a Chinese named
Chu Si-hing went to Northern India for Buddhist books.
He reached Udin or Khodin, identified by Eemusat with
Khoten, and obtained a Sutra of ninety sections. He
translated it in Ho-nan, with the title Fang-kwang-pat-
nia-king (Light-emitting Prajna Sutra). Many of these
books at that time so coveted, were brought to Lo-yang,
and translated there by Chufahu, a priest of the Getse
nation, who had travelled to India, and was a contem
porary of the Chinese just mentioned. Fa-ling was an
other Chinese who proceeded from " Yang-cheu " (Kiang-
nan) to Northern India and brought back the Sutra
Hvja-y en-king and the Pen-tirtg-lu, a work on discipline.
Versions of the " Nirvana Sutra " (Ni-wan-king), and the
Seng-ki-lu were made by Chi-meng in the country Kau-
ch'ang, or what is now " Eastern Thibet." The translator
had obtained them at Hwa-sh'i or "Pataliputra," a city
to the westward. The Indian Dharmaraksha brought to
China a new Sanscrit copy of the Nirvdna Sutra and
going to Kau-ch'ang, compared it with Chi-meng's copy
for critical purposes. The latter was afterwards brought
to Ch'ang-an and published in thirty chapters. The Indian
here mentioned, professed to foretell political events by the
use of charms. He also translated the Kin-kwang-king,
or " Golden Light Sutra," and the Ming-king, " Bright
Sutra." At this time there were several tens of foreign
priests at Ch'ang-an, but the most distinguished among
them for ability was Kumarajiva. His translations of
the Wei-ma, Fa-hwa, and C'heng-shih (complete) Sutras,
with the three just mentioned, by Dharmaraksha and
some others, together form the Great Development course of

no CHINESE BUDDHISM.
instruction. The "Longer Agama Sutra 'n and the " Discip
line of the Four Divisions " 2 were translated by Buddha-
yasha, a native of India, the " Discipline of the Ten
Chants " 3 by Kumarajiva, the " Additional Agama Sutra "
by Dharmanandi, and the " Shastra of Metaphysics " (Ab-
hidharma-lun) by Dharmayagama. These together formed
the Smaller Development course. In some monasteries the
former works were studied by the recluses ; in others the
latter. Thus a metaphysical theology, subdivided into
schools, formed the subject of study in the Asiatic monkish
establishments, as in the days of the European school
men. The Chinese travellers in India, and in the chain
of Buddhist kingdoms extending — before the inroads of
Mohammedanism — from their native land into Persia,
give us the opportunity of knowing how widely there
as well as in China the monastic life and study of these
books was spread. About a.d. 400, Sangadeva, a native of
" Cophen " (Kipin), translated two of the Agama Sutras.
The " Hwa-yen Sutra " was soon afterwards brought from
Udin by Chi Fa-ling, a Chinese Buddhist, and a version of
it made at Nanking. He also procured the Pen-ting-lii,
a work in the Vinaya or " Discipline " branch of Buddhist
books. Ma Twan-lin also mentions a Hindoo who, about
a.d. 502, translated some Shastras of the Great Develop
ment (Ta-ch'eng) school, called Ti-ch'i-lun (fixed position),
and Shi-ti-lun (the ten positions).
The Hindoo Buddhists in China, whose literary labours
down to the middle of the sixth century are here recorded,
while they sometimes enjoyed the imperial favour, had
to bear their part in the reverses to which their religion
was exposed. Dharmaraksha was put to death for refus
ing to come to court on the requisition of one of the Wei
emperors. Sihien, a priest of the royal family of the
Kipin kingdom in Northern India, in times of persecution
assumed the disguise of a physician, and when the very
severe penal laws then enacted against Buddhism weie
1 Ch'ang-a-han-king. 3 Si-fun-lil. 3 Shih-sung-lU.

BUDDHISTS ARRIVE FROM CEYLON. in
remitted, returned to his former mode of life as a monk.
Some other names might be added to the list of Hindoo
translators, were it not already sufficiently long.
About the year 460 it appears from the history that
five Buddhists from Ceylon arrived in China by the
Thibetan route. Two of them were Yashaita and Buda-
nandi. They brought images. Those constructed by the
latter had the property of diminishing in apparent size
as the visitor drew nearer, and looking brighter as he
went farther away. Though a literary character is not
attributed to them, the Southern Buddhist traditions
might, through their means, have been communicated
at this time to the Chinese. This may account for the
date — nearly correct — assigned to the birth of Buddha in
the History of the Wei dynasty, from which these facts
are taken, and in that of the Sui dynasty which soon
followed. According to the same history there were then in China
two millions of priests and thirty thousand temples. This
account must be exaggerated ; for if we allow a thousand
to each district, which is probably over the mark, there
will be but that number at the present time, although the
population has increased very greatly in the interval.1
Buddhism received no check from the Sui emperors,
who ruled China for the short period of thirty-seven
years. The first of them, on assuming the title of emperor
in 581, issued an edict giving full toleration to this sect.
Towards the close of his reign he prohibited the destruc
tion or maltreatment of any of the images of the Buddhist
or Tauist sects. It was the weakness of age, says the
Confucian historian, giving way to superstitions that led
him to such an act as this. The same commentator on
the history of the period says, that the Buddhist books
were at this time ten times more numerous than the Con-
1 Mr. Watters, citing the " Mirror those who had taken the vows was
of History," Tung-kien, chap, cccxvi., so great that the labours of the field
says, " Every household almost had were frequently neglected for lack of
been converted, and the number of workmen."

112 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
< fucian classics. The Sui History in the digest it gives
of all the books of the time, states those of the Buddhist
sect to be 195O distinct works. Many of the titles are
given, and among them are not a few treating of the mode
of writing by alphabetic symbols used in the kingdoms
from whence Buddhism came. The first alphabet that was
thus introduced appears to have been one of fourteen sym
bols. It is called Si-yo hu-shu or " Foreign Writing of the
Western countries," and also Ba-la-men-shu, " Brahmanical
writing." The tables of initials and finals found in the
Chinese native dictionaries were first formed in the third
century, but more fully early in the sixth century, in the
Liang dynasty. It was then that the Hindoos, who had
come to China, assisted in forming, according to the model of
the Sanscrit alphabet, a system of thirty -six initial letters,
and described the vocal organs by which they are formed.
They also constructed tables, in which, by means of two
sets of representative characters, one for the initials and
another for the finals, a mode of spelling words was
exhibited. The Chinese were now taught for the first time
that monosyllabic sounds are divisible into parts, but
alphabetic symbols were not adopted to write the sepa
rated elements. It was thought better to use characters
already known to the people. A serious defect attended
this method. The analysis was not carried far enough.
Intelligent Chinese understand that a sound, such as man,
can be divided into two parts, m and an ; for they have
been long accustomed to the system of phonetic bisection
here alluded to, but they usually refuse to believe that a
trisection of the sound is practicable. At the same time
the system was much easier to learn than if foreign sym
bols had been employed, and it was very soon universally
adopted. Shen-kung, a priest, is said to have been the
author of the system, and the dictionary Yii-p'ien was one
of the first extensive works in which it was employed.1
That the Hindoo Buddhists should have taught the Chinese
1 See my Introduction to the Study of the Chinese characters.

^ YLL A BIC SPELLING. i 1 3
how to write the sounds of this language by an artifice
which required nothing but their own hieroglyphics, and
rendered unnecessary the introduction of new symbols, is
sufficient evidence of their ingenuity, and is not the least
of the services they have done to the sons of Han. It
answered well for several centuries, and was made use of
in all dictionaries and educational works. But the lan
guage changed, the old sounds were broken up, and now
the words thus spelt are read correctly only by those
. natives who happen to speak the dialects that most nearly
resemble in sound the old pronunciation.
To Shen Yo, the historian of two dynasties,- and author
of several detached historical pieces, is attributed the dis
covery of the four tones. His biographer says of him in
• the "Liang History:" — " He wrote his ' Treatise on the Four
Tones,' to make known what men for thousands of years
had not understood — the wonderful fact which he alone
in the silence of his breast came to perceive." It may be
well doubted if the credit of arriving unassisted at the
knowledge of this fact is due to him. He resided at
the court of Liang Wu-ti, the great patron of the Indian
strangers. They, accustomed to the unrivalled accuracy
in phonetic analysis of the Sanscrit alphabet, would
readily distinguish a new phenomenon like this, while to
a native speaker, who had never known articulate sounds
to be without it, it would almost necessarily be undetected.
In the syllabic spelling that they formed, the tones are
duly represented, by being embraced in every instance in
the final.
The extent of influence which this nomenclature for
sounds has attained in the native literature is known to
all who are familiar with its dictionaries, and the common
editions of the classical books. In this way it is that the
traditions of old sounds needed to explain the rhymes and
metre of the ancient national poetry are preserved. By
the same method the sounds of modern dialects that have
deviated extensively from the old type have been com-
H

114 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
mitted to writing. The dialects of the Mandarin provinces,
of Northern and Southern Fu-kien, and Canton have been
written down by native authors each with its one system
of tones and alphabetic elements, and they have all taken
the method introduced by the Buddhists as their guide.
The Chinese have since become acquainted with several
alphabets with foreign symbols, but when they need to
write phonetically they prefer the system, imperfect as it
is, that does not oblige them to abandon the hieroglyphic
signs transmitted by their ancestors. Never, perhaps,
since the days of Cadmus, was a philological impulse more
successful than that thus communicated from India to the
Chinese, if the extent of its adoption be the criterion.
They have not only by the use of the syllabic spelling
thus taught them, collected the materials for philological
research afforded by the modern dialects, but, by patient
industry4have discovered the early history of the language,
showing how the number of tones increased from two to
three by the time of Confucius, to four in the sixth cen
tury of our era, and so on to their present state. Few
foreign investigators have yet entered on this field of re
search, but it may be suggested that the philology of the
Eastern languages must without it be necessarily incom
plete, and that the Chinese, by patience and a true scien
tific instinct, have placed the materials in such a form
that little labour is needed to gather from them the facts
that they contain.
The Thibetans, and, probably, the Coreans also, owe
their alphabets, which are both arranged in the Sanscrit
mode, to the Buddhists. Corean ambassadors came in the
reign of Liang Wu-ti to ask for the " Nirvana " and other
Buddhistic classics. It may then have been as early as
this that they had an alphabet, but we cannot say yet to
what century their writing belongs.1
1 Remusat supposed that this al- had invented a writing of their own,
phabet was borrowed by the Coreans and ruled in Corea in the eleventh and
from the Nii-chih and Kie-tan, who twelfth centuries ; but such an hypo-

CONFUCIAN OPPOSITION TO BUDDHISM. 115
The first emperor of the T'ang dynasty was induced by
the representations of Fu Yi, one of his ministers, to call a
council for deliberation on the mode of action to be adopted
in regard to Buddhism. Fu Yi, a stern enemy of the new
religion, proposed that the monks and nuns should be com
pelled to marry and bring up families. The reason that
they adopted the ascetic life, he said, was to avoid con
tributing to the revenue. What they held about the fate of
mankind depending on the will of Buddha was false. Life
and death were regulated by a " natural necessity " with
which man had nothing to do (yeu-ii-tsi-jan). The retri
bution of vice and virtue was the province of the prince,
while riches and poverty were the recompense provoked
by our own actions. The public manners had degenerated
lamentably through the influence of Buddhism. The " six
states of being " x into which the souls of men might be
born were entirely fictitious. The monks lived an idle
life, and were unprofitable members of the commonwealth.
To this it was replied in the council, by Siau IT, a friend of
the Buddhists, that Buddha was a " sage " (shing-jen), and
that Fu Yi having spoken ill of a sage, was guilty of a great
crime. To this Fu Yi answered, that the highest of the
virtues were loyalty and filial piety, and the monks, cast
ing off as they did their prince and their parents, dis
regarded them both. As for Siau tj, he added, he was —
being the advocate of such a system — as destitute as they
thesis is incompatible with the fact invented for the occasion by Liang
that the Corean letters are more like Wu-ti, and which has passed into
the Thibetan and Sanscrit letters. familiar colloquial in some dialects
1 The lu-tau here alluded to are the as mo-kwei, in the sense of " demon. "
modes of existence into which, in the (4.) " Hell," the prison of the lost, ti-
revolutions of the metempsychosis, all yu; (5. )iVpro-£u>ei,wandering "hungry
will be born who have not been saved spirits ; " (6. ) Animals.
by the teaching of Buddha. They The use of T'ien, " Heaven," in a
are : — (1. ) T'ien, the Devas of the Hin- personal sense, as the translation of
doos(Lat. deus); (2.) Man; (3.)Asura the Sanscrit Deva, whether in the
and Mara, superior classes of demons, singular or plural, is, perhaps, more
Both these words are transferred. The common in Buddhist works than its
former is transliterated by characters use in a local sense. In explaining this
now read sieu-lo (in old Chinese, su- new meaning of the word, Deva is
la), the latter by mo {ma), a character transcribed as (De-ba) T'i-p'o.

116 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of these virtues. Siau IJ joined his hands and merely re
plied to him, that hell was made for such men as he. The
Confucianists gained the victory, and severe restrictions
were imposed on the professors of the foreign faith, but
they were taken off almost immediately after.
The successors of .Bodhidharma were five in number.
They are styled with him the six "Eastern patriarchs,"
Tung-tsu. They led quiet lives. The fourth of them was
invited to court by the second emperor of the T'ang dynasty,
and repeatedly declined the honour. When a messenger
came for the fourth time and informed him that, if he
refused to go, he had orders to take his head back with
him, the imperturbable old man merely held out his neck
to the sword in token of his willingness to die. The em
peror respected his firmness. Some years previously, with
a large number of disciples, he had gone to a city in Shan-
si. The city was soon after laid siege to by rebels. The
patriarch advised his followers to recite the " Great Prajna,"
Ma-ha-pat-nia, an extensive work, in which the most
abstract dogmas of Buddhist philosophy are very fully
developed. The enemy, looking towards the ramparts,
thought they saw a band of spirit-soldiers in array against
them, and consequently retired.
In the year 629 the celebrated Hiuen-tsang set out on
his journey to India to procure Sanscrit books. Passing
from Liang-cheu at the north-western extremity of China,
he proceeded westward to the region watered by the Oxus
and Jaxartes where the Turks1 were then settled. He
1 It was about this time that the occupants of the throne of Constan-
contests between Chosroes king of tinople sent embassies frequently to
Persia, and the Turks on one side, China. There are two records of
and the Byzantine emperor on the these embassies preserved, the inte-
other, occurred. The same events that rest of which will be a sufficient ex-
have been described by Gibbon's luxu- cuse for a short digression. In A.D.
riant pen are found in a form more 643, says the history, Pa-ta-lik, the
laconic and curtailed in the "History king of the Fulim country, sent an
of the T'ang Dynasty." It might well embassy with presents of red glass.
be so, when Chinese travellers passed That this king was a Byzantine em-
the eastern borders of Persia on their peror is shown by the narrative of
way to India, and when the imperial events in Persia just preceding it in

IIIUEN-TSANG'S TRA VELS IN INDIA.

H7

afterwards crossed the Hindoo-kush and proceeded into
India. He lingered for a long time in the countries
through which the Ganges flows, rich as they were in
reminiscences and relics of primitive Buddhism. Then
bending his steps to the southwards, he completed the tour
of the Indian peninsula, returned across the Indus, and
reached home in the sixteenth year after his departure.
The same emperor, T'ai-tsung, was still reigning, and he
received the traveller with the utmost distinction. He
spent the rest of his days in translating. from the Sanscrit
originals the Buddhist works he had brought with him
from India. It was by imperial command that these
translations were undertaken. The same emperor, T'ai-
tsung, received with equal favour the Syrian Christians,
Alopen and his companions, who had arrived in a.d. 639,
only seven years before Hiuen-tsang's return. The His-
toire de la Vie de Hiouen-thsang, translated by M. Julien,
is a volume full of interest for the history of Buddhism and

the history. It says, " At the close
of the Sui dynasty (ended A.D. 617),
the " khan " (k'a-han) of the Western
"Turks " (Tu-kiue) attacked "Persia"
(Pa-si), and killed the king K'u-sa-ha
(Chosroes I., or Nushirvan). His son
&A£-£i(Hormouz) succeededhim. After
his death the daughter of K'u-sa-ha
was made queen, but was killed by the
Turks. Shi-li'sson.7erc-AJ(ChosroesII.)
fled to Fulim. (Gibbon says he took
refuge with the Romans. ) The people
of the country brought him back and
made him king. He was assassinated
by I-t'a-chi, and succeeded by hi3
brother's son I-dzi-zi (Yezdegerd)."
This prince sent an embassy to China,
a.d. 638. For misconduct he was
driven away by his nobles, and fled to
the T'u-ha-la, a tribe in Afghanistan.
On his way. he was put to death by
the Arabs (Ta-shih). Pi-lu-si the son
of I-dzi-zi appealed to the court at
Ch'ang-an for aid against the irresis
tible Arabians, but in vain. These
last details have been introduced by
Gibbon into his narrative from De

Guignes. It may be inferred, then,
that the king Pa-ta-lik was the Byzan
tine emperor " Constans II. " In the
year 1081 there was also an embassy
to China from the king of Fulim, who
is called Mih-li-i-ling kai-sa. This
Kaisar or "Csesar" should be either
Nicephorus Bataniares, who died this
year, or his successor, Alexius Com-
nenus. In Kin-shi-t'u-shu-pu, a Chi
nese work on coins and other antiqui
ties', there is a rude representation
of a gold coin of this prince.
The word Fulim is evidently the
same as the Thibetan Philing and the
Indian Feringi, which, as Hodgson ob
serves, must be variations of the word
"Frank," commonly applied to all
Europeans in Western Asia. Modern
Chinese authors suppose Judsea to be
Fulim, but the old passages in the
Syrian inscription and elsewhere, in
which the country is described as to
its natural features, whether under
this name or that of Ta-ts'in, read
much more intelligibly if the Roman
empire be understood.

1 1 8 CHINESE B UDDHISM.
Buddhist literature. As a preparation for the task, the
accomplished translator added to his unrivalled knowledge
of the Chinese language an extensive acquaintance with
Sanscrit, acquired when he was already advanced in life,
with this special object. Scarcely does the name of a
place or a book occur in the narrative which he has not
identified and given to the reader in its Sanscrit form.
The book was originally written by two friends of Hiuen-
tsang. It includes a specimen of Sanscrit grammar, exem
plifying the declensions of nouns, with their eight cases
and three numbers, the conjugation of the substantive
verb, and other details. Hiuen-tsang remained five years
in the monastery of Nalanda, on the banks of the Ganges,
studying the language, and reading the Brahmanical litera
ture as well as that of Buddhism.
Hiuen-tsang was summoned on his arrival to appear at
court, and answer for his conduct, in leaving his country
and undertaking so long a journey without the imperial
permission. The emperor — praised by Gibbon as the
Augustus of the East — was residing at Lo-yang, to which
city the traveller proceeded. He had brought with him
115 grains of relics taken from Buddha's chair; a gold
statue of Buddha, 3 feet 3 inches in height, with a trans
parent pedestal ; a second, 3 feet 5 inches in height, and
others of silver and carved in sandal-wood. His collection
of Sanscrit books was very extensive. A sufficient con
ception of the voluminous contributions then made to
Chinese literature from India will be obtained by enume
rating some of the names.
Of the Great Development school, 124 Sutras.
On the Discipline and Philosophical works of the fol
lowing schools : —

Shang-tso-pu (Sarv£stiv£das),
San-mi-ti-pu (Sammitiyas),
Mi-sha-se-pu (Mahishftshakas),
Kia-she-pi-ye-pu (Kfishyapiyas),
Fa-mi-pu (Dharmaguptas),
Shwo-i-tsie-yeu-pu (Sarvastivsldas)

15 works.
'5
22 1742
67

HIUEN-TSANG'S TRANSLATIONS. 119
These works, amounting with others to 657, were carried
by twenty-two horses.
The emperor, after listening to the traveller's account
of what he had seen, commanded him to write a descrip
tion of the Western countries, and the work called Ta-
t'ang-si-yih-ki was the result.1
Hiuen-tsang went to Ch'ang-an (Si-an-fu) to translate,
and was assisted by twelve monks. Nine others were
appointed to revise the composition. Some who had
learned Sanscrit also joined him in the work. On pre
senting a series of translations to the emperor, he wrote a
preface to them ; and at the request of Hiuen-tsang issued
an edict that five new monks should be received in every
convent in the empire. The convents then amounted to
3716. * The decline of Buddhism from the persecutions to
which it had been exposed, was thus repaired.
At the emperor's instance, Hiuen-tsang now corrected
the translation of the celebrated Sutra Kin-kang-pat-nia-
pa-la-mi-ta-king (in Sanscrit, Vajra-chedika-prajna-para-
mita Sutra). Two words were added to the title which
Kumarajiva had omitted. The new title read Neng-twan-
kin, etc. The name of the city Shravasti was spelt with
five characters instead of two. The new translation of this
work did not supplant the old one — that of Kumarajiva.
The latter is at the present day the most common, except
the " Daily Prayers," of all books in the Buddhist temples
and monasteries, and is in the hands of almost every
monk. This work contains the germ of the larger compilation
Prajna paramita in one hundred and twenty volumes.
The abstractions of Buddhist philosophy, which were after
wards ramified to such a formidable extent as these num
bers indicate, are here found in their primary form pro
bably, as they were taught by Shakyamuni himself. The
translation of the larger work was not completed till A.D.
1 This work has been recently re- Sheu-shan-ko-ts'ung-shu, at Sung-
printed, in the collection entitled kiang, near Shanghai.

120 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
661. That Hiuen-tsang, as a translator, was a stron"
literalist, may be inferred from the fact, that when he was
meditating on the propriety of imitating Kumarajiva, who
omitted repetitions and superfluities, in so large a work as
this, he was deterred by a dream from the idea, and
resolved to give the one hundred and twenty volumes
entire, in all their wearisome reiteration of metaphysical
paradoxes. Among the new orthographies that he introduced was
that of Bi-ch'u for Bi-k'u, " Mendicant disciple," and of Ba-
ga-vam instead of But for " Buddha." This spelling nearly
coincides with- that of the Nepaulese Sanscrit, Bhagavat.
In the Pali versions he is called " Gautama," which is a
patronymic, in Chinese, Go-dam. Ba-ga-vam is used in the
Sutra Yo-si-lieu-li-kwang-ju-lai-kung-te-king. Modern re
prints of Hiuen-tsang's translation of the Shastras called
Abhidharma, are found in a fragmentary and worm-eaten
state in many of the larger Buddhist temples near Shang
hai and elsewhere at the present time. He lived nineteen
years after his return, and spent nearly the whole of that
time in translating. He completed 740 works, in 1335
books. Among them were three works on Logic, viz.,
Li-men-lun, In-ming-lun, In-ming-shu-kiai. Among other
works that he brought to China, were treatises on Gram
mar, Shing-ming-lun and Pe-ye-kie-la-nan, and a Lexicon,
Abhidharma Kosha}
1 Vide Professor Wilson's letter duced. There is another use that
published by the China Branch of the may be made of these orthographical
Royal Asiatic Society, at Hongkong, changes. As compared with preced-
The changes in orthography adopted ing transcriptions, they are an index
by Hiuen-tsang, may be made use of to the alterations that were taking
to show, that it was from Sanscrit and place in the Chinese language itself.
not Pali originals, that the Chinese For convenience the age of Buddhist
Buddhist books were translated. He translations may be divided into three
spells tope or " pagoda, "su-t'u-pa. In periods: — (i.)a.d. 66, when Buddhism
Pali the word is t'upa, and in Sanscrit entered China, and the "Sutra of
st'upa. Before Hiuen-tsang's time, Forty-two Sections" was translated;
the initial s was not expressed, pro- (2.) a.d. 405, the age of Kumarajiva;
bably for brevity, or through the in- (3.) A.D. 646, the age of Hiuen-tsang.
fluence of a local Indian dialect. The Sanscrit syllable man had been
Other examples might also be ad- written with the character for "litera-

HIUEN-TSANG'S NARRATIVE. 121
The modern Chinese editor of the " Description of
Western Countries " complains of its author's superstition.
Anxiety to detail every Buddhist wonder has been accom
panied by neglect of the physical features of the countries
that came under review. Here, says the critic, he cannot
be compared with Ngai Ju-lio (Julius Aleni, one of the
early Jesuits) in the Chih-fang-wai-ki (a well-known geo
graphical work by that missionary). In truthfulness this
work is not equal, he tells us, to the " Account of Buddhist
kingdoms " by Fa-hien, but it is written in a style much
more ornamental. The extensive knowledge, he adds, of
Buddhist literature possessed by Hiuen - tsang himself,
and the elegant style of his assistants, make the book
interesting, so that, though it contains not a little that is
false, the reader does not go to sleep over it.
The life and adventures of Hiuen - tsang have been
made the basis of a long novel, which is universally read
at the present time. It is called the Si-yeu-ki or Si-yeu-
chen-ts'euen. The writer, apparently a Tauist, makes
unlimited use of the two mythologies — that of his own
religion and that of his hero — as the machinery of his tale.
He has invented a most eventful account of the birth of
Hiuen-tsang. It might have been supposed that the wild
romance of India was unsuited to the Chinese taste, but
our author does not hesitate to adopt it. His readers
become familiar with all those imaginary deities, whose
figures they see in the Buddhist temples, as the ornaments
of a fictitious narrative. The hero, in undertaking so
distant and dangerous a journey to obtain the sacred
ture," wen. Hiuen-tsang adopted a example is an index to a multitude of
character now as then heard, man. He other words, passing through the same
changed the name of the Ganges from change at the same time. The three
Heng, "Constant," to Ch'ing-ch'ia periods here given will help to supply
(Gang-ga). Comparison with existing the chronology of these changes, ex-
dialects shows, that the Sanscrit pro- tending through almost all the sounds
nunciation may be assigned without in the language. Thus, with other aid,
hesitation to the characters chosen, as the age of the Mandarin language may
nearly the sound that then belonged be fixed with comparative certainty.
to them in Northern China, and one

122 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
books of Buddhism, and by translating them into his
native tongue, to promote the spread of that superstition
among his countrymen, is represented as the highest
possible example of the excellence at which the Buddhist
aims. The effort and the success that crowns it,-, are
identified with the aspiration of the Tauist after the elixir
of immortality ; the hermit's elevation to the state of
Buddha, and the translation of those whose hearts .have
been purified by meditation and retirement, to the abodes
of the genii.
The sixth emperor of the T'ang dynasty was too weak to
rule. Wu, the emperor's mother, held the reins of power,
and distinguished herself by her ability and by her cruelties.
In the year 690 a new Buddhist Sutra, the Ta-yun-king,
" Great cloud Sutra," was presented to her. It stated that
she was Maitreya, the Buddha that was to come, and the
ruler of the Jambu continent. She ordered it to be circu
lated through the empire, and bestowed public offices on
more than one Buddhist priest.
Early in the eighth century, the Confucianists made
another effort to bring about a persecution of Buddhism. In
714, Yen Ts'ung argued that it was pernicious to the state,
and appealed for proof to the early termination of those
dynasties that had favoured it. In carrying out an edict
then issued, more than 12,000 priests and nuns were
obliged to return to the common world. Casting- images,
writing the sacred books, and building temples, were also
forbidden. At this time some priests are mentioned as holding
public offices in the government. The historians anim
advert on this circumstance, as one of the monstrosities
accompanying a female reign.
About the beginning of the same century, Hindoos were
employed to regulate the national calendar. The first
mentioned is Gaudamara, whose method of calculation
was called Kwang-tse-li, "The calendar of the bright house."
It was used for three years only. A better-known Bud-

HINDOO CALENDAR IN CHINA. 123
dhist astronomer of the same nation was Gaudamsiddha.
By imperial command he translated from Sanscrit, the
mode of astronomical calculation called Kieu-chi-shu. It
embraced the calculation of the moon's course arid of
eclipses. His calendar of this name was adopted for a
few years, when it was followed in a.d. 721 by that of the
well-known Yih-hing, a Chinese Buddhist priest, whose
name holds a place in the first rank of the native astrono
mers. The translations of Gaudamsiddha are contained in
the work called K'ai-yuen-chan-king, a copy of which was
discovered accidentally, in the latter part of the sixteenth
century, inside an image of Buddha. It has been cut in
wood more than once since that time. The part translated
from Sanscrit is but a small portion of the work. The
remainder is chiefly astrological. Among other things,
there is a short notice of the Indian arithmetical notation,
with its nine symbols and a dot for a cipher. There was
nothing new in this to the countrymen of Confucius, so
far as the principle of decimal notation was concerned ;
but it is interesting to us, whose ancestors did not obtain
the Indian numerals till several centuries after this time.
The Arabs learned them in the eighth century, and trans
mitted them slowly to Europe. Among the earlier Bud
dhist translations, a book is mentioned under the title of
" Brahmanical Astronomy," P'o-lo-men-t'ien-wen, in twenty
chapters. It was translated in the sixth century by
Daluchi, a native of the Maleya kingdom. Another is
Ba-la-men-gih-ga-sien-jen-t'ien-wen-shivo, "An Account of
Astronomy by the Brahman Gigarishi." 1
The date of these translations, mentioned in the "History
of the Sui dynasty," can be no later than the sixth century
or very early in the seventh. The same should be observed
of two works on Brahmanical arithmetic, viz., Ba-la-men-
swan-fa and Ba-la-men-swan-king, each containing three
chapters, and a third on the calculation of the calendar,
1 A translation of a work by the same author, on the prophetic character
of dreams, is also alluded to.

124 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Ba-la-men-yin-yang-swan-li, in one chapter. All these '
works, with one or two others given by the same authority,
are now hopelessly lost, but the names as they stand in
the history unattended by a word of comment, are an
irrefragable testimony to the efforts made by the Hindoo
Buddhists to diffuse the science and civilisation of their
native land. The native mathematicians of the time may
have obtained assistance from these sources, or from the
numerous Indians who lived in China in the T'ang dynasty.
In the extant arithmetical books composed before the date
of these works, examples of calculation are written per
pendicularly, like any other writing, but in all later
mathematical works they are presented to the eye as we
ourselves write them from left to right. The principle by
which figures are thus arranged as multiples of ten chang
ing their value with their position, was known to the
Chinese from the most ancient times. Their early mode
of calculating by counters, imitated more recently in the
common commercial abacus, was based on this principle.1
But it does not appear that they employed it to express
arithmetical processes in writing before the Hindoos began
to translate mathematical treatises into the language.
The next notice of Buddhism in the history is after
several decades of years. The emperor Su-tsung, in a.d.
760, showed his attachment for Buddhism by appointing
a ceremonial for his birthday, according to the ritual of
that religion. The service was performed in the palace,
the inmates of which were made to personate the Buddhas
and Bodhisattwas, while the courtiers worshipped round
them in a ring.
The successor of this emperor, Tae-tsung, was still more
devoted to the superstitions of Buddhism, and was seconded
by his chief minister of state and the general of his army.
A high stage for reciting the classics was erected by im
perial command, and the " Sutra of the Benevolent King,"
Jen-wang-king, chanted there and explained by the priests.
1 Shanghai Almanac for 1853— " Jottings on the Science of the Chinese.''

FESTIVAL FOR HUNGRY GHOSTS. 125
This book was brought in a state carriage, with the same
parade of attendant nobles and finery as in the case of the
emperor leaving his palace. Two public buildings were
ordered to be taken down to assist in the erection and
decoration of a temple built by Yii Chau-shi', the general,
and named Chang-king-si. A remonstrance, prepared on
the occasion by a Confucian mandarin, stated that the
wise princes of antiquity secured prosperity by their good
conduct — not by prayers and offerings. The imperial ear
was deaf to such arguments. The reasoning of those who
maintained that misfortune could be averted and happiness
obtained by prayer was listened to with much more
readiness. Tae-tsung maintained many monks, and be
lieved that by propitiating the unseen powers who regulate
the destinies of mankind, he could preserve his empire
from danger at a less cost than that of the blood and
treasure wasted on the battle-field. When his territory
was invaded, he set his priests to chant their masses, and
the barbarians retired. The Confucianist commentary in
condemning the confidence thus placed in the prayers of
the priests, remarks that to procure happiness or prevent
misery after death, by prayers or any other means, is out
of our power, and that the same is true of the present life.
One of those who had great influence over the emperor
was a Singhalese priest named " Amogha," Pu-k'ung} " Not
empty," who held a high government office, and was
honoured with the first title of the ancient Chinese nobility.
Monasteries and monks now multiplied fast under the
imperial favour. In the year 768, at the full moon of the
seventh month, an offering bowl for feeding hungry ghosts
was brought in state by the emperor's command from the
palace, and presented to the Chang-king-si temple. This
is an allusion to a superstition still practised in the large
Buddhist monasteries. Those who have been so unhappy
1 Chief representative of the Tantra also called Amogha Vajra, and his
school in China, and author of the school is that called the Yogachara. —
festival for hungry ghosts. He is (Eitel.)

126 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
as to be born into the class of ngo-kwei, or " hungry spirits,"
at the full moon of the seventh month, have their annual
repast. The priests assemble, recite prayers for their
benefit, and throw out rice to the four quarters of the
world, as food for them. The ceremony is called Yu-lan-
hwei (ulam), " the assembly for saving those who have been
overturned." It is said to have been instituted by Shakya
muni, who directed Moginlin, one of his disciples, to make
offerings for the benefit of his mother, she having become
a ngo-kwei. The emperor Hien-tsung, a.d. 819, sent mandarins to
escort a bone of Buddha to the capital. He had been told
that it was opened to view once in thirty years, and when
this happened it was sure to be a peaceful and prosperous
year. It was at Fung-siang fu, in Shen-si, and was to be
reopened the next year, which would afford a good oppor
tunity for bringing it to the palace. It was brought
accordingly, and the mandarins, court ladies, and common
people vied with each other in their admiration of the
relic. All their fear was, lest they should not get a sight
of it, or be too late in making their offerings.
On this occasion Han Yii, or Han Wen-kung, presented
a strongly- worded remonstrance to the emperor, entitled
Fu-kuh-piau, "Memorial on the bone of Buddha." He
was consequently degraded from his post as vice-president
of the Board of punishments, and appointed to be prefect of
Chau-cheu, in the province of Canton. A heavier punish
ment would have been awarded him, had not the courtiers
represented the propriety of allowing liberty of speech,
and succeeded in mitigating the imperial anger.
In this memorial he appealed first to antiquity, arguing
that the empire was more prosperous and men's lives
were longer before Buddhism was introduced than after.
After the Han dynasty, when the Indian priests arrived,
the dynasties all became perceptibly shorter in duration,
and although Liang Wu-ti was on the throne thirty-eight
years, he died, as was well known, from starvation, in a

OPPOSITION OF HAN YU TO BUDDHISM. 127
monastery to which he had retired for the third time.1
The writer then pleads to Hien-tsung the example of his
predecessor, the first T'ang emperor, and the hope that he
himself had awakened in the minds of the literati by his
former restrictions on Buddhism, that he would tread in
his steps. He had now commanded Buddha's bone to be
escorted to the palace. This could not be because he
himself was ensnared into the belief of Buddhism. It
was only to gain the hearts of the people by professed
reverence for that superstition. None who were wise and
enlightened believed in any such thing. It was a foreign
religion. The dress of the priests, the language of the
books, the moral code, were all different from those of
China. Why should a decayed bone, the filthy remains
of a man who died so long before, be introduced to
the imperial residence? He concluded by braving the
vengeance of Buddha. If he had any power and could
inflict any punishment, he was ready to bear it himself to
its utmost extent. This memorial has ever since been a
standard quotation with the Confucianists, when wishing
to expose the pernicious effects of Buddhism. The bold
ness of its censures on the emperor's superstition, and the
character of the writer as one who excelled in beauty of
style, have secured it lasting popularity. Among the
crowd of good authors whose names adorn the T'ang
dynasty, Han Wen-kung stands first of those who devoted
themselves to prose composition. Christian natives in
preaching to their countrymen often allude to this docu
ment. Extraordinary superstition provoked extraordinary re
sistance. The sovereigns of the T'ang dynasty were so
fond of Buddhism that it has passed into a proverb.2
1 Liang Wu-ti was eighty-six years 2 Watters, in Chinese Recorder, r869,
of age when he died. His adopted July, p. 40. The proverb T'ang Fo,
son, whom he had appointed to sue- "Buddha of the T'ang," means to be
ceed him, withheld the supplies of as devoted to Buddhism as was the
food that the aged emperor needed, T'ang dynasty.
and he died in consequence.

128 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
In the year 845 a third and very severe persecution
befell the Buddhists. By an edict of the emperor Wu-
tsung, 4600 monasteries were destroyed, with 40,000
smaller edifices. The property of the sect was confiscated,
and used in the erection of buildings for the use of govern
ment functionaries. The copper of images and bells was
devoted to casting cash. More than 260,000 priests and
nuns were compelled to return to common employments.
The monks of Wu-t'ai, in Shan-si, near T'ai-yuen fu, fled to
" Yen-cheu " (now Peking), in Pe-chi-li, where they were
at first taken under the protection of the officer in charge,
but afterwards abandoned to the imperial indignation.
At this place there was a collection of five monasteries,
constituting together the richest Buddhist establishment
in the empire. There is a legend connected with this
spot, which says that Manjusiri, one of the most cele
brated of the secondary divinities of Buddhism, has fre
quently appeared in this mountain retreat, especially as
an old man. By the Northern Buddhists "Manjusiri,"
Wen-shu-shi-li (in old Chinese, Men-ju-si-li), is scarcely
less honoured than the equally fabulous Bodhisattwa,
Kwan-shi-yin. The chief seat of his worship in China is
the locality in Shan-si just alluded to, where he is regarded
like P'u-hien in Si-ch'uen and Kwan-yin at P'u-to the
Buddhist sacred island, as the tutelary deity of the region.
Wen-shu p'u-sa, as he is called, differs from his fellow
Bodhisattwas in being spoken of in some Sutras as if he
were an historical character. On this there hangs some
doubt. His image is a common one in the temples of the
sect. The emperor Wu-tsung died a few months afterwards.
Siuen-tsung, who followed him, commenced his reign by
reversing the policy of his predecessor in reference to
Buddhism. Eight monasteries were reared in the metro
polis, and the people were again permitted to take the
vows of celibacy and retirement from the world. Soon
afterwards the edifices of idolatry that had been given

TEA CHING OF MA -TSU. 129
over to destruction were commanded to be restored. The
Confucian historian expresses a not very amiable regret
at the shortness of the persecution. Those of the Wei
and Cheu emperors had been continued for six and seven
years, while in this case it M'as only for a year or two that
the profession of Buddhism was made a public crime.
A memorial was presented to the emperor a few years
after by Sun Tsiau, complaining that the support of the
Buddhist monks was an intolerable burden on the people,
and praying that the admission of new persons might be
prohibited. The prayer was granted.
The line of the patriarchs had terminated a little before
the period which this narrative has now reached, and the
most influential leader of the Chinese Buddhists was Ma-
tsu, who belonged to the order of Ch'an-sh'%} one of the
three divisions of Buddhist monks. As such, he followed
the system taught by Bodhidharma, which consisted in
abstraction of the mind from all objects of sense, and even
its own thoughts. He addressed his disciples in the
following words, " You all believe that the ' mind ' (sin)
itself is 'Buddha' (intelligence). Bodhidharma came to
1 The other two orders of Buddhist thus early. The marked difference
monks are (1.) Lu-shi, or " Disciplin- between the Buddhism of Bodhi-
ists," who go barefoot and follow rigid- dharma, and that already existing in
ly the rules enjoined in the early ages China, requires some such supposi-
of Buddhism, for the observance of all tion. These three orders still exist.
who entered on the ascetic life; (2.) The common priests met with in
Fa-shi, or those who perform the temples are not considered to deserve
common duties of priests, engage in either denomination, but on the sup-
popular teaching, and study the position that they fulfil their duties,
literature of their religion: The they are Fa-shi. Distinguished priests
word Ch 'an (in old Chinese, jan and are called Ch'an-shi. The emperors
dan), originally signifying "resign," till very recently have always been
had not the meaning to "contem- accustomed to give names to distin-
plate" (now its commonest sense), guished priests. The early translators
before the Buddhists adopted it to were honoured with the title Sam-
represent the Sanscrit term Dhyana. tsang-fa-shi. In common cases the
The word in Chinese books is spelt title Ch'an-shi is all that is appended
in full jan-na, and is explained, "to to the new name given by the imperial
reform one's self by contemplation or favour to those who, from their learn-
quiet thought." Perhaps an Eastern ing and character, are supposed to
extension of the Jaina, or some lost deserve it.
sect, still existing in India, took place

130 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
China, and taught the method of the heart, that you might
be enlightened. He brought the Lenga Sutra, exhibiting
the true impression of the human mind as it really is,
that you might not allow it to become disordered. There
fore that book has but one subject, the instructions of
Buddha concerning the mind. The true method is to
have no method. Out of the mind there is no Buddha.
Out of Buddha there is no mind. Virtue is not to be
sought, nor vice to be shunned. Nothing should be looked
upon as pure or polluted. To have a sensation of an object
is nothing but to become conscious of the mind's own
activity. The mind does not know itself, because it is
blinded by the sensations." He was asked, by what
means excellence in religion should be attained? He
replied, " Eeligion does not consist in the use of means.
To use means is fatal to the attainment of the object."
Then what, he was again asked, is required to be done
in order to religious advancement? "Human nature in
itself," he said, " is sufficient for its own wants. All that
is needed is to avoid both vice and virtue. He that can
do this is a ' religious man ' (sieu-tau-jen)."
These extracts indicate that a great change had taken
place in the popular teaching of Buddhism. In the first
centuries of its history in China, retribution and the future
life were most insisted on. But the tenets of Bodhi
dharma, who aimed to restore what he considered the true
doctrine of Buddha, gradually diffused themselves and
became the most powerful element in the system. The
consequence was a less strong faith in the future life.
I-tsung, who ascended the throne A.D. 860, was devoted
to the study of the Buddhist books. Priests were called
in to discourse on their religion in the private apartments
of his palace, and the monasteries were frequently honoured
with the imperial presence. He was memorialised in vain
by the Confucian mandarins, who represented that Tauism,
speaking as it did of mercy and moderation, and the ori
ginal religion of China, of which the fundamental priti-

BODHIRUCHI.

13 1

ciples were benevolence and rectitude, were enough for
China, and the emperor should follow no other. This
emperor practised writing in Sanscrit characters, and
chanted the classics in the originals according to the
musical laws of the land from which they came. Nothing
could be more irritating to rigid conservatives, who hated
everything foreign and lived to glorify Confucius, than to
hear such sounds issuing from the imperial apartments.
In this reign another bone of Buddha was brought to the
palace. When it arrived the emperor went out to meet
it, and prostrated himself on the ground before it, weeping
while he uttered the "invocation of worship" (namo). The
ceremonies were on a scale even greater than at the
annual sacrifice to Heaven and Earth. Similar scenes
occurred at about the same time in the West, when Euro
pean kings were not ashamed to honour the relics of
Christian romance, just as their contemporaries in the far
East revered those of the equally luxuriant imagination of
Buddhism. No one in the West, however, raised so loud a
voice of warning against these superstitions as the Confu
cian mandarins at the court of Ch'ang-an.
Among the foreign Buddhists who took up their residence
in China in the first T'ang dynasty was Bodhiruchi. Pie
translated the Hwa-yen and Pau-tsih Sutras. Lenga, a
second, came from the north of the Ts'ung-ling mountains ;
others from India. The usual story of these wanderers was
that they were the sons of kings, and had resigned their title
to the crown to free thems<sives from worldly cares, and
cultivate the heart. These tales may have been true, but
they should not be repeated too often, for fear of exciting
suspicion in the mind of the reader. More than one of
these ci-devant princes adopted the profession of rain
maker at the Chinese court, and saved the country from
drought for a considerable period. On one occasion the
emperor was assured that it would rain when certain
images opened their eyes. After three days the images
showed the same willingness to gratify the expectation of

132 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
their worshippers as have those of another religion, and
the prophecy was fulfilled.
Pu-k'ung, already mentioned, came from Ceylon.1 As
he was travelling, a herd of elephants rushed towards
him. He sat quietly on the way side. The elephants all
knelt down before him and retired. When he came to
China, he produced, it is said, a great reformation of man
ners in court and country, and was reverenced as a divi
nity. If judged by his works,2 however, consisting of
unintelligible charms with pictures of many Bodhisattwas,
he brought a grosser superstition than before. His book
of directions for calling hungry spirits to be fed, by magi
cal arrangements of the fingers, delineations of Sanscrit.
characters and such like means, vindicates for him the
unenviable honour of being the chief promoter of Bud
dhist fetishism in China. From Sin-la, a kingdom now
forming part of Corea, some priests also came. One of
these, named Wu-leu, was retained by the emperor Hiuen-
tsung, with Pu-k'ung, to pray for the imperial and national
prosperity. When he approached his end he rose in the
air a foot high, and so died.3
At this time some priests came from Japan, bringing
ten of the monastic dresses denominated Sanghali, as pre
sents to those in China who should best deserve them.
Lan-chin praised the gift as evidence of the advancement
made by the donors in the knowledge and dispositions of
the true Buddhist. He determined to go to Japan, and
1 The Yoga or Yogachara school ni)is in Sanscrit Dharani, "a charm."
was founded by Asangha, and its sys- See also the very popular work called
tern taught in China by Pu-k'ung Yu-k'ia-yen-k'eu, universally used by
(Amogha). It combined Brahman- the priests as a mass-book for the
ism, Shivaism, and the doctrine of benefit of the hungry dead, who come,
Dhyana Buddhas (derived from Ne- in consequence of the priest's incan-
paul), with the Mahayana philosophy, tations, from hell, with " flaming
2 See the work called Ts'ien-shcu mouths " (yen-k'en) to receive " sweet
ts'ien-yen kwan-shi-yin p'u-sa ta-pei- dew " (kan-lu) and go back relieved.
sin to-lo-ni, "The magical formula of 3 These notices of foreign Buddhists
the Bodhisattwa Kwan-shi-yin, who are taken from the Supplement to the
has a thousand hands and eyes and well - known cyclopaedia Wen-Men-
a, merciful heart." " Da-la-ni " {To-lo- t'ung-k'au.

PERSECUTION BY THE CHEU DYNASTY. 133
after a tempestuous voyage he arrived there. The king
came out to meet him, and assigned him a residence.
From him the Japanese received their first instructions in
the Discipline of Buddhism, or the rules of the monastic
life. Under the Later T'ang dynasty a native priest of
Wu-t'ai, observing the mode in which the foreign Bud
dhists obtained their influence, felt a wish to share with
them in the dominion of the atmosphere. He gave out
that the dragon of the sky was obedient to him, and that
wind and rain came at his call. The emperor and empress
prostrated themselves before him, and he did not think it
necessary to rise in their presence. Unfortunately a long
drought arrived, and his prayers were unavailing to bring
it to a termination. Enraged at his want of success, some
proposed to burn him, but he was permitted to return
home, and died of disappointment.
The last emperor of this short dynasty was much under
the influence of Ajeli, a foreigner at Fung-siang, in Shen-si.
He was memorialised by an officer of his court, on the sub
ject of instituting examinations for those who wished to
adopt the Buddhist life of reading and retirement. The
monks and nuns should both be examined in the " Shastras"
(Lun), the " Sutras" (King), and the daily duties of the mon
astery. In the same way he recommended that those who
aspired to become Tauist priests should be examined in
the literature of that sect. The emperor assented to these
propositions. His successor of the Later Tsin dynasty
distributed favours and titles very freely among the pro
fessors of the two faiths, and, as was natural, foreign
priests, with teeth and other relics of Buddha, continued
to arrive.
A little later a prince of the Cheu family and the
immediate predecessor of the founder of the Sung dynasty,
placed severe restrictions on Buddhism, and prohibited all
temples except those that had received an inscribed tablet
from former emperors. More than thirty thousand of these

134 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
buildings were in consequence suppressed by edict ; 2694
temples were retained. The same edict prohibited the
monks and lay Buddhists from cutting off their hands and
feet, burning their fingers, suspending lighted lamps by
hooks inserted into the flesh, and from carrying pincers in
a similar manner. " Let us not smile," says Mr. Watters,
'' at these self-imposed tortures, unless we can also weep
to think that similar tortures have been practised by the
followers of Jesus — not only by individuals on their own
bodies, but also upon those of their fellows."
T'ai-tsu, the first emperor of the Sung family (a.d. 964),
sent messengers to persuade his contemporary of the house
of T'ang not to show such devotion to Buddhist supersti
tions as he had done. The latter took the remonstrance
in good part, and ceased to look with his former regard on
the crowd of priests that frequented his capital. T'ai-
tsung, the second in the new succession, stopped the
public examinations of candidates for monk's orders. He
was an enemy to the delusions which he saw to be so
popular among his subjects. Hearing that wood was
being collected to form a death pyre for a priest who
had determined to burn himself, he thought it was time
to act, and issued an edict forbidding new temples. He
changed his policy a few years after ; for the history of
the time relates the erection by his command of a pagoda
360 Chinese feet in height. It was completed in eight
years, and relics of Buddha were deposited in it. A short
notice of this class of structures will be here introduced.
The number of pagodas in China is very great. There
are nine within thirty miles of Shanghai. When complete
and well situated, the pagoda is without dispute the most
ornamental edifice to be seen in this Eastern world. Per
haps no more beautiful single object could be added by
the hand of man to hill and wood scenery. At Lo-yang, in
the Tsin dynasty (a.d. 350), there were forty-two, from
three to nine stories high, richly painted, and formed after
Indian models. The word t'a (formerly t'ap), now in uni-

ERECTION OF PAGODAS. 135
versal use, has displaced the older names feu-t'u (budu)
and fo-t'u (buddu). The original purpose of the edifice
was to deposit relics of Buddha. These relics might be a
hair, tooth, metamorphosed piece of bone, article of dress,
or rice vessel. When the bodies of deceased Bodhisattwas
and other revered persons were burnt, the remains were
placed in structures which received the same name, t'upa or
st'upa, and it is these that have been described by travellers,
in Afghanistan and other regions where Buddhism formerly
prevailed, as topes.
" When there is no ' relic' " (she-li; in Sanscrit, sharira),
says the cyclopsedia Fa-yuen-chu-lin, "the building is
called chi-ti " (in Sanscrit, chaitya), and it may be in
tended to commemorate the birthplace of Buddha, the
spot where he became enlightened, where he taught, or
where he entered into the Nirvana. Footsteps of Buddha,
an image of a Bodhisattwa or of a Pratyeka Buddha, are
also honoured with the erection of a chi-ti.
When pagodas are without relics and unconnected with
any legend, their erection must be attributed to reasons
founded on the Chinese " geomancy " (feng-shui). These
buildings are supposed to have a very important and
happy influence on the districts in which they are situated.
The charity of the contributors is also believed to be repaid
in riches, longevity, and forgiveness of sins, as in the case
of all Chinese almsgiving.
Most of the existing pagodas date from the time at
which our narrative has now arrived. Those built in the
T'ang and previous dynasties have many of them fallen a
prey to the ruinous hand of time; while more recently
the diminished favour which those possessing wealth and
power have extended to Buddhism has caused an entire
cessation of pagoda building, except when old ones were
to be restored.
In the tenth century,1 the royal family of the Min king
dom, bearing the surname Wang, were very much devoted
1 Watters, p. 42.

1 36 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
to Buddhism. To them the city of Foochow owes the two
pagodas which adorn it. The king admitted ten thousand
persons to the vows in a.d. 940.
Anything that is precious in the eyes of the Buddhist
devotee may be deposited in these structures. One was
erected by the emperor for the preservation of the newly-
arrived Sanscrit books at the request of Hiuen-tsang, lest
they should be injured for want of care. It was 180 feet
high, had five stories with grains of she-li (relics) in the
centre of each, and contained monuments inscribed with
the prefaces written by the emperor and prince royal to
Hiuen-tsang's translations.
The great expense of large Buddhist structures some
times led the more self-confident of the priests to rash
resolutions. On one occasion a monk of T'ien-t'ai, a large
and ancient establishment to the south of Ningpo, pro
fessed to the emperor his wish to commit himself to the
flames when the erection of a certain temple was com
pleted. His desire was granted, and an officer sent to see
that the temple was built and the feat carried into execu
tion. The pile was made and the priest called on to come
forward. He excused himself, but in vain. He looked
round on the assembled crowd for some one to save him ;
among priests and people, however, none offered to help
the trembling victim of his own folly. The stern voice of
the imperial messenger bade him ascend' the pile. He
still lingered, and was at length seized by the attendants,
placed forcibly on the pile and burnt.
The conduct of the emperors towards Buddhism was
then, as it has been more recently, very inconsistent.
Favour was shown to priests, while occasional edicts were
issued intended to check the progress of the system. The
emperors gratified their private feelings by gorgeous erec
tions for the practice of idolatry, while they paid a tribute
to the Confucian prejudices of the literati by denouncing
the religion in public proclamations.
In the reign of Chen-tsung, a favourer of Buddhism, a

ENCOURAGEMENT OF SANSCRIT STUDIES. 137
priest from India is mentioned as translating the " Sutra
of Good Fortune," Fo-ki-siang-king, and other works, to the
number of more than two hundred chapters.
Jen-tsung, in A.D. 1035, made an effort to preserve the
knowledge of Sanscrit literature by appointing fifty
youths to study it. A few years earlier, it is said in a
notice of Fa-t'ien-pen, a native of " Magadha " (Bahar), in
India, that he was assisted in translating the Wu-liang-
sheu-king, the " Sutra of Boundless Age," and other works,
by a native of China familiar with Sanscrit. These facts
have a bearing on the possible existence of Sanscrit manu
scripts in China. One old manuscript only has yet been
discovered, in South China, in that mode of writing. Occa
sionally a few specimen characters are introduced in native
works where foreign alphabets are treated of.1 In an
account of the Kwo-t'sing monastery in the " History of
T'ien-t'ai-shan " it is said that a single work was saved from
a fire there several centuries ago, which was written on
the pei-to (patra), or " palm " leaf of India. A visit to T'ien-
t'ai — a spot abounding in Buddhist antiquities, the earliest,
and except P'u-to, the largest and richest seat of that
religion in Eastern China — by myself and two companions
led to the discovery that this work is still there, but in
the Kau-ming monastery, and that it is written in the
Sanscrit character. I had a copy made which was sent
to Professor Wilson; but the work of the copyist was
found to be too incorrect to admit of its being read. T'ien-
t'ai is about fifty miles south of Ningpo, and is celebrated
for its beautiful scenery. As a monastic establishment it
dates from the fourth century, while P'u-to is no earlier
than the tenth. In the province of Che-kiang, where
1 Sanscrit characters are also con- sale. They are written in a later
tained in such works as Yii-k'iSryen- Devanagari with the top line, from
k'eu, which may be seen in any left to right, distinct in form. There
monastery. In Peking, Sanscrit sen- are also Sanscrit inscriptions on
tences, chiefly charms, are seen "octagonal stones " (shi-chwang). The
written under the eaves of the roofs Devanagari is of an older style with-
of temples. Some manuscripts have out the top line. They date from
been brought to foreign residents for the Kin dynasty.

138 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
maritime and hill scenery are so luxuriantly combined,
the picturesque homes of the Buddhist monks are clustered
together more thickly, it would seem, than anywhere else.
Like their English contemporaries whose mode of life was
in many points so similar, they knew well how to choose
spots where the rich landscape spread before their eyes
would be some compensation for their banishment from
social enjoyments. They were quite as inventive too in
peopling the woods and rocks where they selected their
place of retirement with supernatural visitors, whose rank
or good deeds lent a mysterious sanctity to the place
where traces of their presence were observed. And they
framed with equal facility marvellous legends to form a
ground for erecting temples in honour of the hero thus
endowed with an imaginary immortality. The Bodhi
sattwas and "Arhans" (Lo-han) of Oriental religious fiction,
correspond to the saints and martyrs venerated in the West.
Those who chose the situations of many of the large
Buddhist establishments must have had an eye for the
loveliness of nature. The ignorant and unreflecting class
of priests now usually met with, whose aim is no higher
than to count beads, to chant the classics, and to perform
the genuflexions according to rule, must not be taken as
examples of the earlier race of Buddhist monks. There
was in the flourishing days of Buddhism more devotion to
the system, and a much better appreciation of its nature,
than at present. It was quite in keeping with a more
sinoere belief in the religion, to choose beautiful solitudes
high among hills for the practice of its rites, and to spare
no expense in constructing appropriate edifices in the
most magnificent style of Chinese architecture. It is only
by supposing sincere attachment to the principles of the
system, that cases of self-destruction by fire in imitation
of the ancient Hindoo practice can be accounted for.
History says that the emperor Jen-tsung, having as a high
mark of favour introduced into the standard edition of
Buddhist books some works by the priests of T'ien-t'ai,

PLACES OF PILGRIMAGE. 139
one of the monks performed this terrible feat to show his
gratitude for the emperor's goodness. Another prevailing
motive in uniting the utmost attainable beauty in nature
and art, was undoubtedly the desire to produce popular
effect, and to provide attractions for the rich and the
superstitious when they went on a religious pilgrimage.
Among these spots none in all China is more famous than
the island of P'u-to, to the east of Chusan. It was about
a.d. 9 1 5 that it was taken possession of by the Buddhists,
not many years before the time this narrative has reached.
It is dedicated to " Kwan-shi-yin," a name translated from
the Sanscrit Avalokiteshwara. P'u-hien (Samantabhadra),
another fictitious Bodhisattwa, is honoured in a similar way
at Wo-mei shan, in Si-ch'uen. At Kieu-hwa, in An-hwei,
a little westward of Ch'i-cheu fu, Ti-t'sang another of the
great Bodhisattwas, is honoured with special worship. The
fourth and last of these establishments, the great gather
ing-places of the followers of Juki, is that of " Manjusiri "
( Wen-chu p'u-sa) at Wu-t'ai in Shan-si, already referred to.
The name " P'u-to " (Pu-ta) is the same as that known in
Indian ancient geography as " Potala" or " Potaraka " (Pu-
ta-lo-kia). Kwan-shi-yin is said in the Hwa-yen-king to
have taught the Buddhist doctrines on that island. The
original island was situated in the Southern sea of Indian
geographers, and P'u-td is therefore denominated Nan-
hai p'u-to (the P'u-to of the Southern sea). Through the
Sung and Yuen dynasties buildings were added till they
grew to their present magnitude. The number of priests
from all parts of China who visit this sacred island is
immense.1 The residents, however, are not so numerous as at
T'ien-t'ai. T'ien-t'ai was at this.time become famous for
»
1 The Thibetan inscriptions at P'u- tor of the Thibetans, and, as Hue
to, which have frequently attracted informs us, monuments with the
the notice of foreign visitors, pro- words Om-mani-padme-hum, a sen-
bably owe their origin to some far- tence which occurs on the P'u-to
travelled devotee from that country, stones, are everywhere seen there.
Kwan-shi-yin is the national protec-

140 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the origination of a new school. The works by Chinese
authors mentioned above as placed parallel with the
translations from Sanscrit, consisted of the productions of
this school called CM-kwan-hio or T'ien-t'ai-kiau. The
common book of prayers, Ta-pei-ts'an, has the same origin.
The object of this new school was to combine contempla
tion with image worship. While the regulations for
kneeling and chanting by* several persons in unison are
most < oinplicated and minute, the operators aim to fix
their thoughts on certain objects of devotion. This system
differs from Bodhidharma's school of pure mental abstrac
tion, by adding to devotional thoughts the helps of the
senses. The tawdry gaiety' of the idols, the union of
many persons under the direction of a time-keeper in
kneeling and standing, mute thought and loud recitation,
it was believed would have a highly useful influence, when
combined with an intense effort after pure religious medi
tation. The union of these two elements was intended to
be a great improvement on the previous methods. Tb
first Buddhist worship had made no express provision for
the meditative faculties, and it had in consequence de
generated into the driest of forms. The common cere
monial of the sect at the present time exemplifies it,
exhibiting as it does postures devoid of all reverence and
lifeless repetitions of foreign words destitute of all emotion.
The founder of this new system, Chi-k'ai, lived at T'ien-
t'ai in the latter half of the sixth century. It was not
till after more than four centuries that the principal
writings of the school he established were included among
the standard books of Buddhism. The title by which he
is known is T'ien-t'ai-chi-che. The ceremonial thus intro
duced still maintains its reputation, and is practised by
those who wish to infuse a deeper feeling into the service
of the religion than is aimed at by the every-day worship
pers of Buddha.
These changing forms of Chinese Buddhism — and there
are others that will subsequently be described — are facts

ESOTERIC AND EXOTERIC SCHOOLS. 141
not without significance for the religious history of man
kind, that most interesting chapter in the chronicle of our
race. Human nature, true to itself, will run the same
round of varieties in connection with religions most dif
ferent in their origin, principles, and geographical situation.
Christianity has been greatly affected in the form that it
has assumed in successive ages by the operation of the
natural religious feelings inherent in man, which are the
parents of all superstition and are independent of tile new
spiritual life bestowed by Divine power. This fact, which
is clearly exhibited in Church history, renders the histori
cal comparison between Christianity and other religions a
possible one. The monastic institute, for example, which
began in Buddhism, as its earliest books show, with
Shakyamuni the founder of the religion, was in Christianity
an innovation originating in the desire felt by many to
engage constantly in religious contemplation, without
being interrupted by the cares of secular life. In the
-"Istory of both religions there have been leading minds
that have elevated contemplation at the expense of external
forms.- Others have sought by sensible representations
alone to call the religious feelings into action. Minds of
a third class have combined the two. But when Bud
dhism proceeds to the negation of all thought, action, and
individual existence, the parallel fails, for though philo
sophy has intruded frequently and extensively into the
battle-field of Christianity, it has never been attempted to
construct a new religious life on such a basis of philosophy
as this. Philosophical scepticism in the West has been
confined to the safer regions of speculation, without being
brought, as Buddhism has tried to bring it, to a practical
form.1 Another subdivision of the Buddhist schools into
Tsung-men and Kiau-men may be best characterised by
using the terms esoteric and exoteric to distinguish them.
The first of the former entered China when the patriarch
1 The attempt of Comte and his religion on a basis of philosophy has
half-dozen followers to construct a been conspicuous only by its failure.

Illi

142 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Bodhidharma brought the traditional symbol, called in
Chinese cheng-fa-yen-tsang, and the school he established-
is its highest kind. The magical formulse cheu (dharani)'
also belong to esoteric Buddhism. These childish produc
tions are as destitute of meaning in their original Sanscrit
as they are in their transferred Chinese form, but all sorts
of miracles are believed to be wrought by them. The
classics and books of prayers, with the other parts of the
literature, belong to exoteric Buddhism, which also em
braces all rules for life and worship. For this classifica
tion the native terms in use are hien, "open," and mi,
" secret." The despotic nature of the Chinese government has
been often shown in its treatment of religions. When per
secution has not been resorted to, the right of interference
in the internal regulations of Buddhism and Tauism has
been often assumed. Thus the Sung emperor, Shen-tsung,
orderedmany of the "temples" denominatedsi to be changed
into the "monasteries" called ch'an-yuen, forthe use of the
monks who followed the system of Bodhidharma. His
successor issued a similar decree. In 1119, Hwei-tsung,
advised by Lin Ling-su, commanded the title of Buddha
to be changed to one like those of the Tauist genii. He
was to be styled Ta-kio-kin-sien, in which kio, to "per
ceive," is a translation of the word Buddha, and kin, i.e.,
"golden," represents the substance of which his image
is supposed to be formed. The other Indian titles were
also ordered to be abandoned. The " priests," instead of
being known as seng, were to be called te-sh'%, " virtuous
scholars." The " temples," s'i, and " monasteries," yuen,
were to receive the designations kung, " palace," and kwan,
" monastery," terms in use among the Tauists. This futile
attempt to amalgamate the two religions was abandoned
the following year.
The two brother philosophers, Cheng, in the city of
Lo-yang, set themselves against the Buddhist burial rites.
But an admirer compared them to the rock in the middle

MONASTIC VOWS. 143
of a torrent, which can retard but for a moment the pro
gress of the impetuous stream.
Si-ma Wen-kung wrote soon after that men need not
practise burial rites for deliverance from hell, because
neither heaven nor hell are to be expected. The body
decays at death, and the spirit flies off, carried away by
a puff of wind. — (See Watters.)
At that time, as at the present day, Buddhist priests
were invited by rich persons to go through a ritual for
the dead. The follower of Confucius engages priests from
both the other sects without scruple to offer prayers, in
whose efficacy he does not believe, for the souls of deceased
relatives. By the Oriental, sincerity and independence in
religious belief are without difficulty subordinated to the
outward show of respect which is felt to be necessary
while it is unreal. When, as death approached, a certain
mandarin prohibited the employment of Buddhist priests
at his funeral, the incident is commemorated as something
remarkable. In justification of himself he quoted the
saying of an author, " That if there were no heaven there
was no need to seek it ; and that if there were, good men
would certainly go there. If there were no hell there
was no need to fear it ; and if there were, bad men would
go there."
In the times of Buddhist prosperity persons received
from the emperor a written permission to become ho-shang x
or " monks." When this practice was abandoned, as by
Kau-tsung, one of the emperors who reigned at Hang-
chow, A.D. 1 143, the higher members of the Buddhist
hierarchy undertook to distribute the usual certificates
of membership in the order. Thus the aim of the em-
1 The word ho-snang, as the Chinese selves also use ch'u-kia-jen, a Chinese
Life of Buddha informs us, is trans- term convertible with it. It means
ferred from the language of " Udin " "men who have left the family."
(Yu-tian) or " Khoteu," south-east TJpadhy&ya is a Sanscrit term for " a
of Kashgar, and was originally trans- self-taught teacher," and Hwa-shie is
lated from the Sanscrit Updsaka. a vernacular term in Kashgar and
Ho-shang is now the universal term Kustana, and has become ho-shang in
for the Buddhist monks. They them- Chinese.— (Eitel.)

144 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
peror, who had argued that for want of imperial patron
age the inmates of the monasteries would be thinned
in numbers, until death effected what former emperors
had sought to accomplish by persecution, was frustrated.
When the neophyte visits the chief monk at some monas
tery, in order to go through the ceremonies of initiation,
an indentation is usually burnt in at the top of his shaven
head, and a new one is made at every repetition of the
visit. A priest is proud to show these marks of distinc
tion, arranged in a square on his naked cranium, as testify
ing to the self-denial he has practised in attaining his
position. There are various evidences of the continued influence
of Indian Buddhism on that of China at this compara
tively late period. The "History of the Sung Dynasty," in
its account of India, details the arrival in a.d. 95 1 of
Samanta, a monk, with a large party of companions from
Western India, belonging to sixteen families. In 965 a
Chinese priest, named Tau-yuen, returned from a journey
to the Western countries with relics and Sanscrit copies
of Buddhist books written on the " palm-leaf " (pei-to) to
the number of forty volumes. He was absent twelve years,
and resided in India itself half of that time. He returned
by the usual route round the north-west of the great
mountain mass denominated Ts'ung-ling. He gave an
account of his travels to the emperor on his return, and
showed him the Sanscrit books. The next year 157
Chinese priests set out together, with the emperor's per
mission, to visit India and obtain Buddhist books. They
passed through Pu-lu-sha and " Cashmere " (Ka-shi-mi-lo),
but nothing is said of their further proceedings. During
the latter part of the tenth century Sanscrit manuscripts
continued to arrive at court in great numbers. On one
occasion the son of a king of Eastern India was a visitor.
The reason of his abandoning his native land, continues
our authority, was that it is customary for the younger sons
of a deceased king to leave their eldest brother at home to

HINDOO BUDDHISTS IN CHINA. 145
succeed their father, and themselves become monks. They
travel then to other countries and never return. These
extracts from the " Sung History " are continued, because
they are not only valuable in themselves, but because also
there is some uncertainty as to the time when Buddhism
was expelled from India, and they may be of assiscance
in determining that question. In 982 a priest of Western
China returned from India with a letter from a king of
that country to the emperor. It was translated by an
Indian at the imperial command, and contained con
gratulations on the favour shown in China to Buddhism,
together with geographical details on India and adjacent
countries. The next year another Chinese monk returned
by sea with Buddhist books from India. On his way he
met at San-fo-t'si, a country bordering on Cambodia to
the south-west, an Indian who wished to come to China
to translate Buddhist books. He was invited by the
emperor to engage in so doing. Other traces occur, not
seldom in Chinese history, of the presence of Buddhist
Indians in the Birmese peninsula, some of them of the
Brahman caste. The rising influence of Brahmanism, and
the more modern forms of religious belief in India, drove
the followers of Shakya, not only into the northern regions,
where they spread their system through Thibet and Tar-
tary, and by which many of them found their way to
China, but also into the islands and kingdoms that lay
on the other side of the Bay of Bengal. A few years
later than the last-mentioned date a Chinese, and with
him a foreign Buddhist monk, came from the king of
Northern India with a letter to the emperor. A Buddhist
priest of the Brahman caste, with Aliyin, a Persian of
another religion, are also mentioned as coming to the
capital. The former, in the account he gives of his native
country, mentions Buddhism as the religion favoured by
the king. Some came by sea at this time who could not
make themselves understood, but the images and books
they brought showed that they were Buddhists. Several

146 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
other arrivals of Hindoos are recorded, and if the books
they are said to have presented to the Chinese emperor
are still preserved in the state archives, there can be no
lack there of Sanscrit manuscripts of Buddhist works.
Though the great mass of Buddhist literature was
already translated, additions not a few were made in
the Sung and Yuen dynasties, and the whole number
of " chapters " (kiuen) raised from 4271 to 4661.
The account given of Kau-ch'ang (the Ouighour country
north-west of China) says that the calendar there used
was the one introduced by the Hindoo Buddhists at the
court of the T'ang dynasty in the early part of the eighth
century. More than fifty Buddhist temples had monu
mental tablets presented by emperors of the same dynasty,
and, with the collected sacred books of Buddhism, are
also preserved the early Chinese dictionaries 1 made with
the assistance of the Hindoos. The reader is left to sup
pose that the Buddhist classics in the language of China
were at that time used in the countries beyond its north
western frontier, as they still are in Japan, Loo-choo, and
Corea. It is added, " Temples of Manes and Persian ' priests '
(senga) are also found there, each following his own
ritual. These are such as are called in the Buddhist'
Sutras ' heretics ' (wai-tau)." This must be an allusion to
the followers of Manes, and probably also to the Nes-
torians, who, on the Si-ngan inscription, call themselves
by the Buddhist term senga in the sense of " priest."
From the extended sketch given of Japanese intercourse
with China in the " Sung History," it appears that the ob
ject of the majority of the embassies then and previously
was a Buddhist one. Monks were the ambassadors ; books
of that religion, such as were known in Japan only by
name, were asked for ; remarkable places, like the Wu-t'ai
mountain in Shan-si, were visited ; the doctrines of parti
cular sects, such as that of T'ien-ta'i, were studied at the
1 T'ang-yun, Yu-p'ian, &c.

MONGOL DYNASTY FAVOURED BUDDHISM. 147
spots where they were principally cultivated; travellers
like Hiuen-tsang were regarded with veneration, and the
books that he intrusted to them, Sutras, Discipline, and
Shastras, guarded with especial care. The impression left
on the reader's mind by the narrative alluded to is, that the
early and constant embassies from Japan were decidedly
Buddhistic in their character. Perhaps this arose simply
from the fact of the ambassadors having been monks,
while some other cause led to the appointment of persons
of that profession to the duty. At least, however, it indi
cates that the Buddhist priests in Japan possessed for a
long period great political influence.
Kublai khan, the first Mongul emperor, was strongly
attached to Buddhism. The imperial temples, for sacri
ficing to the objects of Chinese national worship, were
converted to Buddhist uses; while Tauism was persecuted,:
injunctions were issued to all followers of Buddha to chant
the sacred books diligently in all the monasteries. When
Kublai was recommended by his courtiers to send an
army to subjugate Japan, he refused on the ground that
it was a country where the precepts of Buddha were
honoured. A monk of that sect was sent as ambassador,
but the king refused to follow the custom of his ancestor,
by sending the tributary offering that pleases Oriental
vanity, and marks the submissive obedience of an inferior
sovereign to his more powerful neighbour. A hundred
thousand soldiers were sent to enforce the claim of supre
macy over Japan, and their destruction in a storm while
crossing the sea thither is a well-known fact of history.
The early attachment of the Mongols to Buddhism ^
appears in the first notices of them in the annals of the
dynasty that they overthrew. While they still possessed
only the northern parts of China more than one Buddhist
monk was appointed to the office of kwo-sh'i (national
instructor). The first of these was Namo, a native of one
of the Western kingdoms. Another was Pa-ho-si-pa or
" Baschpa," a " Thibetan" (T'u-fan), who introduced a new

/

148 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
alphabet for the use of the Mongols based on that of hi3
own language. It was issued by authority of Kublai
khan, but failed to win its way, perhaps because the
characters were less simple than the writing taken from
the Syriac, which had already been adopted from the
Nestorians. In the reign of the successor of Kublai the historians
complain that three thousand taels of gold were set apart
to write Buddhist books in gilt letters, and other expenses
for this religion were in the same proportion of extra
vagance. The " Yuen History " describes the politic aims
of Kublai in his preference for Buddhism. Becoming
sovereign of a country wild and extensive, and a nation
intractable and quarrelsome, he resolved, in order to give
his native wilderness a civilised aspect, and soften down
the natural roughness of his subjects, to form cities on
the Chinese model, to appoint mandarins of various ranks,
and put the people under the guidance of a public instruc
tor. A priest of Buddha held this post, and he was only
subordinate to the chief lay mandarin. His orders were
treated with the same respect as the imperial proclama
tions. When all the state officers were assembled he
alone remained seated on the floor in the corner, and
he was received at court with the highest honours 'that
could be paid to a subject.
The remarks of Confucianist historians on such things
are naturally bitter. It is not according to precedent
to praise Buddhism. To censure it is the fashion of the
literati. When they wield the historic brush, they deepen
the colouring if superstitious emperors and Buddhist suc
cesses have to appear on the canvas. What they record
of censure they record as a painful duty, and, as often
happens when men have a painful duty to perform, they
feel more pleasure in the performance than they like
o acknowledge.
Towards the end of the thirteenth century, a census
was taken by imperial command of the Buddhist temples

TRANSLATIONS BY THE MONGOLS. 149
and monks in China. Of the former, there were reported
42,318, and of the latter, 213,148. Three years after, at the
close of Kublai's reign, when a priest came from " Thibet "
(Si-fan) to become kwo-slvi (national instructor), the
emperor, regretting that he could not converse with him,
ordered Kalutanasi, a Mongolian, to learn the Thibetan
language from him. This task was accomplished in a
year, and, says the narrative, the complete translation of
the Buddhist Sutras and Shastras, from " Thibetan " (Si-
fan),1 and Sanscrit into Mongolian, and written in Oui-
ghour characters, was presented to the founder of the Yuen
dynasty in the year of his death, a.d. i 294. He ordered
it to be cut on blocks, and distributed among the kings
and great chiefs of his nation. The notices of Buddhism
that occur in the reigns of the successive Mongol emperors
are extremely numerous, but they belong perhaps more
to Mongolian and Thibetan Buddhism than to that of
China, and it will be only necessary, therefore, to take a
brief review of them. The recitation of the classics was
frequently practised in the Thibetan language in the
monasteries of the capital at the emperor's command. In
1324 a second record occurs of the translation into Mon
golian of the Buddhist books. It merely says that the
translation from the Si-fan (Thibetan) language was then
made in the "Ouighour" (Wei-ngu-r'i) writing. Those
who received the highest religious title, that of kwo-sh'i
or ti-sh'i, "imperial instructor," were foreigners. One of
these, Pi-kn-na-shi-li, of the Kan-mu-lu kingdom, learned
in his youth the Ouighour and " Sanscrit '' (Si-t'ien, " West
ern heaven") writing. In 13 12 he was ordered by the
emperor to translate Buddhist books. From Chinese he
translated the Leng-yen-king, a Sutra regarded by the
Chinese literati as the best of all the Buddhist books.
From Sanscrit he translated four Sutras, and others from
Thibetan, in all a thousand "chapters" (kiuen). He was
put to death for suspected treason, concerted with the
1 Seethe " Supplement to Wen-hien-t'ung-k'au."

150 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
son of the king of the An-si country on the eastern border
of Persia. The Mongol emperors continued faithful to
their adopted creed during the short continuance of their
power in China. It was, as it has continued to be, one
of their national institutions. The people accepted the
religion that their chiefs appointed for them. While
among the Chinese people, Buddhism has frequently had
to struggle against direct and indirect hostility from the
literary class and the government of the country, the
Mongolians have beheld without envy the priests of this
religion raised to the highest offices of state, and retain
ing unquestioned their position as the . most influential
body in the community.
The immoral pictorial representations introduced in the
worship of Shiva were imitated by the Thibetan Buddhists.
When brought to one of the Mongolian emperors by a Thi
betan priest, he is said to have received them with approba
tion. The Chinese people were indignant when they heard
that such representations were permitted to demoralise the
inmates of the imperial palace. At present, although
some authors have asserted the contrary, there appear to
be no traces of any such practice in Chinese Buddhism,
bnt they are found in the lama temples in Peking.
Curiosity to visit the first home of their religion had
not yet entirely forsaken the Chinese Buddhists. Early
in this period a Chinese priest named Tau-wu was excited
by reading the accounts of Fa-hien and the early Buddhist
travellers to try his fortune in a similar undertaking.
He passed the Sandy desert, and through the kingdoms of
Kui-tsi and Sha-la to Kipin (Cophen). He there learned
the original language of the Buddhist books, obtained
a Sutra on the admission of Kwan-shi-yin to the Buddhist
life, and turning westward proceeded through the country
of the Getae and so into India. He returned by sea to
Canton. This, however, is the last record of the kind.
There was no reaction against Buddhism for some time
after the overthrow of the Yuen dynasty. Monks of that

MING DYNASTY LIMITS BUDDHIST PRIVILEGES. 151
religion from the countries west of China were still wel
comed at court, and decrees were promulgated applaud
ing the beneficial tendencies of the system. When a
mandarin ventured to reprove the third Ming emperor
on this account, he was silenced by the inquiry, Did he
wish to imitate Han Wen-kung ? In a.d. 1426 the next
occupier of the throne ordered examinations to be in
stituted for those who wished to become monks. At this
time, as had sometimes happened before, the attention
of the government was called to the increasing property
in land of the monasteries. In 1450 it was forbidden to
any monastic establishment to have more than 60 meu
(6000 feet square.) of land. What was in excess of this
was given to the poor to cultivate, they paying taxes to
the emperor. Similar acts of interference with the pro
perty of the monasteries are recorded in the preceding
dynasty. In the sixteenth century, in the time of Kia-
tsing, some attempts to revive persecution were made by
Confucian memorialists, but all they succeeded in effect
ing was the destruction of the Buddhist chapel belonging
to the palace. High titles were still granted to certain
priests who stated that they came from the West. They
were called shang-slii, " superior teacher," instead of ti-
sh'i, " imperial teacher," the title given in the Yuen
dynasty. In the latter years of the Ming dynasty, new enemies
to Buddhism arrived in China. The Eoman Catholic
missionaries followed the Mohammedans in protesting
against idolatry. The banner of hostility could be raised
by Christians with more reason against this religion than
against the national one, of which the worship of images
forms no part. Matteo Eicci had a controversy with a
noted Buddhist priest residing at Hang-cheu. It was with
a show of reason pressed upon the Buddhists that if their
theory of transmigration were true, it would be wrong to
enter into wedlock for fear of marrying one's own father
or mother. The Buddhists suggested in reply, that divi-

152 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
nation would reveal if such were the fact. Sii Kwang-k'i,
Eicci's most illustrious convert, wrote a short tract against
Buddhism, in which a few of its principal doctrines are
discussed and condemned in a popular style. It is con
cluded by a chapter against ancestral worship. The
work is called P'i-shih-sh'i-chu-wang, " The Errors of the
Buddhists Exposed."
Of the Manchu emperors, Shun-chi was a friend to
Buddhism, and wrote prefaces to some works of the fol
lowers of Bodhidharma, but his son K'ang-hi felt in his
later life great repugnance to all religions except the
Confucian. His sentiments are recorded in the " Sacred
Edict," or Imperial book of moral instructions for the
common people.
By insertion in the " Sacred Edict " these opinions have
been widely spread, and are extensively approved of to
the present time. The author cites the judgment pro
nounced by Chu Hi, the philosopher and critic of the
Sung dynasty, saying that the Buddhists care nothing
for heaven or earth, or anything that goes on around
them, but attend exclusively each to his single mind.
They are then condemned for fabricating groundless tales
of future happiness and misery. The'y are charged with
doing this only for gain, and encouraging for the same
object the large gatherings of the country population at
the temples; ostensibly to burn incense, but really to
practise the worst forms of mischief.
Policy has led the Manchu emperors to adopt a very
different tone in Mongolia and Thibet. The lamas of
those countries are received at Peking with the utmost
respect, and care has always been taken to avoid ex
citing a religious animosity that would be fraught with
danger. At the present time in the parts of China open to
foreign observation, each country village has its annual
festival, at which thousands assemble from distances of
many miles to witness processions of the images, and join

LITERATI STILL CONDEMN BUDDHISM. 153
in the idolatrous ceremonies to which the day is conse
crated. It is the same to the people whether it be a
Buddhist or Tauist temple, where the concourse takes
place. Their worship and offerings are presented with
equal willingness in either, and whatever story is told of
the power of any idol they are ready to believe.
The feeling of the educated is different from this. De
spising the popular development of Buddhism, as consist
ing of image worship and procuring for money the pro
tection of powerful unseen beings, they read with interest
those of the Buddhist books that have in them a vein of
metaphysical thought presented in elegant language. They
study Buddhism for the profundity of its ideas, while
they continue to adhere to Confucius, as their own chosen
teacher in morals and religion. In the wide literature of
this system there is room for readers of very various
predilections. There are several works of which meta
physical discussion is the prominent feature, and they are
read with pleasure by the intelligent, to whom a further
attraction is the excellent native style adopted by the
scholars who assisted in the translation. Such, for ex
ample, are the Kin-kang-king and the Leng-yen-king.
There are, however, not a few sincere Buddhists, chiefly
in the middle class of society, who believe that there is
a great merit and efficiency in the recitation of the sacred
books. They have a higher aim than those who practise
the mere burning of incense to secure particular forms of
happiness. They engage in the reading of these books or
enter on the life of a hermit or monk, hoping to quiet the
passions and train the heart to virtue.
Hermits are not uncommonly met with in the vicinity
of large Buddhist establishments. They occupy hill-side
caves, or a closed apartment, which for a certain term of
years they never leave. Their hair is allowed to grow
unshorn. Their food is brought them by the monks of
a neighbouring monastery. They employ their time in
reciting the sacred books, meditation on Buddhist doc-

154 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
trine, care of their cell, and replenishing the incense urn
placed before the image of Shakyamuni.
The preceding pages may be regarded as a sketch of
the external history of Chinese Buddhism. A notice of
the successive schools into which this religion has sub
divided itself will now be presented to the reader.

( 155 )

CHAPTEE VII.
THE SCHOOLS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The growth of esoteric sects in India — The Jains — Their series of
twenty-four patriarchs — Bodhidharma headed a new school
in Southern India, and was heretical as viewed from the Jains'
standpoint — He founded the contemplative school in China —
Nagarjuna, the author of the most revered hooks of this school —
Tsung-men — Kiau-men— Divisions of Tsung-men — The Tsung-
men sects are heretical in the view of the old orthodoxy —
Specimen of the teaching of the Tsung-men — Lin-tsi school —
Professes strict discipline — Its founder died a.d. 868 — His
monument on the hank of the Hu-to river in Chi-li — Resem
blance to European speculation on the absolute — Is Buddhism
pantheistic 1 — Exoteric sects — Lii-men (Vinaya) — Yogachara —
Fa-siang — Madhyamika — Fa-sing — Tsing-tu, or sect of the
" Pure land " or " Western heaven " — T'ien-t'ai — Poetry of
the Tsing-tu school.
Buddhism, as a religion of books and images, with the
vow of celibacy and the monastic system, had entered
China, and been widely propagated for several centuries,
before anything was heard of schools. Gradually the
Chinese Buddhists came to know of patriarchs, of the
contemplative school, and of its many subdivisions.
We are told that when the use of books was carried to
excess, and the true nature of humanity veiled from view,
Bodhidharma arrived with a tradition of his own teach
ing, that men by becoming conscious of their own nature
would attain the state of Buddha. He became the chief
founder of the esoteric schools, which were divided into
five principal branches.
The common word for the esoteric schools is dan, the

156 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Sanscrit Dhyana, now called in the modern sound given
to the character, ch'an.
Dr. Hamilton says, speaking of the Swaracs or Jains,
a still existing Buddhist sect in India, that they worship
twenty-four great teachers, who are called either Avatars
or Tirthancaras. Tirtha is an incarnation or an heretical
teacher or non-Buddhist ascetic of any sect.1 Ehode
supposed the Jains to be descendants of the Asuras and
Eakshas, races hostile to the early Hindoos.2 But they
were rather a school.
The Chinese have the series of twenty-four patriarchs.
They may be assumed to be the same with the Jaina
twenty-four patriarchs. Bodhidharma will then be a
heretic and continuator of an offshoot from the Jaina list
of patriarchs, commencing with Basiasita. The location
of this offshoot of the patriarchs, embracing the twenty-
fifth, twenty-sixth, twenty- seventh, and twenty-eighth,
was Southern India, for these four patriarchs were either
natives of Southern India or were at least engaged in
active labours there. Perhaps it will be better to say
that the Jains and the school of Bodhidharma are both of
them offshoots from a common stock, which recognised
patriarchs from the time of Kashiapa, and maintained
esoteric doctrine from that time.
The author of Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki, after describing the life of
Buddha in four chapters, gives an account of the twenty-
four patriarchs in his fifth chapter, and of nine selected
patriarchs in his sixth and seventh chapters. Among the
nine, Nagarjuna is the only foreigner, and the eight
natives are not any of them among the five regular suc
cessors of Bodhidharma. Among them were (i.) Kau
Hwei- wen, A.D. 550; (2.) Li Hwei-si, founder of the Nan-
ngo school ; (3.) Ch'en Chi-k'ai of T'ien-t'ai and founder of
that school. The five others I shall not mention.
Then he selects eight others. After this he gives the
1 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic 2 Bho de, Religiose Bildung u. s. w.
Society, vol. i. p. 538. der Hindus.

BODHIDHARMA HEADED A NEW SCHOOL. 157
history of the succession in each case till he has related
the lives of an immense number of teachers of schools,
large and small, important and unimportant. After this
he finds room for the school of Bodhidharma, on which,
however, he is rather brief.
The author of San-kiau-yi-su places Bodhidharma in
a much more important and elevated position. If Cli'i-
p'an's view is a better representation of the old and ortho
dox Buddhist opinion, that of this later book is a better
indication of the most prevalent opinions of modern
Chinese monks.
Orthodox Buddhism has in China slowly but steadily
become heterodox. The Buddhism of books and ancient
traditions has become the Buddhism of mystic contempla
tion. The followers of Bodhidharma have extended them
selves on every hand, and gained an almost complete
victory over steady orthodoxy.
The history of ancient schools springing up long ago
in the Buddhist communities of India, can now be only
very partially recovered. Possibly some light may be
thrown back by China upon the religious history of the
country from which Buddhism came. In no part of the
story is aid to the recovery of this lost knowledge more
likely to be found than in the accounts of the patriarchs,
the line of whom was completed by Bodhidharma. In
seeking the best explanation of the Chinese and Japanese
narrative of the patriarchs, and the seven Buddhas ter
minating in Gautama or Shakyamuni, it is important to
know the Jain traditions as they were early in the sixth
century of our era, when the patriarch Bodhidharma
removed to China.
If it occur as an objection to this hypothesis that the
discrepancies now existing between the school of Bodhi
dharma and of the Hindoo Jains are very great, the latter
having temples and an external worship, and that their
chronology also differs, in reply, it may be observed that
the fame and influence of Bodhidharma in China mark

158 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
him out as himself a great sect founder. In this character
he would preserve only as much as he pleased of the
traditions and observances of his fellow religionists,
and in their view he was probably in many points a
heretic. The absence of the esoteric element (at least
that distinct and highly-developed form of it which
belongs to China) from modern Jainism would follow
the departure of the last patriarch. Further, his school
keep images, and never think of dispensing with them,
though they hold that they may be dispensed with. Their
ritual also is most elaborate.
The second native writer, already quoted, thus compares
Buddha and Bodhidharma. The former, " Juki " (Tathd-
gata), taught great truths and the causes of things. He
became the instructor of men and Devas. He saved
multitudes, and spoke the contents of more than five
hundred works. Hence arose the Kiau-men, or exoteric
branch of the system, and it was believed to be the tradi
tion of the words of Buddha. Bodhidharma brought from
the Western heaven " the seal of truth " (true seal), and
opened the fountain of contemplation in the East. He
pointed directly to Buddha's heart and nature, swept away
the parasitic and alien growth of book instruction, and
thus established the Tsung-men, or esoteric branch of the
system, containing the tradition of the heart of Buddha.
Yet, he adds, the two branches, while presenting of neces
sity a different aspect, form but one whole.
Though the two systems have worked harmoniously
together, a line is readily drawn in their literature. Thus
in the Fa-yuen-chu-lin, a large collection of miscellane
ous Buddhist information coming down from the T'ano-
dynasty, nothing is said of Bodhidharma or his system.
To separate the productions of these two great schools
is then an important step in the classification of the Bud
dhist books in China. Among the traditions preserved in
the history of the patriarchs are notices of some of the
disciples of Buddha and other eminent persons, fabulous

SCHOOLS OF ESOTERIC BUDDHISM. 159
or real. They are given in an extended form in the work
Ch'i-yue-luh. Manjusiri is the first. The others are T'ien-
ts'in p'u-sa (Vasubandu Bodhisattwa), Wei-ma, Shan-ts'ai
(good ability), Subhuti, Wu-yeu-tso-wang (the perfect
king without any dissatisfaction), Shariputra, Yangimara,
Pindulo, Chang-pi-mo-wang (the king who resists Mara),
the prince Na-t'o, Kwang-ngo-tu-r'i, and Dzin-la-da.
In tracing the rise of the various schools of esoteric
Buddhism it must be kept in mind that a principle some
what similar to the dogma of apostolical succession belongs
to them all. They all profess to derive their doctrines
through a succession of teachers, each instructed personally
by his predecessor, till the time of Bodhidharma, and so
further up in the series to Shakyamuni himself and the
earlier Buddhas.
The sixth Chinese patriarch did not appoint a successor.
The monastic habit and rice bowl that had descended to
him were in accordance with what Bodhidharma had said,
not communicated to a new patriarch. In the five petals
the flower, as he had expressed it, would be complete, he
himself, the first of the six, being the stem on which the
others grew. The last of the patriarchs resided at Ts'au-
k'i, in Kiang-si. Two schools were formed by his disciples,
denominated Nan-ngo (South Mountain) and Ts'ing-yuen,
from the spots where the teachers resided. The former
is near Heng-cheu, in Hu-nan, the latter near Ts'iuen-cheu,
in Fu-kien. In these schools there was no very real differ
ence in sentiment from the doctrine of the parent stem.
Heng-shan is the old Confucianist mountain known by
that name, and also as Nan-ngo. The tablet of Yii was
said to be discovered there, and we can see the reason
of this. It was the southern limit of the Chinese empire
of that time. He was the traditional civiliser, the canal
maker and embankment engineer of the Hia dynasty, and
of his work the geographical section in the " Book of His
tory " is the record.
Though Bodhidharma was nominal founder of the eso-

160 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
teric schools in China, the real philosophic thinker, who
gave them the impulse to reflection, was Nagarjuna, the
most important founder of the Mahayana school. He spe
cially originated the Madhyamika system, which reduces
everything to bald abstractions and then denies them.
The soul has neither existence nor non-existence. It is
neither permanent nor non-permanent. Such was his
teaching. — (See in Eitel). His system influenced Kau
Hweiwen, who studied the Shastra Ta-ch'i-tu-lun, and mas
tered the idea of " central gazing," chung-kwan; and also
that of three branches of wisdom — viz. matter is nothing ;
the mind's annoyances are nothing; the temptations
through the senses are nothing.
Li Hwei-si, of the Nan-ngo school, built up his ideas on
those of Hwei-wen, and transmitted to Chii-k'ai the " triple
gaze," the empty, the hypothetical, and the medial.
Such is the statement of Chi-p'an, the orthodox autho
rity. But, according to San-kiau-yi-su, the chief influence
in the formation of the Nan-ngo and of the Ts'ing-yuen
was that of the sixth patriarch upon the mind of Tu
Hwai-jang and Lieu Hing-si".
The founders of these two schools, the first of the Tsung-
men, were Hwai-jang and Hmgrsi. Their successors were
Ma-tsu in Kiang-si, and Hi-k'iau or Shi-t'eu, who, while
they changed their residences and became themselves
teachers of the esoteric doctrine, retained the names, Nan-
ngo and Ts'ing-yuen, of the schools where they had been
taught. The biographical record of the Tsung-men teachers in
the Ch'i-yne-luh contains notices of priests trained by the
predecessors of the sixth patriarch, and sent out to teach
the doctrine of Bodhidharma. Two were instructed by the
successor of Bodhidharma, eight by the fourth patriarch,
and six by the fifth. One of the latter, Shin-sieu, was
styled the sixth patriarch for North China, while Hwai-
neng, the legitimate successor of Bodhidharma, from resid
ing in the southern provinces, was called the sixth patriarch

TSUNG-MEN SECTS HERETICAL. 161
for the South. Nothing is said of the schools originated
in various provinces by these teachers. It is only the
successors of Hwai-neng, the last-mentioned hierarch, that
are regarded as deserving a memorial. From him a series
of disciples, all becoming "teachers" (ch' an-si) in their
turn, are counted to the sixteenth generation. This mode
of expression is used instead of mentioning, according to
custom, the years of imperial reigns and dynasties. The
biography in the ChVyue-luh, a book of the Ming dynasty,
ceases at the sixteenth descent. This was at the begin
ning of the twelfth century, and the whole series embraces
about four hundred years. Modern monks of these schools
trace their succession in a similar manner, according to
a more recent arrangement, in twelve divisions. The
reason for this careful record of ecclesiastical ancestry
is to be sought in the principle of unbroken lineal descent,
which is indispensable to the maintenance of esoteric tradi
tion. Yet it does not appear that there was any secret
doctrine which those who knew it would not divulge.
What they held was simply a protest against the neglect
of the heart, and dependence on book knowledge and the
performance of outward rites. Since their object was to
draw neophytes away from the inordinate study of the
books of the religion, instruction was given orally. An
extensive series of works containing records of the instruc
tions of these teachers has been the result. They are called
Yii-luh, " Eecords of the sayings " of celebrated teachers.
Several branch schools were originated by the successors
of the sixth patriarch. In the fourth generation from him
the Hwei-niang school was formed. In the fifth appears
that of Lin-tsi and Ts'au-tung. The Yiin-men belongs
to the eighth generation. That called Fa-yen belongs to
the ninth. These names are taken from the places where
the founders of the respective schools resided. They are
denominated collectively the Wu-tsung, or " Five schools,"
to distinguish them from those which preceded them, and
adhered more closely to the tradition of the patriarchs.

162 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The differences that existed between these schools and
the parent doctrine were not great. But it is not essential
that differences should be great to make them the subject
of controversy and the cause of division. An example
of the mode in which the contemplative Buddhists carried
on their discussions will here be given. Shen-sieu taught
his doctrine in the following verses : —
" The body is like the knowledge tree.
The mind is like a mirror on its stand.
It should be constantly and carefully brushed,
Lest dust should be attracted to it."
His teacher, the fifth patriarch, was pleased with this
mode of representing the importance of watching over the
heart. But Hwai-neng, the sixth patriarch, opposed it
with vehemence. He also wrote his view in verses : —
" There is no such thing as a knowledge tree.
There is no such thing as a mirror-stand.
There is nothing that has a real existence.
Then how can dust be attracted ? "
In the former appears very distinctly the practical part
of the esoteric system, attention to the heart. In the
latter its speculative tendency — denying everything ex
ternal to the mind — is brought to view.
According to the system held in common by these
schools, the heart is Buddha. There is no mode of attain
ing to the state called Buddha but by the mind itself.
This mind has neither beginning nor end, colour nor form.
To look outward is to be a common man. To look in
ward is to be Buddha. In reality man is the same thing
as Buddha. To rely on the performance of particular acts
is not true knowledge. To make offerings to all the past
Buddhas is not to be compared with offering to one man
who has become superior to mental passions and sensa
tional influences.
All that the great Bodhisattwas have taught, men have
in themselves. The pure vacancy of Manjusiri, the with-

LIN-TSI SCHOOL. 163
drawal of the thoughts from the world of sensations
recommended by P'u-hien, the mercy of Kwan-yin, the
knowledge of Shi-chi, the purity of " Vimakita " ( Wei-mo)
— all these various principles are in the heart. To know
it, is all that is needful. To become Buddha the mind
only needs to be freed from every one of its affections,
not to love or hate, covet, rejoice, or fear. To do, or aim
at doing, what is virtuous or what is vicious is to leave
the heart and go out into the visible tangible world. It
is to become entangled in the metempsychosis in the one
case, and much trouble and vexation in the other. The
right method is in the mind ; it is the mind itself. The
fountain of knowledge is the pure, bright, self-enlighten
ing mind. The method taught by all the Buddhas is
no other than this. Let the mind do nothing, observe
nothing, aim at nothing, hold fast to nothing; that is
Buddha. Then there will be no difference between living
in the world and entering the Nirvana. Then human
nature, the rnind, Buddha, and the doctrine he taught, all
become identical.1
While revising these papers, and adding to them, so
that they may form a distinct book on Chinese Buddhism
(August 11, 1879), I here insert a brief account of the
Lin-tsi school.
The Lin-tsi school has been very successful. It has
pushed out the other sects, and spread over the north and
south of China to an enormous extent. Beginning in
Shan-tung, it has been accepted throughout the eighteen
provinces, and in Japan, as the most popular exponent of
the teaching of the contemplative school.
They say, " Within the body which admits sensations,
acquires knowledge, thinks, and acts, there is the ' True man
without a position,' Wu-wei-chen-jen. He makes himself
clearly visible ; not the thinnest separating film hides him.
Why do you not recognise him ? The invisible power of the
1 This description is taken from a little work of the T'ang dynasty, called
Twan-tsi-sin-yau.

1 64 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
mind permeates every part. In the eye it is called seeing,
in the ear it is hearing. It is a single intelligent agent,
divided out in its activity in every part of the body. If
the mind does not come to conscious existence, there is
deliverance everywhere. What is the difference between
you and the sages of antiquity ? Do you come short in
anything ? What is Buddha ? Ans. A mind pure, and at
rest. What is the law ? Ans. A mind clear and enlight
ened. What is Tau? Ans. In every place absence of
impediments and pure enlightenment. These three are
one." The object of the Lin-tsi has been to teach Bud
dhism, so that each monk should feel that there is diffi
culty in the paths of self-improvement, and that he has
in himself the power to conquer that difficulty.
The " true man without a position," Wu-wei-chen-jen, is
wrapped in a prickly shell like the chestnut. He cannot be
approached. This -is Buddha, the Buddha within you.
The sharp reproof of discipline is symbolised by slaps
on the cheek with the palm of the hand, and blows with
the fists under the ribs. This treatment gives an improved
tone to the mind and feelings.
An infant cannot understand the seven enigmas.
These enigmas are given in dark language difficult even
for adepts to explain. Thus : " Is it to search in the grass
where there is the shadow of the stick that you have already
come here ? " " To kill a man, to strike with the sword
a dividing blow, and the body should not enter the water."
The explanations of these enigmas are not given in the
book I have consulted. Doubtless they mean something
quite in harmony with the fundamental principles of
Buddhism, otherwise the Lin-tsi school would not be so
popular as it is.
They have the " Three ' dark,' hiuen, principles," the
"real," shi, the "formal," t'i, and the "practical," yung.
They have also the "Three 'important,' yaw, principles."
These are, "illumination," chau, "utility or use," yung,
and the combination of the two.

FOUNDER OF LIN-TSI SECT DIED A.D. 868. 165
In their discipline they have three blows with the cane,
three successive reproofs, and the alternation of speech
and silence. They have a play on the words " guest " and
"host." The guest may learn from the host by seeing
how he meets circumstances, and imitating him. The
host may learn from. the guest, as when those who are
already profound in wisdom make constant inquiries from
their visitors, and seize ardently on what they approve.
The host may learn from another host, as when those who
are already wise discuss points, and such as are learning
throw away what they had been grasping firmly. The
guest may learn from another guest, as when the learner
is laden with the heavy wooden neck collar and iron lock,
and all discussion ceases.
Where the meaning of such mysterious teaching is not
clear, there will be an oral explanation by the tutor ; and
so step by step the pupils will acquire a knowledge of
the Lin-tsi school doctrines and discipline, and of the
enigmatical language in which they are couched.
The founder of the Lin-tsi school died a.d. 868. A
dagoba was erected over his ashes in the south part of the
province of Chi-li, near Ta-ming fu, on the north-west
angle not far from the city.
He resided for some years on the banks of the river
Hu-t'o, which rushes with great force of current out of
Shan-si into Chi-li, at the distance of a mule's journey of
five days from Peking on the south-west. This river flows
through the prefecture of Chen-ting fu to the Grand Canal.
On the banks of this river to the south-east of the city of
Chen-cheu, as Chen-ting fu was then called, the founder
of the Lin-tsi school spent much of his life in a small
monastery. Here he was in a quiet spot surrounded by
the objects of a well-cultivated plain, where wheat and
millet have been sown from time immemorial ; and here
he acquired a reputation for magical powers. He could
stroke the beard of a fierce tiger, split rocks, burst open
precipices, walk upon ice, and move along the edge of a

1 66 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sword. The main features in the landscape on which he
looked were the blue mountains of Shan-si, forming a
broad and continuous chain on the west, with the swift
river which flowed by his monastery with a full and foam
ing stream in the summer months, and sinking to a much
smaller one in the winter, when it is frozen hard enough
to be passed by loaded waggons. It was this river that
gave a name to the school, for Lin-tsi means " Coming to
the ford."
To the kind of philosophy springing up in India, and
further developed by the Chinese in the esoteric schools
above described, there is much that is similar in recent
European speculation. We see here the Finite.going back
into the Absolute, the denial of the existence of every
thing but self, the identity of self and God,- and of the
subject and object. That abstraction which is the pan
theist's God, may, without violence to the meaning of
words, be considered as the corresponding term to Buddha
in this system. For God, as the Absolute, is the state
towards which nature and man are returning, a descrip
tion which answers to the notion here alluded to of the
state called Buddha. When, however, in the manner of
the older schools, Buddha is looked upon as having his
torical personality, it becomes at once incorrect to say that
he is God ; his personality being strictly human, and not
divine. There is, however, a difference. The Asiatic
speculator undertakes to realise his system, and employs
the monastic institute or other aids for the purpose, hoping
thus to escape from the chains of sense and passion into
the freedom of pure abstraction. The European theoriser,
on the other hand, even if he attempts to show how a
practical religion may be based on a system of abstrac
tions — as was done by Fichte — never seriously thinks of
carrying it into execution.
Neander, following Schmidt and Baur, represents Bud
dhism as one form of pantheism, on the ground that the
doctrine of metempsychosis makes all nature instinct with

IS BUDDHISM PANTHEISTIC! 167
life, and that that life is the Deity assuming different forms
of personality, that Deity not being a self-conscious free
acting First cause, but an all-pervading spirit. The eso
teric Buddhists of China, keeping rigidly to their one
doctrine, say nothing of the metempsychosis, the paradise
of the Western heaven, or any other of the more material
parts of the Buddhist system. The Indian Buddhists
were professed atheists ; but those of China, instead of
denying the existence of God, usually content themselves
with saying nothing about Him. To deny or affirm any
special existence, fact or dogma, would in their view be
equally inconsistent. Their aim is to keep the mind from
any distinct action or movement of any kind. They look,
therefore, with pity on worshippers of every class as
necessarily missing what they aim at, and that because
they aim at it; and as having no prospect of escaping
from the misery of life until they abandon all special
dependencies and doctrines, look within instead of with
out, and attend to the voiceless teaching of the mind
itself. This system also exists in Japan, and the same sub
divisions into schools occur there among its followers.
(See Burger's account of religious sects in Japan, Chin.
Pep., vol. ii. pp. 318-324.)
It is in high estimation among the reflecting class of
Chinese, who look with contempt on the image worship
of the multitude.
An account of the " Exoteric sects," the Kiau-men of
Chinese Buddhism, will now be presented to the reader.
Shakyamuni is said to have foretold that, for five
centuries after his death, the true doctrine would be fol
lowed. After that, for a thousand years, a system of
forms or "Image worship," Siang-kiaou, would prevail.
This would subsequently give place to another called the
"final system," which would terminate the present kalpa.
The popular Buddhism of China belongs to the second of
these developments. It was this form that it first as-

1 68 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sumed on entering China. Buddha is said to have taught
the doctrines of this system in early life, while the more
abstruse and mystical parts of his teaching were delivered
when he was become an old man. After his entrance
into the Nirvana, Ananda compiled the " Sutras " (King).
In the council that was then held, these Sutras were
adopted as an authentic account of the Buddhist doctrine,
and they are the first of the Three collections that consti
tute the standard books of Buddhism.
The biographical notices of the principal translators of
the Sutras, and founders of the Kiau-men, are by the
author of the San-kiau-yi-su placed before the five schools
into which he divides the exoteric Buddhists. The first
of the eight who are thus distinguished is Kashiap-
madanga. When he came to Lo-yang in the first century
of our era, he lodged in the Pe-ma si, (White horse temple).
Hence the residences of Buddhist priests were called si
(ga-lam, "monasteries;" for the Sanscrit, sangharama).
Associated with his countryman Chu Fa-lan, he translated
five Sutras. The latter afterwards translated five more,
consisting of thirteen " chapters" (kiuen). " Kumarajiva's"
(Kieu-mo-lo-shi) name is the third, and the fourth that of
" Buddojanga " (Fo-t'u-cheng), who is better known as a
wonder worker and a founder of monasteries (he erected
893) than a translator. A commentary on the Tau-te-
king of Lau-tsi' came from his pen. The remaining four
names most noted in the early history of Chinese Bud
dhism are Chi-tun, Tau-an, Pau-chi, and Shan-hwei. They
were all natives of China, noted for their writings and
public discussions in explanation and defence of the Bud
dhist system.
The five subdivisions of exoteric Buddhism will now be
considered. (1.) That named from the Vinaya or second
division of the sacred books, is the first. The writer of
the " Vinaya " (Lu) and founder of this school was " Upali "
(Yeu-po-li; in old Chinese, U-pa-li), one of the ten chief
disciples of Shakyamuni. He wrote the Si-pu-lu, which

THE VINAYA DIVISION. 169
was admitted into the " Three pitaka " (San-tsang) at the
council held after Buddha's death (vide Hardy's Eastern
Monachism). Among the nine leaders of this school, two
other Hindoos are mentioned. The first Chinese among
them is in the fifth century. He taught the system of
the work called " Discipline of Four Divisions." The name
of this school is Hing-si-fang-fei-ch'i-ngo, indicating that
its aim is in action to guard against error and check vice.
It is also called the Nan-shan (Southern hill) school.
Priests of this school at the present time dress in black.
There was at Nanking, before the Tai-ping rebellion, a
monastery where this system was in operation.
(2.) Yo-ga-mi-kiau, " The secret teaching of Yoga." The
founder of this system is called Kin-kang-sat-wa (Vajra-
sattwa). It was brought to China about A.D. 720 by Kin-
kang-ch'i (Vajramati), who was succeeded by Pu-k'ung.
Seventy-two works came from the pen of the latter, and
were placed in the national collection of Buddhist books.
His numerous disciples learned to repeat charms with
great effect, and this seems to be the proper business of
the school. The word Yoga is explained as " Correspon
dence " and, it is added, is employed as a general term for
books " containing secret doctrines " (referring to magic).
To this school belongs the very popular festival of the
hungry ghosts, held in the seventh month.
The Yoga or Yogachara school is also called the Tan-
tra school, because it taught the use of magic formulse
or unintelligible charms used for rain, for protection in
storms, &c. They are written in Sanscrit or Thibetan
letters. — (See in Eitel, under the word " Yogatchara.")
(3.) Wei-shi-siang-kiau. This school occupied itself
with the study of the Shastra Wei-sM-lun, and similar
works. These books were written by the two Bodhisat
twas Wu-cho 1 and T'ien-ts'in. Kiai-hien, a Hindoo re-
1 Asafiga, " Without attachment," the Mahayana system, and wrote the
was originally a follower of the Ma- books which contain the Wei-shi doc-
hashasaka school. He first taught trines. Then he became the founder

170 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
siding at the monastery Nalanda, was their most distin
guished disciple, and was principally concerned in estab
lishing this school, and arranging those forms of Buddhist
instruction called the Three "Developments" (Yana).
Next to him was the traveller Hiuen-tsang, who received
the Shastra mentioned above from Kiai-hien, and origi
nated the school in his native country. He was succeeded
by his pupil Kwei-ki. This school is called Fa-siang-
tsung, or the " School that exhibits the nature " and
meaning of the Buddhist written doctrines.
(4.) Another of these schools derives its name from the
Shastra called Chung-lun. That work was written by the
Hindoo Lung-shu, " Nagarjuna " (Dragon tree). The
founder of the school based on the doctrines of that book
was a Chinese of the Northern T'si kingdom in the sixth
century. His successor was a monk of one of the sects
that followed the teaching of Bodhidharma, Hwei-si of
Nan-ngo. He was succeeded by Chi-k'ai of T'ien-t'ai shan,
who developed the system to a much greater extent, and
divided it into four subordinate schools, named from their
subjects, those of the written doctrine, true human nature,
the use of the senses, and action.
(5.) The last exoteric school is that which was founded
by Fa-shun, a native of Tun-hwang, an ancient kingdom
in what is now Thibet. He gave his chief attention to
the "Hwa-yen Sutra." The third leader of the school
was Hien-sheu, the best known of them all. His name
is often given to the system that he with his predecessors
and successors recommended. It is called usually Fa-
sing-tsung, the " School of the true nature " of the written
doctrine. Another exoteric school parallel with these, but placed
separately in the classification, is that called Lien-tsung
(Lotus school), or Tsing-tu (Pure land). To it belongs the
popular legend of the Western heaven, the abode of
of the Yoga school, and wrote a book Maitreya in the Tushita paradise.
which he said was dictated to him by — (See in Eitel.)

PURE LAND SECT. 171
"Amida Buddha" (A-mi-to Fo), a fabulous personage
worshipped assiduously — like Kwan-yin — by the Northern
Buddhists, but unknown in Siam, Birmah, and Ceylon.
The founder of this school in China was a native of
Shan-si, Hwei-yuen, 0I tne Tsin dynasty (fourth century).
The second " patriarch " (tsu) of this school was Kwang-
ming of the seventh century. For more than thirty years
he taught the doctrine of the " Pure land," persuading
multitudes to adopt it. Pan-cheu, his successor, was
honoured with the title Kwo-sh'% (National instructor) in
the reign of Tai-tsung (760 A.D.). The sixth in order was
Chi-kio. His views differed little from those of T'ien-
t'ai, Hiuen-tsang, and Hien-sheu. He was very fond of
saving fish and crabs from being killed and eaten. Seven
chiefs of this sect are enumerated. To the same school
belongs Chu-hung, the priest who opposed Matteo Eicci
in works and letters still extant, and founded the Yiin-
tsi monastery near Hang-cheu.
The Western paradise promised to the worshippers of
Amida Buddha is, as has been pointed out by Schott in
his work on the Buddhism of High Asia and China, in
consistent with the doctrine of Nirvana. It promises
immortality instead of annihilation. The great antiquity
of this school is evident from the early date of the trans
lation of the Amida Sutra, which came from the hands
of Kumarajiva, and of the Wu-liang-sheu-king, dating
from the Han dynasty. Its extent of influence is seen in
the attachment of the Thibetans and Mongols to the
worship of this Buddha, and in the fact that the name of
this fictitious personage is more commonly heard in the
daily conversation of the Chinese people than that of the
historical Buddha Shakyamuni.
The only remaining school is that of T'ien-t'ai, already
partially described. In the latter part of the sixth cen
tury Hwei- wen, a native of " Northern China " (Pe-ts'i),
studied the Chung-lun (Central Shastra), written by the
Hindoo called " Conqueror of the Dragon " (Lung-sheng or

172 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Lung-shu), the fourteenth patriarch. Convinced of its
excellence, he instituted " three sorts of meditation " (san-
kwan), viewing the world as (i.) empty, (2.) false, or (3.)
central. This he regarded as the limit of religious medi
tation on the surrounding universe, and therefore called
his system Ch'i-kwan, " Eefiection carried to its limiting
point." He also founded his doctrine partly on the Fa-
hwa-king, and was followed by Hwei-si and Chi-che of
T'ien-t'ai, who gave his name to the school.
The following verses translated from the poetry of the
Tsing-tu sect will serve to illustrate the doctrine of that
school. It is not much of the Buddhist system that easily
admits of being put into this form of composition. There
is nothing akin to the spirit of poetry in the turgid splen
dour and wearisome reiteration of the legends that abound
in the books of this religion. Chinese versifiers have,
however, found some materials more to their taste in the
Western heaven of Amida Buddha. If the reader should
think the conceptions are poor, they are at least a genuine .
description, so far as they go, of the heaven of the Nor
thern Buddhists. "The "Western Heaven.
" The pure land of the West, say what language can tell
Its beauty and majesty? There ever dwell
The men of this world and the Devas 1 of heaven,
And to each has the same wreath of glory been given.
The secrets of wisdom unveiled they behold,
And the soil that they tread on is bright yellow gold.
In that land of true pleasure the flowers never fade,
Each terraced ascent is of diamond and jade.
The law of Tath&gata 2 sung by each bird
From thicket and grove in sweet music is heard.
The unwithering Upata,3 fairest of flowers,
Sheds fragrance around in those thrice lovely bowers.

1 Devas, the " gods " of the Hindoos 2 Tathdgata, a title of Buddha ; in
(in Chinese, t'ien). They are inf erior Chinese, Julai. "The law," is the
in power and splendour to human doctrine proclaimed by Buddha.
nature when elevated to the rank of * Also spelt Utam^atala.
the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas.

POETRY OF THE PURE LAND. 173
There, each from the world that he governs, are found
Assembled in conference long and profound,
The ten supreme Buddhas who cease not to tell
The praise of the land where the genii1 dwell.
For there is no region so happy and blest,
As the heaven of Amida far in the west.
On the moment of entering that peaceful scene,
The common material body of men
Is exchanged for a body ethereal and bright,
That is seen from afar to be glowing with light.
Happy they who to that joyful region have gone
In numberless kalpas their time flows on.
Around are green woods, and above them clear skies,
The sun never scorches, cold winds never rise,
And summer and winter are both unknown
In the land of the Law and the Diamond Throne ;
All errors corrected, all mysteries made clear,
Their rest is unbroken by care or by fear.
And the truth that before lay in darkness concealed
Like a gem without fracture or flaw is revealed."
The word " diamond " is used in the sense of " uncon-
quered and unconquerable," and may refer either to Bud
dha's power as a teacher, or to the divinities that support
his throne and act as his protectors.
"Amida Buddha.
" See where, streaming forth radiance for thousands of miles,
Ever sits the compassionate Buddha, and smiles,
Giving joy to the victims of sorrow and strife
Who are saved by his law from the sorrows of life.
All his features of beauty no words can express,
For the sands of the Ganges in number are less ;
The flowers of the lotus encircle his seat
As if of themselves they sprang up round his feet.
Whoever would enter the home of the blest
In his innermost thoughts should incessantly rest
On that beautiful form like the moon on high
When she marches full-orbed through an unclouded sky.
By that halo of light that encircles his head,
On all living beings a radiance is shed.
The sun at noon-day is less glorious than he,
His compassion resembles a bottomless sea.
1 " Genii." In Sanscrit, Rishi; in Chinese. Sien-ien.

174 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
His golden arms are outstretched to relieve
The sufferers that weep, and the hearts that do grieve,
His mercy is such as none else can display,
And long years of gratitude cannot repay."
These descriptions are taken from a collection of poems
called Tsing-tu-sM. The measure in the original is the
usual one of seven words in a line. The Chinese words
are monosyllables, and the diction consequently very terse.
Our English tongue is different. A metre like that here
adopted has more room in it than others for unaccented
syllables. This circumstance renders it convenient. It
has often been used by translators.
In these descriptions there is a prominent materialism
in the expressions. Buddha in the Western heavens is
thought of as like the monstrous gilt image seen by the
worshippers as they go to a temple on a gala day. Idol
atry loves to borrow from nature. Here there are flowers,
and singing-birds, and the favourite jade-stone. Buddha
is here made popular; there is no abstruse speculation.
The boasted Nirvana is abandoned, and a paradise gratify
ing to the senses takes its place. Many a simple-minded
dreamer spends his days in meditating on this picture, and
indulging his imagination with the hope that he will one
day be born from a lotus flower, in the very joyful world
of Amida, and live. there for ever gazing on his sacred
form.

( 175 )

CHAPTEE VIII.
ON CHI-K'AI AND THE T'IEN-T'AI SCHOOL OF BUDDHISM.
T'ien-t'ai, a place of great note in Chinese Buddhism — CL'i-k'ai re
sided there in the sixth century — His cloak and rice bowl — Fu-
lung-feng — Fang-kwang si and the rock bridge — Legend of the
Lo-hans — Twelve monasteries founded — He taught the Fa-hwa-
king — System of threefold contemplation — Six connectives —
Eight modes of characterising Buddhism — Ten steps in progress
— Derived much from Nagarjuna — T'ien-t'ai, a middle system —
Regulations.
There is no Buddhist establishment better known in
China than T'ien-t'ai. It has much natural beauty, but
its interest, so far as it is historical, centres chiefly round
the ancient monk who is the subject of this notice. It
had been visited before by Tauist recluses, but it was he
that by selecting it for his abode gave it its high reputa
tion as a spot consecrated to the meditative life.
The cluster of hills that compose T'ien-t'ai terminate
abruptly to the south-west. Ch'ih-ch'eng,1 an imposing
hill crowned with a pagoda, is conspicuous from the time-
worn walls of the city of T'ien-t'ai, i So miles south-east
of Hang-cheu. This is the southern extremity of the
hilly region known by the same name. From a valley
on its left flows a mountain stream, which, increasing in
width as it traverses the plain, is capable of bearing boats
of considerable size when it reaches the busy little city
just mentioned. Passing on it bends to the south-east, and
arriving at T'ai-cheu, an important sea-port, pours its
1 The "Bed wall," so called from its colour and precipitous appearance.

176 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
waters, after a short course of ten or fifteen miles, into the
ocean. It was up one of the feeders of this stream that, near
the end of the sixth century, Chi-k'ai wended his way in
search of a lonely mountain residence suited to his medi
tative cast of mind. Leaving the beautiful site where
afterwards stood the Kwo-ts'ing monastery, just below
four hills now covered to their summits with rich foliage,
he ascended a long and romantic valley. He was travel
ling in a region threaded by few paths, and in a direction
that seemed to lead nowhere but farther away from the
habitations of men. In this wilderness of hills and val
leys, occupying many square miles, which he now entered,
although unknown to the agriculturist, he yet found some
few residing whose views of human life were congenial to
his own. Local traditions point out where he lived and
reflected. An antique mausoleum, with a long inscription
of the Sui dynasty, marks the place where his ashes were
deposited. At a little distance from it the Kau-ming
monastery comes into view. It is in a deep valley shut
all round by wooded heights. The building has an old
look, befitting the relics of our hero still preserved there.
The visitor will have shown to him a large square silk
garment. It is said to have been the cloak worn by Chi-
k'ai. It is handsomely embroidered after a pattern evi
dently very antique. A metal bowl, worn by long use,
and capable of holding several meals of rice for an abste
mious monk, is another curiosity. These memorials of
this early Buddhist will appear, however, to one who is
not a special admirer of the monastic life, secondary in in
terest to a Sanscrit manuscript which escaped a fire some
centuries ago, and is one of the few remains of that litera
ture still existing in China. The history of the manu
script, its name and contents, are unknown to the resident
priests. This monastery is even now difficult of access. But the
valley where it stands, in Chi-k'ai's time had scarcely ever

FANG-KWANG MONASTERY. 177
been visited.1 It was filled with forest trees and thick
brushwood, and formed a favourite cover for deer. The
woodcutter and herdsman seldom wandered to this wild
spot. An accident led our hero there. On the hill above —
Fu-lung-feng — near where the "st'upa" (t'ah) that contains
his ashes is still standing, he was one day explaining to
his disciples the Tsing-ming-king (Sutra of Pure name)
when a gust of wind blew away the leaves far into the
deep hollow below. With his tin-headed staff in his hand
to assist him in the search, he set out to recover the fugi
tive book. After a pursuit of a mile and a half the wind
ceased, and the book fell to the ground. He caused a
building to be erected at the spot, in commemoration of
the circumstance, which became one of the twelve estab
lishments that owe their origin to him. It was not, how
ever, till many years after that the present monastery was
erected and its modern name assigned to it. When the
Kwo-ts'ing monastery was destroyed by fire, the manu
script spoken of above was removed to Kau-ming for
greater safety.
After penetrating several miles farther to the north
west in this hilly and desolate region, Chi-k'ai arrived 2 at
the remarkable rock bridge where the Fang-kwang monas
tery now stands. The loud roar of the waterfall, and the
close-set woods on the hills around, the two mountain
brooks uniting before they reach the cataract, then pass
ing beneath the natural bridge down the fall, and thence
pursuing their way to the north, united to give this spot
an air of grandeur in the hermit's mind. It seemed a
home for supernatural beings. It is they that cause the
unusual appearances of nature. The Lo-hans, those exalted
disciples of Buddha whose power and knowledge are so
great, might reside here. In fact a legend on the subject
soon grew into public belief, and the music of the Lo-hans
was said to be heard at times a little before dawn by
priests lying awake in their cells. A choir of five hun-
1 T'ien-t'ai-shan-chi. 2 A.D. 575, Biographyin T'ien-t'ai-han-chi. M

178 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
dred at that silent hour made the woods resound with har
mony. Such a colony of Buddha's superhuman disciples
served to invest this wild mountainous district with a
sacred character. In every monastery of this region a
hall devoted to images of the five hundred Lo-hans now
exists, and on the side of the natural bridge is a small
shrine containing five hundred small stone figures, which
are worshipped by those who venture to cross by the narrow
and dangerous path that spans the cataract.
Our hero continued his -wanderings in this elevated
region, where the valleys do not sink farther than 1500
feet above the sea-level, and which is by its loneliness well
suited for the ascetic. Solitude reigns here for many miles
round, in one of the most densely-populated provinces of
China. He did not take up his abode at one place exclu
sively. No fewer than twelve monasteries mark the spots
where he formed a cottage of stones and straw, or caused
a modest building to be erected.
As he approached the peak of Hwa-ting, nearly 4000
feet high, and five miles to the east of the natural bridge,
he met on the T'ien-feng ridge an old man who said to
him, " Sir, if you seek a residence for contemplation, select
the place where you meet a rock." The monk soon after
encountered a Buddhist from Corea named Pan-sh'% (Eock),
who encouraged him to stay there, and give himself up to
study. He accordingly constructed a hut there, in which
he remained sixteen years, and composed a commentary
on the " Book of the Nirvana."
A little farther to the north is Hwa-ting, the highest
ground in Cheh-kiang excepting T'ien-mu shan. The
monastery, bearing the same name as the mountain, had
already been erected by Te-shau, a celebrated Buddhist
who lived a century anterior to Chi-k'ai. Several hundred
monks now belong to the society, a large part of them
residing in hermitages on the hill. The monastery is an
extensive thatched range of buildings, more comfortable
than the bleak huts where, out of sight of any human

MONASTERIES FO UNDED. 1 79
being, the more self-denying spend their days and nights
chanting in honour of Buddha. Certainly theirs is a
gloomy home. A thick mist usually rests on the sum
mit and spreads down the sides of the mountain, envelop
ing these rude cottages with their visionary inmates ; and
snow often remains unmelted for many months. It is
hard to explain how a people so social as the Chinese, so
fond of cities and crowds, and so averse to mountain tra
velling, can supply hermits to live in residences like these.
That Chi-k'ai, the founder of a flourishing sect, a man of
deep reflection, and in love with solitude, should choose
such an abode, is not so surprising as that common Chinese
minds, without his profound thinking, or his love of wild
nature, should still follow his example.
Another spot where Ch'i-k'ai once resided is Si-tso, at
some distance to the west of the rock bridge, and near the
Wan-nien monastery. Here he composed his system of
doctrine called Ch'i-kwan., " Limited or perfected observa
tion." Ch'i-k'ai had in early life followed the teaching of the
school established by Bodhidharma, the Hindoo patriarch
who had died in Northern China thirty years before. He
afterwards became dissatisfied with the Ch'an-men (Con
templative school), as that sect is called, not agreeing with
its principle that book learning should be discarded, even
that which consisted of Buddha's own words, and the heart
nurse itself into a state of perfection by rejecting every
thing external and giving itself up to an unconscious sleep
like existence.
Chi-k'ai grew tired of this system, and formed the out
lines of another, which he taught to multitudes of admiring
disciples. He resided at Nanking, the capital of the king
dom (Ch'en dynasty), and maintained a high reputation.
When he determined on removing to T'ien-t'ai, the em
peror forbade him, but allowed him to leave when he saw
that his mind was made up. Three times afterwards an
imperial message required his attendance at court, but he

180 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
pleaded indisposition and remained at T'ien-t'ai. He com
plied on one occasion only, and explained the sacred books
of his religion to the emperor and his court. He also
made one visit home to Hu-nan, but returned to die at
the mountain residence to which he was so much attached.
He expired while sitting cross-legged and giving instruc
tion to his followers.
He wrote commentaries on the Fa-hwa-king, Kin-kang-
king, and A-mi-ta-king, with several original works. These
books were in the year a.d. 1024, all included in the Bud
dhist Tripitaka (Collection of sacred writings) of China.
His school continued to flourish for a long period at the
Kwo-ts'ing and Fu-lung monasteries.
The Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king (Lotus of the Good Law)
was his favourite book. He thus explained its name : —
"As the lotus grows out of the mire and yet preserves
its freshness and purity, so the doctrines of this book, the
good law, assist men to retain their original nature unsul
lied and undisturbed amidst the misery and corruption
around them." In the course of the book, he added : " Truth
is sometimes taught in abstract, at other times by illustra
tion, sometimes it is explained and elsewhere defended,
just as the lotus flower buds, blossoms, fades, and falls by
a succession of changes, and at last produces fruit."
Chi-k'ai divided the teaching of Shakyamuni into five
periods, beginning with the Hwa-yen-king, and ending
with the Fa-hwa-king and the Nirvana. After this classi
fication of the sacred books, he introduced to his followers
his own system. To restore man's true moral nature
there must be " observation " (kwan, " to see ") of human
actions. In regard to opinions, there are three kinds —
the true, the common, and the mean. The true is " destruc
tive of all methods and doctrines " (idealism), the popular
brings them into existence, and the mean places them
all together and chooses the middle path. The deceptions
that prevent men from perceiving the truth are threefoldj
ignorance, the dust of the world, and the activity of the

THREEFOLD CONTEMPLATION.

181

thoughts and _ggnse&. These taken in their order hide
from view the beauty of the religious life, prevent moral
improvement, and operate against pure mental vacancy.
The feeling of Buddha, on observing the world in this
state, was that men's own notions are false and not to
be trustedj. that in true knowledge there is no distinction
of what is myself and_what is not myself, and that _the
conception of a living personal Buddha should be aban
doned^ Otherwise men could not return to their true
moral nature.
Having proceeded thus far, Chi-k'ai developed his three
fold system of observation, which, as he believes it to be
conclusive of controversy and perfectly satisfactory, he
called Chi-kwan, " Perfected observation." This observa
tion is " empty " (k'ung), " hv^othetical " (kia), or " medial "
(chung). For removing the deceptions that blind men's
minds, the most successful method is to view all things
in "vacancy" (k'ung). For constructing doctrines and
institutions, the "inventive" (kia) method is the best.
For establishing and confirming man's moral nature, the
medial method is the most effective. These three modes
of viewing the world are complete in each other and
inseparable, resembling the three eyes of the god Maha
Ishwara. The vacant_mode destroys the illusions of the
senses, asserting their nothingness, and constructs the
virtue of Prajna (Knowledge). The inventive mode
destroys- the deluding effects of the dust of "The "world,
and constructs the virtue of " rescue (from all errors and
evils)," kiai-t'o. The medial method destroys the delusion
that results from ignorance, and constructs the " religious
character" (fa-shen).
Still fearing lest his followers should be in error as to
the method of self-reformation, and fall into one-sided
views, he formed a series of what he called the Six con
nectives. i. " Eeason " (li). All living beings, down to the smallest
insects, Tiave received a moral nature, and have Buddha

183 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
wjthin them. Constantly resting in this, they attain their
perfection, because the gift of reason is equally bestowed.
2. Names and terms. Although reason is the same in
all beings, yet in the course of the world, they will not
come to the knowledge and use of it, and therefore instruc
tion is necessary to produce belief and remove what is false.
3. Observation, of human action. Instruction having
been imparted and belief produced, the threefold mode
of viewing the world, as already explained, must then be
employed. 4. Likeness. Perfection itself being difficult to gain,
the likeness to it may be reached.
5. The true development of human nature.
6. Confirmation.  "Ignorance is for ever gone. The
mind becomes perfectly intelligent.
Each of these six steps being Buddha, the three embodi
ments of the religious life are thus completed — viz., " em
bodiment" (shen) of the "law" (fa), of "recompense"
(pan), of " renovation " (hwa).1
Chi-k'ai divided the Buddhist system according to its
characteristics into "Eight parts" (Pa-kiau): — (1.) The
compliant; (2.) The gradual; (3.) The secret; (4.) The
indeterminate; (5.) Collection; (6.) Progress; (7.) Distinc
tion ; (8.) Completion. The last four are called Chi-k'ai's
" Four modes of contemplation " (S'i-kwan).
With regard to Collection, the sacred books were em
braced in three divisions, king, Iii, lun, or sutra, vinaya,
and abidharma. These include, under the head of suffer
ing, the twenty-five classes of beings that inhabit heaven,
earth, and hell; also the eighty-eight causes of human
delusion ; and further, thirty-seven steps in self-knowledge
and improvement. They also embrace the five classes of
instructed and enlightened beings : — (1.) The disciple,
in several subdivisions ; (2.) The wise, in four grades —
Sudawan, Sidagam, Anagam, Arhan; (3.) The perfectly
intelligent ; (4.) The Bodhisattwa ; (5.) The Buddha.
1 Chi-yue-lu.

TEN STEPS IN PROGRESS. 183
With regard to Progress, there are ten steps — viz., un
productive knowledge, moral nature awaking, the eight
convictions of the true sage, perception, first advances,
conquest of the passions, the wrong set right, the Pratyeka
Buddha, the Bodhisattwa, and the Buddha.
In these successive steps of moral improvement there is
some resemblance to the common Buddhist view of the
material universe. They regard it as divided according
to a moral scale into stages accurately definable. The
metempsychosis, by a rigid law of moral retribution, as
signs at death the position of every soul in the fifty or
sixty grades of being belonging to heaven, earth, and hell.
Above these are found the states of Buddha's disciples
and that which is itself called Buddha.
With regard to the excellence termed Distinction, which
is reached by the Bodhisattwa only, there are embraced
in it Ten" modes of faith, Ten modes of firm adherence,
Ten modes of action, Ten inclinations, Ten mental states,
together with the highest knowledge in two separate forms.
In reference to the last class, that of Completion, every
thing is viewed as perfect. There are five states which
the student may occupy — viz., pleasure, recitation, in
structing, putting in practice the ten rules, correct prac
tice of the ten rules.
A series of twenty-five auxiliaries to knowledge and
virtue, and of ten modes of observing the true nature and
end of human actions, follow the preceding.1
To give these numerous divisions of Buddhist doctrine
more minutely is here unnecessary. So much as is here
presented will illustrate the manner in which reflecting
Buddhists comment on the doctrines of their religion. It
contains a sketch of the opinions of one of the oldest and
most influentkl schools in China, and exhibits the same
fondness for a numerical arrangement of propositions
ramifying endlessly, which also belongs to other Buddhist
1 San-kiau-yi-su.

1 8+ CHINESE BUDDHISM.
schools. This symmetrical classification of doctrines in
round numbers pervades the whole Buddhist literature,
and suggests a resemblance to the habits of the European
schoolmen. The fundamental subdivision of the T'ien-t'ai system
into three modes of contemplation, the empty, the inven
tive, and the medial, originated with " Nagarjuna " (Lung
shu) (B.C. 43), who lived in North-western India when a
Greek kingdom existed there. The views which the T'ien-
t'ai-kiau have borrowed from him are contained in the
" Medial Shastra " (Chung-lun), a work in five hundred
stanzas based on the principles of the Prajna paramita,
and translated into Chinese early in the fifth century.
This work gave rise to the Madhyamika school (the Central
philosophy) in Thibet. The author says in this work :
" The methods and doctrines springing from various
causes, I say to be all 'emptiness' (k'ung). They may
also be called ' invented ' (kia) names. Further, they may
be said to contain the meaning of the 'medial' (chung)
path." Hwei-wen erected a system on this, as the basis,
and Chi-k'ai, following him, moulded it to its present form
as the T'ien-t'ai-kiau.
The foUowing extract from a commentary on the Fa-
hwa-king will illustrate the way in which the principles of
this school are applied in interpreting the sacred books : —
" All were ' Arhans' (Lo-hans) whose defects were oblite
rated, for whom there was no more suffering, who had
obtained benefits for themselves, who had broken all ties,
and in their hearts possessed peace." This is the text.
The commentator says: "The word Arhan expresses
rank, and what follows, character. Arhan is variously
explained as the 'true man,' or the 'extricated man.'
Some say it contains three meanings, viz., freedom
from birth, killer of robbers in the sense of being delivered
from perceptions and sensations, the robbers of the mind,
and deserving honour. This is the sense according to the

DOCTRINES OF NAGARJUNA. 185
principles of (1.) Collection, and (2.) Progress. But for the
two higher principles, (3.) Distinction, and (4.) Completion,
the word implies, not only the killing of robbers, but of
non-robbers, i.e., the Nirvana, which in the higher region
of these two principles is also deserving of extinction.
Freedom from birth expresses their complete rescue from
life and death, and that is the meaning of their defects
having been obliterated. Because they can give happiness
to all the nine classes of beings, therefore they are said to
deserve honour. By their embodiment of the religious life,
they benefit themselves. By their wisdom, they obtain
deliverance from life and death. By expelling ignorance
and evil, they kill robbers.
" Interpreting according to the Threefold contemplation,
empty, inventive, and medial, the first is exemplified in
their wisdom, the second in their expulsion of evil, and
the third in their embodiment of the religious life. In the
transition from the inventive to the empty, there are also
three modifications of the sense, viz., arrival at the central
point of contemplation, killing the thieves of ignorance,
and keeping the heart from a one-sided position.
" Interpreting according to the contemplation of the
heart, following the middle path, and taking the correct
view, they do not err on the side of the empty or in
ventive mode of observation. The sorrow of the heart
is gone. When a man sees the true moral nature of his
mind, that is called the higher state of confirmation. Like ^
a hidden treasure, reserved for myself, is the benefit which
the Arhans have obtained."
When Brahma appears before Buddha as a disciple, the
commentary says : " The word Brahma means ' leaving the
desires, abandoning earthly ties, and ascending to the
coloured heavens.' It is also said to mean 'high' and
' pure.' This Brahma is one of the wheel kings of a single
generation, who asks instruction of Buddha, which he re
ceives according to his wish and capacity. Interpreting
the idea of Brahma, according to that method which ob-

i86 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
serves the heart, it means ' contemplating the removal of
all pollutions.' " 1
These extracts exemplify how the mythological appa
ratus of the Buddhist Sutras, or "Sacred books of the
first class," is explained away. The whole machinery of
Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, kings and' divinities, disappears
under this process. Eastern and Western pantheism are
alike in this, that they will not be content with an inde
pendent self-evolved structure of metaphysical thought,
but assuming the critical office, aim at the overthrow of all
the objects of popular belief. Knowledge, self, the abso
lute — these are the only existences allowed by this arro
gant philosophy to remain in the universe. Even these
are made identical, and finally explained into nothing.
While the reflecting Buddhists hold these views, they
encourage the faith of the vulgar in the Hindoo mytho
logy and the more recent inventions of their own system
Their denial of the reality of worldly phenomena, and
of the validity of the information afforded by our senses,
has not been a check to popular image worship, but
rather promoted it, from the license that it gave them to
countenance lying legends and invent new additions ad
libitum to the Hindoo pantheon.
The special object of the T'ien-t'ai school has been to
strike a middle path between the credulous acceptance of
the sacred books as literally true, and their entire rejection
by extreme idealism. It was thought best to recognise
both these modifications of Buddhism as genuine deve
lopments of the system, and to add a third reconciling
principle which distinguishes the others, compares and
combines them, and then chooses the path between them.
In conformity with this view, regulations for the practice
of his followers were instituted by Chi-k'ai: — (i.) Con
stant sitting, to attain the state of samadhi or reverie
taught to Manjusiri; (2.) Constant moving, to attain an
other state of samadhi taught by Buddha; (3.) Partly
1 Fa-hwa-hwei-i.

REGULATIONS. 187
sitting and partly moving, to attain the state of samadhi
taught by him to P'u-hien ; (4.) Neither sitting nor moving,
to attain still another form of religious reverie.
The regulations for chanting as followed by this school
were elaborated by a priest named Fa-chi who lived some
centuries after Chi-k'ai. They are very minute, and are ^
intended to produce more reverential feelings in the
minds of those engaging in the ceremonial than is common
in Buddhist worship.1
1 Regulations of the T'ien-t'ai-kiau, in the liturgical work called Ta-pei-
Wan.

( 188 )

CHAPTEE IX.
THE BUDDHIST MORAL SYSTEM.
The Ten virtues and Ten vices — The cause of human stupidity is in
the passions — The Five prohibitions — The Ten prohibitions —
Klaproth's praise of Buddhism — But it is atheistic, and there
fore this praise should be qualified — Kindness to animals based
on the fiction of transmigration — Buddhism teaches compassion
for suffering without inculcating obedience to divine law — Story
of Shakyamuni — Sin not distinguished from misery — Buddhists
teach that the moral sense is innate — They assign a moral nature
to animals — The Six paths of the metempsychosis — Hindoo
notions of heaven and hell — Countless ages of joy and suffering —
Examples — Exemption from punishment gained by meritori
ous actions — Ten kings of future judgment — Fate or Karma —
Buddhism depreciates heaven and the gods — Buddha not God,
but a Saviour — Moral influence of the Paradise of the Western
heaven — Figurative interpretation of this legend — The contem
plative school identifies good and evil — No moral distinctions
in the Nirv&na — Buddhism has failed to produce high morality
— The Confucianist condemnation of the Buddhists — Mr. P.
Hordern's praise of Buddhism in Birmah — The Birmese intel
lectually inferior to the Chinese — Kindness to animals known
to the Chinese before they received Buddhism — Buddha's reasons
for not eating flesh.
The books of primitive Buddhism exhibit a higher moral
tone than is found in the larger works full of metaphysi
cal abstractions, which succeeded them. The " Book of
Forty-two Sections," translated in the first century, and
belonging to the former class, speaks of Ten vices and Ten
virtues as belonging to mankind. The vices are : three
of the body — killing, stealing, and adultery ; four of the
lips — slandering, reviling, lying, and elegant words (uttered

THE FIVE PROHIBITIONS. 189
with a vicious intention) ; three of the mind — jealousy,
hatred, and " folly " (cti'i), the last of which includes
not believing in " the Honoured Three " (Buddha, Dharma,
Senga), and holding erroneous opinions. The opposites
of these are the Ten virtues.
In the same work Buddha says : " That which causes
the stupidity and delusion of man is love and the desires."
"Man having many faults, if he does not repent, but
allows his heart to be at rest, sins will rush upon him
like water to the sea. When vice has thus become more
powerful it is still harder than before to abandon it. If
a bad man becomes sensible of his faults, abandons them
and acts virtuously, his sin will day by day diminish and
be destroyed, till he obtains full enlightenment."
In the work Kiau-ch'eng-fa-shu, the three vices of the
mind are described as — covetousness, hatred, and folly.
The Ten virtues that correspond to the Ten vices are
there stated to be — preserving life, almsgiving, a "pure
and virtuous life" (fan-hing), peaceful words, yielding
words, truthful words, plain unadorned words, abstinence
from quarrelling, mercy, and " acting from good causes "
(yin-yuen). Hardy, in describing the Buddhism of Ceylon, states the
four sins of speech to be — lying, slander, abuse, and unpro
fitable conversation. The three sins of the mind he states
to be — covetousness, malice, and scepticism.
The disciple of Buddha, whether he enters a monastery
or wears the prescribed dress and continues in the family,
must pledge himself to the five following things : — (1.) not
to kill; (2.) not to steal; (3.) not to commit adultery;
(4.) not to lie ; (5.) not to drink wine. These are called
Wu-kiai, " The five prohibitions." In Hardy's Manual
of Buddhism, five evils to be avoided are mentioned — viz.,
(1.) drinking intoxicating liquors; (2.) gambling; (3.) idle
ness; (4.) improper association ; (5.) frequenting places of
amusement. In the work called Sheng-t'ien-shih-kiai-king, " The book

igo CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of birth in heaven through keeping the ten prohibitions,"
a Deva informs Buddha that he was born in the " heaven
of the Thirty-three Devas " (that of Indra Shakra), as a
reward for reverencing the "Three Precious Ones" (Buddha,
the Law, and the Priesthood), for not inflicting death, or
stealing, or committing adultery, or slandering, or deceiv
ing, or lying, or drinking wine, or eating flesh, or coveting,
or holding false opinions.
In the work Kiau-ch'eng-fa-shu, the Ten prohibitions
are stated to be: — (i.) killing; (2.) stealing; (3.) adul
tery ; (4.) lying 5(5.) selling wine ; (6.) speaking of others'
faults ; (7.) praising one's-self and defaming others ; (8.)
parsimony joined with scoffing ; (9.) anger, and refusing
to be corrected ; (10.) reviling the Three Precious Ones.
In the comment on the Fan-wang-king, a work of the
Great Development school in the Discipline division, by
Chi-hiii, the Ten prohibitions are identified with the Ten
vices, but in the text the prohibitions are given as in the
last quotation.
Other lists of prohibitions might be transcribed amount
ing to two hundred and fifty, and even higher numbers.
For these it will be sufficient to refer to the works already
mentioned. Klaproth, having in view these moral precepts, and
their effects on the character of nations, speaks of Bud
dhism as being of all religions next to Christianity in
elevating the human race.
He says : " The wild nomades of Central Asia have been
changed by it into amiable and virtuous men, and its bene
ficent influence has been felt even in Northern Siberia."
The beneficent influence of this religion would have
been much greater had it recognised the love and fear of
God as the first of all the virtues. Buddhism, by ascribing
the creation, continuance, and destruction of the world
to an ever-changing fate, avoided the necessity of admit
ting a supreme God. This was the side the Buddhists
took in their controversies with the Brahmans in India.

KINDNESS TO ANIMALS. 191
Atheism is one point in the faith of the Southern Bud
dhists. By the Chinese Buddhists each world is held to be
presided over by an individual Buddha, but they do not hold
that one supreme spirit rules over the whole collection of
worlds. Klaproth affirms that, according to the Buddhists
' and the other Hindoos, " the universe is animated by a
single spirit, individualised under innumerable forms, ' by'
(far) matter which does not exist except in illusion."
This spirit, however, is not God, the universal Creator and
Preserver, and separated from the world by His everlast
ing personality.
Good has resulted doubtless in many instances from
the prominent exhibition made by this system of the
virtues and vices enumerated. But much more good
would have been done if they had rested on a better
basis, and been supported by a different view of the future
state. The crime of killing rests chiefly on the doctrine
of metempsychosis, which ascribes the same immortal soul
to animals that it does to man. Faithful Buddhists are
told not to kill the least insect, lest in so doing they
should cause death to some deceased relative or ancestor
whose soul animates the insect. On this account the
corresponding virtue is stated to be fang-sheng, " to save
life," constantly applied by the Buddhist priests and
common people of China to the preservation of the lives
of animals. The monks are vegetarians for the same
reasons. They abstain from flesh because they will not
share in the slaughter of living beings. They also con
struct reservoirs of water .near the monasteries, in which
fish, snakes, tortoises, and small shell-fish, brought by
worshippers of Buddha, are placed to preserve them from
death. Goats and other land animals are also given over
sometimes to the care of the monks, and it is a custom in
some monasteries, as at T'ien-t'ung, near Ningpo, to feed
a bird with a few grains of rice, just before the morning
meal has commenced. When the priest appears at the
door, the little bird, which is watching in the neighbour-

192 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
hood, and knows how to act on the occasion, flies to
receive the gift.
In the Buddhist account of human sins and duties no
obligation is included except the duty of lessening the
sum of human misery and promoting happiness. This
accords with the following anecdote related of Shakya
muni in his youth. His father, remembering the fore
warning of a hermit, that the prince his son would wish
to abandon the world, erected for him three palaces, where
everything fascinating was placed to keep him from such
a purpose. The son of a Deva came down to praise the
beauty of the gardens and groves.
But the prince, then eighteen years old, wished to go out
and see the city. The king sent him with a wise minister
to attend him. A Deva appeared at one of the city gates
transformed into an old man resting on a staff. At another
gate a Deva appeared as a sick person in pain and help
less. At another gate he saw a corpse attacked by ravens
— also a Deva. The prince asked in each case the reason
of what he saw. The wise counsellor told him these suf
ferings came from the natural state of the world, and
could not be avoided. People must grow old, must suffer
from sickness, and must die. The prince was not satisfied,
and the next day, seeing a Deva dressed as a monk, he
dismounted from his horse and asked him who he was.
The reply was, "A Shamen1 who has left the world."
The prince asked him why he had left the world. He
said, because he saw men exposed to the evils of birth,
old age, sickness, and death ; he therefore left the world
to seek truth and save living beings. The disguised Deva
then ascended into the air and disappeared.
At nineteen, assisted by the Devas, Shakyamuni is said
to have gone through the air on horseback two hundred
and fifty miles to Baga, a mountain belonging to the
1 In Sanscrit, Shramana; but ac- mananga, meaning "Diligence and
cording to the commentator on the cessation."
Chinese "Life of Buddha," Shaka-

MISERY EQUIVALENT TO SIN. 193
Himalayas. Here he lived as a hermit for six years, and
became prepared for the office he was to assume.
According to the view thus presented of the great object
of Buddha's teaching, it is to deliver men from suffering.
This is done by persuading them to enter on the monastic
or hermit life, and act in obedience to the directions of
Buddha. This system looks on mankind as involved in
misery rather than guilt. The Ten vices are rather to be
regarded as faults, into which men fall from delusion and
ignorance, than positive sins. The common people in
China, whose phraseology is extensively infected with
Buddhist ideas, see in every attack of sickness, and in
other misfortunes, a close connection with "sin" (tsui).
They hold that sin is the cause of suffering. Yet they
do not mean by this wilful sin, but some improper act
done unconsciously, or in childhood, as treading on an
insect, wasting rice-crumbs, or misusing paper that has the
native characters upon it. Or they refer the calamity to
the sins of a former- life. Hence they regard themselves
as more to be pitied than blamed for the tsui or " sin "
of which their ill fortune gives evidence.
This is an example of the mode in which the better
tendencies of the Buddhist system are neutralised by its
omissions. Its moral precepts, good as most of them
are, would have more power, and the true character of
sin be more felt by the people, if the authority of God
were recognised as the great reason for acting well — the
source of moral obligation.
Buddhism shook the faith of the Chinese in Heaven as
a personal ruler, and put the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas
in the place of that personal ruler. The effect of Bud
dhism in part was to urge the Chinese mind to see in
Heaven only impersonal and material power. Thus the
good effect of its moral teaching was neutralised; and
then the Chinese had good moral teaching before.
The question that has been raised by European moralists
as to whether man has from his natural constitution an
N

194 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
inborn moral sense, is decided by the Buddhists, though
without holding a controversy on the subject, in the affir
mative. They may be said to appeal to a natural con
science, when they teach that all men have within them
a good moral nature, and that this principle of good is
only prevented from making men virtuous and happy by
contact with the world and the delusions of the senses.
This is similar to the Confucian doctrine, that all men are
born good, and it is only by falling into evil habits subse
quently that they become vicious. Most systems of morals,
indeed,1 in words or by implication, admit the existence
of conscience, because all men possess it, and cannot be
made to understand moral distinctions without it.2 The
existence of a system of virtues and vices shows the
operation of conscience on the maker of it, as the use
of that system in moral instruction involves an appeal
to conscience in the disciple. The identification of con
science, however, with natural goodness, by the Confu-
cianists and the Buddhists, obscures its true character as
the judge between right and wrong. And to tell men that
they are naturally good is not only assuming, in compli
ment to human nature, a fact that should be proved, but
it is also likely to induce those who are thus taught to
look leniently on their own vices as originating solely
in the influences of the outside world. The feebleness of '
the Buddhist appeal to conscience, as the source of moral
obligation, is further increased by its assigning the same
originally good nature to each member of the animal
creation that it does to man.
The motives to well-doing, drawn from a future state
of retribution in this system, are derived from the Hindoo
popular account of heaven and hell. The Six life-paths
into which living beings can be born are — (i.) "Devas"
1 Paley and those who side with 2 The abeve was written about
him, who have attempted to con- twenty-two years ago. The whole
struct a moral system without a question has assumed new aspects
natural sense of right and wrong in since that time. I leave for the pre-
man, must be excepted. sent what I formerly said unaltered.

METEMPSYCHOSIS. 195
(gods) ; (2.) men ; (3.) " Asuras " (monsters) ; (4.) " hell "
(naraka); (5.) hungry ghosts; (6.) animals. The first
three are assigned to the good, the latter three to the
wicked. The moral action is called yin (cause), and its
recompense kwo (fruit). All beings, whether virtuous or
vicious, continue to be re-born in one of these six states,
until saved by the teaching of Buddha.
Buddha said : " To leave the three evil states is difficult.
When the state of man has been attained, to leave the
female sex and be born in the male, is difficult. To have
the senses and mind and body all sound is hard. When
this is attained, to be born in Central India is hard."
He continues to say, that to meet Buddha and be in
structed, to be born in the time of a good king, to be born
in the family of a Bodhisattwa, and to believe with the
heart in the Three Honoured Ones, are all difficult.
Buddha said,1 in a discourse delivered in the heaven
of Indra Shakra, that whatever good man or woman
heard the name of Ti-tsang Bodhisattwa, and in con
sequence performed an act of praise or worship, or
repeated that Bodhisattwa's name, or made an offering
to him, or drew a picture of him, such a person would
certainly be born in the heaven of Indra Shakra.
The same Bodhisattwa tells the mother of Buddha, who
resides in the paradise just mentioned, that " disobedience
to parents, with slaying, and wounding, are punished with
an abode in the place of suffering called Wu-kien-ti-yu.
Slandering the Three Precious Ones, or wounding the per
son of Buddha, or dishonouring the sacred books, or break
ing the vows, or stealing from a monk, are punished in a
similar way. Their punishment will last for ten millions
of millions of kalpas. Then their sin being compensated
for by sufficient suffering, they will be released.
" If a woman with an ugly countenance and sickly con
stitution prays to this Bodhisattwa, she will, for a million
of kalpas, be born with a beautiful countenance." If any
1 Vide Ti-tsang-king.

19S CHINESE BUDDHISM.
men or women perform music before the image of the
same deity, sing, and offer incense, they shall have hun
dreds and thousands of spirits to protect them day and
night, so that no unpleasant sound may enter their ears.
Any one who slanders or ridicules a worshipper of this
Bodhisattwa will be transported to the " Avichi naraka "
(O-pi ti-yu) till the end of this kalpa. He will then be
born a wandering hungry ghost, and, after a thousand
kalpas become an animal. After a thousand kalpas more
he will again become a man.
Such are a few specimens of the doctrine of retribution
as taught to the popular mind. It is easy to see that such
sensual conceptions of the future existence of man must
degrade the common notions of the people on duty and
virtue. The objects for which the common people in
China worship in the Buddhist temples are almost all of a
very inferior nature. Eeligious worship, which ought to
concern the recovery of man to pure virtue, and the resto
ration of direct communication with God by the forgive
ness of sin, is changed into an instrument for acquiring
various kinds of material happiness.
) The opinion the Buddhists hold on the forgiveness of
sin is, that it can be attained by repentance and merito
rious actions. A definite amount of gifts and worship will
gain the removal of a corresponding amount of sin and its
attendant suffering. Thus, a filial daughter, by a certain
number of days spent in worshipping a Bodhisattwa, or a
Buddha, can obtain the rescue of a mother from hell.
In the popular view of the future state, the Hindoo
king of death, " Yama" (Yen-lo) holds a high place as the
administrator of the punishments of hell. Nine others
are joined with him of Chinese origin. They are called
the Ten kings. The wicked at death are conducted to
them to receive judgment.
The decree by which men are born into the Six states
of the metempsychosis is merely that of fate, expressed in
the words yin-kwo, " cause and effect," or, employing one

BUDDHA NOT GOD. 197
factor only, yin-yuen, " causation," " or " fate " (karma).
" Good actions " are also sometimes called yin-yuen, be
cause they ultimately bring happiness to the doer.
The motive to a good life, drawn from heavenly happi
ness, cannot be considered a strong one, when the Devas
and their felicity are systematically depreciated, as they
are in Buddhism. The " Devas " (or popular Hindoo gods ;
in Chinese, t'ien) are all mortal, and limited in power.
The state of man may be so elevated as to approach to
that of the paradise of the Devas. Some men attain to
nearly the same power as the gods, e.g., Krishna. Southey,
in the Curse of Kehama, has made that personage, although
a man, a terror to the kings of the Devas, and such a re
presentation is in accordance with Hindoo notions. So in
Chinese Buddhist temples, the visitor sees the highest of
celestial beings listening humbly to Buddha.
It may be said that it is not correct to institute or im
ply a parallel between God as He is in the view of the
Christian, and the Hindoo deities. It may be said that a
parallel between God and Buddha would be more just.
But Buddha is a world-born man, who washes away, his
sins like others, by penances, offerings, and the teaching of
some enlightened instructor. He is not said to create the
universe, nor to act as the judge of mankind. He is
simply a teacher of the most exalted kind, who, by supe
rior knowledge, passes out of the metempsychosis, and
gradually attains the Nirvana. His attitude towards his
disciples is simply that of an instructor, not an authori
tative superior. The tie by which the disciple is attached
to him is that of voluntary not compulsory obedience.
In fact, the character ascribed to Buddha is rather that
of a Saviour than that of God. The object of his life and
teaching is to rescue living beings from their misery.
While such is the character of Buddha as he is described
in books, he is, as an object of popular worship, like the
great Bodhisattwas, simply regarded as a powerful divi
nity.

1 98 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
A brief notice will here be taken of the ethical views of
some of the Chinese sects. The Tsing-tu school substitutes
a paradise of purely Buddhist invention for that of Hin
doo mythology. It makes birth in the Western heaven,
the abode of Amitabha Buddha, the reward of virtue. The
description of this paradise consists entirely of things
pleasing to the senses. It is popularly regarded as real,
but the founder of the Yiin-tsi school in his commentary on
the " Amitabha Sutra," 1 explains it as figurative. Accord
ing to this explanation, the Western heaven means the
moral nature, confirmed, pure, and at rest. Amitabha
means the mind, clear, and enlightened. The rows of
trees mean the mind cultivating the virtues. The music
means the harmony of virtues in the mind. The flowers,
and particularly the lotus, mean the mind opening to con
sciousness and intelligence. The beautiful birds mean the
mind becoming changed and renovated.
It is evident that, on adopting this mode of commenting
on the fable of the Western heaven, it cannot any longer
be honestly held out as a future state of reward, to attract
men to good actions.
The object of this figurative interpretation of the West
ern paradise of Amitabha was, doubtless, to redeem the
Tsing-tu school from the discredit into which it had fallen,
by abandoning the Nirvana in favour of a sensual heaven.
The original inventors of the fiction must also have had
such a notion of it as that here given, while they did not
try to prevent its being accepted as real by the ignorant
and uninquiring.
In the contemplative school, founded by Bodhidharma,
the distinction of vice and virtue is lost. To the mind
that is given up to its own abstract meditations, the outer
world becomes obliterated. A person who attends simply
to his own heart may revile Buddha without sin, for
nothing is sin to him. He does not make offerings or
pray. All actions are the same to him. This system,
i O-mi-to&ing-su-ts'au, by Lien-si'-ta-shi.

NO MORAL DISTINCTIONS. 199
however, is not in opposition to ethical distinctions. It
only aims to enter a higher sphere. It seeks to attain a
sort of Nirvana even in the present life.
In the books of this school, as in others where the un
reality of all sensible phenomena is maintained, virtue
and vice occupy an inferior position. These notions only
come into existence through the imperfection of the pre
sent state. They disappear altogether when an escape
from it is effected, by admission into the higher region
of pure enlightenment. Virtue and vice, life and death,
happiness and misery, the antithetical states originated
in the world of delusions to which we belong, are all con
demned together as constituting a lower state of existence.
All beings should strive to be freed from them, and to
rise by Buddha's teaching to that perfection where every
such diversity, moral or physical, will be lost in unity.
The Nirvana does not admit any such distinctions as those
just mentioned. It is absolute and pure illumination,
without anything definite attached to it, whether good or
evil, pain or pleasure. Thus there is no place for ethics,
except in the lower modes of life.
It is common for intelligent priests in China of the con
templative school to defend their system of idolatry by ,
saying that they do not worship images themselves. They
are intended for the ignorant who cannot comprehend the
deeper principles of their religion. Eeligion being purely
a matter of the heart, offerings and prostrations are
really unnecessary. This exemplifies how what is re
garded as a highly virtuous action in the common people,
ceases to be so in the case of one who, as he thinks, has
made some progress towards the state of Buddha. Accord
ing to this view the consistent Buddhist will offer worship
to no being whatever. He simply aims to raise himself
above all the common feelings of human life.
We cannot wonder that the Buddhist system of ethics
having such deficiencies and such faults as have been
pointed out, has failed to produce high morality among its

200 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
votaries. The mass of the people have gained from it
the notion of a future retribution, but what is the use of
this when the promised state beyond death consists merely
of clumsy fiction ? The metempsychosis, administered by
a moral fate, has only provided them with a convenient
means for charging their sinfulness and their misfortunes
on a former life. What virtue the people have among
them is due to the Confucian system. Buddhism has
added to - it only idolatry, and a false view of the future
state, but has not contributed to make the people more
virtuous. Klaproth complains of " a worthy and learned English
missionary" (Dr. Marshman of Serampore) for saying,
" Unhappily for mankind, Buddhism . . . was now fitted
to spread its baneful influence to any extent."
These modes of expression are not, however, by any
means too strong to describe the effects of this religion in
China if we accept the Confucianist view of Buddhism.
No thorough-going disciple of Confucius would think this
language too strong if only Buddhism be judged from the
standpoint of political and social morality. Surely if the
Confucianist cannot see how the monk, who forsakes his
family and his duties as a working citizen, is to be
excused from heavy condemnation, the Christian also may
be permitted to criticise with severity a system which
denies the authority of God, identifies the moral nature of
men and animals, teaches mankind to look to man instead
of to God for redemption, and amuses the imagination
with the most monstrous fictions of the unseen world and
of the future state.
The morality of Buddhism has received very high
praise from more recent writers. Professor Max Mulier
says, " The moral code of Buddhism is one of the most
perfect the world has ever known." Mr. P. Hordern, the
Director of Public Instruction in Birmah, says, " The poor
heathen is guided in his daily life by precepts older and
not less noble than the precepts of Christianity. Centuries

BUDDHISM IN B1RMAH. 201
before the birth of Christ men were taught by the life
and doctrine of one of the greatest men who ever lived
lessons of the purest morality. The child was taught to
obey his parents and to be tender of all animal life, the
man to love his neighbour as himself, to be true and just
in all his dealings, and to look beyond the vain shows of
the world for true happiness. Every shade of vice was
guarded by special precepts. Love in its widest sense of
universal charity was declared to be the mother of all the
virtues, and even the peculiarly Christian precepts of the
forgiveness of injuries and the meek acceptance of insult
were already taught in the farthest East.
" Throughout Birmah it is a daily thing to see men,
women, and children kneeling on the road side, their
hands clasped, and their faces turned devoutly to a dis
tant pagoda ; while at the weekly festivals, or the full
moons, the devotions of the mass of the population is
among the most interesting spectacles in the whole East."
It is otherwise in China. Though the Buddhists have
good precepts they are very much neglected, even in the
teaching. Books containing hard metaphysical dogma
such as the non-existence of matter, form much more the
subject of daily reading. The monks are subject con
stantly to the Confucianist criticism that they are not filial
to -parents nor useful working members of the common
wealth. A widely-extended monastic system does not
approve itself to the Chinese political consciousness any
more than it has done to European governments in times
of revolution. The charge of laziness and neglect of
social duties was made the ground of persecution in former
days. At present, while Confucianism has ceased to per
secute Buddhism, it has never withdrawn its indictment
against it on the ground of morality. Indeed, all the
force of the moral teaching of the Chinese is in Confuci
anism and not in Buddhism. It is the moral sense of
the Chinese themselves that is energetic and influential
so far as they are really a moral people. The Buddhist

202 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
moral code is feebleness itself compared with the Confu
cianist. This is partly because it is entangled by the co
existence with it of monkery as a life, and of the metem
psychosis and metaphysical nihilism as dogma.
Then in regard to the power of Buddhism to elevate a
people above the vain shows of the world and render
them devotional, the conclusion to be drawn from the
effect of this religion in the Chinese is very different from
that adopted by Mr. Hordern in regard to Birmah. The
Chinese intellect is strong and independent in its judg
ments, and it does not accept the fictions of Buddhism.
The Hindoo mind cannot dominate the Chinese mind,
and the contemplative life has no attractions for the
countrymen of Confucius. The foreign resident in China
does not witness the appearance of devotion which has
won the admiration of Mr. Hordern in Birmah.
The power shown by Buddhism to win the faith of the
Birmese I should rather trace to the superiority of the
Hindoo race over the mountain tribes of the Indo-Chinese
peninsula. The Birmese belong, with the Thibetans, to
the Bod race, which, having no intellectual development
of its own, accepted the Hindoo religion when brought
them by the Buddhist teachers. The superiority of Hin
doo arts and civilisation helped Buddhism to make this
conquest. Bishop Bigandet 1 says : " The Birmese want
the capability to understand the Buddhist metaphysics.
If the Buddhist moral code in itself has the power to
influence a people so far as to render them virtuous and
devotional, independently of the element of intellectual
superiority, we still lack the evidence of it.
" The success of Buddhism is in this respect the reverse
of the success of Christianity, which, originating in Judea,
subjugated both Greece and Eome without aid from in
tellectual superiority."
I just add here that the Confucianists do not allow that
kindness to animals was first taught them by Buddhism.
1 See Vie de Gaudama, p. 412.

KINDNESS TO ANIMALS PRE-BUDDHISTIC. 203
They find it in their own ancient books. Thus Mencius
made the compassion felt by a prince, Tsi Siuen-wang,
for a bullock about to be slaughtered, a ground for his
exhibiting compassion still more for the people he governed.
He had been distressed at the shuddering of the bullock
chosen for sacrifice, and ordered it to be changed for a
sheep, which was done. Confucianism assumes that pity
for animals is natural for the human heart. The mother
of Mencius moved her residence from the neighbourhood
of a butcher's shop because she would not have her boy,
while of tender years, witness daily that which would
make him cruel.
Yet it cannot fairly be denied that beneficial effects
must follow from the great prominence and publicity
assigned to compassion as an attribute of Buddha to be
imitated by every devout believer. The salvation of
multitudes from suffering is held up as his great achieve
ment, and to this he was prompted by disinterested pity.
This the Confucianists would probably admit, while
they would never allow that there is any ground to be
lieve in the Buddhist metempsychosis, on which pity for
animals is often made to rest for its basis. With Bud
dhist temples and monks everywhere, the Chinese do not
accept the teaching that the souls of men migrate into
animals, nor do the monks cordially maintain it.
Among the reasons the Buddhists give for sparing the
life of all animals, they do not mention the duty of not
inflicting unnecessary pain, nor do they say that Buddha
has a sovereign power to make laws, and he having made
this law it must be obeyed.
Their reasons are of a lower sort, or they are based on
dogmatised necessity. This, like other matters, is by
the Buddhists treated in a thoroughly utilitarian and
selfish way. Only in one point it is not so. They are
invariably conscious of " moral fate," the karma, pervad
ing the universe by an inevitable and unconquerable

204 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
force. Kindness to animals is sure to bring happiness,
as cruelty will cause misfortune.
The following are the reasons given by Buddha foT
abstinence from animal food: —
First, In the endless changes of the metempsychosis,
persons in the relation to me of any of the six divisions
of kindred have become, from time to time, some of the
animals used for food. To avoid eating my relations I
ought to abstain.
Second, The smell and taste are not clean.
Third, The smell causes fear among the various ani
mals. Fourth, To eat animal food prevents charms and other
magical devices from taking effect.
The writer who invented these reasons and put them
in the mouth of Buddha, did not add the certainty of
the retribution of the karma, as an additional motive
for showing compassion to objects possessed of life, but
this is understood and lies underneath all Buddhistic
thought.

f 205 )

CHAPTEE X.
THE BUDDHIST CALENDAR.
National festivals — Festivals in honour of celestial beings — In
honour of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas — In honour of char
acters in Chinese Buddhist history — Supplemental anniver
saries — Singhalese Buddhists keep a different day for Buddha's
birthday — In the T'ang dynasty Hindoo astronomers reformed
the calendar — Gaudamsiddha — The week of India and Babylon
known to the Chinese — Word mit for Sunday — Peacock Sutra
— The Hindoo Baku and Ketu.
One of the most instructive illustrations of a religion is
its calendar. Not only do the fasts and festivals kept by
a people point out in succession who are the personages
held by them in the highest honour ; they also contain an
epitome of the history and doctrines of the religion they
believe, and especially aid in opening to observation the
popular religious life.
The work called Ts'ing-kwei, " Eeguktions of the Priest
hood," contains instructions for the observance of all fasts
and festivals through the year. From it are extracted the
following details of anniversaries : —
1. National.
Emperor's birthday. — The ceremonial for this anniver
sary lasts a week, embracing three days before and three
after the day in question. It is called Sheng-tsie, " Sacred
festival." Empress's birthday.
Day of receiving an imperial message at the monastery. —
Six persons are sent out " five li " (nearly two miles) to

206 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
meet it. On its approach, the monks, headed by their
chief, issue from the monastery, and bow their foreheads
to the ground three times.
Four monthly feasts. — These are at the new and full
moons, and on the 8th and 23d of the month. They are
called Kin-ming si-chai, "The four feasts illustriously
decreed." The last two words refer to a decree of an
emperor of the Sui dynasty in a.d. 584, requiring the
special observance of the monthly feasts in the ist, 5th,
and 9th months ; because then the great Southern conti
nent was prayed for, in which China is included.
Anniversaries of emperors' deaths. — Those of the present
dynasty only are included. 2. Celestial Beings
Day of worshipping the Devas (Kung-T'ien). — All the
chief personages, whether Devas, spirits, demons, Asuras,
Eakshas, &c, of the Hindoo older mythology, are wor
shipped on this occasion. This observance rests for its
authority on the Kin-kwang-ming-king, " The Bright Sutra
of Golden Light."
Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. — In the services for these
days, the sun and moon are addressed as "Bodhisattwas''
(P'u sa), and the power of Buddha is invoked to deliver
them. Hence the name of the service, Hu-j'i, Hu-yue,
" Delivering the sun and moon." The prayers offered for
them are considered as gratitude for their light.
Sacrifice to the Moon, 8th month, i$th day. — The ground
for this observance is that this day is, according to national
tradition, the moon's birthday. As in the service for
eclipses, Namo, "Honour to," the introductory formula
of worship, is used in addressing the moon. She is called
in full Yue-kung-t'ai-yin-tsun-t'ien-p'u-sa, "The moon in
her mansion, luminary of night, honoured Deva and Bo
dhisattwa." Prayer for fine weather. — Prayer to various Buddhas,
and other divinities.

CELESTIAL BEINGS. 207
Prayer for rain. — Worship is performed towards the
East, and prayers offered to the Dragon king, the various
Buddhas, &c.
Prayer for snow. — Ditto.
Prayer against locusts. — To various Devas and spirits.
Prayer to Wei-to (Veda). — The Deva Wei-to is the pro
tector of the Buddhist religion. When the supplies of
the monastery fail, he is prayed to, to replenish them.
He is chief general of the army of the four Mahadevas.
Birthday of Wei-to, 6th month, 3d day ; according to some
the 1 3th day. — Wei-to is a deity of Hindoo mythology, who
protects three of the four continents into which the world
is divided. (See Eemusat's Notes to Foe'-koue-ki.)
Birthdays of the divine protectors of the monasteries. —
They are three: — (1.) Hwa-kwang, 9th month, 28th day;
(2.) Lung-wang, or Naga-rajah, the "Dragon king;" (3.)
Kwan-ti, the " God of war," 5th month, 13th day, accord
ing to the common account ; but according to his biography
in the national annals, 6th month, 24th day. These three
personages take the place of eighteen worshipped in India.
One of them is the well-known hero of the " Three King
doms." They receive the same honours that are awarded
to Wei-to.
Birthday of the Kitchen god, 6th month, 24th day, 8th
month, 3d day, and 12th month, 24th day. — The Buddhists
say, to excuse themselves for adopting a Tauist supersti
tion, that the Kitchen god they worship is not the Tsau-
kiiin venerated commonly by the people, but a king of
the " Kinnaras " (a fabulous race of celestial beings), who
became a Chinese priest in the T'ang dynasty, and- was
appointed at death to preside over the vegetarian diet of
the monks. This is a lame defence of what is evidently
a self-interested accommodation to popular notions.
3. The Buddhas and Bodhisattwas.
Birthday of Shakyamuni, 4th month, 8th day. — He is
also called Buddha, " Tathagata " or Julai, and Gautama,

208 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and is revered as Pun-sh'i, the "Teacher of the world
during the present kalpa"
Anniversary of Shakyamuni's elevation to the rank of
Buddha, 12th month, 8th day. — The phrase in use is Ch'eng-
tau, " Attained the summit of knowledge and virtue."
Anniversary of Buddha's entrance into tke Nirvdna, 2d
month, 15th day.
Birthday of Yo-sh'i Fo (The Buddha who instructs in
healing, Bhaishajyaguru Buddha), gth month, 30th day. —
The world governed by this Buddha is in the East.
Birthday of O-mi-to Fo or "Amida " (Amitabha) Bud
dha, nth month, lfth day. — The Buddha who rules in the
universe to the west of that governed by Shakya, and
grants the request of all those who pray to him to admit
them to the Western heaven.
Birthday of Mi-li Fo (Maitreya Buddha), 1st month, 1st
day. — The Buddha who is to succeed Shakyamuni in the
government of the world. Maitreya was visited in one
of the paradises by Shakyamuni, and foretold his destiny.
Birthday of the female Buddha, Chun-ti, 3d month, 6th
day. — Great powers of sorcery are attributed to this per
sonage. Birthday of " Wen-shu p'u-sa " (Manjusiri Bodhisat
twa), 4th month, 4th day. — One of the Bodhisattwas of
Northern Buddhism.
Birthday of "P'u-hien p'u-sa" (Samantabhadra), 2d
month, 21st day. — A fictitious Bodhisattwa of Northern
Buddhism. Birthday of " Kwan-sh'i-yin p'u-sa " (Aval6kite1shwara),
2d month, igth day. — This fabulous Bodhisattwa has in
China been usually represented with female attributes.
In the Fa-hwa-king, Kwan-yin is described as being able
to assume any form at pleasure, whether that of Buddhas,
Devas, men, or others, and as being guided in such volun
tary metamorphoses by a constant desire to proclaim the
Buddhist doctrine to those who need it, in the form most
likely to effect the object. Kwan-yin is thus able to save

CHA RA CTERS IN B UDDHIST HIS TOR Y. 209
any of the inhabitants of the Saha (or Saba) world, i.e.,
the present race of mankind. When Kwan-yin is trans
lated, not inappropriately, " Goddess of mercy," it should
be remembered that female attributes are only temporarily
assumed by the Bodhisattwa in question. (See the
" Kwan-yin " section, near the end of the Fa-hwa-king.)
Birthday of Ta-shi-cM p'u-sa, ffh month, 13th day. —
The position of this Bodhisattwa is to the right of Ami
tabha Buddha, while Kwan-yin takes the left. They are
styled together, " the Three Sages of the West " (Si-fang-
san-sheng). Birthday of Ti-tsang p'u-sa, ffh month, 30th day.
4. Characters in Chinese Buddhist History.
Anniversary of the death of "Bodhidharma" (Ta-mo),
10th month, 5th day. — The first of the six patriarchs.
Death of Pe-chang, 1st month, lgth day. — He was a
teacher of Bodhidharma's system in the T'ang dynasty.
He wrote the work Ts'ing-kwei from which these notices
of fasts and festivals are taken.
Death of Chi-k'ai, nth month, 24th day. — The founder
of lie T'ien-t'ai school.
Death of Hien-sheu, 11th month, 14th day. — A founder
of a school bearing his name, and advocating the " Great
Development" system (Ta-ch'eng).
Death of Tau-siuen, 10th month, 3d day. — A founder of
the Discipline school.
Death of Hwei-yuen, 8th month, 6th day. — A founder of
the Tsing-tu school.
Death of the founder of the monastery, — also of a priest's
own religious instructor, of the priests who admitted him
to the vows, and of his parents.
5. Supplementary Anniversaries.
Commencement of summer (Li-hia), Ath month, 16th day.
— This anniversary is traced to the usage of the earliest
Hindoo Buddhists, who, when summer arrived, came to-
0

210 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
gether and remained associated under strict monastic rule
during the hot months. This period over, they began
their begging excursions afresh.
" Yu-lan-p'en" (U-lam) ceremony, for feeding hungry
ghosts, yth month, i$th day. — The authority for this festival
is the Yu-lan-p'en Sutra, translated into Chinese about
a.d. 270. It terminates the summer, as the preceding
began it.
End of summer, ffh month, 16th day.
Commencement and end of winter (Li-tung, Kiai-tung),
10th month, i$th day, and ist month, i$th day.
First day of the year. — Special worship.
Birthday of Shakra, 1st month, gfh day. — Shakra, or
Indra, god of the atmosphere, is, in the modern editions of
Pe-chang-ts'ing-kwei, " Manual of Buddhist Eegulations and
Festivals," identified with the well-known Tauist divinity
Yii-ti. Oriental religions are so mutually complimentary,
that they sometimes adopt each other's divinities with
out scruple. The Sanscrit ' Indra Shakra ' is rendered in
Chinese Ti-sh'i (formerly shak).
Birthday of" Yo-wang p'u-sa" (Bhdishajyardja), "Medi
cal king and Bodhisattwa," 4th month, 15th day.
Birthday of the Bodhisattwa "Lung-shu" (Nagarjuna),
or "Dragon-tree," fth month, 2$th day. — He was the
fourteenth patriarch, and author of the " Hundred Dis
courses," one of the most noted of the Buddhist Shastras.
Birthday of the ancient Buddha Jan-teng, " Light lamp "
(Dipamkara Buddha), 8th month, 22d day. — Shakyamuni
in a former kalpa was a disciple of this Buddha.
Winter solstice. — Special worship.
Birthday of the Bodhisattwa Hwa-yen, 1 2th month, 29th
day. The method of observing these anniversaries, and the
prayers to be used, are very minutely detailed in the book
from which these notices are translated.
The dates are those of the lunar months of the Chinese
national almanac.

THE WEEK KNOWN TO THE CHINESE. 211
It may be doubted whether more than a very few of
them are identical with the festivals of the Southern
Buddhists, viz., those of Ceylon, Siam, and Birmah, there
being several of the great Bodhisattwas who are not
mentioned in works by foreign authors treating of the
Buddhism of those countries.
In Ceylon the prevalent legend of Gautama's life states
that he was born on the day of the full moon in the
second month of spring. This differs.
In this popular calendar, there is no mention of any
thing astronomical; yet in the T'ang dynasty Buddhist
calculators from India were invited to undertake the im
provement of the imperial calendar.
Gaudamsiddha, in the eighth century, published a work
called Kieu-chVli. It is a translation from a Hindoo ori
ginal. In it the days of the week are apportioned among
the planets in the following order : Yung-hwo, " Mars ; "
Ch'en-sing, "Mercury;" Sui-sing, "Jupiter;" T'ai-pe,
" Venus ; " Chen-sing, " Saturn." 1
These planets, with the sun and moon, form the ts'i-yau,
" seven bright celestial objects." They constitute the
mythological week of seven days, which sprang up in
Babylonia, and spread to India, and also to Europe in the
days of the Eoman empire.
Some Chinese almanacs call Sunday the day of Mit,
the Persian "Mithras," a name for the sun. Mit is
spoken of as a Hwei-hwei word. This term Hwci-hwei
is one of the names for the Persian language among the
Chinese. In the Kung-ch'io-king, " Peacock Sutra," the days of
the week are also given. This work is a translation by a
Chinese priest named Yi-tsing. When Mr. Wylie was
visiting Peking on one occasion, he went with me to a
monastery to consult the "Peacock Sutra" in the library.
1 See Chinese Recorder, 1872. Mr. add to Mr. Wylie's very full and in-
Wylie, "OntheKnowledgeof Weekly teresting statements, that Mit is
Sabbath in China," pp. 40-45. But " Mithras " here, and in page 8.

212 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
We were courteously received, and allowed to take it home
with us for a few days.
Many superstitious beliefs and observances native to
India were imported to China by the Hindoo Buddhists.
They taught much that was not at all purely Buddhist.
The education they received embraced a wide range. Meta
physics, astronomy, medicine, and other subjects were
taught in India in the old times of Buddhist prosperity,
probably much as they are now in the lamaseries of
Mongolia. Thus the ascending and descending nodes of the moon's
orbit were known as two monsters, called " Eahu " and
" Ketu," in modern Chinese, Lo-heu and Ki-tu. At eclipses,
the Chinese story of a wild dog eating the sun and moon
is derived from this piece of Hindoo mythology. In
native almanacs these names are preserved in the nomen
clature of astrology, and the conception is encouraged that
the earth's shadow crossing the moon is a dark heavenly
body, and a sort of planet of a dark nature, becoming
visible only at eclipses.
The Indian year of three seasons is described, but no
attempt has been made to interfere with the Chinese
seasons of three months each. The Buddhists have
arranged their calendar of festivals and fasts to suit the
Chinese months,

( 213 )

CHAPTEE XI.
RELATION OF BUDDHISM TO THE OLDER HINDOO
MYTHOLOGY.
Buddhism accepted the Hindoo mythology, with the sacred books
of the Brahmans, so far as it agreed with its own dogmas — The
gods Indra, Brahma, and Ishwara listen as disciples to Buddha
— Eight classes of Devas — Four kings of Devas — Yakshas —
Mahoragas — Pretas — Maras — Yama, king of the dead — Creation
is denied to the Hindoo gods in the Ohung-lun and other works.
Following the guidance of the Buddhist books, the exist
ence of the Vedas and their mythology at least five or six
centuries before the Christian era must be regarded as an
established fact. Eeligious divisions had then already
arisen in the social life of the Hindoos, and numerous
adherents of all castes were joining the newly-raised
standard of Buddhism. Colonel Sykes and others have
maintained the hypothesis that Buddhism was the original
religion of Hindostan, and that the Vedas with their re
ligion, the four castes, and the Sanscrit language itself
were all invented at a later date by the Brahmans. This
conjecture has little to support it from any source of evi
dence, and is .perfectly untenable when recourse is had for
information to the Buddhist books. From them it is
clear that the Brahmans were in antagonism with the
system of Shakyamuni from the first, that the four
Vedas were already venerated as the sacred books of the
nation, and that the truth of their mythology was not
denied by the founder of Buddhism or his followers. So
far from opposing the popular belief in such beings as

214 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Indra and Yama, the Asuras, Devas, and Gandharvas, they
are included in the mythological personnel of the new
religion, and these names have thus become known from
Japan to Persia, and from Java to the Altai mountains.
No mythology perhaps has ever spread so far as the
Hindoo, forming as it does a part of the people's religion
in all Buddhist countries, as well as in its mother-land.
An account of the opening scene of the Saddharma pwn-
darika, or " Lotus of the Good Law," in Chinese Fa-hwa-
king, will show the place assigned in the Sutras of the
Great Development class to these fictitious beings. The
Sanscrit names in most instances are taken from Burnouf's
translation of the Nepaulese original.
" Thus have I heard. On a time Buddha was residing
at the city 'Eajagriha' (Wang-she), on the mountain
Gridhrakuta, with two thousand Bikshus, all of them
Arhans." Here follow the names of many of Buddha's
disciples. "There were also two thousand more, some
having knowledge and some having none. Ma-ha-pa-
ja-pa-ti1 (Mahaprajapati) came with female disciples
and their followers, in all six thousand." "Of Bodhi
sattwas, eighty thousand also came." " Their names aTe
Manjusiri, Kwan-shi'-yin, &c." There came also Shak-de-
wan-yin (Shakra, the Indra of the Devas),2 with a
retinue of twenty thousand sons of Devas. There were
also the sons of the Devas Chandra, Samantagandha,
and Eatnaprabha. Besides these there were the four
"Great kings" of the Devas (Maharaja), with a suite
of ten thousand sons of Devas. Then there were the
sons of the 'Deva Ishwara' (Tsirtsai-t'ien) and of the
'Deva Mah^shwara' (Ta-tsl-tsai-t'ien), and their retinue
of thirty thousand sons of Devas. The lord of the
universe "Saba" (Saha), the 'King of the Brahma
1 This was Shakyamuni's aunt, who part in the scene of Buddha's en-
took care of him when an infant at trance into the Nirvana.
the death of his mother. She became * De-wan ia "the Devas." Tin is
a leader in the female propaganda of " Indra."
Buddhism, and acted a conspicuous

HINDOO MYTHOLOGY. 215
heaven' (Fan-t'ien-wang) also came, with the two great
Brahmas, Shikhin and Jyotishprabha, and their retinue of
twenty thousand. There were also eight ' Dragon kings '
(Nagaraja), with their retinues, four kings- of the Kin-
naras, four of the Gandharvas, four of the Asuras, and four
of the Garudas. The son of Waideiii, Ajatashatru king
of Magadha (Bahar) and father of Ashoka, with a suite of
mauy thousands, was also there."
These constitute Buddha's audience while he delivers
the instructions contained in this Sutra. Most of the
names, the descriptive passages, and many notices of the
retinues of the kings, are omitted for brevity. The whole
account, however, in the Chinese version is one-third
shorter than in that of the French translator, who has fol
lowed the Sanscrit text. Kumarajiva did not scruple to
pare off the redundancies of this and other works that he
translated, which is perhaps one reason of their permanent
popularity. Two of the principal Hindoo divinities occur in this ex
tract, Shakra and Brahma. The latter is the first in the
well-known triumvirate of gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and
Shiva, or the " Creator," " Preserver," and " Destroyer."
Here he occupies a humbler position, being merely the
disciple of Buddha. Shakra or Indra is met with in
Buddhist legends more frequently than Brahma. In some
Chinese temples their images are said to form a pair
among the auditors of Shakyamuni. The Buddist com
pilation, Fa-yuan-chu-lin, contains an extract from the
" Central Agama Sutra," where several names by which
Shakra is commonly known are explained. Indra, his
most frequent appellation, is a term of office, " Lord " or
" Euler," and as such is translated into Chinese by Ti or
Chu. It is often applied to others of the chief Devas or
gods with distinctive names. Two other Brahmas will be
observed to accompany the chief Brahma.
The word Ishwara, rendered by tsi-tsai, " self-existent,"
is the term used by missionaries in India for God, in the

2i6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Christian sense. Mr. Wenger's letter, inserted in Dr.
Legge's Notions of the Chinese concerning God and Spirits,
says, that this term is applied to Shiva and Vishnu as a
title of authority ; " but should any other of the innumer
able devatas be called Ishwara, it would be an unusual
thing, and call for something like an explanation." In
the Buddhist passage cited above, the term is apphed as a
distinctive name to two of these devatas, indicating a differ
ence in the Brahmanical and Buddhist use of the word.
The commentator on the "Ean-wang Sutra" identifies the
great Ishwara with Brahma, but this is not authorised by
the text, and disagrees with common usage, which makes
them different personages. He adds, " In the whole uni
verse there is but one king, and this is he." According to
the Chinese rendering, " Self-existent," the term Ishwara
strongly resembles the Hebrew name Jehovah.
The four Maharajas, or "Great kings" of the Devas,
preside each over one of the four continents into which
the Hindoos divide the world. Visitors in Chinese
temples will have noticed two warlike images on each
side, just within the entering door. They are the Devas
here alluded to. Each leads an army of spiritual beings
to protect mankind and Buddhism. At the head of the
Gandharvas and Vaishajas is Dhritarashtra, for the Eastern
continent. The inhabitants of the South, Jambudvipa,
are protected by Virudhaka with an army of Kubandas.
In the West, Virupaksha comma-nds an army of " dragons "
(nagas) and Putanas. In the North, Vaishravana is at
the head of the Yakshas and Eakshasas.
The names of various classes of mythological beings are
sometimes translated, and at other times transferred, in
Chinese Buddhist works. The " Nagas," from their form,
are rendered by the word Lung, ' Dragon.' The Apsaras
are called T'ien-nu or " Female Devas." The Devas, in
cluding all the Hindoo gods that are mentioned, whether
great or small, are called T'ien (Heaven). The Kinnaras
are celestial choristers looking like horses with horned

GODS ARE DISCIPLES TO BUDDHA. 217
heads. The Gandharvas are also musicians who play and
sing for the amusement of the Devas. The Asuras are
beings of gigantic size, dwelling in solitary woods and
mountain hollows. They make war with the Devas, and are
connected with eclipses (vide Hardy's Manual of Buddhism).
The Garudas are golden- winged birds who are large enough
to devour the Nagas. Beings inferior to the Devas are
called collectively the " Eight classes " (Pa-pu). They are
called Nats by the Birmese.
It will be observed that all these beings, including the
most venerated and powerful of the gods, are introduced as
disciples of Buddha. The combination of ascetic eminence
and profound philosophy in Shakyamuni raise him to a
position higher than any of them. Beings of every rank
in earth or heaven confess their inferiority to the human
Buddha by becoming his humble and attentive auditors.
The Hindoos having become acute metaphysicians,
thought themselves superior to every being in the uni
verse. Further on in the same work other names occur. The
Yakshas are a species of demons living in the earth and
waters, often represented as malignant in their disposition
towards man. The Mahoragas are the genii of the large
serpent called in Chinese the Mang. The Eakshasas
resemble the Yakshas, but they have not the power like
them to assume any shape at pleasure. When they appear
to men it must be in their own form. They live in the
forest of Himala, and feed on the flesh of the dead (vide
Hardy's Manual of Buddhism). The " Brahmas " (Fan ;
formerly Bam or Vam) are the inhabitants of the heaven
called " Brahma-loka " (Fan-t'ien), over which Fan-t'ien-
wang (Mahabrahma) or the chief Brahma presides. The
Pretas, in Chinese, kwei, " demon," are the inhabitants of
the narakas or "subterranean" and "other prisons" called
ti-yu, "hell." Many of them formerly belonged to the
world of men. Some are condemned by Yama to certain
prisons. Others haunt the graves where their former

2iS CHINESE BUDDHISM.
bodies are interred. The Pretas hunger for food, and
hence the custom so prevalent in China of feeding the
hungry ghosts both of relatives and of others. The Maras
are enemies of Buddha's doctrine. On this account they
are considered as demons, although they inhabit one of
the lokas or " heavens " of the Hindoo cosmogony. The
king of the " Maras " (Mo-kwei) is called Po-siiln and Mo-
(Ma) wang. The word Mara is explained, " he who kills/'
also " the culprit." The kwei are, in some instances, of a
good disposition. Among such are reckoned — as a Buddhist
work quoted in the Fa-yuen-chu-lin informs us — the shen
or " genii " of mountains, seas, and other natural objects.
The word shen is also used generically for the eight classes
of beings before mentioned, from the dragons downwards,
and is very frequently employed by the Buddhists for the
soul of man, perhaps more than in any other sense. The
early Buddhist apologists, in pleading for the immortality
of the soul as a part of the doctrine of metempsychosis,
constantly used shen for " soul."
The king of the kwei or " demons " is Yama, in Hindoo
mythology the ruler of the dead. From his office as judge
of future punishments, his name constantly occurs in the
conversation of the common people in China. He is called
Yen-mo-lo-she (formerly Jam-ma-la-ja), which is abbrevi
ated to Yen-lo. The usual Hindoo name may be recognised
in Yen-ma and Yem-ma, which are other designations ap
plied to him in Chinese books. Jam-ma-raja means the
" Eoyal pair," a brother and sister, who judge men and
women respectively. Associated with Yen-lo are nine
kings who preside together over the state of the dead.
His image is placed with theirs in temples, accompanied
with various representations suited to remind the spec
tator of the world of torment. In the Ti-tsang Sutra, he is
described as coming from the iron mountain wall where
the Buddhist hell is situated, to the Tau-li heaven, to hear
Shakyamuni Buddha deliver a Sutra there. He is classed
among the sons of Devas, and is attended by many thou-

HINDOO GODS NOT CREATORS. 219
sand kings of demons. He may be pointed to as the most
remarkable example of the influence of Hindoo mytho
logy on the popular mind of China. The common people
all expect to meet Yen-lo-wang (Yama) after death, and
be judged by him with the strictest impartiality. They
believe that he fixes the hour of dissolution, and that the
decision once made, nothing can alter or postpone it.
These various beings, when in the Sutras they appear
before Buddha, perform to him an act of worship, and ask
for instruction like any other of his auditors. Their power
is great, but it is surpassed by that of Buddha, and it is
all employed to extend his fame and doctrines. Their
authority as rulers of the world is still recognised, but
Buddhism by a simple stretch of the imagination makes
a universe a thousand times as large to form tke kingdom
of Buddha. They promote virtue and the Buddhist re
ligion. For this they live and rule. The very highest
acts of deity, such as the creation of all things, or in
the language of idealism the causation of all sensational
phenomena, are denied them. The " Central Shastra "
(Chung-lun) sets out with proving that creation was not the
act of the great " Self-existent god " (Ishwara Deva), nor
of the god " Vishnu " ( Ve-nu Deva ; also written Ve-shi-
nu) ; nor did concourse and commixture, or time, or the
nature of things, or change, or necessity, or minute atoms,
cause the creation of the universe. In the Buddhist
view, these deities are also subject to death, and men
by certain virtuous acts which are specified, may be born
at some future period to become their successors.
Buddhism, while it thus aimed to find some intelligence
and power higher than those of the popular divinities, failed
to perceive that the creation and government of the uni
verse are united in one all-wise eternal mind. It looked
no further than the wisdom of a human sage, and the in
nate goodness and self-elevating power of the human mind.
It gives to the wise man the honour that is due only to God.
In forming an estimate of the extent to which the older

220 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Hindoo mythology has been spread in China, it should
be remembered that the Tauists have copied from the
Buddhist books in the most slavish manner. Some names
are new, but the majority are adopted without alteration.
Brahmas, Devas, Asuras, and Maras figure in the writings
of this native sect. The prayer-books used in chanting
by the Tauist priests are from beginning to end an imi
tation of the Buddhist Sutras. By the combined influence
of these two religions, the Hindoo view of the universe,
with its numerous classes of beings higher than and inferior
to man, and its multiplicity of worlds, some for happiness,
and others for torment, has become the common belief of
the Chinese people.
Other Hindoo gods, such as the modern Shiva and Dur-
ga, Eama and Krishna, do not occur, unless concealed
under names which closer examination may decipher.
The rise of their worship in India was at too recent a
date to allow of their being introduced into the early
Buddhist literature. The unexampled viciousness of the
recent Hindoo worship would also be an insuperable bar
to its adoption in China. In the Buddhist books of China
there is abundance of what is puerile, superstitious, and
incredible, but nothing openly opposed to good morality.
In such a country only what is decorous in the images
and worship of any sect could be tolerated.
Since neither Vishnu nor Shiva occur among the audi
tors of Buddha, on occasions when all the chief persons
in the universe are present, it must be supposed that the
extended popular worship of both these well-known deities
was subsequent to the time when the Buddhist books were
written, and within the Christian era.

( 221 )

CHAPTEE XIT.
THE BUDDHIST UNIVERSE.
The universe passes through incessant changes — Kalpas of various
lengths — Kalpas of establishment, of destruction, &c. — Saha
world — Sumeru mountain — The Southern continent is Jambu-
dvipa — Heaven of the thirty-three — Tushita paradise — Upper
tier of paradises — Heavens of form and of desire — Heavens with
out form — Brahma's paradise — No wise man is born there, be
cause Brahma says he created the universe — The hells — Story
from the " Ti-tsang Sutra."
The universe, according to the Buddhists, is in a con
stant state of change. The periods in which its changes
take place are called kalpas (kie-po or kie.) Eighty small
kalpas make one large kalpa. The inhabitants of the
Brahma heaven live through twenty small kalpas, and
their chief, Mahabrahma, through sixty. Kalpas are divided
into the small kalpa, the kalpa of establishment and de
struction, and the great kalpa. In the small kalpa, the
age of mankind diminishes from an immeasurable length
to ten years, and then increases to a length of from ten
to eighty thousand years. In twenty of such periods the
world is completed. Through twenty more it remains in
the same state. After twenty more the world is de
stroyed, and there remains nothing but vacancy during
twenty more. The first forty mean kalpas make up the
kalpa of establishment. The other forty compose that
of destruction. All of them taken together form a great
kalpa. We live in the second intermediate kalpa, or that

222 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
in which the world continues in its completed state, in a
period called the Men kalpa or " Age of wise men " (Maha-
bhadra-kalpa. There are still eleven small kalpas to be
passed before the age of destruction commences. During
the " eighth kalpa " (Mandu-kalpa), immediately preced
ing the present, a hundred Buddhas successively appear.
Shakyamuni is the fourth Buddha of the Mahabhadra-
kalpa. In his time the age of man had already gradually
diminished to a hundred years, and the same process of
gradual subtraction by one year at a time is still going
on. In the centre of the Saha world, or that ruled by
Shakyamuni, is the Sumeru mountain. A wide sea sepa
rates this from eight other mountains. Outside these
mountains, beyond another wide sea, is a great circular
mountain mass of iron. A thousand such circular iron
mountain chains constitute one "small world" (siau-
ts'ien-shi-kiai). Three thousand such walls form a " great
world " (ta-ts'ien-shi-kiai). This is the Saha world.
Within each iron wall are four continents, and a sun
and moon to shine upon them. It is in the southernmost
of these continents, Jambudvipa in the case of our own
world, that India and all countries known to the Hindoos
are situated. Far to the north is the Sumeru moun
tain, one million one hundred and twenty thousand miles
high, and whose depth in the sea is equally great. It is
composed of gold on its east side, of "lapis-lazuli" (lieu-li,
spelt in full, according to the old pronunciation, bt-lvAi
and be-du-li; in Sanscrit, vaiduria1) on the south, of
" crystal " {p'o-li, " glass ;" in Sanscrit, sp'atika) on the
north, and silver on the west.
Travelling south from Jambudvipa across the Southern
1 The d and t in these two Sanscrit K'ang-hi, we are told, " the Roman
words are the cerebral d and t, usually empire has glass of five colours," to-
printed with a dot under them. They ts'in-yeu-wu-se-p'o-li. In Buddhist
approach the sound of I. The Bud- books it means "rock crystal." Why
dhist dictionary, Yi-ts'ie-king-yin-i, the aspirate is not preserved in the
says, that the word p'o-li is in its common colloquial term po-li" glass,
full Sanscrit form, sa-p'a-ti-ka. In is not clear.

HEAVEN OF THE THIRTY-THREE. 223
ocean, there are three hundred and sixty thousand six
hundred and sixty-three "yojanas"1 (yeu-siun) to the cir
cular mountain mass of iron. This mountain's depth
in the sea is three hundred and twelve yojanas, and its
height about the same. Its circumference is three million
six hundred and ten thousand three hundred and fifty
yojanas. Each iron-bound world has a Sumeru mountain
in its centre. Supposing the world to be under the eternal
law of change sketched above, Buddhist authorities give
no account of its first origin, not feeling the need of a
doctrine of creation. The physical causes engaged in its
periodical formation and destruction are water, wind,
and fire. These are three of the four elements ti, shui,
hwo, feng, " earth, water, fire, and air," which are supposed
to form the basis of all things. They are perhaps to be
taken in the sense of elemental causes rather than ele
mental atoms.
Over and under this world of mountains, seas, and con
tinents are two others, heaven and hell. Of celestial
regions there are thirty-two inhabited by the divinities
of the older Hindoo mythology. For the Buddhas and
Bodhisattwas, peculiar to Buddhism, other abodes are
found. Among the thirty-two heavenly regions, ten are
called worlds of desire; including, among others, the
heaven of the sun and moon, the heaven of the four
kings of Devas, and the heaven of the thirty-three or
paradise of Indra Shakra, who has under him thirty-three
powerful Devas. There are also the Yama paradise, the
Tushita paradise, the " Nimala paradise " (Hwa-lo), and .
the paradise of " Paranimita" (T'a-hwa-ts'i-tsai).
At the base of the Sumeru mountain reside shens,
"spirits," and Yakshas. Half-way up the mountain is
the paradise of the Four kings of Devas. On the summit
is the Tau-li or " Trayastrinsha " (thirty-three) heaven,
1 There are two kinds of yojana. tance at which the bellowing of a bull
One consists of four goshalas, the can be heard, or nearly two miles.
other of eight. A goshala is the dis-

=24 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
i.e., the paradise of Shakra, king of the gods. The rest
of these celestial abodes are fixed in vacancy, each as
high again as the one beneath it.
The next tier of these paradisiacal regions consists of
eighteen. They are called heavens of form, denoting that
the senses are still in activity there, though there is free
dom from that influence of the passions which is still felt
in the regions of desire near the world of men. The
eighteen heavens of form are divided into stages of con
templation. Three belong to the first, second, and third
stages, and nine to the fourth. The first stage is appro
priated to the Brahmas, divided into three classes, the
(Mahabrahma or) "king," officers of state, and people.
Each of these classes has a paradise assigned to it. The
heavens above these have various names compounded of
the ideas of purity, light, virtue, abstraction, and tran
quillity. In the highest of them all, Akanit'a, resides
" Maha Ishwara," or Ma-he-shwa-ra.
The uppermost tier of four, " formless," as they are
called, derive their names from the notions of vacancy,
knowledge, destitution of all properties, and negation of
all thought.
Of these thirty-two heavens, five are inhabited only by
sages, twenty-five by sages and common men together,
and two by common men alone. One of the latter is the
paradise of Mahabrahma. A wise man can never be horn
in the abode of Brahma, say the Buddhist cosmogonists,
because that deity, in his ignorance of causes, asserts that
he can create heaven, earth, and all things. He being so
arrogant as this, no wise man would go to live in his
heaven. The other is the paradise of abstraction, where
those heretics who disbelieve in the Nirvana, but aim to
gain a state of perfect mental abstraction, will hereafter
be born. They will there enjoy five hundred years of
freedom from the sufferings of life in a state of mindless
vacancy ; but since they will not tread the path of the
Nirvana, evil desires must afterwards arise, and they must

THE HELLS. 225
be born subsequently in hell. No wise man, therefore,
would willingly go to that heaven.
One of the higher worlds is assigned for the residence
of those disciples of Buddha who have attained the rank
of Anagamins and Lo-hans. Those who are shortly to
become Buddha are first born into the Tushita paradise.
Mara, king of the " demons " (mo-kwei), resides in the
space below the Brahma heaven.
These heavens are peopled by Devas. Men from the
four continents of our own world may be born into them
by transmigration into the body of a Deva. The Devas
are born and die, their bodies are of great stature, they
wear clothing, have horses and elephants to ride upon,
marry, eat and drink, and perform many other actions
resembling mankind. Above the worlds of desire, there
is no distinction of sexes.
To become an inhabitant of these worlds is regarded as
a reward for good actions, for those who have lived pre
viously in lower states of existence. But it is still a
punishment when viewed in comparison with the attain
ment of Nirvana or any of the higher grades of disciple-
ship under the teaching of Buddha.
The Buddhist " hells " (in Sanscrit, niliya or naraka),
the prisons of the lost, are in some cases situated under
the region inhabited by man. Twenty thousand yojanas
(280,000 miles) below the Jambu continent is one called
the Avichi naraka, or the "Hell of unintermitted torments."
The Yama naraka is half-way between. Others are among
fabled mountains, or on the shores of a great sea. In
Chinese books they are called by a common name ti-yii,
" earth-prisons. "
In the " Ti-tsang Sutra " is a story of a maiden of the
Brahman caste, whose mother had been condemned to the
Wu-kien ti-yu, or " Avichi naraka." Full of distress, she
went to a temple to pray for help from an ancient Buddha
whose image was there adored. In reply to her offerings
and prayers a voice addressed her — that of the Buddha
p

226 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
represented by the image. She was told to sit at home
and meditate on the name of the same Buddha. While
doing so she fell, after a day thus spent, into a state of
deep reverie, and found herself on the banks of an ocean.
Here she saw many beasts of prey with iron bodies, flying
and walking on the sea. Multitudes of unhappy men and
women were also swimming there, and were constantly
bitten by these ferocious animals. The maiden, supported
by the power of Buddha, did not feel terrified. A demon
king addressed her kindly, and informed her that she was
come to the great iron mountain girdle that surrounds
the world. " I have heard," said the maiden, " that hell
is here; how can I reach it?" Ans. " Only by spiritual
power, and of merit self-acquired." Qu. "And who are
these unhappy criminals suffering in this sea?" Ans.
" They are the wicked inhabitants of the Jambu continent
who have recently died. After forty-five days, if no one
performs any meritorious act for their benefit, they must
first be transported to this place. Eastward are two other
' seas of misery ' (kfu-hai), where the punishment inflicted
is still greater." Qu. " But where is hell ?" Ans. "Within
these three seas there are many thousand prisons, but of
the larger kind only eighteen." Qu. " My mother died not
long since; where now is her soul?" The good-hearted
demon king answered this question by another. Qu. " 0
Bodhisattwa, what sort of life did your mother formerly
lead ?" Ans. " My mother held heretical opinions. She
ridiculed and slandered the ' Three treasures ' (Buddha,
the Law, and the Priesthood). If she became a believer
for a time, she soon ceased to honour them." Qu. " What
was her name ?" Ans. " My father and mother were both
of the Brahman caste. Their names were Shira and Yetili."
The demon king, holding up his joined hands respectfully
to the Bodhisattwa, said, " Holy maiden, return. Dismiss
all sad thoughts. It is now three days since the sinful
Yetili was born an inhabitant of paradise. The filial love,
that prompted such acts to save a parent, and such piety

STORY FROM THE TI-TSANG SUTRA. 227
towards an ancient Buddha, are sufficient not only to pre
serve a mother from hell, but also to raise innumerable
other persons to heaven." The Brabman maiden then
returned to consciousness as from a dream. Eeflecting on
what had happened, she visited again the shrine of the
ancient Buddha, and made a vow that through innumer
able coming kalpas she would perform acts of merit for
the deliverance from suffering of multitudes of living
beings. Shakyamuni Buddha added, addressing Manju
siri, " That demon king and Brahman maiden have now
become, the 'Ts'ai-sheu Bodhisattwa and the Ti- tsang
Bodhisattwa." This story must serve instead of a detailed description
of the Buddhist hells. It will be sufficient to say of them
that they combine all that is horrible to each of the senses.
Every form of torment, mental and physical, that can
befall the unhappy violators of a good conscience and of
the Buddhist law, are found there. The extremes of cold
and heat, cutting, flaying, biting, insulting, and tantalising,
have to be endured by such persons according to their
deserts. Demons of the most monstrous shapes and most
cruel dispositions terrify them in every possible way. All
that fire and water, knives and clubs, can by ingenuity
be made to do in tormenting, is there done.
The preceding brief sketch of the " three worlds " (san-
kiai) almost all refers to what is common to the other
native Hindoo sects. Buddhism adopted the national
belief in regard to the form of the universe, including
the worlds of reward and punishment. It belongs to all
forms of Buddhism in China or elsewhere.
The Northern Buddhists have, however, gone further,
and framed a much more extensive cosmogony, which
deserves a separate consideration.

( 228 )

CHAPTEE XIII.
THE EXTENDED UNIVERSE OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
Primitive Buddhism aimed at moral improvement and the Nirvana
— Its mythology was of popular growth — The Mahayana mytho
logy was introduced by the metaphysicians of Buddhism itself
— Nagarjuna, the chief inventor — Hwa-yen-king — An extended
universe invented to illustrate dogma — Ten worlds beyond the
Saha world in ten different directions — New divinities to wor
ship — Amitabha — His world in the "West — Kwan-yin and Ta-ski-
ch'i — The world of Ach'obhya Buddha in the East — World of
Yo-shi! Fo, the healing teacher — Mercy, wisdom, &c, are sym
bolised in the Bodhisattwas — Wu-t'ai shan in China is intro
duced in the Hwa-yen-king.
About four centuries after the time of Shakyamuni, or
Gautama as he is more commonly called in Birmah and
Ceylon, a great increase to the Sanscrit literature of the
Buddhist religion began to be made. Very little had been
added to the national mythology by the founder and first
propagators of this system, except what respected Buddha
himself. Their aim was to inculcate virtue, encourage the
ascetic life, and urge persons of all castes and both sexes
to aim at deliverance from the evils of existence and
the attainment of the Nirvana. They based their teaching
on the existing doctrine of metempsychosis, of the gods
and other classes of beings, and of heaven and helL
These had been united from the earliest infancy of the
Hindoo nation in one system. By the transmigration of
souls, all in heaven or earth, whether gods, men, demons,
or inferior animals, are linked together into one chain
of animated existence, and compose one world. It is the

MYTHOLOGY WAS OF POPULAR GROWTH. 229
business of a Buddha and a Bodhisattwa to instruct these
beings in moral truths, and assist them to escape from all
the six forms of life, into a state of perfect enlightenment
and tranquillity. The mythological element, as it existed
in early Buddhism, was even then an old creation of the
popular mind that had grown up with the first literary
efforts of the nation. In this respect it agrees with most
other mythologies, in the fact of its originating, not in
philosophical schools, but among the people themselves.
To this was added a legendary element. Long tales
were invented to illustrate the great merits and powers
of Buddha. Free use was made in these narratives of
those vast periods of time into which the Hindoos divide
the past history of the world. The biography of the great
sage was extended by attributing to him numberless pre-
. vious lives. The manner in which, from small beginnings,
he rose by self-sacrificing and meritorious acts to be lord
of the world, and " teacher of gods and men " (t'ien-jen-
shi), is minutely recorded. But the scene is not extended
in any other way. New worlds are not invented in far
distant space. The writers of these legends, while they
represent their hero as visiting the celestial regions to
instruct their inhabitants, or as becoming by transmigra
tion an inhabitant of those paradisiacal residences for long
terms of years, do not transgress the limits of the popular
Hindoo universe.
The Northern Buddhists, however, about the beginning
of the Christian era, pushed the bounds of their system
much further. Men appeared at that time in Northern
India devoted to metaphysical discussion, who aimed to
develop to the utmost the principles of Buddhism.1 In
adding to the number of Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, they
felt it necessary to frame new worlds to serve as suitable
abodes for them. With their peculiar philosophy it was
easy to do this. Not believing in the existence of the
1 Vide Burnouf's account of the third Buddhist council held in Cash
mere, in his Introduction a VHistoire du Buddhisme Indien.

230 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
world of the senses, there was no more difficulty in admit
ting to their system an unlimited number of fictitious
worlds and fictitious Buddhas than in continuing to recog
nise the universe of their predecessors. They named their
system Mahayana, Ta-ch'eng, or " Great Development."
Among these teachers the leading mind was Lung-shu,
or " Nagarjuna," as he is called by the Thibetans. Csoma
Korosi, cited in Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, says, " With
Nagarjuna originated what is known in Thibet as the
Madhyamika system in philosophy. The philosophers in
India had taught either a perpetual duration or a total
annihilation with respect to the soul. He chose a middle
way, hence the name of this sect." The Chinese " Central
Shastra " (Chung-lun), which bears his name as the author,
contains this system, and his opinions may therefore be
regarded as nearly those of the T'ien-t'ai school, whose
doctrine is based on that work, and of which Lung-shu
is consequently regarded as the first founder.
This circumstance throws light on the objects of Lung-
shu in composing the Sutras of which he was the author.
For this school gives a symbolical interpretation to the
mythology of the Buddhist books. The very popular and
influential Sutra called Hwa-yen-king came from the pen
of Lung-shu. The Chinese preface to that work says that
Lung-shu p'u-sa, having exhausted the study of all human
literature, entered the Dragon palace to examine the Bud
dhist " pitaka " (san-t'sang). He there found three forms
of the Hwa-yen-king. The largest was divided into sec
tions whose number is expressed by the particles contained
in a world of dust. The next consisted of twelve hundred
sections, and the smallest of forty-eight sections. The
last, and least he gave to the world with its present title,
and he must therefore be regarded as its author.
This and other works of the Great Development class
contain a great extension of the mythological element
of Buddhism. Many new Buddhas and Bodhisattwas
here appear, distinguished by various high attributes of

HWA-YEN-KING. 231
goodness, knowledge, and magical power. To afford
room for the display of these attributes, new worlds are
located at pleasure in the boundless regions of space.
But the whole of this imaginative creation was probably
intended by the authors to be symbolical. According
to the explanation of the T'ien-t'ai school, and of the
esoteric Buddhists, the whole of this fictitious universe
was meant to illustrate certain Buddhist dogmas. It was
the extreme scepticism of the Buddhist philosophers that
paved their way to this mode of teaching their system.
In the T'ien-t'ai commentary on the Fa-hwa-king, the
symbolical method of interpreting this mythological crea
tion of the fancy may be seen exemplified. — (See Fa-hwa-
' hwei yi.)
Some specimens of this mythology will now be given.
The Hwa-yen-king says that, on one occasion, Buddha
was presiding over an assembly at a place of meeting
called Aranyaka, in the kingdom of Magadha. He saw
approaching a multitude of Bodhisattwas from distant
worlds. They asked to be instructed in regard to the
" lands where the Buddhas resided." (Fo " ch'ah," spelled
in full in the old pronunciation, ch'a-ta-la; in Sanscrit,
ksMtra, "land."1^) Buddha accordingly entered on a
description of the kingdoms of the Buddhas. To the
east, after passing worlds equal in number to the dust of
ten of these kingdoms, there is one termed the golden-
coloured world. The Buddha of " Wisdom unmoved " pre
sides there. Wen-shu (Manjusiri) and a crowd of other
Bodhisattwas attend his instructions, as he sits on a lion
dais surrounded by lotus flowers. To the south, west,
and north, and to the north-east, south-east, south-west,
and north-west, are other worlds at a distance equally
great. Towards the zenith and nadir two other worlds
make up the number ten, each having a governing Buddha,
1 The dictionary Yi-ts'ie-Kng-yin-i castes, to which belong the royal fami-
adds, that this word, used for " land " lies of India, the Kshatryas being
or " kingdom," is the root of the word Lords of the soil.
Kshatrya, the second of the four

232 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and a countless number of Bodhisattwas, who perform to
him an act of worship, and humbly receive his instructions.
The same work also describes the ten worlds that come
next to the one in which we live, on the east, south, west,
and north, and the other directions as before. Each of
them is ruled by a Buddha, to whom prayers are to be
offered, in which he is to be addressed under ten different
names. The moral import of these worlds and their Buddhas is
contained in the names that are given them. These names
are formed symmetrically, and carry the reader and the
worshipper round a circle of Buddhist ideas. Thus the
significations of the appellations given to the Buddhas
are such as surpassing wisdom, self-possessed wisdom,'
Brahmanical wisdom, &c. The leading Bodhisattwas
receive such denominations as chief in the law, chief in
merit, chief in visual power, &c.
It was thus that these Buddhist philosophers employed
the imagination as an instrument of moral instruction,
just as western authors write a poem or a novel for a simi
lar end. They were men whose minds were cultivated to the
utmost subtlety in argument, as the Shastras, works by the
same authors, and taken up exclusively with philosophical
discussions, abundantly show. They did not, therefore,
believe in the truth of these fanciful creations. Their
metaphysical creed would prevent it, and there is not
wanting such indirect evidence to the fact as has been
already adduced. But what shall be said to the morality
of such modes of teaching a religion ? These sceptical
writers cannot be shielded from the charge of practising a
vast and systematic deception on the common people, in
inducing them to regard these imaginary beings with reli
gious reverence. Falsehood is involved in the very form
of the Buddhist Sutras, for they are attributed unhesi
tatingly in all their multitudinous variety and voluminous
extent to Shakyamuni himself. Ananda, the cousin and
favourite disciple of the sage in his declining years, is put

AMITABHA. 233
forward as the compiler from memory of all these works.
The practice of worshipping the divinities introduced in
these new mythological creations was also directly encour
aged, and this new idolatry spread with great rapidity
throughout the countries where Northern Buddhism pre
vails. To illustrate these statements more fully, reference must
be made to the more' popular personages and better-known
worlds in the new mythology. Among these fabled worlds
located in distant space, the best known is the paradise of
Amitabha. In the Wu-liang-sheu-king (Amitabha Sutra),
Buddha tells a tale of a king in a former kalpa who left
the world, adopted the monkish life, assumed the name
Fa-tsang, " Treasure of the law," and became, by his rapid
.growth in knowledge and virtue, a Bodhisattwa. To the
Buddha who was his teacher he uttered forty-eight wishes,
having reference to the good he desired to accomplish for
all living beings, if he should attain the rank of Buddha.
Ten kalpas since, he received that title with the name
" Amitabha " (O-mi-to Fo), and now resides in a world far
in the West, to fulfil his forty-eight wishes for the benefit
of mankind. Ten million kingdoms of Buddhas separate
his world from our own. It is composed of gold, silver,
kpis-kzuli, coral, amber, a stone called ch'a-ku, and cor
nelian. There is there no Sumeru mountain, nor iron
mountain girdle, nor are there any prisons for punish
ment. There is no fear of becoming a hungry ghost, or an
animal by transmigration, for such modes of life are un
known there. There are all kinds of beautiful flowers,
which the inhabitants pluck to present as offerings to the
thousands and millions of Buddhas that reside in other
parts of space. Birds of the most beautiful plumage sing
day and night of the five principles of virtue, the five
sources of moral power, and the seven steps in knowledge.
The listener is so affected by their music, that he can
think only of Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood. The
life-time of this Buddha is without limit, lasting through

234 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
countless kalpas, and therefore he is called "Amitabha"
(Wu-liang-sheu, "Boundless age"). Two Bodhisattwas
reside there, anxious to save a multitude of living beings,
who, with Amitabha, are worshipped assiduously by the
Northern Buddhists. They are, says the Wu-liang-sheu-
king, Kwan-shi-yin and Ta-shi-chi. They radiate light
over three thousand great worlds. They attained their
rank by good deeds performed in our own world, and
were rewarded by birth into the Western paradise of
Amitabha. The Amitabha Sutra, after minutely dilating on this
paradise, describes nine other worlds at a corresponding
distance from our own, and occupying, as in the former
case, the cardinal points and intermediate positions, with
the zenith and nadir. Ach'obhya and other Buddhas
rule in the East, numerous as the sands of the Ganges,
each proclaiming the doctrine that instructs and saves to
the inhabitants of his own kingdom. A similar account is
given of the other worlds and their Buddhas.
The two Sutras already cited, together with one called
Kwan-wu-liang-sheu-king, are entirely occupied with Ami
tabha and his paradise. These three works form the text
books of the Tsing-tu school, whose very numerous publica
tions, suited to the popular taste, and based on the doctrine
of these Sutras, are very widely disseminated among the
Chinese people at the present day.
In the last-mentioned work, Buddha, when seated in
the midst of his disciples, is said to have poured forth
from his eyebrows a flood of golden light which shone
to all the surrounding worlds. This light returning was
seen by the assembly to form itself into a golden tower
on Buddha's head. It was like the Sumeru mountain,
and by its splendour many kingdoms of Buddhas were
revealed to view. One was constructed of the Seven pre*
Cious stones and metals, another of lotus flowers, another
was like the palace of Ishwara, another like a crystal
mirror. A disciple, struck by this magnificent display,

WORLD OF YO-SHI FO. 235
expressed a desire to be born in the Western heaven, and
Buddha told him how he might have his desire gratified.
This is an example of the manner in which the inventors
of this mythology intended, by scenes of vastness and
splendour, to affect the reader's or listener's mind. Feel
ings favourable to the influence of Buddhist ideas were
thus to be called into action.
Another of these creations which has gained consider
able notoriety is a world in the East ruled by Yo-sh'% Fo
(Bhaishajyaguru Buddha). There intervene between that
world and ours, kingdoms of Buddhas to the number of ten
times the sands of the Ganges. This personage, when he
was a Bodhisattwa, uttered twelve great wishes for the
benefit of living beings, including the removal of various
bodily and mental calamities from those who are afflicted
with them, and the lengthening of their life. Hence his
name, "The healing Teacher." In attendance on him
are two leading Bodhisattwas, whose names, Ji-kwang-
pien-chau, and Yue-kwang-pien-chau, signify the "Far-
shining light of the sun" and "of the moon." The world in
which he resides is composed of lapis-kzuli, its walls and
palaces of the seven precious stones and metals, its streets
of gold, thus resembling, as is observed by the author of
the Yo-sh'i-king, the Ki-lo-sh'i-kiai, or " Paradise of Amita
bha." He is worshipped as a deity who removes suffer
ings and lengthens life, and is in fact the symbol of these
ideas. While many of the fabulous beings introduced in
the literature of Northern Buddhism have no image or
shrine in the temples of the present day, Yo-shi Fo is one
of those who are very seldom omitted in the arrangement
of these edifices.
The freedom of imagination in creating new worlds
and new deities, in which the authors of this literature
indulged, would naturally lead to incongruities. Newly-
invented worlds would be located in regions already ap
propriated by previous writers. In the Fa-hwa-king, a
circle of eight worlds, with two Buddhas to each, is de-

236 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
scribed. Amitabha and Ach'obhya occur in the west and
east respectively, the account agreeing in this respect
with that in the Amitabha Sutra, but the other names
do not harmonise ; so that in several cases new Buddhas
are imagined in regions preoccupied by those created at
an earlier date.
Accounts of many more of these fancied worlds might
be collected from other works. For example, in the Pei-
hwa-king, one in the south-east with its Buddha, is de
scribed with minuteness.
The symbolical character of this mythology is seen very
clearly in the attributes of the Bodhisattwas, who play in
it such an important part, and who are the objects of such
extended popular worship in the Buddhist countries of
the North. In Kwan-yin, mercy is symbolised ; wisdom, in
Wen-shu ; and happiness, in P'u-hien. To the philosophic
Buddhists, these personages, with Amitabha, Yo-shi Fo
and the others are nothing but signs of ideas. The unin-
structed Buddhists believe in their real existence, but all
the evidence goes to show that they were invented by the
former class of Buddhists, and palmed upon the people
by them as real beings proper to be worshipped.
A near parallel to this is the setting up of the image of
Eeason to be popularly adored, by the atheists of the first
French revolution. If, as some think, the pantheism of
Germany will, according to the common law of progress
in human perversity, result in polytheism, we have here
an example of the way in which such a new idolatry will
possibly be introduced.
I append here some further account of Manjusiri, the
Bodhisattwa honoured at Wu-t'ai shan in North China.
These notices will also show how in the expansion of
the mythology which we meet with in the Sutras of the
Great Development, even China is made one of the coun
tries, and Wu-t'ai one of the mountains, where Buddha
delivered discourses.
We learn from the Mongol account of Wu-t'ai, that

WU-T'AI SHAN. 237
Manjusiri is addressed in prayer as the enlightener of the
world. His wisdom is perfect, and is symbolised by the
sword he holds in his right hand; because his intellect
pierces the deepest recesses of Buddhist thought, and cuts
knots which cannot otherwise be solved.
He is also represented as holding in his hand a volume
of Buddha's teaching, of which a flower is the symbol. He
is styled also the lamp of wisdom and of supernatural
power. He is said to drive away falsehood and ignorance from
the minds of all living beings, and on this ground the
lama who compiles the books prays to him for knowledge
in reverential terms.
The Hwa-yen-king, called in Mongol Olanggi sodar, is
cited in this work as recording an assembly of numberless
Bodhisattwas at Wu-t'ai, among whom Manjusiri is con
spicuous in power and in honour. To faithful Buddhists,
the mention, in a discourse of Buddha, of a Chinese moun
tain, is evidence of the superhuman knowledge of the sage.
But as we know that Nagarjuna was the real writer of this
work, we look upon it rather as proof that the geography
of China was known to the translators of the works of this
copious author, and that they lived in a time when this
mountain had already become a favourite abode of the
devotees of this religion in that country.
In another book quoted by the author, Manjusiri is in
formed by Buddha, that it is his duty to seek the instruc
tion and salvation of the Chinese by making his home at
Wu-t'ai, and there causing the wheel of the law to revolve
incessantly on the five mountains of the five different
colours, and crowned by five variously-shaped pagodas.
The lotus will not grow at Wu-t'ai. It is too cold.
How shall Manjusiri be born from its ample couch of
leaves ? The magical power of Buddha causes a lotus to
grow from the seed of a certain tree. Thus he was with
out father or mother, and was not stained with the "pollu
tion of the common world " (orchilang).

238 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The legend of Manjusiri at Wu-t'ai seemed to require the
authority of Buddha. The translators of the Mahayana
Sutras in the T'ang dynasty — in order to supply this want
— did not scruple to insert what they pleased in their
translations. Certainly Wu-t'ai was not a Buddhist esta
blishment till some centuries after Nagarjuna. If some
Sanscrit scholar would consult the Nepaulese Hwa-yerir
king, he would probably find nothing there about Wu-t'ai
shan. It would be curious to note what the original
says in those passages where China is introduced by the
translators.

< 239 )

CHAPTEE XIV.
BUDDHIST IMAGES AND IMAGE WORSHIP.
Temples — Entering hall, Si-ta-tien-wang — These four kings described
— The laughing Buddha, Mi-li Fo — Behind him, Wei-to — Chief
hall Ta-hiung-pau-tien — Shakyamuni — Ananda — Kashiapa —
Kwan-yin, Wen-shu, and other Bodhisattwas — Buddha repre
sented as teaching — Buddha of the past, present, and future —
Chapels to O-mi-to Fo, Ti-tsang, and the Ten kings— Bepre-
sentation of the eight miseries from which Kwan-yin delivers —
Temples in Ceylon — Images in temples near Peking — Tan-cho-
bi snake — Pi-yiin-s'i — Hall of Lo-hans— Diamond throne of
Buddha — Colossal images of Maitreya — Musical instruments —
Beflections.
The temples of the Buddhists, like other Chinese struc
tures, usually look south. Their architecture also is simi
lar. Temples cut in rock, like those of the same religion
in India and Java, are not found.. In natural caves, how
ever, and on hill sides images are sometimes cut from the
stone. Temples consist of several halls and chapels called
by a common name, tien. In the " entering hall " (si-i'ien
wang-tien), two colossal wooden statues meet the eye on
each side. These are the Mahdrdjas, or " Four great kings
of Devas," or Si-ta-tien-wang.
The Sanscrit names are explained: " Vaishramana "
(Pi-sha-men), " He who has heard much; " " Dhritarashtra "
(T'i-to-lo-to), " Protector of kingdoms; " " Virudhaka " (Pi-
leu-le-cha), "Increased grandeur; "and Virupaksha (Pi-
lieu-pa-cha), "Large eyes." They are called in Chinese
To-wen, Ch'i-kwo, Tseng-chang, and Kwang-mu.
They govern the continents lying in the direction of the
four cardinal points from Mount Sumeru, the supposed
centre of the world.

240 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
In the Kin-kwang-ming-king, they are described as
actively interfering in the affairs of the world. When
kings and nations neglect the law of Buddha, they with
draw their protection. They bestow all kinds of happi
ness on those that honour the San-pau (Three treasures),
viz., Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood.
Properly they are all warlike, but as seen in temples
they are dressed in different modes. He of the South holds
a sword. He has a black countenance and ferocious ex
pression. The others have blue, red, and white faces. One
holds in his hands a " guitar " (p'i-pa), at the sound of
which all the world begins to listen, or, as some say, the
camps of his enemies take fire. Another has an umbrella
in his hand, at the elevation of which a violent storm of
thunder and rain commences; or, according to others,
universal darkness ensues. Another holds in his hand a
snake, or some other animal hostile to man, but by his
power made submissive and instrumental to the wishes of
its conqueror.
Between them and the south wall are sometimes placed
two figures in military attire and with fierce countenances,
called Heng-Ho-er-tsiang, "the two generals Heng and
Ho."
In the same building, opposite the door, is usually an
image of Maitreya Buddha" (Mi-li Fo), or the Buddha
to come. The Sanscrit name, Maitreya, means the " Merci
ful one." He is always represented as very stout, with the
breast and upper abdomen exposed to view. His face
has a laughing expression. After three thousand years he
will appear in the world and open a new era.
An image of Kwan-fu-tsi the Chinese deified hero, in
his capacity as protector of the Buddhist religion, is also
sometimes placed in this hall on one side of the north
door. Behind Maitreya is the image of Wei-to, a Deva
who is stiled Hu-fa-wei-to, or the " Deva who protects the
Buddhist religion." He is represented clad in complete
armour and holds a sceptre-shaped weapon of assault

TA-H1UNG-PAU-TIEN. 241
usually resting on the ground. He is general under the
Four kings.
The shrine in which these two idols are placed forms a
screen to a door behind, which opens into the court o£
the " Great hall " called Ta-hiung-pau-tien. This is ap
propriated to the images of Shakyamuni Buddha and a
select number of his disciples. He is represented in an
attitude of contemplation, sitting on a lotus-leaf dais ;
Ananda, a young-looking figure, and Kashiapa, an old man,
are placed on his right and left. On the east and west
sides of the hall are arranged eighteen figures of " Arhans "
(Lo-hans). They are represented as possessing various
kinds of supernatural power, symbolised in some instances
by wild animals crouching submissively beside them.
They listen to Buddha, some with thoughtfulness, some
with pleasure. Along the north wall are often to be seen
the images of Jan-teng, an ancient Buddha, and of six
Bodhisattwas and disciples of Shakyamuni, viz., Kwan-yin,
P'u-hien, Shi-chii, Wen-shu, Shariputra, and Maudgalyayana.
This is the arrangement at the Kwang-fu-si, the princi
pal monastery in Shanghai. Wen-shu and P'u-hien often
take the right and left of the central Buddha. Be
hind the three central images, and looking northwards, is
usually placed an image of Kwan-yin with rock, cloud, and
ocean scenery rudely carved in wood and gaudily painted.
This Bodhisattwa, with Wen-shu and P'u-hien, is sometimes
placed in front, as at Lung-hwa, near Shanghai, Kwan-yin
occupying the centre, immediately behind Shakyamuni,
who then sits alone on his dais in the midst of the hall.
This hall, the highest and largest building in the whole
monastery, takes its name from one of Buddha's titles,
Ta-hiung, or " Great hero " — in Sanscrit, Virah — with the
addition of the word pau, " precious."
The image of Kwan-yin has several forms corresponding
to the various metamorphoses which he or she assumes.
Two of the commonest are those of the Northern and
Southern sea. In the large cloud-and-water picture in

242 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
alto-relievo, of which he so often forms the principal figure,
several smaller personages are added to lend variety to the
scene. The Four kings of Devas are occasionally employed
for this purpose, and still more frequently a female figure,
Lung-nil, "Daughter of the Dragon king," and a youth
called Shan-tsai, who form interlocutors in some of the
Sutras. Another metamorphosis of Kwan-yin is repre
sented in a female figure, holding in her arms a child. It
is in reference to this image that a parallel has often been
instituted between Kwan-yin and the Virgin Mary. A
stranger who did not take notice of minute peculiarities
in dress, would very naturally have the idea of similarity
presented to him, and mistake the child which the goddess
presents to mothers praying for posterity, for the infant
Saviour. It is in part from such resemblances that Hue
has adopted the hypothesis that the modern form of Bud
dhism in Thibet arose from a mixture of Christianity
with that religion. Sometimes Kwan-yin appears with a
thousand hands, symbolising his desire to save all man
kind. The interval between the hall of the Four great kings
of the Devas, and that of Shakyamuni, is occasionally
occupied by another hall. Kwan-yin of the Southern sea
may be seen here pictured with his usual attendants. Be
hind, looking northwards, is often found a scene in honour
of Ti-tsang Bodhisattwa. He is surrounded with cloud
and rock carving, on the abutments of which are seen the
ten kings of hell. They all listen to the instructions of
this Bodhisattwa, who seeks to save mankind from the
punishments over the infliction of which they preside.
The Hindoo god "Yama" (Yen-lo-wang) is the fifth of
them. Sometimes in this intermediate space there is a
structure called the hall of the Lo-hans, where are found
on the east and west walls, small carved figures of the five
hundred Arhans of Buddhist legends. They are placed on
the protuberances of a rough alto-relievo scene such as
those above described. In other instances this repre-

ANANDA, KASHIAPA, 6-c. 243
sentation of the five hundred Arhans is placed over the
more powerful and better known eighteen Arhans in the
hall of Shakyamuni.
In the central hall, representatives .of all the four ranks
above the range of the metempsychosis are found, as will
be seen from the preceding details. Disciples of the lower
ranks, who are, however, delivered from the world of life
and death, and are called sheng-wen, " listeners," are repre
sented in Ananda and Kashiapa ; the one holding a writ
ten scroll emblematic of his great work, the compilation
of the Sutras ; the other resting on a staff, the symbol of
his office, as successor of Buddha in the patriarchate.
They are bareheaded and close shaved. The " Arhans "
(A-lo-han), eighteen in number, speak for themselves as
to the extraordinary power, knowledge, and gratification
which they have gained through listening to the teaching
of Buddha, by their attitudes as conquerors of evil, and
defenders of good, and by the expression of intelligence
and pleasure which the artist has attempted to depict on
their countenances. The rank above this, that of Bodhi
sattwa, uniting great knowledge a'nd power with strong
desire to save those beings who are still involved in the
metempsychosis, is represented in Wen-shu and P'u-hien
wearing crowns gilt and ornamented in the lotus-leaf shape.
To the highest rank of all in wisdom and power, that of
Buddha, belong Shakyamuni, and his instructor in a for
mer life, Jan-teng. They have short curly hair formed of
shells, and painted a dark blue. Devas sometimes appear
there, e.g., " Brahma " (Fan-t'ien) and " Shakra " (Ti-shih),
who in some temples make two of six auditors of Buddha,
the others being Ananda and Kashiapa, P'u-hien and
Wenshu. As the principal hall is appropriated to the four highest
classes of beings recognised by Buddhism, so the hall of
the Four Diamond kings, or kings of the Devas, contains
the images of those beings still involved in the wheel of
the metempsychosis, so far as they are considered by the

244 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddhists as proper to be worshipped. Wei-to and'the
Four kings with their attendants all belong to the class of
Devas or inhabitants of heaven. The presence of Maitreya
there may be accounted for by the fact, that he as the pre
dicted successor of Shakyamuni in the office of Buddha,
now resides in the Tushita paradise, from which at the
appointed time he will descend to the earth, to assume the
duties assigned him. He is not yet therefore exempt from
the metempsychosis.
In the monasteries of Ceylon, a small temple termed
Dewala is placed before the chief building, and dedicated
to the worship of the Devas (vide Hardy's Eastern Monach
ism). Thus in both cases, the visitor arrives first at the
hall where the metempsychosis still prevails, and after
wards passes on to the abode of the Buddhas and Bodhi
sattwas. Looking at the arrangements of these two parts of a
Buddhist temple from another point of view, the large
central hall already described is intended to symbolise
Buddha giving his instructions to an assembly of disciples,
while the leading idea of the entering hall is the repre
sentation of the powerful protection by celestial beings
enjoyed by the Buddhist religion and its professors. In
some large temples, Wei-to, and a king of the Devas, hold
ing a pagoda in his hand, stand with the usual figures on
the right and left of Shakyamuni. Twenty Devas, ten on
each side, are also sometimes placed at the south end of
the two rows of Arhans that line the eastern and western
walls. This accords with the descriptions given in the
Sutras of the audience gathered round Buddha on remark
able occasions, when the inhabitants of the various celes
tial mansions hold a conspicuous position among the crowd
of his disciples. The carrying out of this thought is
doubtless the prevailing aim in the choice of personages,
attitudes, dress, and positions, and all is in agreement with
the " Developed " Sutras or those of the Mahayana class
used by the Northern Buddhists.

CHAPELS TO 6-MI-TO FO, TI-TSANG, &*c. 245
Exceptions to this rule occur. For example, figures
illustrating the thirty-two points of personal beauty be
longing to Buddha are in some temples placed where the
Arhans are usually found. So also, in large temples, in
stead of the two disciples on each side of Juki, are two
other figures of Buddha, representing the future and the
past, as the central one does the present. The three
images are much alike, and each of them wears the close-
fitting skull-cap of painted shells which is always appro
priated to Buddha.
Facts of this latter class point to another aim as influ
encing the arrangement of the figures, that of presenting
to the mind of the visitor a picture of the conception of
Buddha, in its most expanded form, each image exhibiting
a distinct feature of the ideal whole to the contemplation
of the worshipper. This principle of arrangement is, how
ever, followed much less frequently than the former.
The idea of celestial protection as prevailing in the
arrangement of the entering hall, has already been illus
trated in the description of the Four kings and of Wei-to.
It may be further observed, that the beings called K'ia-lan
(Ga-lam) or protectors of the " monasteries " (sangharama),
viz., Kwan-ti, the god of war, and others, are placed here
in vacant spaces, as in a suitable spot.
The other " chapels " (tien) or halls are erected on the
side of or behind the central structure. They are appro
priated to Yo-shi Fo, O-mi-to Fo, Ti-tsang p'u-sa, and the
ten kings of hell. Other names occur, such as the hall
of the thousand Buddhas, &c, but these are the most
common. In some instances, as for example in the Kwan-yin-
tien, there are two images, one light enough to be carried
in a sedan chair for processions, another larger for daily
worship. Kwan-yin is sometimes represented in eight
metamorphoses, assumed for the purpose of saving men
from eight kinds of suffering. Shipwrecked sailors, in
one part of the carving, are seen reaching the shore. In

246 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
another some traveller escapes from a wild beast. The
deliverer Kwan-yin stands by. In a scene of this kind, the
image of this divinity is thus repeated eight times, besides
the larger one in the centre. The whole is called Pay-nan
Kwan-yin, " the Kwan-yin of eight kinds of suffering."
Kwan-yin is also occasionally found in a subordinate
position, as one of the two supporters of " Amitabha Bud
dha" (O-mi-to Fo), Shi-chi being the other. They are
called together the three sages of the west. O-mi-to is
also called Tsie-yin Fo, or the " Buddha who receives suffer
ing mortals to the rest of the Western paradise over which
he presides, and to which he guides them."
The usual right and left supporters of Yo-shi Fo, the
Buddha of the East, are Yo-tsang p'u-sa and Yo-wang
p'u-sa. These preside over medicine, but the jurisdiction
of the Buddha himself is not limited to healing ; it includes
all kinds of calamity. He is sometimes represented like
Shakyamuni with three images, denoting the past, present,
and future.
Ti-tsang is often attended by the ten kings of hell, from
whose punishments he seeks to save mankind. All of
them, except Yama, have Chinese names. Some of them
point to particular localities, as Pien-ch'eng, or the city
of K'ai-feng fu. T'ai-shan is a mountain of Shan-tung.
Others refer to attributes, as p'ing-teng, " even," chuen-lun,
the " turner of the wheel (of doctrine)." Criminals receiv
ing punishments and attendants are also represented by
small earthen or wooden figures. The ten kings all stand
when in the presence of Ti-tsang p'u-sa; but if Tung-
ngo-ti-kiiin, a Tauist divinity, presides, they may sit, he
being little superior to them in rank. Most of the names
of these ten kings are of Chinese origin and not many
centuries old.
Ti-tsang is represented by the priests as the son of a
king of Siam. He has a full round countenance of mild
aspect, with a lotus-leaf crown, the usual head furniture
of a Bodhisattwa.

THE GOD OF WEALTH. 247
The figures on his right and left are sometimes Muh-
kien-lien and P'ang-kii-shi, disciples of Shakyamuni Bud
dha. Elsewhere Min-kung and Min-tsi take this position.
The former was a Chinese who gave the land at Kieu-hwa,
the hill some miles west of Nanking, on which is erected
a large monastery in honour of Ti-tsang. Min-tsi is his
son. Two other disciples, who act as " servants " of the
Bodhisattwa (sh'i-che), are also represented by two other
smaller figures.
The idols called P'u-sa sit when in their own shrines,
but if in the presence of Buddha they stand.
Tauist idols are numerously employed in the Buddhist
temples. Kwan-ti, Lung-wang, and Hwa-kwang have been
formally adopted by the sect as protecting divinities.
Several of a medical character are also extensively made
use of, obviously to attract those who in time of sickness
seek aid from supernatural sources. Diseases of the eye,
ulcers, the small-pox, and bodily ailments in general are
assigned to the care of various heavenly beings, and the
sick in large numbers seek their assistance. " He who
presides over riches," Ts'ai-shen, whose popularity is un
rivalled among all the Chinese divinities, has also a shrine
bestowed on him. There are also many others, such as
San-kwan, Yil-ti, &c, which, as properly belonging to
Tauism, will not be described here.
Celebrated Chinese Buddhists have also images where
the arrangements of a temple are complete. That of
" Bodhidharma " (Ta-mo ch'u-shi) is frequently met with
in temples where priests of the tsung-men reside, as also
that of the founder of the monastery.
According to the explanations of the philosophic Bud
dhists, the principle of arrangement and the use of idols
at all must be viewed as symbolical, as already remarked.
When the worshipper enters he is met with the idea of
" protection " from celestial beings. As he advances into
the presence of Buddha, he sees in his image " intelligence,"
the fruit of long and thoughtful contemplation. In the

248 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Bodhisattwas are exhibited " knowledge and mercy " com
bined. In the Arhans he sees those who have become
" venerable " by years, wisdom, and a long course of as
ceticism. In the sheng-wen, the bareheaded " disciple,"
he sees the first step in progress towards the Nirvana, the
introduction to the other three. When he bows before
these images, and makes his offering of incense, candles,
and gilt paper, this also is a symbol. It only means the
reverence with which he receives the instructions of Bud
dhism. The common people, however, as happens in Christian
countries where the worship of images prevails, see in each
idol a powerful divinity, and losing sight of the moral and
intellectual objects of the system, pray to be freed from
sickness, poverty, childlessness, an early death, and other
dreaded evils. Such a faith in the objects of their idola
try is of course encouraged to the utmost by the priests,
whose prosperity depends upon the number of the wor
shippers. In April 1858, I visited at Galle, in Ceylon, two Bud
dhist temples. The image of Buddha is remarkably like
what it is in China. The skull-cap, the posture, and
the form of the body are the same. It is made of mud
and gilt in the same manner. Three Buddhas were
represented, and they were all called Godam and Shakya
muni. The disciples were Mogallana, Shariputra, Ea
hula, Ananda, and Kashiapa. The last two of these do
not, as in China, occupy the nearest place to Buddha.
Brahma and Vishnu were the kings of the Devas repre
sented. I noticed a pictorial representation of heaven and hell,
and I know not what more, upon the four faces of a square
screen that completely surrounded Buddha's image. On
the inside face of the screen were images of Vishnu and
Brahma, with other Devas. A Garuda attended Vishnu.
Beside the smaller temple was a stupa or " tomb" of Bud
dha. It was a handsome circular mausoleum, apparently

TEMPLES IN CEYLON. 249
of stone, twelve or fourteen feet in height. In China this
would be a pagoda.
In the series of painted tableaux, hell was on the left,
and heaven on the right. Heaven was also on the back
of the screen.
Beside each temple lives a priest in a yellow kasha,
with his pupils, whom he teaches to read. Fresh flowers
of the strongest odours are constantly placed in abundance
on the altar before Buddha. There were also oil lamps,
which were not lit. Both temples were on an eminence
in secluded spots and encircled by trees.
A few cottages of the Singhalese were near. They
looked wretchedly poor.
A friend with me from Siam, Mr. Alabaster, informed
me that the temples in Ceylon are entirely different in
appearance from what they are in Siam. The following
is the arrangement of the images in a temple at the
Western hills near Peking. In the centre, Shakyamuni ;
on his right, Kwan-yin ; on his left, Shi-chi. In front
there are three large fans (a cylindrical cloth is so called),
embroidered with inscriptions, hanging from the roof-
beams. The dais on which are the three images is sup
ported by lions, elephants, and griffins. The horse-shoe
shaped aureole which encircles Buddha's head is carved
with winged monsters and warriors.
Paper rubbings of the sixteen Lohans from Hang-cheu
hang on the side walls. These are celebrated as having
been carved in the T'ang dynasty. They were made
eighteen at a later period. The sixteen were Hindoo, and,
there are Sanscrit characters on the fifth in order. The
addition of two is due to Chinese love of change, originat
ing with we do not know whom.
If the observer is reminded in the carved entablatures
of stone pagodas of old date, that there is a resemblance
to Greek and Eoman sculpture, let him meditate on the
idea that Alexander's conquest of Persia and invasions of
India was a signal for a host of new thoughts to originate

250 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
in the countries conquered. Stone sculpture may have
come in this way into India, and elevated the ruder art
there prevailing.
In Peking and its neighbourhood metal images are not
uncommon. Shakyamuni and the two favourite disciples
who usually accompany him are sometimes seen made of
copper or white copper, about six feet high, with hanging
bands of yellow cloth suspended in front of them. To
these bands small bells are attached, which ring when
shaken with the wind, or when touched by the priests or
by visitors coming forward to burn incense.
In North China it is also common to see pictures of
Buddhist subjects painted more or less rudely on the
walls of the halls where the images are seen.
One of the forms, as said already, in which the goddess
of mercy is adored is as the " Kwan-yin of the eight
misfortunes " which attend unprotected travellers. In
painting them on walls travellers are seen, for example,
on a mountain attacked by robbers, who draw their bows at
their intended victims. Just at this moment the goddess
and her attendant appear in the air, and save the travel
lers by rendering them invisible. This is accomplished
by pouring a fluid from a bottle which becomes a cloud in
its descent, and intervenes between the travellers and the
banditti. In the monasteries in North China are sometimes found
a tooth of Buddha, or some other relic. One tooth I saw
at the temple called Teu-shwai-si was two inches and a
half thick and ten by thirteen in width. Belies are kept
in bottles and shown to visitors.
In the T'ang dynasty a vast number of temples and
pagodas were erected. It became the fashion then, under
the influence of the superstition of feng-shui, which came
into vogue in the time of that dynasty, to build pagodas for
luck as well as to contain relics. The pagoda of T'ien-
ning-si, near Peking, on the south-west, and dating from
the Sui dynasty, must have been then in the old city. The

INTERIOR OF IMAGES. 251
Pa-li-chwang pagoda would be a feng-shui protector on
the north of the ancient city. On both these pagodas,
which are strongly built of stone, there are carved Buddhas
and Deva kings on large entablatures. The former and
older of these pagodas grows narrower as it rises. The
other is almost as wide above as below.
The Peking custom in making large images, whether
they are of brass, iron, wood, or clay, is to construct them
with the internal organs as complete as possible. While
the smaller images are filled with Thibetan incense or
cotton wool, the larger have the interior arranged accord
ing to Chinese notions of anatomy. The heads are always
empty. The chief viscera of the chest and abdomen are
always represented. They are of silk or satin, and their
shape is that found in drawings of the organs in native
medical works. A round red piece of silk represents the
heart, whose element is fire. It is the size of a dollar. It
and the lungs, which are white, and divided into three
lobes, are attached to a piece of wood, round which is
wound a piece of yellow paper, having on it a Thibetan
prayer. To the wood is attached, by silk threads of five
colours, a metallic mirror called ming-king. This repre
sents intelligence, the heart being regarded as the seat of
mind. The lungs cover the heart as an umbrella or lid, as
if to preserve it from injury.
In the abdomen the intestines are made of long narrow
pieces of silk with cotton wool stitched along the concave
border. This may represent fat or the mesentery. Em
bracing all, like the peritoneum, is a large piece of silk
covered with prayers or charms. Inside are also to be
found little bags containing the five kinds of grain, with
pearls, jade, small ingots of silver, and gold of five canda-
reens' weight, and bits of solder of various shapes to repre
sent silver.
The larger and older idols have, in very many cases,
been rifled of these little valuables, no one knows when.
Poor priests in want of money, if the fear of sacrilege is

252 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
not strong in their minds, know where to get help, so that
idols, in the interior of which gold and silver were once de
posited, have now none: In the metallic images, the way
to get to the inside is from the bottom. As they are very
heavy, they have usually escaped being robbed. But the
clay and wooden images are packed from a hole in the
back, and are more liable to thievish depredation.
When the idols are set up there is a ceremony of conse
cration. The priests prostrate themselves before them,
and a film of clay or some other substance is cleared away
from the eyes of the idols. It is called the ceremony of
opening to the light, and the day is spoken of as k'ai-
kwang-j'i-ts'i. I am indebted to Dr. Dudgeon for the preceding state
ment of the contents of Buddhist images in Peking.
The richest temple at the Western hills near Peking
is that called Tan-cho-si. It has a revenue of twelve
thousand taels of silver a year. This is between three and
four thousand pounds. In 1866 I arrived there one even
ing with some friends and slept in a guest room. At the
evening service there were about forty priests performing.
In addition to chanting they struck the wooden fish,
clashed cymbals together, and had several other kinds of
simple instruments. At the end of the service they all
walked in single file round the hall twice behind the
images. The reason why the three principal images in
front of the great central door are placed with a space be
hind them is, that a procession behind may be practicable.
It is also convenient to have a door there, and in front of
the door an image or picture, which is, consequently, at
the back of the three principal idols.
In a box given a century ago to this monastery by the
emperor, and placed near the western wall of the large
ball, is a snake two feet long. Beside it is a porcelain tray
of fresh water. When a rap on the box is given by the
attendant priest, the snake moves its tongue out about
half an mch, vibrating it in token of reverence and

TAN-CHO-SI SNAKE. 253
submission. It takes nothing but water. So the priest
assured us. If we are to believe him, it had been there
for two thousand years. The snake is not worshipped as
a divinity, but rather represents the power of Buddha
in charming and taming a savage nature. It was a snake
with brown body and black spots, and its head was small.
The power of Buddha keeps the animal in subjection.
That is the theory. If the snake goes out of the box,
as it does occasionally to take an airing, it returns to it as
to its home.
We also saw a structure called the Leng-yen-t'an. It has
eight sides, and is used as an altar to represent in its
carved ornaments the scenes of the Leng-yen-king. The
central figure is what is called a Pratyeka Buddha. Eound
it on the eight sides are carved eight representatives of
Shakyamuni. Above them are crowns of flowers. Sin
gularly enough there are placed here six Portuguese
sailors, with iron cuirasses and broad-brimmed hats, in
European fashion. Each of them kneels on one knee, and
holds up with both hands an offering to Buddha. They
are small iron figures, made in the time of the Ming
dynasty, and are called Si-yang-jen. This is the name by
which the Portuguese are known in China.
There is behind the Leng-yen-t'an an altar for receiving
new monks to the vows, that is, a Kiai-t'an, consisting of
two stories. On the upper story or terrace are arranged
chairs for the abbot and his assessors. The abbot sits on
the central chair, and six monks on each side. ' The neophyte
kneels with his face toward the " abbot " or fang-chang,
from whom he is separated by a table. The rules are read
by the abbot while the neophyte kneels.
T'an also belongs to the schoolof the " Vinaya" or Lii-men.
There had been a storm of rain, and we were invited by
a friendly priest to go and see the foaming and dashing
water near the great gate of the monastery. The bed of
the stream is steep, and filled with large stones. The
water coming down the mountain after a storm rushes

254 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
madly over boulders and gravel to the bridge, and is
shown to every visitor.
Near this spot is a small temple in honour of Pratyeka
Buddha. The temple is called An-lo-yen-sheu-tang. The
terrace on which is placed the image of Pratyeka Buddha
is supported by four protectors of the law of Buddha.
These four personages were once in a robber band of five
hundred men, and they lived at that time for nothing but
crime. They were subdued to virtue by the teaching of
Buddha. In gratitude for the enlightenment they received,
they offered to carry Buddha henceforth on their shoulders.
The Pratyeka Buddha wears the skull-cap of the ordi
nary Buddha. It is supposed to be the form assumed by
the hair after several years of ascetic retirement in moun
tain solitudes.
At Pi-yiin-si, a temple twelve miles west of Peking,
there is a hall of five hundred Lo-hans. The building is
a large square, and contains six galleries. It is entered
from the north. The first figure met by the visitor is
Maitreya. He faces the door. Beyond and behind him
is the central north and south gallery. On each side of
it, as of the other five galleries, are seated full-sized figures
of Lo-hans. They are of clay and seated on a stone terrace
two feet in height. To the right and left are parallel
galleries. Four small courts in the centres of the four
quarters of the large square give light by continuous rows
of paper windows to the galleries. On a beam overhead,
near the entrance, is a small figure, the five hundred and
first, which was placed there as a supplementary image.
The story is that this Lo-han came too late, the places
were all filled, and, therefore, he was accommodated with
a seat in the roof.
In another court are representations of the future state.
Mountain scenery, clouds, bridges, lakes, as well as men
and other living beings, are represented in clay. The five
principal Bodhisattwas preside, and especially Ti-tsang.
Good Buddhists are seen crossing a bridge with happy

DESCRIPTION OF A TEMPLE. 255
faces. Bad men are pushed by demons into a place of
torture below. Various cruel punishments are represented.
Everything is in carefully moulded and coloured clay.
Kwan-yin is associated with Ti-tsang in presiding in the
side halls. Along with the three other divinities, Wen-shu,
Pu-hien, and Ta-shi-cM, they preside with equal honour
in the centre hall. On the coloured rock-work, the tor
tures of the wicked and the happiness of the good are
mixed, to indicate the results of Buddhist teaching as
imparted by the five divine instructors.
Above these courts is the chief court of the temple with
Shakyamuni's hall, the residences of the priests, and the
guest rooms. In the principal guest room there is a large
picture hung on the wall descriptive of an ancient Chinese
princess, Chau-chiiin, who was demanded by the king of
the Hiung-nu Tartars as an indispensable condition of
peace, and was sent to Tartary accordingly. She leaped
into the Black Eiver and was drowned. In the picture
she looks unhappy at the forced exile from her home and
country. At some distance behind her is the Shan-yii or
emperor of the Hiung-nu.
Above this hall is a very handsome marble gateway.
It is flanked by large stone lions. The pillars are sur
mounted also by lions. The cross-beams are carved with
phcenixes above and dragons below. Two large entabla
tures have carved scenes representing the triumph of the
four virtues — hiau, " filial piety," chung, " loyalty," lien,
" official purity uncorrupted by bribes," and tsie, " chastity."
Certain celebrated persons are here represented. Above
this is a pagoda of the shape called Kin-kang pau-tso,
" Diamond throne." It is very massive and is built with
blocks of marble. On the square flat summit are seven
small pagodas surmounted with bronze caps. The larger
ones have thirteen stories, but they are very shallow.
There are various inscriptions cut in the stone, Thibetan
and Chinese. The view of Peking from the summit is
very fine.
In the province of Che-kiang I have seen two large

256 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
stone images of Buddha cut out of mountain rock. One
is at Hang-cheu, and the other at a town called Sin-chang.
The second of these is the larger of the two. The road
to it extends a mile and a half to the south-east of the
city, and it is seventy feet high. That at Hang-cheu is
not, I believe, more than forty. The Sin-chang image is
more than a thousand years old, and was cut by the
labour of a father, son, and grandson, requiring the
chiselling of three generations. It is an image of Mai
treya, the coming Buddha. Being so majestic in height,
the sight of this image is very impressive. It is about
the height of Nebuchadnezzar's image on the plains of
Dura, and has a reflecting benevolent aspect.
The wooden image of Maitreya in Peking, at the large
lamasery, Yung-ho-kung, is still higher.
The traditional height of Shakyamuni, the historical
Buddha, is sixteen feet. That of Maitreya appears to be
sixty. Let it be remembered that teeth of Buddha and
also his footsteps in rocks are of monstrous size.
In Hiuen-tsang's travels he mentions a statue of wood
at Dardu, to the north of Cashmere and the Punjab. It
was a hundred feet high, and was executed by the Lo-han
Madhyantika, who converted to Buddhism the king of
Cashmere and all his people. By magic he raised a
sculptor to the Tushita paradise to see for himself the
wonderful form of Maitreya. After going up three times
he executed this image.
An enormous tope, or Buddhist tower, was seen by the
traveller ten li east of Peshawur, in the Punjab. It was
three hundred and fifty feet round, and eight hundred feet
high. Every Buddhist structure in China is dwarfish be
side this. From its erection till the year A.D. 550, a period
of eight hundred and forty-two years were said to have
passed. This would show that in B.C. 292 Buddhism was
the prevalent faith in the Punjab (Koeppen, p. 191).
Modern travellers have found it west of the city, and
still remarkable for its immense size. It was built — if
this statement can be accepted — in the reign of Chandra-

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 257
gupta (ZavSpaicoTTo<;)> with whom Seleucus concluded a
treaty, and at whose court at Pataliputra, the Greek his
torian Megasthenes appeared as an ambassador. But the
Chinese travellers ascribe it to Kanishka ; and this can be
believed, for it is only in the time of powerful monarchs
that monuments of this size can be erected ; and Kanishka
was a inost devoted Buddhist. He was a contemporary of
Augustus and Antony, as is known by coins. (See in
Koeppen, p. 192.)
The prayers are chanted by the priests either sitting,
kneeling, or standing. They consist of extracts from
Sutras, or special books containing charms. The extracts
are statements of doctrine, of the mercy and wisdom of
Buddha, and the glory attaching to him.
The prayers are not prayers in our sense. They work a
sort of magical effect. The law of a secret causation con
nects itself with the act of the reader of the law, or the
offerer of incense, flowers, and fruits.
Music accompanies the worship. The following instru
ments I have noticed: — the drum, small bells, cymbals,
tang-ts'i, ch'ing, wooden fish, yin-ch'ing, and the large bell.
The drum has a clapper called ku-ch'ui.
The cymbals are of brass. Each has a cloth holder
through the centre tied inside. The " cymbal " is called kwo.
The tang-ts'i is a small gong, and is held by a half cross,
to which it is tied by strings. It is of brass, and is struck
by a small clapper.
The ch'ing is a flat metallic plate cut in the shape of
flowers. It is supported by a wooden cylindrical box, and
this again rests on a low table. It has a cloth-covered
clapper. A small kind of ch'ing is called yin-ch'ing. A thin iron
rod strikes it to keep time for the chanters. This yin-ch'ing
is two inches long by one deep, and is fastened tightly to
a long carved wooden handle.
The large bell is struck by a wooden mallet.
In the images and the worship offered to them by the
B

258 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddhist monkish community, may be found a key to the
solution of the question, how Buddhism as a religion has
lasted so long.
It does not need faith, or conviction, or zeal. The
monk's life is a quiet one. His work is very light.
Nothing is expected of him but orderly conduct, and the
chanting of the instructions of Buddha, with invocations
and the beating of the wooden fish. The indolent become
monks. Of real religious activity there is none. There is
no God to worship but Buddha, and Buddha is a teacher,
an uncrowned god, in the sense in which Confucius was
an uncrowned king.
The monks kneel to adore images, not to pray. When
seated in a large hall, they recite together the teachings of
their Shakyamuni, it is to favour contemplation and reflec
tion. The reflex influence of the images on their minds is
all-important. Good luck is expected, not through the will of any god,
but through an impersonal fate.
Yet they go beyond this, and rest their faith on the
legends, with which their books are crowded, relating the
powerful interference of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas ;
and thus these personages become, in the religious faith of
the people, virtual divinities.
If however this is so, there are no printed prayers. If
O-mi-to Fo, or Shi-kia Fo, or Kwan-yin p'u-sa, are believed
in as gods by the more credulous, the worship is not altered
on that account. They still read the traditional passages
out of the books of Buddha which teach the nothingness
of the universe, and seem to be so many sermons on the
old text in Ecclesiastes, " Vanity of vanities, all is vanity."
In the Buddhist literature, prayers with special ends in
view, directly addressed to either of these personages,
I do not remember ever having seen more than once or
twice. There is nothing but praise and invocation in an
exceedingly brief form. It is a prayerless and godless
religion, if looked at from the Christian point of view.

( 259 )

CHAPTEE XV.
MONASTEKIES AT P'U-TO.
This establishment more modern than T'ien-t'ai and Wu-t'ai — Many
Thibetan, inscriptions — Frequent visits of Peking lamas— Dedi
cated to Kwan-yin — Gifts by K'ang-hi — Images — Caves — Pago
das — Inscriptions — Besident defenders of Buddhism — The Potala
of Jehol in Mongolia — It is also the name of the palace — Temple
of the Dalai Lama — In China an island was preferred to be the
tau-ch'ang of Kwan-yin.
This island has long been known to foreigners as a cele
brated spot, to which multitudes of zealous Buddhists
make pilgrimages. It has of late years been a favourite
summer residence of foreigners, and has been frequently
described in recent books on China, so that its natural
features need not be here repeated.
The peculiarities of the monasteries, however, need
some remarks, for travellers have hitherto said nothing
to explain them. Their interest is modern compared with
that of some other celebrated seats of the Buddhist reli
gion. For antiquities they cannot vie with T'ien-t'ai, or
with Wu-t'ai shan in Shan-si. They are remarkable rather
as forming a connecting link with the lama Buddhism of
Thibet and Mongolia. This connection is seen in several
circumstances. Kwan-yin is the patron deity of Thibet
and also of P'u-to, leading to a peculiar arrangement
of the images in the monasteries, and the substitution
of this deity for Shakyamuni Buddha in the centre
of the great hall. Lama priests at Peking have always
been accustomed to visit the island, and perform worship.

26o CHINESE BUDDHISM.
there till recently, of which Thibetan inscriptions still on
the island are monuments. The monastic establishments
now on the island date principally from the Mongolian
dynasty in the fourteenth century, and the Manchu em
perors have, from motives of policy, always shown favour
to the national religion of their Western tributaries.
Yet the regulations of the monasteries are all Chinese,
and the schools to which the monks belong are those which
have sprung up in China itself. One establishment be
longs to the Lin-tsi school, and the other to that of Ts'au-
tung. The following is the mode of teaching in these
schools. The instructor utters a few sentences to his
pupils adapted to enlighten them on some point considered
of importance. The pupils in the Tsung-men division of
Chinese Buddhism, to .which both these schools belong,
depend not on books or on a regular course of study, but
simply on the living teacher. The founder of the Lin-tsi
once said, in answer to a disciple's questions, " What is
really Buddha ? What is dharma (the law) ? What is
religious progress ? " — " That the heart be pure and calm,
is Buddha. That the mind be clear and bright, is dharma.
That hindrances in all directions be removed, and the
mind calm and bright, is ' religious progress ' (tau)." There
appear to be more monasteries now belonging to this school
than to any other.
The visitor to the Buddhist sacred island will notice the
green and yellow tiling of the two large monasteries. The
same material was employed in the Nanking porcelain
tower now destroyed, and is found in the monasteries of
the lamas in Peking. This glazed pottery is of the five
colours at Nanking, viz., blue, yellow, red, black, and
white.- Here it is only green and yellow. It is called
lieu-li-wd. Lieu-li is a word introduced to China, like
po-li " glass," by the Buddhists. It is one of the Eight pre- '
cious things, and is called at full length in Sanscrit Vai-
duria. This name appears to be given by the Hindoos.
to a natural and an artificial substance (as in the case also
of "sp'atika" ox po-li, "glass").

GIFTS BY K'ANG-HI. 261
The buildings are on a large scale. Thus the great hall
of Kwan-yin, in the first monastery, is fifty yards long
and thirty wide.
Both the large monasteries are dedicated to Kwan-yin
p'u-sa, instead of to Shakyamuni Buddha. In other monas
teries the central position and the most monstrous image are
always assigned to Shakya, the Buddha reigning in the
present kalpa, and the teacher to whom every monk unites
himself when he takes the vows. Here, however, Kwan-
yin presides, and is therefore called Chu Fo, " the Euling
Buddha," of the monasteries and of the island.
Instead of the usual name Ta-hiung-pau-tien, " The pre
cious hall of the great hero," alluding to Shakyamuni, we
have the Ta-yuen-t'ung-tien, " The hall of the complete and
correct doctrine," referring to Kwan-yin.
In this hall is a large image of earthenware with pedestal
and canopy, all brought from Thibet, by order of the emperor
K'ang-hi, and presented to each of the monasteries. The
figure is gilt, and is that of a female sitting cross-legged
in the Buddhist manner. There is no dress on it except
rings on the arms, a few lotus leaves, and the usual crown
of the Bodhisattwas. In one of the monasteries, a yellow
silk cloak is thrown over the image. Eound the canopy,
which is of wood, are figures of Bodhisattwas, and on the
pedestal several white elephants and lions carved in wood,
which are also foreign.
Behind the Thibetan image is a monstrous male Kwan-
yin, with the P'i-lu crown, representing the ruler of the
monastery. Over his head is a large circle, on which nine
dragons twine themselves. From them the hall is also
sometimes called Kievrlung-tien. Above, on a tablet, is a
sentence given by K'ang-hi, P'u-tsi-k'iun-ling, " The uni
versal saviour of all living beings." This is said in praise
of Kwan-yin.
On the left of this image is a figure of wood, represent
ing Amitabha, the fictitious Buddha of the Western heaven,
whose name is constantly on the lips of the Chinese

262 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and Thibetan priests, and is seen everywhere painted on
walls and carved on stone. Kwan-yin plays a principal
part in the legend of the "Peaceful land" or Tsing-tu,
" The Western heaven," and is one of the " three sages "
(san-sheng) supposed to reside there, the other two being
Ta-sh'i-ch'i p'u-sa and Amitabha.
On the right is another Kwan-yin, called Kwo-hai Kwan-
yin, alluding to a "passage across the sea" of this deity
to the island Putaloka, the Indian archetype of P'u-to
itself. Along the east and west walls of the hall are
ranged thirty-two images, representing the metamor
phoses of Kwan-yin. They are called Kwan-yin san-shv-
r'i-siang ; they are all male, and are individualised by
varieties in posture, dress, and head-coverings.
The name Kwan-tsi-tsai is used in some of the inscrip
tions for Kwan-sh'i-yin. This is a new name introduced
by Hiuen-tsang the traveller, from the Sanscrit Avaloki-
t&shwara, in place of the older one translated by Kumara
jiva from the shorter Hindoo name Avalokite.
There are other representations of this deity. The
Eight-faced Kwan-yin, the Thousand-handed Kwan-yin,
and " The giver of sons " are found here, and commonly in
Buddhist temples. The last of these, Sung-tsi-Rwaji-jw,
is a female figure.
Before the principal idol is a stand for an incense urn,
&c. It is called Wu-sht-hiang-pau, "The five- vessel-in
cense stand." The five vessels are — an incense urn in the
middle, two candle supporters, and two urns for flowers.
The same five vessels are also placed on the pavement
in front of the hall. Artificial flowers only are used.
There is much similarity in the arrangements of the two
monasteries. Both have two imperial tablets with halls
specially erected for their reception. When these build
ings are injured by time, it is not permitted to repair them
without an order from the emperor. Hence some of them
have become much dilapidated. Lamas used to be sent
every year from. Peking to the island, to worship Kwan-

IMAGES. 263
yin in the emperor's name, and investigate the condition
of the monasteries. None, however, have gone there dur
ing the last forty years. The two Thibetan inscriptions
on the road side leading to the first monastery were made
by these lamas. The older one dates from the time of
Kia-k'ing, A.D. 1796 to 18 19. The other is no earlier than
the reign of Tau-kwang.
In both monasteries the eighteen Lo-hans (Arhans),
usually placed in the central hall of temples, are found in
side chapels, their place being occupied by the thirty-two
figures of Kwan-yin. These supposed beings are a step
inferior to the rank of Bodhisattwa ; both are inferior to
Buddha. The reverence paid to Kwan-yin is not, how
ever, less on this account. Like other deities of the same
rank, Kwan-yin has refused for a time to become Buddha,
preferring to save mankind by discoursing to them on the
doctrines of this religion, and inducing them to enter on
the path to the Nirvana.
In a small temple called Hung-f a-t'ang, just beyond the
firstmonastery,isaninterestingrepresentationoftheeighteen
Arhans crossing the sea. They are seated on various sea
animals. The proper names of these personages are all
Hindoo, and unfamiliar in their sound, from the circum
stance that they do not occur in current legends, but only
in more recondite ones, contained in some among the great
collection of works termed Tsang-king. The names of
well-known deities are therefore frequently substituted
for them, such as Kwan-yin, Maitreya, and Ti-tsang-wang.
The last of these is seated on a large sea quadruped in the
representation here referred to. While he sleeps, a star
with a stream of light issues from his head. Beside him,
sitting on a dragon, are two youths called " Joy " (Ki-k'ing)
and " Eest " (B'ing-an). The one, in a playful humour,
wishes to wake bis sleeping neighbour, but he is checked
by his companion. Bodhidharma, the founder of the con
templative school in China, is introduced seated on what
is termed a "one-horned immortal bull." He carries a

264 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
pole on his shoulder with one shoe suspended on it. The
story is that, on crossing the Yang-tsze keang, he dropped
the other, which was picked up by a countryman, and was
found to possess wonderful powers. Manjusiri is seated on
a sea demon. A tiger is whispering at his ear. He thus
learijs what people at a distance are doing. It should be
remembered that the attribute of this great Bodhisattwa is
wisdom, In the same representation Kwan-yin sits on
some other sea animal. He is pouring the elixir of hfe
from a gourd. As it flows out it becomes the genius of a
star. There is no difficulty felt by the arrangers of temples in
placing the Bodhisattwas among the Arhans, because they
have all necessarily passed through that state before arriv
ing at their present position. So the Arhan is only such
after passing through three grades of discipleship, which
are the first steps on the road to the Nirv&na. The Buddha
himself must go through all these stages from the first in
troduction to the sacred life up to the state of Bodhisattwa.
They form the ladder from the actual world of human Hfe
to that cloud-land of abstractions which the contemplative
Buddhist hopes to reach at last. In accordance with this,
the hermit life of Shakyamuni Buddha is depicted on the
walls of the same temple. Above the eighteen Arhans
just described, is a representation, in painted clay, of the
Himalayas. Here is seen a hut of rushes inhabited by the
future Buddha. Monkeys and sacred geese bring him
food, and dragons, tigers, and white rabbits are his near
neighbours. In the third monastery, high on the hill called Fo-ting
shan, is a somewhat remarkable representation of the Hin
doo gods. They are presided over by Yu-hwang of the
Brahma heaven. I could not, however, obtain an intelli
gent account of them from the illiterate priest who was
residing there. He was an artisan from Kieu-kiang in
Kiang-si, who had left his wife and family in charge of his
eldest son, and become a monk.

PAGODA OF THE CROWN PRINCE. 265
At another smaller temple, where there are several caves,
each with one or more small stone Buddhas seated inside,
shown to visitors as emblematic of the hermit life, I found
a young priest very ready to defend his system. When
the worship of Buddha was objected to, on the ground that
it substituted the creature for the Creator, he replied that
Shakyamuni Buddha, being at the head of the Hwa-tsang
universe, was far higher in dignity than He who ruled this
lesser universe. He was reminded in reply that the vast
Hwa-tsang-sh'i-kiai, a congeries of an immense number of
lesser worlds, was nothing- but an invention of the author
of the Hwa-yen-king, and that in reality there was no
existence or world not included within the dominions of
God. He did not attempt to continue the argument.
Facing the first monastery is a small pagoda, dedicated
to the Ming emperor, known as Wan-li hwang-ti. This
prince before ascending the throne had • conferred benefits
on the institutions of the island, and this pagoda was
named after him Tcii-ts'i-t'a, "Pagoda of the crown
prince." On its four sides are placed stone images of the
four great Bodhisattwas, to each of whom one of the four
elements is assigned. Ti-tsang, under whose jurisdiction
hell is supposed to be, presides over earth. He is said to
have become incarnate in a former Siamese prince. He is
worshipped specially in the South at Kieu-hwa, near Nan
king. Kwan-yin presides over water. His attribute is
mercy, and he is worshipped in the East at P'u-to. P'u-
hien presides over fire. His attribute is happiness, and
he is worshipped in the West at the Woo-wei mountain
in Si-ch'wen. Manjusiri presides over air (wind), and is
worshipped in Shan-si, His attribute is wisdom.
Inscriptions on rocks lining the paths are very nume
rous at P'u-to. Most of them are Buddhistic. Some
specimens of them will be now given. Hwei-t'eu-sM-an,
" You have but to turn back and you will have reached
the shore." Teng-pei-an, "Go up on that shore," The
Buddhists say that salvation is in knowledge. The dis-

266 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
ciple is led by the teaching of Buddha, from the sea of
ignorance to the " Shore of true wisdom " (Prajna para
mita, Po-je po-lo-mi-to), Kin-sheng-kio-lu, "The golden
thread that guides into the path of intelligence." Hwei-jl*
tung-sheng, " The sun of wisdom rises in the east." Teng-
ta-yuen-cheu, "Ascend the ship of great wishes." The
great wish of a Buddha or a P'u-sa is to save mankind
and all living beings. They rescue those who are strug
gling in the sea of life and death, and vice and virtue, and
convey them to the shore of true knowledge. Hence
Kwan-yin is called Ts''i-hang, "Vessel of mercy." Fa-lun-
ch'ang-chwen, " The wheel of the law constantly revolves."
This refers to the unceasing proclamation by books and
monks of the doctrines of Shakyamuni. The metaphor
by which Buddhist preaching is called the revolving of the
wheel, is seen practically exemplified in the praying-wheels
of Mongolia, by the turning of which an accumulation of
merit is obtained. So in China, the whole Buddhist library
of several thousand volumes is placed in a large octagonal
revolving bookcase, which is pushed round at the instance
of the visitor.
At Jehol, about a hundred and twenty miles north-east-
of Peking, there is a nest of lama monasteries, in a valley
close to the emperor's hunting-lodge and summer palace.
Among these monasteries are some of Thibetan architecture,
the chief of which is Potala. It is modelled after the Potala
in which the Dalai Lama lives at Lhassa in Thibet. The
Dalai Lama is a living incarnation of Kwan-yin, and there
fore his palace-temple was called Potala. This name is
applied variously to a sea-port at the mouth of the Indus,
the seat of Shakyamuni's ancestors, and to a mountain
range near or part of the Nilgherries where Aval61ritSsh-
vara was fond of going, in addition to the island in the
Indian Ocean, the palace at Lhassa, and the Chinese P'u-to.
For particulars, see in Eitel, p. 93.
Perhaps the island may have been at the mouth of the

AN ISLAND PREFERRED FOR KWAN-YIN. 267
Indus, and left its name in the present Tatta, the Pattala
of the Greeks.
The setting apart of the island P'u-to, in the Chusan Ar
chipelago, is proof that the Buddhist imagination, in select
ing a place for the special worship of Kwan-yin in China,
preferred an island. This agreed best with the legends.
Here Kwan-yin would, in expounding the dharma
that is to save living beings, seem more in her place than
on a mountain of the main-land. This is an appropriate
tau-c'hang 1 for her, where she can be at hand to rescue
sailors from the dangers of the sea, and where crowds of
pilgrims will in fair weather not be wanting to receive the
benefit of her instructions. 1 Tau-c'hang, " Place of doctrine."

( 268 )

CHAPTEE XVI.
BUDDHIST PEOCESSIONS, ASSOCIATIONS, PILGEIMAGES, AND
CEREMONIES IOR THE DEAD.
YU-lan-hwei, "Association for giving food to the dead " — Worship of
ancestors — Liturgical services in the houses of the rich, for the
liberation of the souls of the dead from hell— Village processions
— Based on the old rural processions of classical times — Masque
rades— Piays— Pilgrimages to Miau-feng shan — Pilgrims wear
ing iron chains — Supposed efficacy of the prayers of the priests
— Zeal of the laity in promoting pilgrimages to celebrated
shrines.
A striking example of the popular influence of Buddhism
is found in the associations called Yu-lan-hwei. The day
for feeding hungry ghosts, the professed object of this
association, is the 1 5th of the seventh month. The original
hungry ghosts were the Hindoo Pretas. In China the
hungry ghosts are the spirits of the dead, especially of
ancestors. Buddhists are appealed to on behalf of the dead
who have no descendants to worship them, and feed them
by sacrifices. Thus the sentiment of compassion for the
neglected dead and of ancestors is ingeniously made by
Buddhism into an instrument for promoting its own influ
ence among the people.
The belief in the metempsychosis among the Hindoos
connected itself with the Chinese sacrifices to ancestors.
The two things combined formed an engine of great power
for affecting the public mind.
When the rich die in Peking, priests are invited to read
liturgies for three days in their houses. Eight men are

LITURGICAL SERVICES. 269
sent. A priest told me that they read five books in par
ticular on one occasion recently, when I made inquiry.
They were the Leng-yen-king, the Kin-kang-king, the Fa-
hwa-king (Lotus of the Good Law), the Ti-tsang-king, and
the Ta-pei-ch'an, a Tantra of the T'ang dynasty. They
read for about six hours each day, with a particular intona
tion, which is determined by a certain musical notation
and is learned specially. They took with them candle
sticks, a picture of Buddha, and the wooden fish, and had
no musical instruments. Their object was by prayers to
liberate as early as possible the soul of the dead from
misery. Buddhism found village processions of a religious
character already existing in the country, and accepted
them so far as seemed fitting. When it is considered that
in the old religion of Greece and Eome, rural processions
were in those countries a favourite amusement mixed with
religious ideas, the examination of similar customs in
China is of special interest.
In the discourses of Confucius it is said, that when the
agricultural labourers came out to drink wine, or to perform
a ceremony intended to drive away pestilential diseases,
and the old men appeared leaning on their crooks, Con
fucius himself also came from his house in his court
robes and stood on the east side on the stone steps. This
was an indication of his desire to conform to the habits of
the country. He abhorred all irregularity. The play or
spectacle here alluded to was a procession of singers. It
was called No.
The custom at present representing the ceremony of the
No is called Yang-ko. The performers, about ten in num
ber, go about the villages and hamlets on high stilts in
fancy costumes. One is a fisherman, another is a wood-
gatherer called Chai-wang, " Prince of fuel." There is a
"begging priest," or ho-shang, and an old woman called
tsa-tsi, and some others. They sing as they go. The
word ko is " song," and yang is " to raise." The " stilts"
are called kau-k'iau. These processions are seen in the

270 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
country at the end of February. The old custom of
Confucius' age has died out, to be revived afresh in this
modern form with a Buddhist priest as one of the per
formers. It is regarded by the literati as a mere theatri
cal performance and an amusement of the rural popula
tion. Some trace it to the son of Lieu Pei, who reigned
in Si-ch'wen, A.D. 280. But then there were few priests,
which is an objection to this view.
In the Clieu-li, the ancient sovereigns of China or their
deputies are represented as performing certain ceremonies
for the removal of pestilential diseases four times in the
year — once for each season. The view then held was that
the wen-yi or " sickness," prevailing at certain times of the
year, is caused by demons called li or dit.
These customs could only be introduced on their pre
sent basis at a time when Buddhism was rife and shorn
priests were found in every village. Probably they are
earlier than the T'ang dynasty. Some natives think they
belong to the Sung, because it is customary to represent in
masquerade the robbers of the novel called Shui-hu, the
scene of which is laid at the mountain Liang-shan in
Shan-tung. These robbers all at last submit to control,
and are made officers of the government, which was that
of the Sung dynasty, when Pien-liang was the capital.
But the main object of these village amusements being
religious, it is perhaps better to regard them as Buddhist,
and as parallel with the theatrical shows of the lamas in
their monasteries in Peking and Mongolia.
Buddhist nunneries in Peking have theatrical shows
once a year. A large mat shed is erected, and play actors
are invited to perform an ordinary play. The nuns wait
on the spectators of the play, and the money collected
helps to defray the expenses of the nunnery for the
current year. Plays are considered religious, because they
are supposed to be performed to amuse the gods in whose
temples they are performed.
Every year, in the third and ninth months, — our April

PILGRIMS WEARING IRON CHAINS. 271
and October, — a procession is organised in Peking to
Miau-feng shan, a Buddhist place of pilgrimage ; the
journey to which by the pilgrims occupies three, four, or
five days. Money is subscribed, and is placed in the
hands of a committee who erect lofty mat sheds on the
line of route for the entertainment of the pilgrims.
The worship consists of bowings, kneelings, head-knock-
ings, burning incense, and offering of money to the at
tendant priest. Large pits are filled with copper money
to a depth of two, three, or five feet. With the money
thus obtained the priests return to their monasteries,
leaving this particular temple shut up and unoccupied at
the end of the season, till the time of pilgrimage comes
round again, six months later, in the autumn or spring as
the case may be. The chief divinity is Pi-hia yuen-chiiin,
a Tanist personage, but the temple is cared for by Bud
dhist priests. It is placed among the mountains to the
northwest of Peking.
On one occasion I passed a pilgrim going from Peking
to Miau-feng shan to fulfil a vow. He was a Manchu of
twenty-seven years of age. He had been ill, and while
ill had vowed to walk in chains to the temple and back.
An iron chain bound his feet and hands. It was borrowed
from a temple where such gear is kept for the occasional
use of pilgrims.
The next day I met another such pilgrim returning, but
stronger in body and livelier in appearance than the one I
conversed with the day before. Both were attended by a
companion, and both wore a red dress in token of their
being malefactors; for the pilgrims style themselves on
these occasions criminals, and the chain is a sign of volun
tary bondage undertaken in the spirit of confession of de
merit. They at first look like prisoners in charge of police,
but their submissive air and the red dress show that
they are devotees.
Three sisters, called the three niang-niang, are worshipped
at Miau-feng shan. The second of the three is chiefly

272 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
worshipped there. The eldest is honoured at some place in
Shan-tung with special reverence.
The prayers of the ho-shang are supposed to have the
power to break Open the caverns of hell. They chant to
gether in the houses of the rich to which they are invited',
proceeding through a selection of favourite liturgical books.
This is called tso-kung-te, "performing meritorious acts."
Every act of merit is a fu-yuen, " cause of happiness."
There never yet was a good man whose goodness was left
without reward. The prayers of the priest must have their
effect. The chanting of the books cannot fail to bring
happiness. Such is the operation of the karma, or " moral
necessity." I conversed, in the spring of 1879, with a woman who
brought a sick member of her family to Peking to be under
the care of Dr. Dudgeon, at the London Mission Hospital.
They stayed for some days, and learned Christian doctrine
from a Bible-woman. The woman had been an organiser
of Buddhist pilgrimages to a monastery called Si-yii si in
the mountains west of Peking. She lives at a small town
in the country two days' travelling from the monastery.
Every spring she has exerted her influence for many
years past to persuade her neighbours to go together
to this monastery to worship. She headed the arrange
ments. The procession usually consisted of mule carts to
the number of about fifteen. She expressed her deter
mination to give this up and become a Christian.
Lay Buddhists appear to be far more active in stirring
up the people to go on pilgrimage to mountain temples
than the priests themselves. When money is to be col
lected for the repair of temples, the priests take the lead;
but in voluntary associations for a religious jaunt in spring
or autumn weather, the zeal of the laity is much more
conspicuous.

( 273 )

CHAPTEE XVII.
BUDDHIST LITERATURE;
Buddhist libraries presented to monasteries by emperors — Ch'eng-
tsu, of the Ming dynasty, was the first to print the entire series
of the Buddhist accepted books — Prajna paramita, eighty times
as large as our New Testament — The Pei-tsang, or second printed
edition, dates from the sixteenth century — The Kia-hing edition
of the Pei-tsang — Division into King, Lii, Lun — First Coun
cil — Work of Ananda — The Mahayana of Northern Buddhism
— Council of Cashmere — Authors of the Mahayana — Lung-shu
wrote the Hwa-yen-king — Contrasts between the primitive and
Mahayana books — List of translators A.D. 70 to a.d. 705 — Six
teen hundred works are classified, inclusive of those by Chinese
authors — On the councils for settling the canon — Translations
by Burnouf and others — Lotus — Book of Forty-two Sections —
Character of this and other early works — Stories illustrative of
ancient life — Fan-wang-king — Chan-tsi-king translated by Beal
— Pratimoksha.
The first fixing of the Buddhist canon was at the Coun
cils of Eajagriha and Pataliputra. The Northern and
Southern Buddhists held together till the Council of Pata
liputra, under Ash&ka. When an immense missionary
development followed on the meeting of this Council, the
separation was a natural result, because of the vast extent
of country over which Buddhism shortly became the
prevalent religion.
The origin of the primitive Buddhist books which are
common to the Northern and Southern Buddhists is, then,
anterior to B.C. 246 ; and the addition to the canon of the
Mahayana books containing the legends of Kwan-yin and
of the Western heaven with its Buddha, Amitabha, was

274 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
also previous to the Council of Cashmere, a little before
the beginning of our era.
When the first books were translated into Chinese from
Sanscrit, it was before the time of the introduction of
paper. Bamboo tablets were still employed, and they
were painted on with a brush. Paper-making, soon came
into use, and in the fourth century the present system of
Chinese writing was fully in use. From that time till
the invention of printing, seven hundred years later, copies
of the sacred books would be made from time to time in
the monasteries. As in countries where the palm grows
the monks have continued to write on the palm-leaf, so
in China, till printing was known, transcribed copies of all
needed books would be made and preserved in monasteries.
The library of the larger Buddhist monasteries consists
of a complete collection — presented by some former emperor
— of the " books of the religion " (tsang-king). The visitor
will see them in eight or ten large bookcases. In inany
instances they are preserved with great care and are
highly valued. Even if worm-eaten and injured by damp,
the priests always express unwillingness to part with any
portions of them. Though they seldom make use of this
library themselves, they consider that it would be an
offence against the emperor to allow any of the books it
contains to be removed.
The preface to one of the last imperial editions is dated
a.d. 1410, in the Yung-lo period of the third emperor of
the Ming dynasty. In addition to the erection of the
porcelain tower at Nanking, previous to the removal of
his residence from that place to Peking, he further sig
nalised his zeal for Buddhism by causing blocks to be cut
for the first time for the entire series of Buddhist books.
They reached the number of 6771 kiuen or " sections." A
little more than three-fourths of this extensive literature
consists of translations from Sanscrit. According to a
rough calculation, the whole work of the Hindoo trans
lators in China, together with that of Hiuen-tsang the

THE PEI-TSANG. 275
traveller, amounts to about seven hundred times the size
of the New Testament in Chinese form. In this esti
mate lost translations, which are numerous, are not in
cluded. One of these works, the Maha Prajna paramita (Ta-poh-
je-king), consists of a hundred and twenty volumes. It is
perhaps the most extensive single book ever translated in
any age or country, being about eighty times as large as the
New Testament. The celebrated Chinese translator, Hiuen-
tsang, was engaged on it four years.
The edition of Buddhist books printed in the period
Yung-lo is called Nan-tsang, the "Southern collection."
There was another made in the time of Wan-li in the
closing part of the sixteenth century. The imperial resi
dence having been already removed from Nanking to
Peking, this edition was called the Pei-tsang or " Northern
collection." A new set of blocks was cut at the expense of private
persons from this last, by a priest called Tsi-pe ta-shi,
not many years after. They were placed in the Leng-yen
monastery at Kia-hing near Hang-cheu, and were still
there before the T'ai-p'ing rebellion.
In 1723, a former governor of Che-keang repaired the
blocks, and wrote a preface to a catalogue of these books
under the title of Pei-tsang-mu-lu. It contains a reprint
of the imperial preface to the first complete edition dating
in the seventh century (T'ang Chung-tsung). This docu
ment alludes to the labours of the successive translators,
and dwells especially on the adventures of Hiuen-tsang
who had recently returned from his twenty years' travels
in India, and had come to be regarded, on account of his
successful journey and literary labours, as the most re
markable of all the Chinese Buddhists.
The primary division of the Buddhist books is into
three parts, King, Lu, Lun, or " Sutra, Vinaya, and Abhi
dharma." The first contains the immediate instructions
of Buddha on dogma. It details those present as listeners,

276 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
any remarkable circumstances that occurred, the conver
sations that took place between Buddha and any of his
audience, and the direct instructions that he communi
cated to them. The Vinaya relates the discipline appointed
by Buddha for his followers, and the circumstances that
led to the establishment of particular rules and observ
ances. The scene, audience, and conversations are detailed
much in the manner of the Sutras or works of the first
class. The word king is indeed often applied to works
that are placed in the Vinaya division. The third part,
Abhidharma, consists of discussions, in many instances
by known authors, on the Buddhist creed and on heresies.
They are not then like the works found in the first and
second classes, necessarily spoken — according to Buddhist
faith — by Shakyamuni; but include many that were
written, in the first centuries after his death, by the more
distinguished of his followers.
After Buddha's entrance into the Nirvana, we are told
his disciples met to agree on the books that should be
regarded as the true traditions of their master's instruc
tions. Kashiapa assembled them at the mountain Gi-ja-
ku-ta (Gridhrakuta). They came there by the exercise of
miraculous power. Ananda, who was young, had not
yet attained to the rank of Arhan when the meeting be
gan, but just at this time he was raised to the necessary
elevation and took his seat with the rest. Kashiapa then
said : " The ' Bikshu Ananda ' (O-nan Pi-k'ieu) has great
wisdom. Like a vessel receiving water, he imbibed the
doctrine of Buddha, retaining no more and no less than
what the teacher uttered. Let him be invited to compile
the Sutra Pitaka (Collection of the king or discourses of
Shakyamuni)." The assembly remained silent. Kashiapa
then addressed Ananda : " It is for you now to promul
gate the ' eye of the doctrine ' (fa-yen)." Ananda as
sented, and after observing the countenances of the audi
ence, said: "Bikshus and all here present. Without
Buddha nothing is noble or beautiful, as in the expanse

THE MAHA YANA. 277
above, the stars cannot spare the moon." He then bowed
to the assembly, and ascended the rostrum. He began :
" Thus have I heard — At a certain time, when Buddha was
in a certain place, he delivered such instructions." In
each instance Kashiapa asked the Bikshus if such were
really the words of Buddha, and they all replied, " They
were just these words." 1
A similar account is retained by the Singhalese of the
origin of the Sutras.2 The Vinaya division of the books
was, according to their traditions, prepared by Upali, and
the Shastras or Abidharma by Kashiapa.
So far as this threefold arrangement of the books, the
Northern and Southern Buddhists are at one. But for
the literature of the North a further division must now
be noticed. The distinction of Mahayana (Ta-ch'eng), or
" Great Development," and Hinayana (Siau-ch'eng), or
" Lesser Development," runs through the works of all the
three classes above described. The works of the " Lesser
Development " (or vehicle) there can be little doubt are
the original books of Buddha, for their dogmas and
legends agree with the religion as it is still professed in
Ceylon and by all the Southern Buddhists. The Maha
yana is, on the other hand, unknown there. Burnouf attri
butes the books of the Lesser Development to the first
Buddhist council already described, and those of the Greater
Development to another held a little more than four hun
dred years after Shakyamuni's death. It is his opinion
that the Mahayana books were composed in Cashmere,
in the reign of Kanishka,3 a king of Northern India (Cabul).
A council — the third or fourth — was then called to decide
what books should be canonical, and it was then that
these extensive additions to the Tripitaka or "Three
collections " were agreed upon. The same learned writer
1 Chi-yue-luh. " Biography of ' Ka- Ashoka in his patronage of Buddhism.
shiapa' (Kia-she)." He reigned B.C. 15 to a.d. 45, during
2 Hardy's Eastern Monachism. the patriarchate of Vasumitra and
3 Kanishka conquered the greater others.
part of India. He was a second

278 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
interposes another council a hundred and ten years after
the first, in the reign of Ash6ka also called Piyadasi. This
prince, from his extensive empire and his patronage of
Buddhism, is called a wheel-king, i.e., a Buddhist king to
whom the world is subject, and who causes the wheel of
the holy doctrine to be kept turning.
There need be no hesitation in adopting Burnouf's view,
for we know the names and many of the writings of in
fluential Buddhists who lived at the time and place indi
cated, and whose opinions and qualifications were such as
to render them fitted for the authorship of the Ta-ch'eng
or " Mahayana " books, and much presumptive evidence of
the fact will be found to exist.
Among them were — (i.) Ma-ming, or " Ashwagosha," the
twelfth patriarch, who wrote Ki-sin-lun, the " Shastra for
awakening faith."1 (2.) Lung-shu, or "Nagarjuna," the
fourteenth patriarch, author of Vibhasha-lun, Chung-lun,
Ta-chi-tu-lun, Prajna-teng-lun, SM-cr-men-lun, and seve
ral other works, including the most venerated of all the
Buddhist books in China, the Hwa-yen-king. (3.) T'ien-ts'in,
or " Vasubandu." It is said of him, that when he first
became a monk he was a bitter enemy of the Mahayana
books, and destroyed them whenever he had opportunity.
By the influence of his elder brother Asengha,2 he was
brought to change his views. His remorse was such that
he would have wrenched out his tongue, but Asengha said
to him, " as he had formerly used his tongue to revile the
Great Development books, he should now employ it to
praise them. This would be an expiation for his fault."
After this he wrote more than a hundred works, which
were placed in the third division of the sacred books.8

1 Tsing-tu-sheng-hien-luh contains tives of Purusha in Gandhara (north
notices of (r) to (4). end of the Punjab).
2 Eitel separates Vasubandu from 3 For the names of several of his
Asengha by an interval of some cen- works and those of Asengha, see
turies. My authority for making K'ai-yuen-shi-kiau-lu, a catalogue of
them brothers is the introduction to Buddhist books published in the
Ch'eng-wei-shi-lun. They were na- T'ang dynasty.

LUNG-SHU WROTE THE HWA-YEN-KING. 279
(4.) Wu-cho, or "Asengha," brother of the last. (5.) Hu-
fa, or "Dharmapara" (Protector of the law). He was
born in the Dravida country in South India. He wrote
the Shastra Ch'eng-wei-shih-lun. (6.) Maitreya. (7.) Deva.
(8.) Sheng-t'ien. These and one or two more are men
tioned among the authors of Shastras. All these persons
are dignified with the name of Bodhisattwa.
The authorship of the Hwa-yen-king may be ascribed
to Lung-shu, on the ground that he is said in a Chinese
preface to have discovered it in the "Dragon palace,"
and first promulgated it as one of the Mahayana Sutras,
or books of the " Great vehicle." He could not prefix his
name to it as to works of the third division, because it
is essential to a Sutra that it be a discourse of Buddha.
In conformity with this principle, the Great Development
" Sutras," or as they are called in Chinese King, are by a
fiction ascribed to Shakyamuni, though their real authors
were, as there is every reason to suppose, the acute-minded
Hindoos whose names have just been given.
Two principal divisions of the Buddhist books, in refer
ence to the time of their composition, are thus obtained.
The former belonging to the fifth century B.C. contain,
among other things, the monastic institutions, the moral
code, the ascetic life, the metempsychosis, and the Nir
vana, of which the first two are Buddhist, and the latter
three common to the native religions of India. The whole
is interwoven with the fantastic notions of the Hindoos
on geography, astronomy, and supernatural beings.
The second division embraces later developments in
metaphysics and cosmogony. In the Prajna paramita,
through a hundred and twenty volumes, the favourite
dogma of extreme idealism, the non-existence of mind
and matter in all their forms, is reiterated to satiety.
In the legends of the Eastern and Western paradise —
that of Ach'obhya and that of Amitabha — and regarding
the formation of various other vast worlds and powerful
divinities, the new mythological tendencies of this system

280

CHINESE BUDDHISM.

are exhibited. These books must be assigned to about the
first century B.C.
By help of the catalogue of Buddhist books published
A.D. 730 (K'ai-yuen-shi-kiau-lu), the earliest and most
noted translators may be divided between these two
schools. Works of the Siau-ch'eng or "Lesser Develop
ment," le., primitive Buddhism, were introduced by the
following persons : —

Translator.

Country.

Date a.:

Kashiapmadanga

Central India

70

Chu-fa-lan

Central India.

70

An-shi-kau

Ansi

147

Chi-yau

India

185

K'ang-meng-ts'iang

K'ang-ku (Thibet)

194

Dharmati

Ansi

254

Chu-liii-yen

India

230

Chi-kian

" Massagetse " or Ta-yue-c?d

250

K'ang-seng-hwei

K'ang-ku (Thibet)

250

Fa-kii

India

300

Chu-dharma-lan

380

G audamsenghadeva

Cophen

39°

Among the translators of the books of the Larger De
velopment, were the following individuals : —

Name.

Country.

Bate a.d.

An-shi-kau

Ansi

147

Chi-lu-ka-ts'an

Massagetse

147

K'ang-seng-k'ai

India

254

Peh-yen

India

258

Ch'i-kian

Massageta?

250

Chu-dh armaraksha

Massagetse

3'3

Malach'a

TJdin

299

Dabadara

Central India

400

Kumarajiva

India

401

Fa-hien

China

414

Dharmaraksha

Central India

433

Gunabadara

Central India

435

Paramoda

Western India (Oujein)

540

Hiuen-tsang

China

650

Bodhiruchi

Southern India

705

CLASSIFICATION OF WORKS. 281
To assist in numbering and distinguishing the books
belonging to the great threefold collection, the characters
contained in the " Book of a Thousand Characters " (Tsien-
tsv-wen) are made use of.
The first subdivision of the "Sutras" or King under
the heading, Ta-ch'eng, " Great Development," is that of
"Prajna" (Po-je). It contains the work Maha-prajna-
varamita in six hundred chapters, to mark which, sixty
characters from the "Thousand Character Classic" are
employed. Eighteen other works are placed in the same
subdivision. These are followed by books containing the legends of
Amitabha and Ach'obhya, the Western and Eastern Bud
dhas. These, with others, compose the Pau-tsi subdivision.
After this comes that called Ta-tsi, or " Great Collection."
Then succeed those called Hwa-yen, so named from the
common book of that title in eighty chapters. The fifth
comprises books on the Nirvana. After these five chief
subdivisions are arranged the names of many others,
whether translated once or oftener. With the preceding
they make in all five hundred and thirty-six Sutras of the
Great Development class.
Of the Smaller Development school two hundred and
twenty-eight works are contained in the collection, the
chief of them belonging to the Agama subdivision. There
were added in the Sung and Yuen dynasties three hundred
altogether. Their names follow in the catalogue.
Many of these works are very small, ten or more being
often placed together under one letter.
Under the denomination "Vinaya" or Lil, "Discip
line," twenty-five works belong to the Great Development
school, while fifty-nine are assigned to the Siau-ch'eng
department. Among the works belonging to the third class, " Abhi
dharma " or Lun, are ninety-three of the Great Develop
ment school, and thirty-seven of the Lesser. To these
twenty-three were added in the Sung and Yuen dynasties.

282 CHINESE BUDDHISM
After this occur works by various Western authors,
in number ninety-seven, which do not admit of being
classed with those that precede. Many of these consist
of liturgical regulations and biographies of Hindoo Bud
dhists. At the end of the collection are placed works by Chinese
authors, in all a hundred and ninety-six. These consist
of commentaries, biographical works, cyclopaedias, travels
in Buddhist countries, apologetic treatises, liturgical works,
and the original works of authors belonging to the various
native schools of Buddhism. Of these forty were appended
in the Ming dynasty — as in all such cases — by imperial
order. These numbers give a total of about sixteen hundred
separate works, of which fourteen hundred are transla
tions from Sanscrit. Several hundred others are lost. '
Many productions of less importance, probably amount
ing to several hundreds in number, by native authors, are
commonly read. In an estimate of the extent of Chinese
Buddhist literature these should be included. They con
sist of popular treatises, with anecdotes of the power
of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, and the benefits of
chanting the sacred books. Woodcuts are much used in
these books, illustrative of the Buddhist future state, of
Shakyamuni instructing his disciples, and of the Hindoo
cosmogony and geography. Descriptions of remarkable
monasteries and sacred places, and many works on the
various schools of this religion in China, should be added
to the list.
I place here some remarks on the councils held by the
early Buddhists.
Professor Max Mulier says : " The Northern Buddhists
know but one Ashfika, the grandson of Chandragupta, and
but one council held in his reign, viz., the Council of
Pataliputra, under Dharmash6ka, and this they place a
hundred and ten years after Buddha's death."
The Singhalese Buddhists speak of two Ash&kas, viz.,

TRANSLATIONS BY BURNOUF, ETC. 283
Kakshoka and Dharma^-hoka. Twelve kings intervened
between them. A council was held under each Ashoka.
If we admit the last, it must have taken place either
B.C. 242 or B.C. 246 at Pataliputra.
The fourth council, under Kanishka, presided over by
Vasumitra, was probably a little before the Christian era.
Nagarjuna's works and system were recognised, and from
this time the " Great Development " spread among all the
Northern Buddhists.
The attention of the student of Buddhism may be
directed especially to those works in the San-tsang, or
" Three pitaka," of which translations have been made.
Of these the most elaborate is that of the Fa-hwa-king,
"Lotus of the Good Law," by Eugene Burnouf. It is
rendered from the Sanscrit, and illustrated by a vast body
of notes.
On comparing it with the Chinese version of Kuma
rajiva, I found considerable lacunas in the Chinese copy.
Kumarajiva came under the influence of the Chinese
literati, to whom the ponderous verbosity and extensive
repetitions of the original were intolerable. He wisely
cut it down, and made a much shorter book of it. Burnouf
would have been wise to do so too.
The small books with a prominent moral element are
extremely interesting. Some of these are translated by
Mr. Beal in his Catena.
The " Book of Forty-two Sections " was translated from
Sanscrit by the first Hindoo missionaries. An edition
in five volumes, with very full notes, by Sii Fa, and pub
lished a century and a half ago, is a signal example of
the industry and fulness of illustration and comment of
a Chinese scholar when editing an ancient book.
In this and other small but interesting works may be
seen the principles of primitive Buddhism as taught by
Shakyamuni. The monastic life is here portrayed, and the duties of
those who entered upon it are clearly pointed out.

284 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
But though vows of celibacy, and living in society with
fellow-believers in the Buddhist doctrine, or in solitude
in woods and caves, were recommended by Shakyamuni
as the most suitable mode of carrying out his system, he
did not make them absolutely essential. In the " Wei-mo
Sutra," Vimakita ( Wei-mo-kie), a layman native of Vaishali,
living in society, is represented as having made great pro
gress in the knowledge of the principles of Buddhism.
He is contrasted with many who had taken the vows, but
were far inf erior to him. "Manjusiri" (Wen-shu p'u-sa)
and Vimakita are held up as equally good models of Bud
dhist excellence: the one, as to form, being without a
rival in the monastic society; the other, as to action,
being the most advanced student of the Buddhist law
outside the circle of those who had taken the vows.
Many of the Buddhist books are valuable, on account of
the stories illustrative of ancient life which they contain.
The following story of travellers killing a guide, to
sacrifice to the Devas of a certain place, reminds the
reader irresistibly of the narrative of Jonah.
" A company of merchants undertaking a journey selected
a guide. With him they set' out across an uninhabited
region. On the way they arrived at a temple to the
Devas, at which it was the custom, that a man must be
sacrificed before the travellers could pass on.
" They consulted as to what should be done, and said one
to another : ' We are all friends, neighbours, and relations.
None of us can be sacrificed. Only the guide can be.'
When they had put him to death and finished the offering,
they proceeded and lost their way. Weary and broken
hearted, all one by one died.
" So it is with men. They wish to enter the sea of
doctrine in order to get the pearls hidden in its depths.
They must take virtue for their guide. If they slander
and destroy virtue they will be sure to lose their way, and
never emerge from the desert of life and death. Their
sufferings must last for long ages."

ILLUSTRATIVE STORIES. 2S5
A story of the shadow of gold in water is told to illus
trate how ignorant men seek for golden doctrine in places
where they will never find it. The story says that " for
merly a foolish man went to a lake and saw at the bottom
of the water a shadow of what seemed true gold. He
called out, ' Here is gold.' He then went into the water
and sought it in vain till he was tired and the water grew
muddy. He sat down and waited till the water was clear,
when he saw it again, and once more he tried fruitlessly
to get it. At last the father came to look for his son, and
asked him why he was so weary. On learning, he said,
after seeing the shadow, ' This gold is on the tree above.
A bird must have taken it in his beak and placed it
there.' The son climbed the tree and found it."
To illustrate the difficulty of creating, a story is told
against the Brahmans, who ascribe creation to Brahma.
They call him Maha Brahma Deva, and say that he is the
father of the world, and can create all things. The story
states that " this so-called creator had a disciple who said
he could create all things. He was foolish, but thought
himself wise. He said one day to Brahma, ' I desire to
create all things.' Brahma replied, ' Do not think of it.
You cannot create. Without being able to use the lan
guage of the Devas, you have the desire to create things.'
Brahma saw what his disciple had made, and noticed that
the head was too large and the crown too small, or the hand
too large and the arm too small, or the foot too large
and the leg too small. In fact, it was like the Pishacha
demons." 1
"We thus learn," continues the narrator, "that what
every one brings into existence is not the creation of
Brahma." THE STORY OF THE BRAHMAN WHO KILLED HIS SON.
" Once there was a Brahman, who, according to his own
statement, was extremely wise, and knew all the arts of
1 A sort of vampires. Retinue of the Deva king Dhritarashtra.

286 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
astrologers and jugglers. Wishing to show his powers he
went to another country, carrying his son in his arms, and
weeping. When asked, ' Why do you weep ? ' he replied,
' This young child is to die in seven days. I mourn over
his short life.' The people of the country remarked, 'It
is hard to know when men will die. It is easy to err in
such calculations. Wait till the seven days are past, and
perhaps he will not die. Why weep now ? ' The Brahman
answered, ' The sun and moon may be darkened, the stars
may fall, but what I have said cannot fail 6f fulfilment.'
On the seventh day, for the sake of fame and profit, the
Brahman killed his son to confirm the truth of his own
words. When men heard that the Brahman's son was
dead precisely seven days after the time of the prediction,
they all admired the wisdom of the Brahman, whose words
proved true, and came to listen to his instructions. It is
so among the four classes of Buddha's disciples, with those
who for gain say they have attained eminent enlighten
ment. By their foolish doctrine they destroy the son of
the good, falsely assume a benevolent character, and must
in consequence endure much suffering. They resemble
the Brahman who killed his son."
The book proceeds to speak of the Buddhas and their
teaching. They are not liable to the errors of such men.
The Buddhas in giving instruction keep a middle path,
without encroachment on either side. They are neither
too constant on the one hand, nor are they too interrupted
and inconstant on the other. There is in their actions
and teaching no disproportion. Various pretenders, how
ever, try to imitate them, and fall into the errors of boast
ing, lying, and extravagance. Men, in exhibiting the form
of the law, fail to present to view the true law.
These extracts are taken from the " Book of a Hundred
Parables," Pe-yii-king, chapter ii., translated by Gunabidi.
There is a book of moral instructions, arranged in the
form of the Gdtha, with headings, such as teaching, con
versation, mercy, &c. It is called Fa-kii-king, " Book of

FAN-WANG-KING. 2S7
the Dharma in Sentences." There are five hundred of
these sentences. In India every student read this book
at the beginning of his course. If he did not read
this among the many books of his religion, he omitted
the preface.
The sentences are of the following nature: — When rising
in the morning you should think, " My life will not last
long. It is like the vessel of the potter, easily broken.
He who dies does not return." On this is grounded an
appeal to men to learn Buddha's law.
It was translated from the work of Tau-lio by Kumara
jiva. There are some other works specially devoted to fables
and parables, such as Tsa-yu-king, " Book of Miscellane
ous Parables."
Among works specially deserving attention is Fan-
wang-king. This book on the "Discipline" or Vinaya,
is the Brahmajala, " Net of Brahma."
Mr. Gogerly, in the Ceylon Friend, published a brief
translation of the work. See Beal in Second Congress of
Orientalists, p. 134. It states the rules which guide the
Bodhisattwa. The Chinese Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king is in Sanscrit " Abhi-
nishkramana Sutra." It has been translated by Beal, who
thinks the narratives it contains will explain the " Sanchi
topes," the inscriptions on which are hard to identify in
any books. It is a life of Buddha, with many episodes,
which may also illustrate the inscriptions at Bharhut,
Amravati, &c.
Mr. Beal finds in the Chan-ts'i-king the " Sama Jataka,"
which contains part of the story of Dasaratha and Eama,
and refers to an allusion in the travels of Fa-hien, to
a festival in Ceylon, which may have light thrown on
it by this book.
Sama was Shakyamuni Buddha in a former life, living
in a forest with his father and mother, who were blind.
He fed them with fruits, fetched water for them, and was

288 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
beloved by the deer and other wild animals of the woods.
At last the king' came on a hunting expedition, shot an
arrow into a large herd of deer by the water side, and
killed Sama with it, who happened to be in the middle
of the herd. Sama died, and the king was most penitent,
while the parents wept over their son. The gods seeing
this sad spectacle — the parents lamenting over their son,
and the sympathising Eaja — came and restored him to
life. The work Pratimoksha is mentioned in the last instruc
tions of Buddha. It contains the rules of discipline for
the disciples of Buddha. He left this, when dying, in
the hands of his followers, as their guide for holy conduct.
A translation of the first chapter of the Leng-yen-king
and of a short Shastra here follow.
The Leng-yen-king is praised by Chu Hi and other Con-
f ucianists as the best worth reading of the Buddhist sacred
books.

( 289 )

CHAPTEE XVIII.
THE LENG-YEN-KING. — FIRST CHAPTER.
The Sutra of firm establishment in all doctrine, describing clearly
the secret merit and attainments in the religious life of Tath4-
gata, who appears as Buddha in his great and unsurpassed
stature ; also the many acts of the Bodhisattwas.
It is called also Chung-yin-tu-na-lan-to-ta-tau-ch'ang-king.
" The Sutra of Nalanda, the great seat of worship, in Cen
tral India."
The monastery of Nalanda, in the kingdom of Magadha,
the present Bahar, was of great size, and lasted through
more than seven centuries. The Chinese traveller Hiuen-
tsang visited it. He found there ten thousand monks living
in six buildings erected by as many monarchs, forming
together one great ascetic establishment, the most splendid
in India. It was celebrated as a place of study both for
the Brahmanical books and those of Buddhism, and was
devoted to the study of that branch of Buddhist doctrine
called the " Greater Development." For legends connected
with this flourishing seat of Buddhism, the translation by
M. Julien of Hiuen-tsang's travels, from which I have de
rived these facts, may be consulted. It lay about thirty
miles south-east of the modern Patna.
The Chinese translation of the Leng-yen-king was made
in the year 705 A.D., by Paramiti, a Hindoo Buddhist monk
at Canton. He was assisted by Yung-pi, a Chinese, and
T

290 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Migashakya, a native of Udyana, a country lying north
west of Cashmere. Translation.
Thus have I heard: — On a time, Buddha was at the
city Shravasti, in the chapel in the grove of Jeta. He was
there with twelve hundred and fifty Bikshus, bis disciples,
who had all attained the rank of Arhan. These children
of Buddha were at rest in their minds, grasping firmly the
doctrine of their master, and excelling in goodness. They
might in any country be patterns of virtue and dignity.
They attended to the " monastic rules " ( Vinaya) with ex
emplary carefulness. Assuming without limitation what
ever bodily form was needed, they could save men from
misery. Their names were Shariputra, Maha Maudgal
yayana, Maha Kuhila, the son of Puruna, Mitarani,
Subhuti, Upanishata, and others.
Besides these, innumerable Pratyekas, together with
many who had just begun to desire improvement in
knowledge, came to the place where Buddha was, at the
close of summer, repenting of their former evil acts.
Remarks. — Shravasti was situated in what is now the province of
Oude. Pratyekas are called in Chinese either P'it-ti, or P'it-ti-ka-h.
They are in Sanscrit denominated "Pratyeka" Buddha, and in Chi
nese Yuen-kioh, " those who have attained intelligence by the study
of causes." When a period occurs in the world's history without a
Buddha, the Pratyekas appear, and, arriving at the perception of doc
trine in his absence, take his place as teacher till he arrives.
It happened to be the time when the Bikshus at the
close of summer were released from restraint. From every
region Bodhisattwas came to ask questions and have their
doubts removed. They listened respectfully, and sought
to know the secret thoughts of their teacher. Tathagata
sat in a tranquil attitude, and addressed to his audience
profound doctrines which they had not before heard. His
voice, like the singing of the Kakvingka, penetrated to
the boundaries of the world. Bodhisattwas, numerous as

ANANDA TEMPTED. 291
the sands of the Ganges, crowded to the assembly, and
Manjusiri was chief among them.
At this time king Prasenajit had, in memory of his
father's death, prepared a vegetable repast for Buddha.
He invited Buddha to the interior apartments of his palace,
and came himself to conduct him in. He also invited the
Bodhisattwas. In the city there was a man of rank who had also bid
den the monks to a feast, and was waiting the arrival of
Buddha. Buddha directed Manjusiri to send some of the
Bodhisattwas and Arhans to attend the feast in place of
himself. Ananda alone had been invited elsewhere at some dis
tance, and had not returned. He was too late to take his
place with the others, and there was no older monk with
him nor an A-je-li to admonish him. He was coming
back alone and empty-handed. As he passed along the
streets he held in his hand a rice bowl, and asked alms
from door to door. He was desiring that he might be
entertained by some one who had not already invited the-
monks. He would not ask if the viands were pleasant to
the taste or not, whether the host was of the Kshatrya
caste, or belonged to the Chendaras. Feeling the same
kind disposition towards rich and poor, he did not choose
honour in preference to poverty, but was anxious that all
with whom he met should obtain unmeasured happiness
(by almsgiving).
Ananda knew that Buddha had blamed Subhuti and
Kashiapa, because they had not obtained the evenhanded
justice of the Arhans, and he had reverently listened to
his wise advice for relieving scruples and preventing sus
picions and slanders.
He crossed the moat, and slowly approached the gate.
His demeanour was grave. It wat that of one who reve
rently observed the dietetic regulations.
He passed on his way the house of a prostitute, and fell
under the influence of enchantment. Matenga, by means

292 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of a charm obtained from Brahma by one of the Sabikaras,
drew him to her couch, and he was about to break his vow
of chastity.
Tathagata knew that he had been enthralled by the
charm. On returning from the repast to which he had
been invited, the king, his courtiers, and many persons of
reputation in the city, came to hear Buddha discourse.
Light shone from the head of Tathagata, seeming ¦ to com
bine the several rays of all precious stones. Out of this
mild radiance was seen to spring a lotus flower with a
profusion of petals, and upon it Buddha sat crosslegged
with metamorphosed body, uttering a mighty charm. He
sent this charm by the hand of Manjusiri to save Ananda.
The messenger went, and the influence of the wicked
charm being broken, he brought Ananda with Matenga to
the presence of Tathagata.
Remarks. — The bird called Kalavingka had a very soft, rich
voice. Prasenajit, the king of Shravasti, was very favourable to the
Buddhist religion. It was his minister Sudatta who bought the gar
den of Jeta from the prince of that name, and erected in it a residence
for Buddha. (See Julien's Memoir es sur Us Contrles Occidentales.)
Many of the Sutras attributed to Buddha are said to have been de
livered here. At the time ,of Hiuen-tsang's visit the city was mostly
in ruins. He observed the remains of the monastery formerly stand
ing on the site of the garden of Jeta, two miles below the city. (See
Julien's Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-thsang). It was here that the
Bikshus assembled to listen to Buddha.
During three months in summer the Bikshus lived in seclusion,
forbidden to travel or to see Buddha. At the end of this time they
met before Buddha, and gave liberty to each other to point out any
faults in their conduct, in order that they might undergo a penance
appointed by Buddha.
The word A-je-li means an instructor in the ascetic discipline.
It was required that, in going to a distance, at least three should be
in company. A monk in the position of Ananda should have had
with him a superior in rank and also an A-je-li.
When Buddhism was flourishing in India, the Kshatryas and
Chendafas were at the two extremes of the social scale. The kings

ANANDA PENITENT.

293

and nobles belonged to the Kshatrya caste. The Chehdaras were
butchers, and belonged to various humble trades.
Subhlti asked alms only from the rich, because they were able to
give. Kashiapa preferred to beg of the poor, desiring to increase
their happiness. Buddha blamed them, both for transgressing the
rule of justice.
The Sabikaras were a heretical sect, with brown hair, who fasted
on rice. They obtained this charm by special worship of the god
Brahma. It was capable of being communicated to others, and Ma
tenga made use of it.
The commentator, Teh-ts'ing, a Chinese Buddhist monk of the
Ming dynasty, says that a superficial reader might wonder why this
Sutra, which unveils the hidden nature of man, points out a secure
place of rest, and unfolds a doctrine in all respects complete, should
make such an ordinary incident as the temptation of Ananda its
point of departure. He says, in explanation, that it is the passions
which prevent men from attaining the Nirvana. Among the
passions sensual lust is the most powerful, and therefore it needs a
remedy of corresponding strength to remove it.
Ananda, on seeing Buddha, bowed his head to the
ground and bitterly wept. He grieved that he had not
yet made a successful beginning, and that, after all the
instruction he had received, he should still be deficient
in moral strength. With earnestness he asked to know
how the Buddhas of all worlds had obtained entrance to
the region of rest and contemplation.
The auditors, numerous as the sands of the Ganges, sat
silent, waiting for Buddha to address them.
He then said to Ananda : — " You and I are akin by
birth. We are thus caused by heaven to love each other.
You formerly felt a desire to follow my teaching. What
beautiful appearance was it which led you to forsake the
world's deep love ? " Ananda replied : " I saw the thirty-
two beauties of Tathagata.1 They are inexpressibly lovely,
and the bodily form to which they belong is transparent
as crystal. I reflected that such a form cannot be pro
duced by earthly love. Because the bodily desires are
1 "Tathagata," an appellation of Buddha, is, in Chinese, Ju-lai, "Calmly
approaching."

294 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
coarse and ill-smelling lusts, and they cannot give origin
to a pure bright form radiating a purple golden light like
that of Tathagata ; therefore I thirsted to follow Buddha
and be shorn of my hair, in token of my abandonment of
'a worldly life."
Buddha replied : — " You speak well, Ananda. All men
continue to live and die, and live and die again, because
they do not know that the mind should rest in a state of
constant purity, and their nature be kept clear and true to
itself. Ideas arise in their minds which are not true, and
perforce they enter the wheel of ceaseless revolution. If
you would attain the highest knowledge and develop your
true nature in its clearness, answer honestly my inquiries.
The Buddhas have trodden one path to escape from hfe
and death. They have kept their hearts right. Their
hearts and words were right, and they have therefore
begun well and ended welL Thus they have no wrong
thoughts or pernicious changes. I now ask you, Ananda,
when your heart was attracted towards the thirty-two
beauties of Tathagata, what was it that saw, and what was
it that loved ? " Ananda replied : " This love came from
the use of my heart and my eye. My eye saw the trans
cendent beauty of Buddha, and my heart felt love. There
fore it was that I desired to become freed from life and
death." Buddha answered : — " Since this love came from the
heart and the eye, you must know where these organs
reside; otherwise you cannot overcome the evils caused
by the ' objects of sense ' (ch'en). When a country is
ravaged, the troops sent to chastise the marauders must
know where they are to be found. I ask, then, where the
heart and eye, the enemies who have done you harm,
reside ? "
Remarks. — The passions are the cause of men being subject to life
and death. To set them at rest is the means of attaining to the state
of Buddha. Ananda had been led away by passion, and he asks to

BUDDHA QUESTIONS ANANDA. 295
be Teinstructed in the mode of escape. He felt the evil to be great,
and that some very powerful agency was needed to destroy it. He
desired to commence self-reformation afresh, but not knowing where
to begin, he asks for information. The first step is to observe, con
template, and loosen the heart from its attachments.
Buddha does not proceed at once to describe the three modes of
contemplation, but first inquires of him why, in the first instance,
he had commenced the ascetic life. The answer of Ananda revealed
the cause of his want of success. Love had been awakened in his
mind by the sight of beautiful forms. This was because his mode
of thinking was wrong. He had only exchanged one love for an
other. His heart had been attracted by a beautiful vision ; but he
had not seen Buddha in his higher character. If he was right in
loving Buddha, might he not also love Matenga ?
Not only is Ananda the victim of wrong thoughts. All men are
so ; and therefore it is that they do not emerge from the region of
life and death. But man's true nature cannot be developed where
wrong thoughts prevail. The exciting causes of ,this wrong state of
things must be examined into. It is the work of the senses. The
senses are the six enemies that disturb the original tranquillity of
man's nature. These six thieves, as they are called, are ruled by
the heart and the eye. The place where they reside must be dis
covered. The answer of Ananda was that " living beings, of all
the ten different kinds, without exception regard the per
ceiving faculty and the heart or mind as being within
the body. They also see that Buddha's eye forms a part
of Buddha's countenance. This eye of mine and three
other organs of sense are a part of my face. My ' heart '
(mind), then the perceiving organ, is certainly within
my body."
Buddha replied to him : — " You are sitting in this house.
You see the grove of Jeta. I ask you where it is ? " " It
is," answered Ananda, " outside of this hall. This house
is in the garden of Anathapindika. And assuredly the
grove is outside of the house." Buddha again inquired :
" In this house what do you first see ? " Ananda replied :
" I first see Tathagata, then the audience, and farther off
the trees and the garden." Buddha continued : " In look-

296 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
towards the trees and the garden, how do you perceive
them ? " Ananda replied : " By the door and other open
ings." Buddha then stretched out his golden arm, and
touching the head of Ananda, said : " There is a samadhi
called that of the Sheu-leng-yen Eajah, who is Buddha-like
in size and stature. It embraces all good actions, and
describes how all the Buddhas were rescued from the
world of sense and entered the glorious path that leads
to confirmed rest. Listen ! " Ananda made a prostration,
and waited to hear.
Remarks. — Hiuen-tsang relates that the grove of Jeta is "six li"
(two miles) south of the city Shravasti. In this grove was the
garden of Anathapindika or Anathapindada. At the time when
the Chinese traveller visited itfthe convent which was formerly
there was in ruins. Jeta sold the land to Sudatta, and himself gave
the grove. Anathapindika means "He who gives to orphans."
Sudatta was so named on account of his charities.
Samadhi is a sort of waking dream or reverie, occurring to Bud
dha or his disciples when engaged in deep contemplation, and in
which an impression or vision teaching certain religious dogmas
seems present to the mind's eye.
The commentator Te-ts'ing remarks that men generally fall into
the error of Ananda. They think that the mind is enclosed in the
visible body. Continuance in the sphere of the metempsychosis
arises from men's mistaken opinion that the body, the mind, and '
"their actions" (wu-yiin) constitute myself. - This false view must
be first combated. Buddha, being about to subvert the cherished
opinions of Ananda, kindly placed his hand upon his head to in
spire him with confidence, lest he should feel pained.
Buddha : — " According to what you say you are in this
hall, and through the open doors you see the garden and
the grove. If you could not see Tathagata, would you be
able to see what is outside of the hall ? "
Ananda : — " That could not be."
Buddha : — " This to your mind is perfectly clear. Now,
if that mind which perceives it be within the body, men
ought first to see what is within the body and afterwards

BUDDHA INSTRUCTS ANANDA. 297
what is outside. Since we do not see the heart, liver,
and other viscera, while we can perceive the growth of
nails and hair, and the movements of muscles and pulses,
the heart cannot reside within the body."
Ananda (bowing) : — " As I hear the instructions of
Tath&gata, I am made to perceive the truth, that my
mind resides outside of my body. For it is like a lamp
lighted in a house. It first shines on what is within the
house, and then through the door upon the portico. Since
men see only what is outside the body, the perceiving
mind cannot reside within them. This statement is in-
controvertibly right."
Buddha: — When these Bikshus come to seek me in
this city of Shravasti, and assemble at the grove of Jeta,
should you see one of them eating, would all of them be
thereby relieved from hunger ? "
Ananda: — "No! for although they were Arhans and
share in a different kind of existence, how could one
man's taking food remove hunger from the rest ? "
Buddha : — " The mind and body being entirely separate
from each other, neither of them can know what is known
to the other. I now show you my hand. Your eye sees
it, but does your mind distinguish it ? "
Ananda: — "Yes, Honoured Chief of the world! "
Buddha : — " If both perceive it, then it is wrong to say
that they are separate from each other, and that the mind
dwells outside of the body."
Ananda : — " Buddha has said that the mind, not seeing
what is within the body, cannot reside there. Further,
he has said that when the mind and body both know
what is known to the other, they cannot be outside of
each other, but must be in one place."
Buddha : — " Where, then, is the mind placed ? "
Ananda : — " I think it must be hidden in the organs of
sense. The eye is to the mind like a piece of glass which
does not interfere with vision. Whenever the eye sees,

298 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the mind at once distinguishes. The reason why the
mind does not see the interior of the body is because
it resides in the sensorial organs, and its position there
enables it to notice objects outside of the body."
Buddha : — " Supposing that it is so, I ask what a man
will see when a glass is placed before his eyes ? When
he sees the hills and mountains beyond, will he see the
glass also ? "
Ananda : — " He will see the glass."
Buddha : — " If so, why should not the eye be seen at
the time when hills and rivers are visible through it ?
But if the eye be seen it is a part of the scenery observed
by the mind, and there is no interdependence between
the two, so that the mind should at once perceive what
is an object of vision to the eye. But if the mind does
not see the eye, then it cannot be said that the mind
resides in the organs of sense."
Ananda : — " I have now thought upon another thing.
The viscera are in the interior of the body, while the
various apertures are outside. There is darkness in the
one and light in the other. While I look at Buddha my
eye is open and sees light. In this case I see what is
external. When I close my eyes I see darkness. In this
case I see what is internal. Is this a correct distinc
tion?" Buddha : — " When you close your eyes and look on dark
ness, is the darkness which you see ' objective to the eye '
(wei-il-yen-tui), or not ? If the darkness be objective, it is
something before the eye, and it is therefore wrong to say
that it is internal. If, on the other hand, the darkness be
internal, then the darkness you see in a room where no
light can enter is nothing but the interior of your body.
If, however, the darkness be not 'objective' (tui) to
the eye, it cannot be said to be seen. If the darkness be
internal, and is yet seen objectively by the eye, why do
you not see your face when with open eyes you look

ANANDA ENLIGHTENED. 299
on brightness ? If you see your face, the perceiving mind
with the organ of vision must be in vacancy. They can
not then be within the body, nor can they be a part of it.
Por if they were a part of your body, then I who now see
your face should be part of your body. By means of your
eye which is in vacancy, you know that your body does
not perceive objects. You must therefore hold that there
are two acts of perceiving and two perceiving agents.
You would thus become two persons. It cannot therefore
be said, that in closing the eye and looking on darkness
you see what is within."
Ananda : — " I have heard Buddha say that actions spring
from the mind, and the mind from action (i.e., mind and
action are necessary to each other, and equally unreal). It
appears to me that my thoughts are my mind, and that
wherever my thought is, there is my mind. Thus the
seat of the mind need not be within or without, or in an
intermediate position."
Buddha : — " The mind, Ananda, cannot be where the
thought is; for it is without 'substance' (t'i), and cannot
be at any place. For if an unsubstantial thing could be
said to be at a place, the eighteen limiting points which
excite sensations would become nineteen, and the six
objects of sense would become seven. But that the mind
is unsubstantial can easily be shown. When I touch my
self with my hand, the knowing mind (the resulting act
of knowledge) must come from within outwards, or from
without inwards. If the former, the interior of the body
would be visible ; if the latter, I should first see my face.
Since I see neither, my mind must be unsubstantial."
Ananda: — "It is the eye that sees; though it is not
the eye that knows. To say that the mind sees is in
correct." Buddha : — " If the eye could see, the door of the house in
which you are might also be able to see. The eye of the
dead sees nothing. Further, Ananda, the mind, if it has

300 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
substance, must be one substance or many. Your mind
must pervade your entire body or not. If your mind be a
single substance, when you touch one limb all the limbs
should feel the pressure. If it were felt everywhere, the
sensation would not be referred to any particular spot. > If
the sensation belongs to one part, you who are the subject
of it cannot form a single substance. But neither can
you be many substances, for then you would be many
men. If the substance of your mind pervade your entire
body, a sensation of pressure would be felt in every
part. If it pervaded the body partially, a portion of it
would be susceptible to touch, while the remaining parts
were not so. Since this is not the case, your supposi
tion, that the mind is wherever thought is, falls to the
ground." Ananda : — " Formerly I heard Buddha discoursing with
Manjusiri and others on the true nature of things which
appear. You then said the mind is neither within nor
without the body. It seems to me that without interior
perception there can be no external knowledge. What is
in the body must be perceived, if we are to know what
is outside of the body ; else the mind cannot be within
the body at all. As it is, we only perceive what is
outside, and not what is within. The mind, therefore,
must be neither within nor without, but between the
two." Buddha, in his reply, argues that Ananda is wrong, and
that the place of the mind is not between the inside and
the outside, any more than it is within the body or withr
out in the material things which are the objects of sensa
tions. So ends the first chapter of this book.
Remarks. — The eighteen limiting " boundaries " (kiai) of the sensa
tions are — eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body, mind, colour, sound, smell,
taste, " contact" (chu), law, seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting, feeling,
and thinking.

THE EIGHTEEN BOUNDARIES. 301
These eighteen items are otherwise arranged as six roots, the sen
sorial organs, six kinds of dust, colour, taste, smell, &c, and six
kinds of sensational knowledge.
The second group of six are also called the six thieves, as being the
causes of delusion to all mankind who believe in matter.
The first six are also called the six subjects that " love " (ai), and
the six things that "feel" (tsHng).

( 3°2 )

CHAPTEE XIX.
THE EKASHLOKA SHASTRA.
The "Ekashloka Shastra," translated from the Chinese, with an
analysis and notes.1
The author of the original work, of which a translation is
here given from the Chinese version, was the patriarch
"Nagarjuna" (or Lung-shu), of whom much has been
said in the preceding part of this book. Beside being
the writer of many of the more important Shastras, he
also composed several of the Sutras, though these works
are generally attributed to Shakyamuni Buddha. A keen
reasoner, acute thinker, and voluminous author, such as
Nagarjuna, deserves to be better known, and it is hoped
that the following translation of one of his lesser works
will prove not altogether useless in the elucidation of
Buddhism. It is called Yih-shu-lu-kia-lun, the "Shastra of One
shloka." The three characters shu-lu-kia are in old Chi
nese pronunciation sho-lo-ka. When a double consonant
begins a syllable, it is usual to employ the same vowel
after each consonant in transcribing them in Chinese
characters. Shloka is a Sanscrit term for " verse," and particularly
for a couplet of a certain kind. I take the following
account of it from Williams' Sanscrit Grammar: — "The
Institutes of Manu are written in the Sloka, or Anushtulh
1 Read before the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society, 17th November
1857.

THE EKASHLOKA SHASTRA. 303
metre. This is the commonest of all the infinite variety of
Sanscrit metres^ and is that which chiefly prevails in the
great epic poems of the East. It consists of two lines of
sixteen syllables each, but the rules which regulate one
line apply equally to the other." "The ist, 2d, 3d, 4th,
9th, 10th, nth, and 12th syllables may be either long or
short. The 16th, as ending, the line, is also common; so
too the 8th." " The 5 th syllable ought always to be short.
The 6th may be either long or short ; but if long, then
the 7th ought to be long also ; and if short, then the 7th
ought to be short also." "The last four syllables form
two iambics."
The Hindoo author has in the present instance taken a
single couplet as his theme, and hence the name of his
short treatise. This couplet, consisting in its Chinese form
of four short sentences, appears at the commencement.
We are also informed by an introductory note that the
treatise was translated into Chinese, from the original of
Lung-shu p'u-sa, by the Brahman Gaudama Prajnaluti, at
the city of Lo-yang, in the reign of the Yuen- Wei dynasty.
This city is that now called Ho-nan fu, on the south bank
of the Yellow Eiver, in Ho-nan province. The time of the
translation is the fourth century of our era.
Translation of " Yih-shu-lu-kia-lun "
(the shastra of one shloka).
" My body (or substance) in its nature is not permanent ;
Thus, then, my body is not a body.
My body in its nature not being a body,
I therefore say that it is empty and not permanent."
" It is asked, Why write this " stanza " (Gdtha) ? What
is its meaning ? What man's opinions is it intended to
overthrow? I reply, It is written on account of those,
who in reading Shastras of great length grow weary ; and
also for those intelligent persons, who have studied many
Shastras, and exercised their thoughts (deeply) in the sea
of Buddha's law, but growing fatigued have begun to doubt

304 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
about the doctrine, not by any means to be questioned
or suspected, of the non-permanence of things and the
nothingness of my own body. To destroy such doubts
I have composed this Shastra.
"What says my doctrine? That all kinds of "acting"
(fa) are non-permanent, and my own body is nothing.
The non-reality of my body is not separate from the
non-permanence of all action, my nature and my body
being nothing. Therefore there is no such thing as per
manence. " All the Buddhas, and their disciples of the two classes
Yuen-kioh and Sheng-wen ("Listeners," Shrdvaka), have
obtained their liberation from ignorance by means of this
principle of nothingness; not by the opposite principle,
which maintains the existence of breaking off, and of per
manence in actions. The Gdtha says : —
''Lose sight of this principle of nothingness, and prefer to re
side in body ;
You then obtain a view of things as permanent.
If you say that afterwards they are to be destroyed,
You thus come to see things as having cessation."
" With this meaning I speak of all actions as being in
themselves without real embodiment. The Buddhas, the
' Enlightened' (Yuen-kioh), the Listeners, and the Arhans
have gained their benefits and successes by believing in
this principle.
" I will now speak of what men are to be opposed. If
a man who has gained some knowledge says that, with
out reference to ' action ' (hing), there is non-permanence,
his view is not the correct one. If the so-called non-per
manence is separated from ' existence,' yeu-wei, or (actu
ality), in order to be called non-permanent, then permanence
becomes nothing. Thus, then, actuality and non-reality
are not essentially different. If actuality and non-reality
combine, the actual being joined to the unreal, a bottle.
cannot be broken (which is absurd, a bottle being an actual
thing). If the unreal and the actual combine, the unreal

CAUSATION. 305
being joined to the actual, the Nirvana is destructible
(which is absurd, the Nirvana being not an actual thing).
If the actual and the unreal are, as thus argued, identical,
all kinds of ' teaching ' (or ' action,' fa) are indestructible,
like the Nirvana, which is permanent, and is, therefore,
not produced from any cause. If ' actions ' (hing) are not
produced from causes, they do not differ from the empty
Nirvana. In this case, the method or state of ' actuality '
(yeu-wei) need not be called constant. But if the things
done, being not produced from causes, are still non-per
manent, then the empty Nirvana is not called permanent.
If this be true, the methods of actuality and of non-reality
" are neither of them good. If the non-permanent is parted
from actuality and is still called non-permanent, then actu
ality apart from constancy ought to be called constant.
I But this is not correct reasoning. In which of the Sutras
are there such words as these ?
" What ideas are to be discoursed upon ? What mean
ing is there in that which you now say ? There is much
in it that is unreasonable, such as your crooked mind
• cannot fathom. Therefore what you say, is not correct
doctrine. If men, who have gained some knowledge,
maintain that the (action or) 'law ' of the past, present, and
future is in each case completed from and in itself, this is
to be regarded as a false view. , Why so ? Because it is a
view which omits the notion of cause. If we speak of the
I future as not being produced from causes, but as formed
I from and in itself, then the present is also not produced
from causes, but is formed from its own nature. For the
future and the present are, in their own nature, even and
equal, without any difference. If so, and the law of the
present comes from causes, why, in this case, should not
the law of the future come from causes also ? You ground
this, view either on the Sutras, or upon your own judg
ment. But the statement is incorrect and unreasonable.
Being unreasonable, it is not to be believed. If the law
that regards the future is not produced from causes, but
V

306 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
comes from its own nature, it must be an empty thing;,
Being cut off from any connection with causes, it cannot
be produced from any cause. It is, therefore, not truly
future in itself. But if the future is non-existent, then
the present and past are also non-existent. The present
and the past being non-existent, then time in its threefold
aspect is really nothing in itself. If it be said that it has
a real existence, this is to say that it is permanent, and is
produced without a cause.
" If the disciple of Buddha thinks so, who has reached
some depth in perception, he does not differ from the here
tical teachers, Kapila and others. This Shastra, however,
is not made for such as Kapila and Uluka, but for you
who hold the same views with me. What I have thus far
said, in opposition to the opinions of certain persons, is for
the sake of you who have made some advancement, that
you may reject incorrect views.
" It is on this account that I have compiled this Shastra
and the ' Gdtha of one shloka' (Yi-sho-lo-ka-lun), which
commences my book. I shall now explain the meaning
of this Gdtha.
" When it is said, ' My body, in its nature, is not per
manent,' ' my body ' refers to that which is born and acts,
and which is, therefore, called ' my body.' He who has
made advancement in right perception, being in the midst
of this acting, thinks out for himself that this is the body
(or takes it to be the body). This acting commences in
the region of the physical and mental operations.1 In it
aTe involved also the Sheng-wen and Yuen-kio, who wander
circuitously (in this lower region). Thus, when we speak
of bodies, as one, two, or several ; or of men, as one, two,
or several ; each is considered as having a body indepen
dent of the rest, and they are commonly spoken of as such.
As earth, water, fire, and wind are respectively hard, moist,
hot, and movable, each according to its nature ; so every
1 The "human operations arefive," wu-yin — namely, she, "vision ;" shell,
"reception;" siang, "thinking; hing, " doing ;" sM, "perception.'

NON-PERMANENCE OF OBJECTS. 307
man (and thing) has his own form and substance. Hence
the expression, 'my body.'
" If he who has made some advancement in knowledge
says that man in his birth, in his continued life, and in his
death, is the same in form, he speaks erroneously. The
body of man is, in its nature, not permanent, and, there
fore, its being called body has arisen from the circum
stance that men who have advanced somewhat in true
knowledge have made this distinction. Therefore apart
from the various modes of action, there is no non-perma
nent body ; because man is, in his form, not permanent.
" Therefore Buddha, in instructing the Bikshus respect
ing various acts, represents them all as not constant. This
is on account of what has been already said.
" If it be maintained that, apart from acting, men and
things are non-permanent, retaining their own form, such
an opinion is wrong. Should you not understand why the
phrase non-permanent is used, I will now explain it. It
is because of what is said in the opening stanza, ' Body is
not body.' The notions of body and not body you easily
distinguish. The non-permanent, what is it ? It is with
out body. Therefore it is, that body is not body. In its
own nature it is not body, and therefore it is formally
stated to be without body.
" When it is said, ' My substance, in its nature, is not
substance,' it is asserted that there is no substance but
that which is ' not substance ' (wu-t'i). For this reason it
is said that substance in itself is not such. If you hold
that there is some substance existing beside wu-t'i, you are
wrong; this mode of arguing is not that of the Sutras.
If you assert that the ' absence of body ' (wu-t'i) is what con
stitutes substance, this also is incorrect ; because the Sutras
do not say so. In what Sutra has Buddha, the World's
Honoured one, taught such a doctrine ? It is not to be
found in any Sutra, for it is not ' correct teaching ' (king-
shwo, the ' teaching of the classics ') ; such arguments can
not succeed, because they are not the doctrine of the great

308 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
holy Sutras; they ought not, therefore, to be believed. It
is, then, not only my own words that I bring as evidence.?
" The last sentence says, ' Therefore it is stated to be
empty and not permanent.' Eefer, for example, to the
Sutra, Tiau-fuh-san-mih-fi-king, 'Narrative of Buddha
pacifying and subduing Samidhi,' which says, that Buddha
addressed Samidhi with the words, ' The eye of man is
empty and not permanent. There is no eye that does not
move, that does not perish, that does not change. And
why ? It is its nature so to do. The ear, nose, tongue,
body, and mind have all the same changeable and destruc
tible nature.'
" Buddha, the World's Honoured one, speaking in this
Sutra of emptiness and of non-permanence, on this account
expressed the opinion here stated. Thus we know that all
acts are empty and non-permanent. Being not permanent,
they are without ' body ' (t'i). Consequently all acts are,
in their nature and of themselves, without bodily form.
It is in this way that the meaning of the words ww-t'i,
' without body,' is established.
" If, in this manner, an opinion be tested by the Sutras,
it will be well established. If it will not bear this test, it
must fall to the ground. In my view, what is in the
Sutras must be completely satisfactory. Therefore it is
that the opinion, that ' (my) nature (sing) is in itself with
out body,' has been now employed to bring to its comple
tion ' the Shastra of one Shloka.'
" All kinds of action (or existence), such as body, nature,
' act ' (doctrine), thing, matter, ' existence ' (yeu), are diffe
rent in name, but the same in meaning. Whichever of
these we speak of, the only difference between them is in
the word yeu, ' to be.'
" This word yeu is, in the original language, subhava.1 It
1 This word is a compound of su, "conditions of being." Abhdva is
" good," and bhdva, one of the twelve "privation" or "negation." Pr&-
causes "being." By Colebrooke and gabhdva is " present negation of what
Professor Wilson it is variously tran- will be." Anubhdva ia " notion."
slated, " dispositions," " sentiments,"

ANALYSIS. 309
is translated in several ways, as ' the substance which gives
Isubstance to itself ' (tsi-t'i-t'i), or as ' without action and
with action' (wu-fa-yeu-fa), or as 'the nature which has
no nature of its own ' (wu-ts'i-sing-sing)."
Analysis and Remarks. — The author begins with stating,
in a rhythmical form, the principles he is about to esta
blish. My substance or body, i.e., my whole nature,
material and intellectual, is a passing, changing thing,
and is, consequently, not a real substance at all. It is,
therefore, only right to say of it that it is empty and not
permanent. This principle agrees with the description given of the
Buddhists by Colebrooke, who observes that they are
called by their adversaries the orthodox Hindoos, Sarva-
\minasicas, or "Those who argue total perishableness." They
ideny the permanent existence of atoms, and only allow that
limages of things are formed which immediately pass away.
; The author then gives his reasons for composing the
; treatise, and the Gdtha or rhythmical statement with
which it commences. He wrote it for the sake of such
persons as cannot read through the very long and tedious
I works found in the Buddhist library. He also wished to
place in a short compass the argument for the transitory,
unreal nature of all existing things, for the use of ad
vanced students ; lest they should be influenced by those
5 arguments, self-suggested or presented by others, which
go to prove that the world is real and that the information
given by the senses is trustworthy.
The composition of Buddhist works is varied by the
frequent introduction of passages in a rhythmical form,
not indeed with rhymes or any fixed succession of long
and short syllables, but with lines constantly of the same
length. In the Nepaul originals, there is also a difference
in dialect between the prosaic and rhythmical parts, the
Sanscrit and Pracrit being interchanged. There is no
such transition of dialects in the Chinese translations.

3io

CHINESE BUDDHISM.

The rhythmical parts are called " Gdtha" Kie; in the old
Chinese pronounciation, Gat.
The author lays down as his order of procedure, that
he will first unfold his meaning, then attack the upholders
of opposite views, and afterwards support his own opinions.
He holds that all kinds of action are transitory and
not lasting, that the actor or observer is himself nothing
real, and that these two things are connected. Hence the
doctrine of non-permanence.
The Buddhas and their disciples, he says, had in the
belief of the principle of nothingness obtained "liberation"
(mdksha) from the bonds which restrain the soul. The
opposite doctrine, which holds that things are permanent,
or break off, has never had such an exemplification of
its truth.
Colebrooke says that the followers of Kanade main
tained that things are partly perishable and transitory,
but in part also unchangeable. His followers are called
Vais^shikas. The disciples of Buddha here alluded to, Yuen-kioh and
Sheng-wen, occupy the third and fourth rank in the Bud
dhist scale of being. Their position will be understood by
the following scheme copied from a Buddhist work : —

Four degrees
in "holiness" (sheng).

Buddha. Bodhisattwa.
Yuen-kio.Sheng-wen.

Intelligence. Knowledge and mercy.
Perception gained by the study of causes.
" Listeners," Shravakas.

Six states
of
" ignorance "
(fan).

Devas.
Asuras. Men.Pretas.Animals.Naraka.

"Gods," T'ien.
Monsters, demons.
Hungry ghosts.
Hell.

Four lines in the form of Gdtha are here introduced
representing the doctrines of opponents. Two views are
given — that which regards the universe as permanent, and

NON-PERMANENCE INCORRECTLY HELD. 311
that which describes it as liable to cessation. Both are
considered as erroneous by the champion of Buddhism.
Safety is only to be found in the doctrine of nihility.
In again appealing to the testimony of the Buddhas
and their disciples, he mentions the Arhans. These form
the last in a series of four grades of discipleship. The
attainment of a certain amount of enlightenment in the
Buddhist doctrine is represented as " fruit." These four
grades of discipleship, or " fruits," are called, Su-da-wan,
Si-da-gam, A-na-gam, and A-la-han. In Sanscrit these
names are read " Srotapanna," " Sagardagam," "Anagamin,"
and "Arhan." They are also called the four paths to the
Nirvana. Lung-shu proceeds to controvert by argument, the
opinions of two classes of reasoners, and first of those who
hold the doctrine of non - permanence in an incorrect
manner. It ought not to be held so as to deny the reality
of action, or so as to confound action and inaction. These
terms in Chinese, yeu-wei, wu-wei, may perhaps be trans
lated " actuality " and " non-reality." Their meaning will
be seen by the illustrations used. An earthenware bottle
is adduced as an example of an " actual thing " (yeu-wei),
while the Nirvana belongs to the " non-actual " or wu-wei
class. These instances are brought forward to show that
things of the two classes of objects must not be con
founded. For if actuality be identified with non-reality, a
bottle, it is said, would become a non-actual thing, and it
would be wrong to say that it was destructible. So if non-
actual things were identified with what is actual, the Nir
vana would cease to be indestructible. The distinction, then,
between the actual and the non-actual must be preserved.
The Sutras are again appealed to in proof of this doc
trine. These works are thus seen to be, in the view of
the Buddhist, the standard of truth. They contain the
very words of Buddha, which are held to be necessarily
true. Several hundreds of these books, thus shown to
constitute the scriptures of this religion, have been trans-

313 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
lated into the language of China, and of the other coun
tries where Buddhism prevails. These treatises are not
said to be divine, or to be inspired, for the Buddhist has
neither God nor inspiration in his creed. He only knows
Buddha, the self-elevated human intellect, as the most
exalted being; and he looks on his teaching to be the
purest truth and the highest wisdom. Throughout the
Shastra, which is now presented to the reader, Lung-shu
supports his opinions by the authority of the Sutras which
Buddha has left for the use of his disciples as the reposi
tory of his doctrine.
He goes on to overthrow the notion that the past, the
present, and the future are self-produced, and do not
come from the action of causes. He observes that the
present and the future are as to their nature similar, and
controlled by the same laws ; but the present results from
causes, and therefore the future must also originate in the
same manner. If the past, present, and future do not
come from causes, he argues that they can be nothing real
at all. The holder of such views would thus fall into the
error of Kapila and other heretical teachers.
Kapila, here referred to, was a remarkable personage,
perhaps the most noted of the Indian philosophers. He
founded the Sankhya school. " This system," says Cousin,
in his History of Modern Philosophy} " is at once a system
of physics, psychology, dialectics, and metaphysics. It
is a universal system, a complete philosophy." Cousin
says of Kapila that he advocated sensualism, and that
" one of the ideas which are most opposed to sensualism
being that of cause, Kapila made an effort to destroy it.
The argumentation of Kapila is, in the history of philo
sophy, the antecedent of that of iEnesidemus and that
of Hume. According to Kapila, there is no proper notion
of cause, and that which we call a cause is only an effect
in its relation to the cause which precedes it, which is also
an effect for the same reason, and continually thus, so
1 Translated by O. W. Wight, vol. i.

KAPHA'S DOCTRINE. 313
that the whole is a necessary concatenation of effects, with
out veritable and independent cause."
Professor Wilson, in his learned comment on the San-
khya Karika, criticises this statement of the French philoso
pher, and denies that Kapila asserts the non-existence of
cause. He admits, however, that "he may so far agree with
the philosophers referred to, in recognising no difference
between material cause and material effects;" and adds
that "his doctrine is that of Brown in his lectures on
power, cause, and effect."
There being such a difference of opinion on the views
of this Hindoo philosopher, it is interesting to notice in
the treatise of Lung-shu, that Kapila is incidentally con
demned for denying the existence of cause. Our Chinese
evidence goes to uphold the statement of the French philo
sopher, where he is called in question by his English critic.
-Colebrooke questions whether Kapila be not altogether
a mythological personage. With this distinct allusion
to him in our little work, dating indubitably from near
the beginning of the Christian era, we may perhaps infer
his historical reality, and we also obtain an approxima
tion to the period in which he lived.
Lung-shu proceeds to say that he did not write for the
purpose of confuting such philosophers as Kapila and
Uluka,1 but for the sake' of correcting and confirming the
views of the disciples of Buddhism.
The philosopher, Uluka, I have not found mentioned by
Colebrooke or other writers on the metaphysical systems
of India.
It appears to me that Lung-shu is not explicit enough
in his argument for the production of events from causes,
where he asserts that the present proceeds from causes,
and therefore the future does also, being in all respects
similar to the present in its nature. He does not first
make plain that the present proceeds from cause.2
_ 1 Kia-pi-lo ; in the old pronuncia- to me, that he may regard this as
tion, Ka-pi-la. Yeu-leu-kia'{U-lu-ka). obvious, being what consciousness is
A friend has, however, suggested ever teaching us.

314 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
As already remarked, Lung-shu appeals repeatedly to
the authority of the Sutras. So the advocates of the
Sankhya philosophy appeal to the Sutras of Kapila, which
are, however, brief aphorisms, and not, like those of Bud
dha, long treatises. Yet Lung-shu has besides this another
test of the validity of doctrines, namely, their reasonable
ness or unreasonableness. To this second test he here
brings the doctrines he opposes and condemns them.
In explaining the introductory stanza, Lung-shu first
discusses the origin of the phrase "my body." He ob
serves that it consists of the body and its actions ; i.e., it
means myself. In the region of mental and physical
actions, we come to the consciousness of myself. In this
region the inferior classes of Buddha's disciples continue
to wander partially enlightened.
Advancing from this incomplete view, we speak ordi
narily of men and things, in the singular, dual, and plural
numbers, as separate beings existing independently of
each other, thus increasing the first error. The four ele
ments, earth, water, fire, and wind, differ in their nature,
as being hard, moist, hot, and moving, and so each man
and thing is looked at as having its characteristic diffe
rences from others. Hence the common but erroneous
expression my body, my self.
Lung-shu complains that some persons maintain birth,
duration, and destruction to be the same thing. He then
proceeds to state that the body in its nature is not per
manent, that its being called body has arisen from the dis
tinctions which men in their ignorance have made, and
that the correct doctrine of the body being non-permanent
is inseparably connected with the various physical and
mental operations which spring from the body ; because,
he adds, man is in his entire form non-permanent.
Buddha, in the instructions he gave to the Bikshus his
disciples, always held the doctrine that actions are non-
permanent. This must ever be kept in mind in making
the statement that the body is non-permanent.

PSYCHOLOGY OF BUDDHISM. 315
Bikshu is one of the names given to the followers of
Buddha generally. They are also called Shamen and
Ho-shang. The author then undertakes to prove the second sen
tence of his theme, namely, " Thus, then, my body is not
a body." The doctrine of non-permanence has been intro
duced to aid in proving this. The non-permanent is
necessarily unsubstantial. The things we see are liable
to perish. Therefore they are not real things. We must
speak of things as they really are. Hence the words " my
body is not body," are correct and appropriate.
The third sentence, when it says, " My body in its nature
is not body," asserts that, apart from the unsubstantial
and the vanishing, no body exists ; and that therefore it is
right to say of my own body, that it does not exist.
Cousin, in his lectures already referred to, speaks of the
psychology of Buddhism as being contained in two pro
positions, extracted by Burnouf from Buddhist books.
ist, Thought or spirit — for the faculty is not distin
guished from the subject — appears only with sensation,
and does not survive it.
2d, The spirit cannot itself lay hold of itself; and in
directing its attention to itself, it draws from it only the
conviction of its powerlessness to see itself otherwise than
as successive and transitory.
Burnouf adds, these theses are radically opposed to
Brahmanism, whose first article of faith is the perpetuity
of the thinking subject.
We see that the non-permanence of things, which is so
important a principle with our author, also pervades the
books of Nepaul which Burnouf studied, and constitutes
a watchword of Buddhism.
Lung-shu proceeds to observe that some persons hold
false views on this subject. One opinion is that inde
pendently of the unsubstantial there is substance, but this
is contrary to the Sutras. Others say the unsubstantial
is my body, but this is wrong (although it is correct to

316 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
say that my body is -unsubstantial), because it is not found
in the Sutras. Such are not the words of Buddha, nor are
they met with in the great holy Sutras, and they must
not be believed.
The last sentence, "I therefore say that it is empty
and not permanent," is illustrated by appealing to the
teaching of Buddha in one of the Sutras. He takes the
eye as an example. There is no eye that does not move,
that is not destroyed, that does not change. It is there
fore empty and non-permanent. So it is with the other
sensorial organs. The nature of them all is to change and
decay. The Buddhists in enumerating the organs of sense, after
mentioning the eye, ear, nose, tongue, and body, add the
mind. Lung-shu does so in this passage. The mind, as
the organ of consciousness, is viewed as a sense. We
limit the term sensorial organs to those which are mate
rial, but the Buddhist, not believing in the reality of
material things, calls every organ by which impressions
are communicated a sense.
Buddha having thus expressed his opinion in the Sutras,
it is added, we know that all acts are empty, non-per
manent, and therefore without body. Thus we arrive at
the doctrine that body does not exist.
It should be remembered that the Buddhists regard the
acts of the thinking being as one with his substance.
They do not distinguish between the agent and the act,
but deny the reality and permanence of both in their
unity. Thus they will say, as in this case, " all acts " (yih-
ts'iefa) are without body, instead of predicating this of
the actor.
Hence also he proceeds to say, that human nature is
without body, resting his doctrine on the authority of
the Sutras, and adding that it is the object of this entire
treatise, " The Shastra of one Shloka," to illustrate it.
The same confusion of the agent with his acts presents
itself in the closing sentences of the treatise, where it is

DOCTRINE OF NON-REALITY. 317
asserted that all kinds of action, including body, nature,
acts, thing, being, are but different names for the same thing.
All these varieties in phraseology, he adds, are but
differences in the term yeu, " being." The original word,
adds the translator into Chinese, is subhava, which is vari
ously explained " the substance which gives substance to
itself," " without action and with action," and " the nature
which has no nature of its own."
Bhawo, says Gogerly in his Essay on Buddhism} is two
fold, consisting of moral causative acts and the state of
being. Of these, he adds, kamma-bhawo, or " moral causa
tive acts," are merit, demerit, and all those actions which
lead to existence. The various worlds of the Buddhist
universe are designated by the term bhawo. "Worlds
of sensual pleasure and pain" are kama-bhawo. The
"Brahma worlds" are rfapa-bhawo. The "incorporeal
worlds" are artipa-bhawo, and so on. Here the term
bhava means " states of being."
The numerous modifications of meaning belonging to
this word help to account for the three translations of the
related word stibhava, which close the treatise.
I may observe here, that it is common with the modern
Chinese Buddhists, to defend the doctrine of the non-
reality of material things, by appealing to their liability
to destruction. A priest will contend that a wooden table,
on the application of fire, passing into smoke and ashes,
there is necessarily nothing real in it.
The truth is, that reality and changeableness are both
rightly affirmed of a table, or any other material thing.
The Buddhist asserts with perfect correctness, that the
objects of sense are non-permanent, but he is wrong when
he argues that therefore they are unreal. Christianity,
modern science, and all sound philosophy agree in ascrib
ing reality and changeableness to the objects of sense.
Lung-shu erred in not seeing that these two things can be
reconciled. 1 Quoted in Hardy's Eastern Monachism.

( 3is ;

CHAPTEE XX
EFFECT OF BUDDHISM ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE „
SUNG DYNASTY.
The Sung philosophers differ from Confucius — Five periods of Chi
nese intellectual development — The Sung writers changed the
old cosmogony — The Han writers had already done so — Diagram
of the Great Extreme — Other pictorial illustrations — Avoidance
of the doctrine of a personal God — Materialistic philosophy of
nature — New view of divination.
The Sung philosophers were separated about fifteen,
hundred years from Confucius. During this long period
differences might well spring up, which accordingly we
find. In reverence for antiquity and the inculcation of the
five constant virtues, in teaching the principles of per
petual and universal morality, and in drawing the attention
of their countrymen to the ancient models of wisdom and
virtue, they agreed with Confucius.
In their cosmogony, their philosophy of nature, their
attitude in regard to the ancient practice of divination,
and in their explanation of the Sovereign power in the
world as an abstraction, they differed widely from Con
fucius. Four great stages of literary and national development
may be pointed to as intervening between the great sage
and the age called that of the Sung ju. Each of them
embraced the course of three or four centuries. The first is
that of Mencius, Siiin King, Meh Ti, and Kiih Yuen. Ortho
dox philosophers, heretic philosophers, and a highly popular
poet indicated the medley of unfixed thought in which, at

FIVE PERIODS OF DEVELOPMENT. 319
that time, the public mind was involved. It was a time
of struggle for Confucian and orthodox doctrine, against
various speculators in morals and politics who wished to
advance some one principle to the detriment of others. But
Tauist doctrine was growing yearly in strength.
The second is the Han period. A cloud of critical ex
pounders of orthodoxy, fine historians, editors of the classics,
astronomers, astrologers, alchemists, and Tauistphilosophers
marked this age. Though the authority of Confucius was
upheld, and the classics maintained in profound venera
tion, the tone of speculation was predominantly Tauist-
The air was rife with legendary lore. Tauist magic, the
hermit hfe, the medicine of immortality were fervently
believed in, and magicians were honoured with popular
veneration. The fault of the age was its superstition. Its
redeeming feature was its ardent and successful efforts for
promoting the restoration of the ancient books and their
use in the education of youth.
The third age was Buddhist. It was that of the six
dynasties. The riches of the country were lavished on
Buddhist structures. In all parts of the empire the people
adopted this Indian religion. Hindoo astronomy and
mythology, the knowledge of the alphabet and of tones, and
the introduction of Buddhist metaphysics date from this
time. The Buddhists became a power in literature, and
founded a native school of Indian philosophy.
The fourth age was that of the T'ang dynasty. It was
a time of luxury and poetry. Han Wen-kung and the
poets divided the admiration of the literati of the time
between them. The books made in the department of
criticism were tonic dictionaries based on the new Indian
spelling ; no sages appeared, no philosophers of name ex
cepting Han Wen-kung. Such an age of mental inaction
and enervating prosperity must be succeeded by a period
of mental energy.
Such a period ensued. It was that of the Sung ju, the
philosophers who now undertook the restoration of the

320 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
weakened Confucianism, which, while retaining its posi
tion, had lost its influence over men's minds. When they
appeared on the scene, it had become impossible to retain
the system of the ancient sages in its pure and simple
form. The religion, the politics, the customs, and super
stitions of the people had all changed. But much might,
thought they, be done, and the review of their efforts and
achievements is a most curious section in the history of
humanity, and fraught with salutary warning. They pro
ceeded under the combined influence of Buddhism and
Tauism, to extend and reconstruct the ancient system of
cosmogony. As we read the Yi-king, the very essence of ancient
thought, and the combined work of the most venerated
sages, we fail to recognise a distinct cosmogony. Confu
cius speaks of the Great Extreme as the commencement
"of changes. It produced the two figures. These pro
duced the four images, and these again the eight divining
symbols." This statement looks ambiguous and uncertain
in its meaning. The eight symbols are eight" arrangements
of strokes. We think, then, of primary arithmetic. Is
there much in it besides twice one is two, twice two is
four, twice four is eight ? Confucius, before and after this
passage, is talking of divination. He continues to say:
" The eight symbols determine good and ill fortune, and
these lead to great deeds. There are no imitable images
greater than heaven and earth. There are no changes
greater than the four seasons. There are no suspended
images brighter than the sun and moon. In preparing
things for use, there is none greater than the sage. In
determining good and ill luck, there is nothing greater
than the divining straws and the tortoise."
Evidently the chief thought of Confucius is upon divi
nation, which was the imitation of natural phenomena
succeeding each other in a certain order. If we under
stand the eight divining symbols to be eight departments
of nature, as heaven, earth, fire, water, &c, then we may

HAN WRITERS CHANGED THE COSMOGONY. 321
construct a cosmogony out of the formula above cited.
But the aim of the writer was rather to describe the world
as the object of the wise man's inquiries, and to point out
that he must imitate the laws of phenomenal change which
he observes in heaven and earth, and that he may obtain
the most valuable results by divination. While the sage
looks at his straws, one becomes two, two become four,
and four become eight, as the effect of certain transforma
tions. One of the kwa, or " symbolic sets of lines," is made
up of three or six. Take the former. We find there, say
the Chinese, heaven, earth, and man in miniature. So,
say I, we may find there anything we like. When the
cosmogonical idea enters, then it is indirectly, and it was
not the primary sense. In the Shu-king there is a passage
which speaks of the Hwang-ki, the " Emperor's extreme "
of perfection. The sense in which ki was here used was
of course moral. In Chwang-tsi we meet with the words,
" To be earlier than the Great Extreme, and yet not to be
high." The commentator says that the phrase " Great
Extreme " here means " heaven, earth, and man, included
but not yet separated." Hwai-nan-tsi, a Tauist ©f the Han,
says, " To lead out his class to a position higher than the
Great Extreme." Here is the budding of that cosmogony \
which fructified in the Sung philosophers. The Tauists
did what the early Confucianists failed to do. They
commenced a cosmogony. We find it still more developed
in the Ts'an-t'ung-ki, a work written by the noted Wei
Pe-yang of the Han, Here appears the first map of the
Chinese cosmogony, and it wants the "Great Extreme."
Bent into three concentric circles are seen the li-kwa, repre
senting " fire," and the k'an-kwa, representing " water." In
the li-kwa, the middle is black and the sides are white. In
the k'an-kwa the middle is white and the sides are black.
They rudely picture a fire giving out flames, and a shining
river flowing between two banks. Below this are five
small circles, representing the five elements, wood and fire
being on the left, metal and water on the right. x

323 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
This diagram was put to a fertile use by the Sung philo
sophers. They added to it a hollow circle, to represent the
" Great Extreme" above, and two hollow circles to represent
heaven and earth below. Afterwards Chu fu-tsi made a
change. He thought he would improve the diagram by
throwing out the elements and introducing in their place
the great and little yin, and the great and little gang. He
changed heaven and earth, " the two figures," into yin and
yang. The Sung philosophers, while they extended the cosmo?
gony by adding the map of the " Great Extreme," added
also all the maps printed in the ordinary editions of the
Yi-king. These maps are not found in any text, nor as pre
fatory matter are they earlier than the Sung. The Buddhists
brought the notion of pictorial illustrations with them from
India. Before their time the Chinese made very limited
use of illustrated diagrams. Probably the Buddhists took
the notion from the Greeks, subsequently to the age of
Alexander, when Greeks were in juxtaposition with Hin
doos and other Buddhist peoples in Bokharia, Cabul,
Afghanistan, and the Punjab.
There were, however, sketches of star groups to the
Sing-king, " Star classic " (by Kan and Shi) of the Han.
dynasty, and the strokes of the eight and sixty-four hm
in the Yi-king, Ts'an-t'ung-k'i, and other works. The
arithmetical combinations called Ho-t'u and Lo-shu were
also probably represented by dots or stars. Geometrical
diagrams were not known. Though Cheu Kung was
aware of the property of the right-angled triangle arith
metically, i.e., that the squares of three and four are to
gether' equal to the square of five, he never thought of
expressing it by a diagram. It needed the Greek genius
to initiate the conceptions of geometry.
The. later Chinese writers were unconsciously influenced
much more by Buddhism, a product of the Indo-European
mind, than they ever acknowledged; and they would,
under the impressions made on them, imitate the. greatei

EVASION OF A PERSONAL GOD. 323
effort of the imagination which they there encountered.
Thus they tried to complete the thought "of the old sages
of China, to fill up their outline, and to form into dis
tinctness the shadowy shapes of more ancient ideas. The
round line to represent the T'ai-ki, the circle half white
and half black with the curved diameter which marks
light and darkness, or yin and yang, are new ; and the old
notion of the four seasons, which was popular in the Han
dynasty as explaining the four siang or "images," was
given up for the great yin and the little yin and the great
yang and the little yang, phrases new to the Confucian
doctrine. We cannot wonder that they gave up the four
seasons, for how could the eight kwa come out of the
seasons? Others said that the four siang, or "images,"
were the animals that pass through metamorphoses, such
as the tortoise, the dragon, and the dragon-horse that bore
on his back the arithmetical scheme or magic square offered
to Yii the Great. But why follow out these ideas ? They
were unknown to Confucius. They extended the cosmo
gony without introducing the idea of a personal Creator.
This was due to the influence of Buddhism, and the fact
that the ancient books had not the doctrine. The peculiar
form of their cosmogony was due to Buddhist influence,
which inculcates faith in a creating and destroying Fate,
blindly impartial, entirely impersonal, and incessantly
efficient. If Buddhism had been truly a religion adapted
to draw man back to God, his Sovereign and Judge, the
true doctrine of creation would have been taught in the
Indian Shastras, and the Chinese writers of the Sung
dynasty would probably have adopted the idea. But the
perversity of Hindoo philosophy was better pleased with
irresistible Fate as a substitute for the Divine Euler.
In taking example from the Buddhists in this particu
lar, the Sung philosophers were the more willing, inas
much as the teachers of Tauism had preferred the doctrine
of spontaneous growth, to represent the origin of the
world. The tendency of their speculations was to shut

324 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
out God from the world, so far as His being in any sense
an active Creator.
This remark brings me, by a natural transition, to
speak of the ' difference between Confucius and the Sung
philosophers in regard to their philosophy of nature. In
ancient China, the notion of five elements was already in
existence, but it was not till the Tauists of the Han de
veloped the doctrine that it assumed its modern form. It
was remarkable that, after so great an interval, no gleam
of a true science of nature should have entered into the
intellects of the Sung philosophers. They were too much
devoted to antiquity, and too lacking in independence, to
shake off the yoke of a materialistic nomenclature.
The minds of Confucius and Mencius were warmed by
moral considerations. Political and social questions were
to them deeply interesting. They accepted the divination
of the " Book of Changes " because Wen Wang and Cheu
Kung were the saviours of the state and the advocates of
benevolence and integrity. If divination by straws had
been introduced, subsequently to the epoch of those sages,
by men not taking the rank of sages, the moral instinct
both of Confucius and Mencius would have absolutely
refused all countenance to it.
Like credit cannot be claimed for the Sung philosophers.
Wei Pe-yang, the Tauist of the Han dynasty, and others
from whom they drew ideas, were not the representatives
of a system which made morality its centre, but of alchemy
and a doctrine of self-cultivation which inculcated physical
aids instead of the simple teaching of genuine morality.
The extension of a physical philosophy weakens moral
and religious sentiment. The alchemy and astrology of
the Han made the Chinese nation less disposed to religious
reverence. The occupation of the mind with materialistic
¦ideas and aims obscures the spiritual vision and appetite.
It was in this way, to no small extent, that the Chinese
nation was prepared to receive Buddhism, partly from
religious indifference, and in part also from a desire for

MATERIALISTIC PHILOSOPHY OF NATURE. 325
fervency in ritual and the acquisition of new spiritual
objects on which to fix the soul's gaze. A thousand years
more and Buddhism had had its trial, and been found
wanting. What, then, should have been the course to
be steadfastly pursued by the Confucianists of the Sung
period ? Undoubtedly, if they desired to follow the example
of the sage, they should have opposed tooth and nail the
Tauists and Buddhists. Both these religions are defective
in the moral element, and that is the very soul of the
Confucian system. They would have then done for the
superstitions and heresies of their time what Confucius
and Mencius did fifteen centuries before. When Luther,
in Europe, made a stand for pure doctrine and against
asceticism, he did what might to some small extent have
been done by the Sung philosophers. Instead of this,
they bowed their heads to superstition, allowed idolatry
to increase in the land of Confucius, and raised no voice
against it.
The • most melancholy example of decay in moral and
religious instinct is in the denial of a sovereign moral
ruler in the universe, and the identification of God with
reason and with primeval vapour. This is practically
done by Chu fu-tsi, and he is on this account sharply
condemned by writers of the present dynasty. The ancient
Chinese understood by T'ien either the personal Euler of
the world, or the physical firmament. Chu fu-tsi said T'ien
is nothing but li, " reason ; " and elsewhere he identifies li
with k'i, " vapour." Such was the unhappy result of the
spread of the Tauist physical system and the Buddhist
atheism in China.
The last thing I shall mention is the different attitude
of Confucius and the Sung philosophers in regard to
divination. When Confucius lived, the ancient magic was still in
existence, and, if we take for granted the statements of
the Kia-yii, he practised it himself. However this may
he, he praised it to the skies in the Yi-king. Nothing

326 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
was to be compared with the straws and the tortoise for
solving difficulties in politics, and for unravelling the
enigmas of nature. He believed in divination because of
its antiquity and the great names connected with it. The
whole of it was swept away about the time of Ts'in Shi-
hwang, B.C. 220, not by that emperor himself, for he highly
venerated it, but from want of faith on the part of the people.
It is said that the reason was that the books were lost which
taught the rules. If so, it was not by order of Ts'in Shi-
hwang. Want of faith is the more likely reason. The
Sung philosophers certainly did not believe in the benefits
attending the use of the straws and tortoise in divining,
or they would have recommended to the reigning emperor
that the old divination should be restored. The Sung
writers do not in so many words deny the efficacy of
divination. Their object is plain. They wish to veil the ,
weaknesses of the ancient sages. It is necessary to do
this in order to maintain the reverence accorded to the
sages. They would not like to acknowledge the supersti
tion of these much-admired men. But if driven closely
in argument, the modern Confucianist admits the useless-
ness of divination, and that he himself is without faith
in it.
If we are to believe the modern literati, the faults of
the Sung ju are numberless. I have chosen a few of
their novelties and heresies for the consideration of the
student of Buddhism and the other religions of China.

( 327 )

CHAPTEE XXI.
FENG-SHUI; OR, THE WIND AND WATEK SUPERSTITION OF
THE CHINESE.
An obstacle to civilisation — Meaning of Feng, "Wind" — Of Shui,
"Water" — Use of cyclic characters — Meaning of Lung, "Dragon"
— Names of the geomancers — Hindoo nomenclature — Sha-ckH,
" Destructive vapour " — Dark arrow — Chen-wu, or " Protecting
shield " — Feng-shui professedly based on the " Book of Changes "
— Modern Feng-shui is based on the Han-lung-king — Buddhist
element in Feng-shui — The four elements of the Greeks — The
Hindoo " Air and water " is Feng-shui — Earth, water, fire, and
air are creative forces, existing in successive kalpas, and forming
successive worlds — Resemblance to the theories of the Ionian
philosophers — Geomancy in the T'ang dynasty — Rahu and Ketu
— The Feng-shui system grew out of Buddhism — Native element
in Feng-shui — Nine fancied stars — Causes of the contour of hills
and plains — Stars of the six houses — Feng-shui inconsistent with
genuine Confucianism.
Everything can be made plainer by investigation. Every
thing can be understood better by the bringing together
of facts. The Feng-shui of the Chinese deserves to be
examined, for it is one of the great obstacles to the
progress of civilisation.
It interferes with commercial enterprise. It checks the
efforts of missionary zeal. It interrupts the free thought
of the people, and keeps them wrapped in the mummy
folds of ancient prejudices.
Within the last few years this peculiar system of
native geomancy 1 has been made the ground for refusing
1 Geomancy is properly divination maybe called "geomancy," because
by means of lines or points drawn on it divines by means of lines noticed
the earth. The Chinese feng-shui in the shape of streams and hills;

328 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the establishment of the electric telegraph at Shanghai, of
railways, of a road from Tientsin to the Chai-tang coal
mines, and of I do not know how many more manifest
and desirable improvements, all which would be of the
greatest advantage to the people of the district. I begin
with the explanation of terms. Feng, " Wind," is the first
which occurs. It may be illustrated in, this way.
A grave should not have a hollow near it. The wind
will blow into the grave from that hollow and gradually
disturb the bones and the coffin. In ten years they will
be half turned over. In twenty years or so they may be
entirely turned over. In that case the posterity of the dead
will suffer by a kind of material necessity. Such a wind
is called a wa-feng, from wa, "hollow." An outer wmd
must not be allowed to invade the chamber of the dead, ,
for fear the family fortunes should be disturbed. Thus the
filial piety which takes care of the tombs of parents has
a material reward, and may be nothing beyond a coarse
selfishness ; on the other hand, the want of it is visited by
a natural retribution, involving sickness, poverty, loss of
descendants, and degradation in the social scale.
The aim of the geomancer is to find a spot where the
feng, "cold air which issues from the earth," is hidden.
This they call ts'ang-feng. Where there are no hollows
it is safe to dig the grave, for here there is no outlet by
which this pernicious wind may disturb the dead.
The second term to be explained is Shui, " Water." The
grave must be carefully chosen. The configuration of the
earth is caused by the dragon, whose shape is seen in
the mountain boundary cast upon the evening sky. The
dragon may be traced to its source. It is observable in
the flow of the mountain stream, or in the contour of the
earth. The hollow river bed and the variety of hill and
valley are caused by the dragon. Trace the water of a
valley to its source ; that is the point from which com
mences the influence that controls human destiny. Water
is the element in which the dragon delights. Its wind-

MEANING OF SHUI, OR " WATER." 329
in0- shape as it meanders through a plain gives evidence
of this, for the dragon prefers crooked paths. Since then
the dragon gives prosperity, elevates the king and the
sage, and is the symbol of all exaltation, social, political,
or moral, it is all important to consider the position of
water when selecting the site of the grave. In the valley
of the Ming tombs the water flows from the north-west,
passes under a bridge in front of the grave of the emperor
Yung-lo, and then pursues its way down towards the plain
of Peking on the south-east. Hills in horse-shoe form
embrace the valley. The feng-shui is good.
If the water flows past a certain point of the geoman-
cer's compass, it causes prosperity ; at another, it brings
misfortune. If, for instance, to be more particular in
detail, the branching point of water be at the north-east,
north-west, south-east, or south-west points of the compass,
it is possible that there may be prosperity. If it be at the
east-north-east, west-south-west, south-south-east, or north-
north-west, the elder sons and brothers of the deceased will
become scattered and poor. Water at the east by north,
west by south, south by east, or north by west points, will
ensure happiness to his children, they not being the eldest
or youngest. The same children will suffer misfortune if
water flow past the north by east and west points.
The chief use of the geomancer's compass is to deter
mine, in regard to the water, the direction of flow, the pri
mary source, the points of junction, and the points from
which it starts afresh at a new angle. The grave must be
chosen so that the presaged fate, as fixed by the manual of
geomancy, may be of the most favourable kind.
The cutting of a new road would alter the course of
water, and in various ways affect the calculation of the
geomancer ; and, as the graves of the past generation are
found everywhere, there is no spot where the minds of
the people will not be disturbed by projects involving the
construction of roads. If the mistake in the selection
of a grave site leads to poverty, sudden death, and other

330 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
calamities, may not a railway cutting, or any disturbance
in the course of streams, be equally deleterious ? The faith
in feng-shui must be first eradicated before the Chinese
can be induced to look with favour on railways or any
description of new roads. If the government should
consent to such improvements, their action ought to be
accompanied by edicts and publications authoritatively
condemning the superstition, and showing what solid
reasons there are for disbelieving the whole system of the
geomancers. This would aid greatly in soothing the minds
of the hostile and calming the fears of the ignorant.
But to proceed : the water before a tomb must be running
water. Eiches and rank flow like water capriciously from
one point to another. Hence riches and rank are supposed
to depend on the undisturbed flow of the stream which
passes under the bridge in front of the tomb. Man in
habits the tomb, and his destiny is affected by the sur
rounding circumstances. Eiches and rank are attached to
flowing water, and, if due care is taken by the geomancer
and by the posterity of the dead, a perpetual stream of
worldly honour and wealth may be expected to flow into
the possession of the family.
It may be instructive to dwell for a moment on this
superstition, proving, as it does, that quite as dense a cloud
of ignorance rests on China as upon Europe before it was
illumined by the sun of Christianity and of modern know
ledge. On the geomancer's compass the twelve cyclic
characters, tsu ch'eu, yin, &c, are inscribed at equal dis
tances interspersed with other cycles. The first, tsu, begins
at the north point, and is at the back of the tomb, which
faces the south. The order of the words is from east to
west, according to the diurnal motion of the sun and stars.
Let the observer imagine himself standing at the back of
one of those common tombs, which are protected on the
north side 1 by a long curved bank overgrown with grass.
1 In Southern China this bank is carried around the north, east, and west
sides.

USE OF CYCLIC CHARACTERS. 331
Behind him on the horizon is tsu, next on the left is ch'cu,
and bo on to the south point, wu. If there is a bend in
the course of the water, or a junction of two streams on
the north at tsu, the posterity of the occupant of the grave
will be thieves if poor, and robbed if rich. If on the north
east they will die young, and be left as widows, and men
without children. At the third division, they will be
greatly subject to diseases. If the geomancer notices that
the bend is in the east point of the horizon, he will be
bound to foretell that the posterity of the dead will be
vagabonds. At the next two stations the special evils
indicated are disobedience and rebellion at the one, and
at the other the consequence will be that a snake will
grow of itself in the tomb. This is a very bad sign, and
presages restlessness for the bones of the dead and the
fortunes of the living. It brings the evil wind of unhappy
destiny with special force upon the occupier of the tomb.
The south indicates that the descendants of the dead will
lead licentious lives. Here I stop ; but the geomancer
does not rest till he has boxed the compass with a variety
of evils supposed to befall the possessor of an ill-chosen
site for his grave. Such a system is well adapted to in
crease the authority of the feng-shui sien-sheng, or " geo
mancer." He must be well skilled in all the indications
which the traditions and books of his profession single out
as of importance.
These deceivers of their fellow-men who make their
living by practising on the superstitious tendencies of
their patrons, are sometimes wanting in care for their
reputation. They often carry the thing too far. They are
held up to ridicule not uncommonly by the people, and
especially because the word feng, " wind," is also identical
in sound with feng, " lunatic." The country people ridicule
them as they stand on the grave site to make observa
tions, or creep on the ground, or sit on their thighs, or
superintend the erection of a mound of grass clods, or
come out at evening with a lanthorn to set on the

332 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
mount, as an assistance to them in considering at a' dis
tance the desirable or unfavourable features of the site in
question. Very like is all this to the astrology of the Chaldeans,
that system of magic and fortune-telling against which
Christianity had to fight in the days of Hippolytus and
Origen. The one applied the cycles of astronomy to divi
nation with the object of making gain by telling fortunes.
The other makes use of the same cycles in geomancy to
obtain money by forefending evil and coaxing a good des
tiny upon him who pays the conjuror. He will become the
most popular and best esteemed geomancer who makes the
most cunning observations on the contour of the country
and the arrangement of the streams of water at the spot
where the grave is, or where it is intended to be made.
It is often the case that the care bestowed by the
Chinese on the graves of their ancestors may be less
from respect for the deceased than from fear of ill conse
quences to themselves and their descendants. Large sums
are spent by the rich in the hope of obtaining the best
possible feng-shui for their ancestral tombs. Thus the
stream of prosperity will always flow continuously on
wards in the history of their families, securing them
freedom from poverty, misery, sickness, and obscurity.
The filial piety of China is less sincere than is by many
supposed. It is more selfish than generous, more calcu
lating than spontaneous. The moral sense is deadened in
this country by the prevailing desire for riches and rank ;
and the moral retribution which attends the acts of indi
viduals and nations, is too much hidden from view by a
superstitious belief in an unintelligent physical retribu
tion,1 such as is taught by the Buddhists. When God as
governor is banished from the world, atheistic philoso
phers substitute an impersonal Fate, whose decrees some
times are in harmony with the moral sense in man, but
are perhaps much oftener influenced by low motives, such
1 This is the karma, which is essential to the Buddhist metempsychosis.

MEANING OF LUNG, OR "DRAGON" 333
as are believed by the superstitious to control the acts of
the fetish. In this sense it may be said that the Chinese
have retrograded in proportion as the feng-shui and simi
lar superstitions have extended among them. In the
days of Confucius the moral sense was probably brighter
than it is now, and there was less of superstition. He
lived nearer to the early times of the Old Testament
monotheism. Even in his age, if we compare the know
ledge of God then possessed by the Chinese with that
found in the older classics, we are compelled to admit that
there was deterioration. He felt less than the emperors
T'ang and Wen Wang, the influence of the personal idea
of God as the actual moral governor of the world. As the
faith in a personal God grew dim, the moral sense also
lost its keenness, and the physical heaven came to be
regarded as an object of worship.
The third word I shall explain is Lung, " Dragon." The
word means that which rises and is lofty in location. It
is used of mountains and of national or individual pros
perity. The fabulous dragon of China is a monster with
scales like a crocodile, and having five-clawed feet. He
has no wings, and when he rises in the air, it is by a
power he is supposed to possess of transforming himself at
pleasure. He can make himself large or little, and rise or
fall, just as he chooses. The Chinese dragon, which is a
flying saurian, is not like the Greek dragon, which be
longed to the serpent family, but seems to be an original
Chinese creation, or is connected in some ancient and
unknown way with the West. For our present purpose it
is sufficient to regard it as purely native, and the most
probable cause I can name of the attributes of the dragon
. is similarity of sound with words meaning " high " and
i" ascend." Among the words with which it may be iden*
tified by etymology, through the mutations of letters, are
shang, " to ascend ; " cheng, " the upward motion of steam ; "
t'eng, "to go up ; " sheng, also " to go up ;" lung, " high ; " and
lung, " hill." The geomancer calls all high land lung, and

334 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
all low land shui. The dragon rules the high land, and
water the low land. The chains of hills which almost
encircle Peking are the protecting dragon, which is be
lieved to ensure its prosperity. The hills which surround
in a similar way the Ming tombs are the dragon, which
for three centuries protected that dynasty. The mountain
chains which bound the province of Chi-li are connected
with the Manchurian mountains which cradled the impe
rial family in the days of its comparative obscurity. As
the seat of empire is in Peking, and it is there the reigning
family resides, it is of the highest importance not to disturb
its protecting dragon. On plains the Chinese make a long
mound behind a tomb. This is also the protecting dragon
of that tomb and of the family it represents. It is called
the hill, and its office is to keep off the north wind. When
high land is wanting, trees make an excellent shield against
bad influence.1
The geomancer's books say that the dragon follows the
course of the water. He originates his , influence where
the water takes its beginning, and remains permanently
where two streams meet. They mean here the influence
which produces happiness and misery by a capricious
retribution mixed with a coarse natural philosophy.
Divine Providence is here kept out of view, and is by
implication denied. The elements — fire, air, earth, and
water — dominate. It is by their combinations and acti
vities that human fate is determined. The geomancer's
dragon causes men's elevation, longevity, and riches ; and
his influence varies according as he has more of water, or
of earth, or of any other element. The course of the
dragon must be in each instance examined, and it is
decided by the direction of the water. But the contour
of the ground, whether rising or falling, high or low, must
also be considered. Such investigations were made, for
example, in regard to the site of the grave of the emperor
Yung-lo, and hence the selection of that beautiful valley
1 See Essay by Kev. Dr. Yates.

DOCTRINE OF THE DRAGON. 335
where the Ming emperors are buried. The Manchu
emperors afterwards despoiled the tombs of that dynasty.
Much of the teak timber and marble was brought away to
use in the new edifiees of Yuen-ming-yuen and the other
pleasure grounds of the imperial family. Then they
began to fear the consequences on themselves and their
descendants. The influence from the Ming tombs on the
north might have a disastrous effect upon them while
enjoying their summer retirement. They therefore erected
those geomantic walls which are seen on the hill sides
facing north-north-east on the way to Hei-lung-t'an from
Peking. These walls, it was supposed, would check the
pernicious influences which might otherwise strike them
from the invisible retributive power, which was still sup
posed to watch over the last resting-place of the once
mighty dynasty of the Ming.
It is plain that the geomancer's capricious retribution,
if believed in by a nation, must have most injurious conse
quences in its manifest interference with the doctrine of
moral retribution. It is of a piece with the luck of the
Chinese calendar, the belief in the efficacy of red colour
and favourite moral sentences in keeping off demons,
the choice of days for marriages and funerals, and the
remainder of the endless list of native superstitions still
believed in in this country.
In describing the effect of the dragon, the geomancers
say he can remove the " spirit of death," the sha-ch'i, and
preserve life. The sha is a malicious principle, the shat
of the Hebrew and Arabic languages, and the ch'itgur of
the Mongols. When this principle invades the body, man
dies. They believe, however, that this enemy who killa
and injures men is not invincible. The dragon has the
power of checking it. It is curious to notice that here we
have to do with impersonal yet living principles. The sha
does not receive a proper name. In a Western country
these superstitions would have been clothed in the
language of a graceful mythology. The Chinese, belong-

336 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
ing altogether to a more primitive and prosaic type than
the Greek race, are content with simply calling them good
and evil principles.
I shall now say a few words on the professional names
assumed by the geomancers. They call themselves pro
fessors of ti-li, " the doctrine or description of the earth,"
"geography." This name is in contrast with t'ien-wen,
"astronomy," which means the description of heaven
astronomically and astrologically, as ti-li geographically
and geomantically is of earth.
What astrology is when compared with astronomy, such
is geomancy when compared with geography. The astro
logical section in the geomancer's books is bulky. They
tell us that the stars shining down (or coming down, for
they suppose them movable) give the mountains their
form. Some adopt the Hindoo nomenclature, and make
the Sumeru mountain the centre of the mountain and
river system of the world. Others, who object to offer so
great a concession to the foreign doctrine of Buddhist
books, prefer to assign this honour to Kwun-lun, the old
Chinese name of the mountains dividing Thibet from Tar-
tary. On the north side of these mountains, the Chinese
probably resided for a time before proceeding to take
possession of their present home, and the same chain
has always taken a prominent place in their notions of
geography. It is the backbone from which the other
mountain chains proceed, and they form together a kind
of terrestrial skeleton. The rivers form the veins and
arteries, and the mountains the bones, of a living earth.
The whole is imagined to be so like the heavens, that
certain stars correspond to certain terrestrial spaces, and
exercise rule over them. Kwun-lun rules the hills, as the
Pole star rules the stars. When the geomancer takes his
position to inspect a site for a grave, house, or city, he
fixes upon a spot which is called hiue, a name that may
be translated into English by, what are indeed possibly,
its etymological equivalents, "hole" or "hollow." The

SHA-CH'I. 337
windings of the surface in its neighbourhood, whether
stone, sand, or loam, extending all round until the view
is bounded by hills or the horizon, constitute the constel
lations which encircle it as the stars do the pole. As in
heaven, the twenty-eight zodiacal groups represent the
Blue dragon in the east, the Eed bird in the south, the
White tiger in the west, and the Black warrior in the
north, so it is supposed to be in the limited horizon of
which the centre is the required site. It is in accordance
with this system, half astrological and half geomantic, that
the professor of ti-li proceeds in searching for what he
calls the " true dragon " in each case.
The expression k'an-yu is also used. This is a favourite
name on the signboards of Peking geomancers. The
best explanation of this phrase seems to be that which
represents k'an as " heaven," yii as " earth." Kan is the
covering let down over an idol, as in the phrase Fo-k'an,
"A shrine for Buddha," and it here represents the sky as a
canopy stretched over the world. Yii is the " chariot " in
which man is borne. It is not so well known as it should
be, that in China in the Han dynasty a gleam of true light
shone on the minds of some of the literati in regard to
the system of the world. They accepted the noble idea,
probably propagated from the West through Central Asia,
that the earth moves, while the heavens are at rest.
Pythagoras, if this be true, had disciples even so far away
as China. It is -possible that the phrase k'an-yii may hint
at this idea. Hence the application of the yii, " chariot," to
geography and the earth.
Another term requiring explanation is sha-ch'i. It is
this which is feared when a ying-pei, or " shield wall," is
erected before a house door. The dangerous vapour known
as sha-ch'i, causing various calamities, might enter by an
unprotected door. Every house entrance in Peking has
its devices for preventing straight access. The path must
wind, and many methods are employed to save the house
from the unwelcome intrusion. But there may be some
T

338 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
confusion here ; for the idea of a winding entrance to a
house arises from the desire to keep men at a distance,
as well as demons, and to make a limit between what is
public and what is private.
The "secret arrow," an-tsien, is a name given to evil
influences coming by a small lane in front of a door, or
the lane itself is so called. To oppose the bad influences
travelling along a lane towards an open door, a stone lion
on a pillar, carved with characters indicating the capability
of resistance, is placed.
Opposite the entrance, nearly every lane in Peking is
thus defended. This and similar " protecting shields " are
termed chen-wu. Some Buddhist structures are built to
act as chen-wu. Such are pagodas and temples. In the'
same way operate inscriptions and tigers cut in paper. It
is usual to carve stone pillars employed as chen-wu with
the words T'ai-shan-shi-kan-tang, because T'ai-shan is the
most honourable of mountains, and mountains are a pro
tecting shield to buildings and graves. The carving of the
above sentence (meaning, "This stone from T'ai-shan dares
to resist ") is supposed to constitute a sufficient barrier.
Among other things that should not be opposite to a
house door are a well, a grindstone, the corner of a wall,
a temple, two streets crossing, and the entrance to a lane.
Among things that protect a house and its inmates is a
little image of Kwan-ti, god of war, erected on the roof.
A stone arrow is also employed for a similar purpose. It
is believed to be a defence against the " dark arrow " of the
malignant demon.
Among inscriptions over a door of great efficacy is one
in honour of Kiang T'ai-kung, a hero of the Chen dynasty
— " Kiang T'ai-kung is here ; there is then no fear," Kiang-
t'ai-kung-tsai-ts'i-pe-wu-king-ku. To have a temple behind a house is a most favourable sign.
To be on the east side is also lucky. But to be on the west
is bad, and on the north worse. Yang-chai, yin-chai; the
"light house and dark house," each has its feng-shui.

BUDDHIST ELEMENT IN FENG-SHUI. 339
In regard to the origin and history of feng-shui, a few
notes here appended may be found useful in the absence
of minute information on an obscure subject.
It professes to be based on the Yi-king, where a rude
system of nature is traced by means of a cycle of eight
elements, including heaven, earth, mountains, lakes, thun
der, &c. On this are founded methods for the seeking
good fortune and avoiding ill. On account of its classical
authority and repute, every fortune-teller naturally claims
that his rules find their origin here.
The real feng-shui of the present generation is, how
ever, to be found rather in the Han-lung-king and such
works which are of modern date. The name of this
treatise means the " Book for shaking the Dragon." It is
of the last century.
It is a system which has been in course of formation
since the Han dynasty, and has in it Buddhist, Tauist,
and Confucian elements, or, as it should rather be stated,
Buddhist and native.
Let us begin with the Buddhist. The very name feng-
shui has in it a tinge of Hindoo notions. The Buddhist
Hindoos in China taught the Indian natural philosophy.
Their elements were four, namely: — ti, "earth;" shui,
"water;" hwo, "fire;" feng, "air." As these agree with
the Greek doctrine of physics, we may perhaps ascribe its
origin to Greece or rather to Babylon, that great centre of
ancient civilisation which deserved still more than Egypt
to be called " Mother of the sciences."
Writers on India tell us that the natives of that country,
when they speak of climate, always call it '' air and water."1
Since then the Chinese word feng, " wind," was used by
them for air, one of the four elements, it is highly probable
that the Hindoo physics have something to do with the
origin of the name by which the Chinese geomantic
doctrine is known.
To illustrate the way in which the old Hindoo philo-
See Sir James Martin's Influence of Tropical Climates on Europeans.

340 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sophers discoursed on the elements, I shaU here mention1
that they speak of white clouds as having in them more of
the element of earth, of black clouds as having more of
water, of red as having more of fire, and of yeUow as having
more of air.
Thunder they believe to be caused by the meeting in
the clouds of the wind area with the water area, of the
wind area with the earth area, and of the wind area with
the fire area.
Calamities caused by wind, fire, and water have local
limits in the Buddhist universe. Thus fire works destruc
tion no higher than to the paradise caUed Kwang-yin fieri,
" The heaven of brightness and sound." 2 So also with the
other elements, each has its sphere and its period of effi
ciency. The kalpas are terminated by one or other of
these powerful elemental forces. By their interaction
the world is formed, changed, destroyed, and renewed. It
was under the influence of such a philosophy that Milton
said (for in his time the Greek doctrine of the elements
was stiU undisturbed in Europe) —
" Air, and ye elements the eldest birth
Of nature's womb, that in quaternion run,
Perpetual circle multiform, and mix
And nourish all things, let your ceaseless change
Vary to your great Maker still new praise."
The heaven of Brahma is said to have been formed by
wind blowing on water, in which grew up of itself a vast
mass of moist matter. On this again the wind blew, and
out of it formed the palace of Brahma, which exhibited in
abundance the most beautiful combinations of the pre
cious metals and stones of every kind known to man.
The sea is said to have been formed by the mighty
winds of heaven blowing upon the earth till they dug in
it a vast hoUow. In this was placed an immense collec-
1 Fa-yuen-chu-lin, chap. iv. This work is a Buddhist cyclopedia of the
T'ang dynasty. 2 Fa-yuen-chu-lin, chap, i.

RESEMBLANCE TO THE IONIAN THEORIES. 341
tion of water, which settled itself in its bed and became
the ocean.
Here the wind is seen as a great creating agency. An
impersonal actor is the aspect in which each of the four
elements is regarded by the Hindoo philosophy of nature.
This accords well with the superficial view of natural
phenomena taken by the Eastern Asiatic mind. The
Semite and the believer in the Bible view the events of
creation and of universal nature as caused by God. Science
comes into the field of nature, and finds out what are the
second causes operating to produce observed phenomena.
The Christian believer, when convinced of their truth,
accepts the results of science as safe and genuine addi
tions to our knowledge, and as harmonising with the
teachings of religion. With the Eastern Asiatics it is dif
ferent. The elemental philosophy of the ancient Hindoos
could not be scientific, nor could it base its system of
nature on a series of patient observations. It was not in
the capacity of the Hindoo to undertake such inquiries.
He was content, then, to imagine where he could not dis
cover. He therefore willingly adopted that view of nature
—probably in its origin Greek, and ultimately Babylonian
—which made of the four elements as many active powers
controlled in their working, not by a conscious will, but by
a blind yet retributive necessity.
It is interesting to note the resemblances between the
Hindoo physical system of the world and that of the
Ionian philosophers. Thales of Miletus, who lived B.C.
600, held that water is the origin of things. Out of water
everything is derived, and to it everything ultimately
returns. Heraclitus of Ephesus believed the one principle
which underlies aU phenomena to be fire. The world is
formed, he taught, by evolution from fire ; not made by
God or by man. This fire is a rational intelligence con
trolling the universe. It also is the human soul. Anaxi-
menes said that the physical principle which originates
nature is air, and aH the elements may be resolved into

342 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
this. Air made dense gave birth to the earth, and from the
earth were formed the heavenly bodies. The air acts by
motion impressed on it from eternity, causing in it alter
nate rarefaction and compression. This air he thought
to be eternal. Anaximander of Miletus was a friend of
Thales. He held the elements of the world to be simple
and unchangeable, and taught that they formed all things
by concurrence with homogeneous particles already exist
ing.1 Let it be observed that all these philosophers regarded
matter as the cause of all things. They lived two centu
ries before Anaxagoras, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, who
extended their inquiries into the world of mind, and taught
a system in which either mind in the abstract, or God, was
regarded as the source of the world.
No more do they resemble Pythagoras, who, living early
enough to be the contemporary of some of them, formed a
system of his own based on numbers. The secret soul of
the world which causes its various phenomena is a prin
ciple of harmony.
Zeno, founder of the Stoics, coming after Socrates and
Plato, went back to that principle of the Ionian philo
sophy which finds the origin of the universe in physical
elements. The universe, he said, comes into being when
the primary substance passes from the state of fire into
that of air, then takes the form of water, and finally
throws off both its thick portions to become earth, and its
rarer parts to become air, afterwards fire. He also held
with Heraclitus and with the Hindoos, that the world
passes through successive periods of decay and reforma
tion, that is to say, the Indian kalpas.
There does not seem much danger, then, in ascribing the
Hindoo philosophy of the elements to the Ionian school
for its germ. The effect of Alexander's conquest was felt
in India in new views communicated on mathematics,
astronomy, architecture, and physics. Hence we learn why
1 Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

GEOMANCY IN THE T'ANG DYNASTY. 343
the doctrine of the four elements was so extensively taught
by the Buddhists in Chinese literature of that religion.
According to this view, the feng-shui of the Chinese
may be traced to the early Greek philosophy as one of its
causes. During the three centuries before the birth of
Christ the region of the Punjab was ruled for a long
period by Greek kings, and it was here that many of the
Buddhist books were written. Some of the most prolific
writers of this religion resided in the Punjab and its
neighbourhood during the Greek domination over Persia,
Parthia, Bactria, and a part of Worth- western India. What
wonder if they proceeded to supplement their system by
the materialistic philosophy of the Ionians ? They were
pleased with a cosmogony which had no recourse to the
doctrine of a Creator.
The following account of what took place in the eighth
century will illustrate the influence of Buddhism on the
geomancy of that time. Sii Kien, an official of high rank,
when about to bury his wife, inquired of a friend how he
should construct the grave with regard to its mound and
limits. His friend told him of a Buddhist priest of the
city of Hwang-cheu, who knew how to connect the affairs
of men with those of demons and spirits. The grave
should be deep and narrow ; deep for darkness, and narrow
for security. Below the surface twelve feet is the limit
of earth, and eleven feet lower is the commencement of
water. The earth and water regions have each a dragon
to take care of them. The dragon reveals himself in the
one case in six years, in the other case in twelve. If a
trench be of ordinary limits, the spirit's path is not tran
quil. The grave should therefore be twenty-four feet deep.
Instead of lime-plaster, use starch. Do not place earthen
ware pitchers in the tomb, because they are allied to the
element of fire. Do not place gold in the tomb, lest it
should become an elf. Do not place orpiment or arsenic
in the tomb, because they are hot by nature. Let the
grass and trees on the tomb be withered and not fresh.

344 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Melt iron into the shape of cows and pigs ; they will
keep the two dragons in subjection. Smooth and clean
jade-stone has the power to harmonise the hundred spirits
of nature. Place it in the tomb to illuminate the path of
the spirits.
As a further proof of Hindoo influence on the Chinese
mind in the formation of the circle of ideas known as
the feng-shui, t'ien-wen, and ti-li, may be mentioned the
names Baku1 and Ketu, to denote the genius of the
ascending and descending nodes of the moon's orbit. Also
the use of the triangle, connecting three points of the
horizon a hundred and twenty degrees apart, in casting the
horoscope is common to China and India. Then also from
the mention in books of geomancy of the Sumeru mountain
as the centre of the world, it is evident that they have
borrowed from India.
It was for such portions of Buddhist teaching that the
Chinese mind had a special affinity. The Chinese are fond
of materialism. As Shakyamuni taught Buddhism, it was
an ascetic morality. His followers soon gave it a decidedly
metaphysical cast. Then foHowed the materialistic phase,
when magic, astrology, and geomancy were developed.
The Hindoo Buddhists who taught in China brought with
them the whole educational system of their time. In it
was included much belonging to the three branches of
superstition just mentioned.
In accordance with this view feng-shui as now believed
is a very modern thing, and subsequent to the spread in
the country of Hindoo thought. The mixing of Indian
with Chinese ideas produced both the Sung philosophy2
1 In Chinese, Lo-heu for La-hu. It is not uncommon for doctrines to
The twenty-eight constellations of the be attributed to the Chinese as »
Chinese zodiac I suppose to have given nation which only belong to a partial-
origin to the Hindoo Nakshatras in lar modern sect of the literati. While
the Han dynasty. some writers attack the Chinese for
2 It would be interesting to trace beliefs which they do not hold, such
the effect of Greek and Indian mate* an examination of the modern native
rialistic philosophy on the formation philosophy might prove useful.
of the modern Chinese cosmogony.

NATIVE ELEMENT IN FENG-SHUI. 345
and the modern feng-shui, which has been chiefly developed
in the present dynasty.
I now proceed to the native element in the feng-shui.
This may be made, so far as it is physical, to include
astrology and the doctrine of starry influences and the
elements as taught in the native Chinese literature. The
nine fancied stars which move about in the air, and are
either lucky or malignant according to circumstances, must
here be referred to. They form an extensive portion of the
geomancer's system of follies. All this may be described
as the Tauist part of the feng-shui.
After this a few words must be added respecting the
moral or Confucian element in the feng-shui, and the
effect of the example of distinguished Confucianists in
encouraging popular superstition on this subject.
After a brief allusion to the north star and the chief
northern consteHations, the writer of the work caUed
Ean-lung-king goes on to describe minutely the influence
of the nine stars, or influences, which move through the
atmosphere and cause prosperity and adversity to men.
The first is Tan-lang, " Covetous wolf." It has twelve
characteristics. Of these five are lucky and seven unlucky.
The lucky are pointed, round, flat, straight, and small. The
unlucky are not in the middle, crooked, one-sided, pre
cipitous, turned over, broken, and empty. The pointed is
shaped like a bamboo sprout. The round is complete on all
sides. The flat is perfectly level like a lying silkworm.
The straight indicates absence of one-sidedness. The other
characteristics are the appearance of being ready to faU
over, the presentation of a precipitous cliff, of the breaking
off of a watercourse, hoHowing into caves, and so on.
Biagrams in accordance with these indications are
given of neighbouring hiUs which are supposed to exert
a corresponding influence on a grave according to their
shape. The writer adds in the rough poetry of books such
as this, " Men say the covetous wolf is good, not knowing
that pure and chaste desires are still more important. With

346 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
all the advantages derivable from the covetous wolf, with
out pureness and honour, no person, even if he acquired
rank, would attain to the three highest, anciently known
as the San-kung." The prevailing element is wood.
Looking at the diagram only, the reader sees a conical
hill or elevation, a mushroom shaped outline, and a series
of four or five conical hills presented in half profile. These
appearances all prove the presence of the " covetous wolf"
The second moving star is Chu-men, " Great door." The
form loved by this spirit is fiat at the top and square on
the sides. When a hiU presents the appearance of a square
or trapezium with the upper line horizontal, the pheno
menon is caused by the presence of this influence. Wood
is the prevailing element.
The third star is Lu-tsun, " Eank preserved." Nine
shapes in hills mark its presence. Its favourite shape has
a flat top, a cylindrical body like a drum, and at the bottom
it spreads into five branches like the toes of the human
feet. Properly it should be a malignant star, because its
shape partakes of a spotted and mixed nature. But it is
able to adapt itself to conditions which secure good luck.
It causes men to attain the lower ranks of promotion, such
as the chief magistracy of cities of the second and third-
ranks, and, in certain circumstances, gives the control of
troops or of literary examinations. The five-toed appear
ance is represented in the map as sometimes three or four
toed. There are also other modifications. Earth is the
ruling element.
The fourth star, Wen-'chil, " Literary windings," belongs
to the element of water. It loves the shape of the snake
when seen moving with three or four bends of the body.
The " Men of the Dragon," Lung-kia, as the geomancers
call themselves, can detect the presence of this influence
in the contour of hiUs. It has, like the other stars, a nor
mal and several occasional shapes. When thin, it is the
snake proper ; if thicker, it is a caterpillar ; if still wider,
it becomes a cast net. The geomancers profess to attend

CONTOUR OF HILLS AND PLAINS. 347
to the points of bending in the snake, because these indi
cate the line of water-flow and of the dragon's influence.
The fifth star is Lien-cheng, " Purity and uprightness."
Its element is fire. The ancients highly valued it, says
the manual, and called it Eed flag and " Brilliant vapour,"
Yau-'ki. It likes a lofty position, rugged heights, umbreUa
folds, and the shape of a flattened ball. One form it
assumes is that of the " Dragon tower," Lung-leu, which
is a conical elevation, overtopping all beside it. Another
is that of the "Palace of precious things," Pau-tien, in
forming which several cones of equal height are seen in
parallel rows. The imaginations of the geomancers lead
them also to fancy the appearance in rocky outline of the
tortoise and the serpent guarding some little mountain
gorge. This is considered to be an indication of the best kind
of dragon influence, for here passes some water channel.
The sixth star is Wu-chii, " Military windings." Its
element is metal. It is round at the top and broad at the
bottom, like a bell or an inverted cooking-pan. In judg
ing of the hill shapes that belong to this star, it is easy to
mistake the demon for the dragon. This is specially the
case when the shape observed is that of an inverted spoon,
the spoon being like the tail of the Great Bear, or rather
the " Seven stars," usuaUy called Pe-teu, in their entire-
ness. The demon and the dragon are both in the habit of
assuming the shape of an inverted " dust-pan " (ki), an in
verted " spoon " (sho), and an inverted " palm," chang (palm
of the hand). The skill of the geomancer is displayed in
distinguishing the appearances. The demon may affect any
one of the nine stars ; and, as there is the fourfold form,
square, round, crooked, and straight, there may be thirty-
six shapes to be considered. Generally speaking the
locality of the demon is behind the " grave site " (hiue),
and the corresponding genius in front of it is called kwan,
."officer." If the demon and the genius of office look at
the tomb site, it is a lucky sign. If they turn their backs to
it, the dragon of prosperity wiH not take up his place there.

348

CHINESE BUDDHISM.

The seventh star, Po-kiun, " Breaker of the phalanx^" is
referred to metal. It has one normal and four peculiar
shapes. The normal shape is that of three round-headed
cones, seen one rising above another like the folds of a flag
when carried by a person walking. Below it has ugly-
looking points like spear points. Persons seeing these
conclude too hastily that this star is malignant and
unlucky. It is so, but in certain circumstances it may
become highly serviceable for acquiring riches and rank.
Consider what stars it corresponds to in the sky, Its
power is formed by the descending influence of the " Three
terraces," San-t'ai, three pairs of stars in our Great Bear.
Upon high hills the celestial essence of these stars collects,
and becomes formed into six terrestrial or atmospheric
stars, called Lu-fu, the " Six palaces." They are all mingled
with the influences of the five elements.

STARS OF

THE SIX

HOUSES.

I.
2. 3-
4-

Shape.
RoundOblong, round
Round head, long body
Alive, crooked, moving

Element. MetalMetal
Wood Water

Name.
T'ai-yang, " Great light.",
T'ai-yin, " Lesser light."
Tsi-k'i, " Purple vapour."
Yue-pu, " Moon disturber."

5-
6.

Square
Conical

EarthFire

Ei, " Plan."
io, "Net."

The eighth star, Tso-fu, " Left assistant," is under the
influence of the element, of metal. Its normal shape is
that of a head with a napkin wrapped round it, in front
high, behind low. This star is a servant to the great
dragon, who gives shape to the consteUations of astronomy.
Fu (the eighth) and Pi are two stars seen near a in Her
cules, called by the Chinese Ti-tso, " Emperor's throne,"
and by European astronomers, Bas Algefhi. On account
of their proximity to the throne, it is assumed that these
stars confer honour on men by their influence if happily
directed. The ninth star, Yeu-pi, " Eight assistant," has no fixed
shape. Its element is water. Flatness is its favourite

STELLAR INFLUENCES. 349
characteristic. Where hills break off and give place to
the plain, it loves to be. It rules even surfaces. It is
therefore called Yin-yau, " Hidden glory." It is also fond
of narrow threads and dim vestiges of things. The snake
creeping through grass, the fish leaping on sand, the spider's
thread, the traces of horses' hoofs, and the strings of the lyre
are presided over by this star. It likes that which is half
real and half unreal, and which is scarcely visible to the
eye. The aid of this star is said to be particularly valu
able in cases of doubtful feng-shui. The unskilled geo
mancer wiU say, " This is a level plain, I can make nothing
of it ; I need some elevation to guide me in the diagnosis of
the neighbourhood." He forgets that water flows not only
down a hill but even on a plain, and that there is a diffe
rence of level there. One inch is enough for the true
"discerner of the dragon." Or the tyro in the mysteries
of the feng-shui foUy may say, " This ground is wet. The
fault is fatal. You must not bury your dead here." Fool
that he is, he perceives not that to decide so hastily is most
unwise. Does not the wetness come from an unusual flow
of water ? When the water disappears, this place will be
soon as dry as those which are higher. The Eight assist
ant loves this state of doubt, and hence the differences in
opinion between geomancers respecting the characteristics
of the same spot or region.
It may be said generaHy in regard to the nine stellar
influences that, when seeking for a lucky hollow, you find,
for example, here the appearance of a breast, there of a
swallow's nest, here a ploughshare, there a comb, here the
tumed-up hand, there the spear or lance, and there a hang
ing lanthorn ; these effects of starry influence point out
the true nature of the desired " hoUow " (hiue). The
dragon makes the hollow, and in seeking it the correct
indications of the dragon's action must be followed.
It would be of little use to foHow the Chinese geo
mancers further into the lucky and unlucky effects of
these stars, their division of hills into " male " (hiung) and

35° CHINESE BUDDHISM.
" female " (ts%), into " patriarch " (tsu) and " small hills "
(siau-feng), and into " branches " (ch'i) and " stems " (km).
Enough has been said.
This whole doctrine of starry influences may be readily
traced back to the system of the Tauists in the Han period.
Hwai An-tsi, Wei Pe-yang, Pau Po-tsi, and others, taught
just such a philosophy of nature as might give origin to
the more modern views of the geomancers. Astrology and
alchemy were then in their glory. The former of these
influenced geomancy and encouraged popular belief in mov
ing starry influences. From whence came that astrology ?
The answer should be from Western Asia and India, but
full data on this point are wanting. Not only the imagir
nary stars of the geomancers must be traced to the Han
period, but aU those star genii and demons of the imperial
.calendar which are popularly believed to be in perpetual'
movement in people's houses, in streets, and in the air,
may be assigned to the same origin. It was then that the
habit began in China of regarding the stars as movable
beings regulating the affairs of kingdoms, cities, and indi
viduals. Though the names of the nine stars are new,
they are identified by the geomancers with the seven stars
of the Great Bear and two neighbouring stars. They
move up and down in the ether of space, and are either
visible as individual stars, or, if invisible, traverse the
world each with an elemental force of its own, to give form,
character, and vigour to those parts of nature to which they
attach themselves.
The remaining element in feng-shui which now comes
to be considered is moral. The choice of a grave is to be
made in accordance with the rules of geomancy, because
filial piety requires it, and it is sanctioned, it is said, by
the example of the sages.
To prove, however, that Confucius himself believed at
aU in any of the nonsense connected with geomancy is
very difficult. It is said in the biography of the sage by
Si-ma Chien that, not knowing where his father's grave

INCONSISTENT WITH CONFUCIANISM. 351
was, he inquired of the mother of a friend. Learning from
her the locality, he buried his mother there. In the Li-ki
it is said of Confucius that he was at first unwilling to
make a mound over the grave, because the ancients did
not. At last he consented to carry out the suggestion, but
the person left in charge of this duty soon came to the sage
to announce in an agitated manner that rain had faUen
and reduced the mound to a level. Confucius regretted
that he had aHowed himself to depart from primitive sim
plicity. These little incidents seem to show that he had
no notion of geomancy, and that he loved simplicity.
In early times it was enough for emperors to be buried
on high mountains under a large mound, while feudatory
princes were content with hillocks, and the common people
found their last resting-place in the plain. There was no
thought then of the course of water flowing past the tomb.
An ancient said, " I have been of no benefit to man
kind while living. Let me not injure them when I am
dead. Choose my burying-place where the earth yields
no food for man." Others have said, " If a man dies on
the hills, let him be buried on the hills.. If he dies in the
lowlands, let him be buried in the lowlands." This was
said with a view to economy. It would be a useless
expense to convey the body to a distance. For the same
reason another noted person of the Han period ordered his
son to bury him without a coffin in a grave dug in the
ground. In the T'ang dynasty a high officer gave direc
tions that he should be buried in a plain manner, without
monument or stone of any kind, and over his grave the
villagers were to be allowed to plough and sow as of old.
Such dying instructions as these have been carefuUy
preserved by the Chinese literati, who felt that they were
more in accordance with true wisdom than the follies
which afterwards grew into vogue. They show the proper
standpoint of the genuine Confucianist. With him every
thing must give way to moral considerations.
In arguing against, feng-shui and the other superstitions

352 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of the Chinese, we ought to find on this ground a fast
friend in the true follower of Confucius. The freedom of
Confucius from superstition is one of the best proofs of the
greatness of his mind; and a main cause of his ascendancy
over the literary class. His utterances on the danger of
excessive reverence to the kwei-shen have been a barrier
against Buddhism, and prevented the extension of its
soporific influence over the whole nation. The literati
have thus been kept in an independent and self-sustained
position, and have not become quite overwhelmed by this
intrusive foreign element. Hence, the scions of scholarly
families and students who have read extensively are
trained in a school of ideas antagonistic to superstition.
These men, therefore, may be appealed to in aid of our
opposition to the feng-shui. They are ashamed of it.
They disown it if brought in argument to close quarters.
They only comply with it from an unwillingness to act
contrary to custom. The great minds among them avoid
even the appearance of compliance, but these are not
many. Considering that the enlightened Chinese are thus dis
posed, there could be no harm done by a studied attack on
the whole system of geomancy in a book prepared for the
purpose. It would not be offensive to the true Confu
cianist, and it would afford opportunity to teach much
good philosophy and truer views of nature than those
to which they have been accustomed. But perhaps the
whole structure is so flimsy that it will fall of itself,
without laying siege to it or directing the ordnance of
argument against it. The shining of true science may
pale its ineffectual fire, and cause it to disappear as a
thing of darkness, without special effort to bring about
its extinction.

( 353 )

CHAPTEE XXII.
BUDDHIST PHRASEOLOGY IN RELATION TO CHRISTIAN
TEACHING.1
Use of Buddhist terms in the Nestorian inscription, a.d. 781 — Mo,
" demon ; " in Sanscrit, mara — Ti-yli, " hell," is naraka — Ten
judges of hell — Among them Pau Cheng, the famous judge of
the Sung dynasty— The Sung philosophers encouraged the popu
lar belief in future retribution — This prepares for Christianity
— T'ien-t'ang, " heaven " — Defects of this term — Ming-hang, &c,
as names for "heaven" — Buddhist paradises possibly borrowed
from Western Asia or some other country farther west — Redemp
tion — Ti-tsang and Kwan-yin — -Pity — Instruction — Effect of
sin — Decreed forgiveness to penitents — Secret merit — Happiness
and merit confounded — Sin and misery confounded — Illustra
tion from the narrative of a Christian convert.
We teach the Chinese the Christian religion by means of
their own language, and in their vocabulary of religious
terms many words and phrases of Buddhist origin have
come into common use.
The Syrian inscription, A.D. 781, shows that no scruple
was felt by the first Christian missionaries in China in
adopting many Buddhist terms.
We find there mo, " devil." This is the common word
used in mo-kwei. Both name and being are of Hindoo
origin ; the " delusions of the devil " are caUed mo-wang.
Hell is called " palace of darkness," an-fu. The " ship of
mercy" conveys the faithful disciples across the sea to
heaven. The ship is ts'i-hang ; " heaven " is ming-kung ;
* This paper was read in the spring of 1S78, before an association of mis
sionaries resident in Peking. Z

354 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Christian "monks" were called seng, from the Sanscrit sanga,
" assembly ;" a " monastery " is called s'i, as by the Chinese
Buddhists ; a "monk's robe" is caUed kia-sha, which is the
Sanscrit word for " gown," kashaya.
Buddhism throve in the T'ang dynasty. It was the era
when Hiuen-tsang went to India. His journey was an
instance of the depth of religious faith which characterised
the Chinese followers of Gautama in his age, and it also
secured an immense increase of popularity to the ideas of
his sect. Buddhism was very powerful in the court, and
profoundly influenced the literature. Translations from
Sanscrit were made with extreme care, and received from
the literati a high literary finish. The influence of Bud
dhism is distinctly seen in the dictionaries of the time, in
the syHabic spelling, in the discovery of the four tones, and
the settlement of the laws of poetry consequent on that
discovery. The poets and critics of the T'ang dynasty
were conscious of great obligations to Buddhism, and
made scarcely any decisive and persistent effort to check
the spread of popular faith in that religion, and the general
adoption of Hindoo phrases and terms in the language.
Han Yii, in his Fo-ku-piau, was an exception.
The Syrian Christians extended their missions in China
at a time when Buddhism was in the ascendant, and
adopted terms from the professors of that religion which
indicate a more extensive principle of imitation than either
the Eoman Catholics or the Protestants have in later times
thought of adopting. The reason is found in the popularity
of Buddhism in the capital of China in the time of the
Nestorian missionaries. That religion was much favoured
at court, and was the chief agent in teaching the future
state and the superiority of the monastic life as a means of
subduing the passions. Both Buddhism and Christianity
came from the West ; and it would be for the Nestorians
difficult to maintain the mutual independence of the two
religions, agreeing as they did in a belief in a world or
happiness and of misery for mankind after the present

"MO," DEMON; IN SANSCRIT, "MARA." 355
hfe. The fact that the Nestorian monks called themselves
seng, as the Buddhists do, has some bight thrown on it by
an incident in the life of Matthew Eicci. He adopted
a Buddhist priest's dress and shaved his head. But
after making trial for a time of this costume he changed
it for that of the Confucianists, as it was worn in the
Ming dynasty. Perhaps the Nestorian priests adopted
and retained the Buddhist costume in ordinary life, and
reserved their own ceremonial robes for special occasions,
as the Eoman Catholics do now with the Confucianist.
The word seng, for " priest," they probably took to be an
exact equivalent of their cohen. So in coUoquial English,
we call the Buddhist monks Buddhist priests. We have
given up the word bonzes, the Japanese term introduced
by Portuguese and other Eomish missionaries, into Euro
pean accounts of the religion of this part of the world.
To call them priests at aU is, however, somewhat negligent
English. The Eoman Catholics have done better to call
their " monks " sieu-sh'i, and their " nuns " sieu-nu, rather
than to style them seng or ho-shang, and ni-ku or ni-seng.
Sieu is " cultivate moral virtues;" sM, " scholar," " person ; "
nil is " woman."
Times have changed. The Buddhists are not now wafted
to a proud position by the gales of popular applause ; and
still less in the present dynasty, than in the Ming dynasty,
would the Jesuit gain any advantage by following the
example of Eicci while he was in South China, in adopt
ing the Buddhist garb.
In discussing Buddhist phrases capable of being applied
in Christian teaching, I will begin with mo, the " devil."
This is in Sanscrit mara. The maras are, in Buddhist
phraseology, a class of demons. They are not known to
the Brahmans. The word is formed from the root mar,
"death," and is an Aryan personification of death. By
the Buddhists the maras are regarded as a king with a
host of followers. They wage war against Buddhism, and
when Shakyamuni was living he had successful contests

356 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
with them. In Buddhist books all temptations are demons.
A demon is hidden in everything that can cause evil to
man. The demon of anger prompts to sin in every case
of sinful anger. So of lust, of drunkenness, of theft, and
each form of sin. i
The use of mo has become so extended that in our transla
tions of the Bible it is freely used for the Greek Sta/3o\o9
diabolus in the literary and coUoquial versions. To Chris
tian converts it gradually assumes a Christian sense in
proportion as they are instructed in the Biblical repre
sentations of the power, agency, and character of Satan,
But if not instructed, the views of the convert are Bud
dhistic. These views are brought into connection with
" possession," as seen in an intoxicated man, an imports
nate beggar who cannot be got rid of, an opium smoker
who is under the dominion of his habit, or a scholar who
cannot cease from study. Such persons are possessed by
a demon who is called kwei, but in the poetry of the T'ang
and the Sung dynasties he might be called mo. A writer
is free from the mo-chang, " demoniacal film or hindrance,"
when his thoughts and language flow freely and beauti7
fully. The main idea is often that of causing trouble by pos
session. Ju-mo, " a demon entering," is a phrase which is
quite commonly used to express the idea. To " become
deluded," "to be deadened to," are also thus described.
Nan-mo or nan-kwei are common examples of the way in
which " demons causing trouble " is expressed.
Evidently it is necessary in using mo for the Christian
sense, to distinguish accurately the peculiar meaning of the
word in the heathen religions. The Christian mo-kwti is
more intensely wicked than the Buddhist mo-kwei. But
both in Europe and in Asia, in ancient or modern times,
we nowhere find the demon world dissociated from the
phenomenon of possession in popular language. It is one-
of the primitive identities, permanently retained in the
phraseology of aU religions.

"TI-YU," EARTH'S PRISON, IS "NARAKA." 357
Another common Buddhist expression is, ti-yii, " earth's
prison." The Sanscrit naraka, "the abodes of demons,"
places of punishment underneath the world of men, are so
designated. The advantage of the employment of this term is that it
is ready for use,, that it agrees with our word " hell " in being
a place of punishment ; and, further, that the visible uni
verse being to the Chinese consciousness in two parts, viz.,
heaven and earth, it must always be convenient to the
Christian teacher to speak of " hell " as belonging to earth.
The objections to its use are great. It misplaces the locality.
No modern Christian books place hell underground. It
is plural as much as singular, while our word for the
place of punishment is always singular. Further, it gives
the Confucianist occasion to say that we have borrowed
from the Buddhists, and that we must share in the same
condemnation which the adherents of that religion have
had to endure.
The authors who have reasoned against Christianity on
the ground of the identity of the doctrine of hell being
much the same in the two religions, and that we have
borrowed from the Buddhists, are Sii Ki-yii in Ying-hwan-
chi-lio, Wei Yuen in Hai-kwo-t'u-ch'%, and the king of
Corea in his edict against Christianity, taken away from
the hill fort at the mouth of the Corean river, by the
United States naval force which captured the fort eleven
years ago.
The words used for "hell" in our translations of the
Bible are yin-fu (the hidden palace), yin-kien (the dark
world). The natives also use yin-s'i, the (place of hidden
judgment). Ti-yii, is never used in our translations, at
least the recent ones; but all missionaries use it col
loquially, and it finds its place in our catechisms. These
phrases, yin-fu, yin-kien, yin-s'i, are very modern. They
are subsequent to the teaching of the metempsychosis in
China. The term used for hell in the Syrian inscription
a.d. 781 is an-fu, "palace of darkness," a phrase borrowed

358 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
from the Buddhism of the time, and meaning the same as
yin-fu. Since the Sung dynasty, the popular notion of hell
in China has been formed chiefly by the prevalent repre
sentations of the ten tribunals seen in temples and in
the Yii-li (probably a.d. 1068) and other works. Punish
ments are here depicted in the most frightful forms. The
incendiary is bound by a chain to a hot cyhnder, which he
clasps with his arms and legs; flames are being poured
forth from the top and sides of the cylinder. Those who
guard written characters from desecration enjoy honours
and wealth. Those who waste grains of rice and millet are
seen changed into horses, sheep, and oxen. The retribu
tion corresponds with the sin and the merit in all cases.
In the consent of the governing class to those popular
representations of heU which we see painted with char
coal on the white walls of temples, or formed with moulded
and painted figures of clay, or taking the form of prints in
popular Tauist literature, we see an important concession.
While the Hterary class do not believe in heaven or in hell,
they see the advantage that may be derived from them in
the inculcation of virtue. In the hands of the moral teacher,
future retribution is a powerful engine for good. This
is recognised by the governing class so far, that they
encourage the people to have in temples the horribly gro
tesque and alarming models in clay of future punishment
which we see there. The celebrated judge Pau Cheng,
of the Sung dynasty, who died a.d. 1062, is the fifth of
the ten judges. The rest are aU Chinese, as we know by
their surnames, and probably actual judges of about the
same period.
The late Dr. Medhurst, when visiting T'ien-mu shan, in
the vicinity of Hang-cheu, was hospitably entertained
by the magistrate of the Men city of Hiau-feng. In the
course of conversation he asked his host what he expected
would be his lot in the future state. He replied that he
supposed he would become a C'heng-hwang-ye. This little

BELIEF IN FUTURE RETRIBUTION. 359
circumstance shows how the Sung dynasty practice of
canonising good magistrates has taken hold upon the
country, and made the people think a magistracy in the
invisible world quite as attainable as a like post of honour
in the present state of existence. Often, however, they
will, in using phrases of this kind, speak jokingly. Sung
dynasty emperors were the first to practise, so far as I
know, the appointment of local magistrates for the invi
sible world, with jurisdiction over particular cities. None
of the Sung philosophers lifted up a voice against it.
They allowed the up-growth of the religious usages and
arrangements connected with the Tung-yo miau, the
Ch'eng-hwang miau, and the T'u-ti miau. AH of these
temples are erected to divinities who are supposed to deal
with mankind in the future state in the way of just retri
bution for their crimes.
These and other judicial divinities were elevated to their
posts with the assistance of the literary class, who are,
however, ashamed to recognise them in their writings.
They kneel before them as officers on duty, encourage the
people to believe in the reality of their jurisdiction, and
avoid protesting against them in their writings. What
the literati believe in their hearts to be a monstrous fic
tion, is to be allowed on account of its moral and political
benefits. What shall the Christian missionary in these circum
stances do with the native doctrine of retribution ? He
will assure the people that there is revealed in the Chris
tian Scriptures a retribution just, comprehensive, and
inevitable. He may aUude to the modern origin of the
Ten judges, and condemn the Sung philosophers for their
insincerity in allowing, if not inventing, this mytholo
gical creation. He may proceed to condemn the Bud
dhist also for teaching that Yama is judge in the invisible
world, when, according to their own metaphysics, Yama
is nothing ; and for urging the Chinese to accept a doctrine
of hell punishments which they teach, not as what they

360 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
really believe, but as a means to an end. In this they
set an example of false teaching which the Confucianists
were only too ready to accept and imitate. The Christian
retribution will come before the Chinese mind on quite
a different footing, as resting on the instruction of a divine
Saviour. But let us be candid in acknowledging the aid we
receive from Buddhists in previously spreading far and
wide among the people the idea of a moral retribution ;
for this helps us to bring over more quickly to the under
standing of the Christian faith on this point, any of the
population- who are familiar with the Buddhist teaching.
This is the case even with sects like the Sin-siu in
Japan. That sect professes to believe in absorption into
the absolute. Many Buddhists profess to take the Western
heaven as the goal of their hopes. But these beliefs or
aspirations are capable of being reconciled with beliefs in
the heavens and heHs of the metempsychosis, and they
are actuaUy taught along with them. Even the most
metaphysical Buddhists, and those who have the most
abstruse notion possible of the Nirvana, still teach as
exoteric doctrine the metempsychosis as known in India.
That I am not wrong in imputing to the literati who
belonged to the later Sung dynasty, and especially Chu
Hi, a principal part in the encouragement of the popular
belief in future retribution, may be shown by the chrono
logy. The author of the Yii-li, a Tauist named Tan Chi,
who was the first to give currency to the legend of the Ten
royal judges, lived more thau a century before Chu Hi.
The two brothers, Ch'eng Ming-tau and Ch'eng Yi-chwen,'
lived a little before Tan Chi, in the early part of the
eleventh century. The elder died the year before the
Yii-li was made; the younger lived for nearly twenty
years after. Then came the time of Hwei-tsung, who is
said to have deified Chang Yi with the title Yii-hwang
ta-ti, and who was carried with his son into Tartary a
prisoner under the Nii-cbih dynasty. This was the period

CHU FU-TSI TOLERATED BUDDHISM. 361
of the founding of this new Tauist school of a future
state, with ten judicial courts, and with Yii-hwang ta-ti
enthroned as a judge of human actions. Then was the
time also that Tsi-hwang shang-ti and Feng-tu ta-ti were
made divine judges, each with his special court for the
determination of the happiness or misery in the future
state of each individual man.
Chu fu-tsi witnessed all this and did not protest against
it. He saw also rising round him the novelty of the
Ch'eng-hwang miau, with its judicial apparatus, its magis
trate for trying cases in Hades, and its array of clay servi
tors, with arrangements for periodical processions through
the region over which he had jurisdiction, for the sake of
knowing the good and bad conduct of individuals. He
saw these things and made no struggle against the ex
tension of superstition. The worst he said of Buddhism
was, that the doctrine of Yang and Mih was better. The
reaction against Buddhism, so far from beginning with
him, began rather, as I think, with the expulsion of the
images of Confucius, which had in the Sung dynasty
found their way into %e temples of Confucius in cities.
This expulsion took place in the Ming dynasty, and in the
present dynasty the reaction against Buddhism has been
stronger among the literati. But the pictures of the ten
hells have come to be more and more used.
It is important to note that Chu fu-tsi lived in an age
when the Tauist images, and the mythology connected
with them received a great development, against which
he 3$de no protest. Chu Hi ought not to be put forward
as the authoritative representative of Chinese thought;
and some foreign scholars appear to me to have erred in
regarding his views as final, and as the accepted expres
sion of Chinese thought, ancient and modern. In fact,
there is scarcely any one who has been by later writers
more heavily condemned. His influence has been great,
and it continued long, and some of his works are still
authorised school-books; but his authority as a thinker

362 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and a scholar, is in the present dynasty challenged and
criticised severely by all independent writers, without an
exception. It is possible that Chu Hi may have felt that the
doctrine of future retribution is likely to be true. He
was certainly rather fond of reading Buddhist books. He
may not have cared to contradict what was to some extent
perhaps true. Let it be borne in mind that in the " Book
of Odes " he approves of the rendering in a certain well-
known passage, " The soul of Wen Wang moves up and
down in the presence of the Eternal." Scholars not in
favour of the continued existence of the soul after death
usually explain' this away.
The term t'ien-t'ang, for " heaven," seems to be founded
on the use of t'ang as a "haH" for holding a court.
Heaven is present to the native mind as a vast hall
where the Deity sits in celestial state with subordinate
divinities as his assessors. The phrase is not Hindoo, but
the idea is Hindoo. In other words, the Chinese have
made a phrase of their own, to fit the Buddhist notion of
a paradise or palace of the gods. The reason is not far to
seek. The Buddhist translators, when rendering the word
" god " used t'ien invariably. The Sanscrit deva, the Latin
deus, and the Bengali debt a, have no other equivalent in
Chinese than t'ien, "heaven." At the same time deva-
loka, the " heaven of a deva," is also translated by t'ien,
thus causing some confusion. This mixture of two senses
has led to the addition of t'ang, in ordinary colloquial use,
for heaven as a paradise. This phrase t'ien-t'ang, " hea
venly hall," is of course modern and subsequent to the
spread of Buddhism.
The narrow Hmitation of the word to the sense "hall"
is an objection, but Christians all feel that the chief and
prevailing sense is in the word t'ien. The Christian usage
omits t'ang as often as it admits it, even in colloquial inter
course and in preaching. In the various translations of
the Bible, t'ien-t'ang is never used.

"MING-KUNG'' ETC., AS NAMES FOR HEAVEN. 363
Tien-kung, " palace of heaven," is not inappropriate for
the throne-scene in the fourth chapter of the Book of
the Eevelation ; but it is not used in the Chinese versions
of the Scriptures. Like ti-yii for " hell," it is Bruited to
colloquial use in Christian literature. In Buddhist books,
t'ien-t'ang is not used for "heaven," but t'ien-kung,
"palace of the gods," which is so used, is a good deal
like it, and resembles ming-kung, " bright palace," which
is found in the Syrian inscription for " heaven," and in late
Christian literature occasionally. Ming-kung and t'ien-
t'ang are both of them phrases formed on the Hindoo
notion of heaven.
"Heaven" and "hell" are both embraced in yin-kien.
The invisible world includes states of happiness as well as
misery. This reminds us of Homer, where, in the eleventh
Book of the Odyssey, he describes the interviews of Ulysses
with many of the shades of the dead, including his own
mother. The palace of Pluto and the abodes of the dead
were regarded by Homer and his contemporaries as under
ground. Was not the notion of ti-yii, "earth's prison,"
taken to India from countries farther west ? Egypt may
have been the parent of the idea of a subterraneous prison
of the dead'. We find the notion in Egypt, in Greece, in
Babylon, and in India ; but it is not in the Vedas. It was
either originated in India after the Vedic age, or it was
then introduced from elsewhere. I prefer somewhat the
hypothesis of Western origin, on account of the similarity
of the view held of the future state as given in Buddhist
books, with those found in the religious books of Western
races. We are beginning to find out how fruitful was the Greek
mind, not only in inventing, but in communicating the
knowledge of inventions. The traces of Greek influence
are found in Hindoo architecture, in Hindoo astronomy, in
Hindoo arithmetic, and in Hindoo philosophy. The San
scrit writing is now admitted to be of Semitic origin. The
Hindoo hells which are first found in the " Laws of Manu,"

364 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of uncertain date, somewhere between B.C. 800 and B.C.
500, and then in the Buddhist books, and which are inti
mately connected with the metempsychosis, may have
come from Western countries, and subsequently have
been elaborated into the Hindoo shape, when the universe
based on the metempsychosis was in course of construction
by the Hindoo mind ; at any rate when Chinese critics
charge Christianity with borrowing "heaven and hell"
from the Buddhists, we are right in pointing out that the
Olympus of the Greek gods, and the Hades of Pluto
(Poseidon), in Homer, are more ancient conceptions than
the Buddhist hells and paradises; and that, whether it
was from Egypt, from Babylon, or from some other source,
the borrowing is on the whole more likely to have been
the other way. Otherwise, why do the oldest Hindoo
books say nothing of the " earth prisons " and the "palaces
of the gods"?
Bedemption. — Each Buddha and Bodhisattwa is a re
deemer. I notice here Ti-tsang-wang p'u-sa. He is called
Yeu-ming-kiau-chu, " Teacher of the unseen world." Full
of benevolence and grace towards mankind, he opens a
path for self -reformation and pardon of sins.
The phrases here used are such as we employ in describ
ing the Christian redemption. The Buddhist redemption is
moral ; for it includes repentance, and rescue from the net
¦of the delusions of Maya, partly moral and partly mental
(Maya-saus, " a juggler," " idealism," " delusion "). It brings
the idea of grace before the people. That grace is pity in
the heart of Buddha, or some Bodhisattwa such as Kwan-
yin, prompting them to teach true doctrine to those who
have gone astray. In the Buddhist books the Bodhisattwa
expresses a wish and proceeds to accomplish it. In the
Tauist books, however, the utterance of the wish is attri
buted to Ti-tsang or Kwan-yin, but the issue of the decree
of salvation is ascribed to Yii-hwang ta-ti or Tsi-hwang
shang-ti. The love of Buddha is self-prompted, and is
the result of a determination entered on millions, of years

DECREED FORGIVENESS TO PENITENTS. 365
before in an earlier life. It may be doubted whether this
self-originating love can logicaHy be claimed by the Bud
dhists ; for they also believe in an impersonal fate which
compels the succession of events just as they happen. But
it is better wherever we find a moral love like that of Bud
dhism, being at once the enemy of vice and the friend of
virtue, to recognise its existence and assign due credit to it.
This being so, it seems proper to say, further, that the
resemblances with Christianity are most striking. (1.)
There is the self-prompted pity of P'u-sa for mankind. (2.)
P'u-sa saves men by instruction, from the punishments in
which they wiU certainly be involved in the hundred and
thirty-eight heUs. (3.) The cause of future punishment
is sin committed in the "present life," yang-kien. (4.)
The god of the Tauists is represented as promulgating a
gracious decree, to remit the punishment of heU for those
who repent.
Such is the way in which redemption is represented in
modern Tauist works, where a Buddhist element is freely
intermingled. A mixed mythology and scheme for a fic
titious salvation had grown up in the Sung dynasty, and
continued to prevail till the present time in works like
the Yii-li. In it we see a sort of preparation for Chris
tianity, in the way of familiarising the minds of the people
with phraseology which may be used in describing the
Christian redemption in several particulars.
The purely Buddhist notion of the Western heaven, and
the disciples of the Tauist sect leading the soul to that
abode of happiness, are ako introduced without scruple in
these Tauist representations. I have often thought that
the religious pilgrims, pictured with banners in their
hands inscribed with the sentence tsie-yin-si-fang, " we wiU
lead you to the Western heaven," a Tauist priest in front,
pencil in hand, ready to write on the head of new dis
ciples met upon the way the sign of initiation to the reli
gious life, might be very effectively used as an illustration
to describe the zeal which Christians ought to show in

366 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
holding aloft their banner in the path of their pilgrimage,
and in the readiness which they should exhibit to look out
on the way for the victims of sin and error, and induce
them to join in the march to the heavenly city.
Secret merit. — Any virtuous actions are meritorious, and
form a stock which may be heaped up like grain in a barn,
and constitute a man's treasure of benefits to come. No
good action, says the Buddhist, is lost. The spirits un
seen will be sure to take note of it. If you do good, there
is an absolute certainty that you will receive benefits
by way of recompense. Hence the phrase tsi-yin-kung,
" accumulation of secret merit."
A curious confusion takes place here, through that
mental tendency which sometimes mixes the cause of an
act with the event. Merit produces happiness. Therefore
the name happiness is given to merit. In Mongolian
Buddhism boyin is both " happiness " and " merit." Ety-
mologically, it is the Chinese fu, " happiness ; " doctri-
naUy, it is any good action. In the ordinary language
of social life, it is either happiness or religious merit.
In Chinese Buddhism, tsui-fu means either " misery " and
" happiness," or " sin " and " virtue." You may translate
them either way ; tsui is " misery," but it is also " sin ; "
fu is "happiness," but it is also "merit." In the ordi
nary use of sheu-tsui in Chinese, " bear suffering" is the
idea. The conception of " sin " is lost. This is the effect
of Buddhist teaching.
The following passages occur : — T'iau-t'o-tsui-fu-cM-
kwan, "leap out of and escape the gate of misery and
happiness ;" sien-t'sung-tsui-fu-yin-kwo-i-jan-sing-wu, "first
wake up with a shock from (the delusive dream of) causes
and effects, of misery and happiness."
The effect of Buddhist doctrine on heaven and hell may
be judged of partially by a statement in No. 480 1 of the
Wan-kwo-kung-pau. An account is there given by a con
vert of the Basel mission, in the district of Sin- an, near
1 Published at Shanghai, March 16th, 1878.

NARRATIVE OF A CHRISTIAN CONVERT. 367
Canton, of his personal experience, first as a heathen and
afterwards as a Christian. After leading a dissolute Life
for some years, he began at the age of twenty-seven to
read such books as Pau-ying-lu, Yin-ch'i-wen, and Kan-
ying-p'ien. These teach future retribution in the most
appalling language when describing the torments of the
wicked, and they make use of the most inviting pictures
of the happiness of the virtuous. He then read also Yii-li-
ch'au-chwen. He says regarding it, that it speaks of
" heaven," t'ien-t'ang, as a place of incomparable glory, and
of " hell " or " earth's prison," ti-yii, as the abode of misery
indescribable. He continues : " At this time I was so
affected by what these books said, that I felt my very
hair and bones grow stiff with fear at the thought of the
character of my past Hfe. Coming to myself I looked up to
heaven and said, ' How shaU I escape the punishment of
earth's prison ? ' My conscience condemned me. Wak
ing and sleeping I could get no rest. I continued to read
books exhorting to virtue, and meditated deeply on them.
I kept on saying to myself, 'Do nothing wrong, but
practice every good deed ; ' or else I thought in my inner
most mind about the words, ' Lust is the most deadly of all
sins, and filial piety the chief of all virtues.' Of these
words I made a warning and a rule. Sometimes I pre
sented a written petition to Wen-ch'ang ti-kiiin, declaring
my determination to live virtuously. At other times I
made it a daily ha*bit to go morning and evening to the
image of Kwan-yin and burn incense before it, at the same
time reading the ' Book (King) of Kwan-yin,' and praying
to that divinity to rescue me from my miseries. I also
prayed to High Heaven, making use of four sentences : —
' I strike my head and worship the blue heaven ; ' ' My
ruined life has been marked by thousands and tens of
thousands of sins ; ' ' I pray thee to have pity on me ; ' 'I
beg forgiveness for all past sins.' I was so fuU of alarm,
that I was anxious to perform some meritorious act to free
me from all my sins.

368 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
" Occasionally also on returning home, I presented in
cense, and read a prayer to the kitchen god, and was
accustomed to take the manual for the worship of the god,
and recite passages to various members of the family, ex
horting them to compliance with the direction to be very
reverential to the kitchen god. I also urged my parents
to avoid eating beef and dog's flesh, for the preservation of
their good fortune.
"My desire to be virtuous grew greater as I observed
the cheats and craft of the world, and the selfishness and
greed of many persons. I was at that time bent on be
coming a good man, and superior to others, and so acquir
ing a variety of high rewards."
He then proceeds to show that aU this time he was
himself deluded in a multitude of ways, and firmly bound
in the snares of ignorance, till, by the help of his grand
mother, an old lady of eighty-seven years, who had been
for years an exceUent Christian, he was brought to the
exercise of faith in Christ and His Gospel
Undoubtedly this is an example extremely interesting
and instructive, as showing how the Buddhist doctrine of
heaven and hell prepares for the Christian. I proceed to
detail the steps of this man's conversion. The old lady
had five sons, all of whom, except our convert's father
and the eldest, followed their mother in adopting Chris
tianity. The opposition of these two sons to Christianity
continued for years, and the writer of the account was
brought up an unbeliever. The grandmother, coming one
day to chapel, slipped her foot, and sustained a severe in
jury. A Christian helped our convert in taking care of
her, and in applying his medical skiH to cure her. While
he was doing this, he plied our convert with exhortations
to accept the new doctrine. As he spoke of the coming
judgment, and of heaven and hell, our convert felt himself
deeply moved. It just suited his mode of fear and of long
ing. It helped him to make up his mind and give his
wiU a fixed direction, so that he yielded himself to the

PREPARA TION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 369
influence of the new religion and became a secret believer.
When his grandmother reiterated her earnest appeals to
him to adopt the true faith, he consented. He still felt,
however, afraid of calumny and reproach, and confined his
praying to the schoolroom where he taught. At last, he
says, he felt stronger faith, went to join in worship at the
chapel, met the missionary, and was afterwards soundly
chastised by his parents. He was subsequently baptized,
and is now in the training institution of the Basel mission.
Let attention be given here to the circumstance, that
this man, a genuine convert to Christianity, had made an
•unsuccessful attempt at a moral self-reformation in con
nection with the Buddhist doctrine of heaven and hell, and
the moral teaching inculcated in the universally-known
Tauist publications, the names of which he mentions in
his account.
The retribution proclaimed by Buddhism led him to an
outward reformation, consisting in the abandonment of a
vicious life. At this time he had a glimmering of certain
truths, found imbedded in heathen beliefs. He had the
moral intention leading him to forsake some sins, but he
did not achieve a satisfactory escape from doubt and temp
tation. This could only be the gift of Christianity; yet, in
Buddhism, he had the guidance of a certain light which
led him to become a seeker for truth. Christianity found
him not altogether cold and duH, but in an inquiring and
unsatisfied attitude. He was looking for more light than
that of Buddhism — for stronger love than that of Buddhism
—for a brighter hope than that of Buddhism. .These he
found in the Gospel.
Not only had the moral teaching of Tauist books and
the Buddhist doctrine of heaven and hell a distinctly
perceptible effect in inclining him strongly to self-refor
mation, but the habit of Buddhist devotion, in the form of
reciting passages from Hturgical books, and prayers for aid
to escape from misery, helped him in commencing a quasi-
leligious life. The petition to Wen-ch'ang ti-kiun, a star
2 A

370 CHINESE BUDDHISM.

&

god, is a written prayer burnt in the incense flame. The
prayer to Kwan-yin is an appeal to the powerful divinity,
who promises to exercise her delivering power as a P'u-sa
to every supplicant. The habit of prayer was already
formed, when he was induced by faithful Christian friends
and relatives to pray to the God revealed in the Bible.
When he did so, he begged the recovery of his grand
mother, in order, he adds, that she might lead him and his
family with her to the haU of worship. His grandmother
recovered, and he felt that his prayer was answered. This
led him to great earnestness in prayer and strength of
faith ; for she was confident that the cure took place by
the immediate exercise of God's power, and in answer to
prayer. His habit of heathen devotion was transmuted
into Christian devotion. Christianity takes man as it finds
him, and makes him, by teaching and training, a servant
of God.
I do not in any way doubt that Buddhist doctrines have
been, for the Christian teacher, most important prepara
tion for Christianity ; and that, through the spread of these
doctrines, the Chinese people look upon Christianity with
much less strangeness, and accept its doctrines with much
less difficulty, than otherwise they would have been able
to do.
On the other hand, it may be said that Buddhist priests
do not easily become converts ; that Polynesians, Negroes,
un-Mohammedanised Malays, and the mountain tribes in
Biimah and India, become converts more readily than the
Chinese. This, perhaps, has been so hitherto, but I doubt
if it will be so in the future. There have been causes
which have operated to check the progress of Christianity
in China. They have been chiefly originated by the Con
fucianists. When opposition from the literati is removed,
it is surprising with what ease Christianity can be pro
pagated. One reason of this is, that the minds of the
people are impregnated with Buddhist ideas and the
language with Buddhist expressions.

( 37i )

CHAPTEE XXIII.
NOTICE OF THE WU-WEI-KIAU, A REFORMED BUDDHIST
SECT.
Originated two hundred and seventy years ago by a native of Shan
tung — No showy ceremonial — No images — Sacred books six in
number — Interview of the founder with -the emperor of the
period Cheng-te — Discussion with opponents — Victory — One of
their leaders was crucified.
Interspersed through the village population of the east-
em provinces of China are to be found the adherents of a
rehgion called the Wu-wei-kioM. They are little known,
usually belong to the lower ranks of life, and have few
books. Their principles, however, render them remark
able. They are a kind of reformed Buddhists. Their
system is more like Buddhism than any other religion,
but they are opposed to idolatry. They appear to be
strongly and sincerely convinced of the goodness of their
opinions, and they hold with tenacity the uselessness of
image worship. This circumstance has often attracted the
attention of missionaries at Shanghai and Ningpo, and I
have thought that a notice of the sect would not be with
out interest.
This sect has existed in China for about two hundred
and seventy years. Its originator was Lo Hwei-neng,
a native of Shan-tung. In imitation of the Buddhist title
tsu, he is called Lo-tsu, " the patriarch Lo." His opinions
have spread with considerable rapidity through the adjoin-
provinces — Kiang-nan, Che-kiang, and An-hwei, and may
advance farther.

372 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The name of the sect is Wu-wei-kiau, which, translated
literally, means the "Do-nothing sect." The idea intended
by it is, that religion consists, not in ceremonies and out
ward show, but in stillness, in a quiet, meditative life, and in
an inward reverence for the all-pervading Buddha. Buddha
is believed in, but he is not worshipped. There are temples,
if they may be so caUed, but they are plain structures,
destitute of images, and having in them only the common
Chinese tablet to heaven, earth, king, parents, and teacher,
as an object of reverence.
The phrase wu-wei, to " do nothing," occurs in the writ
ings of the early Tauists, long before Buddhism appeared
in China. In the " Book of Eeason and Virtue " (Tau-te-
king), it is said by Lau-kiiin : " The highest virtue is not
(intentionally) virtuous, and on this account it is (de
serving of the name) virtue. The lower sort of virtue is
(anxious) not (to be) wanting in virtue, and therefore
it is not (true) virtue. The highest virtue does nothing,
and consequently does not trust to (or rest on) any action.
Virtue of an inferior kind (anxiously) acts and trusts to
action." This is the controversy that has been so often raised
between the contemplative and the active man. In China
Confucius and his school are the advocates of activity,
and Lau-tsi and his foUowers of contemplation. These
philosophers both discussed the art of government, the
one with the aid of idealism, the other under the guidance
of (something like) materialism. The phrase wu-wei is
one of the watchwords of ideaHstic and mystical schools
in China; while yeu-wei, "action," a phrase of opposite
signification, is the cry of systems which favour mate
rialism. I give another quotation. It is from the second of the
great Tauist authors, Chwang-ts'i. " The way of heaven,"
he says, " is ' not to act ' (wu-wei), and therein and thereby
to be the most honoured of aU things. The way of men
is ' to act ' (yeu-wei), and to be involved in trouble."

INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 373
When Buddhism entered China, a system much more
purely idealistic than Tauism, this phrase wu-wei was
soon recognised as the equivalent to the phrase hii-wu-tsi-
mie, " vacancy, stiUness, and destruction " of that foreign
religion. The resemblance in principle between Bud
dhism and Tauism was in this respect too evident not
to be remarked. The similarity became stiU closer
when the esoteric branch of Buddhism, established by
Bodhidharma, and developed by the Chinese Buddhists
who succeeded him, extended itself so much as quite to
overshadow the older exoteric branch. External Bud
dhism seeks after the Nirvana, encourages the worship
of images, appoints prayers for the dead, and makes use
of much outward show to win the multitude. This is yeu-
wei, or " reliance on action." The mystic Buddhists resist
such a method of attaining the ends of reHgion. They
recommend "inaction," or wu-wei. It is from them that
the Wu-wei sect has sprung. The name is a favourite
Tauist expression, but the source of the religion is Bud
dhism. Lo-tsu, the founder of this religion, was a native of Lai-
cheu fu, in Shan-tung. He was introduced, say the books
of the sect, to the emperor of the Ming dynasty of the
period Cheng-te. The foUowing account is given of the
interview, in the work Lo-tsu-ch'u-shi-t'ui-fan-ping-pau-
kiuen. A hundred thousand foreign soldiers had invaded
China, and an army of ten times that number had been sent
out to repel them. The army faUed in its enterprise, and
Lo-tsu offered to the commander to drive back the invaders.
He shot an arrow into the air, when a lotus-flower descended
with a loud noise, and the enemy seeing it became terri
fied and immediately fled. The emperor was informed of
this, and Lo-tsu was called to his presence. The emperor
thanked him for his success, and asked him how he came
to possess this miraculous power. Lo-tsu denied having
any supernatural power, and attributed the deUverance of
the state to the protection of the dragons and the gods.

374 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The emperor then directed him to shoot arrows into the
air, when a shower of lotus-flowers appeared. The emperor
was enraged, and ordered him to be imprisoned and starved
to death as a sorcerer. While he lay in captivity, mourn
ing over his fate and reciting prayers to Buddha, a revela
tion seemed to dart into his mind. He said to his jailer,
" I have five books to make known to men." The jailer
called in Chang Kung-kung to confer with him, who
encouraged him to commit his books to writing. He
therefore sent for two of his disciples, Fuh-hi and Fuh-
pau, to come from the Wu-t'ai mountain, where they
resided, to act as his "amanuenses. Two other persons,
noted in the history of his reUgion, namely, Wei Kwo-
kung and T'ang Shang-shu, were witnesses of the correct
ness of the transcript.
The five works whose origin is thus described constitute
the sacred books of the religion. They comprehend the
following six subjects : —
I. Hing-kio-kiuen (which describes painful efforts after
emancipation, resulting in perception of the excellence of
this religion), " Chapter of the movement of the feet."
2. T'an-sh'i-kiuen, " Lament over the world."
3. P'o-sie-kiuen, " Overthrow of false doctrine."
4. Cheng-sin-kiuen, " IncUnation of the mind to the
right doctrine."
5. T'ai-shan-kiuen, " Becoming like the mountain T'ai-
shan" (confirmation chapter).
6. Ts'ing-tsing-kiuen, " The mind and nature purified and
quieted." These works were presented, continues the story, to the
emperor, who recalled the author to his presence and
received him more favourably than before. The three
friends abovementioned, being officers high in rank, inter
ceded for him, and became sureties for his good conduct.
At this juncture seven foreign Buddhists arrived at
court, bringing a brass Buddha as a present. Lo-tsu was
appointed to hold a discussion with them. He was in-

DISCUSSION WITH OPPONENTS. 375
troduced as1 the Wu-wei-tau-jen, " Eeligious man who
maintains the principle of non -action." The foreign
priests asked him why he assumed this name. " By
means of it," he repUed, " I shall be able to overturn
your brass Buddha of three thousand pounds weight
to-day. Men do not know this principle, and therefore
they seek for false doctrine. My method is clear and
perfect ; it is suited for the whole world." To this it was
replied by the foreign priest, " Do not use boastful words ;
I can make a gourd sink to the bottom of the sea and iron
tongs swim on the surface. Can you do so ? " The foreign
priest expects that our hero wUl not be able to explain his
riddle, but he is mistaken. A ready reply is given, " Man's
nature is like the full moon, which, when it emerges from
the horizon, shines to the bottom of the sea, across the
surface, and everywhere. To sink and to swim, then,
become the same. When my 'nature' (sing), like the
moon, shines bright "and clear, my Ufe returns to the
bottom of the sea. In the view of my spiritual nature,
born directly- from heaven, iron may swim and the gourd
may sink."
The foreign priest then asked him why he did not chant
books of prayers. He answered "That the great doctrine is
spontaneous, man's nature is the same with heaven. The
true unwritten book is always rotating.1 All heaven and
earth are repeating words of truth. The true book is not
outside of man's self. But the deceived are ignorant of
this, and they therefore chant books of prayers. The law
that is invisible manifests itself spontaneously, and needs
no book. The flowing of water, the rushing of the winds,
constitute a great chant. Why, then, recite prayers from
books?" The founder of the Wu-wei rehgion was again asked
why he did not worship images of Buddha. He answered,
1 There is an allusion here to the chanting a liturgy, as the revolving
common Buddhist description of of the wheel of the law.
preaching Buddhist dogma, and

376 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
" A brazen Buddha melts, and a wooden Buddha burns,
when-exposed to the fire. An earthen Buddha cannot save
itself from water. It cannot save itself ; then how can it
save me ? In every particle of dust there is a kingdom
ruled by Buddha. In every temple the king of the law
resides. The mountains, the rivers, and the great earth
form Buddha's image. Why, then, carve or mould an
image ? "
I remark here, in passing, that at this point we must
consider Buddha as God in the view of these reUgionists.
He. is to them that Being whose glory and whose acts are
seen in every object of nature. But, then, this Buddha is
not a personal being, the ruler and father of the world.
He cannot be prayed to. He cannot love me, or be the
object of my love. When reUgionists of this class say they
see Buddha everywhere, it is only the reflection of the
thoughts and emotions of their own minds that they refer
to. Again he is asked why he does not burn incense ? He
replies, " That ignorant men do not know that every one ,
has incense in himself. What is true incense ? It is self-
government, wisdom, patience, mercy, freedom from doubts,
and knowledge. The pure doctrine of the Wu-wei is true
incense, pervading aU heaven and earth. Incense is every
where ascending. That incense which is made by man,
the smoke of fragrant woods, does not reach heaven. The
winds, clouds, and dew are true incense, always shedding
itself forth through the successive seasons of the year."
He was asked once more, "Why do you not Ught
candles ? " He answered " That the world is a candlestick.
Water is the oil. The sky is an encircUng shade. The
sun and moon are the flame lighting up the universe. If
there is light within me, it Ulumines all heaven and earth.
If my own nature be always bright, heaven will never
become dark. It wiU then be perceived that the king of
the law is limitless."
It should be noticed that the king of the law is a perso-

VICTORY. 377
nification of the doctrine believed. The mind reflects on
the doctrine tiU imagination pictures it to the intellectual
eye as a glorious image. This is the king of the law.
When the discussion was over, the seven priests aU con
fessed themselves worsted, and begged Lo-tsu to become
their instructor. The book adds that the emperor was
highly pleased, and ordered the books of Lo-tsu to be
engraved. They were pubUshed, continues the record, in
the thirteenth year of Cheng-te from the imperial press,
A.D. 1518.
I met recently with a former adherent of this reUgion
who is now a Christian. He was baptized recently by the
late Bishop Eussell of Ningpo, of the Church Missionary
Society. He gave me much information respecting the
sect to which he had previously belonged. He stiU thinks
its principles are good. It enjoins virtue, and its tenden
cies are, he considers, of an excellent kind, but it does not
show how goodness is to be attained. He therefore left it
and became a Christian.
On asking him the meaning of the discussion before the
emperor, and if it was not fictitious, he said that the army
of foreign invaders means the sensorial organs, the six
thieves, as they are called by the Buddhists. The arrow
shot in the air is the heart. The foreign priests who
oppose the true doctrine are mo-kwei, " demons."
This use of fiction to recommend reUgious dogmas is in
keeping with the usual character of the Buddhist books.
Unlimited Ucense is taken by the authors in inventing a
suitable tableau of characters and scenery, in which the
doctrines to be taught may be prominently represented.
Two other persons — Ying-tsu and Yau-tsu — have, at
different periods, taken the lead in this sect. Ying-tsu
is said to have discoursed on fa (dharma) " the law," as
Lo-tsu did on king the " books."
There is another personage beside Buddha spoken of
by these reUgionists, the Kin-mu, " Golden mother." She
dweUs in a heaven caUed Yau (to shake) chu (to dwell)

378 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
kung (palace). My informant considered that she repre
sents God, in the idea of this religion, more nearly than
Buddha does, because she is an object of worship. On my
inquiring why this divinity should be female, he said that
Kin-mu was the mother of the soul, as the female parent
was of the body.
She is said to protect from various calamities, and is
prayed to for deliverance from sickness, and to save the
deceased from miseries in the unseen world.
The origin of her name is found in the Chinese theory
of the elements, among which kin, "gold," "metal gene-
raUy," stands first in order. This and many other Tauist
notions are blended with Buddhist principles in the system
maintained by the followers of the Wu-wei-kiau.
They have four principal festivals, of which two are to
celebrate the day of the birth and death of Lo-tsu. The
others are the new year and the middle of the eighth
month. On these occasions, three cups of tea and nine
smaU loaves of bread are placed on the table by appoint
ment of Lo-tsu. The number nine refers to the strokes of
the pa-kwa, or " eight diagrams," in which nine is the
most fortunate number. The bread is caUed k'ien-k'wan,
" heaven and earth," also in imitation of the names of the
eight diagrams of the " Book of Changes."
The sect is sometimes caUed Ch'a-kiau, " Tea sect," and
Man-t'eu-kiau, " Bread sect," in consequence of the usage
here mentioned. These appellations are, however, nothing
but popular nicknames.
They have in their chapels, tablets to the emperor and
to the five names of honour — heaven, earth, prince, parents,
and teacher. They are strict vegetarians, and argue tena
ciously for the metempsychosis. They have no ascetic
institute like the Buddhists, but aUow the family insti
tution to be undisturbed.
They were persecuted in the Ming dynasty. One of
their leaders was crucified by naUing on the gate of a city
in Shan-tung. On one occasion, some persons of this sect

ONE OF THE LEADERS CRUCIFIED. 379
addressed me in a missionary chapel in Shanghai, with the
remark that their reUgion resembled the Christian in this
respect, that one of their leaders was crucified.
They have not since been subjected to persecution, but
their religion is still prohibited, and its name is found
among those charged with teaching depraved doctrines, in
some editions of the " Sacred Edict."
My informant told me, further, that the doctrine of the
non-existence of matter is not held by this sect — though it
might have been expected from their close adherence to
Buddhism that they would have maintained it — but that
they simply regard aU material things as perishable. When
the world comes to its end, the Golden mother wiU take all
her children — i.e., aU beUevers in this religion — home to
the yau-chu heaven.
The Wu-wei-kiau is usuaUy spoken of by the Confu
cianists as a corrupt sect, with secret poUtical designs;
but its adherents appear at present to be, entirely innocent
of any iUegal aims. They are, so far as can be seen, intent
on reUgious objects, and sincerely attached to their system.
We may yet see many of them exchanging abstract phUo-
sophical dogmas for Christian truth. Their opposition to
idolatry is a preparation for Christianity, and they deserve
great attention from those who are engaged in teaching the
Chinese the religion of the Bible.
They are very determined vegetarians. When they
become Christians, they prefer to free themselves from the
bondage of the prohibition by eating some small quantity
of animal food, as a proof to others of their change of reli
gion. This is entirely voluntary on their part.
In the vicinity of Shanghai, a few years since, this hap
pened in the case of a florist and his wife. The wife was
a woman of influence and decision. She signalised her
change of reUgion by inviting friends to a feast and par
taking in their presence of a certain portion of animal
food.

y*H i "

( 380 )

CHAPTEE XXIV.
BUDDHISM AND TADISM IN THEIR POPULAR ASPECTS.
The popularity of Buddhism rests on its doctrine of retribution, and
not on its ethics — Magical claims of the Tauists — -Kwan-yin,
since the twelfth century, usually a female — Powers and claims
of Kwan-yin — Popular Buddhism loves to have prayers said for
the dead — Hopes for paradise hereafter — Popular Tauism believes
in haunted houses, in charms, and in the efficacy of the wizard
in controlling demons — The present head of the Tauists and
chief magician — Went from Western China to Kiang-si, where
he has ever since resided as hereditary Pope — The Tauist divinity
Yu-hwang shang-ti has incarnations assigned to him — Chang
Sien the bowman, a physician— Tail-cutting delusion — Tauist
prayers for the dead — The Buddhist Yen-lo wang, "God of
death" — The eight genii — The eighteen Lo-hans — The Tauist
delusions dangerous politically — T'ien-tsin massacre — Need of
the light of -education — The effect of the assault of Christianity
on these religions.
By the popular aspects of these two reUgions, I mean their
aspects at the present time, in as far as they exercise an
influence on the popular mind. They were popular for
merly in a sense different from that in which they are
popular at present. Thus, preaching was common among
Buddhists in the early ages of their religion. The prin
cipal duty of a shaven monk was to explain the doctrine
of Shakyamuni as a deUverance from the misery of Ufe.
At present the popularity of Buddhism certainly does not
rest on any activity in expounding the doctrines of their
faith that we have the opportunity of witnessing. It rests
rather on the supposed magical powers of the priests, on

DOCTRINE OF RETRIBUTION. 381
the merit beUeved to attach to gifts presented for the sup
port of monks, monasteries, and Hturgical services, and on
the wide-spread belief that such merit wiU be followed by
all kinds of happiness. The early books of Buddhism
abound in beautiful moral precepts, proceeding from the
Ups of a man who, through a long Ufe, was animated by a
pure and lofty asceticism. They are tinged with a proud
scorn of worldly glory, and with a firm consciousness that
there is nothing so good for a man as to Usten to the
teaching of his own better nature, whUe he shuts his ears
closely to the siren voices of aU sins and aU temptations.
Assuredly this is not what makes Buddhism popular now.
For these early books are never, or almost never, read in
the Uturgieal services ; and as to trying to be good, the
Buddhists do not evince much indication that this aim is
vital and vigorous among them. The sharp eyes of the
Confucianists are upon them, and the judgment they pass
on them is unfavourable. The Confucianists represent them •
as drones in the community. They describe them as not
like the useful sUkworm, which gives to man the material
of the textile fabric, but as being like the moth, which
destroys that fabric. Then, why is Buddhism stiU beUeved
by the people ? The answer is, that they beUeve in the
magical efficacy of Buddhist prayers, and in moral causa
tion; or, in other words, the law of moral retribution
which Buddhism teaches. It is on these accounts that
money flows into the Buddhist treasury for the erection
and repair of temples and pagodas, and for the support
of innumerable priests. If I give money to gUd sacred
images, the law of causation wiU give me back happiness
— Yin-kwo-pu-mei.
The history of Tauism has been simuar. What has
come now of the philosophy of Lau-kiiin and Chwang
Cheu? It is much too abstruse for the modern Tauist
mind. The Tauists of the present day do not occupy their
attention with mysterious speculations on the pure and
the true. Nor yet do they give attention to the alchemy

382 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of the Han dynasty. They have ceased to experiment on
the eUxir of life, or the transmutation of all metals into
gold. Instead of this, they occupy themselves with writ
ing charms for driving demons out of houses, and with
reading prayers for the removal of calamities. When you
meet a Tauist of this generation, you do not meet with
either an alchemist or a philosopher. The man you see
claims, however, to be able to do very great things. He
wUl undertake to drive out a demon from the body of a
madman, and from a haunted house, to cure the sick by
magic, and to bring rain in time of drought by his prayers.
He wiU protect by his charms the quiet citizen and the
adventurous traveller from all sorts of dangers; and, when
there is mourning in the house, he wiU — like the Buddhist
monk — hire out his services to read passages from the
liturgies of his religion, which shaU, by their magic power,
quickly transfer the soul of the dead to the land of happi
ness on high.
A Chinese writer says in a characteristic way: "The
three religions differ in their doctrines. Yet as to the
aim, to save mankind, they are at one. In Buddhism
no personage holds so large a place in saving mankind as
Kwan-shi-yin. In Tauism there is no one equal to Lii
Ch'un-yang. In the Ju-kiau there is no one to- be com
pared with Confucius and Mencius." In this extract,1
Kwan-yin is represented as more prominent in saving
men than Buddha himself. Such is the modern develop
ment of Buddhism, and it is the popular Buddhism of the
day. Kwan-yin was introduced into Indian Buddhism
not long before the Christian era. In China, Kwan-yin
was worshipped probably in the Han dynasty, but was
not so popular as afterwards. A modern change has
taken place in the image of Kwan-yin. Down to the
early part of the twelfth century, Kwan-yin was repre
sented as a man. In a book of drawings of the time of
Siuen-ho,2 and in the works remaining of famous painters
1 From Ping-shu-pi-t'an. 2 From A.D. 1119 to 1126.

KWAN-YIN USUALLY A FEMALE. 383
of the T'ang and Sung dynasties, Kwan-yin is always a
man. In later times it has become the custom to repre
sent Kwan-yin frequently as a woman. This has been
the custom for about six hundred years. Kwan-yin is in
mascuUne costume in temples where great attention is
paid to precedent, but the popular taste is in favour of a
goddess rather than a god. Hence the appellation in
EngUsh, " Goddess of Mercy," founded on the phrases
commonly applied to her, Ta-ts'i ta-pei kieu-k'u kieu-
nan, " Great mercy, great pity ; salvation from misery,
salvation from woe." That one of the many metamor
phoses of Kwan-yin should have become a very common —
in fact the most common — image of this divinity, may be
taken as an indication that, in deifying ideas, the Bud
dhist mind in China deUghts to assign feminine attributes
to that of mercy. It is easy to understand how the Sung-
tsi Kwan-yin, or " Kwan-yin, the giver of sons," should
become extremely popular.
The salvation of mankind by teaching is a conception
very characteristic of Chinese Buddhism. This belongs
to all those fancied personages caUed Fo and P'u-sa. For
example, the mission of Kwan-yin is the salvation of men.
It is symboUsed by her thirty-two metamorphoses. In
these shapes she enters various kingdoms as a saviour.
Among these representations are seen the eighty -four
thousand arms and hands with which she guides the
ignorant and the lost. The doctrines taught by Kwan-yin
are the non-existence of matter, and the infiniteness of the
knowledge and mercy of Buddha. AU evils are summed
up in ignorance. To acquire knowledge of the emptiness
of existing things is to become saved. It is this that is
meant by the salvation of men through the agency of the
goddess of mercy. In accordance with a vow she assumes
some one of her thirty-two shapes, and proceeds to the
various kingdoms of the world to convert men, and to the
regions where gods, giants, demons, and fairies reside, to
protect, instruct, and save all. Kings, governors, and

384 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
people are renovated by the power of mercy. They are
said to lose their fear, to be extricated from the thraU of
delusion, to become perfect, and to have the power of
aiding themselves or others. Kwan-yin is represented
as being able, by uttering charms, to assume numberless
shapes for the sake of saving. She saves by mercy, by
wisdom, by entering into a state. She obtains the great
self-reliant power by which she can ensure that those who
pray for sons and those who pray for the state of samadhi
shaU attain it, and those who pray for deUverance from
dangers, or for old age, shaU also secure them. She is able
to give Nirvana to her petitioners by the same power. This
is said to be her great mercy and pity. AU the Buddhas
and Bodhisattwas have powers analogous to these. But
none are so prominent, perhaps, in this respect, as Kwan-
yin. Manjusiri (Wen-shu), whose seat of worship is
Wu-t'ai shan in Shan-si, is, even in North China, where his
worship most prevails, much less thought of than Kwan-
yin. Probably P'u-hien, the seat of whose worship is
Wo-mei shan, in the province of Si-ch'wen, is even less
esteemed than Manjusiri, and a fortiori than Kwan-yin.
It would seem, then, to be a fact important in modern
Buddhist history, that the most popular of the divinities
of this religion should be presented first with male and
afterwards with female attributes, and that the change of
sex in the images should have been accomplished within
the last few centuries.
Yet it should not be forgotten that Kwan-yin is, pro
perly speaking, to be regarded as masculine even at the
present time. The feminine form is a specially popular
metamorphosis. If we wish to go further back and to be
still more careful in our analysis, Kwan-yin is but a form
of Buddha, coming into the world of suffering mankind in
a lower position than Buddha, in order more effectually
to instruct and save the ignorant. Thus P'u-hien and
Wen-shu are in the same way said to be ancient Buddhas
appearing among men as the two helpers of Shakyamuni,

PRA YERS FOR THE DEAD. 385
who styles one of them ch'ang-tsi, " eldest son," and the other
siau-nan, "little boy." Wen-shu is the god of wisdom,
and P'u-hien of action. Wen-shu rides a lion, and P'u-hien
. an elephant. The lion symbolises boldness, bravery, and a
fresh, eager, and advancing spirit. The elephant indicates
care, caution, gentleness, and a weighty dignity. This is
Buddhist symbolism. It is interesting in itself, because it
explains the images. The object of the images is partly
instruction, and partly the awakening of decent feelings in
the minds of worshippers. The image of a Fo or a P'u-sa
is intended to combine in its appearance wisdom, benevo
lence, and victory — the wisdom of a philosopher, the bene
volence of a redeemer, and the triumph of a hero. All
perfections are coUected in the holy image — perfect power,
perfect virtue, infinite compassion, infinite boldness, and in
finite knowledge. These are intended to be represented in
the images. This symbolism is, however, not exactly what
excites faith and devotion in the rich supporters of the
Buddhist religion. It is rather a belief in the magical
power of the Buddhist divinities and priests, and confidence
in the doctrine of retribution for the bestowment of liberal
gifts. Priests are invited to perform a liturgical service for the
dead. It is called kung-te, " merit." Its object is to give
the deceased a better position in the next life than he
would otherwise enjoy. This is founded on the metem
psychosis. Souls may be re-born in a better or worse state
of existence. The magical power of Buddha may exalt a
man from a birth into hell to a birth into the world once
more. Buddha's power may cause a poor man to be born
in the next life as a rich man. The choir of priests wield
this power. They profess to have the power to ch'au-tu-
ling-hwun, " save the soul." This means to transfer the
soul from an undesirable abode in the next life to a very
happy one. The people believe that the priests by beating
cymbals and drums, knocking the wooden fish and chant
ing prayers, can redeem the deceased person from the
2 B

386 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
punishment due to his sins. This is expressed by the
phrase, shu-tsui, " redeem from guilt."
For a service of one day in the house of the dead person,
the name tso-kung-te is used. For a service of three
days, pai-ch'an is often used. The favourite name (much
may be learned from favourite names) O-mi-to Fo tells of
an expected paradise. It speaks of the longing for a happy
hereafter. Here Buddhism has abandoned the legitimate
Nirvana of Shakyamuni, and preferred to allow the people's
craving for immortality to dominate the philosopher's
dogma of a return to the absolute. A favourite title of
Omi-to Fo is Tsie-yin Fo, " The guiding Buddha." He
guides from earth to the Western paradise. The legend of
O-mi-to is connected with that of Kwan-yin. The school
which teaches it is caUed that of " The peaceful land."
In China and Japan this school has always been a popular
one. It is so especiaUy in Japan. I was much struck
while in that country with inscriptions on tombs. A large
number of the inscriptions in ordinary cemeteries indicate
that the person there buried died in hope of being taken
to " The peaceful land." It is different in China, where
Confucianism has prevented Buddhism from taking a firm
hold on the hearts of the people. No such inscriptions
occur in Chinese cemeteries. Japan has been more
thoroughly penetrated with Buddhism than China. Yet
in China the funeral procession for the dead bears many
marks of Buddhist influence, though the ordinary ceme
teries do not. Thus the hwun-fan, or "soul's banner,"
carried before a coffin in such a procession has on the
top a lotus-flower, and below three strips of cloth, the
middle one of which contains the characters pan-yi, which
imply faith in the departure of the soul to the Western
heaven. The " portrait of the dead," shen-siang, is placed
beside it in what is called the tso-ting. Below the portrait
is a tablet to be worshipped. On the right hand is an
other banner called ming-tsing, on which are recorded the
titles of the deceased. Now it will be noticed here that

HAUNTED HOUSES AND CHARMS. 387
the wooden frame like a baldachino holding the picture is
Buddhist. It contains the stool on which a Buddhist monk
sits crosslegged when living, and on which he is placed
sitting in the same attitude when dead. Five Buddhist
priests and five Tauists read prayers at the grave of per
sons who are rich and high in office. The liturgies read
are such as the Sin-king, " Heart classic," and the Kwan-
yin-king. In reference to use in funeral processions, these
liturgies are called Chwen-ts'ai-king, " Liturgy for 'turning'
(or guiding) the coffin " on its path to the grave. The
Nirvana is too abstruse for the popular faith. 'It has been
replaced by the Paradise of the Western heaven.
The belief in the existence of hermit heroes, and of
various malevolent spirits and demons, is a marked charac
teristic of popular Tauism. Haunted houses are avoided
in all parts of China. The power of expelling demons
from haunted houses and localities, is believed to belong
chiefly to the hereditary chief of the Tauists, Chang T'ien-sh'i,
and subordinately to any Tauist priest. To expel demons
he wields the sword that is said to have come down, a
priceless heirloom, from his ancestors of the Han dynasty.
All demons fear this sword. He who wields it, the great
Tauist magician, can catch demons and shut them up in jars.
These jars are sealed with a " charm " (fu). I have heard
that at the home of this chief of wizards on the Dragon
and Tiger mountain in the province of Kiang-si, there
are many rows of such jars, aU of them supposed to hold
demons in captivity. The wizard himself is beUeved to
be a power. The charm is a power. The sword he wields
is a power. The efficacy of a charm is increased by the
supposed magical gifts of the Tauist wizard from whom it
is obtained. To secure the services of the great Kiang-si
wizard is very expensive. Only the wealthy who can ex
pend, a thousand taels of silver without being pinched can
afford the luxury of feeling quite sure that, by the agency of
this wizard, the demons who trouble them are completely
subjugated. The residence of this wizard is called Ch£n-

388 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
jen fu. In giving bim the title CMn-jSn, the meaning is
that he is regarded as having attained perfect power and
virtue. He is the ideal man. Men under the domination
of the passions are not caUed ChSn-jSn. The Tauist dis
cipline gives a man the rule over himself and over nature.
He who possesses this is caUed a " True man." The word
chen, " true," cannot be fuUy translated into English in
such cases as this without embracing the ideas "real,"
" perfect," " ideal," and " most elevated." It is higher than
sien, " immortal," but not so high as sheng, " holy."
The present chief wizard is like his predecessors. His
wife belongs to a Kiang-si famUy. Tauism in the persons
of its wizards retains marriage. Buddhism introduced the
disuse of marriage. Tauism, being anterior to that much
more ascetic and seU-denying system, knew nothing of
celibacy. It may be asked, from whence came the wizards and
their charms, and their supposed power to subdue the bad
influences of demons in disturbing neighbourhoods by
apparitions and uncanny noises, and in causing sickness and
death ? It may be answered, that before the introduction
of Buddhism, but especiaUy in the Han dynasty, this folly
was rife in the popular beUef, and has continued so tiU
now. There were wizards in the Shang dynasty, but no
details remain of what they did. In the Han dynasty, the
wizards stand out in their completeness. They were
greatly honoured by prince and people, and have continued
to be so in the. person of the Chang T'ien-shi" tiU the
present day.
This personage assumes a state which mimics the im
perial regime. He confers buttons like the emperor. He
has about thirty persons constituting his courtiers and
high officers. Tauists come to him from various cities
and temples to receive promotion. He invests them with
certain titles, and gives seals of office to those Tauists
who are invested. They have sirmlar powers to his, and
can, for example like him, subdue demons by pasting

TAUIST CHIEF MAGICIAN 389
charms on doors, which prevent them from entering. The
Chang T'ien-shi, in his capacity as a sort of spiritual em
peror, addresses memorials to Yii-ti in heaven. His position
will be understood from this circumstance. He is chief
official on earth of Yii-hwang-ti in heaven, and as such
is in the habit- of addressing to him " memorials " called
piau. His duty is defined as the driving away and expul
sion of demons by charms, and their destruction by the
magic sword.
In aU parts of China, the charms seen pasted on the
doors of houses testify to the dominant idea of popular
Tauism, and to the universal fear of demons, which Tauism
encourages. Certainly it is not Confucianism that main
tains in rigour this absurd dread of evU spirits wandering
through the air, disturbing the pubUc tranquillity, occasion
ing alarms which sometimes spread like an epidemic from
city to city, and leading the uninstructed populace to
trace fevers, madness, ague, drowning, accidental death of
travellers, suicide, and any sort of unaccountable discom
fort, to the imaginary agency of invisible and malevolent
beings. To subdue them is the office of the Tauist
magician. The person honoured with the credit of having
invented the charm is Chang Tau-ling. It was called fu,
because written on bamboo tallies such as were anciently ,
used by officers of government, and which are made to
fit in shape one with another as a security against impos
ture, in accordance with the meaning of the verb fu.
They are to be seen pasted on door Untels, the occupants
of the house beUeving that the sight of the magical char
acters written on the charm wiU prevent evU spirits from
entering. The magicians were in the Han dynasty caUed — not
without a touch of sarcasm — the "Feathered scholars" ( Yii-
shi), as being able to fly. The legend of Chang Tau-ling,
ancestor of the Chang T'ien-shi, head of the Tauist hier
archy at the present time, is sometimes stated as follows :
—In the latter part of the second century, this Pope of

390 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the Tauists, if he may be so called, was engaged in the
province now called Si-ch'wen in the Ho-ming shan (Moun
tain where the crane sien-ho calls), in manipulating the
" elixir of the dragon and tiger," lung-hu-tan. He met a
spirit who said, "In the Pe-sung mountain is a stone
house where may be found writings of the three emperors
and a liturgical book. By getting these you may ascend
to heaven, if you pass through the course of discipline
which they enjoin." He dug and found them. By means
of them he was able to fly, to hear distant sounds, and to
leave his body. Lau-kiiin then came down to him on the
night of the feast of lanterns, and ordered him to subdue
the demons of the " Shu country" (Si-ch'wen), in order to
confer blessings on humanity. Lau-kiiin gave him a
powerful and secret "charm" (lu), a "liturgy" (king), a.
" composition in verse or measured prose " (kiue), a " sword "
(Men), and a " seal " (yin). After going through a thou
sand days of discipline, and receiving instructions from
a certain goddess called Yii-nii, who taught him to walk
about among the stars, he proceeded to fight with the king
of the demons, to divide mountains and seas, and to com
mand the wind and thunder to come and go. All the
demons fled before him, leaving not a trace behind of
their retreating footsteps. On account of the prodigious
slaughter of demons by this hero, the wind and thunder
were reduced to subjection, and various divinities came
with eager haste to acknowledge their faults. In nine
years he gained the power to ascend to heaven and pros
trate himself before the first in rank of the Three Pure
Ones. A temple in Ch'eng-tu is said to have been the
place where Lau-kiiin discoursed to Chang Tau-ling. He
afterwards went eastward, and settled his residence on the
mountain Lung-hu shan, where his descendants have ever
since resided in possession of great honour and emolument,
as his hereditary representatives. The present occupant
of the patriarchate had to fly at the time of the T'ai-p'ing
rebeUion, and the temple where he resides was partially

YU-HWANG SHANG-TI. 39i
destroyed. The repairs of the buildings are now nearly
completed. The popular divinity, Yii-hwang shang-ti, is an ancient
magician, exalted to this dignity probably by the Tauist
writers of the T'ang dynasty.1 In the Pen-hing-king of
the Tauist coUection it is said, that a magician of the
Chang family was the son of a king in a former kalpa,
who, instead of succeeding his father, became a hermit,
and after eight hundred kalpas, and much patient endur
ance of injuries, attained to the rank of the " Golden
immortals " (Kin-sien), and. at the same time a Buddha
with a special title, Tsing-tsing-tsi-jan-chio-ju-lai, " The
pure, calm, and spontaneously perceiving Ju-lai." After a
million more kalpas he became Yii-ti, or Yii-hwang ta-ti,
" Emperor of aU the immortals." In the same way, Ts'i-wei
ta-ti, " God of the stars round the north pole," is the
emperor who rules over the presiding gods of all the stars,
according to the one account. The magickn Chang and
the magician Liu mounted dragons and rode up through
the sky towards heaven, and Chang gained in the race.
In the Tsin dynasty, a.d. 300, Cheu Hing is reported
to have died and risen again. He is said to have related
what he saw when dead. He saw T'ien-ti, the " Heavenly
emperor," enter the chief hall of his palace. Clouds,
purple in colour, dense and dark, obstructed the view
s above him. His face was a square foot in size. Cheu
Hing was told by those on his right , and left, " This is
the heavenly emperor Chang." His palace is the Yii-ts'ing
kung, which is represented in temples by a buUding be
neath the abode of the Three Pure Ones. It is the heaven
to which the soul flies when Tauist prayers are supposed
to help the dead to reach the Tauist heaven. The expres-
1 The title Yii-ti occurs in Tauist piloses, and a former life, borrowed
books earlier than the T'ang dynasty, from India. I asked the Tauist patri-
but not the full title with four char- arch when in Shanghai, how long it
aoters. This belongs evidently to the was since Chang T'ien-ti first received
T'ang dynasty, the age of Buddhist in- his title. He only replied, "From
fluence, and to the belief in metamor- the beginning of the universe."

392 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sions are — Hwun-fei ch'nng-siau, " The soul flies to the
high firmament ; " Ling-t'eng t'ien-kung, " The soul ascends
to the heavenly palace." These passages are the earliest I
have yet found giving the family name Chang to Yii-ti.
This magician or god Chang is to be distinguished from
Chang Tau-ling as already described, ancestor of the pre
sent Chang T'ien-shi, and from the medical divinity Chang
Sien, who was, in fact, a distinguished physician of the
Sung dynasty. The personage called Chang Sien, in-
common Chinese paintings, with bow and arrow shooting
at the moon, is this physician who lived about seven
hundred years ago.
In the taU-cutting delusion, which is now dying out
after spreading over the country like an epidemic, we see
an example of Tauist ideas. The fairy that cuts off hair
is checked and prevented by a charm. A written charm
curled up in the plaited queue at the back of the head is
a protective shield against all the assaults of witchcraft.
Tauism attempts to soothe the fears of the people by this
artifice. In Peking lately I heard that a writer of charms
hired men to go along the streets shouting to people that
for safety they should place charms in their hair, and
detailing cases of the loss of queues in the night, or
while men were sleeping in the day-time. These hired
men brought to the writers of charms a great increase of
custom. Every one wished to buy one. There must be
something in it, for every one talked of it. We must,
they said to themselves, buy a charm. The charm used
in Peking against the danger of waking without a queue,
consists of four mysterious characters, which are all found
in Kang-hi's dictionary. They were, we are there told,
used against a similar delusion in the Ming dynasty.
The Tauism of to-day meets us with this special charac
teristic. Yet it is but one part of the popular Tauism,
which in great part consists of a monastic institute for
reading liturgical books after the Buddhist fashion.
Dr. Yates says, in his lecture on Ancestral Worship and

TAUIST PR A YERS FOR THE DEAD. 393
Jung-shui, that Buddhism borrowed from Tauism. But, in
fact, it is rather the other way in the main. Buddhism
indeed borrowed from Tauism the worship of Kwan-ti, as
it has borrowed from Confucianism the use of ancestral
tablets for the worship of the priests of a monastery. But
there is no room for doubt, that the general programme of
the arrangements of a Tauist monastery, with the occupa
tions of the inmates, is Buddhistic. The whole scheme of
prayers for the dead is so. As to prayers for rain, they
are essential in China in every religion. For popular and
for state reasons it is essential to have them, the reason
being the same in all Buddhist countries. When therefore
the Hindoos and other Buddhists came to China, and found
prayers for rain already existing in the Confucian, the
imperial, and the popular worship, they would in offering
prayers for the same object, be only doing what they were
accustomed to do in their own country. They can scarcely
be said to be borrowed by any religion. The popular
character of the prayers of the Tauists for the dead is
different in some respects from the Buddhist, but in the
chief features it is evidently imitated. The old classical
word ts'iau, for example, is not used in describing the ser
vices of the Tauists for the dead. The phrase pai-ch'an
is used. One is called Ch'au-t'ien-ch'an, or " Prayer of
looking toward heaven;" another is Yii-hwang-ch'an,
"Prayer of Yii-hwang." This word ch'an is Buddhist.
The object of reciting these books is to save the souls of
the dead by affording them a speedy ascent to the palace
of Yii-hwang. The hell of the Buddhists is repeated by
the Tauists in their descriptions of the future state. The
variety of torments and punishments to be inflicted on _
criminals in the next world may be seen with all the
harrowing details in the temples of Tung-yo ta-ti, " The
god of T'ai-shan" a mountain god who is supposed to rule
the under world. He corresponds in attributes somewhat
to Ti-tsang-wang p'u-sa, the Buddhist deliverer from hell.
Like this Buddhist god, he rules only as a saviour and

394 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
shares his authority with a large group of inferior divi
nities, whose offices as ministers of punishment to those
who deserve chastisement, are Ulustrated on the walls by
rough paintings, or by clay images, moulded and painted
in the Chinese method, in the temples of Tung-yo ta-ti.
Among statements which I made years ago and have
now to correct as imperfect or erroneous is this, that the
Tauists have no hell, but only a heaven. In fact they
have both, for the rough wall drawings and clay mould
ings found in the east and west buildings of the temples
of Tung-yo prove it. These are not, however, many cen
turies old, and they form a part of the mass of legend and
myth which they have unscrupulously borrowed from the
Buddhists. Yama, " God of Death " in India, the Yen-lo-
wang of China, with the ten courts of judgment which
rule over the guilty, sentences them to punishment and
has it administered after death. This forms the basis of
the Tauist hell.
Modern Chinese art is very much pervaded with Tauist
ideas. The eight genu meet us everywhere. The manu
facturers of procekin, bronze, and carved bamboo orna
ments are never weary of representing these eight person
ages. They belong to the class of hermits. The love of
external nature was very much developed in the T'ang
dynasty. Poetry was the favourite occupation of the
literati. They gave attention to no severe studies. Every
beautiful spot among lakes, waterfalls, and mountains was
selected for a hermitage or a monastery. Buddhism and
Tauism received a wonderful expansion. It was just
the era for the legends of the eight genu to spring into
existence. It was an age of sentimental feeUng. The great
national poets flourished in the same dynasty as the eight
Tauist hermits. Li T'ai-pe and Tu Fu gained their fame
at the same time that the sixteen, and afterwards eighteen,
Lo-hans became popular. These Lo-hans are the Buddhist
equivalents of the fairies and hermits of Tauism. The
sixteen were Hindoos, whUe the two added names were

TAUIST DELUSIONS DANGEROUS. 395
those of Chinese Buddhists. All the eight genii were
Tauists of the T'ang dynasty.
We see the effect of Buddhist and Tauist teaching in
the present race of Chinese. The Tauist religion especially
is responsible for those superstitions which have a dan
gerous character. The epidemic of the fairy powder
was fatal to the peace of communities. The absurd
charges brought against the martyred Sisters of Mercy in
Tientsin were based on ideas which, although usually
represented as popular, and as the native growth of the
Chinese mind, are in fact correctly placed to the account
of Tauism. It is dangerous to the state that religious
teachings should be encouraged which tend to foster and
originate popular delusions entailing such frightful results.
Every man, whether a Christian or not, ought on moral
grounds, and on the greatest happiness principle itself, if
he thinks that is a safer basis, to desire the extinction of
a religious system which encourages dangerous and lying
delusions. Then there is the tail-cutting. The Tauists
accept and endorse the whole system of popular delusion
which originated the tail-cutting. They believe in the
existence of just such fairies as are said to cut off men's
queues. They make money by selling the charms which
are represented to be a protection against such demons.
Popular Tauism then is worthy of decided condemnation,
from every Christian and every enlightened lover of man
kind, whatever be his belief. There are beUef s in the Tauist
religion which not only need to be attacked by books
written from the Christian standpoint of thought, but
which may very properly be condemned in the proclama
tions of magistrates, on account of their tendency to produce
' dangerous tumults and lamentable breaches of the peace.
What a field is here presented for the teaching of science,
and the spread of a practical system of improved educa
tion in China ! Dense intellectual darkness clouds the
people's minds. There is pressing need for the extension
of a system of education which should strike at the root

396 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of superstition and enable the rising youth of the country
to avoid falling into the thraU of those delusive imagina
tions which have grown up under the fostering care of the
Tauists during the last two hundred years.
It is a great misfortune for a nation to have an exten
sive sacerdotal caste, whose interest it is to continue, gene
ration after generation, the beUef in deceptive fancies
which check the free growth of true ideas and all healthy
habits of thought. Their livelihood depends on the people
continuing to beUeve. in demons, fairies, and charms. The
missionary and the schoolmaster, the magazine and the
newspaper, are all needed to check these bad influences,
and replace- dangerous and injurious popular notions, by
healthy and useful knowledge, to be gathered from God's
two books, that of Nature and that of Bevektion. Then
as to the effects of Buddhism, it may be said to have been
good in some respects. It bears a consistent testimony to
the vanity of the world, and the essential and immense
superiority of soul purity to earthly grandeur. But in
founding on this a monastic institute, it has followed a
wrong plan, and failed to attain the purity desired. It
teaches the need of a personal redeemer to rescue from
the moral evils attendant on our present existence. But
this redeemer is a Buddha or a Bodhisattwa, a man or being
possessing none of the powers attributed to him. Among
the prominent and most pernicious evUs for which the
popular Buddhism of the present day is responsible is
idolatry. It is an enormous evil that Buddhism has
placed the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas in the position in
the reverence of the people, that ought to be held only by
the Creator and Father of the world. Idolatry puts fiction
in the stead of truth, and, as we every day see in China,.'
renders the mind indifferent to truth. This, too, is a vast
evil. Confucianism makes everything of morality ; and the
worship of Buddhist images, when it is complied with,
becomes a moral duty on the part of the emperor or the
magistrate, only because it is li (ceremonial duty), not

ASSAULT OF CHRISTIANITY. 397
because the Buddhist religion itself can have any just
claim to it. But Buddhism, by putting forward the image,
debases and misleads the national mind, by drawing it
away from the proper object of human worship. Our great
contest as Christian missionaries is with Confucianism.
There is found the intellect, the thought, the literature,
the heart of' the nation. But we have also a preUminary
struggle with Buddhism and Tauism. These constitute
three mighty fortresses, erected by human skill and effort,
to impede the progress of Christianity. Confucianism is
the citadel of the enemy raising its battlements high into
the clouds, and manned by multitudes who are animated by
a belief in their superiority and their invincible strength.
The taking of this fortress is the conclusion of the war.
But Buddhism and Tauism each represents a fortress which
must also be captured and destroyed. So far as argument
and intellect are concerned, these fortresses are weakly
manned. But think of the numbers, the millions on
millions, who are deceived by these superstitions, and
held fast by chains of spiritual darkness. Let the Chris
tian host of soldiers press on, and detaU its battalions, first
to overthrow these strongholds of rebellion against God ;
and when they are destroyed, let another earnest effort be
made to destroy the last and strongest of the towers of the
enemy. Then, when all these three fortresses are over
thrown, and China becomes a subject kingdom under the
Messiah's peaceful reign, it wiU be the greatest triumph
ever achieved for Christianity since the time when the
emperor Constantine became a Christian, and the Eoman
rehgion and power, and the Greek philosophy were dragged
as captives behind the car of the victorious Bedeemer.

( 358 )

CHAPTEE XXV.
ON THE USE OF SANSCRIT BY THE CHINESE BUDDHISTS.
Changes in Chinese sounds since the time of the Buddhist translitera
tion of Indian words — Examples of Sanscrit words in old and new-
Chinese — The importance of translations made in a.d. 60 to a.d.
76 for reading the Four Books — The Hindoo translators did not
speak pure Sanscrit — Sanscrit was the language of the books-
No Pali books in China— The translators spoke Pracrit — The
term. po-li, "glass" — Use of Sanscrit words in magic — Dharmi
— Inscription in six languages at Kii-yung kwan.
The Chinese characters have been written in the same
form and with the same sort of pencUs since the time of
Wang Hi-chi, a.d. 350.
During these fifteen centuries, while the writing taught in
all schools has been unchanged, the sounds attached to the
characters have been in a state of slow and constant flux.
Thus, the translator Kumarajiva wrote his name with
four Chinese characters then called Ku-ma-la-zhip. They
are now Kieu- (or Chieu) mo-lo-shi.
All sonant initials, such as g, d, b, z, zh, j, have changed
in the interval to surds, viz., k, t,p, s, sh, ch. In words
pronounced with the tone called hia-ping, the aspirates
k', t\ p', ch' come in place of k, t, p, ch, which occur in words
pronounced with the tones hia-ping, hia-ch'ii, and hia-ju.
Final m has changed to final n. Finals k, t, p have been
dropped ; also the vowels have aU changed their values,
a to 0, ya to e, u to yeu, &c.
The compilers of Kang-hi's dictionary have provided
tables of the old sounds, with characters chosen to repre-

EXAMPLES OF SANSCRIT WORDS.

399

sent the pronunciation as it formerly was. They are to be
read with the powers of the letters of the Sanscrit alphabet.
Natives not knowing the Sanscrit letters cannot escape
from the confusion in which they are involved by the dif
ference between the old and new pronunciations. The
foreign student wiU find that the principle here laid down
is a key to unlock the difficulties of the subject.
The following examples will help to familiarise the
learner with the method : —

Sanscrit.
Buddha
Amogha Vajra
Upasaka
Viharapala Bodhiruchi Paramiti MahlshwaraShanaishchara PrasenajitMali apail ma
Udyana Sangadeva Acharya Shakradeva Indra
Dhlrani

Old Chinese.
But
A-mo-ga had-ja-ra
U-pa-sa-ka
Bi-ha-la-pa-la Bo-di-lu-chiPat-la-mit-ti l
Ma-hi-shu-laSha-nai-shat-chat-laPat-la-si-na-ji-ta Ma-ha-pa-de-ma 2
U-dyung-na
Seng-ga-de-ba
A-cha-li-ya Shak-ka-la-de-ba In-da-la
Da-la-ni

New Ctiinese.
Fo
O-mo-k'ia po-che-lo
Yeu-po-so-kia Pi-ho-lo-po-loP'u-t'i-lieu-ch'i
Po-le-mi-tiMo-hi-sheu-lo S h e-na-y i-sh'i-ch e-lo
Po-lo-s'i-na-shi-toMo-ho-po-t'e-nio
TJ-chang-naSeng-k'ia-t'i-p'o O-che-li-ye Shi-kia-lo-t'i-p'o Yin-
t'o-lo
To-lo-ni

The admission of the principle that the Chinese pronun
ciation has changed, and that the recognised Mandarin
orthography is nothing more than that of a modern dialect,
will be found to throw a light much needed on the use of
Sanscrit by the Chinese Buddhists.
It is also necessary to recognise the principle, that the
Hindoo Buddhists in China were men who spoke the
dialects of Central India, Northern India, &c.

1 S. Julien is wrong in making the
first of these four characters end in n.
It hpat in old Chinese ; but pat was
often par. See p. 201 of my Intro
duction to the Study of the Chinese
Characters. Thus the famous word
iuraa, "cause," "fate," was trans

literated kat-ma, the t being heard
as r.
2 The character de should be trans
literated dek. That the k was then
lost is shown by its use in this case.
The loss of k final was beginning.

400 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
M. Stanislas Julien's Me'thode pour D&chifrer et Trans-
crire les noms Sanserifs makes no allusion to these subjects.
The consequence is that all his immense industry has
failed to make a window that would have iUuminated this
dark room. Yet that does not hinder his work from being.
indispensable to the student on this subject. It gives the
Sanscrit words. It gives the modern Chinese pronunciation.
These two factors are tabulated alphabetically. The stu
dent can with this help proceed rapidly. But if he wish
to understand why such and such Chinese characters were
chosen, and not prosecute his researches mechanicaUy, he
must allow for the influence of dialects and the incessant
change of language on both sides of the Himalayas.
It is necessary to take the finals of the Southern Chinese
dialects, and the initials of the dialects spoken in Central
China at the present time, as our sign-posts, pointing out
to us what was the pronunciation of the T'ang dynasty and
of the previous age ; and this must be done with the addi
tion of aid from the Japanese and Corean transliteration
of Chinese sounds, through the spread of Buddhism many
centuries ago.
It was about three hundred and forty years after the
death of Mencius, and five hundred and fifty after the
death of Confucius, that the translations from Sanscrit
were made. By learning the powers of the Chinese syUa-
bary with the help of the transliterations then made, we
can come quite near to the classical age of Chinese litera
ture, and approximate to the actual pronunciation of the
great Chinese sages. For the method and proofs, I may
here refer the reader to my Introduction to the Study of the
Chinese Characters.
Particularly is the " Sutra of Forty-two Sections " worthy
of attention, on account of its being the translation of
Kashiapmadanga and his friend Chu-fa-kn. It is highly
important for fixing. the pronunciation of the Chinese, at
the time when they taught Buddhism at Lo-yang, in the
reign of Ming-ti, a.d. 58 to A.D. 76. From their use of

IMPORTANCE OF TRANSLATIONS. 401
characters it is clear, that at that time the modern Fo was
But; O-lo-han was A-la-han ; ch'an, " contemplation," was
dian or dan ; Nie-p'an, " Nirvana," was Nit-ban or Nir-
lan; Kia-she, the name of " Kashiapa" Buddha, was Ka-
shap or Ka-shiap ; P'u-t'i, the word Bodhi, " knowledge,"
was Bo-di. Sha-men, the " Shramana," was Slut-men, hav
ing about the same sound as now. Pi-k'ieu or Pi-ch'ieu,
the " Bikshu," was Bi-k'u. Ch'iau-ch'en-ju, for " Godinia,"
was Go-din-nia. O-na-han, a certain grade in discipleship,
was A-na-gam, agreeing with the Sanscrit " Anagama."
PircM, for the Sanscrit " Pratyeka," was P'ak-tie, the Pali
being Patiekan. So it was probably not Pali that Kashiap-
madanga spoke, though he was a native of Central India.
Siirt'o-hwan, for " Srotapanna," another grade of disciple
ship, was So-da-ban or Su-da-wan. The last of these is the
more likely, for the character is the same as that used in
writing "Nirvana." The PaU is Sotapan ; so that the
translator did not speak Pali.
The greatest initiator of change in the choice of char
acters was Hiuen-tsang, about a.d. 645. He altered the
characters according to his opinion of what the selected
symbols ought to be. His selection of characters is a
gauge of the pronunciation of his time. His translations,
however, have not become popular. The older usage of
words has kept its place.
The language in which the Buddhist sacred writings
were first compiled may have been Pali; but that from
which they were translated into Chinese was Sanscrit.
The Pali books were a separate set of originals. The
Sanscrit originals alone are known to the Chinese. The
manuscripts, the inscriptions, the charms cut on cop
per mirrors, the lucky sentences under eaves and over
doors in monasteries, are in Sanscrit; and in polyglot
books printed at Peking, Sanscrit is the language em
ployed. Koeppen, page 186, in saying that the Chinese also
Have a number of PaU texts, has been misled by Gutzlaff.
2 c

402 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
This missionary had Uved in Siam, where Pali is the sacred
language, and was there accustomed to the idea that Pali
was the original language of Buddhism. This view he
brought with him to China, and when he saw Sanscrit
inscriptions in the island of P'u-to, he took them to be
Pali. From him the opinion spread, but it is an error.
The Buddhists of Birmah, Siam, and Ceylon have never
spread their religion in China or Japan, or introduced their
sacred books into those countries.
The Nepaul Buddhists preserve the sacred books in San
scrit, and not in PaU. But Burnouf also found certain
portions of the Nepaulese books written in Pracrit. The
groundwork was Sanscrit. The language occasionaUy used
was Pracrit. The language known by the Chinese as the
Fan language was shown to be undoubtedly Sanscrit, by
Julien's version of the works of Hiuen-tsang, the traveUer
who visited India, and who has described the Sanscrit
language in his autobiography. It is the language of
" Brahma " (Fan ; old sound, Bam).
Brahmanical ideas form a strong element in Buddhism.
Sanscrit words and Sanscrit writing are peculiarly sacred
in the view of the Brahmans. This idea has been borrowed
by the Buddhists. They preferred to use the words and
writing which were most sacred. With this Shakyamuni
would naturally have nothing to do. His instructions
were oral. He was a great moral teacher and metaphy
sical logician. It was his disciples in the centuries that
followed him that introduced Sanscrit writing, as the chief
medium of recording his instructions. It is they that are
responsible also for the charms, and for the faith in magic
which stimulated their use.
So many Brahmans announced themselves believers in
Shakyamuni's doctrines, that Sanscrit became at once a
favourite medium for the embodiment of his teaching by
writing, even though Shakyamuni himself spoke PaU or
Pracrit, as he probably did.
In the same way it may be said that Pali was then so

HINDOO TRANSLATORS. 403
extensively spoken, that it was inevitable that it should,
in the region watered by the Lower Ganges, become also a
medium for the preservation of the sacred books.
This double form of the sacred books had much to do
with the separation that sprang up between the Northern
and Southern schools of Buddhism. The peculiarities of
the Chinese transcription deserve to be considered.
The Pracrit of the early Chinese translators was, for
example, nearer to Sanscrit than to Pali in the sound of
prajna, " wisdom." The characters adopted are directed
to be pronounced pat-nia. The Pali is pannya.
There was also in the Pracrit of the early Chinese trans
lators a very clear pronunciation of b for the Sanscrit
and Pali v. This is shown by the constant selection of
Chinese characters sounded with b or p, according to the
old pronunciation. For example, the city " VaishaU," near
the modern Patna, is spelt Bai-sha-li. The PaU sound
is Vesali. Dr. E. J. Eitel, in his Hand-book of Chinese
Buddhism, page 27, has said, that " Chinese texts consider
Pah as the ancient and Sanskrit as the modern form even
as regards the system of sounds." If he will direct his
attention to these facts, he wUl perhaps admit that not
the Pali, but a certain Pracrit form or forms of the Hindoo
language, prevalent at the time in Central and Northern
India, was or were at the basis of the Chinese old texts.
The Hindoo translators in China would have Sanscrit texts
chiefly before them, and Pracrit texts occasionally. Their
pronunciation was not pure Sanscrit, but was modified by
Pracrit peculiarities.
In the flourishing period of Buddhism, in the region
watered by the Ganges, at the time of the Greek invasion,
and afterwards, the art of writing lately introduced was
put to extensive use in the Buddhist monasteries. Those
institutions fostered education, which was then very much
in Buddhist hands. JVbile the people spoke Pali and
Pracrit, Sanscrit was the language of education, and hence
the fondness shown for it by the Buddhists.

404 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Burnouf held that there was a double text, a Pracrit
text for the laity and a Sanscrit for the Uterati.
King Kanishka in Cashmere called a councU, the fourth ;
and in the writings edited by this assembly, Sanscrit was
the language.
The language of Magadha in the time of the emperor
Ashoka was a Pracrit. This was probably much used by
the Hindoo Buddhists who came to China.
An argument against Pali is to be found in the careful
selection of Chinese words commencing with sh, to repre
sent the Sanscrit sh ; but sh is not a letter known to the
Pali. The original text of the early Chinese translations
before the days of Hiuen-tsang must have had sh fully
developed. It probably dropped ra in sharira, " a relic,"
and sti in Shravasti, name of the capital of an ancient
kingdom called Kosala, and lying near Kapilavastu.
I place here some remarks on po-li, " glass."
In Buddhist glossaries, the Chinese po-li is derived from
the Sanscrit word spatika, " crystal." Many of the Hindoo
Buddhists who came to China — perhaps all — spoke dialects
of Sanscrit, but not the Sanscrit itself. The s was dropped,
and the final ka. The t in ti became I, as in the Turkish
belur. The rock crystal of China comes from Turkestan, and
would bring its own name with it from that country.
Buddhist makers of glossaries would prefer to derive the
word from Sanscrit, as the mother of all knowledge. They
have passed over without remark the possibility that the
Chinese word may come from the Turkish.
The word po-li for " glass," formerly pronouned pa-li,
has been in common use in China since the T'ang dynasty.
It came in with Buddhism and the international trade
with Turkestan.
I believe that the initial s in spatika might be an accre
tion and not original, just as most probably smelt is later
than melt, and sneeze than nose, and stannum than tin.

USE OF SANSCRIT WORDS IN MAGIC. 405
Curiously we find in the Mongol vocabulary bolor,
" crystal," " glass ; " bolor daboso, " rock salt ; " bolo ch'ilagon,
"a polishing stone," a rolling stone used in smoothing
the clods of a ploughed field. Compare Turkish bileghi,
" whetstone." Let it be noticed that glass-dust is used by
polishers and grinders.
Whether the bdli or bali is of Turanian origin and has
originated the Sanscrit spatika, it would be interesting to
know. Ballur is Arabic for " crystal ; " spashta is San
scrit for " clear ; " berrak is Turkish for " clear," " limpid."
Probably here is the root ; but who shaU decide ?
In Buddhist magic there has been extensive use of the
Sanscrit characters. The doctrine of magic has been
developed by the Buddhists very systematically, and to an
almost unexampled extent. It arose from the same ten
dency in the Hindoo mind, which produced those vast
fictions in the description of the universe, and in the nar
rative of the past, that distinguish the native literature of
that country. The love of the wonderful led the Hindoo
authors to forsake, at the same time, the fair bounds of
history and the sober reaUty of nature. Here it is easy to
perceive a similarity to the Arabians. There is, in their
fictions, the same fondness for splendid scenes and striking
supernatural effects. This would be poetry were it not
very much overdone. The same circumstances of gaudy
magnificence are again and again repeated, and the reader
is wearied with the unending recital of marvellous events,
invented after one model, and whose one object is to excite
an undistinguishing admiration of the power displayed.
By magic is here meant the supernatural power attri
buted to the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, or claimed by the
ordinary priests, and which is exercised by charms, mystic
formulse, incantations, finger-postures, and such-like means.
It is not the power of God acting through nature that is
here intended, but the power of the priest, through his
charms, virtues, and superior knowledge. The magical
result is effected by the never-erring retributive fate which

406 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
is the cause of everything that occurs, and which is respon
sive in the most complete manner to Buddhist wisdom, and
goodness. The use of the Devanagari writing for the purposes of
magic is an instructive instance of the power of super
stition to delude the human mind. The words used' by
the magician for the most part have no meaning. They
are senseless clatter. The sounds are Sanscrit, but the
words usuaUy not so. These absurd compositions of
unmeaning sounds are of various lengths. They occur
frequently in the books of the Great Development. They
are engraved on stone monuments on the way side, on
imperial roads, and at places of resort for Buddhist pil
grims. They also form a chief part of the liturgies in use
in the monasteries and at funerals.
Om-mani-padme-hum is one of the most common.
Padme is " lotus ; " mani is a " precious stone ; " om is a
sacred " Hindoo symbol." It is written in Sanscrit charac
ters under the eaves of aU the lama temples in Peking.
In these temples it meets the eye every where.
The Thibetan character is based on the Sanscrit. It is
also found cut on monuments, both for charms and for
intelligible inscriptions. It is the chief language for Utur-
gical use among the Thibetans and Mongol lamas in
Peking, except in two instances. In the Mahakala miau,
the Mongol sacred books are read. In a temple, Fa-hai si,
near the hunting park, the Manchu is read. The Chinese
lamas in Peking read Thibetan prayers, while the Chinese
priests of the old Chinese Buddhism read, of course, in
Chinese. In all these forms, the syllables of the charms are the
same. They are written in Sanscrit, or in the other
languages mentioned.
At the pass called Kii-yung kwan, near Peking, there
is a stone monument containing a charm in six languages,
viz., Sanscrit, Chinese, Thibetan, Nii-chih, Ouighour, and
Mongol. It was cut in the time of the Mongol emperors.

SANSCRIT INSCRIPTIONS. 407
It contains the same charm written with the characters
employed for all these languages. It was intended as
a protection to the emperor in going to and coming from
the summer palace, at that time beyond Tu-shi k'eu, and
also to all traveUers on this much frequented road between
China and Mongolia.
There are also some monuments inscribed with Sanscrit
charms in Peking at the present time, which date from
about seven hundred years ago. They are stone octagonal
pillars. One is at the monastery called Hwa-yen si, near
the park of the Altar of Heaven and the city gate known
as Kiang-cha men. These octagonal pillars are called sh%-
chwang, and they are placed in the courts of temples.
There is one kept on the premises of the London Mis
sionary Society in Peking.
Sanscrit inscriptions are supposed, like pagodas and
monasteries, to have a lucky effect on the neighbourhood
where they are found, and on those who erect them by
their benefactions and goodwUl.
A muttered charm is called " dharani," or, in Chinese,
cheu.

( 4°8 )

CHAPTEE XXVI.
BOOKS AND PAPERS THAT MAY BE CONSULTED FOE THE
STUDY OP CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Foe koue ki, by Remusat — Works of Julien — Interesting passage
from Fa-hien- — Translations by Beal — Schott, Tiber den Bud-
dhaismus in Hoch Asien und in China — Writings of Palladius —
Eitel's Hand-book for the Student of Chinese Buddhism — Watters'
account of Chinese Buddhism — Eitel's Three Lectures, and article .
on Nirvana.
Among these works may be mentioned the translation of
Foe koue ki, or " Belation of the Buddhist Kingdoms," by
Abel Bemusat.1 This work is very fully annotated by
Bemusat, Klaproth, and Landresse.
The same interesting book of Chinese travels has been
rendered into English by the Bev. S. Beal,2 and also by
Mr. H. A. Giles.3 These two translations have not the
advantage of abundant annotations.
The works of Professor Stanislas Julien on Chinese
Buddhism are — (i) Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-thsang
et de ses Voyages dans I'lnde, depuis Van 629 jusqu'en 645 ;
(2) Mimoires sur les Contrdes Occidentales, Traduits du San
scrit en Chinois, en Van 648, par Hiouen-thsang, et du
Chinois en Francais par S. JuUen, 2 vols., royal 8vo ; (3)
Les Avadanas, Contes, et Apologues Indiens, &c.
These works are characterised by the thorough and exact
1 Foi kouS ki, ou Belation des Roy- yun, Buddhist Pilgrims, from China
aumes Bouddhiques; par Chy Fa-hian. to India.
2 Travels of Fa-hian and Sung- a Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms.

INTERESTING PASSAGE FROM FA-HIEN. 409
scholarship of the author. They form a most valuable
addition to our knowledge of India and other Asiatic
countries in the seventh century, and in the Sung period
before that time, during which Buddhism had stiU the
vigour of its youth.
Both Fa-hien and Hiuen-tsang wiU be admitted by
every candid reader to deserve the reputation for patience
in observation, perseverance in travel, and earnestness in
religious faith which they have gained by the journals and
translations they left behind them.
Fa-hien says, near the end of his narrative, that he
sailed from Java in a ship on board of which were about
two hundred men. They had provisions for fifty days,
and were bound for Canton. After a month, a tempest
and violent rain almost overwhelmed them. The passen
gers were all in alarm. Fa-hien prayed to Kwan-yin, and
all the beUevers in China, to implore of the gods to give
them aid and quell the storm. When it became calm,
the Brahmans on board said that this Samanean, meaning
Fa-hien, ought to be put ashore on an island, because it
was he that had brought on them this hurricane. " Why
should we all be exposed to danger for the sake of one
man ? "
A friend of Fa-hien said, '' If you put this Samanean
on shore, put me ashore also, or else kUl me. If you put
this Samanean ashore, on arriving at the land of Han I
will denounce you to the king. The king of the land of
Han is very much attached to the doctrine of Buddha
and honours the monks."
The merchants were in doubt what to do, and did not
venture on severe measures. The sky continued thickly
overcast, and the embarrassm mt of the mariners in
creased. They were seventy days on the voyage. Pr ivisions and
water began to fail. The cooks took sea water to use in
cooking food, the good water they kept for drinking. Two
pints were assigned to each. As the water came near its

410 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
end, the merchants consulted together, and said that the
voyage to Canton ought not to have been more than fifty
days. They were long past this time, and ought now to
change their course to the north-west,and make for the coast.
In twelve days and nights they reached Lau-shan,1 on
the south shore of the Shan-tung promontory, and found
there good water and beans. After so dangerous a voyage,
with such fatigues and so many fears, they arrived at last
at this unknown shore. On seeing a plant called Li-ho-
ts'ai, they were convinced that they were indeed in China.
This plant was a proof of it, although they met no men
nor any traces of men'. Some thought they were all near
Canton. Others thought Canton was long passed. No
one knew what part of the coast they had reached.
Going ashore in a boat they met two hunters, and Fa-
hien was employed to interpret. From them they found
that they were in Tsing-cheu in the province now known
as Shan-tung, and on the north side of the promontory in
the Gulf of Pe-chi-li. From this point the merchants
found their way to Yang-cheu, and Fa-hien to the capital,
Ch'ang-an. This was in the year a.d. 414.
The student has also at his command — A Catena of
Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese, by Samuel Beal;
and The Bomantic Legend of Sdkya Buddha, by the same.
The work of Sehottj tfber den Buddhaismus in Hoch
Asien und in China, contains much valuable information
on the contents of Chinese Buddhist books. Written in
1846, it was anterior to the clear drawing of the boun
dary between Northern and Southern Buddhism by
Burnouf, and also preceded by several years the pubUca-
tion of Spence Hardy's works on Singhalese Buddhism,
viz., Eastern Monachism (1840), and Manual of Buddhism
(1843)- He says of Nirvana that it is the emptiness which every
intellectual object will include in itseU when liberated.
1 Lau-shan is near Kiau-cheu, latitude 360, east longitude 5° 25'. The port
of Kiau-cheu exports felt hats, umbrellas, fruit, and cabbages to Shanghai.

WRITINGS OF PALLADIUS. 411
In so far the Nirvana is like the original being, before
each creative act ; but it differs from the original essence
in this, that all forms of life and matter come out of the
original essence, but cannot come from the Nirvana ; be
cause nothing can come from it, and it is incapable of
having in it any individuaUty, mental or material.
To the genuine disciple of the Buddhist teaching, to
put himself under the mystic and heaven-sent guide to
the Nirvana, is the alpha and omega of his efforts. Just
so to the genuine follower of Confucius, to hold office, to
serve the emperor, and become a cabinet minister or
censor, constitute his great earthly aim.
Our author points out, with great correctness, the rela
tion of Tauism to Buddhism. Buddhism has borrowed
nothing from Tauism, while Tauism has borrowed much
from Buddhism.
After his description of Chinese Buddhism, Schott has
added a translation of a work of the school of the Tsing-
tu or " Peaceful land." This work is also iUustrated fuUy
with notes by the translator. It is a weU-selected example
of current Buddhist teaching in China.
The reader of the Tsing-tu-wen (that is the name of the
book translated) is informed by the native author, that he
is not to expect advantage only in the future life from his
study of the books of the school of the Peaceful land.
They are adapted to benefit him in the present Ufe by
transforming him into what the book represents as a good
Buddhist. The late learned archimandrite Palladius, resident for
many years in Peking as a member of the Bussian Eccle
siastical Mission, was a profound student of Chinese
Buddhism. The result of his very extensive reading was
embodied in two papers printed in the "Besearches of
the Members of the Bussian Mission in Peking." One is
a " Life of Buddha ; " the other describes the subsequent
philosophical development of Buddhism. These "Be
searches " have been translated into German.

412 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The Hand-book for fhe Student of Chinese Buddhism, by
Dr. E. J. Eitel,1 is a dictionary of proper names, dogmas,
and Buddhist terms generaUy, arranged alphabetically.
The student of Buddhism obtains in this work an impor
tant help to his studies. The author has devoted great
attention to this subject, and has, in addition to his own
investigations, here placed within reach of his readers,
many contributions from the immense learning in this
department, of JuUen, Burnouf, and Koeppen.
Buddhism is not so powerful in China as to cause alarm
to the Christian missionary, in view of the coming struggle
which he anticipates. But the history of its introduction,
and the nature and extent of the influence it has produced
on the Chinese mind and Uterature, are extremely interest
ing subjects. The Hindoo missionaries tried hard to bring
the Chinese to accept the mythology and reUgious doctrines
of their country at the time when it was Buddhist. Their
translations abound in Sanscrit words, which it was hoped
the Chinese would learn, but this they f aUed to do. Names
of things as well as names of persons, words expressive of
doctrines, abstract names, classes of mythological beings,
adjectives, arithmetical and astronomical expressions, and
many long compound terms are imported in full into the
Chinese text. To explain them glossaries were prepared.
But they expected more zeal and perseverance in their
Chinese neophytes than they have shown, and the conse
quence is that the glossaries are not looked at, and the
Sanscrit names are passed over by the reader of the
Chinese texts as an abracadabra which he is glad to miss.
Buddha's heart is, for example, spoken of as Anut-
tara samyak sambSdhi, pronounced in the era of the
Hindoo translations, A-no-ta-la sam-mo sam-bo-di. An is
the negative, uttara is " superior ; " sam means " perfect,"
"good," "same;" samyak is given in the Sanscrit dic
tionary, " all," " wholly," " fitly." BSdhi is " inteUigence,"
1 This account of Dr. Eitel's book is reprinted from the Chinese Recorder,
where it appeared in 1871 as a review.

HAND-BOOK OF CHINESE BUDDHISM. 413
"the intellect," " the holy fig-tree," "knowledge of God,"
and as an adjective, " wise ; " etymologically it is " that
which distinguishes ; " that is, " the intellect," and hence
"that which is distinguished," "doctrine," "the object of
the highest study." From this has come the title Buddha
the " perceiver," " the sage."
Whoever wiU study Buddhism, must know what these
and other such words mean; and Dr. Eitel's object has
been to provide a handbook in which a mass of informa
tion has been collected, adapted to aid the inquirer. In
this instance he must look under the words Anuttara and
BSdhi. If he is reading a Chinese Buddhist production,
he must first consult the Chinese index at the end of the
volume. This mode of using the Sanscrit- Chinese Dic
tionary is a Uttle cumbrous, but perhaps it is preferable
to the perpetuation in a work of this kind of the Mandarin
pronunciation, as given in Morrison, Wade, and other
authors. Sanscrit books having been translated fourteen
centuries ago, the powers of the Chinese characters which
represented Hindoo words have changed in the mean
time. As Dr. Eitel justly remarks : " To the language
then spoken in China no modern Chinese dialect comes
nearer in sound than the very Sanskrit or Pali forms
themselves." The difficulty might be met, if we had a dictionary of
Chinese words with the ancient and modern pronuncia
tions arranged in succession, as in K'ang-hi, but in a more
complete form than in that work. For example, if in
Morrison's Syllabic Dictionary, under the syllable Fuh,
between the character and the meanings were inserted
"old sound, But; Amoy, Put; Nanking, Fuh; Peking,
Fo; " every one would thus be in a position to know what
the old sounds of the characters are. It would then
he feasible to compile a Chinese-Sanscrit, instead of a
Sanscrit-Chinese, dictionary.
But as the student of Chinese must also learn to consult
works arranged according to the radicals, like Kang-hi

a

414 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
itself, Dr. Eitel's arrangement of the dictionary forms no
bar to its usefulness.
Among the longer and more valuable articles in this
work are those on Kwan-yin or " AvalokiteVvara,"
Buddha or " S'akyamuni," "Samadhi," "Sanskrita," "Na-
ga," " Mafidjus'ri," " Amitabha," " Dhyana," " Nagar
djuna," " Naraka," " Triratna," " Nirvana," and " Trikaya."
The speUing here given is that of an author who, some
what oddly, has followed the French orthography in writing
the Sanscrit sounds ch, sh, and/.
The best key to the understanding of Buddhism is to
be found in the study of the life of its founder. In
Shakyamuni himself humanity is first seen, then divinity.
A young prince, handsome, strong, heroic, surrounded by
pleasures, and tempted by the most brilUant worldly
prospects, is deeply affected by observing the miseries of
human life. He becomes a changed man, forsakes his
father's palace for a hermit's ceU, practises and then
teaches a rigid asceticism, and dies at eighty, after a long
career occupied partly with the instruction of a numerous
band of disciples, and partly with extatic contempla
tion. He is deified at the moment of death ; that is, his
disciples elevate him to the summit of humanity, honour
him as the best of teachers, and announce that he is for
ever rescued from the revolutions of Hfe and death. He
has entered the Nirvana, and when his body has been
burned, the sharira, or small reddish residuum, is honoured
as a sacred relic possessing marveUous powers, and over
it a pagoda must be erected.
Such a phenomenon — a great and disinterested mind,
founding the monastic institute, and teaching multitudes
of both sexes and every caste the escape from sorrow to
the eternal rest of the Nirvana — was sufficient in the con
dition of Hindoo society, as it was two centuries before
the expedition of Alexander, to account for the early
history of Buddhism. In his account of Kwan-yin
(Avalokite'sh'vara) our author has gone too far, when he

KWAN-SHI-YIN. | 415
supposes there was a Chinese divinity of this name before
the introduction of the Mahayana into China. Nothing
is easier than to attach to the imaginary former lives of
the great Bodhisattwas, any incidents of old biography in
any age or country, of a marvellous kind, and adapted to
be, in the Buddhist sense, edifying. Such incidents were
ascribed by the Chinese Buddhists to the presence of
Kwan-yin, nearly as in Mr. Disraeli's Lothair the oppor
tune arrival of a Eoman shopkeeper's wife, who shows a
benevolent interest in the welfare of that hero, is beUeved
by the pope and his cardinal to be an appearance of the
Virgin Mary. Hence the author of that romance, sarcas
tically describes Lothair as being for a time, in the opinion
of every one in Eome, high and low, " the most favoured
man in this century ; " yet the net failed to entrap him
through his want of faith.
Kwan-yin " looks on " (kwan) " the region " (shi) of suf
ferers whose "voices" (yin) of many tones, all acknow
ledging misery and asking salvation, touch the heart of
the pitiful Bodhisattwa. She looks with a thousand
eyes that she may see them aU, and stretches out a
thousand arms that she may save them all.
Kumarajiva himself adopted the name Kivan-sh'i-yin.
The translators of the T'ang period, two centuries later,
brought to view the true etymology as given by our
author, but they did not succeed in changing the course
of the legend or the name of the divinity. Kumarajiva
preferred the more popular and edifying designation. The
two meanings, Kwan-tsi-tsai and Kwan-shi-yin, doubtless
existed together in Kumarajiva's country, Cashmere, just
as afterwards in China. The Mahayana doctrine had
prevailed there already for nearly two hundred years,
from the time of Nagarjuna, given in the Hand-book, A.D. .
194. The remarkable extension of the Mahayana literature
[Hwa-ijen-king, Fa-hwa-king, &c.) in Cashmere, Kashgar,
Balkh, and what is now Cabul, aided by the conversion

416 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
to Buddhism of the Indian Getse, the Yue-ti of Chinese
history, renders the dialects there spoken early in the
Christian era important for the determination of the
language employed by the first Hindoo missionaries in
China. Our author says the Pali was first used, and afterwards
the Sanscrit. It would be more correct to say that the
Magadha dialect was first used, then the dialect of Northern
India, such as was spoken in Cashmere, and afterwards
the Sanscrit. In the Han dynasty, under Ming-ti, Kashiap-
madanga, who came from Magadha, the modern Bahar,
used the dialect of that country, which differed from the
Pali among other things in retaining from Sanscrit the
letter sh.1 If Kashiapmadanga, the most ancient of
the translators, had chosen Chinese words whose initial
was s to write the Sanscrit Shramana and Kashiapa, it
might be said that he used the PaU.2 In the " Sutra
of Forty-two Sections" he used Sha-men, and thus ori
ginated that name, to be used ever after as the designation
of the members of the Buddhist community in China.
For Kashiapa he wrote Ka-shiap.
The second era of translators, A.D. 400, was that of
Kumarajiva of Cashmere. There can be no doubt that
he made use of sh and s as separate letters, for he never
confounds them in his choice of Chinese characters. The
Chinese words already introduced by his predecessors he
did not alter, and in introducing new terms required in
the translation of the Mahayana literature (Ta-ch'eng),
or " Greater Development," he uses sh for sh, and usually
b for v. Thus the city " Shravasti " was in Pali Savatthi,
and in Chinese Sha-ba-ti. Probably Kumarajiva himself,
speaking in the Cashmere dialect of Sanscrit, caUed it
, Shabati. Two centuries later, the fashion of close adherence to
Sanscrit came into use under the leadership of Hiuen-'
1 See Burnouf and Lassen's Essai sur le Pali.
2 The Pali forms are Samana, Kassapa.

SAMADHI— PARAMITA. 417
tsang. For example, instead of Bi-k'u, which is like the
Pah Bhikkhu (probably also found in the Magadha lan
guage), Bit-ch'u was written, evidently with the intention
of restoring the Sanscrit sh. Our author gives a different
reason. The great value of such a guide as this Hand-book in the
study of Chinese Buddhism wiU be understood by the
student, when he finds that almost all the important words
in doctrine and biography are here traced to their Sanscrit
originals, and explained with the aid of recent European
criticism. Thus Ho-shang, the most popular term for
"Priest," is Upadhydya, the president of an "assembly,"
or sangha. The " Three Precious Ones " are Buddha, the
personal teacher; Dharma, the Law or body of doctrine ; and
Sangha, the Priesthood. The term sam-mei is explained
as the "samadhi" of the original Sanscrit. "Samadhi
signifies the highest pitch of abstract ecstatic meditation,
a state of absolute indifference to all influences . from
within or without, a state of torpor of both the material
and spiritual forces of vitaUty, a sort of terrestrial Nir
vana consistently culminating in total destruction of life.
'He consumed his body by Agni (the fire of) Samadhi'
is a common phrase."
The expression Tau-pi-an, "Arrival at that shore," is
.explained as the Chinese equivalent of Paramita, embrac
ing the six means of passing to the Nirvana. These are —
1. "Charity" (or giving), Dana; 2. "Morality," Shila (good
conduct); 3. "Patience," Kshdnti; 4. "Energy," Virya;
5. " Contemplation," Dhydna ; 6. " Wisdom," Prajna.
In the account of Nirvana, Dr. Eitel touches on a sub
ject of great interest, namely, the expectation of immor
tality asserting itself in Buddhism, in spite of the over
whelming influence of a metaphysical system adverse alike.
to the belief in God and to that in immortality. Shakya
muni said in his last moments, "The spiritual body is
immortal." But he said just before, " All you Bikshus, do
2 D

41 8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
not be sad. If I Uved in the w6rld for a kalpa, on arriv
ing at the time I must still be annihilated. Not to leave
you when the hour has arrived is impossible. In gaining
benefit one's-self, others are benefited. The system of
doctrine is already perfect. Should I live longer, it would
be of no benefit to you. AU that were to be saved, whether
in the paradises of the Devas, or in the world of mankind,
have already been saved. As to those who have not been
saved, the causes which wiU ultimately lead to their salva
tion have already been put in operation. From this time
forward I exhort you, my disciples, to expand, explain,
and propagate my doctrine, and thus " (here follows our
author's quotation) " the ' spiritual body ' (fa-shen) of
Ju-lai wiU be constantly present, and wUl not be anni
hilated at all."
Much cannot be built on this passage from the " Sutra
of the dying instructions of Buddha," but Dr. Eitel is
quite right in arguing the continued existence of the
Buddhas from their occasional reappearance after death
for the salvation of living beings, and also from the dogma
of the " Western Baradise."
Why, in his article on Dhyana, the author has omitted
any reference to the Ch'an-men does not appear. He has,
however, given an account of the twenty-eight patriarchs,
the last of whom, Bodhidharma, introduced into China
the Buddhist sect called the Ch'an-men, which has played
in some respects the same part in China that the Jainas
did in India. It has almost supplanted the original Bud
dhism, and has always made much of the esoteric deposit
of doctrine and its transmission along with the robe and
rice bowl from patriarch to patriarch. The meaning of
the names, however, differs. Jaina means " the conqueror,"
whUe dhydna, the Indian prototype of the Chinese dan,
later ch'an, signifies " meditation."
In the notice of the nagas there are some interesting
references to " serpent " worship, that very widespread

WATTERS ON CHINESE BUDDHISM. 419
and ancient superstition, which seems to have originated
in the first ages, and to have spread from the Babylonian
region to the most widely separated countries. The stones
of Avebury in Wiltshire, not far from Stonehenge, retain
the serpentine shape in which the Druids, or the prede
cessors of the Druids, arranged them. The Hebrew nahash,
Gaelic narar, and English " snake," are word-forms which
preserve the old idea ; and the account of the temptation
in Genesis furnishes us with a probable origin for the
traditions of serpent worship among various nations.
In Eastern Asia the nagas were looked on as well
disposed. Hence the Birmese confound them with the
devans, while the Chinese regard them as good and power
ful and caU them lung, the Greek drakon, and the German
schlange. On the six paths of transmigration the reader will
fold information under the heads Gdti, Pr&tas, Asura,
Amdgha, &c.
But it is time to stop. Buddhism is a subject which
easily ramifies into so many directions, that it is necessary
to limit these remarks.
Mr. Watters' papers on Chinese Buddhism have been
already referred to, in the sketch of the history of Chinese
Buddhism in an early part of this volume. They contain
a historical summary of Chinese Buddhism, an account of
the Buddhas, and a sketch of the Confucianist opposition.
Dr. Eitel's valuable Three Lectures on Buddhism, and
an article by him on the " Nirvana of Chinese Buddhism,"
in the Chinese Becorder, June 1 870, should be consulted by
the student.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF PROPER NAMES
AND SUBJECTS.

A-cha-li-ya, 399. See Aclidrya, A-je-
, ii, and O-che-li-ye.
Acharya ( A-che-li) ,35,399- See A-je-
li, A-cha-li-ya, and O-che-li-ye.
Ach'obhya, 234, 236, 279, 281.
Adam, 14.
Adam's Peak, 38.
Aesidemus, 312.
Afghanistan, 21, 60, 6r, 91, 117, 135,
; 322. See Ceta.
lAgama period, 51.
Age of Wise men, 222. See Sien
kalpa, and Mahaohadra-kalpa.
Ajatashatru, 15, 31, 52, 64, 215.
Ajeli, 133.
A-je-li, 291, 292. See Achdrya,
1 -A-cha-li-ya, and O-che-li-ye.
Akanit'a, 224.
Alabaster, Mr. H., 249.
A-la-han, 311, 401, see Arhan,
Arhans, Zo-han, and Lo-hans.
Aleni, Julius, 121. See Ngai Ju-lio.
Alexander the Great, 67, 249, 322,
342, 414.
Alexius Comnenus, 117.
Aliyin, 145.
Alopen, 117.
Altai mountains, 214.
Amida Buddha, 171-174, 208. See
Amitabha Buddha.
Amitabha Buddha, 198, 208, 209, 233,
: ^34, 236, 246, 261, 262, 273, 279,
i- 281, 414. See Amida Buddha.
Amitabha Paradise, 233, 235.
A-mi-toFo, 171. See Amida Buddha.
A-mo-gabad-ja-ra, 399. See Amogha
and 0-mo-k'ia po-che-lo.

Amogha, 125, 132, 399, 419; also
called Amogha Vajra. See O-mo-
k'ia po-che-lo and A-mo-ga bad-
/a-rtx.
Amoy (dialect), 413.
Amravati, 287.
Anagam, 182, 311, 40 r. See Ana-
gamin.
Anagamin, 69, 311. See Anagam.
Anagamins, 225.
Ananda, 13, 36, 37, 42-45, 49, 52-54,
57, 64-66, 68, 70, 71, 106, 168, 232,
241, 243, 248, 276, 291-300. See
O-nan.
Anathapindada, 296. See Andtha-
pindika.
Anathapindika, 295, 296. See Ana
thapindada.
Anaxagoras, 342.
Anaximander, 342.
Anaximenes, 341.
An-fu (Palace' of darkness), 353, 357.
See Naraka.
An-hwei, 139.
An-lo-yen-sheu-tang, 254.
An-shi-kau, 280.
An-si, ro8, 150, 280. See Arsce.
Antony, 257.
An-tsien (Secret arrow), 338.
Anuruddha, 53, 56, 57.
Apsaras, 216.
Arabic language, 335, 405.
Arabians — Arabs, 117, 405. See
Ta-shih.
Aranya, 20. See Aranyaka.
Aranyaka, 231. See Aranya.
Arara, 24.

422

INDEX.

Aratan, 92.
Arhan, 28, 29, 32, 53, 58, 66, 69, 79-81,
182, 184, 264, 276, 290, 311. See
A-la-han and Lo-han.
Arhans, 28, 31, 58, 64, 65, 68, 76,
138, 184, 185, 214, 241-245, 248,
263, 264, 291, 297, 304, 311. See
A-la-han and Lo-hans.
Aristotle, 342.
Arsse, 108. See An-si.
Aryan personification, 355.
Asengha, 132, 169, 278, 279. See
Wu-cho.
Ash6ka, 13, 22, 31, 58, 59, 69, 83,
104-107, 215, 273, 277, 278, 282,
283, 404. See A-yo.
Ashwagosha, 74, 278. See Ma-ming.
Asia, 3, 28, 356.
Asiatic countries, 90, 409 ; fetishism,
41; monkish establishments, no;
speculator, 166 ; world, 60.
Asita, 71.
Asura, 115, 419. See Sieu-lo (Su-
la).
Asuras, 77, 156, 195, 206, 214, 215,
217, 220, 310.
Augustus, 257 ; of the East, 118.
Avalokite, 262. See AvaUkiUsh-
wara.
Aval6kit6shwara, 139, 208, 262, 266,
414. See Avalokite and Kwan-
yin.
Avatars, 156.
Avebury, 419.
Avichi naraka, 45, 196, 225. See 0-
pi ti-yii.
A-yo, 104, 105, 107. See Ashdka.
Babylon, 339, 363, 364.
Babylonia, 211.
Babylonian region, 418 ; view of
nature, 341.
Bactria, 343.
Baga, 192.
Ba-ga-vam, 120. See Bhagavat.
Bahar, 19, 31, 137, 215, 289, 416. See
Magadha.
Bai-sha-li, 403. See Vaishali.
Baishevu, 14.
Ba-la-men, 102. See Brahman.
Balkh, 415.

Banban, 104.
Baschpa, 147. See Pa-ho-si-pa.
Basel Mission, 366, 369.
Basiasita, 85, 156.
Baur, 166.
Beal, Rev. S., 3, 33,107, 283, 287, 408,
410.
Benares, 4, 22, 24-28, 30, 42, 51, 75,
94. See Paranai.
Bengal, Bay of, 145.
Bengali, 362.
Berar, 42. See Kosala.
Bhadra, 109.
Bhadra-kalpa, 71. See Kalpa of the
Sages.
Bhagavat, 120. See Ba-ga-vam.
Bhaishajyaguru Buddha, 208, 235.
See Yo-slCi Fo.
Bhaishajyaraja, 210. See Yo-wang
p'u-sa.
Bharhut, 287.
Bhikkhu, 417. See Bikshu.
Biba Buddha, 14.
Bi-ch'u, 120. See Bikshu and Bi-
k'u.
Bigandet, Bishop, 202.
Bi-ha-la-pa-la, 399. See Viharapala ¦
and Pi-ho-lo-po-lo.
Bikshu, 4, 17, 18, 35, 276, 315, 4or.
See Bi-ch'u and Bi-k'u.
Bikshuni, 35.
Bikshus, 20, 21, 28, 30, 36, 45, 51, 54,
81, 214, 276, 277, 290, 292, 297, 307,
3i4, 417-
Bi-k'u, 120, 401, 417. See Bi-ch'u
and Bikshu.
Bimbasala, 31. See Vimbasdra.
Bimbisara, 15. See Vimbasdra.
Bindupala, 106.
B'ing-an, 263.
Birmah, 171, 200-202, an, 228, 370,
402.
Birmese, 202, 217, 419 ; chronology,
15 ; peninsula, 104, 145.
Bit-ch'u, 417. See Bikshu.
Black river, 255.
Black warrior, 337.
Blue dragon, 337.
Bod, 202.
Bodhi, 21, 37, 52, 53, 64, 401, 412,
413 ; tree, 14, 20, 22, 23, 104.

INDEX.

423

Bodhidharma, 85, 86, 99, 100, 102,
103, 105, 116, 129, 130, 140, 142,
152, iS5-l6o» I7°. !79, 198, 209, 247,
263, 373, 418. See Ta-mo.
Bodhiruchi, 131, 280, 399. See Bo-di-
to-cAi and P'u-t'i-lieu-chi.
Bodhisattwa, 7, 12, 22, 23, 39, 51, 97,
128, 132, 182, 183, 195, 196, 208-
210, 226, 227, 229, 233, 235, 236,
241-243, 246, 247, 263, 264, 279,
287, 310, 364, 396, 415. See Bosat
and P'u-sa.
Bodhisattwas, 19-22, 25, 36, 39, 43,
51, 128, 132, 135, 138, 139, 162, 169,
172, 186, 193, 197, 206-208, 211, 214,
223, 229-232, 234, 236, 237, 241,
244, 248, 254, 258, 261, 264, 265,
282, 290, 291, 384, 396, 405, 415.
Bo-di, 401. See Bodhi.
Bo-di-lu-chi, 399. See Bodhiruchi
and P'u-t'i-lieu-chi.
Bokharia, 322.
Bonpa deities, 63.
Bosat, 5-7. See Bodhisattwa and
P'u-sa.
Bowring, Sir John, 107.
Brahma, 24, 36,55, 185, 215-217, 224,
243, 248, 28S, 292, 293, 402- See
Fan-t'ien and Fan-t'ien-wang.
Brahma heaven, 71, 79, 221, 264, 340.
See Brahma-loka.
Brahmachari, 32, 53.
Brahma-loka, 217. See Brahma hea
ven.
Brahman, 27, 62, 78, 79, 85, 285, 286,
303 ; caste, -145, 225, 226 ; family,
61; maiden, 17, 225-227.
Brahmanical arithmetic, 123; hooks,
289; ideas, 402; literature, 118;
mythology, 21 ; persecution, 99 ;
roles of purity, 32 ; use of a word,
216; wisdom, 232.
Brahmanism, 84, r32, 145, 315.
Brahmans, 2, 17, 31, 73, 77, 86, 88,
190, 213, 285, 355, 402, 409 ; of pure
life, 83. See Fan-hing.
Brahmas, 215, 217, 220, 224.
Brass Buddha, 374-376.
Bread sect, 378. See Man-t'eu-kiau.
Brilliant vapour, 347. See Yau-k'i.
Brown, Dr., 313.

Budanandi, in.
Buddha of wisdom unmoved, 231.
Buddhamitra, 71-74.
Buddhanandi, 71-73.
Buddha's bone, 58, 127, 135 ; chair,
118 ; father, 44 ; footstep, 135, 256;
hair, 104, 135 ; heart, 412 ; image,
256 ; law, 39, 43, 48, 103 ; mou
staches, 59 ; nature, 48 ; Northern
biographers, 38; power, 385; statue,
118; teaching, 47, 65, 79; tooth,
58, 135, 250, 256 ; true words, 41.
Buddhas of the ten regions, 37.
Buddhayasha, no.
Buddhistic character of embassies,
r47; classics, ri4; doctrine, 97; in
scriptions, 265 ; system, 2; thought,
204; views, 356.
Buddojanga, 89, 108, 168. See Fo-
t'u-cheng.
Bunam, 104. See Siam.
Burger, Dr., 167.
Burnouf, Eugene, 2, 3, 12, 99, 100,
106, 107, 214, 229, 277, 278, 283,
315, 402, 404, 410, 412, 416.
But, 120, 399, 401, 413. See Fo.
Byzantine emperor, 116, 117.
Cabol, 42, 277, 322, 415. See Cophen
and Kipin.
Cadmus, 114.
Cambodia, 145.
Candahar, 67, 83-85, 100. See Getce
and Kipin.
Canton, 100, 114, 150, 289, 367, 409,
410 ; province, r26.
Cashmere, 72, 73, 83, 144, 256, 277,
290, 404, 415, 416. See Ka-shi-mi-lo.
Caspian Sea, 91.
Caucasus, 20.
Central Asia, 91, 190, 337 ; China,
400; India, 4, 44, 63, 70, 82, 84, 85,
88, 91, 195, 280, 289, 399, 401, 403;
kingdom, 44 ; philosophy, 184. See
Madhyamika.
Ceylon, 15, 36, 38, 39, 88, 91, 94, in,
132, 171, 189, 211, 228, 244, 248,
249, 277, 287, 402. See Lenga
Island.
Chai-tang, 328.
Chai-wang, 269. See Prince of Fuel.

424

INDEX.

Ch'a-kiau, 378. See Wu-wei-kiau.
Chakravarti, 22. See Wheel king.
Chaldeans, 332.
Ch'an, 129, 156, 401, 418.
Chandaka, 54.
Chandra, 214.
Chandragupta, 106, 256, 282. See
Yue-hu.
Chang K'ien, 88.
Chang Kung-kung, 374.
Chang Sien, 392.
Chang Tau-ling, 387-392 ; also called
Chang T'ien-shi.
Chang T'ien-ti, 391, 392. See Chang
Yi, Yii-hwang, Yii-hwang shang-ti,
Yii-hwang ta-ti, Yii-hwang-ii, and
Yii-ti.
Chang Yi, 360. See Chang T'ien-ti.
Ch'aug-an, 89-91, 108, 109, 117, 119,
131, 410. See Si-an fu.
Chang-king si", 125. ,
Chang-pi-mo-wang, 159.
Ch'ang-ts'ien monastery, 105.
Ch'an-hio, 102. See Ch'an-men.
Ch'an-men, 102, 179, 418. See Ch'an-
hio.
Ch'an-sh'i, 129.
Ch'au kingdom, 89, 90. See Pe-chi-
li and Shan-si.
Chau-cheu, 126.
Chau-chiiin, 255.
Che-kiang, 137, 178, 255, 275, 371.
Chen-cheu, 165. See Chen-ting fu.
Ch'en dynasty, 156, 179.
Chendaras, 291-293.
Ch'eng Ming-tau, 142, 360.
Ch'eng Yi-chwen, 142, 360.
Cheng-fa-yen-tsang, 63, 142.
Cheng-te period, 373, 377.
Ch'eng-tu, 390.
Ch'eng-hwang miau, 359, 361.
Ch'eng-hwang-ye, 358.
Chen-jen fu, 388.
Chen-sing (planet Saturn), 21 r.
Ch 'en-sing (planet Mercury), an.
Chen-tan (China), 21, 92, 93.
Chen-ting fu, 165. See Chen cheu.
Chen-tsung, 136.
Cheu, 407. See Dharani.
Cheu dynasty, 16 ; emperors, 93, 129;
family, 133 ; kingdom, 107.

Cheu Hing, 391.
Cheu Kung, 322, 324. "
Chi Fa-ling, no.
Ch'iau-ch'en-ju, 401. See Godinia.
Chi'-che, 172, 209. See Chi-k'ai.
Ch'i'-cheu fu, 139.
Ch'ih-ch'eng (a hill), 175.
Chi'-biii, 190.
Ch'i-k'ai, 41, 140, 156, 160, 170, 176-
182, 184, 186, 187. See Cht-che.
Chi-kian, 280.
Chi-kio, 171.
Chi-kung-ming, 108.
Chi-kwan system, 140, 172, 179, 181.
See T'ien-t'ai-kiau.
Ch'I-kwo, 239. See Dhritarashtra
and T'i-to-lo-to.
Chi-li, 165. See Pe-chi-li.
Chi-lu-ka-ts'an, 280.
Chi-meng, 109.
Ch'in dynasty, 107.
China Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society, 107, 120.
Ch'ing-ch'ia, 121. See Ganges, Gang-
ga, and Heng.
Chi-p'an, 58, 72, 73, 85, 157, 160.
Chitsin, 108.
Chi-tun, 168.
Chi-yau, 280.
Chosroes I., 116, 117. See K'u-sa-ha
and Nushirvan. — II., 117. See Jen-
ki.
Chu Fo, 261. See Kwan-yin.
Chu fu-tsi', 38, 325, 361. See Chu Hi.
Chu Hi, 152, 288, 360-362. See Chu
fu-tsi.
Chu Si'-hing, 109.
Chu-dharma-lan, 280.
Chu-dharmaraksha, 280.
Chufahu, 109.
Chu-fa-lan, 107, 168, 280, 400.
Chu-hung, 171.
Chu-liii-yen, 280.
Chii-men (a moving star), 346.
Chunda, 50.
Chung-tsung (emperor), 275.
Chun-ti, 208.
Church Missionary Society, 377.
Chusan, 139 ; archipelago, 267.
Chwang Cheu, 381.
Colebrooke, H. T., 2, 308-310, 313.

INDEX.

425

Oomte, 141.
, Confucian, 97, 98 ; classics, 112 ;
dootrine, 194, 319, 323 5 element of
feng-shui, 339, 345 ; historian, 99,
105, 111, 129 ; mandarins, 125, 130,
131 ; memorialists, 151 ; preju
dices, 136 ; reasoning, 98 ; religion,
152; system, 200, 325; worship,
393-
• Confucianism, 201, 203, 320, 386,
389. 393. 39«. 397-
Confucianist, 200, 202, 326, 351, 352,
355,357; commentary, 125; criti
cism, 201 ; historian, 148 ; moun
tain, 159 ; opposition, 419 ; view,
200.
Confucianists, 95, 116, 122, 127, 194,
202, 203, 288, 321, 325, 345, 355,
360, 37°, 379, 38r-
Confucius, 37, 55, 96, 98, 114, 131,
143, 153, 200, 202, 258, 269, 270,
- 318-320, 323"32S, 333, 35°-352,
361, 400, 411.
Conqueror of the Dragon, 171. See
iMng-sheng and Nagarjuna.
ConstansIL, 117. See Pa-ta-Hk.
Constantine, 397.
Constantinople, 116.
Cophen, 42, no, 150, 280. See
Gabvl and Kipin.
Corea, 114, 132, 146, 178, 357.
Corean letters, 115; river, 357;
> transliteration, 400.
Coreans, 114.
Council of Cashmere, 229, 274;
fourth do., 404; Pataliputra, 273,
282.
Cousin, M., 312, 315.
Csonia Korosi, 230.
Cyras, 31.
Dabadaea, 280.
Dahse [Dai-he), 88, 89. See Ta-hia.
Dalai Lama, 266.
Baluchi, 123.
Da-la-ni, 132. See Dharani and To-
to-ni.
Dan, 129, 155, 4or, 418. See Dhyana.
Dana (Charity), 417.
Dardu, 256.
Dasaratha, 287.

Daughter of the Dragon king, 242.
See Lung-nil.
Deer garden, .51. See Lu-ye-yuen
and Mrigadava.
De Guignes, J., 117.
Demon, 75, 76, 115, 217, 226, 347, 356.
Demons, 39, 52, 53, 93, 206, 217, 219,
227, 228, 255, 270, 310, 335, 338,
343, 35°, 355-357, 377, 382, 383,
387-390, 395, 396.
Deva, 17, 23, 53, 77, 115, 19°, 192,
206, 207, 214, 225, 240, 279, 362.
See T'ien — paradises, 18, 21.
Deva-loka (Deva world), 362.
Devanagari, 137, 406.
Devans, 419.
Devas, 24, 25, 28, 39, 40, 56, 58, 70,
77, "5, IS8, I72, 19°, I94, !97, 2°S-
208, 214-217, ,220, 223, 225, 243,
244, 248, 285, 310.
Devatas, 216.
Dharani, 53, 100, 132, 142, 399,
407. See Cheu, Da-la-ni, and To-
lo-ni.
Dharma, 28, 54, 56, 58, 64, 65, 69-73,
77, 81, 85, 86, 189, 260, 267, 377,
417. See Fa and Law.
Dharmaguptas, 118. See Fa-mi-pu.
Dharmakakala, 108.
Dharmanandi, no.
Dharmapara, 279. See Hu-fa.
Dharmaraksha, 109, no, 280.
Dharniashoka, 282, 283.
Dharmati, 280.
Dharmayagama, no.
Dhritar4shtra, 216, 239, 285. See
Ch'i-kwo and T'i-to-lo-to.
Dhyana, 129, 156, 414, 417, 418. See
Ch'an, Dan, Dian, and Djan.
Dhyana Buddhas, 132.
Dian, 401. See Dhyana.
Dipankara, 12, 210. See Jan-teng.
Discipline, 108, 109, 118, 147, 190,
209, 281, 287. See Lit and Vinaya.
Disraeli, B., 415.
Djan, 129. See Dhyana.
Do-nothing sect, 372. See Wu-wei-
kiau.
Dragon, 76, 133, 216, 263, 323, 328,
329, 333-335* 343, 347-349, 39°-
See Lung and Naga.

426

INDEX.

Dragon kings, 58, 215 ; palace, 230,
279 ; tower, 347. See Lung-leu.
Dragon-horse, 323.
Dragon-king, 207. See Lung-wang
and Naga-raja.
Dragon-tree, 170, 210. See Lung-shu
and Nagarjuna.
Dragons, 39, 40, 216, 218, 261, 373,
391. See Nagas.
Dravida country, 279.
Drikata, 70, 71.
Druids, 419.
Dudgeon, Dr., 252, 272.
Duk'a, 27.
Dura, 256.
Durga, 220.
Dzin dynasty, 93. See Ts'in dynasty.
Dzin-ba-da, 159.
Dzinlon, 108.
Eastern Asia, 419 ; Asiatics, 341 ;
Buddhas, 281; continent,2i6; India,
82, 85, 144 ; paradise, 279 ; Persia,
90, 108 ; provinces, 371 ; Thibet,
109 ; Ts'in, 89-91 ; Turkestan, 35.
Egypt, 339, 363, 364-
Eight-faced Kwan-yin, 262.
Eitel, Dr. E. J., 6, 20, 31, 35, 39,
71-73, 125, 143, 160, 169, 170, 266,
278, 4°3, 4I2-4i4, 4I7-4I9-
Elburz mountain, 20. See Sumeru.
English critic, 313 ; language, 336,
355, 383, 3S8, 408, 419-
Ephesus, 341.
Esoteric branch, tzfi, 373 ; Buddhism,
142, 159 ; Buddhist?, 231 ; deposit,
418 ; doctrine, 43, 63 ; element,
158 ; school, 141, 155, 160, 166 ;
system, 162 ; tradition, 161. See
Tsung-men.
Europe, 3, 123, 211, 325, 330, 340, 356.
European accounts, 355 ; astrono
mers, 348 ; criticism, 417 ; fashion,
253 ; governments, 201 ; kings,
131 ; moralists, 193 ; schoolmen,
184; speculation, 166.
Europeans, 3, 117.
Exoteric branch, 373 ; Buddhism,
142, 168 ; Buddhists, 168 ; doctrine,
43 ; school, 141, 170 ; sects, 167 ;
teaching, 25. See Kiau-men.

FA, 377- See Dharma and Law.
Fa-chi, 187.
Fa-hai si, 406.
Fa-hien, 16, 90, 91, 107, 109, 121,
150, 280, 287, 409, 410.
Fa-kii, 280. »
Fa-lin, 16.
Fa-ling, 109.
Fa-mi-pu, 118. See Dharmaguptas.
Fan language, 402. See Sanscrit.
Fang-kwang monastery, 177.
Fan-hing, 83. See Brahmans of pure
life.
Fan-t'ien, 243. See Brahma.
Fan-t'ien, 217. See Brahma-loka.
Fan-t'ien-wang, 215, 217. See King
of the Brahma heaven and Maha
brahma.
Fa-shun, 170.
Fa-siang-tsung, 170.
Fa-sing-tsung, 170.
Fa-t'ien-pen, 137.
Fa-tsang, 233. See Treasure of the
Law.
Fa-yen school, 161.
Feng-shui, 135, 250, 251, 327, 329,
33°, 332, 333, 338, 339, 343-345. '
349-352, 393.
Feng-shui sien-sheng, 331. See Geo
mancer.
Feng-tu ta-ti, 361.
Ferghana, 83.
Feringi, 117.
Fichte, J. T., 166.
Fo, 24, 383, 385, 399, 401, 413. See
But.
Fo-ku-piau, 126, 354. See Memorial
on the bone of Buddha.
Fo-ting shan, 264.
Fo-t'u-cheng, 168. See Buddojanga.
Foochow, 136.
Four great kings of Devas, 25, 44, 57,
207, 216, 223, 239, 241-245. See
Dhritardshtra, Vaishramana, Vi-
rudhaka, and Virupaksha.
Fu Yi, 115.
Fu-kien province, 114, 159.
Fu-lungfeng, 177.
Fu- lung monastery, 180.
Fuh, 413. See Fo.
Fuh-hi, 374.

INDEX.

427

M-pau, 374.
fulim, 116, 117. See Feringi.
Fung-siang fu, 126, 133.
French orthography, 414; philoso
pher, 313 ; revolution, 236 ; sinolo
gues, 6; translator, 215; writers, 4.
Gaelic language, 4r9.
Ga-lam, 245. See K'ia-lan.
Galle, 42, 248.
Gandhara, 278.
Gandharvas, 214-217.
Ganges, 4, 13, 15, 82, 117, 118, 121,
173, 234, 23S, 29i, 293, 4°3- See
Gh'ing-ch'ia, Gang-ga, and Heng.
Gang-ga, 121. See Ch'ing-ch'ia, and

Garuda, 248.
Garudas, 215, 217.
Gatakana, 42.
G&ti, 419.
Gaudama Prajnaluti, 303.
Gaudamara, 122.
GaudamsenghadSva, 280.
Gaudamsiddha, 123, 211.
Gautama, 22, 120, 157, 207, 211, 228,
354. See Shakyamuni.
Gaya, 43.
Geomancer, 328-337, 345, 347, 349.
See Feng-shui sien-sheng.
Geomancers, 346, 350. See Lung-kia.
Geomancy, 327, 329, 332, 343, 344,
35°, 352- See Feng-shui.
German language, 100, 411, 419.
Germany, 236.
Getae, 61, 75, 86, 88, 108, 109, 150.
See Yue-ti and Afghanistan.
Gibbon, E., 116-118.
Gi-ja-ku-ta, 276. See Gridhrakuta.
Giles, H. A, 408.
Godam, 120, 248. See Gautama.
Goddess of Mercy, 209, 383. See
Kwan-yin.
Godinia, 27, 28, 42, 52, 53, 4or. See
Gh'iau-ch'cn-ju and Go-din-nia.
Go'-din-nia, 401. See Ch'iau-ch'en-ju
and Godinia.
Gogerly, Eev. Mr., 287, 317.
Golden Mother, 377, 379. See Kin-
ma.
Grand canal, 165.

Great bear, 347, 350. See Pe-teu.
Great Bosat, 6. See Ma-ha-sat.
Great Development, 230, 277, 281,
283 ; books, 278, 406 ; class, 214,
230, 281 ; classics, 100 ; course,
109 ; school, 51, no, 118, 190, 281 ;
sutras, 99, 236, 279 ; system, 209.
See Mahayana and Ta-ch'eng.
Great Extreme, 320-322. See T'ai-
ki.
Great Vehicle, 279. See Great De
velopment, Mahayana, and Ta-
ch'eng.
Greater Development, 19, 25, 38, 277,
289, 416. See Great Development.
Greece, 3, 40, 202, 269, 339, 363.
Greek dates, 13 ; doctrine, 339, 340 ;
domination, 343 ; dragon, 333 ;
genius, 322 ; gods, 364 ; historian,
257 ; influence, 363 ; invasion, 403 ;
kingdom, 184; kings, 343; lan
guage, 419 ; mind, 363 ; philoso
phy, 343, 344, 397! race, 336;
sculpture, 249; view of nature,'
341 ; word, 356.
Greeks, 267, 322.
Gridhrakuta, 57, 214, 276. See Gi-
ja-ku-ta.
Gulf of Pe-chi-li, 410.
Gunabadara, 280.
Gunabidi, 286.
Gutzlaff, Dr. K., 401.
Haklena, 83, 84, 86.
Hamilton, Dr., 156.
Han dynasty, 16, 88, 113, 126, 171,
319, 321-324, 337, 339, 344, 350,
351, 382, 387-389, 4l6-
Han "Wen-kung, 126, 127, 151, 319.
See Ban Yii.
Han Yii, 126, 354. See Han Wen-
kung.
Hang-cheu, 143, 151, 171, 175, 249,
256, 275, 358.
Hardy, Rev. Spence, 106, 169, 189,
217, 230, 244, 277, 317, 410.
Heavenly emperor, 391. See T'ien-ti.
Hebrew language, 335, 419; name,
216.
Hei-lung-t'an, 335.
Heng, 121. See Ganges.

428

INDEX.

Heng, 240. See Heng-ho-er-tsiang.
Heng-cheu, 159.
Heng-bo-er-tsiang, 240. See Heng
and Ho.
Heng-shan, 159.
Heraclitus, 34r, 342.
Hia dynasty, 16, 159.
Hiau-feng, 358.
Hiau Wu (emperor), 89.
Hien kalpa, 222. See Mahdbhadra-
kalpa.
Hien-sheu, 170, 171, 209.
Hien-tsung (emperor), 126, 127.
Hieou-thou, 88.
High Asia, 171.
Hi-k'iau, 160.
Himala (forest), 217.
Himalayas, 3, 18, 20, 92, 99, 193, 264,
400.
Hinayana, 38, 63, 277. See Siau-
ch'eng and Smaller Development.
Hindoo, 7, no, 169-171, 341 ; archi
tecture, 363 ; arithmetic, 363 ; arts,
202 ; astronomy, 319, 363 ; author,
303 ; authors, 405 ; books, 364 ;
Buddhists, no, 112, 146, 209, 212,
282, 344, 404; cosmogony, 218, 282;
deities, 197 ; divinities, 215 ; gods,
197, 216, 220, 242, 264; hells, 363 ;
idea, 362 ; influence, . 344 ; Jains,
157 ; king of death, 196 ; language,
403 ; Lo-hans, 249 ; mind, 9, 202,
364, 405 ; minds, 28 ; missionaries,
283, 412, 416; monastic societies,
19 ; mythology, 186, 198, 206, 207,
212, 214, 218-220, 223 ; name, 93,
218, 262, 263; nakshatras, 344;
nation, 228 ; nomenclature, 336 ;
notion, 363 ; notions, 197, 339 ;
origin, 353; original, 211; pan
theon, 186 ; patriarch, 179 ; philo
sopher, 313 ; philosophy, 323, 339,
34i, 342, 363 ; phrases, 354, 362 ;
physics, 339 ; popular account, 194;
practice, 138 ; Pretas, 268 ; race, 3,
20, 202 ; religion, 202 ; sages, 14 ;
sects, 227 ; shape, 364 ; society,
414 ; symbol, 406 ; thought, 344 ;
translations, 412; translators, in,
274, 403; universe, 229 ; view, 220;
words, 413; world, 3; worship, 220.

Hindoo Kusb, 117.
Hindoos, 6, 13, 93, 99, 115, J22, 124,
146, 156, 172, 191, 213, 216, 217,
222, 229, 260, 268, 279, 309, 322,
339, 341, 342, 393, 394-
Hindostan, 3, 21, 213.
Hing-si, 160.
Hing-si-fang-fei-chi-ngo (school), 169.
Hippolytus, 332.
Hiuen-tsang, 40, 107, 116-121, 136,
J47, 170, 171, 256, 2°2, 274, 275,
280, 289, 292, 296, 354, 401, 402,
404, 409, 416.
Hiuen-tsung (emperor), 132.
Hiung-er (mountain), 103.
Hiung-nu, 83, 255.
Ho, 240. See Heng-ho-er-tsiang.
Hodgson, Brian, H., 2.
Homer, 363, 364.
Ho-ming shan, 390.
Ho-nan province, 303.
Ho-nan fu, 99, 103, 109, 303. See
Lo-yang.
Hongkong, 120.
Hordern, Mr. P., 200, 202.
Hormouz, 117. See Shi-li.
Ho-shang, 35, 143, 269, 272, 315, 355,
417. See Upadhydya.
Hu T'o, 16.
Hue, Abbe, 139, 242.
Hu-fa, 279. See Dharmapara.
Hu-fa-wei-to, 240. See Veda and
Wei-to.
Hume, David, 312.
Hu-nan province, 159, 180.
Hung-fa-t'ang (temple), 263.
Hungry ghosts, 81, 125, 126, 132, 195,
196, 210, 218, 233, 268, 310. See
Yil-lan-p'en.
Hu-to (river), 165.
Hwai An-ts'i, 350.
Hwai-jang, 160.
Hwai-nan-tsi, 321.
Hwai-neng, 160-162.
Hwa-kwang, 207, 247.
Hwa-lo, 223. See Nimala paradise.
Hwa-sh'i, 74, 109. See Pataliputra.
Hwa-shie, 143. See Ho-shang.
Hwa-ting (mountain), 178.
Hwa-tsang universe, 265.
Hwa-yen (Bodhisattwa), 210.

INDEX.

429

Hwa-yen doctrine, 19, 20, 26, 51, 281.
Hwa-yen s'i (monastery), 407.
Hwang-cheu, 343.
Hwei-hwei word, 211. See Persian
language.
Hwei-niang (school), 161.
Hwei-sheng, 100.
Hwei-si, 170, 172.
Hwei-tsung (emperor), 142, 360.
Hwei-wen, 160, 171, 184.
Hwei-yuen, 171, 209.
I-dzi-zi, 117. See Yezdegerd.
Independent Tartary, 88.
India, 3, 9, 15, 2o, 27, 29, 30, 32, 35,
40, 60, 77, 82, 83, 86-94, 100, 101,
103,108, 109, 114, 116-118, 121, 129,
131, '37, J44, 145, 15°, 156, 157,
166, 190, 207, 211, 212, 215, 220,
222, 230, 231, 239, 249, 250, 275,
277, 279, 280, 287, 289, 292, 313,
322, 339, 342, 344, 35°, 354, 36°,
" 363, 37°, 391, 394, 4°2, 4°9, 4r8.
Indian, 89, 90, 109, 145; Buddhism,
144, 382 ; Buddhist, 89 ; Buddhists,
167; dialect, 120; geographers, 139 ;
geography, 139; Getae, 83,416; ideas,
' 344; kalpas, 342 ; king, 106 ; king-
' doms, 35 ; kings, 40, 58 ; literature,
106; models, 134; monarch, 93; my
thology, 11 ; name, 92; numerals,
123; Ocean, 266 ; philosophers, 312;
philosophy, 319, 339, 344; Pluto,
21 ; priests, 2, 108, 126 ; prototype,
418; race, 4; religion, ±, 319;
sage, 89, 102 ; shastras, 323 ; spell
ing, 319 ; statement, 86 ; states,
42; strangers, 113; titles, 142;
'year, 212.
Indians, 2, 88, 92, 99, 145. .
Indo-Chinese peninsula, 4, 202.
Indo-European mind, 322.
Indra Shakra, 20-22, 24, 45, 48, 49,
56, 58, 190, 195, 210, 214, 215, 243.
See Tirshi.
Indus, 91, 117, 266, 267.
Ionian philosophers, 341 ; philosophy,
342.
lonians, 343.
Ishwara, 23, 214-216, 219, 234.
Wa-ohi, 117.

I-tsung (emperor), 130.
Jaina, 129, 156, 418.
Jainas, 418.
Jainism, 158.
Jains, 31, 156, 157. See Swaracs.
Jambu continent, 55, 93, 122, 225,
226. See Jambudvipa.
Jambudvipa, 49, 56, 59, 216, 222.
Jam-ma-la-ja, 218. See Yama and
Yen-lo-wang.
Jam-ma-raja, 218. See Yama and
Yen-lo-wang.
Jan-teng, 12, 210, 241, 243. See
Dipankara.
Japan, 132, 146, 147, 163, 167, 214,
360, 386, 402.
Japanese, 4, 133 ; intercourse, r46 ;
narrative, 157 ; term, 355 ; trans
literation, 400.
Java, 214, 239, 409.
Jaxartes, 116.
Jayata, 82.
Jebabada, 93.
Jehol, 266.
Jen-ki, 117. See Chosroes II.
Jen-tsung (emperor), 137, 138.
Jen-waog, 41.
Jesuit, 355.
Jeta, 5, 21, 31, 45, 290, 292, 295-297.
Jetavana, 31, 49.
Jewish light, 37 ; scriptures, 14.
Ji-kwang-pien-chau, 235.
Jonah, 284.
Judaism, 37.
Judasa, 117, 202.
Ju-kiau, 382.
Juki, 4, 6-8, 12, 18, 34, 50, 51, 54,
75, 139, 207, 245, 293, 391, 418.
See Tathdgata.
Julien, Stanislas, 3, 93, 117, 289, 292,
399, 4°o, 4°2, 408, 4i2-
Jupiter (planet), 211. See Sui-sing.
Jyotishprabha (a Brahma), 215.
K'ai-t?eng ru, 246. See Pien- ch'eng
and Pien-liang.
Kalash6ka, 283.
Kalavingka, 290, 292.
Kalpa, n, 12, 14, 51, 71, 167, 196, 208,
210, 221, 222, 233, 261, 391, 417.

43°

INDEX.

Kalpa of the Sages, 71.
Kalpas, n, 12, 71, 173, 195, 196, 221,
222, 227, 233, 234, 340, 342, 391.
Kalutanasi, 149.
Kanade, 310.
Kanadeva, 77-79.
Kan-do (country), 89.
K'ang-hi, 4, 152, 222, 261, 413.
K'ang-ku, 280. See Thibet.
K'ang-meng-ts'iang, 280.
K'ang-seng-hwei, 280.
K'ang-seng-k'ai, 280.
Kanishka, 72, 257, 277, 283, 404.
Kan-lu, 132.
Kan-mu-lu, 149.
Kan-su province, 90, 93.
K'an-yii, 337.
Kapila (country), 78,
Kapila (a philosopher), 306, 312-314.
Kapilavastu, 15, 42, 94, 404. See
Kapili.
Kapili, 94. See Kapilavastu.
Kapimara, 76.
Karma (fate), 197, 203, 204, 272, 332.
Kasha (priest's robe), 28, 31, 103, 249.
See Kashaya.
Ka-shap, 401. See Kashiapa.
Kashaya, 354. See Kasha.
Kashgar, 93, 143, 415.
Ka-shiap, 401, 416. See Kashiapa.
Kashiapa, 14, 21, 30, 31, 43, 55, 57,
58, 63-65, 81, 156, 241, 243, 248,
276, 277, 291, 293, 401, 416. See
Kia-she.
Kashiapmadanga, 16, 88, 107, 168,
280, 400, 401, 416.
Ka-shi-mi-lo, 144. See Cashmere.
K&shyapiyas, 118. See Kia-she-pi-
ye-pu.
Kassapa, 416. See Kashiapa.
Kau Hwei-wen, 156, 160.
Kau-ch'ang (country), 109, 146.
Kau-ming monastery, 137, 176, 177.
Kaushambi (country), 49.
Kau-tsung (emperor), 143.
Ketu, 212, 344. See Ki-tu.
Khodin, 109. See Khoten and Udin.
Khoten, 35, 109, 143. See JJdin and
Yu-tian.
Ki (name of a star), 348.
Kia-hing, 275.

Kia-k'ing, 263.
K'ia-lan, 245. See Ga-lam.
Kia-pi-lo, 313. See Kapila.
Kia-sha, 354. See Kashaya.
Kia-she, 277, 40T. See Kashiapa.
Kia-she-pi-ye-pu, 118. See Kdshya-
piyas.
Kia-tsing, 151.
Kiai-hien, 169, 170.
Kiai-lii, 108. See Discipline and

Kiai-t'an (altar), 35, 253.
Kiang T'ai-kung, 338.
Kiang-nan province, 109, 37r.
Kiang-si province, 159, 160, 264, 387,
388.
Kiau-cheu, 410.
Kiau-men, 72, 73, 141, 158, 167, 168.
See Exoteric branch.
Kie (emperor), 16.
Kie-tan, 114.
Kieu-hwa, 139, 247, 265.
Kieu-kiang, 264.
Kieu-lung-tien (hall), 261.
Kieu-mo-lo-shi, 168, 398. See Ku
marajiva.
Ki-k'ing, 263
Ki-lo-shi-kiai, 235. See Paradise of
Amitabha.
Kin dynasty, 137. See Nii-chih
dynasty.
Kin-kang-chi, 169. See Vajramati.
Kin-kang-sat-wa, 169. See Vajra-,
sattwa.
Kin-mu, 377, 378. See Golden.
Mother.
Kinnaras, 207, 215, 216.
King, 41, 104, 108, 133, 168, 182, 275,
276, 279, 281, 377. See Sutra.
King of . the Brahma heaven, 214.
See Fan-t'ien-wang.
Kipin, 67, 84, no, 150. See Canda
har and Cophen.
Kitchen god, 207, 368.
Ki-tu, 212. See Ketu.
K'iung, 88.
Klaproth, Jules, 12, 190, 191, 200, 408.
Koeppen, Fried., 15, 64, 256, 257,
401, 412.
Kosala, 31, 42, 404. See Berar and
Oude.

INDEX.

43i

Krishna, 197, 220.
Kshatrya, 85, 231, 291, 293.
Kshatryas, 231, 292.
Kubandas, 216.
Kublai khan, I47-J49-
Kucha (country), 42.
Kiih Yuen, 318.
Kui-tsi (country), 90, 150.
Kulu (country), 42.
Kulusan (a Buddha), 14.
Ku-ma-la-zhip, 398. See Kumara
jiva.
Kumarada, 81, 82.
Kumarajiva, 40, 41, 89-91, 108-110,
y 119, 120, 168, 171, 215, 262, 280,
283, 287, 398, 415, 416.
Kunashemuni (a Buddha), 14.
' K'u-sa-ha, 117. See Chosroes I. and
NvAirvan.
Ku-shan, 16.
Kushinagara, 50, 52, 62. See Kush-
inara.
Kushinara, 42. See Kushinagara.
Kustana, 143. See Khoten.
Kii-yungkwan, 406.
Kwan-fu-tsi, 240. See Kwan-ti.
Kwang-fu-si (monastery), 241.
Kwang-ming, 171.
Kwang-mu, 239. See Pi-lieu-pa-cha
and Virupaksha.
Kwang-ngo-tu-ri, 159.
Kwang-yin-t'ien, 340. SeeThehezven
of brightness and sound.
Kwan-shi-yin, 128, 139, 150, 208, 214,
234. 262, 382, 415. See Kwan-
yin.
Kwan-ti, 207, 245, 247, 338, 393.
See Kwan-fu-tsi.
Kwan-tsi'-tsai, 262, 415. See Ava-
Wkiteshwara and Kwan-yin.
Kwan-yin, 128, 163, 171, 208, 209,
236, 241, 242, 245, 246, 249, 250,
2S5. 258, 259, 261-267, 273. 37°,
382-384, 386, 409, 414, 415. See
1 Avaldkitishwara.
Kwan-yin-tien (hall), 245.
Kwei-ki, 170.
Kwo-hai Kwan-yin, 262.
Kwo-ts'ing monastery, 137, 176, 177,
180.
Kwim-lun (mountains), 336.

Lahan, 5. See Arhan and Lo-han.
La-hu, 344. See Lo-heu and Bahu.
Lai-cheu fu, 373.
Lama, 237, 259 ; monasteries, 266 ;
temples, 406.
Lamas, 152, 260, 262, 263, 270.
Lamaseries, 212.
Lamasery, 256.
Lan-chin, 132.
Land of Han, 409.
Landresse, C, 408.
Larger Development, 280. See Great
Development.
Lassen, Ch., 416.
Later Sung dynasty, 360.
Later T'ang dynasty, 133.
Later Tsin dynasty, 133.
Latin language, 362.
Latins, 40.
Lau-kiiin, 372, 381, 390. See Lau-tsi.
Lau-shan, 410.
Lau-tsi', 55, 168, 372. See Lau-kiiin.
Law, 30, 35, 81, 93, 173, 190, 226, 233,
240, 260, 377, 417. See Dharma
and Fa.
Lay Buddhists, 272. See Vpdsaka.
Legge, Dr. J., 216.
Lenga Island, 38, 39. See Ceylon.
Lenga (a priest), 131.
Leng-yen monastery, 275 ; t'an, 253.
Lesser Conveyance, 77. See Lesser
Development.
Lesser Development, 51, 277, 280,
281. See Hinayana and Siau-
ch'eng.
Lhassa, 266.
Li Hwei-si, 156, 160. See Hwei-si.
Li Lau-tan, 55. See Lau-kiiin and
Lau-tsi.
Li T'ai-pe, 394.
Liang dynasty, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104,
107, 112-115, 126, 127.
Liang-cheu, 108, 116.
Liang-shan, 270.
Lien-cheng (a star), 347
Lien-si-ta-shi, 198.
Lien-tsung, 170. See Tsing-tu.
Lieu Hing-s'i, 160.
Lieu Pei, 270.
Lieu Te-wei, 16.
Lin Ling-su, 142.

432

INDEX.

Lin-tsi school, 161, 163-166, 260.
Lion kingdom, 94. See Shi-tsi-kwo.
Liu (a magician), 391.
Lo Hwei-neng, 371. See' Lo-tsu.
Lo-han, 5, 32, 138, 256. See Arhan
and O-lo-han.
Lo-hans, 50, 177, 178, 184, 225, 241,
242, 249, 254, 263, 394.
Lo-heu, 212, 344. See Bahu.
Lokadjyesht'a, 6. See Shi-tsun.
Lokeshwararaja, 6. See Shi-tsun and
World's Honoured One.
London Missionary Society, 407.
Loo-choo, 146.
Lo-tsu, 371, 373, 374, 377, 378. See
Lo Hwei-neng.
Lower Ganges, 403.
Lo-yang, 88, 99, 102, 108, 109, 118,
134, 142, 168, 303, 400.
Lii, 168, 182, 275, 281. See Discipline
and Vinaya.
Lii Ch'un-yang, 382.
Lun, 108, 133, 182, 275, 281. See
Sliastra.
Lung, 216, 333, 419. See Dragon
and Naga.
Lung-hu shan, 390.
Lung-hu-tan, 390.
Lung-hwa, 241.
Lung-kia, 346. See Geomancers.
Lung-leu, 347. See Dragon tower.
Lung-nii, 242. See Daughter of the
Dragon king.
Lung-sheng, 171. See Conqueror of
the Dragon.
Lung-shu, 77, 170, 172, 184, 210, 230,
278, 279, 302, 303, 311-317. See
Dragon-tree.
Lung-wang, 207, 247. See Dragon-
king and Naga-raja.
Luther, Martin, 325.
Lu-tsun (a star), 346.
Lu-ye-yuen, 28. See Deer garden
and Mrigadava.
Ma Twan-lin, 12, no.
Madhyamika, 160, 184, 230.
Madhyantika, 73, 256.
Madura, 68.
Magadha, 15, 20, 30, 31, 42, 52, 63,
J37, 215, 231, 289, 404, 416, 417.

M;i gia n worship, 3r.
Mahabhadra-kalpa, 222. See Age of
Wise men and Hien kalpa.
Mahabrahma, 217, 221, 224, 285. See
Fan-t'ien-wang.
Maha Ishwara, 181, 224. See Mahi-
shwara and Ta-tsi-tsai-t'ien.
Mahakala miau, 406.
Maha Kashiapa, 51, 62.
Maha Kuhila, 290.
Maha Maudgalyayana, 290. See
Maudgalyayana.
Ma-ha-pa-de-ma, 399. See Maha-
padma and Mo-ho-po-t'e-mo.
Mahapadma, 399. See Ma-ha-pa-de-
ma and Mo-ho-po-t'e-mo.
Ma-ha-pa-ja-pa-ti, 214. See Malta-
prajdpatt.
Mahaprajapati, 49, 214. See Ma-ha-
pa-ja-pa-ti.
Ma-ha-sat, 6. See Great Bosat.
Mahashasaka school, 169.
Mahayana, 38, 47, 63, 64, 100, 415 ;
books, 273, 277, 278; doctrine,
415 ; literature, 415, 416 ; philoso
phy, 132 ; school, 77, 160 ; sutras,
238,, 244, 279 ; system, 169, 230.
See Great Development.
Maheshwara, 214, 224, 399. See Ma
ha Ishwara and Ta-tsi-tsai-t'ien.
Ma.kisl1ashnk.1s, 118. See Mahasha
saka school and Mi-sha-se-pu.
Ma-hi-shu-la, 399. See Maheshwara
and Ta-tsi-tsai-t'ien.
Mahoragas, 217.
Maitreya, 43, 80, 122, 170, 208, 240,
244, 254, 256, 263, 279. See Mi-li.
Malach'a, 280.
Malays, 370.
Maleya (kingdom), 123.
Ma-ming, 74-76, 278. See Ashwago-
sha.
Man, 63. See Svastika and Wan.
Manchu, 271 ; emperors, 152, 260,
335 I language, 406.
Manchurian mountains, 334.
Manda mountain, 66.
Mandarin language, 6, 90, 114, 121,
399, 4'3-
Mandjus'rf, 414. See Manjusiri.
I Mandu-kalpa, 222.

INDEX.

433

Manes, 14&
Manjusiri, 20, 2r, 36, 48, 52, 53, 128,
139, 159, l62> l86> 208, 214, 227,
231, 236-238, 264, 265, 284, 291,
292, 300, 384. See Wen-shu.
Man-t'eu-kiau, 378.
Manura, 82-84.
Mara, 115, 159, 218, 225, 355.
Maras, 22, 23, 30, 53, 218, 220, 355.
See Mo-kwei.
Marcus Aurelius AntoninuB, 108.
Marga (the path of reformation), 27.
Mars (planet), 211. See Yung-hwo.
Marshman, Dr. J., 200.
Martin, Sir James, 339.
Massagetse, 280. See Ta-yue-chl.
Ma'tenga, 36, 37, 291-293, 295.
Ma-tsu, 129, 160.
Maudgalyayana, 14, 31, 34, 35, 42,
49, 68> 241-
Max Mulier, Professor, 200, 282.
Maya, 15, 21, 30, 57, 364.
Medhurst, Dr. "W. H., 358.
Megasthenes, 257.
Meh Ti, 318.
Memorial on the bone of Buddha,
126. See Fo-ku-piau.
Mencius, 203, 318, 324, 325, 382, 400.
Men-ju-si-li, 128. See Manjusiri and
Wen-shu.
Mercury(planet), 2n. See Ch'en-sing.
Metempsychosis, 23, 115, 163, 166,
167, 183, 191, 196, 197, 200, 202-
204, 228, 243, 244, 268, 279, 296,
332, 357, 360, 364, 378, 385-
Miau-feng shan, 271.
Michaka, 71-73. See Mikkaka and
Misuchaka.
Migashakya, 290.
Mih-li-i-ling kai-sa, 117.
Mikkaka, 72. See Michaka.
Miletus, 341, 342.
Mi-li, 208, 240. See Maitreya.
Milton, John, 340.
Min (kingdom), 135.
Min-kung, 247.
Min-tsi, 247.
Ming dynasty, 151, 161, 253, 274, 282,
293, 335, 355, 361, 373, 378, 392 ;
emperor, 151, 265, 335 ; tombs,
329, 334, 335-

Ming-cheu, 105. See Ningpo.
Ming-ti (emperor), 16, 87, 108, 400,
416.
Mi-sha-se-pu, 118. See Mahishdsha-
kas.
Misuchaka, 72. See Michaka.
Mitarani, 290.
Mithras, 211.
Mogallana, 248. See Maudgalyayana.
Moginlin, 126.
Mohammedan sages, 14.
Mohammedanism, no.
Mohammedans, 151.
Mo-hi-sheu-lo, 399. See Mahtshwara.
Mo-ho-po-t'e-mo, 399. See Maha-
padma.
Mo-kwei, 30, 115, 218, 225, 353, 356,
377. See Maras.
Mongol account, ^36 ; emperor, 147 ;
emperors, 149, 150, 406 ; lamas,
406 ; language, 237 ; sacred books,
406 ; vocabulary, 405.
Mongolia, 20, 36, 152, 212, 259, 266,
270.
Mongolian Buddhism, 149, 366; dy
nasty, 260 ; emperors, 150.
Mongolians, 150.
Mongols, 4, 41, 147, 148, 171, 335.
Morrison, Dr. R., 4, 413.
Mount Oda, 69.
Mo-wang (king of the Maras), 218.
Mrigadava, 28. See Deer garden and
Lu-ye-yuen.
Muh-kien-lien, 247.
Naga, 24, 67, 414. See Dragon and
Lung.
Naga-raja, 207, 215. See Dragon-
king and Lung-wang.
N&g&rdjuna, 414. See Nagarjuna.
Nagarjuna, 40, 43, 77, 78, 156, 160,
170, 184, 210, 230, 237, 238, 278,
283, 415. See Dragon-tree, and
Lung-shu.
Nagas, 24, 39, 40, 50, 58, 59, 66, 216
217, 418, 419. See Dragons.
Naironjana (river), 22, 30.
Nakshatras, 344.
Nalana, 24.
Nalanda, 118, 170, 289.
Namo (a monk), 147.
2 E

434

INDEX.

Nanda (a king of the Nagas), 59.
Nan-hai p'u-to, 139. SeeP'u-to of the
Southern sea.
Nanking, 89, 101, 105, no, 169, 179,
247, 260, 265, 274, 275, 413.
Nan-ngo school, 156, 159, 160, 170.
Nan-shan school, 169.
Naraka, 195, 225, 310, 357, 414.
Narakas, 217.
Na-t'o (a prince), 159.
Nats, 217.
Neander, 166.
Nebuchadnezzar's image, 256.
Negroes, 370.
Nepaul, 2, 15, 88, 100, 132, 309, 315,
402.
Nepaulese books, 402; Sanscrit, 120,
214, 238.
Nestorian missionaries, 334; monks,
355 ; priests, 355.
Nestorians, 146, 148, 354.
Neumann, Professor C. F., 100.
Ngai Ju-lio, 121.
Ngan-hwei, 371.
Ngo-kwei, 115, 126. See Hungry

Nicephorus Bataniares, 117.
Nie-p'an, 401. See Nir
Nifwan, 7. See Nirvdna.
Nikan, 73. See Nirgrantha.
Ni-ku, 35, 355.
Nilgherries, 266.
Nimala paradise, 223. See Hwa-lo.
Ningpo, 85, 105, 107, 136, 137, 191
371, 377- See Ming-cheu.
Nirban, 401. See Nirvdna.
Nirbana, 7. See Nirvdna.
Nirgrantha, 73, 74. See Nikan.
Niroda, 27.
Nirvana, 15, 19, 22, 24, 30, 45-57, 62-
64, 66, 68, 70, 71, 79, 81, 86, 93, 97,
135, 163, 168, 171, 174, 185, 197-
199, 208, 214, 224, 225, 228, 248,
263, 264, 276, 279, 281, 293, 305,
311, 360, 373, 384, 386, 387, 401,
410, 411, 414, 417, 419. See
Nie-p'an.
Nirwana, 7. See Nirvdna.
Ni-seng, 355. See Ni-ku.
Nit-ban, 401. See Nirvdna.
No, 269. See Yang-ko.

North China, 89, 160, 236, 250, 384.-
Northern Buddhism, 36, 55, 208, 233,
235, 410 ; Buddhists, 13, 21, 38, 42,
46, 99, 107, 128 ; China, 121, 171,
179 ; collection, 275 ; India, 71,
82, 109, no, 145, 229, 277, 399,
403, 416 ; school, 13, 65, 403 ; sea,
241 ; Siberia, 190 ; Ts'i, 170.
North-western India, 184, 343.
Nii-chih alphabet, 114; dynasty,
360 ; language, 406.
Nushirvan, 117. See Chosroes I. and
K'u-sa-ha.
O-CHE-li-te, 399. See A-cha-li-ya
and Achdrya.
O-lo-han, 401. See A-la-han and
Arhan.
Olympus, 364.
O-mi-to Fo, 208, 233, 245, 246, 258,
386. See Amida Buddha.
O-mo-k'ia po-che-lo, 399. See
Amogha Vajra.
Om-mani-padme-hum, 139, 406.
O-na-han, 401. See Anagam.
O-nan, 276. See Ananda.
O-pi ti-yii, 196. See Avichi naraka.
Origen, 332.
Oude, 19, 42, 290. See Kosala.
Ouighour characters, 149 ; country,
146 ; language, 406 ; writing, 149.
Ouighours, 91.
Oujein, 280.
Oxus, 116.
Pa-ho-si-pa, 147. See Baschpa.
P'ak-tie, 401. See Pratyeka.
Palats'anga, 91.
Paley, Dr., 194.
Pali, books, 401 ; Buddhistical an
nals, 12 ; history, 106 ; inscriptions,
402; language, 13, 401-404, 413,
416, 417; originals, 120; tongue, 100.
Pa-li-chwang pagoda, 251.
Palinput, 106. See Pataliputra.
Palladius, Archimandrite, 411.
Pa-nan Kwan-yin, 246.
Pan-cheu, 171.
P'ang-kii-shi, 247.
Pafinya, 403. See Prajna.
Pan-shi, 178.

INDEX.

435

Paradise of Amitabha, 235 ; of Indra
Shakra, 195, 223, 224 ; of the West
ern heaven, 167, 170, 172, 174,
198, 208, 234, 246, 261, 262, 273,
360, 365, 386, 387, 418.
Paramita, 417.
Paramitas, 40.
Paramiti, 289, 399. See Pat-la-mit-ti.
Paramoda, 280.
Paranai, 42. See Benares.
Piiranimita, 223. See T'a-hwa-tsi-tsai.
Paranirvsina, 56.
Parshva, 74.
Parthia, 343.
Parthians, 75.
Pa-ta-lik, 116, 117. See Constans II.
Pataliputra, 74, 75. 106, 109, 257,
273, 283. See Hwa-shl and Palin-
put.
Patiekan, 401. See Pratyeka.
Pat-la-mit-ti, 399. See Paramiti.
Pat-Ia-si-na-ji-ta, 399. See Prasen
ajit.
Patna, 13, 289, 403.
Pat-nia, 403. See Prajna.

Patriarchs —

1.

Indian. See Maha Kashiapa.

2.

,,

, Ananda.

3-

,,

, Shangnavasu.

4.

,,

, Upagupta.

5-

„

, Drikata.

6.

,,

, Michaka.

7-

.,

, Vasumitra.

8.

,,

, Buddhanandi.

9-

,»

, Buddhamitra.

10.

,.

, Parshva.

11.

..

, Punayadja.

12.

.,

, Ashwagosha.

13-

,,

, Kapimara.

14.

,,

, Nagarjuna.

15.

,,

, Kanadeva.

16..

,,

, Bahulata.

'7-

,,

, Sanghanandi.

18.

,,

, Sangkayasheta.

19.

,,

, Kumarada.

20.

,,

, Jayata.

21.

,,

, Vasubandu.

22.

,,

, Manura.

23-

,,

, Haklena.

24.

,,

, Singhalaputra.

25.

,,

, Basiasita.

Patriarchs— continued.
26. Indian. See Putnomita.
27. ,, ,, Pradjnatara.
28. „ ,, Bodhidharma.
29. Chinese. See Hwei-k'o.
3°- ,, ,, Seng-tsan.
31- „ „ Tau-sin.
32- „ ,, Hung-jin.
33- ,, „ Hwai-neng.
Pattala, 267. See Tatta.
Pau Cheng, 358.
Pau Po-tsi, 350.
Pau-chi, 168.
Pe-chang, 209.
Pe-chi-li province, 90, 128.
Peguans, 12.
Peh-yen, 280.
Peking, 128, 137, 150, 152, 165, 211,
249-252, 254-256, 259, 260, 262,
266, 268, 270-272, 274, 275, 329,
334, 335, 337, 338, 353, 392, 401,
406, 407, 411, 413.
Pe-ma si (temple), 168. See White
horse temple.
Persia, 31, 93, no, 116, 117, 150, 214,
249, 343-
Persian, 145 ; language, 211 ; priests,,
146.
Peruvians, 63.
Peshawur, 256.
Pe-sung (mountain), 390.
Pe-teu, 347. See Great Bear.
Pe-ts'i dynasty, 171.
Philing, 117. See Fulim.
Pi-chi, 401. See Pratyeka Buddha.
Pi-ch'ieu, 401. See Bikshu.
Pien-ch'eng, 246. See K'ai-feng fu.
Pien-liang, 270. See K'ai-feng fu.
Pi-hia yuen-chiiin (a divinity), 271.
Pi-ho-lo-po-lo, 399. See Viharapala.
Pi-k'ieu, 276, 401. See Bikshu.
Pi-lan-na-shi-li, 149.
Pi-leu-le-cha, 239. See Tseng-chang
and Virudhaka.
Pi-leu-pa-cha, 239. See Kwang-mu
and Virupaksha.
Pi-lu-si, 117.
Pishabarma (a king), 92.
Pishacha demons, 285.
Pi-sha-men, 239. See To-wen and
Vaishramana,

436

INDEX.

Pitaka, 230. See San-ts'ang.
P'it-ti, 290. See Pratyeka Buddha.
P'it-ti-ka-la, 290. See Pratyeka.
Piyadasi, 278. See Ashdka.
Pi-yiin si (temple), 254.
Plato, 38, 342.
Platonic dialogues, 38.
Pluto, 363, 364.
Po-je, 281. See Prajna.
Pd-kiun (a star), 348.
Pole star, 336.
Po-lemi-ti, 399. See Paramiti.
Po-lo-s'i-na-shi-to, 399. See Prasena
jit.
Polynesians, 370.
Portuguese, 253, 355. See Si-yang-jen.
Poseidon, 364.
Po-siiin, 218. See Mo-wang.
Potala, 139, 266.' See Potaraka.
Potaraka, 139. See Potala.
Pracrit, 309, 402-404.
Pradjiiatara, 85.
Prajna, 19, 40, 41, 51, 181, 281, 403,
417. See Po-je.
Prasenajit, 31, 41, 4S, 49, 291, 292,
399. See Po-lo-si-na-shi-to.
Pratyeka Buddha, 66, 80, 135, 183,
254, 290, 401. See Pi-ch'i and
Yuen-kioh.
Pratyekas, 290.
Priesthood, 30, 35, 81, 93, 190, 226,
233, 240, 417. See Sanga.
Prince of fuel, 269. See Chai-wang.
Protestants, 354.
Ptolemy, 93.
P'u-hien, 20, 21, 128, 139, 163, 187,
208, 241, 243, 255, 265, 384, 385.
See Samantabhadra.
Pu-k'ung, 125, 132, 169. See Amogha.
Pu-lu-sha,, 144. See Purusha.
Punayadja, 74.
Punjab, 83, 256, 278, 322, 343.
Purana Kashiapa, 52.
Puruna, 290.
Purusha, 278. See Pu-lu-sha.
P'u-sa, 5, 24, 39, 206, 247, 266, 365,
37°, 383, 385. See Bodhisattwa.
Put, 413. See Fo.
Putaloka, 262. See Potaraka.
P'u-ta-lo-kia, 139. See Potaraka.
Putanas, 216.

P'u-t'i, 401. See Bodhi.
P'u-t'i-lieu-chi, 399. See Bodhiruchi.
Putnomita, 85.
P'u-to, 128, 137, 139, 259, 262, 265-267,
402.
P'u-to of the Southern sea, 139. See
Nan-hai p 'u-to.
Pythagoras, 337, 342.
Bahu, 212, 344. See La-hu and Lo-
heu.
Rahula, 14, 32-34, 248.
Eahulata, 78, 79.
Eajagriha, 5, 31, 64, 66, 214, 273. See
Wang-she.
Eaksha, 58.
Eakshas, 156, 206.
Eakshasas, 216, 217.
Eama, 220, 287.
Eas Algethi (a star), 348. See Ti-tso.
Eatnaprabha, 214.
Eed bird, 337.
Eemusat, J. A., 2, 6, 62, 88, 91, 109,
114, 207, 408.
Ehode, H., 156.
Eicci, Matteo, 151, 152, 171, 355.
Eishi, 71, 173. See Sien-jen.
Eoman Catholic missionaries, 151, 355.
Roman Catholics, 354, 355.
Eoman emperor, 108 ; empire, 86,
117, 211, 222; merchant, 108; re
ligion, 397 ; sculpture, 249 ; shop
keeper's wife, 415.
Romans, 117.
Eome, 86, 202, 269, 415.
Euli, 45.
Russell, Bishop, 377.
Eussian Ecclesiastical Mission, 411.
Saba (a world), 209, 2T4. See Saha.
Sabikaras (a heretical sect), 292, 293.
Sagardagam, 311. See Sidagam.
Sage of the house of Shakya, 11. See
Shakyamuni.
Saha, 209, 214, 222. See Saba.
S'akyamuni, 414. See Shakyamuni.
Salaribhu, 52, 53.
Samadhi, 21, 24, 52, 62, 66-68, 76,
77, 186, 187, 296, 384, 414, 417.
Samana, 416. See Shramana.
Samanean, 409. See Shramana.

INDEX.

437

gamanta, 144.
Samantabhadra, 20, 139, 208. See
P'u-hkn.
Samantagandha, 214.
Samarcand, 93.
Samidhi, 308.
Sam-mei, 417.
Sammitiyas, 118. See San-mi-ti-pu.
Samudaya, 27.
Sanchi topes, 287.
Sandracottus, 106. SavSpaKorros, 257.
See Chandragupta.
Sandy desert, 150.
San-fo-ts'i, 145.
Sanga, 28, 29, 189, 354, 417. See
Priesthood.
Sangadeva, no, 399. See Seng-k'ia-
t'i-p'o.
Sangarama, 29, 168, 245.
Sanghanandi, 79, 80.
Sangkayasheta, 80, 81.
Sang-mun, 89. See Shamen.
Sankhya philosophy, 314 ; school,
312.
San-kung, 346.
San-kwan, 247.
San-mi-ti-pu, 118. See Sammitiyas.
Sanscrit alphabet, 112, 113, 399 ;
books, 116, 118, 136, 144, 413;
character, 137; characters, 131,
132, 137, 249, 405, 406; charm,
407; Chinese dictionary, 413 ; copy,
109; dialect, 404; dictionary, 412;
equivalent, 93; form, 118, 222;
forms, 413; grammar, 6, 118, 302;
inscriptions, 137, 402, 407 ; lan
guage, z, 5, 6, 13, 20, 63, 67, 90,
100, 107, 118, 119, 123, 132, 135,
I37, 140, 149, 173, T92, 213, 222,
225, 231, 260, 262, 274, 282, 283,
287, 290, 309, 311, 354, 399, 400-
406, 416, 417; letters, 115, 169, 399 ;
literature, 137, 228; manuscript,
176 ; manuscripts, 2, 144, 146 :
metres, 303; mode, 114; name,
94. 210, 240 ; names, 214, 239, 412 ;
originals, 117, 401, 417 ; professor,
¦07 ; pronunciation, 121 ; scholar,
238 ; scholars, 107 ; sentences, 137,
4ot ; sounds, 406, 414 ; sutras, 107 ;
syllable, 120 ; term, 7, 129, 302 ;

termination, 35; text, 2r5, 403,
404 ; translations, 107 ; version, 13 ;
word, 4, 12, 100, 107, 115, 168, 354,
357. 362, 401, 404, 405, 416 ; words,
4, 6, 222, 400, 402, 412 ; works,
107; writing, 149, 363, 402.
Sanskrita, 414. See Sanscrit lan
guage.
San-t'ai (three constellations), 348.
San-tsang, 230, 283. See Tripitaka.
San-tsang-fa-sh'f, 129.
Sarvastiv&das, 118. See Shang-tso-
pu and Shwo-i-tsie-yeu-pu.
Sarvavainasicas, 309.
Saturn (planet), 211. See Chen-sing.
Savatthi, 416. See Shravasti.
Scandinavian inscriptions, 6^.
Schlegel, A. "W., 106.
Schmidt, I. J., 166.
Schott, W., 171, 410, 411.
Scinde, 88. See Sliin-do.
Seleucus Nicator, 106, 257.
Semite, 341.
Semitic origin of Sanscrit, 363.
Seng-chau, 109.
Seng-ga-de-ba, 399. See Sangadeva.
Seng-k'ia-t'i-p'o, 399. See Sanga
deva.
Serampore, 200.
Sha-ba-ti, 416. See Shravasti.
Shak-de-wan-yin, 214. See Shakra
deva Indra.
Shak-ka-la-de-ba In-da-la, 399. See
Shakradeva Indra.
Shakradeva Indra, 399. See Shak-de-
wan-yin.
Shakya, 12, 25, 28, 31, 96, 100, 102,
104, 106, 145, 208, 261. See Shak
yamuni.
Shakya clan, 43, 45 ; family, 17.
Shakyamuni, 4, 9, 11, 13-15, *9t 23,
26, 29-32, 35, 38, 40-42, 45, 47, 50-
52, 62, 64, 70, 71, 94, 99, 106, 119,
126, 141, 154, 157, 159, 167, 168,
171, 180, 192, 207, 208, 210, 213-
215, 217, 218, 222, 227, 228, 232,
241-244, 246-250, 253, 255, 256,
258, 259, 261, 264-266, 276, 277,
279, 282-284, 287, 302, 344, 355,
380, 384, 386, 402, 414, 417. See
Shakya.

438

INDEX.

Sha-la, 150.
Shamen, 65, 89, 192, 315, 401, 416.
See Shramana.
Shami, 65, 66. See Shramanera.
Sha-nai-shat-chat-la, 399. See Sha-
naishchara.
Shanaishchara, 399. See Sha-nai-
shat-chat-la.
Shang dynasty, 388.
Shanghai, 107, 119, 120, 134, 241, 328,
366> 37i, 379, 391, 4'o.
Shangnavasu, 62, 66-69, 73.
Shang-tso-pu, 118. See Sarvdstivd-
das.
Shan-hwei, 168.
Shan-si province, 90, 116, 128, 139,
146, 165, 166, 171, 259, 265, 384.
Shan-ts'ai, 21, 159, 242.
Shan-tung province, 163, 246, 270,
272, 37i, 373, 378, 4i°.
Shariputra, r4, 21, 31, 35, 49, 159,
241, 248, 290.
Shastra, 76, 160, 169, 170, 279, 288,
304, 306, 312. See Lun.
Shastras, 68, 77, 108, no, 120, 133,
147, 149, 210, 232, 277, 279, 302,
3°3-
Sha-wei, 4, 5. See Shravasti. .
Shen Yo, 113.
She-na-yi-shi'-che-lo, 399. See Sha
naishchara.
Sheng-t'ien, 279.
Sheng-wen, 243, 248, 304, 306, 310.
See Shrdvaka.
Shen-kung, 112.
Shen-si province, 88, 90, 93, 103, 126,
133-
Shen-tsung (emperor), 142.
Sheu-leng-yen Eajah, 296.
Sh'i-ch'i, 14, 163, 241, 246, 249.
Shi-chwang, 407.
Sh'i-hwang, 326.
Shi-kia Fo, 258. See Shakya.
Shi-kia-lo-t'i-p'a Yin-t'o-lo, 399. See
Shakradeva Indra.
Shikhin (a Brahma), 2r5.
Shila (morality), 417.
Shi-li, 117. See Hormouz.
Shin-do, 88. See India.
Shin-sieu, 160, 162.
Shipara discipline, 54.

Shira, 226.
Shi'-t'eu, 160.
Shi-ts'i, 84. See Singhalaputra.
Sh'i-tsi-kwo, 94. See Ceylon.
Shi-tsun, 6. See Julai and World's
Honoured One.
Shiva, 63, 150, 215, 216, 220.
Shivaism, 132.
Shramana, 65, 79, 192, 401, 416. See
Shamen.
Shram an as, 28, 89.
Shramanera, 65. See Shami.
Shravaka, 304. See Sheng-wen.
Shravakas, r9, 310.
Shravasti, 4, 14, 31, 36, 41, 42, 49,
79, H9, 290, 292, 296, 297, 404,
416. See Sha-wei.
Shu country, 390. See Si-ch'wen.
Shun-chi, 91, 152.
Shwo-i-tsie-yeu-pu, 118. See Sar-
vdstivddas.
Siam, 36, 104, 171, 211, 246, 249,
402.
Siamese, 12 ; chronology, 15 ; prince,
265.
Si-an fu, 89, T46. See Ch'ang-an.
Siang-pe mountain, 67.
Siau ij, 115, 116.
Siau-ch'eng, 277, 280, 281. See Hin-
ayana and Smaller Development.
S'i-ch'wen province, 128, 139, 265, 270,
384, 390. See Shu country.
Sidagam, 182, 311.
Siddharta, 15, 18. See Shakyamuni.
Sien-jen, 173. See Bishi.
Sieu-lo (Su-la), 115. See Asura.
Si-fan, 149. See Thibet.
Si-hien, no.
Si-ma Chien, 350.
Si-ma Wen-kung, 143.
Sin-an (district), 366.
Sin-chang (town), 256.
Singhalaputra, 84. See Shi-tsi.
Singhalese, 4, 12, 94, 249, 277; Bud
dhists, 282 ; dates, 13 ; priest, 125 ;
temples, 42.
Sinhala, 94. See Shi-tsi-kwo.
Sinim, 93.
Sin-la, 132. See Corea.
Sin-siu (sect), 360.
Sisters of Mercy, 395.

INDEX.

439

SMa-t'ien-wang, 239. See Four
Gnat Kings of .Devas.
Si-tso, 179-
Siuen-ho, 382.
Siuen-tsung (emperor), 128.
Siuen-wang, 203.
Siiin King, 318.
Si-yang-jen, 253. See Portuguese.
Si-yu si, 272.
Small Development school, 20. See
Lesser Development.
Smaller Development course, no ;
school, 281 ; sutras, 38. See Hin-
ayana.
Smith, Dr. W., 342.
Socrates, 38, 342.
So-da-ban, 401. See Srotapanna.
Sotapan, 401. See Srotapanna.
South China, 355 ; India, 77, 279.
Southern Bahar, 15 ; Buddhism, 36,
410; Buddhist traditions, m;
, • Buddhists, 12, 13, 15, 42, 211, 273,
277; China, 101, 330; Chinese
dialects, 400 ; collection, 275 ;
continent, 206 ; Iudia, 21, 76, 77,
85, 86, 100, 156, 280 ; ocean, 222,
schools, 403 ; sea, 139, 241, 242.
Southey, R., 197.
Srotapanna, 68, 311, 401. See So-da-
Ian.
St. Hilaire, B., 2.
Stoics, 342.
Stonehenge, 419.
SiiFa, 283.
Su Kien, 343.
Su Ki-yti, 357.
SiiKwang-k'i, 152.
Su Yeu, 16.
Subhadra, 53.
Subhuti, 5-7, 159, 290, 291, 293.
Sudatta, 292, 296.
Su-da-wan, 48, 182, 311, 401. See
Srotapanna.
Suddhodana, 15. See Tsing-fan.
Sui dynasty, in, 117, 176, 206, 250.
Sui-sing (planet), 211. See Jupiter.
Sumeru mountain, 20, 21, 32, 44, 59,
93, 222, 223, 233, 234, 239, 336, 344.
Suu K'iuen (a prince), 108.
SuuTsiau, 129.
Sung dynasty, 47, 58, 133, 134, 139,

142, 152, 270, 281, 322, 323, 325,
356, 358, 359, 361, 3^5, 383, 392;
(Earlier), 91, 93, 94, 98, 409 ; Ju,
3l8, 3J9, 325; philosophers, 318,
319, 321-326, 359 ; philosophy, 344.
Sung-kiang, 119.
Sung-ts'i Kwan-yin, 262, 383.
Sung-yiin, 100, 103.
Susima, 106.
Sii-t'o-hwan, 68, 401. See Srota
panna.
Sutra, 21, 41, 42, 44, 55, 88, 109, 119,
120, 149, 150, 182, 215, 218, 230,
275, 279, 293, 307, 308.
Sutras, 17, 38, 41-44, 51, 54, 68, 70,
100, 106-109, IX8, 128, 131, 133,
146, 147, 149, 168, 186, 214, 219,
230, 232, 234, 236, 302, 305, 307,
308, 311, 312, 314-316.
Su-tsung (emperor), 124.
Svastika, 63. See Wan.
Swaracs, 156.
Sykes, Colonel, 213.
Syria, 106.
Syriac, 148.
Syrian Christians, 117, 354; inscrip
tion, 117, 353, 357, 363.
Ta-ch'eng, 99, 100, no, 209, 230,
277, 278, 281, 416. See Great De
velopment and Mahayana.
Ta-hia, 88. See Dahce.
T'a-hwa-tsi-tsai, 223. See Parani-
mita.
T'ai-cheu, 175.
T'ai-ki, 323. See Great Extreme.
T'ai-pe (planet), 211. See Venus.
T'ai-ping rebellion, 169, 275, 390.
T'ai-shan, 246, 338, 374, 393.
T'ai-tsi-t'a, 265.
T'ai-tsu (emperor), 134.
T'ai-tsung (T'ang emperor), 16, 117,
124, 171 ; (Sung emperor), 134.
Tai-wei (constellation), 16.
T'ai-yuen fu, 128.
Ta-kio-kin-sien, 142. See Shakya
muni.
Tamil, 82.
Ta-ming fu, 165.
Ta-mo, 99, 102, 103, 209, 247. See
Bodhidharma.

440

INDEX.

Tan Chi, 360.
Tan7cho s'i (temple), 252.
T'ang dynasty, 66, 103, 107, 115, 116,
122, 124, 127, 131, 134, 135, 146,
158, 163, 207, 209, 211, 238, 249,
250, 275, 351, 354, 356, 383, 39i,
394, 395, 400, 4°4, 415-
T'ang (emperor), 333.
T'ang Shang-shu, 374.
Tantra, 269 ; school, 125, 169.
Tartar chief, 92 ; family, 91.
Tartary, 91, 145, 255, 336, 360.
Ta-shi-ch'i, 209, 234, 255, 262.
Ta-shih, 117. See Arabs.
Tathagata, 6, 34, 47, 51, 158, 172,
207, 290, 292-297. See Julai.
Ta-ts'in, 86, 117. See Boman empire.
Ta-tsi-tsai-t'ien, 214. See Mahesh
wara.
Tatta, 267. See Pattala.
Tau, 98, 164.
Tau-an, 108, 168.
Tauism, 107, 130, 142, 147, 247, 320,
323, 373, 381, 382, 387-38g, 392-
395, 397, 4"-
Tauist, 121, 321, 324, 382 ; authors,
372 ; books, 364, 369, 39r ; collec
tion, 391 ; discipline, 388 ; divi
nity, 210, 246 ; doctrine, 319 ; ele
ments, 339 ; expression, 373 ; genii,
142 ; heaven, 391 ; hierarchy, 389 ;
hell, 394 ; hermits, 394 ; ideas, 392 ;
idols, 247 ; images, 361 ; literature,
358; magic, 319; magician, 387,
389 ; mind, 381 ; monastery, 393 ;
notions, 378 ; part, 345 ; patriarch,
391 ; personage, 271 ; philosophers,
319 ; physical system, 325 ; prayers,
391 ; priests, 107, 220, 387 ; publi
cations, 369 ; recluses, 175 ; reli
gion, 395; school, 361 ; sects, in ;
superstition, 207 ; teaching, 395 ;
' temple, 153 ; tone, 319 ; wizard,
387 ; writers, 39 r.
Tauists, 220, 321, 324, 325, 350, 365,
372, 381, 387, 388, 393-396.
Tau-kwang, 263.
Tau-li heaven, 20, 48, 93, 218, 223.
Tau-lio, 287.
Tau-siuen, 209.
Tau-wu, 150.

Tau-yuen, 144.
Ta-yue-chi, 280. See Massagcta.
Teda (king), 83.
Te-shau, 178.
Te-ts'ing, 293, 296.
Teu-shwai si (temple), 250.
Thales, 341, 342.
The guiding Buddha, 246, 386. See
Tsie-yin Fo.
The heaven of brightness and sound,
340. See Kwang-yin-t'ien.
The pure calm and spontaneously-
perceiving Ju-lai, 391. See Tsing-
tsing-tsi-jan-chio-ju-lai.
The secret teaching of Yoga, 169.
See Yo-ga-mi-kiau.
Thibet, 63, 66, 90, 145, 149, 152, 170,
184, 230, 242, 259, 261, 266, 280,
336. See Si-fan.
Thibetan, 147 ; architecture, 266 ;
Buddhism, 149 ; Buddhists, 150 ;
character, 406 ; image, 26T ; in
cense, 25r ; inscriptions, 139, 255,
260, 263 ; language, 149, 406 ;
letters, 115, 169; prayer, 251;
prayers, 406 ; priest, 150 ; priests,
262; route, in; word, 117.
Thibetans, 4, 114, 171, 202, 230, 406.
Thinae, 93.
Thor, 63.
Thousand-handed Kwan-yin, 262.
Three Precious Ones, 4r7. See Fo,
Fa, and Sanga.
Three Pure Ones, 390, 391.
Three Sages, 209, 246, 262.
T'ien, 28, 40, 115, 172, 229, 310, 362.
See Deva.
T'ien-feng (mountain), 178.
T'ien-mu shan (mountain), 178, 358.
T'ien-ning si (temple), 250.
T'ien-t'ai, 41, 136-140, 146, 156, 171,
172, 175, 179, 180, 259 ; kiau, 140,
184, 187 ; school, 186^209, 230, 231;
system, 184.
T'ien-t'ai shan (mountain), 170.
T'ien-ti, 391. See Heavenly emperor.
Tientsin, 328, 395.
T'ien-ts'in p'u-sa, 159, 169, 278. See
Vasubandu.
T'ien-t'ung, 191.
T'in-do, 89, See India.

INDEX.

441

Ting-kwang Fo, 65.
Tirthancaras, 156.
Ti-shi, 210, 243. See Indra Shakra.
T'i-to-lo-to, 239. See Dbritarashtra.
Ti-tsang, 139, 195, 209, 227, 242, 245-
247, 254, 255, 263, 265, 364, 393.
Ti-tso (constellation), 348. See Bas

To-lo-ni, 399. See Dharani.
To-wen, 239. See Vaishramana.
Treasure of the Law, 233. See Fa-
tmng.
Tripitaka, 64, 169, 180, 277, 283. See
San-tsang.
Ts'ai-shen, 247.
Tsai-sheu, 227.
Ts'au-k'i, 159.
Tsau-kiiin, 207.
Ts'au-tung (school), 161, 260.
Tseng-chang, 239. See Virudhaka.
Tsi (state), 203.
Tb'i dynasty, 95, 107.
Tsi Liang, 95.
Tsie-jinFo, 246, 386. See The guid
ing Buddha.
Ts'i-hang, 266, 353. See Vessel of
Mercy.
Tsi-hwang shang-ti, 361, 364.
Tsi-pe ta-shi, 275.
Tsin dynasty (Western), 171, 391.
Ts'in dynasty, 93, 326. See Dzin

Ts'ing-cheu, 410.
Tsing-fan, 15. See Suddhodana.
Tsing-tsing-tsi'-jan-chio - ju -lai, 391.
See The pure, calm, and spontane-
wsky-perceiving Ju-lai.
Tsing-tu, 262 ; school, 170, 198, 209,
234, 411 ; sect, 172.
Ts'ing-yuen school, 159, 160.
Ts'iuen-cheu, 159.
Tsi-wei ta-ti, 391.,
Tso-fu (a star), 348.
Tso-tsi, 269.
Ts'ung-ling mountains, 90, 131, 144.
Tsung-men, 141, 158, 160, 247, 260.
See Esoteiic branch.
TuPu,394.Tu Hwai-jang, 160.
T'u-ha-la, 117.
Mtiue, 117. See Western Turks.

Tung-ngo ti-kiun, 246.
T'ung-tae monastery, 105.
Tung-yo temple, 359, 393, 394.
Tun-hwang, 170.
Turanian language, 405.
Turkestan, 35, 61, 404.
Turkish language, 404, 405.
Turks, 116.
Turnour, G., 12, 13, 15, 106.
Tu-shi k'eu, 407.
Tushita heaven, 12, 21, 30, 57, , 170,
223, 225, 244, 256.
Tushito, 12. See Tushita.
T'u-ti miau, 359.
U-chang-na, 399. See Udyana.
Udaya, 32.
Udayana (king), 49.
Udin, 109, no, 143, 280. See Khoten.
Udyana, 100, 290, 399. See U-chang-na.
U-dyung-na, 399. See Udyana.
U-lam, 126, 210. See Yii-lan-hwei
and Yii-lan-p'en.
Uluka, 306, 313. See Yeu-leu-kia.
Uluvilva Kashiapa, 30.
Ulysses, 363.
United States, 357.
Upadhy&ya, 143, 417. See Ho-shang.
Upagupta, 67-70.
Upakutta, 58.
UpSli, 168, 277. See Yeu-po-li.
Upanishata, 290.
Upasaka, 29, 35, 50, 143, 399. See
Yeu-po-so-kia.
Vaiseshikas, 310.
Vaishajas, 216.
Vaishali, 42, 45, 284, 403. See
Vesali.
Vaishramana, 216, 239. See To-wen.
Vajramati, 169. See Kin-kang-ch'i.
Vajrasattwa, 169. See Kin-kang-
sat-wa.
Varanasi, 28. See Benares.
Vasubandu, 159, 278. See T'ien-ts'in
p'u-sa.
Vasumitra, 72, 73, 277, 283.
Veda, 207. See Wei-to.
Vedas, 27, 213, 363.
Ve-nu Deva, 219. See Vishnu.
Venus (planet), 211. See T'ai-pe.

442

INDEX.

Vesali, 403. See Vaishali.
Ve-shi-uu, 219. See Vishnu.
Vessel of Mercy, 266, 353. See Ts'i-
hang.
Viharapala, 399. See Bi-ha-la-pa-la.
Vimakita, 163, 284. See Wei-mo-kie.
Vimbasaxa, 31. See Bimbisara.
Vinaya, 108, no, 168, 182, 253, 275-
277, 281, 287, 290. See L'd.
Virga (Energy), 417.
Virgin Mary, 242, 415.
Virudhaka, 216, 239. See Tseng-
chang.
Virupaksha, 216,239. SeeKwang-mu.
Vishnu, 63, 215, 216, 219, 220, 248.
See Ve-nu Deva.
Vishvakarma, 39.
Wade, Sik T. F, 4, 413.
Waidehi, 215.
Wan, 63. See Man and Svastika.
Wang (royal name), 135.
Wang Hi-chi, 398.
Wang-she, 214. See Eajagriha.
Wan-nien monastery, 179.
Ward, W., 14.
Watters, T., in, 127, 134, 143, 419.
Wei dynasty, 91, 92, 98-100, 102, no,
129.
Wei Kwo-kung, 374.
Wei Pe-yang, 321, 324, 350.
Wei Yuen, 357.
Wei-ma, 159. See Wei-mo-kie.
Wei-mo, 163. See Wei-mo-kie.
Wei-mo-kie, 284. See Vimakita.
Wei-shi-siang-kiau, 169.
Wei-to, 207, 240, 244, 245. See Veda.
Wen Wang (king), 324, 333, 362.
Wen-ch'ang ti-kiiin, 367, 369.
Wen-chii (a star), 346.
Wenger, Dr., 216.
Wen-shu, 21, 128, 139, 208, 231, 236,
241, 243, 255, 284, 384, 385. See
Manjusiri.
Wen-ti (emperor), 92, 94.
Western Asia, 117,350; authors, 282;
Buddhas, 281 ; China, 145 ; coun
tries, 119, 144, 364; heaven, 158;
hills, 249, 252 ; India, 82, 83, 144,
280 ; origin, 363 ; races, 363 ; tribu
taries, 260; Turks, 117.

Wheel king, 22, 278 ; kings, 54, 80,
185; of a thousand spokes, 58; of
Buddhist preaching, 28 ; of cease
less revolution, 294 ; of doctrine,
22, 27, 28, 246 ; of the Buddhist
law, 28 ; of the holy doctrine, 278 ;
of the honoured law, 93 ; of the law,
237, 266, 375 ; of the metempsy
chosis, 243 ; of the wonderful law,
75-
White horse temple, 168. See Pe-
ma si.
White tiger, 337.
Wight, O. W., 312.
Williams, M., 302.
Williams, S. W., 62.
Wilson, Professor H. H., 106, 107,
*37, 3°8, 3l3-
Wiltshire, 419.
Wo-mei shan (mountain), 139, 384.
Woo-wei mountain, 265.
World's Honoured One, 6, 50, 57, 63;
297, 307, 308. See Shi-tsun.
Wu (empress), 122.
Wu state, 108.
Wu-cho, 169, 279. See Asengha.
Wu-chii (a star), 347.
Wu-kien ti-yii, 195, 225. See Avichi
naraka.
Wu-leu, 132.
Wu-liang-sheu, 234. See Amitabha
Buddha.
Wu-t'ai (mountain), 128, 133, 139,
146, 236-238, 259, 374, 384.
Wu-ti (Ch'in emperor), 107; (Han),
88 ; (Liang), 98, 101, 104, 113-115,
126, 127 ; (Ts'i), 95.
Wu-tsung (emperor), 128.
Wu-wei, 311, 372, 373, 376 ; kiau, 371,
372, 378, 379 ; religion, 375 ; sect,
373 ; tau-jen, 375.
Wu-yen-tso-wang, 159.
Wu-yeu-wang, 107.
Wylie, Mr. A., 211.
xenophon, 38.
Yaja, 82, 83.
Yaksha, 39.
Yakshas, 39, 216, 217, 223.
Yama, 21, 196, 214, 217-219, 242, 246,

INDEX.

443

359, 394 > naraka, 225 ; paradise,
223.
. Tang (Choo), 361.
Yang-cheu (kingdom), 93 ; (province),
109, 410.
Yangimara, 159.
Tang-ko, 269. See No.
Yang-tsze keang, 102, 264.
Yarkand, 88.
Yashaita, in.
Yashodara, 17, 32, 33.
Yates, Dr. M. T., 334, 392-
Yau-chu heaven, 377, 379.
Yau-k'i, 347. See Brilliant vapour.
Yau-tsu, 377.
Yellow river, 303.
Yem-ma, 218. See Yama.
Yen Hwei, 55.
Yen-cheu, 128. See Peking.
Yen-lo, 196, 218. See Yama.
Yen-lo-wang, 219, 242, 3g4. See
' lama.
Yen-ma, 218. See Yama.
Yen-mo-lo-she, 218. See Yama.
Yen-tsung (emperor), 122.
Yetili, 226.
Yeu-leu-kia, 313. See Uluka.
Yeu-pi (a star), 348.
gTeu-po-li, 168. See Updli.
Yeu-po-so-kia, 399. See Updsaka.
Yezdegerd, 117. See I-dzi-zi.
Yih-hing, 123.
Ying-tsu, 377.
Yi-tsing, 211.
Yoga school, 132, 169, 170. See
Yogachara school.
Yogachara school, 125, 132, 169. See
Toga school.
Yo-ga-mi-kiau, 169. See The secret
teaching of Yoga.
Yogatchara, i6g. See Yogachara
ichool.

Yo-shi Fo, 208, 235, 236, 245, 246.
See Bhdishajyagitru.
Yo-tsang p'u-sa, 246.
Yo-wang p'u-sa, 210, 246. See Bhdi-
shajyardja.
Yo-wang shan (mountain), 105.
Yii (emperor), 159, 323.
Yii Cliau-shi, 125.
Yue-hu, 106. See Chandragupta.
Yue-kwang-pien-chau, 235.
Yuen dynasty, 139, 146, 149-151, 281.
Yuen Wei dynasty, 303. See Wei
dynasty.
Yuen-kioh 290, 304, 306, 310. See
Pratyeka.
Yuen-ming-yuen, 335.
Yue-ti, 86, 416. See Geta;.
Yii-hwang, 264, 393. See Yii-hwang
shang-ti.
Yii-hwang shang-ti, 391. See Yii-
hwang ta-ti.
Yii-hwang ta-ti, 360, 361, 364, 391.
See Yii-hwang shang-ti.
Yii-hwang-ti, 389. See Yii-hwang

Yii-lan-hwei, 268. See U-lam.
Yii-lan-p'en, 210. See Yii-lan-hwei,
Yung-ho-kung, 256.
Yung-hwo (planet), 211. See Mars.
Yung-lo, 274, 275, 329, 334.
Yung-pi, 289.
Yiin-men (school), 161.
Yiin-ts'i monastery, 171 ; school,
ig8.
Yii-nii, 390.
Yii-ti, 210, 247, 389, 391, 392. See
Yii-hwang slmng-ti.
Yu-tian, 143. See Khoten.
Yii-ts'ing kung, 391.
Zeno, 342.
Zoroastrian fire worship, 27.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX
OF
TITLES OF BOOKS MENTIONED IN THIS WOEK.

A Catena of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese, 3, 283, 410.
Abhidharma Kosha, 1 20.
Ahhidharma-lun, 1 10. See Shastra of Metaphysics.
Abhinishkramana Sutra, 287. See Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king.
Account of Buddhist Kingdoms, 91, 121. See Fo-kwo-ki.
Additional Agama Sutra, no.
Agama Sutras, 20, 51.
Amida Sutra, 171. See Amitabha Sutra and A-mi-ta-Mng.
Amitabha Sutra, 198, 233, 234, 236. See Amida Sutra, A-mi-la-
king, and Wu-liang-sheu-king.
A-mi-ta-king, 180. See Amida Sutra.
An Account of Astronomy by the Braliman Gigarishi, 123. See
Ba-la-men-gih-ga-sien-jen-t'ien-wen-shwo.
Asangkhyea Vinaya, 109. See Seng-hi-lii.
Ba-la-men-gih-ga-sien-jen-t'ien-wen-shwo, 123. See An Account
of Astronomy by the Brahman Gigarishi.
Ba-la-men-swan-fa. 123.
Ba-la-men-swan-king, 123.
Ba-la-men-yin-yang-swan-li, 124.
Book.for shaking the Dragon, 339. See Han-lung-king.
Book of a Hundred Parables, 286. See Pe-yii-hing.
Book of a Thousand Characters, 281. See Tsien-tsi-wen.
Book of Changes, 324, 378. See Yi-king.
Book of Forty-two Sections, 20, 188, 283.
Book of History, 159.
Book of Kwan-yin, 367. See Kwan-yin-king.
Book of Miscellaneous Parables, 287. See Tsa-yii-king.
Book of Odes, 362.
Book of Eeason and Virtue, 372. See Tau-te-king.

446 INDEX.
Book of the Dharma in Sentences, 286. See Fa-kii-lcing.
Book of the Nirvana, 178. See Nirvdna Sutra.
Brahmajala, 287. See Fan-wang-king.
Brahmanical Astronomy, 123. See P'o-lo-men-t'ien-wen.
Bright Sutra, 109. See Ming-king.
Central Agama Sutra, 215.
Central Shastra, 171, 219, 230. See Chung-lun.
Ceylon Friend, 287.
Ch'ung-a-han-king, no. See Longer Agama Sutra.
Chan-ts'i-king, 287. See S&ma Jdtaka.
Ch'eng-shih Sutra, 109. See Complete Sutra.
Cheng-sin-kiuen, 374.
Ch'eng-wei-sh'i-lun, 278, 279.
Cheu-li, 270.
Cheu-shu-yi-ki, 16.
Chih-fang-wai-ki, 121.
Chinese Recorder, 127, 211, 412, 419.
Chinese Repository, 167.
Ching-tsz-t'ung, 6.
Cbi-tu-lun, 41. See Shastra of the Measure of Wisdom.
Chi-yue-luh, 103, 1 59-161, 277.
Chung-lun, 170, 171, 184, 230, 278. See Central Shastra and
Medial Shastra.
Chung-sheng-tien-ki, 16.
Chung-yin-tu-na-lan-to-ta-tau-ch'ang-king, 289. See Tlie Sutra
of Nalanda, the great seat of worship in Central India, and
Leng-yen-king.
Chwang-ts'i, 321, 372.
Chwen-ts'ai-king, 387. See Liturgy for turning the coffin.
' Complete Sutra, 109. See Ch'eng-shih Sutra.
Curse of Kehama, 197.
Daily Prayers, 119.
Description of Western Countries, 121. See Memoires sur les
' Contrtes Occidentals.
Dharmapitaka Sutra, 86.
Diamond Classic, 4, 41. See Diamond Sutra.
Diamond Sutra, 8, 97. See Kin-kang-king.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, 342.
Discipline of the Four Divisions, 1 10, 169. See S'i-fun-lii.
Discipline of the Ten Chants, 1 10. See Shih-sung-lii.
Eastern Monachism, 106, 169, 244, 277, 317, 410.

INDEX. 447
Essai sur le Pali, 416.
Essay on Buddhism, 3 1 7.
Fa-hwa Sutra, 47, 108, 109. See Fa-hwa-king.
Fa-hwa-hwei-i, 186, 231.
Fa-hwa-king, 38, 43, 100, 172, 180, 184, 208, 209, 214, 231, 235,
269, 283, 415. See Lotus of the Good Law and Saddharma
¦pundarika.
Fa-kii-king, 286. See Book of the Dharma in Sentences.
Fang-kwang-pat-nia-king, 109. See Light-emitting Prajna Sutra.
Fan-wang-king, 51, 190, 287. See Brahmajala.
Fan-wang Sutra, 216. See Fan-wang-king.
Fan-yi-ming-i, 35.
Fa-yuen-chu-lin, 86, 106, 135, 158, 215, 218, 340.
Foe koue ki, 88, 91, 207, 408.
Fo-ki-siang-king, 137. See Sutra of Good Fortune.
Fo-kwo-ki, 91. See Fog koue ki, Travels of Fa-hian and. Sung-
yiin, and Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms.
Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king, 287. See Abhinishkramana Sutra and The
Romantic Legend of Sdkya Buddha.
Fo-tsu-t'ung-ki, 15, 32, 41, 42, 56, 72, 73, 82, 85, 86, 156.
Gatha of One Shloka, 306. See The Shastra of One Shloka.
Golden Light'Sutra, 109. See Kin-kwang-king.
Great cloud Sutra, 122. See Ta-yiin-king.
Great Lotus of the Good Law, 43. See Lotus of the Good Law.
Great Prajna, 116. See Ma-ha-pat-nia.
Hai-kwo-t'u-chi, 357.
Han-lung-king, 339, 345. See Book for shaking the Dragon.
Han-wei-ts'ung-shu, 91.
Handbook for the Student of Chinese Buddhism, 6, 31, 35, 39>
403,412,415,417.
Heart Classic, 387. See Sin-king.
Hing-kio-kiuen, 374.
Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-thsang, 117, 292, 408.
History of Modem Philosophy, 312.
History of the Northern Wei dynasty, 106, 107.
History of the Sui dynasty, 112, 123.
History of the Sung dynasty, 94, 96.
History of the T'ang dynasty, 1 16.
History of tbe Wei dynasty, 16, ill.
History of T'ien-t'ai-shan, 137.
Hundred Discourses, 210.

448 INDEX.
Hwa-yen Sutra, 20, no, 131, 170. See Hwa-yen-king.
Hwa-yen-king, 18, 21, 24, 109, 139, 180, 230, 231, 237, 238, 265,
278, 279, 41 5. See Hwa-yen Sutra.
Influence of Tropical Climates on Europeans, 339.
In-ming-lun, 120.
In-ming-shu-kiai, 120.
Institutes of Manu, 302. See Laws of Manu.
Introduction a l'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, 106, 229.
Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters, 112, 399, 400.
Japanese Encyclopaedia, 62.
Jen-wang-king, 124. See Sutra of the Benevolent king. i
K'ai-yuen-chan-king, 123.
K'ai-yuen-shi-kiau-lu, 278, 280.
K'ang-hi's Dictionary, 392, 398.
Kan-ying-p'ien, 367.
Kia-yu, 325.
Kiau-ch'eng-fa-shu, 189, 190.
Kieu-chi-li, 211. See Kieu-chi-shu.
Kieu-chi-shu, 123. See Kieu-chi-li.
Kin-kang-king, 8, 21, 153, 180, 269. See Diamond Sutra.
Kin-kang-pat-nia-pa-la-mi-ta-king, 119. See Vajra-chedika-
prajna-paramita Sutra.
Kin-kwang-king, 109. See Golden Light Sutra.
Kin-kwang-ming-king, 206, 240. See The Bright Sutra of Golden
Light.
Kin-shi-t'u-shu-pu, 117.
K'i-sin-lun, 278. See Shastra for awakening Faith.
Kung-ch'io-king, 211. See Peacock Sutra.
Kwang-tse-li, 122. See The Calendar of the Bright house.
Kwan-wu-liang-sheu-king, 234.
Kwan-yin-king, 387. See Book of Kwan-yin.
Laws of Manu, 93,, 363. See Institutes of Manu.
Lenga Sutra, 39, 51, 103, 130.
Leng-yen-king, 19, 20, 36, 37, 149, 153, 253, 269, 288, 289.
Les Avadanas, 3, 408.
Liang History, 104, 108, 113.
Life of Buddha, 143, 192.
Light-emitting Prajna Sutra, 109. See Fang-kwang-pat-nia-
king.
Li-ki, 351.

INDEX. 449
Li-men-lun, 120.
Liturgy for turning the coffin, 387. See Chwen-ts'ai-king.
Longer Agama Sutra, no. See Ch'ang-a-han-king.
Lothair, 415.
Lo-tsu-ch'u-shl-t'ui-fan-ping-pau-kiuen, 373.
Lotus of the Good Law, 2, 19, 38, 46, 47, 89, 100, 108, 180, 214,
269, 283. See Fa-hwa-king.
Ma-ha-pat-nia, 116. See Great Prajna.
Maha Prajna paramita, 275, 281. See Ta-poh-je-king.
Mahavanso, 106.
Manual of Buddhism, 189, 217, 230, 410.
Manual of Buddhist Regulations and Festivals, 205, 210. See
Pe-chang-ts'ing-kwei.
Medial Shastra, 184. See Central Shastra and Chung-lun.
Melanges Asiatiques, 6.
Memoires sur les Contrees Occidentales, 292, 408. See Descrip
tion of Western Countries.
Methode pour D6chifrer et Transcrire les noms Sanscrits, 93, 400.
Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king, 3, 100, 180. See Fa-hwa-king.
Ming-king, 109.
Mirror of History, in. See T'ung-kien-kang-mu.
Mythology of the Hindoos, 14.
Narrative of Buddha pacifying and subduing Samidhi, 308. See
Tiau-fuh-san-mih-t'i-king.
Neng-twan-kin-kang-pat-nia-pa-la-mi-ta-king, 119. See Vajra-
chedika-prajna-paramita. Sutra.
New Testament, 275.
Nirvana Sutra, 53, 108, 109, 1 14, 180. See Book of the Nirvdna.
Ni-wan-king, 109. See Nirvdna Sutra.
Notions of the Chinese concerning God and spirits, 216.
Olanggi sodar, 237. See Hwa-yen-king.
Old Testament, 333.
O-mi-to-king-su-ts'au, 198.
Pat-no-pa-la-mit-ta, 40. See Prajna paramita.
Pau-tsih Sutra, 131.
Pau-ying-lu, 367.
Peacock Sutra, 211. See Kung-ch'io-king.
Pe-chang-ts'ing-kwei, 205, 209, 210. See Manual of Buddhist
Regulations and Festivals.
Pei-hwa-king, 236. 2 F

450 INDEX.
Pei-tsang-mu-lu, 275.
Pen-hing-king, 391.
Pen-ting-lii, 109, no.
Pe-ye-kie-la-nan, 120.
Pe-yii-king, 286. See Book of a Hundred Parables.
Ping-shu-pi-t'an, ' 382.
P'i-shih-shl-chu-wang, 152. See The Errors of the Buddhists Ex
posed.
P'o-lo-men-t'ien-wen, 123. See Brahmanical Astronomy.
P'o-sie-kiuen, 374.
Pradimoksha Sutra, 55. See Pratimoksha.
Prajna paramita, 20, 40, 42, 47, 119, 184, 266, 279.
Prajna-teng-lun, 278.
Pratimoksha, 288. See Pradimoksha Sutra.
Records of Buddhistic kingdoms, 408.
Religiose Bildung, u. s. w. der Hindus, 156.
Researches of the Members of the Russian Mission in Peking, 411.
Sacred Edict, 152, 379.
Saddharma pundarika, 43, 108, 214. See Fa-hwa-king.
Sama Jataka, 287. See Chan-tsi-king.
Sankhya Karika, 313.
San-kiau-yi-su, 13, 72, 73, 157, 160. See Supplementary Account
of the Three Religions.
San-mei-king, 104.
Seng-ga Sutra, 104.
Seng-ki-lii, 109. See Asangkhyea Vinaya.
Shanghai Almanac, 124.
Shastra for awakening faith, 278. See K'i-sin-lun.
Shastra of fixed position, no. See Ti-ch'i-lun.
Shastra of Metaphysics, no. See Abhidharma-lun.
Shastra of the Measure of Wisdom, 40. See CM-tu-lun.
Shastra of the Method of Great Wisdom, 77. See Ta-chi-tu-lun.
Shastra of the Non-ego, 76. See Sutra of the Not-me.
Shastra of the ten positions, 1 10. See SM-ti-lun.
Sheng-t'ien-shih-kiai-king, 189. See The book of birth in heaven
through keeping, the ten prohibitions.
Sheu-shan-ko-ts'ung-shu, 119.
Shii-er-men-lun, 278.
Shih-sung-lii, no. See Discipline of the Ten Cliants.
Shih-tsien, 51. See Tallies of the Shakya communities.
Shing-ming-lun, 120.
Shi-ti-lun, 1 10. See Shastra of the Ten Positions.

INDEX. 451
Shui-hu, 270.
Shu-king, 321.
Shwo-fu, 91.
Siang-cheng-ki, 16.
Sl-fun-lii, no. See Discipline of the Four Divisions.
Sing-king, 322. See Star classic.
Sin-king, 387. See Heart classic.
Si'-pu-lii, 168.
Si-yeu-chen-ts'euen, 121. See Si-yeu-ki.
Si-yeu-ki,'i2i. See Si-yeu-chen-ts'euen.
Star classic, 322. See Sing-king.
Sung History, 144-146.
Supplement to Wen-hien-t'ung-k'au, 132, 149.
Supplementary account of the three religions, 13. See San-kiau-
yi-su.
Sutra of Boundless Age, 137. See Wu-liang-sheu-king.
Sutra of Forty-two Sections, 19, 88, 120, 400, 416.
Sutra of Good Fortune, 137. See Fo-ki-siang-king.
Sutra of Pure name, 177. See Tsing-ming-king.
Sutra of the Benevolent King, 124. See Jen-wang-king.
Sutra of the Diamond, 21. See Diamond Sutra.
Sutra of the dying instructions of Buddha, 418.
Sutra of the Lotus of tbe Good Law, 43. See Fa-hwa-king.
Sutra of the Not-me, 83.
Sutra of the ten points of rest, 108.
Sutra of Tombs in connection with sympathetically operating
causes, 55. See Tsung-mu-yin-yuen-king.
Syllabic Dictionary, 413.
Ta-chi-tu-lun, 77, 160, 278. See Shastra of the Method of Great
Wisdom.
T'ai-shan-kiuen, 374.
Tallies of the Shakya communities, 51. See Shih-tsien.
T'ang-yiin, 146.
T'an-shi-kiuen, 374.
Ta-pei-ch'an, 269.
Ta-pei-ts'an, 140, 187.
Ta-poh-je-king, 275. See Maha Prajna-paramita.
Ta-t'ang-si-yii-ki, 1 19. See Mimoires sur les Contrees Occidentales.
Ta-tsi-king, 39.
Tau-te-king, 168, 372. See Book of Reason and Virtue.
Ta-yiin-king, 122. See Great Cloud Sutra.
The book of birth in heaven through keeping the ten prohibitions,
189. See Sheng-t'ien-shih-kiai-king.

452 INDEX.
The Bright Sutra of Golden Light, 206. See Kin-kwang-ming-
king.
The calendar of the bright house, 122. See Kwang-tse-li.
The Errors of the Buddhists exposed, 1 52. See P'i-shih-shi-chu-
wang.
The magical formula of the Bodhisattwa Kwan-shi-yin, who
has a thousand hands and eyes and a merciful heart,
132. See Ts'ien-sheu-ts'ien-yen-kwan-shi-yin-p'u-sa-ta-pei-sin-
to-lo-ni.
The Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha, 3, 33, 410.
The Shastra of One Shloka, 302, 303, 308, 316. See Yih-shu-lu-
Ma-lun.
The Sutra of Nalanda the great seat of worship in Central India,
289. See Chung-yin-tu-na-lan-to-ta-tau-ch'ang-king.
Thousand Character Classic, 281. See Tsien-tsi-wen.
Three Lectures on Buddhism, 419.
Tiau-fuh-san-mih-t'i-king, 308. See Narrative of Buddha pacify
ing and subduing Samidhi.
Ti-chl-lun, 1 10. See Shastra of fixed position.
T'ien-t'ai-shan-ch'i, 177. See History of T'ien-t'ai-shan.
Ti-tsang Sutra, 218, 225. See Ti-tsang-king.
Ti-tsang-king, 195, 269. See Ti-tsang Sutra.
Transactions of the Second Oriental Congress, 107, 287.
Travels of Fa-hian and Sung-yun, 408.
Treatise on the four tones, 113.
Ts'an-t'ung-ki, 321, 322.
Tsa-yii-king, 287. See Book of Miscellaneous Parables.
Ts'ien-sheu-ts'ien-yen-kwan-shi-yin-p'u-sa-ta-pei-sin-to-lo-ni, 132.
See The magical formula of the Bodhisattwa Kwan-shi-yin,
who has a thousand hands and eyes and a merciful heart.
Tsien-tsi-wen, 281. See Book of a Thousand Characters.
Ts'in history, 90.
Tsing-ming-king, 177. See Sutra of Pure Name.
Ts'ing-tsing-kiuen, 374.
Tsing-tu-sheng-hien-luh, 278.
Tsing-tu-shi, 174.
Tsing-tu-wen, 411.
Tso-chwen, 16.
Tsung-mu-yin-yuen-king, 55. See Sutra of tombs in connection
with sympathetically -operating causes.
T'ung-kien-kang-mu, 89, 100, 105, 1 1 1. See Mirror of History.
Twan-tsi-sin-yau, 163.
Uber den Buddhaismus in Hoch Asien und in China, 410.

INDEX. 453
Vajra chedika prajna paramita Sutra, 119. See Kin-kang-pat-
nia-pa-la-mi-ta-lring.
Vibhasha-lun, 278. See Vibhasha Shastra.
Vibhasha Shastra, 83. See Vibhasha-lun.
Tie de Gaudama, 202.
Vishnu Purana, 106.
Wan-kwo-kung-pau, 366.
Wei-ma Sutra, 108, 109, 284.
Wei-shi-lun, 169.
Wu-liang-sheu-king, 137, 171, 233, 234. See Amitabha Sutra.
Yih-shu-lu-kia-lun, 302, 303. See The Shastra of One Shloka.
Yi-king, 320, 322, 325, 339. See Book of Changes.
Yin-chi-wen, 367.
Ying-hwan-chi-lio, 357.
Yi-sho-lo-ka-lun, 306. See The Shastra of One Shloka.
Yi-ts'ie-king-yin-i, 222, 231.
Yo-shi-king, 235.
Yo-si-lieu-li-kwang-j u-lai-kung-te-king, 120.
Yuen History, 148.
Yii-k'ia-yen-k'eu, 132, 137.
Yu-lan-p'en Sutra, 210.
Yii-li, 358, 360, 365.
Yii-li-ch'au-chwen, 367.
Yii-p'ien, 112, 146.

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