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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

The Lands of Cazembe.

LACERM'S JOURNEY TO CAZEMBE
In 1798.
translated and annotated
By captain E. F. BUETON, F.E.G.S.

JOURNEY OF THE POMBEIROS
p. J. BAPTISTA AND AMAEO JOSE, ACROSS AFRICA FROM ANGOLA
TO TETTE ON THE ZAMBBZE.
TRANSLATED BY B. A. BEADLE;

y  /

RESUME OF THE JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.
By de. C. T. BEKE.
{Published by the Royal Geographical Society. \

LONDON:
JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAELE STEEET.
1873.

londo:n :
i'BINTKD BY WILLIAU CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STKEET,
ASD CHARING CROSS.

PKEFACE.

The interest excited by the recent letters of Dr. Livingstone
concerning the country of the Cazembe and neighbouring
regions of Central Africa, has induced the Council of the
Eoyal Geographical Society to publish, for the information of
its Fellows and the public, the present volume of translations
of narratives of Portuguese journeys into those little-known
parts of the African interior.
The first in order, and the most important, of these narra-
fives, is that of Dr. de Lacerda, who led an expedition to
Cazembe near the close of the last century. For the trans
lation of this (copiously annotated), the Council are indebted
to Captain E. F. Burton, who is so well qualified, by his great
experience in African travel and his philological acquirements,
for such an undertaking. The second narrative, the route-
journal of the Pombeiros P. J. Baptista and Amaro Jos4.
~who traversed Africa from Angola to Tette, and crossed,
therefore, the recent line of march of Dr. Livingstone be
tween Cazembe and Lake Bangweolo, has been translated by
Mr. B. A. Beadle, Chancellor to the Portuguese Consulate in
London, Captain Burton revising and editing this portion of
the volume. Of the third narrative, that of Messrs. Monteiro
and Gamitto, whose journey to Cazembe was undertaken in
^ 1831, it has been thought sufficient to reprint a resume that
had previously appeared from the able pen of Dr. Charles
Beke.

CONTENTS.

Introduction of Dr. de Lacerda to the Public by the Translator . . . . 1
Preliminary Observations, &c., by Dr. Francisco Jos^ Maria de Lacerda 14
Information touching the proposed " Cazembe Expedition," and In
structions issued to his Party, by Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda 33
CHAPTEE I.
The Depabtuee.
Preparations for the Journey — The Journey commenced' — Desertion
of Porters — The Lands of the Marave — Stay at Tete — The Maxinga
Estate — Hostility of the Maraves — Village of Jaua — Arrival at the
LupatadaJaua  .. Page 55-67
CHAPTEE II.
The Makch from the Lupata da Jaua to the Northern Aeuakg6a
BlVEE.
Halt on the Caruzissira — Arrival at Java — Mines of Java — Rivalry
of the Muizas Chinimbu and Mussidansaro — Sezao, or Sea
soning Fever — Halt on the Chigumunquire — Attacked by the Ma
raves— The Muizas Cannibals — Scarcity of Salt — Mutumbuca
Tribe — Reach Caperemera's Village — Respect manifested by the
Kinglets — Mode of Killing Elephants — Red Hair-powder — Antipathy
of the People to the sound of Musical Instruments — Departure from
Caperemera's Village — Desertion of Bearers — Village of Mazavamba
— Halt near the Remimba River- Dearth of Provisions at Village of
Capangura — Reach the Northern Aruangoa River .. Page 68-86
CHAPTEE III.
The March from the Northern Aetjang6a River, till the Death
OF Dr. de Lacerda.
Halt near the Village of Caperampande — " Raising Pombe '' — Visit from
Mambo Mucungure — Corporal Punishment a cure for Caffre desertion —

VI CONTENTS.
Muiza Iron-smelting Furnaces — Unreliableness of Caffre Information
Village of Morungabambara — Wretchedness of the Villages and Huts
— Reach the River Zambeze — Village of Pumo Chipaco— Amenities of
the Chief — Caffre Greeting Ceremonies — Village of Fumo Monro- Atchin-
to — Its Position fixed— Sura Wine — Mode of preparing Manioc-meal —
News of the Cazembe — Offerings to the Manes of his Ancestors in celebra
tion of Arrival in his Country — End of Dr. de Lacerda's Journal — Re
marks by the Translator — Diary of the Journey . . Page 87-106
CHAPTEE IV.
Diary or the Expedition sent by Her Most Faithful Majesty to ex
plore THE African Interior, and to the Court of the Cazembe,
distant 270 Leagues from Tete, kept by the Chaplain and Com
mander, Fb. Francisco Joao Pinto, in continuation of the Diary of
Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida, to be presented to the
Most Illustrious and Excellent Senhor Francisco Guides de Cae-
valho b Menezes da Costa, Governor and Captak-General of
Mozambique and the Coast of East Africa.
Section I. From date of Arrival at the City till December 31, 1798. At the
Court of Cazembe — " Mirambo " or Present — His Impatience at its
Delay — Difficulties from an Affaire de Ckui  Ceremonies of theOflScial
Reception — Disputes as to Seniority in the Expedition — Summons of the
Cazembe for the Expedition to attend the triumphal entiy of a Caboceer
— Quarrel in the Camp and troubles arising out of it — Judgment pro
nounced by the Cazembe — Visit to the Palace — Cazembe's Curiosity as
to our Camp bedstead — Refusal to "give pass" to the Expedition —
Illness of the Cazembe. Section II. Continuation of the Diary from the
beginning of the year 1799 to Ftbruary 17, 1799. Dangerous state of
the Cazembe — Propitiatory Human Sacrifices for his Recovery — Public
Reception to celebrate his Convalescence — Audience conceded to Fr.
Pinto — Revocation of Leave of Departure — Arrogance of the Fumo
Anceva .. .. .. .. .. .. Page 107-123
CHAPTEE V.
Continuation of the Chaplain's Diary from February 17, 1799,
to the Time op Preparing foe the Retuhn March.
Demand of further Presents to tho Cazembe — Prince Muenebuto — The
Murundas — Their Ceremonies, Customs, &c. — Country of the Murundas
— Difficulties with Subordinates of the Expedition — Their Conspiracy —
Further Interview with the Cazembe — Opposition of the Fumo Anceva
— Insulting Behaviour of the Subordinates — Departure for Mdro — Fight
in the Camp — Complaints and Threats from the Cazembe — Tete-a-tete
with him — Mutiny among the Expedition at the Delay — The Pumo
Anceva — The Cazembe's demand for Gunpowder — Intrigues of Jose'
Rodrigues Caleja . . . , , , . . . . . . Page 124-146

CONTENTS. vu
CHAPTEE VL
The Return March, the Attack, and the Plight.
Taking leave of the Cazembe — Start for Chungu — Arrival at the place of
the Muenempanda — His Congratulations on our reaching his Estate —
Pass through Ohiliamono and Chiliapaco villages — Drunkenness of the
Muizas — Reach the Northern Zambeze River — Attacked by the Muizas
— Their Repulse — Further Alarms en route — Pinched with Hunger —
The Expedition reaches Tette — Letter of the Chief Sergeant Pedro Xavier
Velasco to the Home Government .. .. ,. Page 147-164

JOURNEY OP THE " POMBEIROS,", FROM ANGOLA TO THE
RIOS DE SENNA. PAGE
A. Despatch from the Captain-General of Angola, Jose d'Oliveira Barbosa 167
Despatch of the Governor of Tette to the Count das Galveas .. 167
Documents enclosed : —
1. Copy of Route Journal of Pedro Joao Baptista from Muro-
pue to Cazembe . . . . . . . . . . 169
Ditto Ditto Ditto from Cazembe to Tette . . 189
2. Questions put to Pedro Joao Baptista .. .. .. 198
3. Copy of Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono-
rato da Costa  200
B. Despatch from Captain-General Jos^ d'Oliveira Barbosa . . . . 202
Documents enclosed : —
1. Copy of Letter of P. H. da Costa (translated in Part A.) 203
2. Copy of Route Journal of P. J. Baptista from the Lands
of the Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazembe . . 203
3. Ditto from the Cazembe to Tette  219
4. Notes of the Days of Journey of P. J. Baptista .. 219
5. Account or Report of P. J. Baptista relative to his Journey 221
C. Notice of what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptista,
the Governor, and other Inhabitants. Written by himself .. 233
D. Declaration of Francisco Honorato da Costa in favour of his Pom
beiros, who effected the Journey . . . . . . • ¦ 241
Legislative Documents referring to the Explorations . . . 242

RESUM:^ OP THE JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.
By Dr. C. T. Beke  245

INTEODUCTION OF DR. DE LACERDA TO
THE PUBLIC.
BY THE TEANSLATOE.

OuK earliest authorities upon the subject of Africa, the classical
and sub-classical authors, were followed by the Portugueses^
who betimes, in the sixteenth century, established factories on
both coasts, eastern and western: their traders crossed the
interior from shore to shore, whilst their missionaries founded
large and prosperous colonies, such as Znmbn in the east and
j^an Ralvarlnrin Lka-BTPst^ with cathedrals^ churches, chapels, and
—atone houses. The explorers did not neglect either the Lake
Eegions of Central Intertropical Africa, or even the basin of
the Zambeze Eiver.
Foremost in the heroic band — whom of late years it has been
the fashion to ignore — stands that "martyr in the cause of
science," !Qr. Francisco Jos^ Mqjia de Lacerda e Almeida. His
family was Paulista. that is to say, from t.lif. city of .Sao. PauIo
in the Brazil, a place whose name, however little known at
present, will be famous for all time, a town of some 5000 or
fiOOO dauntless SOulg wl|r» PYplnrpd and Annr^iiP.rp.d the vast area
" bounded by the Amazon and by La Plata, and stretching from
the Atianiic to tbe Andes.
It is doubtful whether Para or Bahia was the birthplace of Dr.
'de Lacerda; he graduated, however, as an M.D. (doctor of mathe
matics) at Coimbra, and presently he was appointed astronomer
to H. M. F. Majesty. He left LisbonX January 8, 1780) in the
Coragao de Jesus, with the object of surveying and laying down
.the Western limits of the great Luso-American dependency.
Whilst travelling from Barcellos to the capital of Mato-grosso, B

2 INTRODUCTION".
he was attacked (September 23, 1781) by Indians, who wounded'
' him with an arrow : the ^arrapatos. or poisonpus, ticks, also-
afflicted him with an unpleasant complaint, the well-knowa-
"^amas." During 1784 he laboured in the interior with the-
great Luso-Hispanian " Commission of Limits ;" in 1786 he left-
Cuyaba (Mato-grosso), and, ascending the Ti^te Eiver, reached
Porto Feliz, in the then captaincy, no-^v the province, of Sao-
Paulo. He passed a portion of 1788 near the lakes or swamps-
of " Xaraos " (Xarayes) : here he was hunted by, and sometimes-
he hunted, the-opce formidable ." Canoe Indians," or "P^-
agggs," who call themselves Eijiguaijigi. and who, according to-
some, gave name to the Paraguay river. He also visited the
Cayap6s, a tribe not yet extinct, and other various clans of the-
great Guaycurii or Aycurii race, whom the Spaniards term Cabal-
leros, or "Mounted Indians." Finally, he travelled amongst
the Moxos or Mojos. Indians of Bolivia, concerning whom
we have details in Triibner's 'Bibliotheca Glottica' (London,.
1858). In 1790, Dr. de Lacerda returned to Lisbon, and published
the results of his long and weary wanderings. His book, the-
' Diario da Viagem do Dr. Francisco Jose de Lacerda e Almeida,
pelas Capitanias do Para, Eio Negro, Matto-grosso, Cuyaba,
e S. Paulo, nos annos de 1780 a 1790,' was lately republished
at Sao Paulo — "Imprenso por ordem da Assembleia Legis-
lativa da Provincia, &e. : na Typografia de Costa Silveira, Eua
de S. Gongalo. No. 14. 1841." Yet it is not easy to procure-
a copy, and I should have failed but for the kindness of my
excellent friend, then Deputy from Taubate, and subsequently
President of the province of Alagoas, Dr. Moreira de Barros, of"
S. Paulo. The work contains a valuable itinerary from Cuyaba,
and talfifii ¦filii WSI WfxP"^ a;; p.aiid.„se.rpen ts , which, however mar
vellous, may be taken entrust. . One snak9 vfasi so hnfp. that the
j^a^'ges.iaajcyiaaLiti.Qiia.an-Qld canoe. bp.p;ar| fo bnm it. Although
mere diaries, the records are remarkable for correctness : lati
tudes, longitudes, and altitudes are duly chronicled, the breadth
of rivers is trigonometrically measured, and, in fact, all the
labours required from the latest travellers are regularly gone-
through.

INTRODUCTION. S
Eeturned to Lisbon, we find Dr. de Lacerda complaining
that his slaves at Sao Paulo had plundered his property and
had destroyed his valuable papers ; hence the imperfections of
the map which he presented to the Eoyal Academy of Sciences.
I cannot discover the year in which he was transferred to
Africa. We know that in 1797 he accompanied an expedition
to explore the course of the Cunene Eiver, which discharges
itself westward into the Atlantic. There he failed : the recovery
of his diaries, however, would interest geographers, as that
intricate and confused section of African hydrography is still to
be explored. A man of eminently advanced views, he returned
with the mighty vision of a second and southern overland
transit f^gem a contracosta) through Southern Africa, a
jyhole generation before Lieut. Waghorn arose; whilst his
proposal to erect a chain of presidiosTOTTofSfied posts, along
the Coanza Eiver, in order to explore the copper-mines of
Angola, and to communicate with the Mozambique, was made
befoie Dr. Krapf and the 'l.A.pnst1f^?i' pt.reet/' -^irfirp. frffrn * The
attempt was new though the idea was not. Fray Manoel
Godinho, who travelled in 1663, describes an overland route
from India to Portugal, and the literary Jesuit De Jarric
declares that there was nothing to prevent our going from
Monomotapa to Angola by land. These authors, however, bore
the same relation to Dr. de Lacerda as the " Mombas Mission"
to the first East African Expedition.
After this exploration, and certainly before 1798, Dr. de
Lacerda addressed to the enlightened Minister of State, D.
Eodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, certain memoranda touching an
expedition "iroih 'Sngoia to Mozambique. On March 12, 1797,
he was appointed by Her Most Faithful Majesty f to conduct

* The Missionaries of Chrishona, near Basle, proposed twelve mission-stations
along the banks of the Nile, from Alexandria to Gondar ; -whence other branch
houses were to be established towards the South, East, and West of Africa, " as
it shall please Providence to show the way, and to point out the requisite means."
Each station, which is to be fifty leagues distant from the other, will be called by
the name r,f ati appatlp. — for instance, the HrVti'?? "t Alf^^""'^'''" •°""'' ^° yorya.^
4ho-i-^t-|^| jyQ^»-n7- the atation at OlilTt).ifl£fiit.iMaiife ; at A33mn..Qf St. Luke ; and
so on.— JDrTKrapfs Travels, Mesearches, and Missionary Labours (,pp. 133, 213),
London: Trubner and Co., Paternoster Row, 1860.
f. Donna Maria I., the daughter of D. Jos^ (Emanuel), born 1734, married in
1760 to her uncle D. Pedro (who died in 1786), reigned from 1777 to 1816, the year
B 2-

4 INTRODUCTION.
the exploration, and Portugal has ever been, generous_ to her
jaaoag sons. Under EJESfflMda-J^atonio .Sfi^res de Norpnha,
fifty-fifth Governor of Angola, he was made Governor of
the Eios de Sena, in the Captaincy of the. Mozambigye. On
March 28, 1798, he addressed to the Minister another highly
interesting letter upon the subject of his intended march to the
capital of the African king known as the Cg^embg, with deposi
tions of certain baj^kwoodsmen (sertanejos) who had volunteered
to accompany him; with oral information received from the
natives, and with copies of his orders to the expedition of which
he was in command. On July 3, 1798, he began his journey.
After opening up at least 270 leagues of new land he reached
his destination, and he fell a victim to his own exertions on
October 18, 1798. But he had marched to S. lat. 8° 15', and
the Portuguese were no longer in ignorance of everything north
of S. lat. 16° 20".
The diary speaks for itself; it is a drama with the cata
strophe of a tragedy. Well worth perusal, it is what every
African explorer should be taught to expect, and should learn
to thank his stars if he live to tell the tale. To one who has
undergone the ordeal it vividly suggests past horrors. ^Jero-
nymoJPereira, the .then Governor of Mozambique, will not hear
the expedition spoken of in his presence, as too often happens
in this our day. The villainous Colonel _of Maniga Militia
sells to the explorer ba^Tcloth at TEevery highest prices. The
whites appointed to command the blacks are thoroughly dis-
jieartened and demoralised. They think only of "creature
comforts " and vile lucre, they refuse to lend any assistance,
and they^privily tamper with the negroes, so as to ensure
desertion, which may shorten their trials. The slaves levied for
the Eoyal service fly from it in numbers, and the commander,
undefended by soldiers, is compelled to trust himself to wild
" Caffres," who throw down their loads, and without a word of
notice disappear in the bush. There are infinite intrigues and

of her death. In consequence of her insanity, the Prince of the Brazil, subse
quently D. Joao VII., was made Regent on February 10, 1792, after which his
mother took no part in public affairs. It was therefore virtually under this prince
that the expedition was made.

INTRODUCTION. 5
quarrels between the whites, plots and battles between the"
blacks, and utter disunion between whites and blacks. The
wild Maraves and Muizas plunder and threaten, and are ever
upon'the point of c^KSing the road. Then come the usual fever-
- fraught ftuxTftties, the sleepless nights spent in looking forward
^ to hopeless days, the desperate determinations, the stubborn-
endurance, and the irritation, soothed only by the hope of
being able to assert oneself at some future day. Presently, as
the party leaves the coast and the coast-people, matters appear
to mend; the subjects of the African despot are a distinct
improvement upon the lawless republican neighbours of civiliza
tion, and one chief after another proves himself something very
like a friend. But it is all too late; the excitement of the
march is over, the traveller reaches his goal, he falls into the
npnfry "^^ """"""¦-¦ he sinks under the strong r(^g,ction. and — jiest*
Unfortunate even in death, he is exhumed when his companions
are returning to their homes, the party is attacked in the
bush, and the mortal remains of the unfortunate explorer are
scattered upon the inhospitable African ground.
After Dr. de Lacerda's death, all, of course, went wrong.
He had left orders for the chaplain, Fr. Francisco Joao Pint(^
to command the rabble rout, and the ecclesiastic seems to have
been wholly unequal to the task. He struggled, however, man
fully about sending men forward to Angola, and thus carrying
out one object of the expedition ; but here he was contending
against a, force majeure — African custom. His party rebelled
spiritually and temporally, it refused to attend Mass or to be
*** placed under arrest : finally, sundry members deserted, and on
their home-march so conducted them selves, that the unfortunate
padre narrowly escaped with his life. The ill-fated expedition
left the city of the Cazembe, which it did not even name, on
July 22, 1799, and reached Tette after four months (Novem
ber 22). Altogether it had spent sixteen and a half months on
this enterprise, and the second in command soon followed the
first to a place whence explorers, as a rule, return not. '
Dr. de Lacerda was not only a scientific traveller, but also a
sympathetic, zealous, and hard-working man. In his worst
times of sickness he remembers his compass, he makes obser-

b INTRODUCTION.
vations of longitude by Jupiter's satellites, and he remarks the
, quality of ground, and its power of production. There is a
simplicity about his writing now unusual and, his Diary not
having been corrected nor prepared for the press, its style,
which scholars pronounce to_ be^ unclassical, lets us into the
.j0hor's"heart. He " loves men," as the Arabsj^jSjffieTjene^
volent, and he ever thinks of his party in the hour of hunger
and hardship. Though born when rational beings rarely doubted
the propriety of enslaving negroes, he is a kind of philanthrope,
and he avoids using harsh measures unless absolutely necessary.
Even when furious with his treacherous companions and his
Kalse, cowardly friends, he speaks of the " lively grief caused
Iby the death of my beloved wife, whom God was pleased to take
¦|to himself, in the flower of her age, on the first of April." He
is strong in hope, and is somewhat Utopian in his ideas of what
an African expedition and its leader ought to be ; were his sine
(jua non made requisite, no party would set out for want of the
qualifications required. He has the habit of pious exclamations :
he begins his diary with iiDirige Domine Den^^ mpu!^," &c., and
he thoroughly believes in the thraldom of Sathanas. He does
not, perhaps, quite come up to the serious and reverend spirit
^ which the 'Quarterly' finds in the ' Eomance of the Nile,' alias
the 'Crescent and the Cross.' The fact is that his religiousness.
~ffihJ,ftk.c.rflps.ijat.atjlimes^Js_somewhaJL^ by exten-
.jJSgifflXel, and by,fl3^turno£mifi^ply^osophicand Pljoi
quotes " Tiinor f(?cit deos " — belonging to the days of the Great
Eevolution. He is charafft-eristically loval^ like every Portu-
,IS^,.,Si£tt§^a^' especially in those pre-constitutional days,
when the king was to a great extent lord and ruler; and he
thinks of his beloved Queen, not of " Her Majesty's Govern
ment " nor, by way of climax, of " the Public." He moralises
much, and he is somewhat profuse in reflections, far more sound
than novel; whilst perhaps the first personal pronoun is made to
^/ occur a little too frequently. jae^fr-grgBwdilngnpnt. ac.^ rwilior, ;
«he indices Awi'u%Jflagri5iajl£^LsMa and he d£ags_iniJi^ an
Anglo-Indian, JiaeaJi3ascjaat^SS-.vrords. Finally, he has not
i forgotten liisffij^ocrgi^s ; and he is not ashamed to quote his
Horace.

INTRODUCTION. 7
The party which accompanied him must be briefly sketched.
"The African portion consisted of one " Chinimba " of the Muiza
iribe, an envoy and servant (bandasio) of the King Cazembe,
-and of " Catara," a grandee of the same potentate's Court.
These two high officers were accompanied by their spies, and
this is a system of haute police in which, as I have elsewhere
shown ('Mission to Dahome') Africa excels.* One mouchard
¦died, the other, a confidential slave of the Cazembe, and sixteen-
eighteen years old, accompanied the party the whole way, in
order to look after his master's rights. Finally, there were 400
•Caffre porters, a floating item in the caravan, as they seem to
iiave deserted whenever and wherever they pleased.
The whites were much too numerous for marching without
trouble or disunion. First, we hiv" tho i^"Til"\^^lft fhnplninthr
Eeverend Father Francisco Jo5o Pinto, brother of the
dommandant of Tette, who afterwards succeeded to the com
mand: he presently will speak for himself. There are two
envoys sent to the Cazembe, No. 1 being Lieutenant-Colonel
Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, chosen by Dr. de Lacerda to visit
Angola, and to report success at home in Portugal. This gen
tleman with a name and a half is highly spoken of by both
commandants ; he behaved remarkably well during the danger
ous retreat ; he saved the poor Padre by his generosity, and he
may be called the good angel of the party. No. 2 is the Lieu
tenant of Sena, Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, chosen by the
priest, and also named as envoy to Angola, where he too did
not go. He seems to have been a respectable man.
Besides what we may call the diplomats, there were three
guides. The first was a Goanese, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira,
popularly known as Dumbo-dumbo, or " the Terror ":t his title

* So in Abyssinia, governors of important fo-wns are narrowly watched and
reported on by paid spies.
t In 'Dr. Livingstone's Second Expedition' (chap. x. p. 205) we are told that
Pereira, who gloried in being called "the Terror," was the fgimderaLZwabo, thfl~-
latter being described as a Jesuit station; moreover'that it was the departure point
¦of two expeditions, that of Dr. de Lacerda and that of Monteiro and Gamitto. ^
Zumbo, which has been conjeoturally identified with fh^, Ptolemeian Ajrvaiiribfl^
was built by the Jesuits during the last century, and upon an island. According
to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 1^) it had its church and churoh-bells, stone houses,
.and other commodities ; it wjp the only inland town which can properly be so
•called south of Harar i^^tloslem Abyssinia, and here was discovered the

o INTRODUCTION.
was Oapitao Mor da Michonga^ Chief Captain of the^ush.
Like all men much acquainted Mth Xffican travel, he was^
jersed in every native f,d9d£re." he was rendered independent
?by a troop of slaves as cunning as himself, and Jb^ms an
'jold soldier." h.e ..preferred, running to fighting. His name
seldom occurs until after Dr. Lacerda's death, when the priest
frequently mentions him ; he ends by deserting his leader-
on the line of march, and by behaving much like a cur. No. 2
was Manoel Caetano Pereira, an African Creole, and son of the-
former ; he conducted himself badly, as regards the Chaplain-
Commander, whom he also left in the bush. He had, how
ever, the^^ghadow of an excuse, the taste of a Muiza arrgw.-
To these we must add' "tKie third guide, Jose Eodrigues Caleja,
originally Chief Sergeant of Ordnance, and afterwards made
EecftixP-Tr .o£- the Eoyal, Treasury. Although highly recom
mended, he proved himself the hardest bargain of the little
company. Bjis^^ name ^^^qccurs^ with ^provoking constancy, his
intrigues cut short the transit to Angola, and at last, after
"deserting the Padre, he does his best to compass his death^^ He
is the bad angel, or devil, of the expedition, and every expedition
of the kind has"at least one.
J The military commandants and the officers of the party were
as follows : —
The Chief Sergeant,* Pedro Xavier Velasco, began well, but
ided with " playing tricks on the clergy " ; and, by putting
iimself unduly forward at Court, he became personally dis-
Ijasteful to the Cazembe. His slaves, also, seem to have been
, " bad lot." Four years after the end of the expedition, in 1805,,
as senior survivor, he writes home to some Excellency, request
ing to be rewarded for his exertions. The Captain Joao da
punha Pereira, who, in his turn, became Eeceiver of the Eoyal
Treasury, is described by Dr. Lacerda as a man of bad head
jand worse tongue. Presently he refused to be arrested by
the ecclesiastical leader. He seems, however, after showinof
belebrated theriac of Frei Pe^ro. mentioned in 'Dr. Livingstone's First Expe
dition ' (chap7xxxi)r~S^simba must probably be sought in the stone ruins of
Zimbabye, lately discovered by Herr Carl Mauojj. See the Diary, September.
7, 1798. l.jr
(^ In the seventeenth century the Sargento HBr ranked before the Majors.

INTRODUCTION. , / 9<

J

himself peculiarly seditious to have " turned over a new leaf," and
to have ended tolerably well. Little is said of the commander
of the troops, the fort-lieutenant, and notary of Tete,-«Alltcnio.
Jose da Cruz, except that hepreferred fiinp[ing " comic." called
by the priest " profane," songs, instead of hearing mass, and that
he ran the party into danger by .making fierce ,]ove to the
Cazembe's wives. In objecting to be present at the " Sacrifice,"
he was joined and abetted by the_ ensign of militia, Vasco
Joaquim Pires, who also placed his immortal soul in dire peril. He ¦
r^jAd «^T^ t£e retreat unsacramented — " uphousel'd, disappointed,
unanel'd "—and hg.jKa3,. "puLioJpjed" in the bush, a palpable,
jJiiismen.1;  ^nd .a ppintipg,. ,fflLfi,r3,l. We can hardly wonder at
the poor priest taking such a view of the matter, when daily
we see in the writings'" of our modern ecclesiastics the same
' presumptuous views of "miraculous interpositions," and the
,^ame spiritual pride which is perfectly conyersanLwitii-lbe
.hidden designs of Omnipotence^^ and Omniscience. The Lieu
tenant Maijoel dos Santos e Silva was at first Eeceiver of the-
Eoyal Treasury, which office he lost in consequence of em
bezzling cloth and " cooking " accounts. H^f^ was,, j];],^, mm yb"-
^' wished to die," and almost every party has one. Finally,.
mere was the commissary and fort-adjutant of Sena, JUm
Thomaz Gomes da Silveira e Silva, he was a good man under
Dr. de Lacerda, but the successor describes him to be a ruffian,-
as proud of his birth as he was vile and unworthy of it. He
openly wished that the priest had been burned. Knowing most
of the Caffre tongues, and easily learning others, he was a
good linguist, i^'^'i^gnnr' ^¦'"gnifitifl ^^^ "%n ^^^ characters — .
mostly "too clever by halj^
The other minor natfiies which occur are " nootoT^^ 'paLi'so^"'
the chief of squajdroi ; the pilot " Bernardino." brought in case
ot boating bejrfg required; an unimportant soldier, " Antonio'
Francisco Belgado": the corporal " Paulo da . Silva," and the
soldier 'jClaetano da Costa " — ^the twolatterwere left behind,.
in the vain hope that they might carry out the views of the
Govenlment, and reach Angola. Including all those above
menticmed, the escort was composed of fifty men-at-arms,
undrilled, unused to musketry, and badly provided with poor

10 INTRODUCTION.
weapons and ammunition. They were, therefore, worse than
useless. The negroes must have thought these bastard whites a race
baser even than their own. No wonder that such a party broke
the hearts of two leaders. I seem .again, to ,ggg,Jhg_§QOwling
.faces, and, to hear AaJLoHd., diRf;|^T;(}gjTt voices, of mv^efes^jres
¦of a decade and aJhaK ago — Muigni Kidogo, the slave, and the
BalQch Roldier Khudabakhsh-^la'anahumTjllah !
' The Diary, as we are informed at the end, had been forwarded
to Portugal before November 1805. The despatches were
used by Bowdich when compiling his once popular volume on
the 'Discoveries of the Portuguese,' &c. According to the
'" Geographer of N'yassi," these documents have been since
published entire in a little Portuguese work, entitled ' Con-
sideraqoes politicas e commerciaes sobre os Descobrimentos e
Possessoes dos Portuguezes,' &c. Lisboa, 1830. By Jose
Accursio das Neves. When at Lisbon, in 1865, 1 vainly at
tempted to buy the book, nor have I since been more fortunate.
Finally (November- 5, 1844), the despatches were printed
in the 'Annaes Maritimos e Coloniaes,' &c. (Imprensa
Nacional, Lisboa), with observations upon the interior of Ben-
guela, from a document communicated, June 2, 1844, to the
Maritime Association of Lisbon, by its ex-president, the Viscount
.^dp. ¦Sa_fla.„„]Pj^jjf^^rft. Tha1i.,.yeterjai)u«,staiesEaan - and.,- yenerable"
AfricaUigeflgrapher has also enriched the despatches with notes
which I have been careful to retain.
If Dr. de Lacerda did not carry out his whole project, his
partial success considerably increased our knowledge of the
African interior. This is amply proved by the quotations from
his writings, which occur in the pages of our best comparative
"geographers, and by the high esteem in which he is held by
that ,conBcientious .student the  late Mr. James Macqueen.*
Indeed, the expedition of Monteiro MidGamitto, which in 1831
left Tete and reached the capital of the Cazembe, can hardly
be said to have added much to what was noticed by the
* ' Notes on the Geography of Central Africa, from the Researches of Living
stone, Monteiro, Gra9a, and others.' By James Macqueen, Esq., F.R.G.S.
' Journal,' vol. xxvi., 1856.

INTRODUCTION. 11
¦energetic and courageous Governor of the Eios de Sena. It is
time that his pages should appear in an Eng-li.sh dress, more
especially as they are now buried in a book become rare and be
coming rarer. No time can be more opportune than the present
for offering a translation to the public. .^Until Dr. Tiivingstnne.
.jliall have returned from his third expedition, the writings of De
Lacerda must continue to be our principal authority, and only from
them the reader can at present learn where the English traveller
is said to have been detained. Years ago I had translated
the papers for my own instruction, and after reading Dr. Living
stone's last volume and hearing of his present journey and the
latest reports, it struck me that the version might profitably be
laid before the public. Since the visit of Dr. de Lacerda three
Portuguese expeditions and one Arab have sighted the Cazembe.^
The first were the "Pombeiros." or nativ^ travelling frndpra
(not " tsLO. black slayes "), Pedro,.lflEaJSa^liista, and An^aiaciQ.
Jose, sent in 1802 by Honorato da Costa, superintendent of the
Cassange Factory. The second (1831-1832) was that of
MM. Monteiro and Gamitto ; it produced a large volume, which >
also I have analysed. Of the third I know nothing except from
M. Valdez, who remarks (chap. vii. vol. ii., 'Six Years of a
Travelling Life in Western Africa ') : "I think the last visit
of a white traveller to (the) Cazembe was in 1853, when my
companion and friend Mr. Freitas was one of the gentlemen
forming the expedition." The Arab journey is described in the
Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society (1854, vol.xxiv. p. 261)
by Sr. Bernardino Freire and F. A. de Castro, and curiously
mis-commented upon by Mr. Coolej^
I must own to having taken certain..lil2Scti£S...with .ths^a^riier
^^rt.jo£ my -text. The whole would hardly bear translation, on
account of the many repetitions in a work evidently not pre-^
pared for publication, the triteness of the ideas, the diffuseness
of the language, and the prodigious lengthiness of the seiiteaaces/
In many parts the order of narration has been changed. An
abridgment is therefore offered to the reader, but it is one
of words, not of sense ; the pith and marrow of the original
have never been rejected ; in no case has a difficulty of diction
been shirked or turned, and the diary of actual travel is trans-

12 INTRODUCTION.
lated without curtailment. I have illustrated the obscure
passages by reference to other and later writers, especially
to the work of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto, ' 0 Muata Cazembe.'*
Finally, the reader must to a certain extent rely upon his
author, and allow due weight to the results of study and
experience. Had Dr. de Lacerda lived to print his book, he
would doubtless have explained the meanings of all the native
words scattered so profusely over the following pages. They
have given me considerable trouble, which has not always been
crowned with success.! After consulting the usual works, such
as the well-known ' Ensaios '^of Captain Lopez de Lima,$ I had
recourse to my " African " friends, and I desire particularly to
record my gratitude for the readiness with which Dr. John
.Kirk, formerly of the Zambeze Expedition, at present of
Zanzibar, replied to my troublesome applications. "^iyT^tnife
attend his next venture ! there is no man who deserves it
better. This journey of Dr. de Lacerda shows that the Portuguese
never abandoned the idea of a " viagem a contracosta," and we
can hardly characterise their claims to having crossed Africa as
" hanging on a slender fibre." Without mentioning the infor
mation given by Godinho and De Jarric, or the well-known
journey of the Pombeiros, we find that in_ 1845-47 the lands
of J^Mwata ya Nvo." on the highroad across the continent,
were visited by Joaquim Eodriguez Graga, and shortly after
wards by the late Ladislaus Magyar, if what he reported was a
fact. In 1854 the servants of A. F. F. da Silva Porto crossed
Africa in company with " three Moors," returning from Ben-
guela. In the same year Mr. Messum wrote that he had heard
of a great bte in the interior from a Portuguese major whom
* ' O Muata Cazembe,' &c. ' Diario da Expedicao Portugueza, noa annos de-
1831 e 1832.' Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional, 1854.
t Such words, for instance, as "Bacaja," " Calamanhas " (Collomanhas),
" Douros Sortidos, and " Cherves," have not been explained by me I have in
vain turned over every dictionary in the College Library of S. Paulo BrazU
I ' Ensaios sobre a Statistica das Possessoes Portuguezas na Afiica' Occidental e
Oriental,' por Josfi Joaquim Lopez de Lima. Lisboa, na Imprensa Nacional 1846
I heard at S. Paulo de Loauda that several Portuguese officials had taken this
excellent book m hand with the view of bringing it up to modern wants, but that
all had died one after the other at the shortest possible interval

INTRODUCTION.

13

he had met at Benguela, and who had crossed over from
Mozambique. He is probably not the only one of these mute"
Ipglorious transitists. Captain Briant, employed by Mr. Brook-
house of Salem, Massachusetts, saw in 1843 men who had
passed from shore to shore, and ascertained the possibility of,
establishing a profitable commercial intercourse ; whilst in 1863
Captain Harrington, employed by the same house, proved that
the only difficulty was a narrow strip of desert subtending the'
south-west coast. ('African Eepository,' No. 12, December
1868, Washington.)
And now to enter.j'^^" *hh W'^'^]^ "^ tbingH The first letter
addressed toD. Eodrigo de Sousa Coutinho contains the pre
liminary remarks upon the expedition proposed by Dr. de
Lacerda, showing his conviction that a journey intended to
cross Africa should begin at Mozambique and end at Angola.
The original memorandum — undated, but certainly written
before 1798 — is preserved in the library of the Count of
Linhares, and it is offered to the " Associapao Maritima,"
of Lisbon, by its ex-President, the Count de Sa da Bandeira.
In conclusion, I would warn the reader that the Notes are all
written by me, except where otherwise specified, and that I,
not my author, assume the whole responsibility of having
written them.

PEELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS, &c.,^
BT
DE. rBANCISCO JOSil MAKIA DE LACEEDA.

The glory of the explorer, most illustrious and excellent Sir,
surely transcends the fame of the conqueror, who is more often
the bane of, instead of being a boon to, humanity. The memory
of a Henry t laying at Silves the foundations of Asiatic disco
very, which justified his noble motto, " talant de bien faire,""
is greater and dearer to us than the names of a Philip and an
Alexander, who by intrigues and right of might forged the
chains of slavery for Macedonia and Greece, and who usurped
the proud title " Victor of Asia." J These, spurred on by
ambition, plundered fellow-men of their most sacred birthright,.
liberty. Thatjnost generous soul, not satisfied with the splen-
athwMt ih^ gloom of ignorance, promoted by commerce and
agriculture the material prosperity of barbarous peoples, and in
troduced to them the knowledge of the True Faith.§ It is evi
dent whose name best deserves a niche in the Temple of Fame.
These thoughts, long brooding in my mind, were aroused by
hearing' the (to me) most gratifying intelligence that your
Excellency, with the view of establishing land-communication
between the Eastern and the Western coasts of Africa, and of
cutting off the long and perilous passage round the Cape of

* This letter, without date, is addressed to D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, the
Minister of State. The original MS. is in the library of the Coude de Linhares.
f D. Henrique the Virgin, of whom our classic poet sang —
1' The Lusitaniau prince, who, heaven-inspired.
To love of useful glory roused mankind.
And in unbounded commerce mixed the -world."
X The sentiment is' amiable, patriotic, nnd good, but is it true ? The answer
will depend upon how we read history. To me Alexander is the first person of
.the triad which humanity has as yet produced ; the other two being Juhus Cfflsar
.and Napoleon Bonaparte. Moreover, the earliest weapgr, nf prncrrpai ia inTni-i-<.KiY
j;^,jmd.wMl8LiihiRjdald6iLHgffl:ea3Jiag^^ 
§ In our days we should pass over these -words. But the old Portuguese were
„£am6st in.iheir reliance upoupropagandism, and this-oftenunsolfidj.mQtiye.Iuns
like a thi-ead ofgqld through the coarse web of their luxury, cruelty..JUid oovetous-
ness. ¦ "  -«.f ¦

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 15
Good Hope, had proposed to explore the vast unknown interior,
and the unvisited regions lying to the East of Benguela. The
experience of years spent in travelling over those countries
prepared me to expect great advantages from the undertaking
suggested by your patriotism. I knew, also, that the enterprise
had been planned by sundry generals and governors, the first of
whom was the illustrious D. Francisco Innocencio da Sousa--
Coutinho,* Governor of Angola, whose prudence and courteous-
ness, whose wisdom and integrity, will never be forgotten by
those he ruled. Honour cannot but result to you from carrying
out a project which has attracted the attention of your illus
trious and excellent progenitor — a project right worthy of a
minister who is actuated by zeal for his country's good, for the
glory of his nation, and for the benefit of his sovereign.
These, Sir, are words from the heart, not from the tongue.
These are the motives which induce me to place before a truth-
loving minister the fruits of my long experience, in the humble
hope that they will add a mite towards the success of the
glorious design.
I now proceed to offer a short geographical description of the
African interior, as far as is known to me, with a general notice
of its natives — their customs, their character, their government,.
their religion, and %kig^^:i4gSaj:S^.a.tJ3,ft,^hitea. whnTTl thfj
, always regard with sus^gicion.Y^ Iwould also record something
ofTneT^nyTalSHtepromTctions of the soil, and the notable
advantages which will accrue, from the proposed exploration,
to our commerce and to the Crown. And, lastly, I will offer
the most practicable measures for ensuring the success of the
journey. ^
The great and fertile country known as Benguela J borders
northwards upon Angola, being separated from it only by the
Aco Eiver,§ near the Presidio or fortified frontier-post, Pedras de
Ponguandongo.il To the south it extends to the country of the

* The forty-ninth Governor of Angola in 1764, one of the most active and
practical of his order. " »^
f Instinctively, as wild beasts hate their tame congeners. ^\
X The word is said to mean •" the defence."
§ Dr. Livingstone (' Missionaiy'lravels m Southern Africa,' chap, xxi.) write3»
" Haco," after a branch of the Kimbonda or Ambonda family.
II Dr. Livingstone (chap. xxi. p. 421) sketches and describes the column-
shaped conglomerate spits of " Pimgo Andongo " — the modem form of our text.
Captain Lopez de Lima ('Ensaios,' &c.) also -writes Pedras de Pungo Andongo.
Usually the site is called the Pedras Negras de Pungo Andongo ; and for a long -
time it wp.fl g l^i"'1 '}f .Ttnt^ony Bay fgr p9].iticaLeailes. Mr. Oooley makes Pungo
a Ndongo to mean the crest or impending heights of Ndongo or the interior of
Angola ('Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 6). "Pongo," curious to say, is a word
known in South America, e.g., Pongo de Manseriche ; this, however, as De la Con-
damine tells us, should be " Punou," a port.

16 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
Ovampos, beyond Cabo Negro.* Westward is the South At
lantic Ocean, whilst to the east it stretches nearly 500 leagues
<1500 English geographical miles between 13° 24' and 37°
east long. Greenwich) j to the coast of Mozambique. On both
extremities, it contains much cultivated land, of which I will
speak presently. The population is immense,| the tribes being
under governments of different extent and authority, exercised
by certain chiefs, called " Sovas," § and by their feudal vassals
or dependent " Sovetas." —*"¦*•
Unusually strong and large-framed — indeed, approaching the
gigantic — these negroes are much more valued in the Brazil
"than those o| Angola. || They are ready and dexterous in hand
ling fire-arnte^ which we taught them to use ; they have guns
in plenty, and they can put in order and repair any part except
the barrels. They would laugh to scorn our military expedi
tions, were it not for our field-pieces, of which they stand in
great fear.
, False and utterly treacherous, their friendship for the white
man results from his importing articles now indispensable to
them.lT They never lose the chance of robbing and murdering
a visitor ; but, fearing the anger of the ruling powers, they con
fine these atrocities to the far interior, where the outrage cannot
f be punished. E.veo J^bJlst plotting his destruction, they never
"«drQBJI;h-e mask.before^e'~European. leigning entire subiecSon
to him, and humbly addressing Eim as " Maneputo."** Cannibals
 ^
* Here Bartholomew Diaz placed his PadrSo, or memorial pillar. It was in Lat.
S. 15° 40' 42", and Long. E. (Greenwich) 11° 53' 20", between Mossamedes or Little
Pish Bay, the Bissungo Bitlolo of the natives, to the North (S. Lat. 15° 13'), and
Great Fish Bay to the South (S. Lat. 16° 30' 12"). According to the 'African Re
pository ' (No. 12, of Dec. 1868, Washington), Little Fish Bay is called by the
nati-ttgsGaconda^^nd Mossamedes was founded in 1840 by Major Garcia and three
¦commercial houses of Loanda. v
t In these papers the leagjigjs the smaller^gigasuia.of >20 (not 15) to the
degree, ttagfe^BngiialLgfiflgcaiB^fflm^lesr The larger league still used in the Brazil
is four miles long. Monteiro and Giamitto (' 0 Muata Cazembe,' p. xxi.) count by
,, the league ofilOM paces — a^verjlJ^aft^^taBdard. Mr. Cooley makes the Portu
guese league about =20,00ininpShfeet (more exactly 20,250 feet =6750 yards).
X The population of Africa cannot yet be computed as our popular writers have
done. Every traveller finds some thickly inhabited country, which statisticians
S^kve neglected to take into consideration. Thus, to quote no other authority,
the late Mr. Keith Johnston's magnum opus, the 'Physical Atlas' (fol., 1856),
^iCopied in that excellent compendium, Mrs. SomerviUe's ' Physical Geography,'
¦'makes the 11,376,000 square miles of the "Dark Continent " inhabited by only
60,000,000. This is not half thejHga of British India !
§ Sova, Soba, or S6va, is je<fifvalent to Jlauyjjs in Angola: other authors
translate it " ohefe de uma ojnnais povoaooes, regulo, chefe mais poderoso."
^ II In the BrazQ and Cuba, a very offensive expression, M'*''"*'*a de Congo, is, or
rather was, applied to mo^t of the Angola Bo^ls (new importations).
t We can hardly wojider at their trea^ery if they are so "much valued as

** Muene (Muigni in Kisawahili), lord, and Puto, i.e. Porto, Oporto, Portugal,

PRELIMINARY OBifERVATIONS. 17

all, especially the savage Ganguelas,* they devour those slain
in their ceaseless, causeless wars ; they kill for food the old
and valueless captives, whilst the young are carefully preserved'^
for sale. Such are their usual inducements to warfare : it
brings them slaves, whose traffic enables them to purchase what
they require.
All this vast country is, I have said, very populous. The
traveller cannot cover a mile without pasgjlng some " Banza "
or " Libata."t The climate ten leagueg/uom the seaSoftPd is
benign and healthful as that of Portefga],t and the soil is so
fertile that, despite the negligence of the cultivator, it produces
a hundred-fold. There is an abundance of the larger and thg^
lesser millet,§ here called M^camballa. (Masamballa), and Luco,
also known as Mopango (Mosango), resembling the former, but
a little longer lu^sEape. All these afford well-favoured flour.
It also supplies beans of sorts, twenty-four bushels (twelv^
guindas) being sold for a fathom of blue Indian cotton or dun-,
jrftrf^i^ (zuarte),|l besides which there are peas, vetches, and,lenliT^
Excellent wheat is grown, but only by the white and' 'mulatto—
backwoodsmen (sertanejos),Tr who are settled for trade in the far

Europe. Primarily Putaireans the King of Portugal or his governors ; according
to the Diary, Jan. 19, 1799, the title is given to the king nearest Angola; it
appears also to be a name taken by certajH' African chiefs, e.g., by the son and
heir of the Cazembe. as will presently appear (see Diary, Dec. 22, 1798). Finally,
like "Sahib" in India, it is the title given to white men in Angola, and it corre-
sponils -with "JVIfuino." addressed ^to a native. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 413)
translate it " Done de espingard^g,''' master of guns.
? A large tribe between tl>e Gango River, a southern branch of the Coanza of^
S.' Paulo de Loanda and-'the Cubango, the westernmost head-stream of the
great Chobe. Sometiniea/&ey are called with the personal aflSx Mu-" Ganguelas ; "
they are said to be. gogd archers ar'^ -""-^ foYqpi/^i.a
t The ".Banza ^y a large, tne 1j1 pata or I iibatta a small, village ; the " Cubata,"
is a single nut.' ' Tfie European reader must bear in mind that all the s^l'ements
cover much ground and contain very few inhabitants.
X Tlya Tvtjigtiii? taken with manv a pp:ain. and it shaudd, be.. rcinemt),^gd,|hat a
^Brazilian sp^itks. W e may sately, however, assert that the interior isneallny7j_
cuiiiiiill'yU.' wph the seaboard. ^^
§ Maize is locally known to the Portuguese as " Milho Burro." The greater
Millet (milho grosso) is the Jowarri. Du'IgJl- Ta^ijg, MtamA. or Hrj^ciisSornhvm.
Monteiro and Gamitto, however," translate milho'Cf rosso by^'Zea maiz. TheTraser
Milho (hiilho miudo) is the Bajri or Panicum spicatum (Roxb.). I can only sug
gest that Luco or Mosango means either the Pennisetum, or the East Indian Jiagjj^
or Nanihni (in Portuguese Naxenim), the Arabic Dukhun, the Kisawihih Uwimbi
{Meusine coracano). ¦ <¦•¦•¦
II The meaning of " pane zuarte," according to Monteiro and Gamitto (Appen
dix BJ, is a. blue cotton, the best being that of Jambaceira. In those days it
¦ "SfflO. 'ITie    - 

was warth 2$ 400. Tue " pauno " or " pane " genefall'^ 'I3'111l(!"''|Tobe ' ' of Zanzibar,
two faflhoms in length, or its equivalent. i*^""*
V ^e^taneio means a man of the SertSo (said to be an abbreviation of "desertao,"
desert), yhWh, in the Portuguese wofld, usually denotes the far interior, where
"Ihere is mtle population. It must not be confounded with 'iSgjiimJati," which
is applied to an explorer of the Sertao. _ ,

18 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
interior. There is no want of water-melons,* melons, gourds,
and pumpkins, of different kinds and sizes, sweet potatoes
(batatas, the Convolvulus batata), manioc, and fine large sugar-
canes. We find guavas, oranges, and lemons. The land will
grow all manner of seed, and it would, if cultivated, produce the
finest fruits.
Iron, which abounds in the interior, is an article that interests
us not a little.t The negroes smelt this metal from the stones
everywhere containing it, and, considering the absence of tools
and labour-saving appliances, it is astonishing how well and
how cheaply they make their assegais, chains, and similar
articles. They have also, as I have seen, sulphur from the vast
mines of Dombo da Guinzamba, a league and a half from Bahia
Farta, on the seaboard. There is an even greater abundance of
excellent copper, which they convert into ornaments, collars,
wristlets, and anklets. The many kinds of useful woods equal
those of the Captaincy of S. Salvador da Bahia in the Brazil. In
its present state, their export commerce consists principally of
slaves, ivory, and wax, which is sent out in quantities, despite
the destructive style of collection, the hives being thrown into
the fire, in order that the combs may be taken.
These blind barbarians recognise no divinity, nor do they
show any remnant of true religion.^ Superstitious in the

jf * When marching through East Africa from Zanzibar to the Lake Tanganyika,
T found water-melons in many places ; but, as a rule, they were hard, colourless,
and wanting flavour.
t In a subsequent page of this Letter (195), Dr. de Lacerda thus reverts to this
subject : —
" The iron equals the Swedish and the Biscayan ;^»iji^^g)_pr runrujngjjcbaiii
£aL,twelve slaves, may be bought for two cloths, orttddlafSBialCif "cents. The
Governor 'Coutinho judiciously built, in 1767, ironworks at the town of Oejras in
Golungo-Alto : they failed^^becauae each Governor — our iiKy„J&TOgI)ift«the.&«t in
¦Jhjfi f.r>ficaije3 '— dejightsto ae3toif^pnSSp.iu,a..of .M§..BISWcessor.~ As our ships
carry iron to Asia, tEirffiSta" will give valuable results if prepared in the interior,
and brought to the coast by the Cunene Eiver. The same ships homeward bound
c^n load -with .bars, which sell everywhere.
jj^ " Nor is the excellent copper, of which mines have already been discovered,
l.es3 worthy of consideration. The negroes make of it their necklaces, ijaniUjas
QsSSSisi^i aiid fiflfeiSte CS^ig/ '^''^es like carpet-rods, twisted round the legs
and wQj3UB.inany , parts .oiAJnca). -»-"— —iu—....^,.^ ™™™~„™=^.»....-,,
" There is also a great quantity of sulphur. I myself saw a large digging in
JDombe da Guinzamba, five leagues south of Benguela, and one and a half from
Bahia Farta on the coast.
" The timber of the interior is like that of Bahia in the Brazil, equally good for
-building and for other purposes. Can any one despise such sources of wealth,
which will not only stunulate our commerce, but will also render us independent
of other nations.? " ^^
I The great Kafir race ignores the idea o^ deity. In the ' Lake Eegions of
Central Africa' (vol. ii., chap, xis..) I have attempted to account for this fact by
their deficiency in the moral or sentimental development; and it js-j> queotioii.
wligjillfitiaiffl.ej.ftl man dj,d,RQt begin his worshi^^f the ancestral umbriajpng ages

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS,

w

•extreme, they hardly possess a worship to which we may apply
the name of faith; their veneration, in fact, is confined to
reverence for certain ancient Sovas or chiefs, distinguished hy0
valour or justice. Without doubt some are baptized, but they
behave like the other heathen, their ignorance of the mystery
being extreme, and their contempt for all practical religion*
being consummate. They aspire, it is true, to baptism, as thte
°^4BsaiBa, nf , ,CQZfiaing..,aBcLiik^j™&jaipMy ^^^
would assert that they are Christians, whilst remaining in
their deplorable pristine state of no-religion, polygamy,* and. ^
barbarism. Let us now specify the advantages which such an expedition
would bring to commerce, to the Crown, and to the peoples
themselves. It would extend our conquests over lands and*<
tribes hitherto unknown. It would open a line of communica
tion between the Eastern and the Western Coasts, which might
thus mutually support each other ; whilst in the case of one
being attacked the other would offer a sure refuge to oui>
•colonists. Ships from Asia would discharge cargo at Mozam
bique, and goods could be carried overland to Benguela without
the danger and the delay of doubling the Cape of Storms. Thus
the Custom-house duty would increase, and the industry of the
whites, as well as of the blacks, would be fostered. For better
transport than the riding oxen (boiscajgllos) now used, camels f

iJia^liimasissa

'before the ghosts became heroes and ^ods...
adoration.

y St the author teUs us that they are a large-size^^.race.-gjaalssajnajtbeietoe
has not injmred thCTa gh^sically. AndiJj^J^^2^«.Afiiiffiu.kJbioJx..P'JEii-
Ta^ecTr^^^Sm'^^Owarms vfHW'ihe .^igsies^an, whilst.aaea^aBMHiia
TCceland is 8£arselj popimted.andhjQgbfflBMJis Cyprus is almoAgLiieflert.
~~ f "Notelby the Viscount 3e Sa da BajidejlC: — "In 1838, the Home Government
imported into Angola camels from the^pSnary Islands ; but the experiment failed
=for want of care. [The same has lately happened to Ceara in the Brazil.]
" The river transit of Angola, like that of Mjiddle Brazil, is very limited. Yet
steam communication has long been proposed between Loanda the capital, and
the Falls of Cambambe, the highest point to which the Coanza Eiver is navigable.
From that place a road for carts or beasts of burden, might be run through
Pungo-Andongo with depots and markets on the way, to the uttermost Por
tuguese frontier. Thus there would be an easy exportation of ivory, -wax,
¦^oopper, and other licit articles, a traffic which would soon abolish the internal^
-SlaVeJ^^^e. ' .t.^ . - '"«*-*-il*..*."*»i.w*-^Ar.h,.W..rtflA!r^-v--W...^- .^....^^'¦(-'W««».-rt!*!^
"frfiSe is now no want of energy in the colony. When I visited S. Paulo da
Loanda in August 1863, surveys for a railroad between the capital and Calumbo
on the Coanza Eiver had been laid before the Government.]
" Angola, however, still suffers from aiL inveterate lepal abuse [the ' be^ar ' of
jlndig;aid_gjn^l, corxsg,_£rfOTcedlabgjjj:, a system wnich no longer prevails iu^
Portuguese settlements, norevSanSTBOTguela. ,Jfen ' in libambo ' (as the local
phrase is), or .with. D-eckSJBiiJHBSiSS.S^?™?' ^^""^ coffiTpelled, by "blows and threats, '
to carry cargoes hundredsofle^^^JTfMrfew paltry reis. This process has de
populated the country, whose people have fled to the neighbouring regions, in-5,
iflioting great loss of revenue upon the Portuguese Government. [Compare Dr.
Xivingstone, ' First Exploration,' chap. xx. Also M. Valdez, vol. ii. chap, iv.]
0 2

20 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
might be introduced, and rah^ps the zebra might. be,tamgd.*-
Besides which there are thousSadsof negro-porters (carregadores),
each carrying, for many leaguej^nd for small pay, a pacJTof
cloth worth $120. ^T
The new possessors of Tal!^ Bay (the English) requiig^careM^
.watcliing,,.or our want_of energy will,, enable^ them ._t,o,„extena"
themselves northwards.t Who will prevent these new colonists
from selling the slaves of our southern interior, thus palpably
injuring our trade, which has already lost one-third of its value?
Similarly the captives of our northern interior are exported
via Ambriz and the ports lying to the north of Angola.^

owK Couti

" The Governor-General J.. Francisco Innocepclci, deSotaar Coutinho first pro
hibited, in 1764, this abuse, wliicK was, hoWe-ver, re-esla'blishea by nis successor.
In 179i, another Governor tried to stop the cruelties inflicted by white merchants
'upon their bearers, especially at the Fair of (^ssauge (Peira de Casanji). Antonio
ijgSaldanhaJaGa^, (afterwards 'IDbu'nt'lDf'l'OTS) Santo and 56th_Gaxfirnor), in
JsffT, propose3~aTo?ar abolition of the system to the Hom^^bvemment. The
latter, in April 3, 1796, had already directed the Governor of Benguela to prevent
the traders forcibly taking men from the Sovas or native chiefs, unless by regular
agreement, and on payment according to the value of the loads. Finally, a Por-
taria (Royal Order) of January 31, 1839, abolished the custom, and allowed the
dilacks to dispose of their labour like white men.
" Only time, however, can do away with the system. It is useless for the law
rigorously to suppress the abuse, when the local authorities are compelled to wink
at it. Withoutjt,, indged, the natives jvjU_j;(gt,aad£atalI The trader also finds it
a great economy. Tle''jaj's; ¦fdr''''iiisSnce7$ito'fS"per head of negro for long
journeys, and perhaps as much to the District Commander, if the latter be not
over-conscientious. It is evident that any other process would be impossible oa
Account of the expense." [Dr. Livingstone, ' First Expedition,' chap, xix., has
discussed the question, but we see how greatly he erred when he asserted, " This
system of compulsory carriage of merchandise was adopted in consequence of the
^ucrease in numbers and acti-yity of our cruisers, which took place in 1845."]
*' This was written, N.B., long before the days of Mr. Earey.
t Cape Town, founded by the Dutch in 1650, taken ' by trie English in 1795,
restored in 1802, retaken in 1806, and given over to English possession ever since.
Tho prophecy in the text has been lately fulfilled, owing to the discovei-y of the
diamond diggings and gold mines.
X Note by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira : —
" The author refers to the fact that, in his day, the greater part of the commerce trf
the Portuguese interior profited only the strangers frequenting the ports of Northern
Angola. With respect to this old grievance there is a MS. memorandum of
J.M. Garcia de Castro Barbosa (dated 1772-1779), attributing this influx of
' interlopers ' to the carelessness of the Angolan governors. These ofScers had
abandoned the Poi-tuguese factories in Loango, Cabinda, Sonho, Ambriz, and
others south of Capo Lopo Gon^alves (Anghcii, Cape Lopez, lat. S. 0° 36' 10", and
long. E., Greenwich, 8° 40' 0"), which commanded the coast and the rivers,
especially the great Zaire or Congo Eiver.
" To keep off these interloping strangers, we built during the last century tho
inland fort of S. Jose de EncOge (Presidio das Pedras de Encoge, on the Onze
Eiver between the Bengo Eiver and Ambriz), and on the coast at Novo Redondo
(lat. S. 11° 36' 42") at Cabinda, and on the Loje or Ambriz Eiver, which latter,
however, -was presently abandoned. That of Cabinda, built in 1783, was
destroyed in 1784 by a French naval force, because it embarrassed French slavers :
hence tho Convention of 1780 held between France and Portugal, whereby the
latter was limited to trade in the jiorts below Capo Padron (Cabo do Padrao, lat.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 21
The cause of our trade's decay is simply this : the African lias
no objection to walking 150 miles if he can get for his slaves|
more and better cloth than can be afforded by our traders ;
whilst the latter here make smaller profits than their rivals.
The proposed expedition would, doubtless, throw an obstacle in
the way of the English, \vho, on their part, have offered con^
siderable rewards for discovering and opening up the interior.
Moreover, the heart of the country, thus flanked on both sides
by our possessions, will be more securely subjected to us, and
the natives, knowing that Mozambique and Sena can aid Angola
and Benguela^ and vice versa, will abstain from plundering an*
from ill-treating our now defenceless Sertanejos. Thus com
merce will be free, and life and property will be safe. Unex
pected assistance can also be afforded by establishing a few
•" Presidios," which have ever had the effect of repressing bar
barous insolence.
I would now submit to your Excellency a thought which has
long occupied my mind, and which, if confirmed, will produce
incalculable advantages.

S. 6*^ 8' 0"), the southern point of the Zaire Eiver mouth. In the treaty of
July 28, 1817, between Great Britain and Portugal, the latter is confirmed in
possession of the coast and the interior, between 8° and 18^ of S. lat., or almost as fa*"
as Cabo Frio (S. lat. 18"^ 23' 0"). England also recognises the reservation of Portu
guese rights upon Molembo (Malemba Bay, a fe-w miles north of Cabinda) and
Cabinda, or from 5° 12' 0" to 18° S. lat, which excludes Loango (4° 39' 30" S. lat.)
but contains the mouth of the Zaire or Congo Eiver. This Zaire, indeed, is speci
fied by the Carta Constitucional as forming part of the empire.
" Angola is now in the same condition as when she found it necessary to build
these forts. The Lo.inda custom-house suffers by ships discharging cargo at a
distance to avoid dues. When the Loje fort was built, the Sova of Mussul and other
chiefs came to do homage at Loanda, whereby the revenue was increased. For
this purpose, and to impede slave-exportation, the Home Government directed,
in 1838, the Governor-General to found a presidio in Mossamedes, or Little Fish<
Bay (15° 13' lat. S.). This also was tried and succeeded. Others were after
wards ordered to he built at Ambriz, on the Zaire, at Cabinda and at Molembo,
-^vith directions to admit foreign merchandise at moderate rates. The measure
-was not carried out, although it would have equally benefited Angola, by
encouraging legal commerce, and the strangers who now suffer from the
caprices of native chiefs.
" Such forts are necessary for the protection of national and foreign commerce
in all the territories recognised as Portuguese, and extending from Loango to
Cabo Frio. They will also prevent such disputes as have lately happened within
the last twenty years between Portugal and Great Britain about Lourenjo
Blarques Bay (near Delagoa Bay) and the Bolama Islands (near Sierra Leone) ;
and with the French about the Sego Factory on the Casamansa Eiver (near
Gambia). Nor must it be forgotten that the French have lately taken one of tha^
Comoro Islands (Mayotte), and another in the Mozambique Channel (Nosi Bejff^
besides founding two new factories on the coast of Minas and on the Gabao
(Gaboon) Eiver, although the latter is less than 2° north of Cape Lopo, and
traded with our islands of Principe (Prince's) and S. Thome (St. Thomas)."
N.B.— The mouth of the Gaboon Eiver is in 0° 30' 30" S. lat., and " Cape
Lopez " in 0° 3G' 10"- Diff. 0° 5' 40" nearly G miles.

22 PRELIMINARY 'OBSERVATIONS.
The Eio- Sena* is celebrated for the volume and the magnifi
cence of its stream, and for the wealth of its auriferous basin. We
know nothing, of its source, except that it rises in Monomotapa,t
and proudly precipitates itself into the Mozambique Channel,
where our fort Quilimane J lies.
Now, in this part of Western Africa the most important stream
between the Zaire (Congo R.) and the Cape of Good Hope is the
Cunene, an African word meaning " great," or " grand." § Rismg
in Candimbo, near CacondaNova,|l it flows to the south (-west?),.
and after absorbing the Cubangol" and the Cutado ** Elvers, it
passes, 30 leagues from its source, through the lands of the
Sovas of Lebando and Luceque. Here it is already so_ con
siderable a stream that it cannot be forded, and the Chief of
Luceque derives revenue from his ferry-canoes. Thence bending^
eastward, it reaches, after a total course of 50 leagues, the lands
of Humbe Grande or Monomotapa,tt where it is 540 fathoms ¦
(600 toesas) broad. Beyond that point, nothing can be said of
* The river running past Sena, i.e., the Zambeze.
t Dr. Livingstone (First Exp.,, chap, ixx.) renders Muene Mtape, the " Chier
•Tfftape," headman of the " Bambire, a tribe of the Banyai." Of these more here--
after. The older Portuguese applied it to the whole extent of country lying behind
«¦ the seaboard of Mozambique. 'The derivation is Mwene (or M'ana) and M'tapa,
or Mutapa (the name of the head district), and thus the title is iiXoidrf^aCtapa."
; The moderiTlaaigg'TsjGgeJIjM. and the king is known as Mambo-a-Chedima.
It has greatly fallen in importance since it was the rival of 'JllQabemuga"'
(jajamwezi), the Lake Empire to the north. An account of it is given in
Blonteiro and Gamitto (p."83).
X A town on the northern branch of the Zambeze Delta. The word is Kilima-
""ni, " in " or "&om the hillock," and the orthography greatly varies, as Quili
mane, Quelimane,'lltfuiimau'e', &o.
§ The English have injured it by their usual system of nomenclature. They
miscall it the.^' Nourse Eiser." The Portuguese also know it as Bio das Trombas
(EijCTofEoffiW]^|^MSwell), and lately as Eio dos Elephantes. '" '"" — ' -"
' ll There'areTwo'TJac^das. In 1864 the native Jaga, or chief, attacked the
then new "Presidio " of Caconda (now Caconda Velha), biult in a.d. 1682, mur-
?'Q.ered all the Portuguese garrison, and destroyed the fort and the church. The
outrage was punished in 1685, the Jaga was imprisoned at Loanda, and the
present Caconda Nova, to the south of the older settlement, was built and placed,
under ajOapitao-Mdr.
^ ThjB CtlBUilJgU'itiver must not be confounded with the stream passing by the ¦
district of the chief Cabango, Dr. Livingstone's Chihombo. The Cubango is the
westernmost head stream of the Chobe, a great feeder of the Zambeze. Mr. Cooley
throws his " Cobango " into the Lake Ngami ; Mr. James Macqueen has placed
it accurately. At the head-points the basins of the Zambeze and the Cunene
Elvers are separated by only a (^ miles.
** Can this be the " Qv^ei^nda Eiver," the N. N. easterly influent of the
Cunene ? v/
tt " Humbe Grande and Monomotapa," says the Viscount de Sa da Ban
deira, in his notes to Dr. Lacerda's letter, "being separated by a region 250 to 300
leagues broad, it is not probable that they are the same country as the author
seems to believe." Humbe is the region lying to the north of and close to the
central course of the Cunene. For a popular account of it, see ' Six Years of a
Traveller's Life,' by M. Valdez, vol. ii. p. 355. The last traveller who visited it-
was M. B. T. Brochedo.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 23
the great and famous stream, save that it takes an easterly
course. Can this be the Eio Sena ?* I am persuaded, by two reasons,
that it is.t Firstly, after exploring part of this river, and con
sulting all the maps of the coast from the Adamastor stream to
Benguela, I find none whose size entitles it to be considered the
mouth of the mighty Cunene. Secondly, though the Rio
Sena boasts of his auriferous sands, the Cunene is not on this
point inferior. When accompanying the unfortunately abortive
expedition which was sent in 1787 to explore the course of the
Cunene, I myself saw a negress who had been captured in th^
lands ofAcabona, three leagues from the Cunene, aT\(j ]imit,fflpb<^
with SloiiomQi^Da. Her head-dress was composed of golden
laminae, about the size of ordinary spangles (lantiioilas). pierced
with a few curly hairs, rove through and knotted for security...
When asked whence these things came, she replied, "from a
very large river not far off; that after rain a large quantity,
could be found, but that no one prized them."f
What river can this be but the Cunene ? And as it flows from
Humbe towards the Mozambique coast, where our Sena, as
we know, discharges its waters, the latter is, in my humble
opinion, the same Cunene under a different name. Should this
conjecture prove correct, and should the line be opened by
Government, it will carry to Benguela cargoes landed by ships
from Asia, and thus Mozambique as well as Benguela will
become an emporium second to none. The inter-coastal and
overland route once practicable, native guides will be forth
coming, and nothing will be easier than the exploration of the
stream above mentioned. I leave the other advantages to your
Excellency's consideration : let me now consider the means of
connecting the eastern with the western shores of our colonies ;

* I cannot understand why Dr. Livingstone wiU call the river " Zambesi.'
The orthography is distinctly ^^^aoaiieaE." Mr. Cooley ('Geogr. of N'yassi,' p. 45),
writes Zambezi, and translates it the ",fish-river." Bu^t he derives the word from
the Congoese and Angola "mbize" and ""Wnge " (Bi'i), which mean fish. In
another place he makes Zambesi the river par excellence, and its derivatives,
Ohambesi, Liambesi, and Yabenzi, to mean " river of meat," or " of animal food J^'
(' Nature,' Nov.- 18, 1869), going far too far for a derivation. Dr. Livingstone
(First Exp., chap, xi.) informs us that "Leeambye" is the "lai'ge river," or the
river par excellenee, and that Luambeji (Luambegi), Luambesi, Ambezi, Ojim^-
besi, and " Zambesi ' are all dialectic varieties, " the magnificent stream beingr*
the main drain of the country" — -which signifies nothing. The Eev. Horace
Waller, F.E.G.S., makes " Zambesi " to mean '^the Washer," hence its frequent *
recurrence under several forms in rivers liable to high UOUds.
t See the end of these observations for the note by the Viscount Sii da
Bandeira. |.
X "Jhey (Mricans) always. jp.JxLgJLca-aiL.ans'yer to, ^ytease.^ if any one I
jflgedJtoffi a' nugget°^ggldjEi^ would generaU^Bay ]BlthggB.,.8ha:roded in/

Seir couatry?'-— (Dr. lanngs'tone^jTfirHlSxpl^ola^

24 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
for which end it will be necessary to describe the terra cognita,
that we may better understand how much of the incognita
awaits discovery.
All the Nano* country between Caconda Nova to the north,
and the Aco (Aso) River, is ruled by the four principal Sovas
(neglecting the Sovetas) of Baluudo do Ambo (or Hambo) of
Quiaca, of Quitata, and of Galangue.t The southern interior
contains, besides the chieftains subject to those four, the
powerful families of Quilengues, of Quipungo, of Gambos
(Sambos ?) and of Avila. The latter is the formidableCagm|j
whose sway ex^eicda-JMEiaii»ih£L^broa(i lands , of .ifehe«Claiil3^_
MoTOaulmcas, and the Mococorocas of Cabo Negro, as far as the
Hottentots : f "^lese^'once a subject people, were enabled, by the
ipi^relessness of his great officers (Ambas), to shake off his yoke.
Here are about 80 leagues, more or less, known and subject to
the Portuguese Crown, north of Benguela, and crossing Balundo,
via Quissangue, to the Apo (Aso) River. South of Benguela we
have 100 leagues ^j^gaifi-fiouiijtiy, hglibjuaucjiaiSSJs cfQwUgmaia..
Lombimbe, Quilengues, Bemb^^Quipungo. and Gambos (Sam
bos?), to the Humbe country, divided by tire" great Cunene River.
Travelling eastward from Benguela, by the road of Saoajaaiala.
-CafiOnilfL-ISMaj iMonhembas, Galangue, and Obie, lands watered
by the useful and well-known Coanza River, we have another
tract of 100 leagues. There must be 80 leagues more from the
Coanza to the Sova of Levar,§ a peaceful line lately opened by

teiy oner
gXnd." f

// * ^J^jjyjfjg," 'j^fejUnos," or 'ij^^^gg,^" is said to mean " higl^and," from the
prncQ^v moimtamsoetween Ou^^i^es and Caconda Velha. w^^^^

craggy mountains, oetween Quilengues and Caconda Velhii.
t A popular-'account of tbese and the other little-known districts is given in
1^861 by M. Valdez, vol. ii. chap. 9.
X Possibly the Kasakere or Bushmen cast of the Cunene, as laid down in Dr.
Livingsjtdne's map.
§ M6te 'by the Visoount de S.v da Bandeira: —
" Eevar is the ' Loval ' of M. Alexandre Jose Botelho de YasconceUos (the fifth
Governor of Benguela, at the end of the last century), who places it south of the
Molua country ; - it appears to lie to the south-west of the Cazembe's frontier.
That author and Dr. de Lacerda both agree that the road to it from Benguela
passes through Baluudo and Bihe, and crosses tbe Coanza Eiver. But their dis
tances greatly differ. From Benguela to the Coanza, Dr. de Lacerda makes
ISO leagues; M. Botolho 148, and 191 to Quinhama, the hcadquai-ters of the
Sova of Loval, a total of 339 leagues. Summing and dividing the two (viz. 180
-t- 148 = 328) we obtain from Benguela to tbe Coanza Eiver 1C4 leagues, and
from the Coanza Eiver to Loval 135 leagues (180 -|- 339 = 519), a sum ofiiR9."
Writing from S. Felipe de Benguela, on August 1 , 1799, M. Botelho de Vas-
concellos, gives the following account of the kingdom of Loval and its road from
Benguela (p. 159, No. 4, ' Annaes Maritimos, 1844) : —
A Bahiano fBrazilian'^.-.^osp dc Assuinocao e tfcUo. guided by a native of
' ' -> -tvit.il nrnfit lint iiu.th '

Loval, .travelled there t.\yf:n Tvit.ii profit l-mt -nuVfl g()i^;i^^^liardshii]s.jimL.tUuager.
On his tliird'mafcViTie'was accompanied by onfi. Alexandre da'silva Teixeira. of
.Sa:;tarem, who afterwards related to mo his journey "as iil'loWS I  " "•'"'•¦"*'¦'
" They left Benguela with their stores on September 22, 1795, and slept at
Catnnibella (four leagues) ; tho next stages, all in this Government, were Quis-

niBLIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. 2.5
our traders, who, being hospitably received, might, if assisted,
have gone farther. Thus, from Benguella, eastward, we have
180 leagues of well-trodden country, and about 50 west of
IMozambique. Of a total of 500, but 270 remain for ex
ploration. As regards the ^personnel of an expedition we require a few
educated officers, for the purpose of using instruments and
iield-pieces ; and, at most, 400 well-armed men, who should be^
trained not to draw the sword except in the last extremityr
I have learned from experience that-,presents and offers of our
Sovereign's jJ^^^JS^^h&xhiiT^^^^^^^^^r
^tiian blows and ^violence ;The latter always make the people
arrci themselves againstiancied conquest and captivity intended
by white men.
This force should not demand much from the Treasury.
Throughout the explored interior, on both sides, there are
many white and mulatto traders, acclimatized and trained to
travel. These " Sertanejos " might be induced to join the
expedition by the gift of purely honorary titles, which, by the
bye, they greatly covet, such as " Impacapeiros," " Atalaias,"
" Aventureiros," and " Guerra Preta. ' * The leader of 20

sange (20 leagues), Quibulia (' QuibuUe ' ? 24 leagues), Bailundo (35 leagues),
Bihe' (35 leagues), and the Quanza or Coanza Eiver (30 leagues), a total of 148.
Crossing that stream in the lands of Sova Angurucu, they made 36 leagues to
Sova AnguUo, and then they struck the bush to avoid certain barbarous chiefsj^
-whose jealousy would have stopped them from trading with others. After six
leagues they crossed tlie Eiver Cutia (an eastern infiuent of the CoanzaJ,
12 fathoms broad ; next at the same distance the Cice Eiver (Mr. Cooley makes
it head the Coango), also 12 fathoms wide ; then to the source of the latter,
17 leagues, to the Muuhango Eiver (13 leagues), to the head-waters of the
Luena (28 leagues, Loena, eastern influent of the Leeba Eiver ?), and to the
frontier of Loval (35 leagues), governed by the Soveta Caquinga. Hence they
made (50 leagues) the Great Libata (settlement) of the Sova Quinhama, which
is nearly on the eastei-n frontier of Loval, a total of 191 leagues from the Coanza
Eiver 4nd 339 from Benguela.
" Loval is 60 by 10 leagues more or less, and contains many tribes. In front
(east) it is bounded by the Sova-ship of Luy Amboellas, and on the right (south)
by tiia pf^^YpjH^ul Amboellaa y}ii,fjfi^ of Ttnnrljif. s^nfl nniiiiii.ga ¦ on the left (north) by
lords, vassals to th'e" great sova of the Moluas (the Miluas, or people of Musita ya
Nvo), and in rear (west) by the Sovas Quiboque and Bunda. The Eios de Sena
of Mozambique (i.e., tbe Zambeze Eiver, or its northern affluents) appeared to be
near. The traders were hospitably received, business was prosperous, and tbey g
found less robbery than in our ten-itory — tbe more we advaneethg^g^3-y|LlIaiiious
re the people."

5usw& see the Portuguese, in 1799, pressing into the heart of the country^
visited by Dr. Livingstone. '
* The " Impa^eiro " now generally writtenjggjjjjjjgg^^o, means, " i^ot a sort of .
-fi-titprpitiY "f ^^'•S6IB<''Wl?i''i" but a kind of militia, instituted in 1580 By'^J^SET
1'^ Dias de Novaes. conqueror and first goverriorpf, Angola. The literal sense is
\ '"huntei'' Bl'lUt! Lmpaciissa." tbe tip'-pa ¦^y'''^ fnttra wliifb extend down the west^
coast of Atirica. Paul cTu Chaillu brought home a specimen from the Gaboon,
wHere it is called Nyare. Mr. Cooley (' Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 47) trans-

2.6 PEELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS.
armed men might receive a captain's commission ; of 30, that
of sargento-m6r, and so forth, whilst a few chosen soldiers,
¦¦ reliable in case of need, would complete thajpartj. During-
our war with the interior, in 1787, I saw 17 Men and a field-
piece put to flight ths.^Qia_Q£_UuJaca and his 12,000 negroes,
who dropped all the loot which they had just taken from the
Gobaes.* It -^ould be advisable to prevent the expedition being en
cumbered by the presence of common negroes, who, slow to
attack and quick to fly, their sole object being plunder, dis-
•xappear like lightning after the first shot. They often foment
and begin quarrels with the natives, besides which they are a
heavy burden upon the commissariat. But we might court the-
company of the chiefs bordering on the Sena River, as they
would influence the other headmen. This might be done by
small presents which here, as amongst the Moors,t are indis
pensable. Perhaps we might thus induce some Sova to join
the expedition, or, at least, to supply provisions, guides, and
' interpreters.
¦^The presents to the Sovas and to ^e£2£gtousMa]ajtas,.-ar
.councillors by whom they govern, would consist of a^^rg nf
„Stt^rBales of the cloth preferred by the natives, and especially
false coral and beads of sorts.| Also we should want cloaks
of common broadcloth, trimmed with tinsel gold, large hats
similarly ornamented, and canes Cbengallas') § with heads of gilt
copper. Such a cloak, hat, and cane, with two ankers of rum
lates it " Gm?" which is locally called NEumbo. Dr. Livingstone (' Second Ex
pedition,' chap. xi. p. 237) says, the Emggigafso is^^ t^ha-Jmffa.1fl.at»Sgiu ; and
in the same page we find the assertion,"''"no secret; ' society can be found among
¦the native Africans." Every tribe that I know, from the W3a2fe.-M.-MS
Jaasah to the Camarones Hiver " has"its" societV built upoii "secret ordersTTn &,.„
.SyHjflSEjeHnasoiiryTTTie^' -^igBiBJ i^ •* sentinel; the " AYeniur^.o a volun-
teer. and Guero' Preta (liteiallv'^ackLJfar "^ is a negr.Q..HaiiJ^
» This explains what we read in the' ola histories"oi Congo and' Angola, -where
thousauds of negroes are defeated by dozens of Portuguese. -yhe,„Bedamn..^f

l^^rghiaweMjJ^e^^^amefeeble -wl!Sn"'BHliema"wToler*"jL" "

InTEe'OTgiSiTus Mouros (ot^^occo or of the East Indies ?).
j In the text " Eoncalha, Velorio, and other Missanga." Eoncallia is explained
by Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 23) to signify " pedras brancas," i. e., -white stoneware
beads. We also read (p. 189) of Eoncalha Azu] (blue Eoncalha), and of " pedras
leite," or milk stones. Velorio or Avelorio, is also a large opaque porcelain bead.
Missanga, according to Vieyra is synonymous with " arrangoes," glass beads.
Constancio explains it by a string of glass beads, the same as " Mites," which.
Vieyra interprets a sort of porcelain bead, used as currency in Mozambique.
The word is mostly applied to the red glass or porcelains, and in the text to-
beads in general.
' § According to Dr. Kirk, now of Zanzibar, " bengallas de abada " are canes qf"
JEliinocacaa.j!i2ffi' The Abada is called by thB"people PembereTand by the Por-
tuguese umoorn., •«=«• w^mmmm

PEELIMINAEY OBSERVATIONS. v / 27
and a few strings of beads, would be a sufficient " dash " to the
most powerful Sova.* """"'^
Cattle, which abound in the interior, might be bought by
way of rations. When these fail, powder and ball would supply
the camp with meat of e^phants, rhinoceros, wild cattW(empa-
cassas), zebras (impalalfcas ?), quaggas, wild goats (g^Sggs), and
various antelopes (vgg^s), alLof them good eatingjl! well
remember that our army, campaigning belweeh 1^74 and 177£
against the Spaniards on the River S. Pedro,:t lived entirely on
meat and enjoyed excellent health.
The choice of season is a vital condition of success. The
best time to set out would be in May, during the cloudy bu1
dry weather, locally called Cacimbo, and corresponding with
our winter. If the journey is not concluded, as it ought to be,
with September, when the wet season begins, the expeditioE
should turn into some winter quarters where provisions are
plentiful. The rains come on very suddenly, and a body oJ
men compelled b-ttganexpQcted dn-wnfalls suddenly to halt, and
to go into winter quarters, would be exposed to great discom
forts and lose many of its members.
Perhaps the Mozambique and the Rio Sena would be bettei
starting-points than Angola or Benguela. The region to be
explored is nearer the eastern coast, and the oriental negroes
are more civilised and better fighters. Moreover the explorers
would thus be better able to meet difficulties and to make head
against the enemy than if, weary and broken-down, they hac
marched all the way from the western coast across Africa.
I now pass to the most important consideration — the kind o:
person to manage so delicate a mission, which could hardly be
re-attempted should the first trial fail. The commandant musi
be a man of natience f},Tifl prnbity. fnrt.itndfi ,^pd pgijejice
healthy and yig(^rQiia.Jui frame, accustomed to the country, and
j^cquainted with Jh^^,,^gaflg£§,jgg^^^^^^]^^^^^^^j3g3ftBS
.^^^anompest, graye^jfl^^oaSSirJ^^arians' expect from the
white man truth, grind faith and honesty.in thfs matt'^r pf pay
jaenti-they are extremely jealous of their women, and eviJ
would result, not only from violence, but even from seduction
The leader should personally set the example of total absti-

"¦ A considerable miscalculation, as will presently appear.
t,-IJsajSJ 

over such a , _„
••-aimrtoiEr^rg'ysenEgTr'Trimarir'is mer::ssgmrm-^^ec^w-ma!irgm:i
ajid the avfthor does not see that all the time would be wasted in hunting. Thf
densely forested and swampy regions of Intertropical Africa could hardly supply
four, much less 400 men, with regular rations of meat procured by the chase.
X Alias Eio Grande do Sul, in the Brazil.

28 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
nence in this matter, and enforce it upon his followers, under
the promptest and severest penalties. He must be invested
with the power of punishing offences,* and, if prudent and cir-
"^cumspect, he would temper justice with kindness and humanity.
He should not be placed under governors or generals ; these,
on the contrary, should be peremptorily ordered to lend him
their aid. Hitherto the authorities have ever succeeded^ in
thwarting all such Tindertakiiiigs' "wETch were"nol£ directed by
tESFmvnorders/f™" ^ '~~~ "' ' -~~"-->™' -¦ -
i<"inally the leader, ambitious only of glory, should be ani
mated by true patriotism, an essential to success. Unhappil)'',
the best prepared African expeditions have mostly failed from
the vile interestedness of the commandants and from their bad
example. Thus the name of the sovereign becomes odious,
> the sacred rights of truth and justice are violated, and to fill up
the measure of disgrace, merited punishment is avoided by
^anjungsuhteriuge. First impressions generally decide the part which we take,
and men are mostly governed by what strikes their external
senses. The barbarians, appreciating the good conduct of the
leader and his party, will easily infer the pacific and benevolent
intentions of those by whom they are sent. My personal
experience of the people assures me that, under such circum
stances, success is certain.
Display not being wanted, the luggage should be as light as
possible : ayticle&.of ..constant want should be so packed as to
...ensure., mobility, whilst tKe usual i'mpedimehts of boxes,~tables,
bedsteads, crockery (loipas), and cloth-bales should not be ad-
r mitted. If the leader be a true soldier, he will carry no more
kit than can be conveyed by one negro.t Thus he will be
willingly obeyed, and his party, seeing the example of their
superior, will learn to endure hardships without murmuring.
In case of accident to the commander, a second in command,
rchosen with the same regard to fitness, should be duly appointed
to take charge of the expedition.
These, Excellency, are my views upon the subjects of ex
ploring the vast regions of Inner Angola, and of establishing

* P^ipiiilimei),!^ jn;n.in^.^.is imp^ctiyablc where desertion is so easy and so dis-
^iitoia.teamiS5iBg^™' ' 7/ '~ •¦-•"»«'•-'¦-' ¦¦"••^.•«»-
t And not only anlOngst the Vortugiiesc. I found this to my cost in exploring
the Somali count; wherever the intluence of the British authorities of Aden,
Colonel Coddan ana Ca.ptain ^lavfniv nnbn.n.|i1y Pvt»n.-1nr1
I^'lhis assertion beats even the crlebrated ordei^oTniy old chief Sir Charles
Napier— the soldier and his "bit of soap." It is always my practice fo ciu-ry
with mc as mucn, not as little, as possible ; at the same time, -when the necessary
moment arrives, Ijim ready .to limit luj;gage to a pair of saddle-bags.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 2£
land-transit between the Eastern and the AVestern Coasts ol
Africa. My familiarity with the country has given birth tc
them : zeal for the welfare of my native land, for the glory oi
my race, and for the interests of my sovereign, has induced
rae to expose them. After weighing my opinions in the
balance of your strong intellect, adding, diminishing, and alter
ing as may seem fit, you, and you only, can give to us the
hope of seeing this important and glorious undertaking brought
to a successful issue. Such are my hopes: such is my only
ambition. The pleasure of knowing that I have lent my aid
to the fui-therance of the project, is my sole intention in thus
addressing you, and with our Horace, in the dedication of his
poems, I can truthfully assert, —

" Enough of glory, 'tis for me to boast
I loved my native land and nation most." *

X

* A somewhat (of late years at least) liackneycd quotation from Camoens :—
I I" Eu desta gloria sii fico contcnte,
I I Que a minha terra amei e a minha gonte." J
V  v
Note by the Viscount de Sa da Bandeiea.
" The following are the objections to this theory. The Cunene, we are told by
the writer, is 540 fathoms broad at 50 leagues from its source. Subsequently Dr.
de Lacerda measured the Zambeze, in Jan. 1798, a short way below Tete, and
found its width hardly 450 to 500 fathoms. Lower down, in the broken gorge of
the Lupata mountains, its flood was only 180 to 200 fathoms wide, and the waters
fell four hands breadth whilst he was on the river, rendering it necessary to unload
the canoes.
" Were the Cunene and the Zambeze the same stre.ims, the length from the
source to Tete would be 300 to 400 leagues. After such a drainage, the volume
of water should be much greater than at 50 leagues from its source, whereas in
the Lupata Gorge it is less. And as the channel of Mozambique receives notliing
larger than the Zambeze we cannot admit that the mouth of flie Cunene Eiver is
to the north or to the south of it.
" The opinion that the Cunene discharges its waters into the Atlantic Ocean is.
more plausible. On March 31, 1794, a Governor-General of Angola named, in
order to prevent smuggling, a captain or chief over the ferries of the Eio Trombas,
subject to tbe Capitao-JIur of Caconda Nova. The Governor of Benguella, Barreto
de Vasconcellos, wrote, in 1799 : ' The Cunene falls into the sea at Cabo Negro,
and forms before reachin.g the mouth three islands ; it has a very heavy bar
swell.' This cape is m S. Lat. 15° 48' 0" (15° 40' 7" Eaper), and still further
south an English ship found, about 1824, in S. Lat. 17= 15' (17° 25' Eaper ^<
the mouth of a considerable stream, to which it gave the name of 'Nourso
Eiver.' In the following year Captain Owen, E.N., then surveying the coast, met
with no signs of an embouchure, within 30 miles north and the same distance
south, of the place laid down as its mouth. But many African rivers, e.g., the
-p;» ,i»o -^Tr„.|jpu ("of murders'), in Mossamedes Bay, are absorbed in dry weather by
the sand. "~ ,.j
" Although it seems probable that the Cunene falls int' . .ne Atlantic, there is
a third theory which deserves consideration. This river may serve to feed a great
lake in the very heart of the continent, as the Asiatic streams supplying the
Caspian, the Aral, and the Baikal, and as the African lose themselves in the Lake
Tchad (Chad), and in a basin which exists south of the Eios de Sena. This Ink©

30 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
is called in maps"" 'Maravi' and 'Zachaf by F". Manoel Godinho, who says
(' Viajem'da India por terra a Portugal,' 1663) that two streams issue from it to
¦the Zambesi, and who considers that it would facilitate land transit between
Mozambique and Angola. Meanwhile, Captain Gamitto, in his interesting diary
of a Portuguese expedition sent, in 1831, from Eios de Sena to the capital of
the Cazembe (it afterwards appeared under name ' O Muata Cazembe,' Lisboa,
1864), asserts that the name of Maravi is -wrongly applied to the Nhanja Grande,t
-which falls into the sea near Zanzibar Island.

* Translator's J?o<«.-5Xbiepolitical;agS£8a
,».SOmetbing,Qf official inmirinnyTigBn -iip1f)TiOT^fr t.p^.rnpi'fjil f.liiTiat/iB^l^^Yp t11<1f|PTi
jnany of the Portuguese discoveries froiOh,e..-world7j9ri4Th.M injffija

-.-^ . - ^ -^ --..,.-.  ^- ,-.-,.--.,,-..„.=.,- ihiiLiilSigenth
cen^turv we.IiaiZe..-cacried „Qff pjijt. of.ia .glory „due to them. Dr. Livingstone'a pro-
¦oigious labours on the Upper Zambeze about the Nyassa and Shirwa Lakes, and
in the country of the Cazembe, may well
" Obscure the glory of each foreign brave."
But it is too much to assert that his predecessors ignored the course of the Zam
beze, the Shire, and the JjTi).tM|^ J.iikp.. which under the name o^^^^^l623) was
kno-wn centuries ago. Ve cannot accept the assertion that "fl^rena the great
and little swamps (on the Shire Eiver and called Nyanja) Portuguese geogra
phical knowledge never extended. Dr. de Lacerda will prove that before 179S
the Portuguese settlers at Tete had begun to trade with the Cazembe in S. lat.
8° 15' (not S. lat. 16° 20'), and that in 1825-27 a colony was established on the
banks of the (Southern) Aroangoa Eiver, distant but 1"^ from the south-western
«nd of the Nyassa. The great traveller unconsciously proves to us how well this
water was known. In his ' First Expedition ' (chap, xxxi.) we find that Sr. Candido
(Jose de Costa Cardozo, the Capitao Mdr ?) had visited Lafrp •UTornyo 45 days
N.N.W. from Tete. In chap. xix. we read that an Arab had been living for
fourteen years at the " Katanga's, south of Cazembe's," where malachite is dug ;
that ^"^ Wf If'V'^'fT'tffl.xf^ . ."L^^niJ}?;?!? ?£.JJiii.iii^^^^^' ^^^ probably with that
of the MoeroTjakg. which is ~d'e3critiea'"a'3"^''flowing out by the opposite end to
that ol JNyassa''— that is to say, northward — a very fair " piece of Arab geo
graphy." So in chap. xxv. we are told that f.btj ,ffra}^ J^fill^^Bihi^ whom the
ti'avelier met at Linyanti, in 1855, had been taken across the Njgpsa.
We may thus resume t^ question treaESd" above, withTBe assistance of that
¦eminent statesman, geographer, and savant, the Viscount de Sa da Bandeira.
('Notes sur les Fleuves Zambesi et Chire, et sur quelques Laos de I'Afrique
'Oriental.' ' Bulletin de la Socie'te de Geographic.' Serie V"", tome iii. p. 361,
and tome iv., 390.)
, 1. The Chire (Anglicfe, Shire) was navigated hythe Portuguese in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.
2. The Nyanja-Mucuro, or Great Lake, in the Marave country, had been visited
*by them in the eighteenth century.
^ 3. They had laid down the positions of the lake and the Chire (Shire) Eiver
in maps.
4. 'They had often crossed the Chambeze, or Northern Zambeze, in their
fJourneyB from Tete to the city of the Cazembe.
5. "Sr. Candido had visited tbe place where the Chire (Shire) leaves the
lake." N.B. — This place, called by Dr. Livingstone Murombo, is changed by
»^M[r. Cooley to "Pa-Merombo" — place of junction, viz. of the Nyassa with its
lake-like drain.
6. Dr. Livingstone, by visiting the Upper Zambeze, the Chire Eiver, and
the Nyassa Lake, and by determining certain points astronomically, and by
'describing the country, has added much to our knowledge of this part of Zam-
bezea. + Monteiro and Gamitto (1831-32) make this Nhanja-Moouro (Great Nyanja),
nine leagues (Portuguese?) broad. The last African expedition led by me, in
. 1857-59, showed that the.coja£uMoiL.caiU8ed-hv this.P'enpric word "w^t^^" f^^ spb
S?,*' P°"i."JS&.H'^--thf8MUataA£jmt.oe^^^^ sea theNvassa (not Nyaasi) df"
•-KiiWBTtKff NJanja lately estabhshed to the west ofMonibasaSTand the (Victoria)

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 31
" In confirmation of the Lake theory we have the following fact. In 1801 two
Dutch Commissioners, Fruter and Somerville, left, on a cattle-purchasing expe-
¦dition. Cape Town for the interior. After passing northwards of the Orange Eiver
into the before unvisited lands of the ..Bailapi. their linguists told them that all
"the territory to the north and the nCrm^'Sst were Bechwana, that is to say
congeners of the Batlapi, and speaking Sechwana (Sitlggi) with various dialects.
The country consisted of vast dry plains, -with a great lake to the north-west ;
this, according to the CommlffltenwtJTretdd be on the confines of Benguela. Dr.
de Lacerda makes the Cunene to run east; it may find its way into that
lake. " This interesting point must soon be decided. Of late years many Protestant
Missions and Moravian Brothers have settled in the Bechwana country ; more-^
•over Cape merchants have penetrated 300 to 400 leagues into the interior. They
find this travel easy, for three reasons — the hospitality of thepegple, the heine.
^^able to employ Cape waggons, and ttg^^^gggjuge'SftE'eTi^^aua ,langTrf^l,'M
"""-whicli tllSfS"arg"Jingiisn and Dutcn gTammars,'an3" wIuoEls coghaiie'-wim the
.BundagtAcgola. ^ '" ~— >--**"
" Moreover, since 1836, some 30,000 BoerS^ave fled from the English rule.
This extraordinary exodus of families -with flocks, and universally recalling to*
mind the Hebrews' flight from Egypt, went eastward ; and part settled in Natal,
whilst some reached the Louren^o Marques Bay and the Inhambane. In 1844,
¦we are told, part were still wandering ; hap^Jihey may turn to the Portuguese
possessions north-west and discover the.m^lffiLiof the Cunene.
" The glory of exploring the Cunene sKould he ours. No other nation has such
¦opportunities of discovery, and we are the most interested in opening up a stream
which, as its breadth of 500 fathoms argues, ia probably navigable, and which,
provided with properly-placed Presidios, would becomejin important centre of
¦trade. \jr
" MossS.medes Bay (so called from Baron MossSfiedes, Governor-General of
Angola, who explored the country) is the best starting-point for an expedition
which, marching upon Huila, would strike the Cunene and trace it down to its
mouth. If our Government resolved to undertake this fine exploration, it might
¦easily be carried out by young naval and military officers, and the advice of our
author upon the mode of travelling might be adopted as the counsel of experience
and of good sense. Those should be preferred who have completed a course of
polytechnic study. They must be abletoj ay down , febeiEJhMgifaidfiaubgHlaBiitei^ <
^ate^lgs, as did Dr. de Lacerda, j^rnune fltituaesbytli)^ barnmatfir andaaglfiigr_
¦^¦^bpWnnTTipfr-if. ftpd magnetic obsersaiions. a naturalist and a good draughtsman
would complete the personnel. The road-book should be kept with care, andfl
plotted off without dp.1a.v- whilst interesting geographical njrtices and minute
¦memoranda" describing tUe country, the people, the languaeej^and other points of
interest, should not be omitted." ^
Since this highly interesting note was -wjitten (ia 1844, it must be observed,
before the " Mombas Mission " had take^^ its abode on the coast, and a year
before its excursions began) much has tejm done. Fruter and SomerviUe's lake has
I)een determined to be the Ngami or»bld {i^prnpuy Water. 14° or 840 miles in
direct distance from the Nyanza Lake. The Batlapi have been visited by many
^gnglish travellers, and Dr. Livingstone includes them amongst the Balakahari or
"western branch of the Great Bechwana family, once an " insignificant and filthy _,
people," but much improved by "trading, peace, and religious teaching" (Dr.
Li-vingstone, ' First Expedition,' chap. x.).
Dr. de Lacerda's error about the course of the Cunene, making it flow eastward
instead of westward, is the rock upon which many African inquirers split,
forgetting that it is impossible to determine the direction of streams or the lay of
mountains except by ocular inspection. The mouth, said to have been discovered
by "L'Espifegle" in 1724, and passed by Captain Owen, November 28, 1825, is

: tnat pi

NvaJWa.Ke'rion discovered by Captain Speke, sent by me for tiat purpose. The
msmjftJUjMuatr- Filppbftilti MMRh" by Dr. Living- .
stone, and his map shows it m S. lat. 16° 20 . The Nhanja Pangono, Little
Water, is transferred to S. Lat. 17° 10'. ' —  ' >— *

^•^ PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
.^rtially intaCMittftnt. as -was -n'rongly reputed to be the case with the Juba
fliver;"Hn!'rrightly with the Webbi Gamana^ the Nile of Makdishu (Magadojjp), or
agaiiies Eiver on the EasrCBSSfor Africa. Captain Owenlaelieved that the rains,
beginning with the year, open the Cunene's mouth, and that durjngtbe dries a
?strong south-west w-ind and furious breakers, especially on th!e soufiiei'ff'poffit,
called in old maps Cape Eiiy Perez, heap up a sandbank which seals the em
bouchure. The Nh.anja Grande is partly a confusion of the Nyassa Lake, between 11°
and 14° 25' S. lat., and a flooded morass, or rather a lake region to the north
of the Zambeze in S. lat. 17° 10'. The Zambeze expedition found that
both drain, as the chaplain of Dr. de Lacerda's party had asserted, into the
Zambeze Eiver, not into the Zanzibar Channel, as Captain Gamitto had supposed.
'' Zachaf" is evidently the Nvassa Lake.

( 33 )

INFORMATION TOUCHING
THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION,"
AND INSTEUCTIONS ISSUED TO HIS PAETY,
BY DR. FRANCISCO J0Sl5 MARIA DE LACERDA.

Section I.

Eespecting the important enterprise, most illustrious and
excellent Sir,* with which Her Most Faithful Majesty has
charged me, namely, to discover or to confirm the feasibility
of overland transit between the Eastern and the Western Coasts
of Africa, I have the honour to report to you, for the informa
tion of the Sovereign, that whilst preparing to carry out with
all despatch the commands of Her Majesty, though doubtful as
to what measures would produce a happy result, being ignorant
of the route to be taken, I heard with pleasure that aiuold,
ba.fkwnpdpTngn ftnny.ain Cfjpfjfj^y^p Pp-rpivfl -j" by name, had arrived
-at this town. In the days of my predecessor he had explored
the lands of a king called Cazembe, dwelling near Angola,
who, having been sent by his father to make conquests in the
interior, now rules, as an independent prince, the Muizas, J and

* This letter, dated Tete, March 22, 1798, is addressed to the same Minister,
D. Eodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, and furnishes all the preliminary information
collected by Dr. de Lacerda concerning the march to the Cazembe's coimtry.
The paper is reprinted from a manuscript in the library of the Count de Linhares,
and was offered to the Maritime and Colonial Assosiation of Lisbon, by its ex-
President, His Excellency the Viscount de Sa da Bandeh-a.
t This is Dr. Livingstone's " Peirara" (m6 his ' First Expedition,' chap. xxis.
p. 587). The traveller gives a curious acqimt of " Dr. Lacerda's expedition," and
tells us that his papers were " lost to the world." Moreover we find tliat he
J A Iso termed Moizes, Movizas, Tnvizas, and Aizas. Dr. Livingstone writes ¦
a la Makololo Abisa, or Babisa, the Kisawahili Wabisa or Wabisha. The learned
.Jesuit de Jarric (ii. 1637'"fcls them Ambios or Imbjfis, Das Neves (p. 397)
prefers " Vaviza " and Vavua, " the rich people'"''(Vavua m Kisawahili, the plural
of "M'vua," would mean "hunters" or " fisjfermen "). Dr. Livingstone (chaj^.
XXX.) confounds the tribe with the Wanyanmezi, misled by Mr. Cooley (' Geug.
of N'yassi,' p. 17), who tells us that they are "similar in physical character and
natural marks." Of these marks I shall have something to say on a future occa
sion. The " Muizas " originally lived on the west of the Nyassa, extending to
the Tanganyika Lake. According to Monteiro and Gamitto, they were expelh d
D

34 DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
other Caffre (Kafir) tribes. The chief had sent two envoys to-
visit me, and from them I took down the following depositions.
Having obtained this information, I will delay no longer than
is necessary to hire the 300 Muizas who escorted my informant
the son of the said Gonpalo Caetano. So many slaves have
lately deserted and died of famine, that, without such aid, I
hardly could have obeyed Her Majesty's orders. Yet I am.
aware that even under these . favourable circumstances, full.
confidence must not be reposed in the Muizas and in the
Cazembe. I have made every arrangement that is here possible. A
company of fifty soldiers with ofScers has been recruited, to
assist me in carrying out the measures which their knowledge
of the country suggests. Want of time prevents my applying
for aid to the Mozambique, nor do I regret it. The Grovernor-
General there informed me that, though ready to assist in all
requisites, he did not wish to know or to hear a word about my
•^undertaking.^ I have the honour, &c.,
(Signed) Feancisco Josifi Maeia de Laceeda
E Almeida.

Section IL*
Before entering upon this depositiorLL^ill briefly state that,
about forty years ago, Gonpalo CaetanoTereira came from Goa,
and made his livelihood, as do all the colonists, lay ^old-washinp-
and trading with the Caffres of the interior.! Tlun of tranie
and high-spirited, his generosity and courage have made
him loved and feared by all the knights of the interior, and
they, as well as the Portuguese, nickname him " Dom^
Dombo," meaning " the Terror."

their territoi-y by the Muembas or Moluanes, and they have since been much
scattered. They are now g'-paJ^-fa^J'<^1Jf i-jL3iJi . tiTiute'" i and they have approached
the northern banks of the Zambeze Eiver — Dr. Livingstone met them near the
Loangwa stream, bringing English goods from Mozambique. JEjigX^'aj^iCliter.as
-I^giaiiiBfiS' ^^^ ^^^ ¦w*~JiB^5S„?i.&flSiiai' = I ^^'^^ found severaT^^fea).
reduced ,tp,,^avffljys^|heBrazil. ""
"¦^'ThelJeposition ofMaSoel'Caetano Pereira concerning his journey in company
with his father, Gon9alo Caetano Pereira, to the city of Cazembe, the king nearest
J to the Portuguese possessions on the West Coast of Africa. In Monteiro and
Gamitto's Expedition of 1831 (p. 129) we read that they found Manoel Caetano
Pereira, a Capitao-Mdr of the interior,''and his brother, Pedro Caetano Pereira, in
the lands of tbe Chevas north of the Maraves.
t The Portuguese apply the word Caffres (Kafirs) generically to the heathen of
the inner regions, and especially to slave porters. According to Dr. Livingstone
(' First Expedition,' chap, x.), tJjejQjjgjgg^onsider .t^name Caffre an insult. So da-
" niggers " at Sierra Leone and convicts in Auslraliar™" ' "  "" 

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 35
Years ago the Muizas, in their tradings with the Mujao, *
heard that this man was working at, and dwelling near, the
mines of Java (Jaua), beyond the Zambeze Eiver, some five
days' journey from this town. In 1793 they came to trade
with him in ivory, and they informed him that their lord,
the Cazembe, desired his friendship. He entrusted to these
Muizas, without other / security but their word, a little cloth,
which sold well ; and afterwards he sent to the king, with the
like success, two of his trading slaves ('Muzambazesl.t Desiring
to benefit the colonists — a rare idea in these regions — Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira informed them of the new opening for com
merce, and some of them resolved to send up their slave-porters
in charge of his son Manoel Caetano Pereira, a young man,
going for the first time to manage his father's third venture.
In May 1796, Manoel, accompanied by his own slaves and
by the Muizas, who, the year before, had brought down the
Cazembe's ivory, set out for Marenga J (Marengue ?) land, three
days' march from Tete. The first regions which he traversed
were those of the Marave § kinglets, called Bive, Vinde, Mo-
canda, || Mazy, and Mazavamba ; and he secured free passage by*
presenting a little cloth to the most powerful. He was forty-five
days in reaching the banks of the Arangoa Eiver, which falls
into the Zambeze near the town of Zumbo.lT The Portuguese,

* This is the Portuguese form adopted by Dr. Livingstone (' First Expedition,'
chap. xxxi.). In Expedition No. 2, he calls them Wai^o. Waiau.-Qj. Aiaaia. and
he records a fight ¦with them. The Wasawahili prefer "Mhife," in the plural
" Wahiao." The once powerful tribe has its habitation on the north and east of
the Nyassa Lake. Some authors confuse it with the Angiiros. The women, like
those of the Marave, distend the upper lip.
t Also written . Mozicfibazes and-Mflsaambazesu It means " commerciantes
ambulantes dos ."Sprtopa " ri^yp ilj^'^r^nt traders, the aa.Ttip na the Pnml;iBirn.'< oE.
th^Western Coast, who takgjibfiy-™^"'^^-'^™'^'-^-'"™"^^^'^-'^''^*^'''^^^ ^
} In some (3tiie1ZSzrBar"di%tec,ts "B^enga" mean3_ water.
§ Of tbe^SlS.'^veinore anon. II; is a powerful tnhe, ari3!nostile to strangers,
living betweSrthe Zambeze Eiver and the lands to the south-west of the Nyassa
Lake, hence the -water for years has been known to Europe as the "Marave
JUke." —— —
^\ In Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 448) w^nd that the lands travelled through
by them between Tete and the Cazemhi*^ country were governedU^bree great
chiefs. These were— 1. The Undo of the Maravea^ 2. The Mucinda (Mokanda)
of the Chevas ; and 3. The Chiti-Muculo, Kin|)i^the Muembas.
1[ Of the Southern Aruangoa, tbe stream here alluded to, more will be found ia
a future note. The Northern Aruangoa, Loangwa or Eoango, is made a northern
influent of the Zambeze, 180 direct miles west of Tete : it was first crossed by Dr.
Livingstone on December 14, 1855. The map of his Second Expedition lays down.
for its upper branches a course very different from that of the first and, agreeing
with Portuguese information, it is probably more correct. We can hardly under- .
stand how the traveller, after seeing a stone church and other such signs of '
civilization at Zumbo (the old mission town on the right bank of the Zambeze and
the left of the Loangwa), could persuade himself that the Portuguese never
travelled, up the Zambeze Valley.
D 2

36 DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
however, had not reached the place where he crossed the
stream. The Maraves, professed robbers, fearing the number of
his party, allowed him transit for small payments ; nor did they
annoy him with th^ir "Mil^ffllfi^.^'.* or palavers, by means of
^which they mulct t&e'^traders in cloth, to the great injury
of commerce. A dog entering a hut or chasing a hen ; even
the trader's slaves appearing in a village without warning ; in
.fact aj;iyJaaiiaftL.pretftnr:e..of tke.|tind,  becomes a crime, which
can be expiated only by cloth. Weare^weaj^sowe must suffer.
But, if I return safe from West'ern"i3rica^ ttese banHiis snaU
Ibe punished.
Throughout the Marave country millet (Eoleus sorghum)
abounds ; there are also beans, seeds of different kinds, and live
cattle. The travellers saw no sheep, goats, or pigs. The
Cazembe alone had a sow, aent from near Angola by his father,t
and now, his only hog beulig dead, he is sending there for some
couples. ^
Leaving slaves to treat with the neighbouring Caffres, Pereira
Junior crossed the Aruangoa in ferry-canoes, for which he paid a
small sum, and reached the Muizas, who begin beyond the
northern bank. He halted there awhile for necessaries ; then
marching,^,afica«diag;Ja,«C§ifeg^aprice, four or five hours a day,
after twenty days he strucS:™anolEer river, which the people
called " Zambeze." % From their information I venture to say

^ * The term "Milandos" mean3.j5hai®Sg«|to8u^t,^,ggaift§t.J;^ggI!^g,,fc£,ij3a
purijose. of, PlgP.'j.ering jheui ,: Ji,n fact, the„^SjgaI^^SS!Q&!th.e<3EesMi(!flast. I shall
nave more'to's^ ahout this'woM, which is constantly re-ocourrmg.
f "Jp^.l-ipi- " finrp. mans "liege lord" and " son, often " subject," whilst
'J.brotlier" is any man oi i'lie same tribe. The' MUllttUlVU, Maillfifa, Muata-
.^mlG^TrSaH^Gari^ was visite-^yToaqum-'BXangues
Gra^a in 1847 : he fs'tbe paraihoUhfChTef of Londa (Lunda) and of the Alunda,
., Vai-unda, Aronda, or Alonda tribe, tbeJaJflDJan-f Dr. Livingstone.
X Dr. de Lacerda's Zambeze divides the "Muiza country from the dominions
proper of the Cazembe. In the map of Dr. Livingstone's Second Expedition we find
a "Zambesi eastei-n branch" in lat. S. 11° and W. long. 29° to 31"^. It thus
became a headwater of the stream, concerning which the canoe men sing, —
The Le^mbye ! Nobody knows
Whence it comes and whither it goes.''
(' Livingstone's First Expedition,' chap, xxvi.)
And, finally, Mr. Cooley his distorted it in a special manner, which will require a
future notice. Dr. de Lacerda's assertion, touching the non-identity of the two
streams, has been verified by Dr. Livingstone's third and latest expedition. The
traveller, in February 1867, crossing the " Zambesi eastern branch," which he calls,
like all the Portuguese travellers, Chambeze, clearly a dialectic variety, found it
flowing to the left 4and (from east to weat)rlft'a'*ffilRn*nf'«8*EaK Bangweolo.
This water lies at the northern counterslope of the Muchinga Mountains, and
drains through the;' Lakes Bangweolo, Moero (Livingstone, September 8, 1867), and
XJlenge or Kamalpndo, to an unvisited lake further north. I have given my
reasons for believing that this great valley communicates with the north-western
branch of the mighty Congo. Dr. Livingstone (addi'essing Lord Granville from

n

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 37
that it is not our Zambeze, nor any of its influents from theXire
(Shire) Eiver * upwards. The Zambeze of the Muizas flows to
the right hand of those crossing it from Tete, and it falls into
other streams, of which I shall presently speak.
The Muizas were found to be ^kindly and commercial people.
A little cloth was " dashed " to the chiefs, who, conquered by
the Cazembe, pay tribute to him in stuffs, for which he always
returns ivory. The dry goods hitherto imported into this country
have been bought by the Mujao (Wahiao), indirectly or directly,
from the Arabs of Zanzibar and its vicinity.f Hence these
people receive all the ivory exported from the possessions of the
Cazembe; whereas formerly it passed in great quantities through''
our port of Mozambique. J
The Cazembe declines to take cloth from his subject chiefs,
who bring it cut up and high priced. He wishes the Portuguese
to send him bales, ".a.s they come from afarJ'S Our trade
would soon supplant that of our rivals, the Mujao, if we could
import a quantity of cloth ; and if we are rightly informed, a
matter into which I will look personally, the Cazembe does
not buy goods : perhaps it would not be held dignified for him

Ujiji, December 18, 1871) now derives the " Leeambye," or Upper Zambeze, from
." Palmerston's Fountain.'' Of this curious theory a few words have been said
inTESTntroSuctor^Eemarks. * The MissionaryJLiiiaJ4gj|igum)^' Lettere Annue d'Etiopia, &c.,' Eome,
1627) well knew thaRne (Jberim (Shire)' flows out of the Marave Lake (Nyassa),
and that its bed has rapids. !Sjaa^J3ijaflgLIjjnj[jjjjjo (1663) makes the Chire
Eiver drain the " Zachaf" Lake. ' Mr. Cooley (' Geog. of N'yassi') thus comments
upon the.,Qld explorer : " With respect to the Eiver Cherim, said to flow from the
lake, it is 'evident"T;hat Mariano had in view a Eiver Querimba, that is to say, a
river entering the sea somewhere opposite to the Querimba Islands." And this is
what is called^ Comparative Geograply 1 The supposed "Querimba Eiver" is not
even traced m'fflr'. UoolS^ niap.' "xSrljivingstone (' First Expedition,' chap, iii.)
teUa us " we could not learn from any record that the Shire had ever been
ascended by Europeans " (before his first journey in January 1859). He forgot that
the missionary Joao dos Santos, who had resided in the country eleven years froffl
1586 to 1597,1HB1111UUM, lU his '^thiQnm-.Unentai'"('Pinkerlotl. VUl. 1^. p. iJ!J'",
**ffi?Seat nver tjnirija£igat^ea Jaillj^JllackaJjadJi^^ The Shire is,
THiw unh&^piiy WSn*SLOwn as tke quarters of those murdered men, the_first Uni -
'^BLiJSiiMiBSiftBirJ"'' ^'^~""™' " ' '  iiiMamnunn* 
f 'Through Kilwa, which, when I visited it in 1859, had a large trade with the
Cazembe's city : many Arabs were engaged in it. From this point started the
latejjr^oscher, who reached the Nyassa Lake two months after it had been
visiteT^TIr. Livingstone; and he was followed part of the way by the late
Baron von der Decken.
X The European establishments at Zanzibar have, of course, increased this evil
, to the Portuguese. Unfortunately, however, *^^ TfrtlUfiin itil'lT" ''.lul.tllfifilfii °'^
favoured m th£.aln.vp-T]r<affept thrf. j<i ^Z* Jlpy flaijily ^¦^''"'^- I have discussed the

slTBjaM in ' Zanzibar, Uity, Jbj^d, and Coast ' (London, Tinsleys, 1871).
§ That is to say, " whole.'^ncut.^ 'Thisi p:ene.raIjsaftt..a£AAicai.aci;'niiiBiti»iifef tho
_ne£roes' desire to trade with thewhue' man i'aceto face. TiiaJLinapfDahOjtne,
'"!¦ ' .. J ¦¦1IIBII1IIIIWIM1I  iw^Mi—ii'iiii'iii I'l r I I iimiiiiii . n . ^. j^-^'-*'-^!!.
4ike tne uazemoe, does not buy or sell : it isa cunnmg African '¦ dodge, by
whicn He gams greatly. /f*

38 , DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
to trade; they must be presented as "dashesf' or free gifts
(saguate),* and hei makes a return in ivory. Clearly this king,
though in the heart of Africa, is not the barbarian whom dpset
-g-eographers (geografos ^ de-vidrqcas') describe. The Caffres are
m some points liice 'tte iVlexicainsand the Peruvians, who were,
in my opinion, more civilized than their Spanish conquerors.t
Beyond the^jafiusftti, of the (northern) Zambeze Eiver begin
the lands of the Cazembe, conquered by his father Muropeo|
(sic), as those of the Muizas have been by the Cazembe himself.
The party travelled thirty days from the river to the king's
capital, crossed some deserts, saw wild beasts of different sorts,
and spent a day fording a lake waist-deep. ^^'R JT^'^T "^ "¦"<^"^-
is rlraiT^f^d hv two channels :rac'cdrain3- to theT)affres, one feeds
their Zambeze, the other goes to the JCnrnsura ijjjd^yer. upon
whose banks is the royal residence. || This Hurusura passes

"¦ Dr. Livingstone (' The Zambesi and its Tributaries ') calls this " Seguati,"
and explains it well.
-f This assertion should hardly' pass unnoticed. In Mexico, as in Peru, a -won
drous physical civilization, chiefly shown by public works, monuments, and roads,
a despotism whi.-b semirerl 1ifejft4,mfliP^'^- and a rJ^ifflmiMK^eh annu^^^^^^ slew
^^teWtfeiMiaLJiWian victims, was summarily destroyed by a oana ol uonquis-
fador^— men who in the present days would be looked upon as barbarians. But
these men^had, those people had not, the material of true progress -withig^bem.
¦Peru has now ber Blakeley guns and he? rail way§T'filie""W8ftRrTiot'^ve had
them under the Incas or their descendants.
X More generally Muropue or Muropde. Ladislaus Magyar declares that this
title given by the Portuguese to the Muata ya Nvo is unknown to the people
of Lunda or Londa. The following Diary (January 16, 1799, and elsewhere)
shows that it is applied to a neighbouring king, and here too we find "Sana
Muropoe" the title of an oflBcer.
§ Poor Dr. de Lacerda never knew what a, " row " such a statement -would
now excite in the geographical world : we are still disputing about " lakes -with
two outlets."
II Murusura is called Hemosura by Father Luis Mariauno, called by Mr.
Cooley " Luigi Mariano," the Sena Missionary, who published in 1627 ; and he
makes, as I have said, the Shire Eiver flow from it. It is therefore a synonym
of the Marave Lake, Dr. Tiiying;stone's Lake Nvassa. In this century, Mr.
CooleyTJa!, .lUlLllllly confounded it witli tlie Kiver llii'apula, the Mofo Lake, and
the Tanganyika Lake. He makes " Hemosura " a mistake for " Murusura,"
meaning " tlie Sea " (p. 17), even as Mo^uro is a rivulet, and Eoguro grande a
large body of water. In my 'Eeport to the Eoyal Geographical Society' (vol.
xxix. p. 272) I have explained these words (note on Diary, Sept. 10th). Dr.
Livingstone ('Second Expedition,' chap. x. p. 214) saj^, that the Bazizulu
(Zulus ?) are known to geographers, who derive theu- information from the Portu
guese, as "Morusuros." Mr. Cooley suggests that "the Portuguese call them
Moziruro, meaning perhaps, M'zariro, the name of a powerful chief on the
Eiver Save." Tliis 'IKfir" ^"njppt^nv.iJ^^
According to Monte5ro and Gamitto (p. 349) Lunda, the Cazembe's capital, is
on the southern or south-eastern edge of "Mofo, Grande Lago." Mr. Cooley has
lately placed the Cazembe's city on the north-east bank of the Mofo, a lakelet
2 or 3 miles broad, .and not connected with " Lake Moeri." In Mr. E. G. Eaven-
stein's map, this Movo (Mofo) drams into the Zambeze basin, which also receives
the waters of the Tanganyika, by means of the Luapula Eiver (compare note
on Diary, June 6, 1799). In Monteiro and Gamitto's map, the " Guapula

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." c9
'behind the Murimbala* Eange, near Sena. Some of our people
•call it Nanjaeja-Matope teTyanja ya M'tope), others " Shire." t
Travellers making the Cazembe's city cross it in three days,
nighting on islands. The\also say that their Zambeze falls
into this stream far below (sWth of) the city, t
The ^uizas are a niercant^e tribe, who have penetrated into
those couiJLTiyb!, and wlio na\te at times brought down their
ivories to Quilimane § (Kilima-ni). Possibly they may tell the
truth respecting the Xire (Shire/JRiver ; but if we compare its
mouth with the width of the stream in the Cazembe's country,
there appears to me a contradiction. Tiie former, however, is
confined by mountains ; the latter flo\s through immense plains
> (Dumbos), which begin upon the Aroangoa Eiver ; || hence.

Eiver" three days' journey, or 30 direct miles, from the capital of Cazembe,
-flows to the northwest. I have long ago recorded tXe .Arab opinion that the
Tanganyika Lake has at the south an in^jimt, the Eunangwa or Marungu
.Eiver, not an effluent as the Luapula of Mr.'Tlavenstein. Dr. Livingstone
(' Second Expedition,' chap, xxv.) says : " Flowing still further in the same direc
tion (to the west) the Loapula forms Lake Mofue or Mofu, and after this, it is
said to pass the town of Cazembe, bend to the north, and enter Lake Tanganyika."
In chap, xx-yii. the traveller hears this from Babisa tobacco dealers, and says, " this
is the native idea of the geography of the interior." Dr. Livingstone's Tbird
Expedition, however, sets aU right, and gives us the first correct -view ot the
•country. 'The Cazembe's town is placed north-east of a diminutive basin called
Mofo or Mofwe, which connects, through the Londa (Luapula) Eiver with Lake
Moero, tbe centre of three fed by the northern slope of the Muchinga range. ^
* Dr. Livingstone ('First and Second Expeditions') describes Morumbala i
i-i'tiio i^fty ¦wqt/.^-jj^wa,."^ near Sena, to be an oblong, wooded mountain-mass, f
" pMbaWy 3(J06 to 4000 feet high," and, as its hot sulphurous fountain on the \
plain at the north-eastern side (northern in ' First Expedition ') would show, of
igneous formation. In his map there is an island in the Nyasia Lake called
" Muromba Hill," which has disappearedfrom the chart of the ' Second Expedition.'
t This is clearly a confusion between" the Lake Nyassa and the two jfjrajas
.(to the North Mukulu or Mucm-u, " the gi-eat," and to the south Pangono or " tbe
^mall ";, on the road from the Zambeze Eiver to the Nyassa Lake. It niust again
/be observed that in the Zanalan tongues. Nvassa. Njji.nza. N™u^nd "^^Si&W^r^
y4^^ignifcjKater. M'tope i^ TUBm, the'Portuguese " Lama, m Monteiro's map

'Darabo I^odoso."
^ t M. Eavenstein makes both streams, " Loapula " and " Schambese," fall into
the Chuia Lake (Portuguese, Chover, to raiu ?). This is Dr. Livingtone's " Shuia,' '
which has three outlets. I called it, in 1859, the " Chama Lake," from the dis
trict which it occupies..
§ So in ' Annaes Maritimos ' (p. 291). I am at pains to know why Mr. Cooley
(' Geography of N'yassi ' p. 17) should translate this passage, " The Moviza, being
great traders, go a long way into the country, and even penetrate at times to
Luilhim" (for Kilima-ni on the coast). He adds, "in this name it is easy
to recognise the Portuguese abbreviation of Lukelingo," which (p. 15) he calls
the capitalgtjy^.
^!lf.nrtiPfflf''"Wft^ "'^"^"SJf" • Lriclieringa (not Lukelingo) is the name of a^
stai-idiioh the way from Kilwa to the Nyassa Lake. "T4n'' ffor Itoja^is the
j£j)^^jjitgjjjljjigij^,^^, I have said, are now nearlyannihiUited&£M,e.»slave-
/trade. Their "capital" is ou&^^^mrSST'nJSmTSS^SS^ST^iSCM.ihe Tan-
fiVyika Lake. Dr. Krapf (' Travels,' &c., p. 419) mentions " Keringo," a station
in their country ; but he knew too much of Africa to talk of a " capital."
II From Tete to the Cazembe's country Jhe traveller crosses two streams of

40 DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
perhaps, the difference. Or it may be the Lucuase Eiver,*
whose mouth is near Quilimane, but whose upper course is
unknown — a doubtful point which I hope soon to resolve.
Perchance, again, it may be some other stream which dis
charges its waters into the ocean between Mozambique and
Quilimane. The Cazembe evidently desires intercourse with us. _ After
vainly attempting to detain Manoel Caetano Pereira, with the
assurance that he would send his own ivory-porters to bring up
more cloth, he unwillingly dismissed his visitor, and only
on express condition that the latter would return; and he
threatened, if deceived, to slay all the Portuguese in those
parts and to seize their property. During the six months of
Manoel Caetano Pereira's stay, the king made him many pre
sents, amongst which was a large farm of vna.r\\rtc. — there the
staff of life. He promised .restoration of stolen goods, with
'profit to the injured person • and gave Kim and his followers
immumly itrom iKe'''Taws to which his vassals are subject, such
i-i^uttiiTr^nff thr rmv, bands, and pudenda of adulterers. They
witnessed an instance of the latter amputation, and similar
pains and penalties.
This king, our good friend, is proud of intercourse with us.
Shortly after the arrival of ManQel Caetano Pereira he sent a
message to his father, the other king (Mwata yd Nvo), that as
the latter had his  ,t meaning sons of, or born under,
/vater, so he himself had been visited by whites from the other
yshore. It is this boast, f combined with want of cloth, which
makes him so much desire our friendship. He sent to me, as

nearly the same, and possibly quite the same, name. The southern is the .Ajru-
angoa, Aroangoa, or Arangoa, which falls into the Zambeze about the Kebra-
basa Eapids, and upon whose banks a Portuguese colony was built ; the northern
is the Arangoa, or Loangwa, the head-water of the Eoango or Loangwa, which
falls into the Zambeze at Zumbo.
"¦ In Dr. Livingstone's map we find the "Eiver Licuara," alias Likuare
(' First E.-jpedition,' chap, xxxii.), a northern influent of the Quilimane mouth of
Zambeze ; but it appears to be an insignificant stream.
t A word is here omitted in the original — in Kisawahili it would be " Wiina
Maji." The negroes of the interior look upon the whiteness of European skins,.
and. especially the straightuess of hair — of which they sometimes say, " it is tho^
njane of a lion, and not hah at all," and "only look at his hair ! it is made quij;^
straight by the sea-water " — as the effect of marine or submarine life. The old
' Maharattas also regarded the English as an amphibious race. '
\ ''"'""YTu"my''TW.TS91on to Dbll'flllllH''""l;*ll'aVB'"HMl)WU thai ' a ijimilar vanity exists, and
I that its result is a modified form of human sacrifice. King Gelele, wishing ,
to send a message to his father, summons a captive, carefully primes him -with
the subject of his errand, generally some vaunt, adhibits a bottle of rum, and <
strikes off his head. If an important word be casually omitted he repeats the
operation, a process which I venture to call a postscript, \

ON THE PROPOSED " CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 41
envoy, the son of a Muiza chief, whom he had conquered and
put to death. This messenger brought in his train one Catara,. .
a grandee of the Cazembe's kingdom, and two spies (sopozos),
to see that neither I nor their master were deceived by him in
the matter of my reply.* Of these, one died; the other, a
youth of sixteen to eighteen years old and a confidential slave
of the monarch, survived. The envoy and Catdra both informed
me that the Cazembe, or his ancestors, coming from about/
Angola, which they pronounced Gora,t overran his preseift
territories; that from his capital to the small kingdom of
Bloropoe is a journey of sixty days, or somewhat less for white
men;$ and, finally, that canoes from Angola and its vicinity
came up to fetch slaves. On the way between the two countries
are four rivers running to the left (south-west), and therefore
falling into the Atlantic ; and one is so broad that it takes a
day to cross. May this not be the Cunene, or, as it is called
in some maps, the Eio Grande ? From the Moropue's kingdom
to the Cazembe's country pass cloths, and the^^jiotiens" (trastes)/
common on the western coast, as mirrors, tea-thiags kept for
shflffi, plates, cups, beads of sorts, gdwries.^ and Jjroadcloths of
various Jiinds. I myself saw a scarlet "jjurante ' (a narrow__
wooUer stnff wi£kQi3i. -nap) which the king had giVen W sT
Caffre slave of Manoel Gonpalo Pereira.
The Cazembe sends his chattels to his " father," who remits
them to Angola, taking in barter broadcloths, as baize, du
rante, fine serge (serafina), and the articles specified above.
They do not sell their captives to the Portuguese, who hold
them of little account compared with ivory. The latter article,
however, would be much more lucrative if transported by water,
instead of the present tedious and expensive land-journey. ||
The Cazembe's country abounds in manioc, white gourds.

* This system of spies and of duplicate officials is quite African, as I have
shown in the ' Story of a Mission4aJi^RJ!nS™~~"
t From Monteiro and Gamitto we learn (p. 498, &c.,) that the Alundas call
the lands of the Muropue (or Mwata ya Nvo) "Angola " or " Gora; " the latter
evidently a European corruption of " Bunda Ngola " in full A-Ngola, the l;md
of (the chief) Ngola.
X The direct distance from the capital of the Cazembe to Kabebe, the capital of
the Mwata ya Nvo is from 4 to 5 degrees = 240 to 300 miles. This place is
built near and north of the Luiza Eiver, supposed to be an eastern branch of
the Great Kasai. According to Ladislaus Magyar, the Portuguese call this capital
also Lunda. The four rivers running, as was formerly supposed, to the south-
-west, will re-occur in the course of these pages.
§ Caurim or Cauril, plural Cauris. The popular word is " buzio,' from which
the French in the Brazil coin " des bouges." In Angola it is Zimbo, and it has-
a different name amongst every tribe. j,
II '"^-r rm'y "''°"p iTfliY "f eYnnrting- ivor-y ixasrihe heart of Africa is upon the-
shoulderawatilaies, the latter being oi coiiis^ld on the'b'ftMf;'""™'*'"^""*'™- ¦

42 DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
ground-nuts,* "jugo," a small haricot like the ricinus,t white
sugar-cane, the sweet potato (G. hatata), and the Dende, whose
fruit makes oil.| Between the lands of the Cazembe and
Moropoe there are many deserts wanting supplies. _ Our tra
veller found provisions deficient amongst the Muizas when
taking on his return a different road (the westerly ?), nor did
he reach the lake above alluded to. Thec^m^ are the king's
private property : § only his dignitaries may herd black cattle.
The entertainment of the Cazembe is magnificent. He has
.a number of domestic slaves, and he carefully preserves his
many wives, who are allowed to speak with his confidants only.
.His usual dress || is a large silk sheet (tobe) wound around the
middle and girt with a bandoleer : it is plaited and folded above
the girdle after the fashion of the Cabindas. He wears a cap
^ornamented with red feathers, and his legs are adorned with
¦cowries, large ^hite beads (velorio), the pipe-shapeiLJjeads
/ganutilhol.lT rnucKTaTueTamongst them, and beads of sorts.**
The Cazembe rarely appears in public, the better to preserve

*^«'^-*»».*»*»!«.*ww»*;>^Kf™.«.™*,.-*^W*?.t/y,^C;ij,,j,.i,.,i^H..t.,..r.

* In the original " amendoim," which does not mean almonds, of which the
Persian variety, or " bidam " (a Sterculia), is found upon the Zanzibar coast, but
-uever far in the interior. Monteiro and Gamitto, however, say (p. 163) that on the
banks of the Northern .Aa^uangoa Eiver they observed " amendoeiras das que dao as
amendoas chamadas durazias em Portugal." Here it is the Arachis liypogeea, the
Pistache of old and the Ai^achide of modern French travellers, the pea-nut of the
Northern United States, the Pindwe (a Loango word) of the Southei-n SJ^es
and the Ginguba of Angola. V'
t Especie de feijao carrapato. M. Constancio's Dictionary explains Carra-
pateiro as Palma Christi, the castor-oil tree, from the resemblance-iims- fruit
to^he cattle- tick (carrapato). The vulgar Portuguese name ol the shrub is
.orPendem, in Africa and in the Brazil, is the Elseis Guineensis,
or palm-oiT tree. 1 i'ound a species on the Tanganyika Lake which produced good
.ntTyhiit. fhfi, frpjj-,, jjKafl^^^j^,|)^mgJj^^'J^ft u''".r.''-"..i .j.QjL"' SE^Sfc^^ °^ *^® West Afi-ican
Coast and about Bahia.
§ The same is the case in Benin city. (See my ' Visit to tbe Eenowned Cities
of Wari and Benin,' ' Eraser's Magazine,' February, March, and April, 1863.)
II So MM. Monteu'O and Gamitto describe the Cazembe's dress as a waist-cloth
or swathe, called Mucouzo, with one end made fast below the waist by a little
ivory arrow to the ^oay-cloth, and the whole -wound round the middle in short,
regular folds. A leathern belt, known as " Insipo," supported the gai'ment. Their
frontispiece, " 0 Muata Cazembe vestido '(fb grande Galla," shows this swathe '
and its bandoleer. The chaplain of Dr. de Lacerda's expedition will presently
¦describe it in these pages.
^ M. Constancio derives this word from the French " canutille,'' meaning "purl,"
" fiium argenteum vel aureum," the gold or silver wire, tubular and spiral, used in
embroidery. In MM. Monteiro and Gamitto it is a bead material. They make
it (p. 181) a synonym of "Ddrdra," a pipe-shaped bead, or rather bugle, one inch
long by four to five lines in breadth. In p. 189 we read of " Canutilho de todas
as cores." In Venice '' canutilho" is called Pipiotei.
** In the days of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto (18,34-1832), the beads for
"• Quilimane wer^isAite, black, green, and grey ; for Sella, white and black ; for
Tete and So*S^ large white, black, and biick-red ; and for Inhambane and
Lourenjo Marijues, of all colours.

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 43
the respect;, nf bi.c! people. He receives his nobles sitting behind
a curtain, and presents to them, not tea, coffee, nor chocolate,
whose equipage is always displayed, but millet-beer (Pombe),*
and the^ne (SuiaJjJi^JJa&Jikdia The courtiers
drink only what the king portions out to them, for fear of
intoxication, which is an offence severely punished by its own
peculiar judge.f
The Cazembe has a number of well-disciplined troops, whose
chiefs every night bring him the news, and receive his orders
and the watchword (Santo),§ which they pass like civilized
nations. There are diflSent corps de garde, patrols and rounds
to keep the peace and to repress disorders and drunkenness^
The city is surrounded by a deep ditch, said to be several
leagues in length :|1 during war time the vassals are lodged
within the enclosure, so as to be out of danger, but it does not
appear that any neighbouring king claims superiority over, or
even equality with, him. The offensive weapons are spears
6 feet long, and shorter assegais for throwing, with broad-
hladed and well-worked viol-shaped and pointed knives (Pocue)^
whose short neck acts as a handle.TT For defensive armour
they have shields, flat parallelopipedons, externally of light
thin tree-bark, large enough to defend the whole body : the
inside is strengthened and kept in shape by neat wickerwork,
and before battle these defences are soaked in water. The
soldiers do not use bows and arrows, but the Muiza archers
: skirmish in the van of the army, which is formed in three lines.**
The Cazembe prescribes the seasons for amusement, lest

* Pombe is a word generally used throughout Zanzibar and the Sawahii.
The kings of Yoruba also affected, like the Cazembe, to conceal themselves from
public view, especially whilst eating, drinking, or snuffing. When the King of
Dahome drinks, a curtain is held before him by his women.
t My friend Dr. Kirk informs me that the date-palm is there called Jindi*
The DJs.'yil's-palm (Raphia vinifera) is that most used on the East African Coast.
The'besiE'iiqubr is drawn from the oil-palm, but it injures jjie tree ; the cocoa-nut
alsbJgjTOJ, UU 'LhtT'Wfestefh (Joait "it "Ma'iit, a first-rate wipe : I do not like that
-drawnfrom the date.'-TSKffitSraS'-SfitfG'afflitto (p. 403) mention a wild palm which
the natives know as 'SJ^ediqua." It is evidently that of the text.
X In Dahome the puBRBSfent for drunkenness is very severe : it is regreta;ble
that such is not the case throughout West Africa. <
> § So called in Portuguese, because it is or was generally the name of somo
y saint. II This style of defence is also African ; the text would well describe Abeokuta.
The curious reader may consult the first of my volumes on Abeokuta and the
Camarones Mountains. Agbome, the capital of Dahome, is girt by a fosse, but it
has no walls.
T llhese short handles, unfit for the European gi-ip, remind us of the swords
w^ -"''^Tnirs'Q^ tft'ffia, Aayfl-bvMtia.'"'™  iiiiiimmiih '™""""'' — "'
** T^k.i.h.. l^.nmnTi UsklirBrinciDes. and triarii I have described a similar
..oTo-g.TiiRa.tion amongst the )Vatiita of tbe Airican i^ake Eegions. (' Lake Eegions,
...&0., vol. ii. p. 77.) " ¦¦ '   ~ 

44 ' DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
there should be no work and all play, which would breed
troubles amongst his subjects and demoralise the soldiers.
Ivory selling is a royal prerogative, and only the nobles can
dispose of small quantities with his express permission : hence,
as 1 have said, all the cloth is presented by the traders to the
king. He has copper and iron mines, and he is now at war
with a chief whose country produces tin.* I showed our Caffre
visitors gold, which they recognised, calling it in their tongue
" money ; " all declared, however, that there was none in their
lands. Perhaps they do not know how to extract the precious
metal, or it lacks value amongst them. His ofScers are me
chanics, workers in cloth and in iron.j
There is a great difference between the modest deportment,
the way of eating (fipmedimento), the songs, the dances, and
the drumming of these Cattres and those of our black neighbours
near the Eios de Sena. A messenger from the kingdom of
Bar6e,t whom I saw at Sena, haraifgS^d-lqiidly for a g[Ood half-
hour, with JmTnodp.rate p;estif^.1]f^im-i, in- nrrlgr t,p g'-p^ a. Hbrn-t
message. On the contrary the Cazembe's envoy spoke little,
with great civility, and so softly, that not much was heard.
Before the latter addressed us, his interpreter, a Caffre slave of
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, collected with his fingers, as is their
' custom, a little earth, with which he rubbed his breast and
fore-arms, and this ceremony was repeated after he had trans
lated the message. § Our negroes drum a horrible thunder-
_stormj and he plays best who beats the hardest : besides wnich
JFoIn men and women dance with extreme indelicacy. || The
' drums of our guests are tapped b'Trg i^aLnrril^ag (tnmfmns) gently
and sweetly : this serves as an accompaniment to their songs
and dances, which are as graceful and decorous as can be
expected. The chief did not honour me by dancing before
me : Catara and his spy did so before dehvering their message.
After this the people came to compliment them, some em
bracing hiiji ; others touching with their little wands, in token
,^  y
* In the original " latao,'' which the dictionaries explain " brass, a mixtm-e of
copper and calaminaris stone" — but from African hills we do not dig brass.
There is probably antimony, and Monteiro and Gamitto twice mention tin
(estanho). Dr. Kirk suggests that " latao " may^jgnify " pewter," but it cannot
have that sense here. I have alluded to antimonynear Mombasah in ' Zanzibar ;
City, Island, and Coast.'
t So in England, Wayland Smith, the blacksmith, was once adored.
X Probably the Barue of Dr. Livingstone (to the west of Sena and north of
M!ini9a), the Bambire, or people of Baro'e.

X

f § This pf'tli-Tnlljiii""' is general amongst the more ceremonious tribes of
f Africa, as those of Benin, Dahome, the Congo, &o. Of course it is a token of higlv
respect. -J— I—  <——¦
"' II Again showing that the interior peoples are more civilized than the
maritime, who, from foreigit^civiUsation, pick up only the vices.

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 45
of their inferiority, the lance or spear which they held in
hand. The Muiza jag the sides of their teeth, making them re
semble those of a saw.* It must be hard work, without files,
thus to spoil the work of Nature: they effect it, however,
^laking the patient suffer severely, by means of a bit of iron, ,
wlilcih they p'romlsed to give me.f I greatly admired their
head-dresses (toques). The Cazembe's vassals proper, so to
speak, neither chip their teeth nor use the toques, being soldiers, ,
who have no leisure for such coquetries.
With regard to religion, we could only learn that the Muizas
and the Cazembe's people have hollow idols (fetishes ?)| in
which they store their medicines before drinking them. A
Oaffre of this country, being at a house in Tete where some
Muizas had danced, and where they had been rewarded with
cloth and beads, invidiously remarked that they had consulted-'
their wizards. The Muizas (I must observe that here both
whites and blacks understand the strangers) indignantly re
butted the accusation, telling the man that they had no such'
habits. They do not affec^the ill-omened "palavers" (milandos
negregados §) : in war time, "when compelled by hunger, they
are cannibals.
Catara and another, his slave or his companion, declared, on
being shown the compass, that they had seen that thing in
Ji^ora." When asked how far it was from the Cazembe's
country to Angola, they p.y^syered with a vivacity which ensured

* I have stated (' Lake Eegions of Central Africa,' vol. ii. p. 150) that, according
to the Arabs, the Wabisha (Muizas) do not file their teeth nor raise a dotted line
on the nose. Mr. Cooley, in his ' Eeview,' (Stanford, London, 1864), objects to
my making the latter assertion. Did it never suggest itself to this writer tbat^
African tribes, especially the wandering and commercial, often change tlieir
c;^t2JBa,.aiidJiaeCT«K3S^SS:3aSEm^^T^;?^^
Wanyika, behind Mombasah, gave up tattooing after the missionaries had lived
-amongst them for some years, and used to say, " Why should we spoil oui- skins ? " |
I fear, however, that this is an amount of progress not to be expected from the
obstinate advocate of the Central-African " Sea."
t A common bit of hoop-iron is generally used : the enamel must be removed
by it from the sides of the teeth, but decay does not follow.
X Meaning that they have no God. All anthropologists are agreed upon this
, peculiarity of the Kafir race. So in the tongue spoken about Tete, and under-
^stood by the Maraves and Chervas, " Murungo," the word generally translated
" Gfidi," Tne.ins thunder : Dr. Krapf ('Travels,' p. 168) gives the same signi-
"B'cation to the Mulungu of the Wanyika race. So Dr. Livingstone (' Second
Expedition,' chap, xxiii.) makes the people confound God and thunder in
-" Morungo." § Monteiro and Gamitto (' O Muata Cazembe,' pp. 7 and 91 'i tell us that
Milando means a debt, an obligation contracted but not satisfied, a. theft, a
murder, ata^lgijj2Jii8S«3fi2S£ik^' ^' ^'' " Milando do Pombo," a process on account of

adultery. 'I'be word appeal's to be the South African '^olatu," as given by Dr.
Livingstone, chap, xviii, — "I have no guilt or blame (Jfolatu)."

46, DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
my belief, that black men took three months .and .ffitutes^Jitfle- '
1^ss^7TEOTaIso"mentioned theTucuale" Eiver, which, according
to some maps, is an influent of the Cuansa (Coanza).
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, kno\ying my wish to cross Africa,
offered me his escort. I accepted it willingly, as he is the only
trustworthy person ; and, in the hope of promoting the work
with which Her Ma-jesty has honoured me, 1 made him Capitao-
.Mor of the Bush (Mixonga). He thanked me thus — "If your
Excellency desires to visit Angola, you need not trouble your
self with these questions and with writing down answers : cross-
the Zambeze, trust yourself to me, and I will see you to the end
of your journey, at my own expense if I could afford it." Suchi
is the good effect of a measure which costs nothing but care to-
employ it at the right time. The Africans and the Americans-
would do good service to Her Majesty, if their rulers would
bestow honours upon those deserving, and not disgust the people-
by selling them to the worthless.*
Before arriving at Tete, and examining these people, my-
intention was to set out from Zumbo, our westernmost settle
ment. I soon found that in Quilimane and Sena, as at
Mozambique,i4J.eo.ple knew nothingjDf what had happened since
47^3, and that their" information could not \>e relied "upbn.'t
Therefore, I did not bring from Mozambique certain necessaries,.
such as white soldiers, good ammunition, arms, and similar
supplies, of which nothing but the worst is here procurable. J
(Signed) D. Feancisco Jos:6 Maria
Tete, March 22, 1798^ DE LacKEDA E AlMEIDA.

f¦' * These are memorable words, coming from a Brazilian.
t Tha_aame- proved to be the case at Zanzibar : what these affirmed of the-
,interior„QiQgg^^j}iecl ; inaJij; misled rue 'through ignorance, some tor ttieir own
interests. """ "" -».-—.>.»—.————"—- .n .,-_ 
'""I "The following is the official Act : —
" On February 27th, 1798, in this town of Tete, at the house and in the
presence of His Excellency the G overnor of the Province (Eios de Sena), Dr.
Francisco Jose' Maria de Lacerda e Almeida, and all the citizens and inhabitants
of the same town, appeared tho Envoys of the King Cazembe, to salute His
Excellency the said Governor on the part of his master, and to offer friendship
and trade to him and to them. On his side he promised that, in case of the road
being stopped, or of merchants being plundered by any neighboming chief on the-
-n'ay, his lord the King would send a force to clear it, we also sending our forces ;
that the Portuguese would be allowed to build a sattlement, and to plant manioc-
near the Arangoa Eiver, and that they should nolr send their goods one at a time
but all together. [In fact, to form a caravan -\m3 a desideratum in East Africa.]
This proposal was unanimously accepted, and a resolution was passed that the
inhabitants would be guided by His Excellency the Governor, who took so lively
an interest in the public good. Having thus agreed, they bound themselves iu
a bond before me the writer and signer of this instrument.
(Signed) " Jose Sebastiao d'Athaide, " Public Notary."

ON THE PROPOSED '' CAZEMBE^Ep'EQJTION.'' 47
Section III.
Deposition of the Bandasio * of the Cazembe, sent by his Mamlo or liege lord,.
and then lodged in the house of Dionizio Eebello Curvo.
_ The above declares that, when sent by the Mambo Cazembe
his master to the Kinglet (regulo) Muropoe,t during three
months' march, he crossed in small canoes four streams like this
(southern) Zambeze. The first was the Eoapura,t the second
was the Mufira,§ the third was the Guarava,|| and the fourth
was the Eofoi.lT In this distance, where the land belongs to the
Yarunda nation,** there are but four settlements, one on each.

Here follow the signattu-es of those present, ^wenty-four names :

Jose' Sebastiao d' Athaide (writer and
si^er of the document).
I''onizio de .Araujo Bragan^a.
Ji ise Liuz de Menezes.
Manoel Jose Cardoso.
Pascoal Jose Eodrigues.
Placido Jose Eebello.
Joaquim Jose d' Oliveu'a.
Joao de Sousa.
Victorino Jose Gomes de Araujo.
Jos^ Francisco de Ai-aujo.
Joao da Cunha Pereira.
Ignacio Gomes dos Santos.

Sebastiao Eeduzinbo Mascarenhas.
Luiz Nunes de Andrade.
Jose Luiz Eodrigues.
Caetano Benedicto Lobo.
Joao Joaquim de Mattos.
Leandro Jose' de Aragao.
Dionizio Eebello Curvo.
Joiio Baptista Octaviano dos Eeis-
Moreira.
Manoel Antonio de Sousa.
Gon9alo Caetano Pereira.
Nicolao Pascoal da Cruz, and
Sebastiao de Moraes e Almeida.

* Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 14) explain "Bandaze" to be a domestic slave.
t This is the iia.ual African style of exaltinsLjjiemaster at the expense of
" {This stream has been before alluded to, under the name of Luapula. It was
found by Dr. Livingstone to connect the Bangweolo, or Bemba, with the Moero
Lake. § All African rivers baro lii^1f-p.~rlnziMwtin.mpg 'W'e must, therefore, not be sur-
prised 'il' we do not nnd ihese words in other travels. 'The only check upon
this march is that made by the two Pombeii-os, sent in 1802 by Sr. Francisco
Honorato da Costa. The Mufira, alias Eufii-a, Luvira, or " Luvivi," is a stream
12 fathoms -wide, and laid down as an afHuent of the Euapura or Luapula, crossed
by Pedro Joao Baptista on the 55th day. According to Mr. Cooley, it is the
grftat river Luviri, called by the Arabs Lufira, which fiows into the Luapula about
100 miles S.W. or S.S.W. from the City of the Cazembe. Dr. Livingstone first
throws it into the Tanganyika Lake : he now makes it rise, under the name of
Luvii'i, on the western watershed of Conda Irugo, to the south of which is Lake
Bangweolo : it thus takes the name of Lufii-a (Bartle Frere's ' Lualaba ') andf
falls into Lake Ulenge, or Kamalondo.
II This Guarava is evidently an influent of the great Lulua, or Lualaba, a stream
50 fathoms wide, and formerly laid down as one of the head waters of the Leeambye
or Upper Zambeze. It was crossed by Pedro on the ^gt day of his march, and
he found a large settlement there. ,jr^
1 The Eofoi must be another eastern feeder orihe Great Lulua or Lualaba.
We find in Dr. Livingstone's last labours a Eopoeji influent, crossed by the
Pombeiros. ** Pedro calls these people Viajantes Arundas and Viajantes da Alundas..
Bowdich terms them the nation nf tbig Varoondas. Mr. Cooley, with extreme error,
explains, by the Congo languages, Alunaa or Arunda — elsewhere he tells us
that the Alunda never pronounce the letter E — to mean mountaineers or bushmen.
It is clearly Alunda, Balunda, or Walunda, according to dialect, the great nation

^^

48 DE LACERDA'S LETTER AND INFORMATION
river ; and the people live on milho burro, maize (Zea Mays) and
manioc. From the lands of the Maropoe to those of the Muene-
puto (a chief so called from the Portuguese), either on the east
or on the west, it is one month's journey, and whites (Muzengos)*
come up with their slaves to purchase ivory and captives. The
''ea is large and salt, and from the sun-dried water they derive
the salt brought for their Mambo.t Un ine otner side of this
sea-arm also appear large masted vessels, and houses as big as
ours. The further bank of the river (Zaire or Congo) is occupied
by the Congo kinglet,| a neighbour of the whites. Whatever
cloth he receives from them annually he divides with the
¦said Mueneputo and the Muropoe.
And the deponent further states that, after leaving the
Cazembe's country en route for Tete, he passed the first night
at the village of Muenepanda. After travelling through an
uninhabited country and canoeing across the Euena Eiver,§ he
spent the second night at Caunda, and the third day's journey
brought him to the house of Maruvo. The next stages were
Capangara, fourth day ; the bank of the Mamuquendaxinto
{Mamukwend-ashinto or -achinto) stream or streamlet, fifth
day; Chydeira-mujepo, sixth; Chipaco, seventh; Chinheme-
apes, eighth ; the bank of the Eoarro Grande, || a river which
he crossed in a canoe, ninth; the Zambeze Grande (Eiver
Chambeze), also requiring a ferry, tenth ; Mugruye, eleventh ;
Camango, twelfth ; Xiara (Shiyard), thirteenth ; Caramuga,
fourteenth; Macatupa, fifteenth; Parusoca, sixteenth. He
passed the night of the seventeenth on the bank of the Euanga

ruled over by the Muata ya Nvo : hence Lunda (Mr. Cooley's Eoonda), the cil y of
the Cazembe. (See Dr. Livingstone's first map.)
* Muaawgo is the Mundele, or Mondele, of the Congo, hence Dr. Livingstone's
" BSbmdele, or Portuguese " (' First Expedition,' chap. xix.). That traveller
uses "Bazunga" for Portuguese, and mistakes it for "half-castes;" whilst he
calls Englishmen Makda (sing. Lekda). Muzungu is the general East African
name for a white man Jzun^u being- flip Vpri "f t1ir Tiihitn mnin. Mi-. Cooley
(' Inner Africa Laid Ot)en, p. 35) explains Muzungu to mean " properlv, wisa*'
men :" at Zanzibar I have heard this derivation. Dr. Livingstone (' Second
Expedition,' xvi. p. 331) takes it from "zunga," to visit or wander, perhaps a,
little too fanciful.
t Many African tribes (e. g., the Bube of Fernando Po) hold salt to be a liad
-suhsiituie lor salt water. I have seen sea-water drunk even in thi'TSpe Yci-de
islanas. "'" " ' ' ' ' '' ' -—>-¦»"¦'-— --¦«~'^~—-^*^- - -
r''t"'The great and powerful Manicongo (Lord of Congo) was certainly not tribu
tary to the Muropue ; nor have his smaller successors ever been dependent upon
-the latter.
.|j^ag.%i.2L£2£S&JI£i^^
.JsAaeS: TETs one is tbe Luena oTMonteiro an dCJamiltorBlr. TJavenstcin writes
Euena and causes it to fall into the Luapula. Dr. Livingstone's first map makes
it a widening of the river south-west of the Cazembe's city. His last journey
makes it an eastern influent of the Luapula.
II Probably the Euanceze of Monteiro and Gamitto, a northern influent of the
Chambeze.

ON THE PROPOSED "CAZEMBE EXPEDITION." 49
(Northern Arangoa) Eiver, which is also passed by boats.
During these days his only food was raw millet and beans of
sorts. At the Euanga Eiver ends the nation of the Vaviza
(Muizas) and begins that of the Marave.*
Through the Marave country the stages are. 1, Capangara ;
2, Eummda ; 3, Mazanba ; 4, the .lungle ; 5, Chenene ; 6, In-
haruanga ; 7, Caperimera (this is also found in Monteiro and
Gamitto); 8, the Jungle; 9, the Sansa Eiver (Sanhara of
Monteiro and Gamitto?); 10, Mucanda; 11, Pasnicheiro ;
1 2, the Bua rivulet, crossed on tree-trunk rafts ; 13, the settle-
meut of Caraore ; 14, the Eoveu Eiver,t also passed on tree-
trunks ; and 15, the Bar de Java (Jaua) where the Portuguese
work gold.J (Signed) Dionizio Eebello Cttrvo.
Tete, March 12, 1798. Pubhc Notary.
Deposition of a Muiza Caffre, touching the Eoads to Angola.
From Tete to the Arangoa River the people are Maraves, and
hostile to us. From that stream to the Cazembe's country live
his subjects the Muizas. It is a march of two .moong thence to
"the lands of his father MoropoeT^^^^T^^S^Xfl^^ostly ¦^^¦^ste.
Settlements are not found, except on the banks of four distant
rivers, which are crossed in canoes, there kept for ferrying pur-
p)Oses. From the Maropoe, after one moon and a half, we strike
Angola, at a cove or bay, where are ships larger than the
largest houses of white men here The most inland nation is the
¦Cabinda : § it reaches as far as the Murop6e and the Cazembe,
who, when they want slaves, attack it, and send the captives to
Angola. II (Signed) Sebastiao de Moraes e Almeida.
Tete, March 10, 1798.
P.S. — It is probable that this Caffre speaks the truth. When
* The native thus acknowledges only two tribes, north the Muizas and south
the Maraves. Monteiro and Gamitto (chap, iv.), insert between them the
¦Chevas (Shevas) and the Muembas. Mr. Cooley makes Ansheva (plural of
M'sheva) to mean " the strangers or foreigners."
t Probably the Euia Eiver of our modern maps, which receives the -Aruangoa,
and which falls into the Zambeze at the Kebrabassa Eapids.
X In the text " e e Bar em que unga on minera a nossa gente." ".Bar " means a
¦n¦(^1r^-¦^Y<la^l^-n^r n1a.c.e. Dr. Livingstoue (' First Expedition,' chap, xxxi!) sayiS " WhHh
^manyma^tera umfej] a,t,,me.8p_ot,it was called a ' Bgra/ " ' ~" -
'^'sTPBSCaBinaas ot' the Coast assurett'me that tne^^xtend but a short way into
tbe interior. But there maybe two " Cabindas." In the Brazil we find a tribe
dialled " Cabundas," who are probably Angolese. Dr. Livingstone (' First Ex
pedition,' chap, xix.) mentions a place called Cabinda, near Golungo Alto.
II Our first ocular information touching these countries was given by Peito-*
.theEojiilj^o, who travelled in 1806, and who returned to Angola about ISH.
•^nSsissSefen years after the date of the above documents. E

50 DE LACERDA'S INSTRUCTIONS TO
asked if he knew the name of any stream in or near Angola, he-
replied that there was a river called (Coanza) Quanza.
(Signed) De. Feancisco Jost. Maeia de Laceeda
Tete, March 19, 1798. E AlMEIDA.

Section IV.
Instructions issued to the Members of the Cazembe Expedition by tlie Oovtrnvr
of the Bios de Sena, Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de Lacerda e Almeida.
Her Most Faithful Majesty — whom God preserve ! — in her
Eoyal Letter of March 12, 1797, commanded me to. ascertain
without delaYuf Central Africa cgj^^a-ms any mountains c^pi||>1e
 ___„,________ _ iE, TOicri faurTnto'the M
a little belowCa^o J^Jegro. I am also ordered to see whether
^-SliffiEi.^S.'l ^^^7 ff^y^y^feft fe?!! commerce between Portugal!"
oV^T;|^'TojEKefe"Jgi^^ to report con-
cemmgtheadvantages of the country and the industry of the
peoples, and especially to seek the means of bringing these
•infidels into the bosom of the Church — the principal motive
which urged Her Most Faithful Majesty to so costly an under
taking. I now proceed to execute these orders. And as, in
case of any accident happening to me, the Expedition might,
to the detriment of the service, be broken up for want of
instructions, I issue these directions, holding every one respon
sible for their being obeyed : —
1. The senior superior officer will command; but when
counsel is needed, all the members will assemble, and each will
be heard.
2. An account will be written daily, after each march,
recording and describing all adventures and occurrences; the
quality of the soil, productions, mines and villages ; the manners
and customs of the people ; the breadth, depth, and direction of
the rivers, relative to one travelling from these parts ; the fittest
articles for barter ; and, finally, everything seen, even though
it appear trivial — diffusiveness being preferable to over con
ciseness. 3. Arrived at the (lower) Aruangoa Eiver, the party will
select a proper site* for the settlement desired by the Cazembe,
and will carefully note the advantages to be derived by it from

* In 1824 a colony was founded at this unpropitious spot, by Colonel Jose'
Fran5isco Alves Barbosa, Governor of the Eios de Sena. The land was bought
from the Mambo Muasse, and in 1827 a small force of soldiers -was sent there.
These were withdrawn after two years, and the colony was allowed to go to ruin.
We can hardly, therefore, say that the Portuguese have not explored these parts,
¦which are nbnut on a parallel with the nortliern pnrt of the Nvassa Lake.

THE MEMBERS OF THE CAZEMBE EXPEDITION. 51
trading with the Muiza tribe which there begins. The Lieutenant
of Sena, Jose Vicente Pereira, will descend that river in the
best canoe procurable, to trade with the Caffres. He will keep
a journal, like that recommended in No. 2, and he will avoid dis
embarking at populous places, lest he be insulted by the barba
rians, of whose dispositions we are not ignorant, and lest we lose
the results of a valuable discovery. He must register all such
important information as the number of days spent in making
Zumbo, and the approximative total of leagues from his poiut
of departure to the end of the voyage whence he will regain his
post. His Diary will be forwarded to the Commandant of Tete,
who will transmit it to the Governor of the Province, and
supply a copy to his Excellency the Governor-General of
Mozambique. It must also be shown and another copy must be
supplied to the chief Captain of Zumbo. It is not supposed that
he will require to purchase provisions, as a few days will probably
place him at our colony of Zumbo ; but should he want any
thing, he must put on shore two or three Caffres to buy neces
saries in the villages, and be careful on no account to land. If
the river called by the Muizas "Zambeze," prove navigable
during the dry season, and flow to the right of one marching
towards the country of the Cazembe (i. e., from north-west to
south-east), the party would do well to descend it ; and in so
doing they will pay due regard to all the directions given above,
and register whatever occurs to them as likely to benefit the
Eoyal service. That river is, they say, the Shire, or a branch o|^
it which falls into our {i. e., the southern) Zambeze a little
below Sena. If not, it must be the stream which discharges
itself into the ocean a little north of Quilimane. From that
point he will transmit to the Commandant and to the Governor-
General a copy of his Diary, together with all the information
which he may have collected touching the transport of such
goods as are procurable amongst the Muizas and in the African
interior. 4. Should the said Zambeze prove to be not navigable, the
lieutenant will send his Journal when he reaches the river upon
whose banks is founded the city of the Cazembe. This, the
Muizas assert flows to the right (south-east) and receives their
Zambeze. 5. But, if the said river of the Cazembe flow to the left
(south-westward), and if it may possibly be the Cunene or
another and a branch stream, then Captain Joao da Cunha
and the pilot Bernardino shall descend it with the compass and
sextant. Crown property. They will learn the use of these
instruments on the march, and they must trace the river
according to the method taught to them. They will keep a
E 2

52 DE LACERDA'S INSTRUCTIONS TO
detailed Diary, noting the number of leagues daily navigated ;
the respective distances of Caffre villages on its banks, and
whether the natives know of the Portuguese or any other white
nation. In so doing they will take every precaution against
being insulted. Arrived at the mouth of the river, they will
observe what sized vessels it can admit; they will sound the
bar, survey the channels, prospect the port establishment, and
take the latitude with other necessaries, remembering that Cape
Negro is in S. lat. 1G° 8'.
6. Having examined the river mouth, they will await favour
able weather for running up the coast, as far as Benguela, in
rafts or in any craft that may be procurable ; a voyage which
may be accomplished in two or three days. Thence they will
pass to Angola, and report their good service to His Excel
lency the Governor-General of that province, who will doubtless
lay the names of the Captain and the Pilot before Her Majesty.
Intelligence of the movements of the Expedition should also be
sent by land to His Excellency. Should the two travellers be
unable to go up the coast by want of a vessel, they will return
by the same road ; and, after reaching the city of the Cazembe,
they will make a full report to His Excellency the Governor-
General of Angola, that Her Majesty may receive information
with the least delay.
7. They will perform their land-marches under the safe-con
duct of the country Caffres, who are said to be peaceful, and to
trade with the Portuguese. Their expenses will be paid by
what they take with them, and if that be not sufficient, by the
Eoyal Treasury of Benguela or of Angola.
8. This undertaking being of the utmost importance, all
members of the Expedition are hereby ordered to lend it every
aid in their power, and will be held personally responsible,
should it fail by any fault of theirs.
9. The chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, and the Lieut.-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, shall also be despatched
to Angola. Thence the latter, being the fittest person, shall
proceed to Lisbon, and shall report to Her Majesty the details
of their journey from Tete to the country of the Cazembe, and
from that point to Angola. And I leave to His Excellency the
Governor-General of Angola the choice of sending to Portugal
with the said Velasco (Nolasco) the above-mentioned chief ser
geant. One of them must return here with a full Diary.
10. But if the river in the Cazembe's country fiow to the
right, then the members of the Expedition will advance as
far as they please, and will carry out these orders by descend
ing the first stream which flows to the left. The branch
expeditions concluded, the remainder will return to Tete, and

THE MEMBERS OP THE CAZEMBE EXPEDITION. [53
there report themselves to the Governor-General of Mozam
bique. 11. The greatest care will be taken to economise Crown pro
perty, and detailed accounts of receipts and disbursements are
to be laid before the Junta or Council.
12. The quantity of Crown cloth required for the return
march will be calculated, and the remainder will be bartered
for ivory. This, on arrival at Tete, must be handed over
to the Junta, which will determine what is to be done
with it.
13. They will enter into a friendly alliance with the Cazembe,
and settle and sign with him the terms of a commercial treaty
as favourable as possible to ourselves. They will repress all
disorderly conduct, robbery, and violence on the part of the
troops and the Caffres of the Expedition, lest they lose the
favour of the king, who might treat them as enemies, and pre
vent their passing on to Angola.
14. The better to obtain leave to make this journey with the
necessary help, the king should be assured that our thus opening
communication by land or by the Cunene Eiver will be to his
benefit as well as to ours. His ivories must be sent for sale to
those Eios (de Sena) where they fetch the highest prices. The
Western Coast will afford a better market for his copper, his
" latao,"* and his slaves.
15. The Expedition will act upon two well-defined principles.
Firstly, it is Her Majesty's desire that an easy line of com
munication should be traced between the two coasts, and the
best is, of course, via the rivers. Secondly, they must do their
utmost to discover, for the readier exploration of the interior,
some stream flowing from the Cazembe's country into our
Zambeze, or falling into the sea between Mozambique and
Quilimane. And 1^ expect from mpf^ who are ambitions of. iJie
wtdorv which must resalt-frpm such..a,Jf;:a.t.-ih.!i.t.JiLQ:^is.U'La<ii.,±ii.a..
3LSt!!fisSpI^[[]^a-4^ and will supply all deficiftpfifi.s
found in my instructions. The land is a terra incognita, and
"¦myexpertSiWeTirMato-Grosso of the Brazil has taught me how I
little reliable is information collected under such ci rcumstances.
V-^ therefore, cannot trust' 'fo'TSKlSe'^s^(m3of'''Miinoel Caetano '
Pereira, who tnougnt oi notmng but of his'tradeT"^'""^"^'"""''
1(3. in tne various councils ol the nlxpeclition the members
will commit to writing the orders which I leave them, the
difficulties which may prevent these orders being executed, and
the reasons of those who are of different opinion ; so that, after
the papers shall have been placed before Her Majesty, merit
* This word has before been explained.

54 DE LACERDA'S INSTRUCTIONS, &c.
may be rewarded, and disobedience, cowardice, and remissness
may be punished as they deserve.
And, as it may happen that I have not time to correct these
orders and instructions, I direct, in the name of Her Most Faith
ful Majesty, that this rough draught be held valid.
(Signed) De. Feancisco Jos^ Maeia de Laceeda
Tete, June 18, 1798. E AlmEIDA.

( 55 )

CHAPTEE L
The Depaetube — The Travbllebs Ebaoh the Lupata da Jaua.
" Dirige, Domine Deiis mens, in conspectu tuo viam meam." " Ut cognos-
camus in terra viam, in omnibus gentibus salutare tuam." Psalms v. 9 ; l-vi. 3.
On March 12, 1797, Her Most Faithful Majesty— whom God
defend ! — having commanded me to ascertain the possibility
of overland transit between the eastern and the western coasts
of Africa, I sought at Mozambique, Quilimane, Sena, and Tete,
for information touching those hitherto untrodden lands. But
all was in vain. Those consulted concerning an enterprise not
yielding in importance to the discovery of Asia, only repre
sented to me its impossibility ; their reasons were those of men
who choose the Eoyal service rather as a profession that pays
than of men who love glory, and who would be useful to the State.
I had resolved, in the present year, to visit Maniqa (Manisa),*
as the Crown had ordered, and then to make Zumbo our
westernmost settlement, where possibly satisfactory notices con
cerning the best and safest route could be procured. This
failing, I should next year have pushed on to the interior with
good guides, and by the shortest paths, making astronomical
observations, and thus I should have done my best to carry
out the Eoyal commands, either pacifically or, if necessary,
by other means.
But Pro-vidence smiled upon the righteous and benevolent
intentions of our august Sovereign. Thirty-three days after
my arrival at Tete, I was visited by certain envoys from the Court
of the King Cazembe in the distant interior, one Chinimbu
(Chinhimba), a Muiza, and the other Catara of the same race as
the Cazembe, namely thp. j\rnnrla. t I took down their deposi
tions, and they are given above, together with those of a native

* A couati-y lying to the N.W. of Sofala. Dr. Livingstone erroneously -writes
it Manica (Manika), and in his 'First Expedition' informs us that4J hes
three days N.W. of the Gorongozo Mountains, and that it is the richefs gold -
country known in Eastei^n Africa. At Sofala, its nearest point, pieces of -wrought
. gold have been dug up (they say) near the fort and in tbe gardens. Hence it has
been identified with the ancient Ophir — a point, however, upon which opinions
greatly differ. Tybf " Pr^" ''^^PrMi'VP- " -w""ld fill volumeg ; and we have not yet
-heardJb&4ast-Q£'i-€teldrira-Seutli-Africa." "•""
¦"t Vulgarly Lunda ; the word has been discussed in the preceding pages.

56 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. L
of these parts (the Eios de Sena), and what I could obtain from
other strange Caffres who were lodged in the houses at Tete.*
Short was the time for organising an expedition, or for finding
good porters, trustworthy soldiers, ammunition, and country-
money, Qaffiiuakiih (f^iaXIafcP' beads, and other necessaries ;.
yet I resolved at once, and at all risks, to carry out the Eoyal
orders. In one point I was fortunate ; three or four hundred
Caffres were expected at Tete, some composing the escort of
Chinimbu and Catara, others bringing their own ivories, and
others carrying tusks presented to certain Portuguese inhabitants-
of the town.
On March 10th and 12th, I wrote oificially to the factory and
commandants of Sena and Quilimane, directing them to pur
chase from the resident merchants all that could not be ob
tained at our ill-provided factories in Tete. I offered to repay the
loan in kind by drafts upon the Eoyal treasury at Mozambique.
They refused, however, and nothing was to be done without
compulsion, a proceeding of which the Crown could not have-
approved. The Colonel of Manila (Manisa) Militia, Jeronymo
Pereira. who passes for the most respe(^tahk,jM.a,i;ii..at SenaT'-piiftyv^
Jiimaelf !_aZEa^m"nor'^Iy bv taking exorbitant prices for TiTs
cloth, but also by supplying this primary necessary in Cafire
travel of so wretched a quality that it was well-nigh useless.t
Certain capotins,t sent from the Sena factory, were equally bad,
and of 440 only 175 bore the Eoyal mark. Those whom I con
sulted assured me that, when cloth for the Treasury is bought at
auction from the lowest bidder, the sellers send in superior
..samples and make the bad pay for the over-good.
As time pressed," aiidl coulS noTp^SWfe'Tfi'S" necessary cloths-
and Ardeans,§ I resolved to punish the knavery of Jeronymo
PereffiT'Eiy^irecting the Factor of Sena to take from his ware-
iftiouses the best cloth, to be repaid in kind from Mozambique.
J I also warned him that he himself should be at the expense of
sending back his vile stuffs to Tete.
Although, however, the supplies from Sena and Quilimane
were repeatedly ordered up in time for me to set out about
* Often written Tette. Dr. Livingstone prefers Tette, and explains the word
(' Second Expedition,' chap, xxiv.) to mean " " plsi"" -^ybere t]jfi water rushes over
rocks," in fact, the Brazilian " Cachoeira." "^ " " ' "-" "
t A footnote informsusTEaTaoSfflpBffit against this man -feB^ritten ; but that
this document -with two other papers, besides a map and a second diary, were
lost, ^
t TheCapotim, according to Monteiro and Gamitto, is a blue Jmf, valued whem
good. DfT-KfTk infoi-ms me that it is " two fathoms, a common measure among
natives m their bargains." Dr. Livingstone (^ yecoria Expedition,' pTST) says that
two yaTds of cloth, QjeMtufflU-Were once worth sixpence.
§ A blue stuff like"^^uarte," but differing m"siz5: —

Chap. L PREPARATIONS FOR THE JOURNEY. 57
May 25th, they were delayed bv the river-fioods. by theJoi|££a»,
ing of thfi, iin'suoeqntended Cq,|fres. hv the jiiflnlfinriP. n£,n.tkai»
whites, and bY_Qtherhindrances. Doubtless, mj outfit would
Tiave been cheaper ii brought &om Mozambique, and I should,
if allowed to go there, have found better soldiers than Caffre ^
porters, who are more used to the bow than to the gun. But
this would have involved a delay of two years, before transport
could have been sent down to me by the Cazembe ; whereas, my
orders were to set out at once after arrival.
I assured myself that the ivory formerly carried by the Mujdo^
(Wahiao) to Mozambique had greatly fallen off in quantity,*^
from being sent to^Zamzimbar * (Zanzibar Island and coast) : and
as all or most oi it comes from the Cazembe's country, I
saw that it would be better for him if he sold it to us, not
to the Caffres. This could be done only by availing myself
at once of the king's kind intentions, and by showing him that
we can aff'ord to pay more than the natives, who give only a
little cloth, and that cut up ; whereas, as his message shows, he
wants "whole cloth , as it cprgfip fymm afai." t
On lEhe otber hand, i saw that, despite the favourable ac
counts of trade brought by Manoel Caetano Pereira, our people
would do nothing to win the good opinion of the Cazembe ;
and this, too, at a time when we were about to visit him. I
knew that he, being suspicious, like other Caffres, would prefer
^e certfiiri in t.l-iP nnpArtain and Still Sell to the Mujao — a
practice which would injure us, if at any future time we wished
to trade with him. Moreover, a-Mjigambaz, or slave-factor of
D. Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes, who, after deliver
ing a harangue from his mistress to the Cazembe, had reached
Tete on May 13th, informed me that he had found a good
market for buying ivory, copper, and slaves. I therefore
issued a proclamation, from which, as may be seen in Compen
dium G,| nothing resulted.
I soon found myself in fresh difficulties. An exact muster
proved that, of the 300 or 400 Muizas, at most 100 were avail-

*¦ Mr. Cooley, who appears to have read some of these papers, asserts —
" In 1831 there were no trading routes to the Cazembe but those from the
"West and South. There was no road Eastwards." It was to close this Eastern <
road that both the Portuguese expeditions were made. "Mpoani, near tbe
Querimba Islands," means the Zanzibar Coast, as Mr. Cooley might have
found had he taken the trouble to read my reports. This name also occurs under
the form of Impoane in Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 360), who, however, did not
quite understand the word. ^ ,
f This was especially impressed upon me during my first visit to Dahome.
Those who know the practices of the coast tribes acting as " middlemen " cannot ¦
•wonder at it.
J These two documents are lost — possibly stolen.

58 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. L
able as porters, the others having died or disappeared, whilst
some refused to carry packs. The Sena Caffres had also fled
without a cause, and I expected those of Tete to follow their
bad example, because their masters were frightening them. As a
last resource, I made the owoiers responsible for their slaves.
There was no chance of my collecting more porters. The first
levy had been raised with moderation and impartiality, yet,
¦tfeough many of the masters owned more than 200 " captives," *
'and some held valuable Crown lands, they thought much of letting
me have ten or fifteen, begging me to be content with fewer as
the men leave labour to the more industrious women.
In these straits, I had recourse to the heroine of these
lands, D. Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes, widow of two
¦officers who had held the captainship. Her boats, and other
possessions, are ever at the service of the Crown, and she takes
a pride in the Eoyal service. She replied that, to her legal
share of forty, she would add sixty, and retain only those abso
lutely necessary ; also, that the negresses, who were her chief
stock, were scattered, and working at the mines of Maxlnga,t
where I should pass, and where the rice for our journey was
stored. As the sixty men did not appea^j^ asked D. Francisca if, in
¦case of need, I could use negre|pfes ; she answered, that they
..mj.uld serve me as^ jrelj^ as, ifj__ not better th^^ men .J Avail
ing myself of tEe opportunity, I told her "that if she could
supply the necessary number of negresses, it would be duly
reported as a great service to the Crown. This request the
lady granted with certain remarks, which must be reserved for
an especial report. She at once despatched her freedmen
(Butongasji § with her negresses, and even her house attendants.

C-

. A salve for the conscience of Boman Catholics, who never bought slaves,, but
gmed^risone£s__of war. Pi-ot^iiciia~ia«e-JintiLJaieJy"-found. gold the_best

_i,galTCr^ I'^TErasnie noted that the levies in the text were legal from persons
"hiding Crown property, the " captives " being required for the public service.
t Serra !S^axinga (Mashinga), five short marches N.N.E. of Tete. Monteiro
and Gamitto do not explain the word. Mr. Cooley (loc. cit., 43) says " Machinga
means ' the lash ' an appropriate name for "a slave depot." But it was not a
slave depot ; ^d, firstly, the name is Mashinga, not Machinga. Secondly, Mach
inga does not belong to the tongues of the Eastern Coast (in Kisawahili it is un
intelligible), bu^to the Western or Congo branch. The negroes in Brazil still
threaten one another with '' Machiuga no Malako," — i.e., fustigation on the seat of
i; honour. \
X The Donna Was quite right, as I recorded in ' Fu-st Footsteps in East
Africa.' \
§ Np.fyr^ij-s -ybo b'tf; ni],-.a.nfl wnrk ioj Crownprpperty. The Butonga are pro
bably some con^uerefl nation ; the Tooatmcn on We'Lower Zambe2STise-SeB3ra.and
Batonga' to'^xpfesTTioitii and south. The liolders of " prazos " are generally
¦called "Golonos" or tributary native landholders, who do all the cultivation, and
¦who pay rent in kind.

<3hap. I. THE DEPARTURE. 59
to distribute amongst the sixty Caffres and their wives, the rice
and the loads lying at Tete. The JouKNEY.
July 3, 1798. — Fearing delay from other troubles, I set out
for Nhaufa Fatiola, an estate lying north of the Zambeze Eiver,
and distant about three-quarters of a league from Tete ; where
we had been stationed since the end of June. Our general
direction lay north, through Sonte and Cube — Crown properties*
like Nhaufa — and through the estates of Caboamanga, Pequizo,
Condo, and Chibanbo, to Mitondo. our nig-hting place.t Beyond
Sonte there is broken ground, and the patii winds up narrow,
hill-girt valleys. Our day's march lay through troublesome
thorns, and over lands jeft incult by want of hands, or by the
laziness of their owners ; the oniy clearings and signs of popu
lation were about the huts of the estates above alluded to.
The Caffre men rarely touch the ground, and their women sow
but little. Part of the crop goes to the lord of the manor,
part is made into their bread, a kind of dough (massa) like the
- .i-l„.9iL£2^S^^'S&i-8£-^'^ Bjaagiil and the rest is brewed into
a beeF^pombe), with which they intoxicate themselves, and of
fcwhich much is wasted in their funeral superstition^^__Iwondered
not a little at the universality of these death offings, "whicir*
"CaplEajU'Ouuk foand in 'th"e islandi" lately "Siscovered by him,
and which I myself observed amongst the Eoman Catholic
" Indians " of the Spanish province of Moxos.§ It is likely that
this ^rihlte t.ff the dapa.rted -II is the reauIt.a£-Aha-£eaji of death
Jj^tinctive^o the^ unfijil|ixgis.d, and is, in fact, a propitiatory
ol^jing, for, aTRmy said, " TimoiLfecit DcQS." This waste and
indolence explain the yearly famines to which the Caffres are
subject, even in fertile places.
Some porters deserted, kindly leaving upon the path their
packs, which were carried by the bearers of our hammocks
* The Prazo fateosim (emphyte'osis) is, in Mozambique, land held on condition .
of making certain improvements. ""' ' '""
"'¦I- TliHHH y.l'g'TmriTeg'gr^tates oftffl varving. Mitondo is doubtless the " Ma-
tundo " belonging to D. Filippa Maria deltfoura Menezes, mentioned by Mou-*
teiro and Gamitto.
X ^g^aaJaoutmade of Fuba (maize-meal), and much used by Brazilians. It is
the UgalLof Pnvamwezi. where ' 'sitting upon Pombe " is equally well kno-wn.
§ uJrSftlojos7west of ' the Eio (jrr'and'eI''on'e"orTffie headwaters of the Great Eio
Madeira. II The traveller speaks of ^JjaaaJh Portuguese souls or ghosts. His explana
tion is sougd and philosophical wiSput the. customary shallawness and .tradition,
Dr. Livin^Bne ('First ExpeSifiori,' chap, xvii.) uncons

Dr. Livings^e(' First ExpeSiHon,' chap, xvii.) unconsciously explains the negro
belief when he says " ^ie;oi*q»t»r«4e-Miaagiae-the soul^^J)e..alam£a.Jtfi8J^he
place of sepulture."

60 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACEEDA. Chap. I.
(Manxilas). ^ Sn^^h I^jorbts are fa/^ft] tn prnpr.esa. and are the
worst of examples. XajaiJa»<eaastaaLdread.,,afiE.ggh cases being
¦leported to me.* We could not reach the place where the
cooks had been ordered to await us on the second day ; conse
quently our suppers and beds were such as the reader may
imagine. This had, however, one good effect ; it was well that
certain of the party, who were used to every comfort, should at
»once gpA thfi.p;j{^jj|J|j fiTjger.-S0 as not to find the figure,^j3,^it
. jH.w4i4.ttka.r)pp. tO,"Ppf?^r1V.Q£Pr-oTO-a^Titip.'""' '
July 4ith. — We were throwysMto confusion by the sudden
flight of more than thirty bearers, who left Crown property
to be plundered.! Upwards of twenty belonged to D. Paulina
Anna de Sousa Braganga.J This lady, when her quotum had
been fixed, showed herself so recalcitrant, that I had sent the
Eeverend Father Francisco Joao Pinto, then staying with his
brother, the Commandant of Tete, to declare, in verho sacerdotis,
my unwillingness to punish her, but my determination to carry
out the Eoyal command. D. Paulina yielded, but jiith_d£lay
and bp^,d {rra p.p. This desertion, which seems to be an old prac
tice amongst the Caffres attached to Crown property, compelled
me to go a little more than a league further on to " Inhacen-
geira," where the Expedition was expecting me. Thereon I sent
Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira to Pequizo, where D. Paulina
was living, with directions to show that I had ordered the
Factor of Tete to sell her lands by public auction, if the
twenty fugitives were not forthcoming. I sent the same order
about a man who had not supplied his share of four slaves.
" Inhacengeira " is the last of the Crown lands to the north
of the Zambeze Eiver, and here we enter the Marave tribe.
The valleys are rich, and the occupant (foreho) § mig^ .^ith
JadttSto) which,, h^wever,^, he wholly wants, make it one of the
richest establishments near Tete. " ''""' '
5th. — As sailors in a terrible storm throw cargo overboard
[to lighteniEe ship, so we reduced ""our "goods" to" tU5" TnTOt
t.nefidtMJ.. 'I began reforms at the provisions, and divided our
salt amongst the soldiers and porters, reserving a little for
general use ; when it is finished we must do without it, as they
say 'Ijiungry men want no mustard." A box of tea was distri-

\

" There is no African explorer who will not feel the full force of this sentence.
t The traveller carried with him a trading outfit of about 6000 cruzados or
7001, partly Crown property and partly belonging to the Portuguese merchants of
Sena and Tete.
X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 438) explain how it is that these estates called
" Prazos da Coroa " are held principally by women, and they justly term tho thing
an " Instituigao pessima."
§ One who pays a quit rent J^the Crown.

Chap. I. the LANDS OF THE MARAVE. 61
buted to the officers, also a case of spirits : I remained without
any, as, despite the cold weather, I cannot touch stj;»ng liquor.
Besides other things, two kegs and a large pot «T vinegar re
mained l<phir.d — i^cids disordei;^ the-S-tomach. and roast meat
is meetest for healtn.* iJ5eemg"my party downhearted, I re
presented to them the honour and glory of our undertaking,
and concluded by saying that anyone who liked, might return >
home. They then recovered some spirit ; but only four
members of the Expedition betrayed no weakness, namely, the
chaplain, the chief-serjeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, the lieu
tenant-colonel of militia, Pedro Nolasco d'Araujo, and Antonio
Jose da Cruz, fort-lieutenant of Tete.
We spent the day 4^ subsisting " the people.: ]J7n n gpfrit

I was everywhere, workmgmrd as an example to idlers. In
''the evening the abandoned loads were brought up" by the
Caffres whom I had sent back. Lastly came the captain, with
a report that D. Paulina, terrified by my threats, had gone to
Tete, in order to send her negroes at once. We shall see the .
result. 6th. — I spent a sleepless night, thinking of and fearing de- ,
sertiou, and so it again came to pass — thirty-four more porters^
fled. My foresight and firmness prevented despair getting'
the better of me. To the Caffre care-taker of the Crown property
I entrusted the least valuable objects which were to be brought
on by the slaves of D. Paulina and' her brother^he prnnd .
fooLat-SenPi pf w-hQJJa-I.RpQke in the other-diaxy.t I left some
personal effects, as justice should begin at home, and I looked
forward to reaching Maxinga. My firm resolution to push on,
despite the lateness of the season, calms my mind and enables
me to endure these vexations, as the storm-tossed mariner
consoles himself with exaggerating the pleasures of the port.
Disgusted with the place, I marched on till we entered the
lands of the Marave,t our false friends and fast foes, whose only end
is to fleece us of cloth. We passed three little villages, where
the males, old and young, stood scattered, and without showing
fight ; but each armed with his bow and arrows.§ Caffrejp^
from ' their childhood, never even visit a neighbour withont
these weapons. What a well-made, finely-limbed, graceful race
it is ' I was never tire3 "of looking at theito.  " '

* This merriment is "nae canny" — of gourse it is the result of excitement.'
The trfl.veller was unwise to leave behind .su9,l;i,''^i;ifi^i|ga^,.pomfQrta.^aBd«-to~}«ad

-¦fiSsiirwHESSh: BvijUsJib£^s>zMS'i^^^ij2S£MJ^^i^J^^^^^''^-
 fTtwas lost or ratSerstolen, because it reflp.(-t,pjpiy;^p~nifi^^
t Of this celebrated tribe it is nere sutdeient to remark that the name Marave
or Maravi is properly the title of the numerous petty chiefs.
S I have described an exactly- similar scene amongst the Wazaramo of East
Africa (' Lake Regions,' vol. i. chap. iii. p. 71).

62 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. L
Some elders came up to beg presents, — the tribute paid by
Portuguese travellers, and which is regulated by the quantity
'of goods and by the strength of the party. Thus little can
be gained by the poor beginner going to a distant but good
market; he must, nolens t>oferas,^^jajuhlaiCk)»aiiUa.. cloth .,ta_a
a^^XT^ o£,.EnTnQ.s._or district-chiefs.* for the reputed " avanies "
("palavers," Milandos) of their subjects.
The soil appears excellent ; it is a plain, or rather a prairie,
abounding in streams of the purest water, and from afar we
sight hills higher than those of Tete. Who would credit, with
out seeing it,t that our colonists, having such fine lands, with
slaves and vassals (Mossei^s) annually paying tribute of every
thing, must yet, at tEe'end of the year, buy grain from the
Maraves? Had it not been for this resource, and for the
supplies of Sena and its dependencies, Tete must haVe been
ruined by the famines general of late ; the Marave lands how-
' ever, being cool and fresh, always produce something, even
when the rains are wanting.
But Tete appears an infant colony in almost everything.
It cannot even tan leather, and it ignores soap-boiling and
sugar-making. These articles we might supply to Mozambique,
instead of importing them from Goa. And they often fail, as
during this and the last year, when there was no leather even^
for heel-pieces; the expense also greatly increases — so soap, whose
ordinary price is |8 to $10, has risen to |18 milreis fortes.f
Who would expect the sugar of Mozambique to come from Eio
de Janeiro and Batavia ?
.By way of shaming these people, I TnHm-ifa.ftured three
pounds of _soap : the bad lime and ashes gave._itjaJilack^^Dloar ;
^ As the year was very rainy, and sugar-cane is planted by them in
damp ground, it was necessary to defer, until late in the season, ex-

* TheWord is properly written Mfumo.
t ^rSM. P^™. crer^" is an idiomatic Portuguese saying, mostly said with an
jxrriere-pens^e of Saint Thomas.*- .—..— — — ™"— ..""'— ~«,~,.^,. — .^. ^
+ Per arroba of 32 lbs. I presume. In Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 2) we find
that 140 000 milreis fortes (strong) are equal to $100 000 milreis fracos (weak) ;
the former therefore (= 4s. 2d.) contains 2J of the latter, each equal to Is. 8d.
In 1852, by order of Government, $100 000 milreis (fortes) of Portugal were worth
$410 000 milreis fracos of Mozambique. The latter currency was wholly abolished
by the home authorities in 185.3, but it is not so easy to alter the customs of a
distant colony. D);^^giii;JjaftKHl6d«.'ine (1865) that ttia. coins of Mozambig ue are
still of difierenjt, value, at different times, ift_different jlace3^a'nd''t1ia'i:"in Ms^v
28ff-Ms'Bfffieprovince were valued at 20 reis of Lisbon. Thus $1 400 provincial
would be equal to 100 reis (= one testao = 6d.) at the capital. Tbe Madeiran
milrei fraco is = 4s. 2d., and the railrei forte is 20 per cent. more. At Cape Verde
themilrei forte contains 225 reis, equal to 1000 fracos, and the dollar (4s. 2d.) passes
for 920 reis fortes.

Chap. I. STAT AT aWTTE. 65
tractingthe molasses (mela^o or melado), which is used forsweeten- ,
ing tea and coffee and for coarse confectionery, not eaten in public.
They boil down the juice until it assumes a certain thickness, in
little copper pots, having none larger ; and, after whipping it to^
the consistency of sugar, they use it without other preparation.
Unable to remain at Tete whilst this stuff was being made, I
resolved to see what could be done with irrigated cane. The
season, however, was exceptionally wet, and when arrived at
Sonte, I found, to my astonishment, water flooding the fieldsj,^
Of four little loaves which I had manufactured, one only re
tained a small quantity of coagulated sugar, almost all of which
escaped through the orifice of the loaf-mould. This remnanj..!
PilaiJ-^ and had the pleasure of seeing that, althou^"ittere was
not time enough for purifying the whole, it produced two finger-
breadths of good sugar.
These digressions are not unnecessary. Amidst the multi
plicity of my engagements, many things run the risk of being
forgotten. The Crown, however, must see, not only that the
reports about Sena are greatly exaggerated, not to say false, but
also that the colony, if provided with able handicraftsmen, and
at a certain expenditure of money, will in time become valuable.
I posted sentinels, with orders to hail one another every five^
minutes, and thus to scare away Marave thieves. The people
cannot be trusted, and mine must learn the duty. Were they
soldiers, our danger would be less ; enough to say, that when
they were firing two volleys at Tete, my heart sank within me*
--the greater..pailuksai3J£g:..^^
sruns atiull-cock, whilst„tbfi-jiHer&^d not know Jiow toie^i'.
Such is th"e state of the soldiery in these provinces, and the I
officers are as good as the men.* \
7th. — The porters set out at sunrise, I at 7.30 a.m. Half-^
an-hour after noon, we awaited at a brook those who were\
behind. Later in the day, the lieutenant came on, and reported
that aU the porters had halted near a rivulet, distant three-
quarters of a league from this place, and that when ordered to
advance, they had flown to their inevitable bows and arrows. I
neither wondered at, nor cared for, the flight of five Caffres who,
shortly after starting, left their loads, including my clothes-box.
My mental anxiety is that, to-night, despite all our vigilance,
they will disappear in a body. In order to remedy this evil,
should it befall us, we must leave early for Maxinga, and thence
despatch the necessary aid.

* African travel repeats itself. This scene is a counterpart of one enacted by
the Baloch mercenaries before our march from the Kaole village on the Zanzibar ,
coast. <

64 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. I.
To-day we passed only two small villages of Maraves. Others
are probably off the road, as I often saw men standing by the
wayside, and looking at us. According to the interpreter, they
were surprised to see me riding in a small palanquin, declaring
that the Bive, their king, though a great man, never travels in
J liiiiiM>'. T they call my conveyance. -
8th. — At 2.30 P.M. I reached the Maxinga estate,* at
the beginning of the valley ending with the Lupata (gorge).
Here the negresses of D. Francisca, and a few others belonging
to two Tete men, were digging for gold. My multitudinous
and ever-growing perplexities made me at once send all the
Caffres who were found ready, to aid those left behind. Happily
they were not required ; and on the next day, the whole party
arrived safe. I chose out two hundred able-bodied women,
but, for reasons aforesaid, I could not visit the mines.f
1 0 th.  Diiliifitia'itfl -^y ^ai-"-'^^»--^"'1 <i1l 1 riffl-oo ^l^r. ara nq|^
AuppQKedJtoLJx.fiom work^£jalasK&.afte^^ meals, last night fiftv-
„two of ,^y3g^deserted. When thrown into bitterest perplexity
by the news™ Iwas informed that thirty-seven more had fled.
Those who know my activity and zeal for the service of the
Crown will appreciate my affliction : yet they will do me the
justice to believe that I was resolved to push forward at all risk,
and never to return until absolutely necessary.
I sent forward the xhjef captain of the bush (Mixonga),
Gonqalo Caetano Pereira, with as^any  Caffres as could be
raised, to prevent the carriers deserting on the line of march,
which, however, many did during these three days. They walk
dike cattle, but even in a more straggling way. The reinforce
ments from Tete have not arrived ; the season advances. I
fear that fatigue and anxiety of body and mind will induce
sickness, so to-morrow we leave this place.
14^A.— "Qjii confidit in .Deo non--COftfaLn4etux." saith the
Psalmist. As I was mounting my palanquin at 11 a.m. some
twenty-three Caffres arrived with the loads left at " Nhassen-
geira " (" Inhacengeira," July 4th). I was as joyful as if they
had been twenty-three thousand. I sent with them our neces
saries, reserving a few bearers for the loads abandoned by the
party of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira. At one mile and a half
beyond Maxinga a faithful Caffre slave of the chief captain was
waiting to inform me that in a neighbouring Marave village
lay thirty loads without porters. I sent there the Lieutenant

* The latitude of Maxinga as laid down by the traveller is S. 15° 19' 15", about
the parallel of the Shirwa Lake. He gives the variation N.W. 22° 50' 40".
t This also alludes to some papers now lost. The negi-oes of this part of
Africa will not be looked at, during work, by any except the owner of the mine.
Tho stranger's eye, they say, makes the gold disappear. ,

Chap. I. THE MAXINGA ESTATE. 65
Antonio Jose da Cruz and the adjutant, with the few remaining
negroes ; and presently arrived the medicine-chest, one of my
clothes-boxes, a little tin case, containing four flasks of coffee
and butter, and two canteens of wine, bought for my especial
use. I could' here dilate, were time at my disposal, upon the
insolence of these slaves, who rely for impunity upon a multi
tude of neighbouring chiefs, ever glad to receive them, however
numerous ; UEonthe easy fli£jiJJ,aJ2Lq}™kn^^^
welcome th^n^^ggd, Ji.Q,alJ^]jipiUrw4^^ mi»nmnagejuaQi»>a£<.th«
_Caffre trade. None but a company, aided by good chiefs and
soI3iefs7 can prevent these kinglets, especially those subject to
the Imperador,* from plundering and encouraging desertion.
But what manner of man must the Governor of Tete be ? I
know him not. I can only say that he must be active, wise,
prudent, and gifted vrith all good qualiti-3s.
15th. — The Maraves came for their loads, but seeing my
position they would not carry them till paid. After long
haggling, I gave to each a f^apotiTri (twn binp r'ntfnng) with the
chance of losing all by desertion that night; this, however, the
Caffre of Gongalo Caetano Pereira assures me they will not do.
Other Maraves being persuaded to join by these good terms, I
divided the remaining loads between them and the Tete Caffres,
of whom three had fled during the dark hours. Nothing now
remained but a box of crockery destined for the Cazembe, and
three arm-chairs, for which he had applied, a case of kitchen-
butter for immediate use, and a barrel of gunpowder. I did not
regret the loss of the latter, for, though bought by the Crown
at the highest price in Mozambique, it was not worth its
carriage. Giving orders for these stores to be forwarded, I left Maxinga.
After marching two leagues, we arrived at the largest village
yet seen, and there I was surprised to find the people who had
been sent from our halting-place on the 12th instant. The
soldiers declared that the Caffres had refused to advance, and
that on the same day, after marching only half a league, they
had insisted upon halting at the village, threatening the guard
with their arrows if compelled to proceed. That was credible,
as the same had lately been done to the officers. Present
punishment would only frustrate my plans : it must be deferred
till after our return to Tete. ^^^'
I cannot wonder at the porters, whose natnfeis such. As the
Caffres are the slave factors, whom their masters send to the^
lands of these chiefs, and are here lords of their own liberty,
they march when they like, they carry many women at their
* Meaning the " Undo, Imperador dos Maraves."

66 JOURNAL OP DR. DE^ACERDA. Chap. I,

employer's expense, and finally they do as they please. I
summoned the head men of the porters (nqafiagafflbos),* and
harangued them, after which they promised more activity.
But a short experience has taught me that these men, of
•vicious nature and uncurbed by law human or divine, make
and break their promises at the same moment. We shall see if
I am mistaken as to the result of my sermon.
16th. — The Maraves ran away, and, unluckily for them,
one was captured. This they say will i)e,the source of quarrels |
and of serious " palavers " ("inilandosl. as* the father and relations
of the prisoner must turn against the runaways. Although aU
¦Wm.MTO  tJikZS^j. '!^}^^^I ^^i?g-g?^ i^^^.T.^^^^P^.n.iH^^!^^'^
to be a crime. "Happily appeared other Maraves, who agreed
to receive their pay at Java (Jaua).
At 8.30 A.M. I set out, when certain Maraves, standing by the
wayside to see our large party pass by, seized and carried off two
boys. The negresses screamed, my people rushed to the noise,
a soldier fired in the air, and the two little negroes (here
called bichos) t thus escaped captivity amongst the Caffres. I
halted at a village (Jaua) a little before coming to the Lupata.J
This is the name of a place where the mountains almost meet,
forming a valley which we entered when arriving at Maxinga,
and which ends with the said mountains. The plain near the
highlands is sufficiently fertile, and a large brook of excellent
water and smaller streams course through it. At the Lupata §
ends the district of the kinglet (regulo) Bive, subject to the
" Undo," or Marave Emperor. ||

* Sometimes written Mucazembos and Moazembos : they are the servile head
men of slave parties, not to be confounded with the Mojambazes (Mussambazes)
or Pombeiros.
t According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 14) a slave generally is called " Bj-^" "
/n-ifibnl — -jynrm nr baninti n rrnr j nf |j[ianaTil ipp1i<iatinn : I ha,YsJaeasdJL£iaaSaid^
^,aloeMnotive engine. Jtojggjip (fem. Muleca) is j), ialiwnih°Y fel^iitllft J""-"" ,
_ Jeo"^^r'3oc(gei'Jis an oldslavej Burro (an ass) is a ti a^mi T-^^°^f^J;..Tr J™ l^rTBi"
X Lupata is translated by Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 28) a " col," very im
properly by Mr. Cooley a " glen." Do Couto (Dec. IX. chap. 23) says that the
Lupata or Gorge of the Zambeze River gave its name to the district. Dos Santos
('Ethiopia. Oriental,' part 2, fol. 726) describes the Zambeze rapids as being in
"the Lupata, where there are great ridges." Caetan Charpy (' L'Histoii'e de
I'Ethiopie Orientale ') mistranaEiiUd Dos'yautos, and hence arose the epithet "jjr^at
Spine of the World" (•" - ¦ -•..., . . „ . „
TiiUs us thUl " Canata
At last Dr. Livingston _ ____
Expedition ' he called tbe northern continuation""^ii\lkVTilKunitoins." The older
Portuguese may have prolonged it westward to tlie peAtJMIl'loftY' Serra MuxingaN
§ There are several Lupatas in these hills, MaWCUK,' CLjiIllundo, ana others. /
II His villagS5«8j**#''l»ia'T!y ' 'JWfthlgiro'and Gamitto (p. 53) is called " Muzinda
a Unde." Probably of this tribe Dr. Livingstone (' Second Expedition,' chap. ix. p.

¦Chap. 1. REACH THE LUPATA DA JAUA. 67
17th. — All the Caffres assembled and declared their intention
of spending the day in the large village ; such was the result of
my sermon. I told them that being ill we would halt at noon,^
hut the brutes were unmoved. Dread of their desertion made
me dissimulate, and the better to hide my displeasure I gave
them some beads (velorio) to buy beer. They were delighted,
whilst I, ha-vinpf noted the four most maggotty be^(j,,s ftt/Jie
-¦Party, took thought liow best" to repress and 'punish such
disorders. I gathered the opinions of sundry of my company, especially
of Jose Eodrigues Caleja, who, by the by, had been represented
to me as a ready man, well versed in native habits. I blamed
their invariable answer to all my perplexities, " We must do ¦
what your honour orders us to do." Finally, it was agreed to
put up with the porters' insolence till one or two stages after
Java (Jdua), then seize their bows and arrows, and burn these
weapons in the presence of their tied-up owners, who would, if
properly guarded, march as I might direct.*

198) says : " Formerly all the Manganja were united under the government of then-
great chief, Undi, whose empire extended from Lake Shirwa to the Eiver Loangwa ;
ibut after Undies death it fell to pieces, and a large portion of it on the Zambesi was
absorbed by their powerful southern neighbours the Banyai." Mr. Cooley ex
plains these "Manganja," -who thus hold all the country north of the Zambeze
from the Shirwa to Zumbo, as " obviously an ordinary variation of Mongaza, the
name given by the Jesuit missionaries to the hUl-tribes called Mongazi, or Mon-
gayi, the Portuguese Munhae, rendered in the plural, by " the Makololo " and Dr.
Livingstone, " Banyai."
'* I also had resolved to disarm my Baloch in the Mountains of Usagara, but
I -was too much invalided to carry the thing into execution.

ifA^T^ilR^II

' Tffli March from the Ltjpata da JXm to the Northern
Ijl 8 V *S ^ I ssrff-EutoateA S-iveS. *"/ "4 \.
July 18, 1798. — Being thus subject, for a time, to my porters^
I left the village at 8 a.m. It was impossible, despite all com
mands, to secure on the line of march order and readiness
enough to defend ourselves from the pilfering Maraves, who
carried off a black boy belonging to Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro
Nolasco, and the load of a second, the property of a soldier.
My directions to fire at the legs of any negroes found stealing
were obeyed at length, but though the soldier missed — here no
new thing — the Marave dropped the load, together -with his
bow and arrows. Leaving the village we made for the moun
tain-chain on the East, which I named Cordilheira Marisana,
and that on the West, Joanina, in honour of our mos'T'augu^
Sovereign (D. Maria I.JanH^ost serene prince (D. J^g), who
created this expedition. When near the highlands, TOskirted
them, travelling over the plain before mentioned.
19th. — The Marave porters who had received hire refused to
leave the village where we n^gh|ed, despite my threats of not pay
ing the cloths which, accoromg to agreement, they were to re
ceive at Java (Jaua). I vainly sought substitutes, till, seeing that
none were procurable, and that we must either lose that day or
abandon necessaries, I resolved by contrivance to gain the cause
and to show them that we will not timidly endure the insults
which they heap upon the feeble traders. Seeing the sudden
action, all the villagers fled, but they stopped on hearing that
we had no quarrel with them. The Fumo — Viriwoiroi- small ihft
vjEage, it has always a chief so^^called — after viewing the
cIoRi fm""wh'ii5li:""I"' !il5'J!lT;"tTi§" "only  reason which they understand,
prepared Maraves, who soon became too numerous. After
marching three-quarters of a league, we entered alarge opening in
the Cordilheira Marisana, and, after a gentle ascent, we advanced
over the champaign ground between the ridges which, running-
together, form a group of highlands, divided by fertile and
populous valleys.
We halted at the largest stream yet seen, and bearing the
name of Caruzissira. Here I heard news of a faction-fight
between the CaffresgfD. Fjancisca and ttie few men ^f £Ian|ain

•Cjiap. IL HAL'S ON THE CARUZISSIRA. 69
Joao da Cunha Pereir^ fomented by this man of bad head and
worse tongue. The facts, as recounted to me by Caffre chiefs in
ISTSSBHW^S^the officers. Mere as follows : The Captain, passing
along the path, saw certain Caffres resting with their loads
grounded, as is the custom, and as they require to do : he
ordered them to proceed : they answered, that they would,
after the necesssary halt. Not satisfied, he struck them sundry
blows, and said, " Get on, sots : this jom-ney is the fault of your
mistress, who gave so many porters ; if you had run away like
the rest, the Governor must have stopped." They added that
the Captain had twice or thrice so treated them without my
knowledge ; that they had not fled, on account of their mistress's
express ortlers, but that they must do so if such maltreatment
¦continued. They owned that they had come into collision with
the Caffres of the indiscreet Captain because, when raising their
bows to lessen the strength of his blows, his " captives," who
presently fled leaving their loads, had thought that the action
was done in opposition to their master.
If this be true, that Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira punished
the men for not deserting, there is little doubt that this bad
man, without compromising himself, had held out similar
inducements to his own followers, especially when, despite my
urgent want of hands, he proposed to send three of his Caffres
from Maxinga to Tete. It is certain that the Quartermaster
(o Furriel) of the little gang of porters who carried my small
palanquin, persuaded his men not to desert this morning, as they
had resolved to do in consequence of the Captain's maltreat
ment. I had heard a fair portion of his bad language, but I kept
silence, judging that it might be used with some good reason,
and I awaited the report upon the subject with which he ought
to have supplied me.
When Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and the other
officers who covered the rear-guard reached the place of the
fray, they found all D. Francisca's Caffres, men and women,
gathered together, and ready to give up their loads before
j-eturning to Tete. They declared unanimously that they could
no longer endure the Captain, adding an account of his rebuke
— I ought to say his advice — together with the orders given by
their mistress. The officers persuaded them to take up their
loads and to complain to her, who would hear their repre
sentations. Thereupon I satisfied their headmen and them
selves with good words and a few gifts. A sharp rebuke was
sent to the Captain who had caused the mutiny, and the affair
requiring further investigation, I shall see what more is to be
done. We passed a village called Murambalo, and all the soil
thereabouts appeared to me auriferous.

70 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IL
2Qth. — My company was not the only one which had an affray ;
that of the Chief Captain of the Bush (Mixonga), whom I met
at ten o'clock, came to blows with certain Maraves who had
attempted to plunder his people.
2lst. — We arrived at Java.* About sunset an envoy of
Mussidansaro brought a message from his master that the
Maraves, having robbed a package of porcelain beads (velorio).
Crown property, which had been entrusted to them' lor' trans-
port, his master would enter the robbers' village, seize three of
them, and not release them till the plunder should be restored.
He added that he would carry off as much millet as he could, but
that the delay would not permit him to visit me at Java. This
prince Mussidansaro is a great knave : he came from the
Cazembe as a man of business to visit D. Francisca, whom, being
highly respected by blacks as well as wEilesTTEeycall Chiponda,
that is to say, " the lady that treads all u^der hexieet," to beg
that she would send Jier son to tide king. V. i'rancisca, availing
herself of this opportunity, requested her lord the Cazembe to
treat me as her son sent under his care, and to defend me from
all dangers. ^^
The Amazons (women porters) being now weary and footsore.
I ordered Gonpalo Caetano Pereira — the scanaa,i oi' tne xete-
people, simply because he had supplied me with Caffres — to
collect Marave porters for carrying the goods as far as the
Aruangoa River, and then pass them on to the Muizas. As I
wanted many Maraves, we stayed in that place several days.
22nd. — To-day I have twice crossed the large Aruangoa River.f
In one place the water reaches the bend of the leg, in another
part, somewhat higher up, there is a bridge of canes (bamboos)
tied together. I already know in this part of Africa three
streams of that name : this is the first ; the second % is that
falling into the Zambeze near Zumbo, dividing the lands of the
Maraves and Muizas ; and the third is in the lands of the Baroe,
between Sena and Manija.
The mines of Java, here called Bar,§ were discovered seven or
eight years ago by Gonpalo Caetano Pereira ; at present they

* In Dr. Livingstone's ' Second Expedition,' we find Goa or Goya, which may
be the same word (chap, xxvii.) In chap, xxxi., however, he mentions " JSwa "
(Jiua). t This is the Aruangoa-Pire or Jiua of Monteiro and Gamitto, who make
it flow westward into the northern Arutogoa-Posse (p. 31). " Pire," in the local
dialect, means a range of bills, a Serra, and the adjunct distinguishes the stream
from its northern fork, the Aruangoa-Posse. The difference between the Aruangoa-
Loaugwa and the much smaller Aruangoa Eiver has already been noted.
X The fli^st (northern Aruangda) is one of tlie headwaters of the second.
§ I have before explained the meaning of Bar. The proprietor's house is called.
"Luane."

Chap. II. MINES OF JAVA. 71
are worked by the negresses of only one inhabitant of Tete,
and aJLthese women fled to the bnah, justly thinVing tl.at T rr.;jTl|t •
require their..aervices. These diggings might pay, but they are
"Uespised because men ignore working them : all know tliniti fi(f It^ in
jot always superficial, and that when deep^jMlddemb^
tions are uprpsgwy-; whereasthe mining women of the Eios de
Kena, failing to find the metal on the surface, at once aban
don the spot. They know absolutely nothing of 'the con-
dnAiJTig and the If^ypllirip; r.f YfoiPT without whose aid gold will
not pay e,ven in the best placeros. The want of blacksmiths is
another obstacle of the many that prevent efficient working. I
saw Caffres in Maxinga baling up stagnant water with bas
kets as closely made as possible: in this sort of "litus
arare " business many negresses were employed. Knowing these
errors and defects, I have neither time to remedy them, nor,
if I had, would skilled officials be forthcoming. Such, however,
is the state of that Sena whose fame reaches the clouds.*
I passed the day in subsisting my people and in enduring
their importunate demands, which make this my purgatory.
Visiting in the evening the quarters of the Muizas, I thought
myself in a village of artisans. Each family or individual has
a hut of tree-boughs, and the air resounds with the blows of a^
kind of club or wooden axe upon the slabs of bast, which they
convert into clothing, and with which they buy provisions from
the Maraves. The latter, on the other hand, have no manu
factures, but occupy themselves solely in growing millet, sweet,„
potatoes, and large yams — the, " cara " of the Br^zjlt-^and in
plundering passengers. H|f re llTe inillei-statTatmn^ a height of
jLvvrY -fQty^QfflS, proyiu.g-^.ha^^ilL£y..b-^4,li'|?^^^^  J-^uringtiiekTifrines
of Tete, the people used to come or send for provisions, with
great cost and toil, to this place, where, the valleys being fresh
and cool, want of rain-waterb^ very little effect. There is also
a quantity of the NhamucJoro bean, which the Brazilians call
Guandu.J 23rd. — Until 7 p.m. the expected Marave party did not
appear, although I was informed that they were being collected.
About 150 are wanted, and if they fail us, it will be trouble-

* The traveller would have found the English Gold Coast quite as backward as,
Sena. The place is a mine of wealth, and yet I doubt -whether a pound of mercury
or a cradle has ever been seen there. And in London he would have met with
statesmen, even more improgressive than the Gold Coast men, who are capable
of telling you <-t,Q4^,^nl<l jj^ ]^f.f,ryiiT,or -t-nn nnrj^mpn -vvill posterity believe it ? ¦""~yt«
t The Csxi {Helianthus iuberosiis),"a, favourite Brazilian vegetable. .1
X This is tbeDoll-plant of India, the " Thjir" of Hindostan, the 'JMjaa,of the
Arabs, tbe ;yQ^)^!JTTir'"l!HB" Wf ^awahili. a]S?P°M"''0?S^ts^i^OTS." BeeTournal
of the Eoyal Geographical Society ' (vol. 29, p. 400)r°1!nen^ra largely into the
dish called Kiohhri.

72" ' ¦ JOURNAL OP DR. Dfe LACERDA. Chap. IL
some. In such a case, only the negresses can extricate me, and
even then many loads must be left on the ground. The number
cannot be filled up with those working at the gold-washing, as
both sexes would fly to the bush.
The two Muizas, Chinimbu and Mussidansaro, took up
my time, and stunned me with their disputes, already reckon
ing upon the honours and gifts of the king (Cazembe). They
"wish to decide who shall conduct me to him. The former
pleaded priority of claim as bearer of the royal message ; the
latter that he had been sent by the King to request a visit from
D. Francisca's " son," in which category I was committed to
him. When made umpire, I pointed out Chinimbu and Catara
as the King's envoys, they having first brought me a direct
(message and having accompanied me as Manibo or great man.
On the other hand, I owned that Mussidansaro was carrying me
as a " son " of D. Francisca — as all held me to be, either
because I was inferior to her in reputation, or because I
had lodged in her house. And neither having any present
superiority, I told them that they must be friendly till we
.should reach the King, when the weighty matter could be
decided. They wished to continue the dispute, buttailiaJi^isiL
sons orThejoyattongi^s of Cicero andDemosthe-
___ ^  ^ ^en.
',.' — Knowmg by short experience the habits of the
Maraves, I was aware that one of them receiving pay would
bring with him the whole village. The few, however, that
came, demanded, contrary to their practice with the Portu
guese paupers who have passed this way, such exorbitant
wages, that I preferred to continue the journey as well as might
be with the negresses. Almost all the wheaten flour was divided
amongst the soldiers and the remaining escort: we resolving
to rely, by way of bread, upon the Angii or country millet-
dough. Cases of rum and brandy from Portugal, intended for
emergencies and as presents to the kinglets, the salt, the remaining
vinegar and three cases of bacon, shared the same fate. He who
can eat withQul..salt...-and.-vine.g.ar,, w^];its iXQ^iafiGP. In this
there is nothing strange, except to one who says, " Deus mens
venter est": it^ is natural in one w.h,o . eats „ to live, .§;ncl„jvJjo
does_ailt_lisajto eat. My proceeding was caused, not only by
tlie exorbitant demands of tbe Maraves, but by the certainty
that the Muizas, if not equally favoured, would revolt, and
with good reasons, as they had often done before in lesser
matters. They would have stacked their loads near the camp,
and they would have gone their ways — what could I do to them ?
Unable to punish even my slaves, I was obliged to submit.

Chap. II. HALT ON THE CHIGUMUNQUIRE. 73
26th. — My sickness did not delay us. After resting for some
days, the start is ever slow ; the-pfji^pje baQ/.\me idle, and JisiiL.
loads must De redistributed, as twenty-seven have fled from
"Java. ¦"'^rS' crossed" fhe'ridge lying to our east and halted at the
small stream Chigumunquire, where the messenger of a kinglet
ruling the lands beyond the stream came to beg from me a
little cloth. As Portuguese rarely pass this way, it is a much
esteemed article, to be obtained by any means, fair or foul.
Few possess any, and when they do it is old. They cover their
waists with tiger (leopard) skins, and having neithAi- minpa -nr.T
4yory, nor many slaves, and consequently little cloth, they think
^pT nothing;, but plundering 'l^L.ieeh[0xa!SmSri?Scrm^^-'^ '
iiumTers! Hence tHeir arrogance, their pilfering, and robbery,
and the injury which they inflict upon themselves and others.*
27th. — Tp^'-^-J^'^'^ ^it]b.iithfi inpaitiial^^f thirst and the intense cold
of the Sezao (a .ggasoning fever or^.t.of" ague jaiiiiTCT
attackeome at 5 a.m.TT set out three hours later. Nothing
more miserable than to have to do with men wanting common^
sense like these Caffres, Avho are absolutely indifierent to good.
and evil ; whn.feel q.^lj -tvl-ip." thpArpilffpr^X^XT^^
themselves to be persuaded. No reason will convlncei - tll'gin
thal^ 'when jpossible, we'sliould march together to baffle enemies
and robbers, and that we should start early and travel farther,
lest the failure of the military chest leave us J^ii woful want.f
Until they see me en route all hide in the bush.^
I pushed on, by the officers' advice, as far as they would go,
to some place where I could nurse my violent fever; when
about midday I halted, and was informed that tbe Maraves had
insulted, robbed, and maltreated the party. A violent headache «
and abnormal prostration prevented my going back ; and, think
ing the quarrel settled, I sent the sergeant-major of ordnance,
Jose Eodriguez Caleja, who pusillanimously went off with a bad
will. The force having as usual been distributed amongst the
party, I remained with my escort. At 4 p.m. our people arrived,
excepting the chief captain of the bush, Gongalo Caetano
Pereira, who remained in the Marave village with his folk
and the Muiza porters. I directed Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco,
who was present, to draw up a proces verbal, which was of the
following tenor : —
" On the 27th instant (July) His Excellency the Governor,
according to habit, set out in the vanguard, accompanied by the

* " O povo Marave passa por ser o mais ladrao de toda esta parte da Africa." —
See Monteiro and Gamitto, p. 26.
t I found things exactly the same when marching from the Zanzibar coast to
the Tanganyika Lake.

ti JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IL
Rev. Father Chaplain, the sergeant-major of ordnance, Jose
Rodriguez Caleja, and the fort-adjutant of the Fort of Sena,.
Jose Thomaz Gomes. They were followed by Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira, the chief captain of the bush, by Captain Joao da
Cunha, and after them came Pedro Xavier Velasco, the chief ser
geant of militia, and the Lieutenants Antonio Jose da Cruz,
Manoel dos Santos e Silva, and Antonio Jose Pereira Sa
lema.* The last-named, arriving at a Marave village, were
stopped by three Caffres, who, coming forward, attempted to
seize their cattle. The sergeant-major advancing to inquire
why this was done, the soldiers of the train replied that the
Maraves demanded pay, as the cattle had eaten some of their
millet. At the same time other Maraves assembled, and declared
that this was not the land of the white men (Muzungos), that
the latter must pay for transit, and if not, that they would seize
the cattle which had eaten their grain. The chief sergeant
replied that the first who dared to do so should be shot dead.
They then pretended to calm down, declaring that it was a
boyish plot, but that something must be givfin.._to end the
4*alaver ' (Milando). They *l'ollowed our people to another
village, where the sergeant and Lieutenant Antonio Jose da
Cruz met Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira and Gonoalo Caetano
Pereira. The latter, persuaded by them, offered a Cbjftgijbo.t or
twenty strings of white beads, and when they were discontented
he added a, capotim or two cloths. Still, emboldened by having
bullied the poor traders, they refused, and began to set upon
him face to face. Captain Joao da Cunha, wishing to retreat
from the fray, ordered his bearers to bring his hammock (Man-
chila). The Maraves opposed this, and when beaten off by his
slaves they attacked the hammock of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira,
carried it away into the bush, and drove off a cow. Our
Caffres, seeing this open theft, rescued the beast with club-blows,
and used sharp weapons upon a few who must have suffered
severely. The Muizas came to our people's assistance, beat all
the Maraves they could seize, carried off their arms and put
them to flight : they then destroyed the neighbouring villages,
razing six, after looting all the millet and other things they
could find. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira came in for a few blows ;
Vasco Joaquim Peres (Pires) escaped being treacherously
killed with an assegai, and Pedro Xavier Velasco avoided an
arrow. The village-Fumo and another Marave were seized to

* In other places called Jos^ Vicente Perara Salema.
t Monteiro and Gamitto mention the Chtmbo (de Missanga) p. 113, and in p. 11
tell us it is equal to twenty strings. It is in fact the equivalent of our fathom of
cotton cloth, the bra5a or the ehujikah,. of Z_anzibar. ^-   ..  -^

Chap. IT. THE MUIZAS CANNIBALS. 75-
account for the missing hammock and for two packages of white
beads (mutores de velorio)* robbed during the affray. Pre
sently all the plunder was restored : I did not, however, omit
to blame the officers for supporting too patiently such annoy
ance on the part of the savages, and for not using their fire
arms upon the thieves.f "
28^^. — The Muizas, who had remained at the place of
plimder enjoying their spoils, came up to my quarters. I
changed my mind about their not being cannibals, as they sang
a song to the purport that " had such a thing happened in their
^countrjj^they would to-day^liave'Sat8trTnTtch^0asfr'm«wfc^''-'My
""complaint so increased fEat I doubted my'suryiving it, and I
had no other remedy but recourse to " Agua de Inglaterra "'
(English water ?) against the opinion of our doctors, who can
hardly read. They know but three diseases, " constipacao " (cold
closing the pores and often bringing on fever), '^'mordaxim^"
(gripes or cohc), and 'Ifraqueza " (general weakness,' especially
impotency). On the 3(TffiTr*was reported to me that there was
no provision for the people, that no village was in sight, and
that many of our Caffres had fled. I ordered that on the
morrow they should put me in my palanquin, no matter how
deplorable might be my state, and set out in search of food.
81 si. — Quinine had prevented the increase of my iKiess — the
only improvement, but no small one. I was carried to my
palanquin and took bearings to the best of my power so as not
to lose the line of our march.
August 7th. — Fever prevented my keeping the Diary till
to-day. No news except that we have crossed the little
streams " Ruy " and the " Bua," $ which falls into the Chire
(Shire). The country traversed is so poor that nothing can
be procured but millet, sweet potatoes, yams, ground-nuts
(Amendoim), and a few bananas : these, however, are abundant
and cheap. M^r~oui^svj^^&3X,^is ,xice''-mjst;tu^-..^ Not a chicketf"
during my sickness ! not the smallest bird to be seen, and no
sign of game : possibly the famished Caffres, after finishing their
stores, .declare war even n-uw^M^-^'^^'^-^^^f^i and have thus^
exterminated birds ' ' and beasts. A few slayes are the only

* Motor or mutor is explained by Monteiro and ^Gamjtto to mean trouxa, a
bundle. \
t The officers were probably right. A few deaths might have stopped the expe
dition, and would certainly have ensured its destruction on the down march. But
Dr. de Lacerda did noj_expect to return this way, and African\feyer soon exhausts
fSe'!r^I^JSffie£cSr""*~----*~™''*~~""" ' --—'-*— 'T""'™
{ T3!onteiro and Gamitto give a Eiver Euui, and several called Bua, Vua, or
M-vua, which in Kisawahili would signify rain. The Shire Ewer, draining the-
Lake Nyassa, was evidently, I have said, well known to the Pormguese.

76 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. II.
traffic, not an ivory, not a grain of gold, which, however,
abounds here.
Since yesterday we have seen hares, she-goats, and black
cattle. The latter would be fat and sightly, if not kept entire :
still both are large, and they have not the evil savour of uncas-
trated animals. I have ever heard it said " tjiis or that thing-
jis-bad as ^c^ai'n mea.t-" The adage is not true of the,gjjg5gciats
in^hiSjOauJitry and of Sena; without exaggeration, thelr^fl^H
jaJjfittee. flavoured than.the mutton of Lisbon, and it is "used at
the best tables. Ivory also begins to appear. At the narrow
but deep Uzereze Eiver,* which receiving the Bua, falls into
the Chire, we met some^ flying Caffres, who trade with
Mozambique. I could not con-yerse with them, as they at once
disappeared. We halted on the banks of the Uzereze River,
near the village of the King. Mocando, the most powerful in
((people, and dreaded Marave cbiet~of these parts: he was in
great fear because of our sickness.j
8th. — Almost all our journey has been more or less towards the
N.N.W., but since yesterday we have made ,westing. It is this
bend that places the Cazembe's country so far from the western
(eastern ?) coast, and Ic^ the distance ""i^ist . l|g,^ ^jj|(-|(^^fl .the
(^gerp^uaj[, trpubles caused^ by the" carriers. Since we crossed
tnecEaTnwKbse' valley s^vTe'lhr^ the Maxinga Station,
we have wanted water, and that found in the villages is taken
'from pits (mjxeiras), and a.s-vi'lpte as milk.t I sent forward
to the Cazembe the chief sergeant oi' militia, Pedro Xavier
Velasco, who with his armed slaves volunteered in this expe
dition to serve the Crown, taking Avith him the ensign of
militia, (and?) Manoel Caetano Pereira. To Velasco was
oOmm'itted a copy of the instructions appended to the Diary.§
/ The dearness or want of salt is here so great that it becomes
an article of commerce, and is very rare. To-day I saw a
Marave woman making it ; it was a^mere ley of ashes, with
hardly i^ sharpn^gg^pf^thejiixi via, and without any likeness to
the piquancy and flavour oF""salt. Perils, however, habit
^"i-"'; TPf" ri''^^'?r ^*' ^" ""''''- Amongst the inaians ol tne
.Rio Negro, in the captainship of Para (the Brazil), I saw a salt

* Monteh-o and Gamitto (p. 113) call tbis the Ruareze Eiver : they describe it
as running east (to the Shiro River or to the Nyassa Lake), eight fathoms broad and
three deep. They also mention the Mucanda, Mambo (chief) of the Chevas
(Shevas), as the most powerful between tiie Zambeze and the Aruangoa riveM,
and in p. 448 tbey call him " king of the Che'vas." ^
t There is-always- much trouble il.aforgj,gjlfi]jj£g.,ill,this part of Africa. •
X I found the same in the tJgogo country, a drylaiid lying to the west of the
Usagara Mountains, the eastern Ghats of the Zanzibar coast.
§ This document never reached head-quai'ters.

Chap. II. SCARCITY OF SALT. 77
different from sea-salt in its outward colour, not in its taste;
iti-was extracted from the ashes of a small wild cocoa. ^
i)th and [()th. — -The Caffres, not contented "with our halts
which, as the Diary shows, were frequent, and scandalised by
our marching on an average 2^ leagues a day, refused to
advance, and sent back some of those who had gone on. I had
no remedy but to await them in a village called Chitenga.
The unreasonableness of these neg-roes is shown by my Diary,
but the cause ot aisortler may be traced to certain members
of the party, against whom 1 will proceed in due time. At
present I must bear all, and dissemble my thoughts, ^\it'b. the sole
object of forwarding and successfully finishing the expedition.
To-day (10th) the said Caffres arrived, and to-morrow we advance.
11^^. — It was necessary to halt at 10.15 a.m., as the Caffres
are accustomed to night in this place — a poor excuse, which
would be valid if water lay afar. I am in despair, thinking of
the want of supplies, of the necessity for wintering in the
interior, and of this delay in carrying out the orders of the
Crown. My blood boils to see the likeness between the Caffies
and the whites who, introduced to me as knowing the manners '
and customs of the natives,,^a££. adopted only theirsuperstitiop
QTV^^^lTr|Tjlii:ipti"Tl° -ndnVIi^ ^^ar^ ir, t'"?ir~~nwfi' reTTHerfeemltrHlV
detesteble.* Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and the chief sergeant
Pe3ro°Xavier Velasco are the only two hitherto found faithful,
and with whom I can unbosom and solace myself.
From the Mocando's country to the (southern) Aruangoa
River,t another tribe, the Mutumbuca, is mixed with the Maraves,
subject to the chief of the latter, whose sons govern them.t
Generally speaking, both these Caffre families are well formed
and robust, but the women are rendered horrible by their habit
of piercing the upper lip to admit an ivory circlet, or a bit of
dried gourd of more than a thumb in diameter ; you may say
that the upper hp. serves as. ^un-bonnet to the lower. I saw
only ""one Of lliem with the lower lip similarly pierced and
bunged. The men wear in their ears stars or rings of pewter, ;
or, lastly, young bamboo shoots — canes about one palm long.§
On their bodies they draw star-like lines and patterns, which

* I have abbreviated this and many similar passages. The traveller's unfinished /
journal is not a work of art, and therefore there is no fear of mutilating it.
t Namely the marches of July 26th, 27th, 31st, and August 7th.
X Thus the Mutumhukas, also called in the Diary (August 20th) " Botom-
bucas " are clients or helots of the Maraves. I have treated the subject of
double races in my work ' Zanzibar City, Island, and Coast.' Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 150) make the " Tumbuca tribe serfs of the Chevas " (Shevas or An-
sbevas). Mr. Cooley writes the word " Mutumboka."
§ I do not know whether this is the short palm of 4 or the long palm of 8 ^
inches.

78 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IL
are not without their own peculiar beauty. They wear various
head-dresses and necklaces of velorio* or of cowries : this last is
of the best quality, and passes not through Sena, where an
inferior sort is current as the first Others part their hair into
^as many ringlets as can be made, about the size of quills ; each
lock is^aited with tree-fibre .fcaaL-the joot- to Jthft-poi^'t, so
closely tKlTii'ls' hard,' and projects spike-like from the head.f
Some few begin to tie these pigtails round the roots, and thus
they fall over the head with a graceful bend.
12th. — To-day I passed two places : one sh6wing saltpetre on
the ground-surface, and the other evident signs of gold. Both
are inserted in the map.|
I'Sth. — At 10 "30 A.M. we reached the village of the chief
Caperemera,§ son of the Mocanda. The villages of the latter
are very populous, but those of the former much more, since
many Muizas, driven by hunger or attracted by the fertility
of the Marave lands, here assemble. I propose to myself on my
return to make further inquiries ; these peoole are ever exag-
„gCTating or diminishing^ without.-aTjpMjvJjitL-T'r^^'^""-
~lViy sleep" is lost ana my days are spent in thinking how to
obviate the delays, the slow marches, and the Caffres' insqlenpe.
From my own people tuere is no advice, beyom acoid ' ''^"vV e
.must do what your honour orders." If I propose a plan, they
approve of it in my presence, and disapprove of it in their
private conventicles. "^^IJiCT T f\fM, a PCTn?ai"^-tfliibfi 'i^Wl^'''-'^-
>all cry out and do-nothing '-^^^^^^^^^^Sjisd^ the few soldiers
are nier'e"''Ci'afrfes,"like the''rest7^WnenI proposed, after the
time specified, to arrest some sixty of the most mutinous porters,
those who advised the measure opposed it in a cowardly
manner, declaring that if the Caffres — who differ from our
,^ American negroes as the moon does from the sun — were made
prisoners, the Maraves would become dangerous. As though a
single shot or death would not — so at least our men often have
, boasted — put to flight a Marave army ! || Presently, these half-a-
dozen white men so thwarted me, that I resolved to keep my
own counsel, and to manage everything myself.

* I have before explained velorio to mean a large opaqu^^elain bead.
-f The Wagogo of Eastern AfrieaailTO plait their hair wnh tree-fibre, and the
effect of the head-dress is that oP^e Sphinx. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 154)
describe and sketch the spike-coiffure alluded to in the text.
X A foot-note informs us that this map never came to hand.
§ In August 1831 this chief (" Caprim^ra ") -was visited by the expedition
under Messrs. Monteiro and Gamitto. They remark that the old man boasted
much of having received Dr. de Lacerda.
II I think that the reader will here agree with the party, not -with Dr. de
Lacerda ; at least I should. The account in his text is inordinately diffuse, and
calls for abridgment.

Chap. II. REACH CAPEREMERA'S VILLAGE. 79
Finally, on reaching Caperemera's village, I sent to inform
him of my illness, and my wish to see him. The chief (Mambo)
presently appeared, — a fine-looking man, full of natural grace.
Summoning all the servile head-men of porters (Mocazembos)
I said in their presence that I had much friendship with his
father (the Mocanda), in virtue of which he had at my request sent
•orders to all his vassals and villagers living on or near our road,
to seize and to bring before him all the Caffres taken without "
a pass from me, and to sell them forTi)s~osmpfoB!r.'"Tr'aul^
"him to put to death those whom he could not seize, promising
-on my return an ample reward. The truth is, I had failed to
obtain this from his father, because the latter had feared to
¦visit me, and moreover because I had neglected, through igno
rance of their customs, to delay with lj^J^fo£.£day, which they
bold fv bigii \^r,na,^r I^aHSeTTEaT irw^*myl™E^
contract with himself strict friendship, and to open commerce, by
which he would be the gainer. By sending to Sena his tusks and
gold, as his land contained it, he would obtain more cloth than
from the slave-factors (Mossambazes or Pombeiros) of Mozam
bique, and on my down march he ought to despatch with me
some of his "children" to Tete, where they would see the
advantages of such traffic. I expressed, furthermore, a desire
that he would respond to my offers of friendship by posting
three of his messengers (Patamares) on the different roads, and
seize as his own slaves all the fugitive Caffres who could not-"
show my token of dismissal.
The present of a red cloth (xaile), a piece....of thin Indian
cotton (zuarte), a flagon of rum, a^d-'^-triclomof^jSil-* (um
panno de'cauril). confirmed our-Afendship. The chief in person
leading the Caffres who accompanied him, sent for three of his
slaves, and, before all of our head-men of porters, he gave to
each a bit of papet', which I had stamped with my arms, and
he ordered tl^em at once to carry my plan into execution,
adding that/ if any runaway showed a similar token he was to
be brougljt before me, that it might be verified. I admired the
presence of mind shown by this Mambo, and the vivacity with
which, fie replied to one, who asked what he would do with the
Caffres who might now desert. He said at once that he
woTjId sell the runaways, as all fugitives had been given to]
him by me. '
,The Mocazembos, hanging down their heads, hastened with

/
s * Dr. Kirk says, " It is uncertain how much this measure of cowries may be.
It is probably an equivalent of the panno or pano (cloth), the unity of monetary
value and worth in 1832, as we are informed by Monteiro and Gamitto (Appendix
I.) 120 reis fortes = 6d. •'¦*

80 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. li
the intelligence to their companions, and all showed, I am told,
such sadness that the inference is either they intended a general
desertion after the departure of the women, or they feared
future chastisement, finding the door of escape shut, and com
pelled when avoiding Charybdis to fall upon Scylla. The
Mambo replied to me that he valued my friendship ; he had
not, however, sent his "sons" to Tete, as his ancestors had
never so done, and that, his people .did-no,|j, .extract gold, Jbecause
theyjmew not what it was. Hoping that by these measures my
Caffres willTnafeh farther, and that in case they desert, despite
all these precautions, others will be forthcoming, I determined
to dismiss the negresses who had accompanied me -with, so much
good will, and who had proved themselves so useful upon the
tardy journey.
nth. — Caperemera came to see me, and in si/n of friendship
gave me a tusk, upon which I directed the if^al mark to be
placed. Thus the Treasury will be indemnified for a large cloth
(roupao) and other trifles which he begged. As he would give
a superabundance of porterage, even though all the Caffres
should desert, his wishes must be consulted. He teUs us that
he expected eighty Muizas, on account of the chiefs of another
village, and that if forty or fifty men are wanted he will supply
them. I cannot, however, move even to-morrow, as the porters
must prepare provisions for the first few days. When the fort
adjutant of Sena told him to thank the .Manes ^big ^ang^.s^ors
(Muzimos),* whom these people dei^^7^r"iay"pasSng through
his land, and for making him those presents, he replied that
he was not a slave-boy (Caporro), and that he had a large
heart.! v^
15th. — My dependence upon Caperei»€ra made me lavish
upon him the greatest signs of friendship that I have ever yet
shown to man. I marvelled at myself, as I had ever detested
flattery, especially of those who were powerful enough to
advance me. On the other hand the Mambo, expecting all
things from me after my return to Tete^slTowed no remissness in
urging the presence of his Muizas ; awf moreover, he protested
that he would make me i(]ir"'" (a-^g^^^-^") of all thp n]fliYf° "^'^
-ivpry that he might henceforth collect. I on my part promised to
sendEmso many things that he^ftSGld be rather richer than the
grand Turk ; this made the Caffre dance with joy. To ascertain
the value of his tusks, I directed an official to bargain with him
for a tooth, as if it were a private purchase unknown to me.

. * The reverence for the Manes, or rather the ghosts, of those lately departed, is.
the only sign of worship amongst these tribes.
t Meaning that he was a chief, and therefore no niggard.

Chap. II. RESPECT SHOWN BY THE KINGLETS. . 81
The Mambo observed that he wondered at the audl^^ of the
man, who must have known the promise made to his master. I
¦asked him where was his market for slaves and ivory. He said
they were sold to the Manguros,* living on the banks of, or near to,
the Chire (Shire) river, who trade with the Mujanos (Wahiao),
but that the greater part of the ivory exported by these Caffres
comes from the Cazembe's country.
My red skull-cap, dressing-gown, pantaloons, and bai^P anohsi
^.Qfltlifi, same.£ole«r, theJtint'oriiausa. that rQaa..sa..aaddett]^, the
make-beHasfi^aJ-dJers, the bales (mutores) of cloth, and other
tnfles, are great things so wondered at that I want.wjQldsJto
-^xprfissjyieiij:SiSatiaii.iQr-iae. H'ls well to remember that
the experienced Solomon found nothing but " vanitas et
afflictio spiritus," or a conceited mind might have been upset by
it.t In presence of this awful confession, which must sadden
and terrify all the world, what enjovmeint can we find in
^things that are not founded upon the~secunty of our coh-
"^sciences? ' ~~ — "  ~ — — —  ' — "-"• -
""""Bur as moderate enjoyment in honest things is not vicious,
so I accuse myself of indifference and insensibility, because I
consider and hold it to be the effect of . . . .| its not proceeding
from the cares which keep me ever pensive, and inaccessible to
all pleasures, so that I can truly say "J IJYP ^"^ fft! ""vself an <
. instant a day." When considering, in fact, that we have passed
with such ease through the lands of these kinglets, excepting
only the little robber who tried to molest us; that we have been
received with such respect and affability where it was predicted
that we must fight or pay our way — especially through those of
thfi lyTofiandfl- all the world of ^ena speaking of him with ou,t-
,£tretched necks — and that my white companions and the black-
slave- factorshav e been my only difficulties in carrying out the 4
commands of the Crown, I feel bursting with rage. But let us
stop here. It is not right that the readers of this Diary should
be made partners in my sorrows, increased as they are by the
lively grief caused by the death of my beloved wife, whom God •¦

* The Manguros, according to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 420), do not live
near the Shire Eiver. They are "Maraves inhabiting the banks of the Eio
Nhanja " (Nyassa Lake ?), and they trade with the Arabs of the Zanzibar coast.
These may be the Marungu — two tribes at the south of the Tanganyika Lake, of
-whom I heard from the Arabs of Unyamwezi. Mr. Cooley (reviewing my book on
.the Lake Regions) says, " It is evident that the Arabs confound the Arungo in
the north-west with the Anguro in the south-east, on the other side of the
Arangoa." The Anguru have been mixed up with the Wahiao. The Mujanos or
Mujao, as has been said, are the Wabito.
t This repeats what I remarked of negro flattery to Europeans in my ' Mission I
ito Dahome.'
X Here there is a lacuna. G

^ JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IL
was pleased yto take to Himself in the flower of her age, on the
iirst of Aprm. Even so quoth Horace —
" ut rideutibus arrident, ita flentibus adflent
Humani vultus."
I inquired about the Caffre way of killing elephants. The
Mambo sent two iron spears, four (short) palms long, and one
inch thick. One end was flat, like a lance-head, but nowhere
was the iron broader than a man's thumb. The other extremity
was firmly inserted into a piece of iron-wood, and the whole
might weigh 8 lbs.* The sportsman climbs a tree over-r
hanging the elephant's usual path, and, with this weapons
which penetrates to the socket, wounds and kills the beasts as»
they pass. The Manipa Caffres, who yearly come to hunt the
Crown estates of the Sena district, now adopt these means
which are better and more destructive. X^eaving jiside. tbfiir
mtimmeries, medicingSj_ancLialiugs — which are supposed _to
bring ..good liick—^when they sight a herd they separate from
it some of the animals b^^^jrhooping, and then they slip at
thenj_trained dogs, that engage'ffieirattention by barking from
some distancer* Meanwhile the Caffres, watching their oppor
tunity „^g£lgtaBg.±kem, and despatch them on the ground with
their spears.f
For the first time I saw the mops or head-tha.t,che.=! of the
Muizas, powdered vvith dust red as c^,r^ine. Supposing the
colour to be ochre,' 1 asked for a little of it, when Caperemera
explained to me that it was not clay, but wood. J He gave me
a cake or loaf of the dust, which has been preserved for the
Crown ; and when I wanted a log or trunk, Catara told me that
he would procure one for me in the lands of the Cazembe, where
it abounds. We well know that the natural taste of men brought up in .
the ways of simplicity rejects with loathing our highly-seasonedr
food. The same ^s the cftfjfi wjtih fihfi rtiMfi^ «ptisp« Two CaffreS-
of our party skilful in playing the horn performed before some
Kafiaak-oi-CapeismCTajtheir compatriots, as well as to Muizas^
Hearing these souniJsTte^j^mglingsjittered terribl^jjries ; the
women, the boys, and someaSraisL^d, and the field remained
empty. After losing, however, their'^pajiic, all returned, and
J ^ Q I
^ * This is the elephant-spear used in tfnyamwezi and the adjacent country ;
the people, however, do not mount trees, bu\ thrust like the Manisa Caffres. They
liave the same supei-stitious preparations. \.
¦ t The people of Ugogo, east of Unyamwezi^liD the same.
X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 28) describe an^ssketch this '- ctogengue," as
the mop is called. They name the wood " pdo mucraia(sorte de ^M^aSl). The-
tribes of Fernando Po also ornament their hair with a^Qwder of red wood, which.
[ mistook at first for clay.'

Chap. A. LEAVE CAPEREMERA'S VILLAGE. "N Q . fy§3
appeared to enjoy the instruments, perhaps more from novelty -.
than from their melody, such as it was.
16'th. — I^jvas getting ready to move forward, but the Muizas
had not ret'^ned from the villages, where they had been to
collect millet for^Jhe first day's march. Besides which, Caffres "
never hurry themseTve&nr-African Caffres at least. When sold
to America they take example from their elders, and become
far more diligent It is a fact a "tlrotisand times observed here,
that a Caffre has never carris^ a letter witWti^ate^ even though
threatened by his master with punishment for delay and bribed
with cloth for despatch.
¦ At my request Caperemera sent many couriers to summon
the party, who at last arrived : some of them, however, wished
to return their pay rather than carry our loads. The Mambo
very angrily ordered them, under pain of expulsion and com
pulsion, to " clear out," and they knew the power of his bow. •
He was named Capevem era., m eaning " the Brave." Sure that
our Caffres wauldjiqt fly.j..£ea^^jaie^t. Mbzai^^ with its '
consequent exile from Africa — the severest penalty to a Caffre
— and resolved to show them that their reign was over, I sum
moned them as if to muster them, and when they were gathered
together I sent soldiers to their encampment (Mussassa),* with
orders to bring and break before them their bows and arrows. ''
They were seized with CMsternation, it being a^dishojaoiit-to
_^trayel mthout _weaponSj as only criminal£_ and fugitives go
unarmed. So when^the snbjects of the King oFBarve (the Baroe)
in Manila, and the people of that neighbourhood see_one of .our
Caffres without, bow and arrows they sei?ehim.Jill claimed, aad
take pay. .for their work and fejL his board and lodging. I left
the village at 3.30 P.M.t ™'*"'
17th. — I travelled, but not as far as could be deshed or could
have been done, awaiting those detained since yesterday at
Caperemera's village in the hope of coUectuig fresh Muizas :
to-day my Caffres being much more humane and listening to
reason, which before they did not. Those left behind arrived
at night, and I gave orders to collect provisions, as for some
marches ahead there are no populous villages, nor can we halt ¦
in what there are, as they are not in fit places. From the abode

* The " miLSiiassa " is the '.'.khamhi " or kraaW fhf ^linriiilnriirT'"*'" a collec—i'
tion of little buts maae ot bougbs and dry grass, and generally surrounded by a
ring of thorns ; hence the wor(ytraal from curral.
t Dr. de Lacerda evidently dwecTmuch to^ffl?" Caffre friend," Caperemera, and
the expedition which followed him was as generously and hospitably treated by
the Muiza chief, Chinti Capenda (p. 39B). Without these moral oases in the
howling waste of barbarism, the African traveller wpuld worry himself td-
death.
G 2

84 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IL
of my Caffre friend the land is composed of low and gentle hiUs,
partly stony, partly of good soil. In the latter are many small
hamlets, and to-day we found two streams of good water, which
greatly refreshed us.
18th. — The first high ridge which we traversed divides the
lands of Caperemera from those of the kinglet Masse. We are still
crossing sundry valleys and ridges, auriferous but unworkable for
want of iron tools, skilled labour, and high water,* except such
as could be brought from afar. The streams run, more or less,
from W.N.W. to E.S.E., and their watershed forms, I believe,
the Aruangoa Eiver.f I called the range Cordilheira Carlotina.f
This was our first day of travel, if real marching be regarded.
19th. — Wishing to observe an eclipse of Jupiter's satellites,
which will occur to-morrow, andwanting a place with .a name.
I made a forced march, so as to reach the village of Mazavamba.
We halted at the Eiver Ircupuze (Ircusuze),§ qfter traversing
20th — At the end of the wildest and roughest of our marches'*
lay the village of Mazayamba. a great thief. All the resident
Muizas and Botombucas || who came to see me were exceedingly
drunk, and JVra.7.a.ja.mbaj ¦ctrhQ-.-f.nntpnP.d his. fiarp.USe till the
22nd> wa&,tQa.iiax..£giaQe j!Q..Yisi|.,gl.g.1F I found the position of the
viUage to be in time 2''- 45M[6V«. e. 41° 26' 30" E. of Lisbon
( = 32° 18' 18" E. of -Greenwich), and in S. lat 12° 33'. The
variation was N.W. 21° 58' 30".
21sif. — I had an attack of ague and fever, which was increased
by the news that the greater part of the Muizas had deserted.
Caperemera behaved like a friend, sending back to me those
who arrived at their villages, and punishing the families of
'those who hid themselves in the bush. The want of supplies
and the small quantities of provisions brought in cause conster
nation to aU the Caffres of our party.

* " Agoas altas,'' means waters -with a fall for " hydraulicking."
t The watershed is still to the Shire Eiver or to the Nyassa Lake. So in Mon
teiro and Gamitto the Eucuzi Eiver and Eivulet.^ed«to th.e„east. _
X The traveller having now reached the outliers of the great mountain-plateau
known as Serra Muxinga, named them Carlotina, in memory of t). Carlota,
wife of the Prince Eegent of Portugal. It is the southern boundary of the
northern Arangoa river-basin, and its northern slopes discharge into the Bemba
or Bangweolo Lake. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 125) term Masse "Mambo
Muasse," and call this part of th^Kghlands Serra Capire. It is alluded to by
Dr. Livingstone, who, writingtgi^e late Earl of Clarendon from Ujiji (November
1, 1871), describes it as k,^*5untain mass, not exceeding 6000 or 7000 feet in
altitude, and rising from a'broad upland between S. lat. 10° and 12°, and over 700
miles in length from east to west.  , _
" 5 Ihds "il'SSl eiliyUftlUll tailed it Eiacho Eucuzi, the northern streamlet of
that name flowing to the west when the southern sheds eastward.
II See August 11th.
t This frequently happened to my expedition when crossing Ugogo. JJT

Chap. IL HALTNBAR THE REMIMBA RIVER. 85
22nd. — I spent all the last night and the greater part of to-
-day cogitating how to collect bearers that will not willingly
abandon their loads. Then I issued an order containing the
reasons for my resolution,* and I gave it to the chief captain of^
the bush, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, and to the chief sergeant,'
Jose Eodrigues Caleja.
23rd. — From Mazavamba's village I made for the Northern
Aruangoa Eiver. The ague and fever which attacked me so
violently on the 21st inst., came on to-day with increased vigour,
from 9 A.M. to 9 p.m. Suffering it as I best could, we marched
upon the Eiver Eemimba : only a brook at this season, it must
carry a considerable volume during the rains.
I halted at a village near that stream, not so much to nurse
my ague as to collect provisions for 3J to 4 days of march
upon the nearest Muiza village. The price of provisions was
six times greater than through the lands of the Maraves to the
Mocanda ; beyond the latter point they will sell nothing except
for cloth, despising our first-class beads (velorios) because, as I
have said, they have larger samples. Enough to say that there
a goat costs one chuabo, a cloth of any quality : here its value
is not less than six, and other things are in proportion. The
worst is our not being able to buy wholesale. Each Caffre
brings from his yearly store a small portion, at the utmost
reaching a " quarta " (fourth of a bushel).t In the same river
appeared fish called ]^gjyjj^,| small, .but savoury ; they are
equally good and larger at Tete; dmjng tia,wi.i)ter.(«.e., ¦wet
*©ason§) these, perhaps, may attain the same size. There
are also other species, owing to thcaoastoinQsis .of this stream
with the Aruangoa Eiver; they describe the latter to me as
tolerably broad, but at the present season shallow.
2^th. — In order not to place my people in the wretched state
of having nothing to eat, and no provisions for the three or four
days of desert-march (sertao), I did not purge myself to-day,
and from 1 a.m. I be^gn to cut short the ague jyith quinine.
We halted at the village of Capangura, tEe mosrwretched"yet
met with ; there was absolutely nothing for sale ; no rations
(Maronda) were brought even when the highest prices were

* In a foot-note we learn that the paper has been lost.
t The traveller now approaches the waste lands that divide the basins of the
Northern Arangoa and the Chambeze rivers. The water-parting is a N.E.
prolongation of the Serra Muchinga, called by Dr. Livingstone " Lobisa Plateau."
This is the desert which caused such losses to the expedition that followed
Dr. de Lacerda.
X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 193) mention this fish, and compare it with tho
" dourada " of Portugal.
§ In these lands the rains begin in our autumn, reach their height in
December, and end with our spring (see Sept. 7th).

86 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERD'A. Chap. II
offered. A little before reaching the village of Mazavamba,
the mountains which begin at the other end near the settlements
of Caperemera and Masse terminate ; the chain is all auriferous,
but, for the reasons before stated, it will be hard to work.
25^^. — This day (thirtieth) I resumed my Diary, though still
suffering very severely from fever, of which I have had four
attacks since the end of March. I did not expect to escape the
three first. Perhaps the third would have been less trouble
some, had I not been travelling, and in want of everything.
Enong-b to aay that bis Fxp.ellp.np.y the Governor of the Eios de
^S^a^ the successor of those heroes who never left the ^ouse exy^
j;eptjn a sedan chair with two largQ velvet ^un;tQpts(]3ml)reIlas').
jjarim^^^^^Iverkn^^Tn^botl^^ in order that the glances
oJFjffi^X^S^f^ Day,'" even though setting, might not annoy
them ; who lived wrapped up in .silks.^.ajidLm-the_.light-estJsdiite .
clothing ; who often suffered from indigestions and other incon^
"vemences, th^ pfff^.o.i. nf a. tr^p piplf^pdid and prnfn.se diet, audwho
..£nally ,pass£d.,jii.ei,r.,,tinie, in, scattering cloth, and in gathering
gold ancl.^^^ry — this successor, I say, spent many an hourl
shirtless, anowrapped up in a baize, because his clothes were!
left behind, while during his sickness he had not a chicken forj
broth. " Deus super omnia !" The route, which I never
ceased tracii!ig"W&%'"'himmes of my greatest weakness, serves
me as a guide to work up this Diary. I cannot, however, offer
very many details, as my malady often prevented my taking
notice of everything.
After marching two hours we made the (Northern) Aruangoa
Eiver.* Its breadth is irregular, ovring to the friable nature of
the banks. Where I crossed it was sixteen to eighteen fathoms
wide, and three and a-half palms (1 ft. 2 in. ? ) deep. Seeing
that it can be navigated by all manner of boats only durjng the
rains, I did not carry out my intention of sending down one
of the officers to Zumbo, the settlement at its junction with the
Zambeze. As far as the Aruangoa J hnd '^"* »pwa-fl. single tree
XiLJEti©h*A--g©0d?"»iaed...jda»k^.43©«ld™ be made; beyond it, bul;
only on the lands adjoining the course, many fit both for boards
and for canoes were found gromflg. A number of Muizas
marched along the river, *ei lov-"" Mpnopot^ami. All the Caffres
foi these lands and, as far as I see, of Inner Africa generally,
vprize the flesh, and the more tainted it is the better they like it.

|'rf«'te«UMiW*n^..Mi«..u.sU»i*.«*."

* According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 139), when they were encamped at a
place 5 leagues from the village of Mazavamba, they were 2J leagues from this
AruangSa, which they forded on September 6, 1831. It must be remembered
that the second expedition crossed the stream, June 12th, west of Dr. de Lacerda's
line, whilst Dr. Livingstone marched i;hetween the two very neai-ly as far as
the Chambeze Eiver, (See September 8tli.)

( 87 )

CHAPTEE III.

The March prom the Northern Aruangoa Eiveb, till the Death of
Dr. de Lacerda.
August 26, 1798. — This day I made a long march to reach
a lake or lagoon; all ihp grnnnd x^as T»a.vkftf^ with e1ppba.qtR'
trails, the first seen since we left 'Tete.*
^ 27tli. — I halted near the village of Caperampande,t and, with
the view of sending carriers to assist the second division, I
waited over the 28th instant, supposing that these people are
subject to, or at least that they fear, the Cazembe, and would
not dare to desert like those of Caperemera.
28th. — I could not obtain people ; they were numerous
enough, but they demanded for four days as much as the
Muizas had received for the whole journey to the country of
the Cazembe : they at last confessed that, not being accustomed
to caiTy, they would leave their packs on the path.:|: The
millet harvest-home having just ended, here, as in the land of
Mazavamba, the people are in a constant state of drink, which
they call a festival. Since my arrival the drum has never been_
fiilfjllti flit ^^f^^*, and when I asked if it was to collect a party
for me, they rephed " No ;" it was a sign that on the morrow
they would "raise Pombe." After inquiry, I found the phrase
to mean that, when the ,^ j^ffl^y,, gr, yillagechief. caused his
jrum to sound in that Kay,^i,ttinl{aiii!affM?^^l'^^ .sons.T
* or "suhjects, to come on th^^jg^itJajupi^^ twlllof.
country-beer to oe drunk with , shouting (war cries?) and
dancing. „.
29ih. — A short margh- to water. Passing the village of Cape
rampande, I found the people at their orgies with the red wood-
dust, before mentioned, covering their hair, which thus looks as
if the stuff lay upon it in swathes. The place appeared a hell —
 ^  , V
¦^-^ '"v^
* The wooded lands noticed on August 26th account for the /presence' of
elephants. -^ 1/
f We find (Diary, August 16th) that Caperemera means'" the brave " : this word
is' also evidently a compound, to he pronounced OaperjiuppnTifle,
. ' } Though a superior race to those of the seaboard, the inner peoples of Africa
/are often less manageable by the traveller than the " mMt rj'Jni'""' " ¦ they are .
' ihnnlaitfiliy ifpinrnnt fff-jihr-Ttiliar fif iiiiiinry, ind thcj refuse-Jg ahate whatever their
j iwant of knowledge demands. . . .. ^ .

88 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACER]^. Chap. III..
the Muizas its devils. On the festal days when they coUect to ¦
drink, all wear their best clothes, if they have any.
30th. — At the beginning of the march we ascended low and
gentle ridges, which were followed by one that was high, great,
and rough : it trends, they tell me, to the Zambeze and the River
Chire (Shire). It is called Serra Muchingua. I named it
Antonina, in honour of our august Prince, whom the Lord pros-
31s^. — At 6.30 A.M. I broke up the camp and entered ajaaftt,
.gpacious valley scattered with settlements ; from the Aruangoa
Eiver to this place the land is too rough and stony, too arid
and waste, to invite lingering. A multitude of Muizas begged
me to stop and be stared at : they ran after us, men and women,
J more than a quarter of a league.i^trampling on one another.
/clearing the bushes, jaJtog^aa^-Eoiliog. (arranh§jiclft-:SiejU-jat_
rt)ur feet, but were persistent in satisfying their curiosity.f They
do not carry bows and arrows, like the Maraves, and^inboth _
tribes J never remember seeing a lame or a maiined nmn.
"Finally, amongst the Muizas to-day there was not an inch of
cotton-cloth, all being dressed inMiUs^^iixi^s.
Seji)t.i,1798. — As the powerful Muiza kinglet Mucungure —
of whom they say that he is not really a subject, but an ally„
of the Cazembe — was absent from the village, 1 marched to meet
him in the place where he lives. Thus I hoped to succour the
second division, which must have suffered from hardship and
hunger. These difficulties arose from the Tete Caffres having
deserted after hearing their proprietors exaggerating the diffi
culties and dangers, the terrors and horrors, of a journey before
made by Manoel Caetano Pereira, and by the slaves of D. Fran
cisca, of Curvo, and of others.
The country to-day travelled over is high and irocky; the
settlements are small, wretched, and starving. It«ia,aad-ia~see
!jq, ma.nyjyeJiijnaa^^-^'^^Ttfltof^'^^M.ma^ .,«i4hr teeth •destr-oyed.-^by
.¦thaiQsa..of . enamjeL whaa4a.p;^aatuaUJiianiJi^^ This deformity
is Fashion's work — of whom we may say, as the Latin poet said
of langMge-^'"" •
" Si volet usus, .|l
Quern penes arbitrium est, et jus." 1 1
TMs..^xcuses every folly and. ridi.q3Jfe of dress, and adds arti-

* This is the well-kno-wn Serra Muxinga, a name which Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 171) have very properly retained. It is spelt Maxenga or Machinga
by Mr. Macqueen, and Muchingue by Mr. Cooley, who translates it the " deep
defile." See note to August 18th, of Dr. de Lacerda's ' Diary.'
t This scene I have fiequently witnessed in Central Africa, where the people
never knew any " white " but an Albino.
X I never saw the enamel injured by jagging, but it is by smoking, and moro
so by chewing tobacfio-mijiced-w^ith-eatth^ lime, or saltpetre.

w

AP. m. VISIT PROM MAMBO MUCUNGURE.

£cial to the naturqj pfii.gAri>,jji of human life. What a profit to|
a people who, contented with modesty^ decorum, and cleanli-l
ness, would mMster -to-the caprice, the vanity, and the folly off
others, that limjipon.-such trifles andrunneeegsaKKJgEentionsl
La Mode, I believe, would thus be tlie most valuable article of i
traffic to a nation that refused to use her.
2nd. — About midday Mucungure visited me with a long
"^^taji," under two yery ft](^ a.nf) hrnkon iiT|^brfi]]aff^ preceded by
many drums, which, with the clamour of his people, made a
truly infernal music. He appeared to be in his second child-'''
hood ; and when I began to talk business about his assisting my
people, two of his magnates told me not to trouble myself — that
all should be done. He brought a pair of wives : these ladies,
like himself and his subjects, wore tree-barks with girt waists. '
Thq Caffre.t! and fjieirspmiHes habituall^_apgea£Jn Jhepoorest
attires, by this mute Iangtiagg~gp|?sgi^ for cloth. ""XTuiough,
for reasons above giveii^"Tliav^ no'gb'od opinion of, or trust in,
the Muizas, I was satisfied with this chief and his grandees,
who gave me 50 men to forward those left behind.
3rd. — To-day I was confirmed in my opinion, that all the
Muizas are not subject to the Cazembe, bj^^^ggeiBg-^ilia-tfespect '
.ScLth which. Catara. a..a)i]j.tJfj..ftf..tihPi king, spnkfi toJihe Mambo.
JitttGiuigure. My questions elicited the [fact that 'the latter is
, an independent and powerful Caffre. Simil3,y falsehoods were
told to me by eye-witnesses when I was serving the Crown inri
Mato-Grosso : this caused great expense to the Eoyal Trea-
' sury, whilst I and my companions went through many perils and
¦hardships, spending six months near the Lake Xaraos, hemmed
in between the Payagua and the Equestrian (Cavalleiro) tribes,
the bravest in our America. These things, I say, have made of
me a complete .£,yrrhonist. I remember having heard Manoel
Caetano Pereira and^^TVIuizas asseverate that on this side of
the Aruangoa Bivep- begin^jgast ¦.pampas and .plaias : * hitherto
the country has changed in nothing from thaJauailJiJaads which
commence at Tete, except in the better or in the worse quality
of its soil. / . j
Mh. — To-day we had three troubles, — a long mardfi to water \
tlirough a depopulated country (the most easily endured), a thigh-
deep. .m,a.r A.near . a... jjdge ; and, thirdly, the most dangerous, a
^rass-firey which surrounded us, and which gave us great trouble
to"escape. Being sure that the Caffres can no longer fly, I did
not administer at the village of Caperemera corporal punish
ment, that they might be able to march ; yet two of those who
escorted me, believing that they could escape castigation, did

\

\ * He will presently find out that this is correct.

90 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. III.
their best to deserve it. After sending an order for them to be
flogged, one of them, being a head-man (Mocazembo), was' put
into thei bilboes.* This example has so altered the Caffres that
I no Ibiiger recognise them : they are now most obedient ; they
are ready without murmuring to make any march I please,
nor do they require driving to work. And, remembering Hippo-
crates.— "jQ.uae apphcata i]iEant>4aomti.niMto....saBflaL!!-— I shall
not forget to apply to future sick men a remedy which has
already worked so well. Bri^verY. honour, a.nd fear keep men
fin the right^ nath. The'^wofirstvirtu'es have "tea so lar irom
Caffre-land that no human force _can_bring,_theia.J?ack ; to
"the third, however, the people arelBy no means insensible ; ^sJ^
a§_^_^ey___care nought for good or evil to come, they require
at times a present example to bring them to a sense of their
duty. 5th. — In 1 hr. 45' we crossed the Serra Eodrigo, passing over a
level break in the mountains, and then down a very gentle and
easy declivity. The wintry rains flowing from this open coimtry,
and those of the other serra near which I halted, form a second
swamp as troublesome as that of yesterday.
6th. — ^To-day the shrubs and bush which cover these lands
were so thick that the Caffres who carried our luggage found
it hard to remove them.^,^^3he depopulation of the place,, the
•famished state of our party, the marghes, our having •to cut
•lines and paths, and the thirst whietr^en afflicts us, the fevers
caused by nightly cold and by fierce suns of day — to say nothing
yoi my sicsirggg-— aircombine to'make theland aBBSa.r wild and
sad. Were there game to supply the want of millet, or small ^
tiirds to charm us with their song, the transit would have%eeh
less tedious. I'or" the ""last "three days we have made much
v^esting. I never supposed that we should have to approach so
npaTthe Equinoctial line.
1 7th. — As soon as I marched, the Caffres began their jour
ney. Noteworthy are the uniformity and regularity of the^
ground during the last three stages. After a serra or ridg^
whose end, however, is not perceptible, but whose breadth is
inconsiderable, comes an open country of a league and more;^
then a lagoon, and finally another similar ridge.t I halted at
a ^arge streamlet,^ near a settlement, and from this point forwards
the land becante more populous. In the village I saw two
Muiza iron-smelmng furnaces; they were too ruinous to give
f* Na gargalheira, an Afirico-Lusitanian word ; the Anglo- African phrase is "i^
1m\^' r m \ -——... «.«.__, J^"
*fT Showing that the country rises in steps and plateaux to the north.
i t ?S2;J.?JSf'^'SspeciaiwfeBrazyiaajJia^ I'ich JfljiaMfi&jQtaiSfily
.(Jescripnon of water-ooursef See ray ' Highlands of the BmzilsT

¦€hap. III. UNRELIABLENESS OP CAPFRE INFORMATION. ' 91
me an idea of their construction, but Catara assured me that in
the Cazembe's country I should view all at my ease. The
furnaces appeared to me conical and truncated pyramids.*
An evening spent in questioning Catara convinced me that
without a knowledge of the language of, au(|,^jT^l;j.ft, of inter(>nnrf;fi
jgith. these people, their informatics is useless, and that nothing "
they say is reliable. To-day he contradicted the deposition
which I had taken from him and from Manoel Caetano Pereira
touching the Muropiie being the father of the Cazembe.f In
order not to be ^ever saying and unsay,iag. I will wait for
information in the'^Jovpn (Zimlboe) % of the said king, and then '
set down all that I know for certain.
The Muizas count months by mqo^. of which they have
eight good (dry) and four bad (wet); the twelve make their^
year, which begins with the first bad moon : this at present is
the rainy season, corresponding with our December. The want
of judgment and discernment of these Caffres, the difficulty'
of finding a man who understands their language, and at the
same time one instructed in chronology, and (as I perceive by|
their replies) the pertinacity with whiP-l^ tllfi ^"/^!;]']^'''^^-^''" '^jgf
figure my -a."e-<atiQns^ \YbJl-'id.-a.i:lapti.nff..t.bf^m to thenrnif.ed 'iTif.pllTl
.>gp.nca-Q£ t,h,e. JjiflMfiir^- make me ,4espair of obtaining from th|
•Caffres much_information of the kind wanted^by learned mer
Jose Thomaz U-omes, fort adjufaiTt of ^ena, is an excellen
linguist for non-scientific purposes ; he knows most of the Caffrl
dialects, and he easily .learns them. He has hitherto served me
well, and I hope that in the city of the Cazembe he will serve
the Crown still better.
8th. — To stifle our hunger and collect six days' rations at the
village of Morungabambara, near the Zambeze Eiver,§ I went
to-day a long march through champaign lands clearer than
before, and lacking high ridges and difficult swamps. I passed

* Monteiro and Gamitto explain them (p. 38), and give a sketch of one,
fig. 2. ,„.,., y^
t The fact is that the traveller had misunderstoodJnftiJS3]flAiti.MP''"''i ' V^
X Monteiro and Uamitto"i;!^'rT2K;"l!tb.) write" llie word Zimhaoe'. Mr. Cooley
rightly prefers ZimbS-we, and translates it " royal residence." African kings
often live in quarters, or even in detached towns, inhabited solely by their wives j
and families, their fetish men and their slaves. An instance o^his is Fuga in (
Usumbara. ^
§ The reader wiU bear in mind that this is the " River Chambeze," famed for
oysters, of MM. Monteiro and Gamitto's map, flowing to the left or south-west,
and now known to fall into the Bangweolo Basin or Bemba. In his wonderful
' Inner Africa Laid Open,' p. 28, Mr. Cooley calls it the " New Zambeze," and to
fit his theories he makes it turn to the north-east and fall into his fabulous^
" N'yassi, or the Sea." Dr. Livingstone crossed it in S. lat. 10^ 34', further east
than Lacdrda, whose line again was 60 to 62 miles east of Monteiro and Gamitto.
.(See- note to August 21si.)

,92 ^ ^^ ^ jqURNAL OP DR.U2E LACERDA. | C^hap. Hit,
some villages — what villages ! — four . or five huts, so small and
low that one can hardly guess how the Muizas can lodge in
them. It is well known that a cylinder or an upright conical
pyramid forms the Caffres' houses. Amongst the Maraves
the cylinder base may have a radius of 6 (long) palms
(6 X 8=48 inch.=4 ft. diameter), and 4 to 5 of height Upon
this cyhnder is placed the pyramidal roof, and as the radius of its^
base is broader than the cylinder, the projecting eaves defend
the huts from the violent rains, increase the difficulty of enter
ing and make the interior very dark. Those of the Muizas
are even smaller in base and height, and I wonder how
several people can subject themselves to occupy a single tenci-
ment* IStill we see many animals inhabiting clqijie and narrow ^
9th. — The village referred to lies but a short way off the
road; being indisposed, I did not visit it, though they tell
me it is one of the largest we have passed. The Muizas sold but
little millet-flour, because they possess httle : this, too, in early
"harvest time! — what will they have in three months hence,
and how do they manage in years of scarcity? The meal
offered by the Maraves was very white ; amongst these negroes^
it is wheat-coloured, because they do not clean it of the bran
lest the waste should leave them without food. Necessity obliges-
^TTia.ri ^f,p, p.1^ tJliT^PTP- For this small quantity tLey boe the
ground into mounds, and upon these they plant millet and some
beans. I judge that one of the bases of their support is the
¦ sun-dried and sliced sweet potato {Convolvulus batata) ;t of that
they sold a fair portion, but they would not take up the fresh,
although it was either full-ripe or over-ripe. Sometimes they
attempted to sell the old, reserving the fresh for their own use.
Half a bushel (alaueire) of flour, a chicken, and a little basket
of sweet potatoes, was the present sent to me by the powerful
^lorungabajx^tipaf We raised our hands in thanks to Heaven,
when, after abundant difficulty, we bought ten lean cockerels^
which seemed to us so many fat turkeys. We also obtained
jome ground-nuts, of which we mj.de oil-as ¦'^egggnigg tg jmr
jiQQ, lest_th.emeat an^T dripping_might injure our stomachs and
^]t^.,piodu£e_^ainruT thirst. The information touching salt
existingin~tEis'~coiintfy, as given by Manoel Caetano Pereira
and by the Caffres, is wrong : if there be any, it is so little that
not a grain has appeared. What there is comes from the city
* Monteiro and Gamitto (pp. 84, 362) give a sketch of these huts. They are
not so uncomfortable as our author imagines, being cool in hot weather, warm in
the cold season, and air-tight at night— a defence a,gainst aa;uf anil fever.
t I found this foooSTSvounte about MSBneTin Western Unyam-wezi; the leaf
also makes a tolerable salad.

-Chap. III. REACH THE ZAMBEZE. 93
•of the Cazembe or from its vicinity, where, they teU me, are
salt-mines as at Tete.
10th. — After 1 hour 20 minutes' march we reached the
Zambeze (Chambeze), measuring some 25 fathoms (brapos) in
breadth, and at this season from 4 to 5 palms (2 feet 8 inches
to 3 feet 4 inches). Here end ihp st.a.Tye]inp; la.ndsj nf ihpfp
JugJiEliailfid-and ringleted people. The number of Muizas
passing to the dominions of Caperemera was, not without
reason, agreeably to our proverb, " "Vyhf^ I fm .KfiUi. tihfi''ft-J'^ i
my home."* A^ the Caffres are perfectly happy when they can
£St,wltFout- labour, and as thgy^must wo^ nam'to'Ti^
in t£eir qwn_ lands, whereas in the_ JMfarave couSrj -they haveir*

afanda£fife«aatho;^jix^ sweat of. brow, we_ cannot inary el at ^
their emigration. I do not regard those who stay at home with
so much norror for being ^-J^thrqpophagi. since "necessity."
which, as they say, " has no law, ' compels them, after every
opportunity of battle, to batten upon human flesh, 'even if "ttis
abominable custom does not proceed from saiislying their wrath''
'and revenge. On the other hand, again, I make their ignorance
an excuse for the unnatural action ; for what is the African know
ledge of good and evil ? — they seem to me. indeed, not to kn,Q.w'^
that they have reason, it i had brought the geographical^
oooks which 1 left arTete, I should now imitate the Barber
Maese Nicolas and the Licentiate Pero Perez,t when they burned j
to ashes Amadis de Gaul and all the chivalrous "library of the
ingenuous "^pight^Don Quixote. 'Jhus wouCTTTaTOpunished
thelauthors for dSignrinp- the fap.A nf1h,a_£ajth. desmhing
whatever their lancies (heated wither um .and strong liquors, im-
Mbea^!^fflSffE^old) painted duringsl^p; attributing to whole,
ipeopies a"nd nations characters 'whi^f'^evneithQ^' have nor
¦ever had; 1' would do the saine with what they~say of the
"Paulistas, to whom Portugal knows not how much she is
indebted, or, if she knows, at any rate she does not recognise the
4ebt ; and also with that which a celebrated modern Portuguese
-{I know not whether as author or translator, but certainly as
impostor and defamer) said so impudently with respect to the
Americans, that he blushes not at being impeached for falsehood
or credulity, since we are not in the Iron Age ; all, excepting those :
who have written or spoken things which approach the trath as 1
declared by studious men of known veracity, not by secular'
(ignorant) minds that take no interest in the progress of
-science.^ I would also burn the manuscripts in which I took
* This is the " Dmne solum forti patria." a truth so distasteful, to the Earl of \
•Chatbam, and whibh railways and steamers realise to our minds every day.
-—fs^e Chap. VL
j This fearful sentence is left as a specimen of the diffloulties of translation.

«S4 "* ' . JOURNAL OP DR. DE, LACERDA. Chap. III.
down the depositions of Manoel Caetano Pereira and the
Muizas, touching the journey to the Cazembe, at least the
parts proved so far from truth, if I had but time to expurgate
them, or if there were anyone to do it for me. But in timo
,,jnSitiriPi fihallJIaSJ^e ; meanwhile remains to me the consolation ,
nf bpjnfy a. pnnr gpng-raphpr. vet One qL the. jjgjjaagt veridiques,
aarn lymg m^iumOiCrmW-' especialljtba.t, _rjf,„ ,f\Jlr^^,(^i^.^ ,Afrf^.a^
and Asia^JjamLdiiiLiD c.^riLe.Jina.''
" iViy principal desire being to obtain exact notices of the size
and the direction of all streams found between Tete and the
Cazembe's country, and from the latter to Angola, I laboured
to extract information from different Muiza Caffres, and from
Manoel Caetano Pereira, jmaking repeated^ and ^^^ com pared
uniformly and repeatedly assurer me that the Zambeze "(Cham-
beze) and the Eupurue Eiver * — 15 fathoms broad and deeper
than the Zambeze at the part where I forded it to-day — ran to
the right of one travelling to the Cazembe. Pereira confirmed
tjais information ; from which^^J^^Jgfer^tbat he knows not his
^gM,.iifflffi,Msdeft hand ;'an3'^3^S]&"e. ffie casVsiice SeKas
almost alwaysfivea amongst the Caffres, and has inherited
yje^j^gUij^nce, as experience is showing me.
To-day I sent to inquire about the course of the Zambeze
(Chambeze) from sundry Mussucumas. a tribe mixed in small
numbers with the Muizas on tkis sioe of the Zambeze, some of
them vassals to the Cazembe (these were my informants), and
others independent, t All said that it trends to the river which
runs by the city of the Cazembe,t whatever be the truth ot
their information, which at present I neither allow nor dis
allow. "¦
"^ 11th. — To-day nothing remarkable occurred, except that the
ridges and hillocks from Tete to the Zambeze (Chambeze)
Eiver are now ended.
12th. — During the march we covered some leagues of open,
plain, with as many of the usual ground, and we left on the
/right hand a great standing water. We halted in the large and
populous viUage^TiEEBTumo Chinimba Campeze. Here I was

The " Paulistas " I have already explained are the people of the Province of
S. Paulo, in the Brazil, who waged of old fierce wars with the Jesuit Spanish
colonies, and were abused aQcordingly by Charlevoix and his class.
"' Mr. Cooley (' Inner Aerica Laid Open,' p. 29) insists upon changing this to
Risuro, a " Mucomango word. ' In Kihiao, or the language of Jhe once powerful
Wahito tribe, "Mesi" (Maji in Kisawahili) is water, and Rusuro, or Lusuro, is
flowing water — a stream.  _____
t Tbe Musukuma seems to be an unimportant tribe. "Usukuma,"' in:
Unyamwezi. means tbe "northern country." - *¦ ¦<
^TfTttSfBffllTBJsnil JOllis tht! tinapula,Tnid this we know to be correct

Chap. III. AMENITIES OP PUMO CHIPACO. 95
visited by sundry Muizas returning from the city of the
Cazembe with ivory, intended for sale to the Caffres of the
Eastern Coast. From two of the slaves I attempted to extract
some information touching the Eiver Chire (Shire). They
replied that their nation did not travel, and that it is only since
the Cazembe conquered them in war that ^hey ever leave their
country, and even that now they never go further than the city
of that king. Some Caffres sent to buy fowls failed to procure
any. A tribute of poultry is exacted by the Cazembe, to whom
the people send as many as they breed.
13th. — We spent an hour in crossing the worst swamp yet^
seen. Many Muizas passed us yesterday, coming from the king
with ivory and copper-bars for sale. I now think with reason
that the great number of tusks which once went to Mozam
bique, and which certainly came from these lands, goes at pre
sent to Zanzibar, or the neighbourhood, not only because they
get more for their ivory, but also because Zanzibar is nearer
than our possessions.*
nth. — A short march placed me at the village of Fumo
Chipaco, the largest and the most populous of all. I judge that
this must be one of the grandees, as Catara spoke of him with
respect. He at once sent him to call upon me, with a civil
message that, as a friend of his master, I was in my own
country, and that he, as a slave of the Cazembe, was also mine ;
moreover, that all things in his village, and in those under his
command, were at my disposal. J. was pleased by such atjisp.-
Jiion, and by a message which I never expectea to near irom a
TTafFre wEo had never seen any butl^aflres.ir
[^'"""SgTcanhofltEiiik' oi" ahylhing but my present undertaking,
I begged from him people "to assist the 2nd Division, of which
he had already heard from Catara. The latter lay sick at a
village near the Eiver Zambeze (Chambeze). He answered
that he would give me as many as I wanted, and that he would
presently ^^^ i^i° '^r^mn tn p"'iirfi tjlfi f^liil'iPTTl^^Y ^'""^ to collect
all, when I could take what number I pleased. His answer
about our provisions is also worthy of being recorded literally..
" TeU the Mambo that he is in the village of Chipaco." 0 vanity
* This was the case two-thirds of a century ago, and of late years the Zanzibar
market has greatly increased. I stated, in 1859, that the north of the Nyassa
or Kilwa Lake had been visited by hundreds of caravans (' Journal of the Boyal ^
Geographical Society,' vol. xxix. p. 272). Mr. Cooley, who quotes largely from'
Doctor de Lacerda, but who apparently has read him partially (' Review,' p.
15), calls this a "monatrous_a3sertion." simply bet-f^'iKP thev would thus march'
.ftTfif '^'° r'1THy'*1lTl''fT'"'"'y i"""" " " Livingstone has performed this feat.
during his" last "expedition, and apparently yaa nolj aim^e of the-imgg^g^jlp^t-it. V
t The contrary is the case ; thj """ '
rudeness as.het,date3 Jo^ffect.

ntlv was not a-ware ot tne-imno^sibilit-.. N
ic^n Dorrowing iroinTneyji:uropep.jji,,^3 aunh.
3S" W f^^in^---'-"^"'- Y

96 JOURNAL OP DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. IH.
and amour propre ! Is it possible that, even in the depths of
,tlie jungle, thou canst not leave free from thy poison these wild,
half-naked men ? Bjut vicas are born with us.
We will see if his works belie thesegood signs. I hope not,
as yesterday and to-day we have seen many human skulls and
(Corpses cast out upon the road. Tliasg,J^;equent examples must
jnake men respect and fear this king ; as the latter,'Tn^^mew,
so'ught oiir friendship, they will "hot fail to assist us.* Some of
those wretches had lost their lives for witchcraft, the^ being a
belief in all this part of Africa, even amongst manyWnites (as I
saw in Mozambique), that no. man ever dies except by sorcery, t
Whenever a Caffre accused of this crime denies his gmlt^sdine
.coarsely confess their guilt — he undergoes the Mave ordeaLt
It consists in administering a tincture of some bark (the'free
being called Muana), which is a violent purgative, and, as the
dose is copious, the wretch generally dies in horrible pains.
When I lay very sick on this side of Java (Jaua), the Muizas
said that, had-the Cazembe been in my case, many would have
teen slain. How blmd, how heavy, and how affiicting, is this
Thraldom of Sathanas ! How gentle, how peaceful, is the yoke
of Jesus Christ! If the supposed wizard is lucky enough to
vomit, his innocence is feted with great joy, and his accuser is
¦fined. The Maraves burn their sorcerers.^
15ih. — Siiice crossing the Aruangoa Eiver my illness kept me
between palanquin and bed. Wishing to receive at my ease the
visit of Chipaco, and to return the visit which he paid me to-day,
so as to despatch sixty men to-morrow, I entered my palanquin.
His settlement is large, though it does not appear so. According
to country custom the huts are so close, and without order, that my
vehicle could hardly thread its way between them, and so small are
the tenements, it was often carried over the lower part of the roofs.
¦Chipaco alone supplied us with sweet potatoes and meal, besides
that which we were obliged to buy from his subjects. He also
offered to lead in person sixty Caffres for the assistance of our
lag-behinds. and thus he hoped to avoid the chastisement of the
Cazembe" for idleness on the part of his " sons." His second in
oommand, however, undertook this commission — such is the fear
and respect with which they regard their king.
*M is_always a pleasure, after travellinaL-tIa;e«sh-the ye"ii-rgpBHirfan.-tribes
•of Africa/ to (imlejiujien^-quarters^^a strong ^nd .sangmnaLY despotism.

^.:'t This is the universarnegnrbelieT"
X Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 89) describe and sketch the "Mu^ve^fltda^l."
This poisoning, the " Sassy jfSaucv') Water." the; '^ jod-Jwatcr," '{be '''.Ctilnhnr.
(or ordeal) bean " of the Western Coast," and the Tanjina of Madagascar, is
flmost universsd in Africa. — an*
§ I f"'iT;d fliia piiat/jjii ,>f hiiping magicians fearfully prevalent in the Lake
legions, es^e^ally among the Wakhhliur \

Chap. IIL CAPPRE GREETING CEREMONIES. 97
This Fumo, when visiting me, 'Jose up brusquely, and re-
tired, as if cutting short the conversation : i wondered at the
proceedings -airdr" thought" that perhaps he had been offended
by me unintentionally. But two Caffres, who had thrice
made this journey, informed me, in reply to my question if any
cause of scandal had been given, that such is the custom of the
grandees, and that I must not be astonished to see it in the
king's city.*
This gives me an opening to describe Caffre greeting cere
monies between slaves ar*^ fipo/lTrLCLn, and between Maraves,
Munhaes,t Muizas, and other natives known to us. With
„ scanty difference it is almost the same. When Caffres meet
and wish to salute one another they mutually clap palms in
measured time and in silence, after which they enter into con-"
versation. When visiting they do the same : but if the master
of the house be unwell, he does not beat hands, and his visitor,
seeing the state of things, does it softly. It is not a fixed
rule to clap palms, each one slaps the part of t.^g body whifb,
according jo jjosition, he deems most suitable. Amongst some
'^V.gt.i'ri^T'CTTPtJ^pj^'iTi the "pres'ea'ce' of their „cfeigfgt, lie,.-oii-t^©Hr
_&i^gg;==a^i|^^£33SOTityT'ourljames, and the labourers of
'the Crown lands, when not in revolt, do the same. The
Maraves. and others who are not subject to us. nevQ]- pi-pfitrate
"tEemselyesT"^^ In their own
country it is a token of friendsEjip for, "or an acknowledgment
of benefit, gift, or praise from, a white man. The Muizas on
these occasions also rub dust on the breast and arms, and'
I lastly, on the breast: ^^ fflflil''" bfiat .pa.lTns ¦syith,.t]hfi.J'Md.''
¦Hprni..iPd^ f).a tve dn jn pr^y'^J'-i -whilst tJia.jKfliaen^held-the.iB'
Jionzontally. i6fh.— Wiih a mind somewhat at ease I continued my march,
and, after crossing some rivulets, at the end of the day's work
we forded sundry large streamlets ; besides others, the Eicena
and Mocanda. The Caffres never pronounce this initial " E " as
if it were double.} Before arriving at these waters, whether
great or small, the land slopes gently down, and, after passing
"¦ The great ' Times ' Correspondent, Dr. William H. Russell, complamed, wft
may remember, of ty """-a o^|.^^pfnQaq jn the citizens of t^"* TTnifipfl atatga It
is generally the case^tn Africa, where it contrasts strongly witn the elaborate
< nature of the greeting when.ffiglkmeet. ""
t'"A!(ii4Waflrg' to MonfeSo aood Gamitto (p. 47, &c.) the Munhaes, neighbours of
the Maraves, live on the west of the Great Zambeze, and are governed by the
Mambo as OhfidMaa. whom the Portuguese call the MononMta£a;__They are evi
dently the Banyai of Dr. Livingstone.
1 According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 205) the 'IK" is not pronounced,
and the "j^' often takes its place, as Luena and Levugolor Euena and Eevugo.
This is general amongst the Maraves. I have elsewhere spoken of other tribes.
H

98 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. III.
over the bed, it rises similarly ; so that the drains flow either
between ribs or waves of ground, or through low hUls.*
17th. — To-day's march was of moderate length. Some Caffres
brought us a few chickens, which, having no large porcelain beads
(velorio), greatly to our sorrow, we were unable to purchase. I
think to have heard that the best quality of beads comes to
Mozambique, and that the Banyans, the true traders of that
place, sell them to the Moors or Arabs of Zanzibar, or dispose
of them by means of the Muiao-t throughout the interior. In this
journey I do not remember seeing any Caffre ornaments of
small beads (Missanga), between the Mocanda and our present
camp : all are ma^eof the said large velorio, and few are of the
so-called first quality which comes to Eios de Sena.
18th. — Our only novelty to-day was the slow and patience-
,«trying work of clearing the path in many places ; happily
the bush was not strong. We crossed the little Eiver Eu-
cure. 13th. — However good the water may appear, it^cannot ,]ie.
healthy from where the swamps begin. It always runs through
stagnant formations, and is tainted more or less by the vegeta
tion that rots in it. We are often obliged to use dammed-up
and standing. water.  '•- - ---....-.-...-.-......-..•--
20th. — The village of the Fumo Mouro-Atchinto J ends the
district of Fumo Chipaco, which began at the Eiver Zambeze
(Chambeze). Here I halted for three reasons. Firstly, to rest
the party and prepare for a forced march of seven to eight days
through the waste and desert country before us. Secondly, to
collect supplies on this day and the 21st. Thirdly, to observe the
^immersions of Jupiter's satellites, if my illness permit, and the
bush burnings which begin at 9 to 10 a.m., leave the ai^clear. Of
late the atmosphere has been thick, and only aboutdawn it thins
•with the fall of dew (cacimba), which is cold and heavy. This
chill is followed by ah intense" heat, the 'effect of sun and grass-
smoke, and at 11 a.m. it is at its height. To-day we suffered
from the smoke which was all round us, and, fortunately for
us, the dried herbage was not very high. We crossed a Eiver
Euanzeze. 21st. — The Caffres say that on both sides of and near the
high road are small villages. They also assured me that to

* This exactly describes the region traversed when approaching the Tanga-
nmta Lake.
jr t The WahiSo of -whom I have spoken in ' Zanzibar : City, Island, and Coast '
^gee Diary, August 15th).
X Evidently the proper name of the Mfumo. The country is called " Chama,"
and when the next expedition went there, they found it under the Mfumo Muiza
Messire-Chirumba.

¦Chap. IIL POSITION OF MOURO-ATCHINTO PIXED. 99
northward lies the Uemba nation,* between the Muizas and the
Mussucuma, who reach the banks of the Chire (Shire) or
Nhanja.t -Also they assure us that the Uemba and the Mussu
cuma are mortal enemies to, never sparing, the Cazembe's
people; but they are equally so with the Muizas, whom thej^
know by their combed heads. On the south are the Arambas
and the Ambos, peaceful friends of the Cazembe, who trade,
they declare, with the Caffres near Zumbo.
Despite my serious weakness, I observed the immersions of
Jupiter's first satellite, which gave me for the position of
Mouro-Atchinto, 2 hours 36 minutes 40 seconds east of Lisbouj
(or 39° 10' 0"=30° 1' 58" long. E. , Green.) The latitude was
S. 10° 20' 35".t
22n(^, 23rd, 2'lth. — Many elephant-tracks in these lands ; the
trees inprpapft \r\ hfilgbt aT1,d thjalrnf^gg
25th. — I halted at a village of a few huts, inhabited by some
Muizas, who are obliged every three days to collect the Suraj^
wine extracted from a wild palm called Uchinda. I preferred
it to that supphed by th^.Pa]m^a.,fflaa§a,_£L.CQCoa-nut-tree.§
Here I received news of the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier
Velasco, who was sent forward from the Mocanda ; possibly.^
sickness has, contrary to my instructions, detained him so long.
26ih. — This day's coimtry is hilly and stony, chiefly in the
ascents and descents, but there is a kind, of plain or plateau
which forms the highest levels,! and which apparently con
tinues, seeing that nothing is in view but low hills.
27t}i. — Feverish and weak, I marched over the desert and
¦crossed some swamps. A Caffre guide assured me that in the

* The Auembas, Muembas, or Moluanes, are mentioned by Monteiro and G£>/
mitto (p. 408, &c.) as a nomad tribe from the W.N.W. of the Cazembe's pouutry,
which has seized part of the lands of the Muizas. Their chief is entitled the
Chiti-Mucnlo. In the ' Mittheilungen ' we read that the Awemhe and Miluangt*
Ul'y Mlitid ^r^ialf-bred Milua (the Sowahili Wariia), congeners of the Alunda,
the subjects of the Muata ya Nvo.
t The Nyassa Lake. 'This passage shows how well the Nyassa Lake, and its I
¦drain the Shire, were known, even in 1798.
X This was the lamented traveller's last observation. According to Dr. Living
stone (writing from Lake Bangweolo, July 1868), "one of them (the four brooks),
the Chimgu, possesses a somewhat melancholy interest, as that on which poor
Dr. Lacerda died ; .... his latitude of Cazembe's to-wn on the Chungu being
_jj(| milM -wroTig. probably y.vp,a.1a \i\ut \\\si >ipq,|^ wag clQui£d.w.ith jgy.ei. when he
last obserged." But at the tenth parallel of south latitude. Dr. Livingstone was '
close to Lacerda's path, and he also places the Chungu rivulet^ about south
latitude 10°. The fact is, that Dr. Livingstone's map misled him.**:-' |
§ I have always, on tbe contrary, found the toddy supplied by the cocoa-trer'
{Cocos nudfera) the best flavoured of all palm-wines.
p II -AjjfllBEM)n_Jormation .iu_jthe African and Brazilian interiors is an upland
jpi&teau -of -earth, hounded Tiy. descents, "from which -wind and rain have swept
a-wa^y-the humus, leaving the shoulders bare and stony. These places are always
lEe'-worst riding.
H 2

100 JOURNAL OP DE. DE LACERDA. Chap. III!-
highlands to the left hand (westward) is the Great Lake which
he and his master Manoel Caetano Pereira — who, however,
made it larger — ^had crossed on their last journey.* It must
be a continuation of that near which I nighted, perhaps anas
tomosing with the other water which we have passed, since the
owners of certain miserable huts where we are now, there catch,.
it is said, large fish. I wonder at the scarcity of game in this
bush; whatever may be to come, I expected in this desert-
march (Travessia) to see some animals at a distance.! But if
we fare badly in this part, we are recompensed by the absence
of the mosquitos wi^their bjxrniiig Sting g^,lh^j,nfernal song.
2^'.— At T'Y.mTTeacb^ sTymage governed by the Fuino
Monro, of the same grade of yassalhood. but nearer related-
(mais conjuncto) to the CazembeTA.bout half a league before
our arrival a vast crowd of both sexes and all ages awaited me-
with festive instruments : so anxious were they to see me that
some were perched on tree-tops, and after I had passed they
descended and accompanied me, singing, playing instruments,
dancing, and at the same time clearing the road. Those who'
were on the ground ceremoniously rubbed themselves with
dust, and showed their wonder of all they saw, not oidy by the
expression of their countenances, but bv .holding, tihainrefinprftr
in the mouth 1 and by biting the hand^ I did not see one Muiza
here. In the afternoon Mouro sent me his present of Pombe,.
four large chickens, and a gazelle almost decomposed, with a
message that he did not visit me in person, as he was preparing
subsistence for my people. To-day's march was clear of trees ;
but all suffered from want of water, which was not found till we-
reached the^D9m.fl£jia.lting-place (pousada).
29th. — Ar°theFum(5'' "did' '"li'oL' ""kee'p"EiS word touching sup
plies, I sent my people to buy what was offered, namely manioa
flour, as good as any I have seen in Mozambique, m^let^tiUin
.spike, but very black from the smoke with whichtKey'dri^e
away the insects.
Air the manioc meal (farinha), even in the Zimboe or
Cazembe's city, is made in the same way. They soak the roots.

BejKba

¦* This is evidently the Bemba or Bangweolo Lake lately visited by Dr,-
Livingstone. It was foreshadswed in our map by the Shuia Lake, which I had
named " Chama." — (' Memoir on the Lake Eegions of Central Africa,' ' Journal
of the Eoyal Geographical Society,' vol. xxix.). I must observe that there is a
Lake "Suai," or "Zwai," near Gurague in Abyssinia; and so there is » Ka--
ragwah or Karagwe, north of Unyamwezi.
t Tba flpBp Afrjcflji fnTB^t '"i" fiTPryw^'"''' unfit f.o pimpqrt animal life, unless
it is broken by largg. clear spac.eA.where wild beaats can enjoy sun anJ'alrr"
'~' I" Tiris-'is also'a popular way of expressing extremtS^aStSfilSiment amongst
many Asiatic peoples. Biting the-handJa mostly a mark of regret or disap
pointment. ' '  —  -^

•Chap. IIL NEWS OP THE CAZEMBE. 101
peel and sun-dry them whole : they pound and grind them on a
stone when wanted for use, and then they make the so-called
¦•inassa, dough, or unleavened bread. Whilst travellmg they
carry the roots entire, and expend them as they are required.
They also eat, but not often, the sweet manioc * roasted : I
tried this plan, not liking the dough. In the afternoon a visit ^
was paid to me by tb,e^Fumo ; he exaggerated the honour by
' assuring me — so infatuated is he with his dignity — that he will ex'**
plain the extreme m^Suf^tleaving"E^vffl3ge by considering us
\ to be the Cazembe, the only person who can claim such devoirs, i
30th. — Leaving a road formerly well trodden and populous,
I followed another shorter and clearer path which was opened,
they say, when the Cazembe changed the site of his settlement
.(Zimboe) for one more easily fortified. This line is at once
shorter and clearer. To-day I had news of the chief sergeant
Pedro Xavier Velasco reaching the Zimboe, where the Cazembe^
had immediately ordered one of his grandees to prepare sub
sistence and to meet me. They say that the king expects me
with transports of delightf May it be true ! But I doubt it,
haying observed that..j^_Caffre's mouth never opens without a :
lie i^lipping nut. It IS a people wholly regardless of duty in
matters of truth.
October 1st. — Approaching the halting-place I travelled be
tween two high rough ridges stretching out of sight. I passed
some villages lately deserted and founded on good sites, the soil
being good and the forests like that of the Brazil, the trees being
.tall and large. It was said that the people had fled after
suffering much from lions. $
2nd. — When beginning the march I met two brothers of the
•Cazembe and a son of the Fumo Anceva, § his relation, escorting
^ goodly store of manioc, sun-dried " bush-beef," and two she-
.goats for our Caffres : the soldiers had their portion of the same ^
separately.il My intention was to-day to travel as near as possible to the
•Zimboe, but these messengers told me that being a Mambo,
•or chief, like the Cazembe, I could not advance until their

* This is the Macaxeira or Aipim (/. utilissimd) of the Brazil ; it contains no
.poisonous principle, and therefore it does not require to be soaked and pressed. *
t As the first European who ever visited the country. Dr. de Lacerda might!
expect a most ceremonious reception. .^tm-
' X Monteiro and Gamitto also here found lions dangerous."^
' § According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 236), ^-tifc.iJEnmO .^B'Traa. M. ili .^JJ."- I
watches over and is^ answerable for .strangers at the city ol^thej
gn hiin tney miiisi;' seeV feir audJMJces with 'thfej^ing:'" "TCirel

Ca  „
issuch an'officeFat'all'tSe AlfrcanXoSft6',''SM"a"m^E^ peSt, as a rule, he is. I
11 This exactly describes the preparatory receptioil oi^-a visitor by the Kings'
M^Dahomey, Benin, and others. -

102 JOURNAL OF DR. DE LACERDA. Chap. III..
., father, the king, had ^^^U£iliid^^J£LJmm>aJie£iSilXd.JSM^'
(Mozimos) due thanks for my arriyaljfl,,,^ai^Qafttry . Also that
I should a3valDce*'aTroe'°''^trer^hepla^, town, or house
(Massanza *), where the Cazembe's father is buried, and there
express proper gratitude for the said benefit. Withal they
would not agree for me to enter the place to-day, nor could I
do otherwise than conform to their wishes. They begged me to
pitch the camp outside, as they had to give me the message of
their king. They said that the Cazembe was so much satisfied;
with my coming that ^,he..,,afifl!i.-y{|0'^Ld jlagto M body with
.4is^,t--Js».^igii .^t/tia^l^^^SImr^^s]^^* "^iid" would
send to fetch me.
I was also directed to leave at the burial-place of the royal'
ancestors a blue cotton (Ardian), 4 fathoms of cotton-cloth, and
a small quantity of white and coloured stoneware beads. The
I king did the same with Manoel Caetano Pereira. As far as I
I can see, travellers pay up the vows and offerings with which the
|king supplies the spirits for benefits received. At the samo
moment the two officers sent a messenger to the king.
Whilst they were preparing the hut and bed, between which
I am now compelled to live, I called up these officers, but they~
would not answer a word to my questions. When, wondering
at this profound silence, I was told by the interpreter that,,
tbflji^bi<^tagt>.MHld,J.i«taH.nJa»^
'''s,Bg§k,JJJl>a£te^»de]<kaiEiB^ih&i£oy.^^^ Finally, when
\ they brought me the message, I ordered, in token of respect, a
mat to be spread for them, but they always seated themselves
upon the ground, saying that I ''^^sja second Cazembe, and that
such was their only place in my presence.
At 6J A.M. returned the messenger, who was sent forward
yesterday by the brothers of the Cazembe. These two officers
said that the king asked me not to move to-day as it was un
necessary for me to visit his father's burial-place (Massanza),.
that it would be enough for me to forward the cloth yesterday
mentioned, and that to-morrow, after the ceremonies, I could
continue my march. He presented to me two tusks in token of
friendship. It is clear that I must agree to what the Cazembe asks,
despite the injuiy which the delay will cause in my present
state of health. But seeing that these exceedingly superstitious
Caffres hold their dead to te gods, and reflecting that the faith
'^ This burial-place of the Muatfis, or Cazembean kings, is called by Monteiro-
and Gamitto .tp. 229) "Maxamo."
t It was a wliite powder, called "Impemba." — " Uma sorte de giz (gypsum)."
X In Portuguese Boca, or "mouth," signifymg that it allowed free intercourse..

Chap. III. END OF. DR. DE LACERDA'S JOURNAL. 103
^ch the Demon engraves upon the human breast must lie >
"tkan. 1 ri^oTviRfO>S!aRtel^Tv cerernojual. to obtain their good
will for myself, and thereby to forward the views of the Crown. "^
Wishing to give an idea of their rites, I sent Lieut.-Colonel
Pedro Nolasco and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema with
soldiers to the grave, and ordered them to fire three salutes with
the usual interval, exaggerating as much as possible the obsequies ^
in token of friendship, and carefully noting everything they saw.
This had an excellent effect upon the crowd, and upon the^
guardian-priest ("Muine-Ma,y am oY * who, externally, was not
disfinguisneairom other Caffres. The latter, after consulting
his oracle, the ghost of the Cazembe's father, exclaimed that I v
who had bewailed with them the death of their king was a god^\
who had come to them ; that I should go wherever it pleased me,
all the country being mine, and so forth. His good will was .
confirmed by a present and by a message from me begging him
to take particular care of the respectable house, where lay my
friend the Cazembe's father, whose ashes I so much respected, t

End of Dr. de Lacerda's Journal.X

Eemaeks by the Teanslator.
According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 370), the history of
the Cazembe's people is wholly traditional.§ It is said that the

* Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 230) were received by tho priest sitting cross-
legged on a lion's skm, and all whitened with Im^jemba. And they had to pay
for this Airican apparatus. '
t According to Monteiro and Gamitto, the stages from Tete to Lunda (the
capital of the Cazembe) are as follows : — Days. Leagues.
1st. From Tete to the Aruangoa River  25 .. 120 J
2nd. „ Aruangoa Eiver to the Chambeze Eiver . . 22 . . 80J
3rd. „ Chambeze Eiver (a desert) to Lunda city 29 . . 90J
Total  76 291i ^
X Mr Qan\pM. ' Geography of N'yassi ' (p. 34), says, " the expedition arrived at^
LucencS^ (the Cazembe's Oily) oh the'2nd of October, and Lacerda, worn out with
fever, died on the 18th." For 2nd read 3rd. According to Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 327), the traveller was buried a day's march from the then capital,-'
l^aud there is still in the place aJ\j[^uine-;^|.xn.{r),B,„pr Lord of the 'Tonib^, When
tihe expedition returned, the bones of the mfortunale explorer weie, Vs -will be .
seen, exhumed for the removal to Tete, but the Muizas attacked the carriers, \
and thus they were dispersed in the bush.
§ Mr. Cooley in 1845 (' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society ') borrowed
the history of the Cazembe from-f edrn thfT Pombpiro (' Annaes Maritimos,' No.
7, p. 296). In 1854 appeared ' O Muata (jazeimlbeTTlre work of MM. Monteiro
and Gamitto ; it is a far more reliable account than the former. Mr. Cooley had

104 REMARKS BY THE TRANSLATOR^ Chap. III.
" great potentate Muropue, or Mwata y^ Nvo," hearing of
white men living towards the east, sent a Quilolo. or captain.
named Canhembo,* to open intercourse "with them. Under
this captain's charge was placed one of the potentate's sons^for
^whODj cruelty and insubordination rehdCTeC exile "jadSsaSe.
The Quilolo, with ah"afmy*dfAlondas (speaking the Campocolo
language), subdued the Wasira (Messira),t lords of the soil.
At last, discovering a plot laid against him by the turbulent
prince, he resolved to return with him to the Muropue and"^
to report his success. This he did ; but when again sent east
ward with " Ghambancua." the big rjmryi pf tArribl^-j^ntAg this
Captain, Canhgmbo, wasjreacherously drowned, in Jih.& Lualao
Eiver by the prince, who was, in Tiis "fiini, put to death by his
father. , Jf ~^" — '¦ ¦¦"
—The Muropue then sent his FumqAnceva, Canhembo, the son
of the murdered man, who, when thel'^Stta (Messira) rebelled,
finally defeated them. In memory of their founder all the
.other kings took the name of Canhembo. At first they were
mere vassals of the Mwata ya NvoJ' presently they sought inde-
•¦^endence, and established a royal court. Canhembo IV., sur-
named Lequeza, J was the next ; and he received Dr. de Lacerda.
Of;.hi|,jalfiMEk»kJ!^Sity.._an^^ .£i.rg^still
current. He was succeeded earlyin the present century by
(Janneiibo V., who is described by the second Portuguese expe-
sdition as a barbarian and a coward ; in fact, a facsimile of the
first Canhembo's assassin. ^
In these Diaries -we find neither the name p.f Jm city. aOj.'.,the
ruler. This is Truly African, arising from the superstitious iiear
"of either being ^nown. The expedition seems to have left the
country persuaded that the name of the old capital was
"Chungo," or Chungu ('Diary,' July 24, 1799). According
to Mr. Cooley, it is 10 miles south of the modem capital, and
20 miles north of the Eiver Luo. Ladislaus Magyar declares
that the true name of the Cazembe's capital is Tamba-la-meba,
but I do not know how he heard it. The Arabs" of Zanzibar
spoke to me of it as "Usenda," possibly a corruption of
Lucenda, Luenda, Lunda, or Londa. It is now assumed, I do
not know why, that Lucenda is a pure error for Lunda.§
unfortunately pubhshed his ' Inner Africa Laid Open ' in 1852, and, therefore, we
detect in it all his old errors.
¦* This may explain the Kmg " Kiyombo of Uruwwa," whom the Kazeh Arabs
spoke of (' Journal of the Eoyal Geographical Society,' vol. xxix. p. 255).
t The ' Vacira' of the Chaplain (Feb. 18-21), and of ' Inner Africa Laid Open,'
X Pedro the Pombetro called him Hunga Amuronga, but this is probably some
title. § 'Bulletin,' Series V., torn. iii. p. 857.

'Chap. IIL DR. DE LACERDA'S DIARY.
DiAET OF Dr. de Lacbbda's Jouenbt.

105

station.

-^

Date.

Remarks.

1

July

3,

1798

From Nhaufa Fatiola Estate, north of Zambeze
River, to Mitondo; short day's march. — N.B.
The average is stated to he 2| Portuguese
leagues, per diem.

2

)'

i,

j»

To Inhacengeira (Nhassengeira ?) the last of the
Crown properties, distant one league from Mi
tondo : here the land of the Maraves begins.

3

)?

6,

"

To a nameless plain or prairie in the Marave
country ; short march.

4

)J

7.

1,

To a similar halting-place ; short day.

5

J)

8,

J,

To the Mashinga estate, a gold-digging ; march
ending 2 ¦ 30 p.m.

6

))

14,

,,

To a Marave village.

7

1»

15,

»j

To a large village not named; march of two
leagues.

8

"

16,

,»

To near the Lupata (or gorge), the end of " King "
Bive's land ; short march.

9

»

18,

J5

Marched with the Cordilheira Marisana to the
east, and on the west the Cordilheira Joanina ;
short stage.

10

»

19,

1J

Entered the Cordilheira Marisana ; halted at the
Caruzissira stream ; short march.

*H

,7

21,

))

To the Lupata Jaua, full march.

12

»

22,

)3

Twice crossed (crossed two branches of?) the
Aruangoa.

13

»

26,

)j

Crossed the eastern ridge and halted at the
streamlet Chigumunquire ; short march.

14

J7

27,

>7

To a Marave -village : marched from 8 a.m. till

15

31,

noon.
To place not named.

.116

August

7,

JJ

Crossed the Euy and Bua Rivers ; halted on the
banks of the Uzereze Eiver in the country of
the King Mukando.

17

»

8,

»

March with more of westing.

18\ 19/
20

ij

9-10,

91

To the Chitenga village.

„

11,

J,

Very short march.

21

)»

12,

J)

Passed gold-iield and saltpetre ; also short march.

22

j»

13,

»

To the village of the Chief Caperemera at 10-30

23

»

17,

,,

A.M.
A short march.

24

))

18,

»

Over the Cordilheira Carlotina; the first long
march.
To the Ircusuze Eiver ; forced march.

25

J,

19,

,,

26

5»

20,

»

To the village of Mazavamba — the wildest and
roughest of all the marches.

-27

,,

23,

,,

To a village near the Eio Eemimba.

28

),

24,

»

To the village of Capangura.

.29

t?

25,

IJ

To the (northern) Aruangoa Eiver ; march of two
hours.
To a lagoon ; long march.

30

?7

26,

J»

* Bowdich (p. 58) makes Java 5 days' journey from Tete.
t Bowdich (Zoe. cit.') makes " Booa " three marches from Java.

106 DR. DE LACERDA'S DIART. Chap. III.
Diary of Dr. de Laoerba's Jottenet — continued.

Station.

Kemarks.

31 32333435

August V
Septembei

27, 1798
29, „
30, „
31, „
1, „

36

»,

% „

37

»

5, „

38

?)

6, „

39

jt

7. „

404142 43 444546474849 50

51525354 5556 575859
*60

October

10,11, 12, 13,Ii
16,17,
18, 19,
20,

22,23,24,

J)

25,
26,

J)

27,

))

28,

)»

30,

)»

1,

)»

2, „

fumo Chipako.
and Mokanda

To near the viUage of Kapera Mpande.
A short march to water.
To the Serra Mushinga.
In a spacious fertile valley.
Over high and rooky ground ; settlements small,
and starving, under the Mambo Mucungure.
A long march ; crossing a desert and a marsh ;
much westing.
Crossed the Serra Eodrigo in Ih. 45m. ; another
marsh ; much westing.
Bush very thick, had to be cut nwny • hgnt p-n/l
r'ls61dIgSBesBi.\Ea,iJtot!h~westtlB5g';"" March like the three last, 'first over a ridge, then
open country, then another ridge; halted at
large stream near settlement ; land waxes richer.
A long march to the village of Morungabambara,
near the Chambeze Eiver.
After Ih. 20m. to the Chambeze Eiver.
The ridges and hills extending from Tete to the
Chambeze are not found on this march.
Plain country ; then usual style, large lagoon on
right ; to the village of Mfumo Chinimba Campeze.
Took. j)nferhgHirJ;Q.,w^de worst sw^
Short march totiie large'village ot I
A gentle descent to the Eicena
streams ; after that an ascent.
A moderate march.
Had to cut a path through the shrubbery ; crossed
tbe streamlet Eukure.
The water bad.
Crossed a Euanzeze Eiver ; reached the village
of Mfumo Monro Achinto, where last observa
tion was made; n. lat. 10° 20' 35" Time, 2h.
36 m. 40 sec. east of Lisbon.
Many elephant-tracks ; forest of tall trees.
To a small village ; some of the people Muizas.
To a plateau.
Land still desert; a great lake in the highlands
to the west (Bemba or Bangweolo).
To the village of a Mfumo Monro; no water on
road, which was clear of forest.
A shorter and clearer road, lately opened to the
Cazembe's new city.
Between two high rough ridges; people driven
from villages by lions.
A short march towards the Massanza, or burial-
place of the defunct Cazembe.
Death of Dr. de Lacerda, near the capital of the
Cazembe, on October 18, 1798.

* Bowdich reduces the journey (Pereira being his authority) to 42 days from
Muenepanda to Tete. The Diary (July 13, 1799) makes the march from the city
to Tet^ 270 leagues.

( 107 )

CHAPTER IV.
DiAEY OF THE EXPEDITION SENT BY HeE MoST FaITHPUL MajESTT TO
exploee the African Inteeioe, and to the Cotjet of the
Cazembe, distant 270 Leagues feom Tete, kept by the Chap
lain AND COMMANDBE Fe. FeANOISCO JoaO PiNTO, IN CONTINUATION
OF THE DiAEY OF De. FeANCISCO JoSE DE LaoEEDA E AlMEIDA, TO BE
presented to the Most Illtjsteioits and Excellent Senhor -
Francisco Guides de Carvalho e Menezes da Costa, Goveenoe
AND CaPTAIN-GbNEEAL OP MOZAMBIQUE AND THE CoAST OF BaST
Africa.*
Section I. — From date of Arrival at the City till December 31, 1798.
November 6, 1798. — At 2 p.m., as the Second Division was
on the liae of march, arrived two soldiers, with official letters
for the commandant of the first division, Lieut.-Colonel Pedro
Nolasco Yieira de Araujo, stating that His Excellency the
Governor of the Rios de Sena, Dr. Francisco Jose Maria de
Lacerda e Almeida, had expired at the court (capital) of the
King Cazembe, on October 18, 1798, and had appointed me
to the charge of the expedition, with instructions to carry out all
that he had begun by order of the Crown. At 4 o'clock p.m., the
principal individuals and members of the second division being
present at the halting-place (Daro), I directed the lieutenant
of that division, Antonio Jose da Cruz, to read out my nomi
nation as commandant ; and by virtue of it I installed myself in
lieu of Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva, who, from
October 22nd, had commanded the second division, succeeding,
by wish of the deceased governor, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and
Jose Eodriguez Caleja.
At 8 P.M. came to my straw hut (mogaSga,) the above-
mentioned Lieutenant Manoel, to inform me that his late col
leagues, together with Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, desired
to deprive me of the commandantship, although it had been.

* This title will show the varied errors of Mr. Cooley (' Geography of N'yassi,'
p. 40), that on the unfortunate Governor's death, " his followers, panic-struck,_fled
precipitately, and the whole property, including a good sum in gold, remained
in the Cazembe's hands." In another place lie asserts that Dr. de Lacerda " died
immediately on his arrival, and never entered the place," — what manner of " bull "
is this ? While in a third place we are told (' Geography of N'yassi,' p. 36),.
that the Cazembe refused Lacerda permission to proceed westward.

108 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV
transferred to me in the name of the Crown; and to take il
themselves — the captain as senior commissioned officer, anc
'the other as being experienced in the country.
I recommended Lieutenant Manoel to allay, as well as he
could, the rising mutiny, and to inform the mutineers that, iJ
necessary to prevent disturbances, I would resign the command,
baltha4 the-y -m.^iisLjmdfir8tMid Jhs^. .case ia^ be _thfi,...same. as .the
..rebellion at Cape Corrientes.*
These aiid "oEEer "reasons, principally their incapacity tc
undertake- so important a business, and to report of it to Lisbor
and to Angola when the opening of the road shall have beer
effected, persuaded them to desist from their project.
7th. — The second division set out for a more populous country
to collect supplies which were much wanted. From this place,
within two days' journey of the Cazembe's city, I sent a bearei
with a iLffi2ilt^'"t of^20p cloths (each 2 fathoms) and 20{:
strings of beads (mutaia |), to report our arrival, and to obtain
the king's4)enepla(!'gF'ft>i' our entrance.
SlJi'lo IVth. — The permissioET^Trived, but the hour being late,
it was resolved to wait till the next day.
11th. — At 8 A.M. the second division marched in the usual
order to enter the city. After thirty minutes on the road we
met the Fumo Anceva, secretary, treasurer, and " lajr^dlord "S oJ
foreigners, who, being considered merchants, give him his
name — Nanceva, being corrupted to Anceva. He was seated, a
little off the road, iujiis_chaii-, which resembled_a_£lain taboreti
and dressed in his mucanzo (muconzo')rtlieTSnest cloth amongst
them. We at once sent, to compliment him, and he told us
that we might advanca^We proceeded, and he followed us on
foot, making use of Caffres when he had to be carried over mud
and streams.
When we reached the place where the MliattBgas«.of jojii
party — they so call white men and all who are not Caffres — were
halted, the "Fumo Anceva appeared "in his great houses, which
the commandant of the first division had hired for me for a
piece of Indian cotton, until others could be built. There he
complimented me on the part of his master, and delivered to
me a present of twcisories and two Caporretes, or Caffre lads,

* There is no other allusion to this mutiny.
t This has been explained before. The usual opening present to the King ol
BahoEoe is , rum. ¦ — """-"—¦ ' ....^
X This word will be found afterwards, wi-itten " Mutava."
§ Meaning Mehmandar. or JMst of sjmoger, visitors. So at Dahome there ia
jan English landlord, a-i^rench landlord, and soTorffi, and all strangers aje offi
cially looked upon as buyers and sellers, who must pay for the privilege's
¦buying and sellmg. -  •  • ¦  ~ - --•-'-.— -^ ""'^

Chap. IV. AT THE COURT OF THE CAZEMBE. 109
16 years old. This offering ia,.called " mouth " (bqcaj, because^
all Caffres, except lamihar friends -who often see one anotEer,
never receive nor send messages, nor even speak, without
agift. The gifts were committed to the lieutenant-receiver,
TStanoel dos Santos e Silva, who carried them to the account of
the Royal treasury. In the afternoon, by the advice of the
more experienced who had preceded me, I forwarded unasked a
"mouth" of 36 cloths, informing the king that we had arrived
at his court.
12th. — The Cazembe sent a big sow for the Muzungos (white-
¦men) to seej_ saying that she came from Angola, by which ^Sey
understand their trading-places near our establishment. When
we asked if she had ever farrowed, they replied " no," and that '
the hog had died at once.
The Cazembe presented his new guests with a skinned
¦^and divided raca,ja*, and he recognized me as commandant, |
which was necessary before I could be so considered in his
country. y^
13th. — The Cazembe having sent fois/our inspection various
lots of woollen cloths, sudfTas calamanhas,tlastings (durantes), >
fine serges (sarafinas),'^haloons (saetas), opaque stone-ware
beads (pedras de cor), and coloured ditto (pintadas), inquired
if such articles were found in our country. He also made us a
present of some blue drinking-glasses. Notwithstanding all this
kindness, all those who from 3 p.m. came to our camp with
wood, flour, legumes, and comestibles for sale, were seized and'*
maltreated by the Fumo Anceva, and from that time natives
were prohibited from selling anything to the strangers, t
nth. — With the aid of the first guide of the bush (pratico-
dos mattos), Gonqalo Caetano Pereira, i began to prepare on the
part of the Crown a present (mirambo) for the Cazembe, and
persuaded by him that such an offering should be quite satis
factory, I in-vited the Fumo Anceva to be present. Our landlord
did not fail us. Dr. de Lacerda had told him that the Second
Division would bring up fine things, which the King of Manga §
— so they call all the lands of the Muzungos — was sending to
the Cazembe. The Fumo therefore pretended discontent with
everything, and declared that the whole, being sent by the

* I cannot explain the meaning of " Eaoaja, esfolada e partida."
t Calamanhas, also spelt Callomanhas.
t This is a general proceeding in Central Africa, where the King wishes to be-
thn nnly rnnt/iintrr
§ In this part of Africa " Manga " means theregip^of Whites. Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 185) translate if'TjSno de PortugaC""ln^2ranziKr ' (vol. i. p. 20) I
have explained it to mean literally rock, rocky ground— hence the Arabs are-
locally called Wamanga.

110 FR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. IV.
•Crown of Portugal as a present, belonged to his master the
Oazembe.* It was therefore necessary to haggle about
the quality of each item composing the Mirambo ; as for the
quantity, he wanted everything, even our private luggage.
15ih to 17th. — The Cazembe, impatient at the delay of his
present, and loth to_bsl|S2£UJiat-..,impertinences of his officer
were.the cause, of ^obstruction, ordered the latter to give metwo
tusks, by way of " mouth," begging me not to make him wait
"any longer. The Fumo, however, kept the tusks and forgot the
message ; and until the battle of the gift was decided, we had tcl
suffer not a little f-^tCLtibfli^rqppjii^^ss and |ij||it^i|,j{,pf fhe_ Mini-i
jter. On the same day, accompanied "IBysome who better knew
the country custom, I gave the Secretary his private present o^
36 plain cloths (pannos de fato), 1 fine coloured cloth (getim),
4 little ingots (pendes) of calaim (East India tin, mentioned by
Do Couto and others), 200 strings of glass beads assorted,
5 cloths, 20 strings of white opaque beads, also assorted, and
4 "porcelanas" of small cowries. Although he had been
promised a gift after my presentation at Court, he feared the
contrary, and now he was out of his misery : his return gift was4
an ivory. But though afterwards he became more placable, he
did not cease persisting in attempts to swell the present of his
king by asking for everything he saw.
18th to 2Qth. — The Fumo Anceva broke his promise about
bearing away the " dash " made to his king.
21s^. — With much trouble the Fumo was persuaded to carry
off our offering to the Cazembe, who was satisfied with it. The
conciseness of a Diary prevents my enumerating the multitude
of things of which it consisted, and, moreover, .all appear in the
Receiver's account. It was to be supposed -that the Cazembe,
according to country custom, having received such a gift, would
acknowledge the receipt bv a ^|;^| mouth/', or counter g;ift of ivorv
jagddaves — he did not return even a message. To tke Mu^e-'
mpanda, commander-in-chief and especial favourite of the Ca
zembe, I gave 36 plain cloths (de fato), 1 looking-glass, 1 piece
of fine " getim," f 4 zinc bars, 200 strings of beads, 5 pannos de
velorio, also assorted, 10 douros sortidos, 4 n^fcelanas of cowries.
He was pleased with his gift, and returnoB a copper bar and a
* The same was done to the second expedition. At Dahome it is a legal fiction I
that everything belonging to strangers is the property of the King as long as it is
in his city. Also there is a considerable tendency to look upon all foreigners as
slaves. t In Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 453) "gdtim" is explained as "pintada de
c6res,mas depreciada por md.' Pannos of velorio are the equivalents in beads to
fine cloths. Douros may be an error for Dordra. explained by the same explorers
(p. 189) to be synonymous with Canutilho.

Chap. IV. DISSATISFACTION OP THE CAZEMBE. Ill
small ivory (dente de marfim miudo),* a name given to all
between 7| to 14 lbs.
22nd to 23rd. — A similar present was made to the King's
nephew, the Sana Muronue.t who, more generous than the
Muenempanda, returned an ivory weighing upwards of 64 lbs.
24iA. — My position compels me to make the greater presents,
because the Cazembe's friendship is in every sense necessary to<
me. The haste with which I left Quilimani to join, as chaplain,
the expedition at Tete, having allowed me no time for prepara
tions, I indented upon Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e Silva,
the Receiver of the Crown property, for some articles to be
repaid in money, after our return. For tViis both he and I were
severely censured and criticised by Jose Rodrigues Caleja and '
his acolytes.
25th. — The first guide (pratico dos mattos), Gonoalo Caetano
Pereira, with the Receiver, Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos e
Silva, the notary Antonio Jose da Cruz, and Captain Joao da
Cunha Pereira, came to inform me that the Cazembe was so
dissatisfied with his presents that the Royal stores and the
Receiver's office were in danger of being plundered. I at onc^
gave orders secretly to make up 400 ball-cartridges, in case ot
need.J By the Receiver's advice, I resolved to advance pay to,
all on the list, that, should the report prove true, the Crown
stores might not suffer so much : all the soldiers were allowad*
to draw three months' advance pay ; the officers had already
received more. On this occasion I drew my salary a.s cbaTjUjy,^^
:£3Ji..Bix.mnrif,h.c;^ no other falling dug, and a pfepaymeht of ten,
amounting to 39^ plain cloths (pannos de fato) = 197*500 dels.
of this country, or 98.750 of Portugal.
A great Chiraro (officer) complained before the Cazembe that
the Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira had dishonoured him
through his wife, and demanded satisfaction : the King, in^
reply, bade him chastise the woman for troubling the whites,
and thus the injured husband lost his damages.§ The reason of
the Cazembe's reply was that before the arrival of the expedition,
which was known to march without women, he had recommended
his officers to look after their wives, and had told them that if
any went astray, either with a white or with the Caffre of a'
white, there would be no " palaver."
* The Portuguese divide their ivory into two kinds, grosso, meao_ (middle),
miudo, and sera, the latter being " ScrweUoSj" from 1 lb. to 2 lbs. in weight.
t He is one pf the great officers atlKeCourt. •--. - ^-.  -
X In these cases it is generally the civilian— say missionary, doctor, or
¦chaplain — who first shows fight.
§ These palavers (Milandos) are of almost daily occurrence in the countries of
f the Cazembe and of the Mwata yi Nvo. And t'-- ," piiiTT^ inrlm " \V\ peif^ctlv
well known in Eastern and Western Africa, especially at Abeokuta.

112 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV

28th. — To-day the Cazembe gave his first official reception to
the whites of the Second Division. He was sitting on his
Hytanda,* a low, .plain, country-fashioned_te^Sai^, lined with
red cotton (Xaile), a stuff 'brdught'ffomlthe north. The recep
tion place was the principal entrance of his palace, under two<
.krge..andJQttgMydaadfi>Jtmbj£d3Mj0^aai£i3^^ the common
Balagate. The open space, which is large, was filled with an
immense crowd, and in front of the people were seated his-
grandees, his son, and his brother — all upon the bare ground.
Those whom the king addressed or looked at, acknowledged iU
by clapping their hands, with cries and shouts of joy, whim
others accompanied with ftlinrt bm-ata nf tVio TYim.i»«l.a -j- ^j^^
other instruments. Those not so honoured remained silent.
Thfe.jfrandees. m9reovex. r.iihbad-.ea£ih.ja[pQn-..thfiir-jajms,...aad
\sts, in token of hum^^^aJSd jasgalagie. When we arrived,
the t'ing'was"§iffiffg,"'lisTEiaTCdescribed, outside his palace, -with
a little brazier before him, surrounded by various horns contain
ing charms against witchcraft. For us a certain post had been
appointed, thirty paces from the presence ; there we were con
ducted by our guide, the Fumo Anceva, and we were soon
surrounded by a mighty crowd of gazers. The Fumo then
retired and knelt down four paces behind his master, to receive
orders. At once, out came Catara, the Micrunda Caffre who had met
us at Tete, and began to 'lEemberar," that is to say, to dance,
in token of joy, as is the cus?om7pausing in his steps when
near the king, who was some eight steps distant. With his
knife he pointed to the directions where Angola and Tete are
supposed to be, signifying that the Cazembe was very happy in
being -visited by whites from both countries. Our soldiers who
were of the party went through some evolutions, and fired, to
the great pleasure of the king. I satfi; to compliment him, but
the Caffre interpreters of GonpaloiOaetano Pereira, when giving-
my message, presented as a "Vnouth" seventy cloths and
a mutava (200 strings) of velorio beads. The Cazembe only
replied that it was well, and with signs of satisfaction ordered
the offering to be taken up. He returned three tusks, each
weighing more than 32 lbs, and two slaves, after which he soon.
disappeared. Thus ended our first audience, if it can be so called. Before the

* In the Sawihil country the Kitanda is a cot, a " lit de sangle."
V. t Tuoorim, in Monteiro and Gamitto (Appendix B), is a stuff likeEotiam,but
much inferior, 8tn£e4_5jjhiti3h and white. i^'  '
^¦>"t-^PhB-Marlnr6a is a well-known negro instrument, a rude piano, Dr.
Liyingaf one has given a sketch of one (' First Expedition,' p. 293).

Chap. IV. DISPUTES AS TO SENIORITY. 113
soldiers had set out for this ceremony there had been some dis
pute touching command between Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira
and the Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos. The latter pleaded
seniority, and as he resolved to precede the former, whose
nomination as Captain had not been confirmed by His Excel
lency the Captain-General of Mozambique, and whose commission
had not arrived, the dispute rose to such a height that the two
officers abused each other violently in presence of the troops^
waiting to march. The Lieutenant went so far as to call the
Captain 'Lqullion," and the latter showed so little proper spirit
that he at once put up with the disgrace, and next day he
became a friend of his insulter. Such was the character of most
of the members of the expedition.
November 29th to December 2nd. — Since our arrival here
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos suspended the issue of velorio
beads, with which, from the beginning of the journey, the
people bought their provisions : at their request, I ordered the
said beads to be issued.
3rd. — The Receiver, who had been directed on the march by
the late Governor to have his accounts drawn out and ready to
be presented on our arrival at the Court, forgot all about it,
judging that his superior having died, nothing would be re
quired. When I called for the balance, after time enough h^
gave me a list of the remaining effects in the Royal treasijry.
But having heard of certain laches, I directed him in eight
days to produce his detailed accounts, as the list of existing!
articles did not content me.*
4f^. — I was informed that Gonpalo Caetano Pereira had, by
means of his Caffres, reported to the Fumo Anceva, intending
the Cazembe to hear of it, that I had appropriated the presents^
sent to the king. He thus alluded to my having transferred
to the public account the king's gift on the 11th ultimo,
which was in return for the present of the 7th November, and
the three tusks and two slaves sent to myself on the 28th
ultimo in return for my private gift of the same date. Having
ascertained that this bad man had been guilty of such an un,^
worthy proceeding, in order to stop his calumnies, I sent the
private presents alluded to, that of the Fumo Anceva (17th
, ultimo), that of the Muenempanda (21st), and that of the Sana
Muropue (22nd), to the Receiver, with orders to place them in
the Royal treasury, and I took from him an equivalent of the
effects which I had expended.
5th. — The Cazembe summoned the Expedition, and the

iispul^, V

* Here begin the ignoble mouey-dispul^, which are enough to ruin any
expedition.

114 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV.
soldiers to assist at a triumphal entry which he was giving to
one of his Caj]flt!g.m:s .who-.w^s.j:e|^.j:ftijigL£Koai..J«8a*.* Sickness
prevented my obeying the summons. The king appeared seated
under his principal gateway, as when he gave us audience. All
being assembled, the chief in whose honour the fete was given
appeared with a few heads of those whom he had killed in battle
and some captives. When the latter had been paraded, he
.began the usual dance of gladness, and as he approached the
king's feet the monarch, in token of having been well served,
lowered the knife which he was holdipg. As the chief con-
tinuB3~l'o dance, he was interrupted by a sign made by the
Cazembe to our soldiers, "vghose firing at the end of the cere-
mony caused him the liveliest pleasure.
"""^wTto 8i{/i."— A viol(3nt' quarrel arose in our camp (mussassa)
between the slaves of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and those of
the chief sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco : the former would insist
on following up the latter, who, persuaded by their masters,
were retiring. I ordered Captain Joao de Cunha Pereira to
end the tumult hy sending the negroes to their quarters (in-
tembas),t and, when nothing was done, I gave directions to fire
, with ball, sothat a death or two might terminate the fray.
There were no Duue^ out some small shot, willi wmch the
soldiers fired a few times, and some of them retired wounded
with arrows.
At that moment apppajred a Xil'aro X Caffre of the Cazembe,
who, being very drmiK and niixed up with the Caffres of Gon
palo Caetano Pejieira, received one or two grains in his ribs,
and fell appar^tly dead by reason of his intoxication. Upon
I this the original quarrel ended, and a second trouble began. The
negroes, p^ents and acquaintances of the fallen man, raised him
in their a,mis, and, weeping, brought him to me, s^ng that we
had killed him. The Caffre vassals of the Ca^ifbe, our fellow-
travellers to this place, who had received at Tete the greatest
l^civility^ were the loudest in their threats. But they were
Muiza's, who for that supposed death promised us real destruc
tion in order to get our heads. Things looking ill, I sent the
chi^f sergeant, Pedro Xavier Velasco, who then was most in
favour, to take or to forward an account of the accident. The
king heard it all calmly, saying that he would pronounce judg
ment on the next day, before all the whites, who were directed
to! be present. §
* The second expedition was treated to a similar spectacle, and I witnessed it at
Dahome. It is probably a part of the official programme.
f In Unyamwezi, " tembe " is a large house.
i 'Shiraro, an officer.
§ There is sure to be some dispute of this kiud : the same happened to me in

^Chap. IV. VISIT TO THE CAZEMBE'S PALACE. 115
9th. — All the whites who were able — I was still sick — went
to the court. The Cazembe, after hearing the case and approv
ing of Pedro Xavier Velasco's conduct, said that the strangers
were in his country, and must live in peace, leaving their"
quarrels to be fought out when they return home : moreover,
that, if they turned a deaf ear to this salutary advice, he would
act otherwise another time. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira had the
indiscretion to say that on his side the dispute had not ended,
but the Cazembe, pretending not to hear him, dismissed the
assembly, telling the Caffres who had threatened us that they
were running the risk of a miserable death.
On the same day and occasion Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, Jose
Rodrigues Caleja, and Antonio Jose da Cruz spoke privily to
the Cazembe about opening the Angola road, though, knowing
their imprudence and their wish to do everything in a hurry,'*'
I had long before forbidden the subject. It was clear to me
that they found the Cazembe irresolute. At first he gave
leave; then, warned by the Fumo Anceva, he withdrew his^
words, under pr^EexTOTTEe'difficuKies of the road ; so that he
meither granted nor -promised anything. I arrested Vasco
•Joaquim Pires, ensign of militia, for his intrigues on the occa
sion of yesterday's quarrel ; but he so managed that the Fumo
Anceva hastened to beg his release in the name of the Cazembe^^
whom they thus drew into all our affairs. I at once ordejfSu
him to be set at liberty.
10th to 19th. — The Receiver of the Royal Treasures, Manoel
dos Santos, handed me in a_badlY drawn up account. ^
20th and 21st. — After examining the account, 1 transferred the
Receivership from Manoel dos Santos to Jose Rodrigues Caleja,
•who was ordered to take charge of the effects belonging to the
Royal Treasury. The Fumo Anceva failed not quickly to come
and tell me that his master the Cazembe wished Manoel dos '
Santos to remain in office; and when I would not consent,
seeing that the Royal Treasury had suffered enough, he replied^
if the lieutenant stole it was no matter, he would be answer
able for the theft. Suspecting the message to be fictitious, I
promised to go at once with my reply to the Cazembe : it was
too late, however, to see the king, and the business remained
for the next day.
22nd. — According to promise, I went to the palace accom
panied by Lieut. -Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Ararijo ; the
¦chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco; the guide, Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira, and the Serjeant of ordnance, Jose Rodrigues

Dahome, and the people attempted to make a " palaver " because I stopped it
-with a stick.
I 2

116 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV.
Caleja. We were at once admitted into a circular house, a
form affected by all the Caffres of the interior ; here the Cazembe
was seated, with many courtiers outside. All was disposed that
we might be alone ; nevertheless, his brother, the Sana Muropue,
his son, Muenebuto,* and some imprudent domestics remained
to gratify their curiosity. >^
All this ceremony was b|^«*use the king had heard that we
had brought a camp-bedstead of Macao-work, and he wanted
to see it set up. Whilst we were satisfying him, he never
ceased eyeing the curtains, which were of very light and trans
parent silk.
When the bed was ready, the Cazembe wished to dismiss us.
I told him that a representation had to be made, and that I
ought not to leave his presence without making it. As he bade
me speak, I began by telling him that I came to answer the
1 " palaver " (milando) of the day before. Then the Fumo
Anceva, who was near, took up the thread of my discourse, and
Inade known to the king what he had delivered to me yesterday
as a message in the Royal name. I took the opportunity of
showing the enormity of the offence, and the unworthiness
of the offender to be protected by his master, adding, that till
now the Cazembe had not known what had happened, and that
the message in his name was the result of an understanding
between the Receiver and his minister : thus the latter exposed

of my Sovereign, and that I might punish the criminal and
- secure the Royal Treasury as I best pleased.
23rd to 27th. — Since the guide Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and
Jose Rodrigues da Cunha had treated directly with the Cazembe
about the transit to Angola, all my endeavours through the
Sana Muropue did not progress; I therefore begged the
Cazembe to give me an audience on the next day — a request
at once granted. |
28th. — I went, accompanied by the two guides, to the Cazembe,
and seeing him surrounded by his court, I attempted to speak
with him alone, but found it impossible. This was an occasion
not to be lost : tha^jaambers pf the .Expedition ¦were criticising
jiv, ina.ctiony as if a superior jrerebpund_tosatisfyT^!li'e

* The heir-apparent of the Cazembe takes the title of " M««Mbuto " for
"Mueneputo: " in the original misspelt " Muembute."
' t This is the usual African trick : tlie, king and the rninister play into each
otl'ejs_hand3— the latter does the dirty wBWr-aHff' thrlo^^r^MTSTTErBWlst
hqm.aretoo-cuuning for tli.g. white man. ' "--^^*-~«»— ~  ,.  ^_ ,_  , /
X It is very clear that the Cazembe never intended to allow transit to Ano-ola •
Buch a^ermission would have been quite contrary to all African policy. ¦

€hap. IV. ILLNESS OF THE CAZEMBE. 117
of those under him. I therefore opened the subject of the
Angola journey, when the king at once objected wars, famine,
and the death of Governor de Lacerda : he did not wish all the
whites to perish on the road to Angola, and to be accused of not
having warned them of their danger, and of having permitted
them to incur it. Finally, he declared that we had better return
and report his views to our Sovereign, and that if, despite these
difficulties, we were sent another time, he would " give pass." *
I insisted that there was neither famine nor war, and the
carriers of the Muropue, lately arrived, had brought no such
intelligence; that our deaths would not lie at his door,, even as
we blame no one for the Governor's decease, rrrlJ knoTriuBT thnt
^11 must die, without the intervf Ti|,ion of anything extra-
-JQr.dluaifty^TrrT'^^'' ' 'yj l said that, m our desire to open toe road,
two whites would remain after the departure of the Expedition,
¦with the view of passing to Angola when the carriers sent to
Ascertain about the way might return.
2'i}th to 31st. — The Cazembe began to feel sick, with acute pains>
in the head, which presently extended over the body.
Section 2. — Continuation of the Diary from the beginning of the Tear 1799,
to February 17, 1799.
January 1st to 3rd, 1799. — Jos^ Rodrigues Caleja presented to
me a general requisition, begging that the comestibles might be
divided amongst the members of the Expedition ; and that, pro
visions being damageable goods, each one wished to take care of
his own portion. I ordered this to be done.
4^th and 5th. — The Cazembe's sickness so increased that Jiis
recovery was doubted, and knowing his dangerous state, he
je.peatedly recommended, should he die, his son, his brotner.
.. and his cnieTsrin~no*wav to moTes"^^ whites (Muzungus). wJfF
being traders are privileged, people.! His physicians were un
wearied in sacrificing as many human victims as possible to
their fancies or barbarous politics. They went forth at morning,
;at noon, and at 10 p.m., beating their tambourines on the road, ,
^nd all tho^e at whom they pointed were seized as wizards and
unsparingly kain.§ Witti the king's malady our 'tears in'^as^;
\\ * Auntber vgry transparent " dodge." apparent to every experienced African.
II Gelele, Ki:ig of uahome, acted precisely in the same way when I wished to cross
|IlIi3 uuuhBiu tiuuiiijr."^

/^

{Had the Cazemoe died, pro'B'ably ' the' wEoTe exped
molested. J
§ ComparewiththisDr.Livingstone'sstatement('SecondExpedition,'chap. xxv.) :
'• In one remote and small corner of the country, called Dahomey, the African

118 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV..
we knew that in case of his death, despite his good word, we
"could not avoid the robbery general throughout the kingdom —
jit being, a Caffre practice to celebrate the deaths of great men
Ibyjtheft^and the'higEer is the deceaseds ranl/tEegf eater is
fme disorder. I therefore ordered a sufficiency of ball-cartridges
to be prepared.*
6th to «/?>. — EnT iha piirpn.gA nf promoting good fellowship, Ihadj
'ki^pt np a gpnemLmess ; atlhg. end of a month no One attended./
My party at once demandedclotK"to"buy tatibns. 1 referred to
the Receiver, who being the author of the requisition, at once
replied' that it was only reasonable. Thereupon I sent to-
settle the quantity required for each person.
9;^._This point determined, I ordered the Receiver to supply
each person with ten cloths per mensem.
10th to 13th. — The Cazembe had thrown off his malady, but,
had not appeared in public. Caetano Fabiao, chief of squadron,
when ordered to proceed with despatches for the Government
of Tete, went to take leave of the king in hope of a present.
The Cazembe, after ascertaining that the object of his journey
was to report the Governor's death, gpye )im a.njyory weighing
^jitore than 80 lbs. He added, that, being ignorant of writing,
this wasTnsTelter reporting to the actual Governor the unhappy
news of the death of the Geral (General) t — so governors are
called by Caffres. The tusk was taken by the Receiver, Jose-
Rodrigues Caleja.
Mth to 18th. — The Sana Muropue, the king's brother (nephew?)
came to my quarters as invited, to discuss a project of free-trade.
After showing him all its benefits to the king and the country,
I begged his interest with the Cazembe, before whom the affair
must come at last. He promised me his assistance.
, 19th and 20th. — Amongst the dried fish brought by the Caffres
fcr sale, appeared ,gar6|3as.t b^gre, and jEQckJsiM'-ll peculiar to
salt water. After inquiry, i found that at the place where the

religion has degenerated into a bloody superstition." Has the writer never heard
of Asiante and of Benin, of Uganda or of Unyoro ? Again we read, " this reckless
disregard of human life mentioned by Speke and Grant is quite exceptional."
Exceptional ! If Dr. Livingstoue had taken the trouble to read my book on the
' Lake Eegions,' he would have found how exceptional is the " mildness " of
the African religion.
* This ^amnjlg(,,,^idhimultaftCT
The sav£^e""Solqn3' "'Eayfe~TiiTOR]Ied"Ttin order to aqcelgra^e' "ffie~choioe"or"a
successor, and to read "a practical lesson touching the beneBtroJTKTwWforms of
Fyrariny, despdfisih, and democracy.  - ...-™~. ™.-~™..,._ ...
'T'The- nen expedition, iff 1831-32, found Dr. de Lacerda/emembered as tho
" Geral." y/
I The Garoupa of ]\Iff|rlw>lff,ia|,|;^ '^"U flpi, '^^^^^i^^v^"'^ The "..Bagw" in the
dictionaries ib""J long ash witha^i-ITedTaill and^ock fish is too vague to-
ascertain species. y^

Chap. IV. CONVALESCENCE OP THE CAZEMBE. 119
Xibuiri (Shibuiri) or son-in-law of the Cazembe lived, and where he
had fled after killing four Caffre head-traders sent by the Angola
merchants, there is n. sa.lt-iyater i^jver^ f^ftllp'd, T^hariza.-Mpotfl *'
which ebbs and flows. The distance from the Cazembe's court
to the Chumbo is, according to the Caffres, one month's travel,
which we may reckon to be 15 days, as they walk only three
hours per diem. Thence to the Muropue are eight short or four
long stages, and the same to Mueneputo,! the king nearest
Angola. Perhaps that river may be the Coanza, and we have left
behind us the Conenis for want of astronomical observations.
This, however, and other interesting points, must remain
unsettled ; such were the hurry and impetuosity of the Governo*'
de Lacerda, and so wild and disorderly is the present party.
21st to 26th. — The Caffres of Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz
pursued the country negresses who came to sell flour, maize,
and millet, and stole sundry cobs of Indian corn. This they
have done before, and not without their master's knowledge:
hearing of it, I asked him to chastise them for conduct which*
'toight bring us into great trouble.
27th. — The Fumo Anceva appeared with a message from the
Cazembe, complaining that certain Caffres of our party, not
content with running over all the plantations (mundas) and
crops (searas), had carried their insolence so far as to plunder
the property of his wives, which the latter would not suffer.
He had therefore determined to divide a plot of manioc amongst
the whites and their slaves (checundas),J the captives and half-
civilized property of those dwelling at the Rios de Sena. Thus
on the next day all the slaves were summoned for muster, in
order that each might carry away his master's share. I satis
fied the complaint to the best of my ability, and 1 accepted the
offer, admiring the king's generosity.
January 28th to Februury 4:th. — On the latter day the Ca
zembe showed himself convalescent to his people, who received
him with pjjlm-p.lgppjnfys. with shouts of..jpy, and with concerts
otmasralfes-and other instrumenls." Vasco Joaquim Pires showed
his libertinism by saying that he wanted no mass, and from
that day forth he never attended divine service. To-day I heard

J Nyanza-Mputo. The '_' -w!^,fer , nf yyrhigal " usually
The Sbibuiri ia clearly "the " Q.uiburiV then brother-

* Which we should -write Nyanza-Mputo. The " w!^,fer nf yy^-rjiigal "usually
means the i

tie ' Second Expedition' Sso mentions .V'kin^ Muenenputo, near the
Muropue ; whilst the traveller J. Rodrigues Gra9a says that the Muenenputo das-
Praias obeys the Matiamvo (Mwata y& Nvo).
X Eronerl-y ipganing Caffre slaves speaking Portuguese. Dr. Kirk informs mo
that only tW ct'ie'f ()l:"''a''Ga3ing expeditioii Is WHSiSied. But Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 14) say, " Aos escravos ohamam Checuuda,"

120 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THEJOTENAL. Chap. IV.
that all the Caffres were freely selling their stores of ivory and
slaves (merendas).
5th to nth. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja informed me that Pedro
Xavier Velasco was still intriguing with the Cazembe to pre
vent our passing on to Angola. His reason was, that JaL
tho^Governor's death.^e had lost t,^" fha-nop nf f.prtaiTi a.d-
fvantages promIa.edJQjiim in,caaej3£success7 "STose Rodrigues
Caleja said he could prove the charge, and offered to swear to it,
I ordered the members of the expedition to send in their attes
tations on oath, with a view of documenting so extraordinary a
proceeding. " -
l6't/i'to nth. — The same Jose Rodrigues Caleja, despising
my prohibition and taking up, with the greatest imprudence,
the subject of our advance to Angola, asked me to go with him
about the matter to the_JIuenempanda, the influential war-chief
of the Cazembe. When" i asked" nim his ground for ex
pecting success from such proceedings, he simply replied that
i^they were necessary. Not wishing to involve myself in his
imprudence, I refused to go ; but, as he had proceeded so far,
I authorized him, accompanied by Gonpalo Caetano Pereira
and by Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz, to take a piece of
¦ cloth as an-una^ke(^ "^ mouth '' ,to , 1-1"^^ C^^phap.p.p.r They carried
with tliem the l!'umo Anceva: the latter, and the Muenempanda,
after long debate touching the difficulties, promised that day to*
speak with the Cazembe, and informed the whites that they
must appear on the morrow before the king, with a certainty of
their request being granted.*
12th. — Sickness having hitherto prevented my personally
congratulating the Cazembe on his recovery, I begged audience
of him, and he replied that he would receive nie on the evening
of that day. Accordingly, at 2 p.m., I went to the palace, but,
as the king, together with his grandees, was in the assembly
^oi Pombe,t the porters would not allow me to pass the first
gate, and quickly shut it. I spent an hour and a-half at the
entrance, to prove that I had not missed my appointment,
jwhen certain grandees came out and showed themselves con-
[cerned by my waiting, without, however, being able to remedy
it. At last appeared the Prince Muenebuto sufSjaeBtljt-dis^
guised in beer. As he wished to carry me belOTe his father,
nis uncle (cousin ?), the Sana Muropue. whose head was cooler.

* It need hardly be remarked that tbe idea never once entered either black
t " Sitting on Pombe " is the Kisawahili phrase, meaning that he was
•' drinking for drunk " native beer : most African cliiefs in the interior do this
regularly every dayftftcr noon. Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 291) say, " estar no

Pombe."

-Chap. IV. EEVOCATION OF LEAVE OF DEPAETUBE. 121
prevented this proceeding and took me to his own house. He
apologised for the porters, assured me that his brother (uncle ?)
had not heard of my coming, and, finally, he declared to me
that the king, being in his Pombe, could not have spoken
with me.*
l^th. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja told me that the Cazembe had
summoned the whites for the next day, intending to concede
transit through his country to Angola; and that he wished to
see those chosen for the journey. As it appeared that some
difficulty might be caused by sending Pe<^ja>.,2^aYJ^.y?l^f ^" f*
who was personally distasteful to the Cazembe, I nominated in
his steaa L/ieutenant j ose V icente r ereira isalema.
14th. — I went with all the whites to the palace, and we were
at once conducted to the place where the king was giving
audience to hiajQaboceers and people. He was, they told me,
admonishing thein to abandon and abominate the crime of
sorcery, to which he attributed all his illness. Having waited!^
half-an-hour till this levee ended we followed the king, who
passed into another place. There he inquired for the envoys,
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, chosen by .
Governor de Lacerda and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira
Salema. Having seen and recognized them, he entered into*
the former difficulties, beginning with the Governor's death and
ending with the scarcity on the road. Jose Rodrigues Caleja
at once assured the king that, being ordered by Her Most
Faithful Majesty to execute the journey at every risk, the
envoys would go, if it cost all their lives. The Cazembe turned
'in wonder to his people: exclaimed "Truly these messengers
greatly fear and respect their Sovereign, not even objecting t(^
incur death." Then, continuing the address to us, he granted
the wished-for leave to the two envoys ; and promised guides
to the Muropue, cautioning us, however, not to delay, as his
messengers were ready to depart.t I acknowledged the kind
ness, and we retired to make preparations, whilst the others, on
their side, showed no less activity, j:
15th. — At y A.M. caino-ttie l^^umo Anceva and his party,
'.requesting me to assefnble the whites, as he had a matter to
lay before them. ,. When this was done, he declared that the
Cazembe had r^gQkp.^^ his permission_oL.y£ate3aiay : it was not
right for us^bn' our first ^isit to 'E^*country, to carry out thiy
project ; ..we must return to Tete and report to our Sovereign
the troubles and dangers of such an undertaking ; and then, if
V 
*/At last, the truth !
-f '^^n fni'lll"1i° ""•""'^fltii'"*^"ll " is iuatinctivelv a prime favourite witji,,^t£pcans.-
X A mere ^Btence, as will presently appear.

122 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. IV.
we were again sent, we should have his leave and assistance.
He concluded with saying that the ardour with which I, Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira, and Jose Rodrigues Caleja, had entered into
•the affair had estranged the king's heart, and that we had
shown but little judgment.
Such a message was not from the Cazembe. The Fumo
Anceva made me come to the ball, as they say, either because
he thought that I, as Commandant, had. egged on the other two,.
or because, havjng taken an aversion to me, he wanted the
cha^e^XiuiilS^iwiKi^) <5l' 'touiitiuyri  ES'leareT'lEain "migKt
.^report his evil doings to the Cazembe. After consulting those
' present, I replied to the Fumo Anceva that we had not looked
for the Sovereign breaking his word, juch ^g^'^^ing ijho
custom of the kings(Mambos), but thatTS^teF'mature'^aelibe-
ration in a'case'so'newfoTus, we would send a reply. I said no-
more, hoping that the Cazembe would hesitate to tarnish his
name by a breach of faith and would withdraw the prohibition..
Jose Rodrigues Caleja announced to me that Pedro Xa'vie^
Velasco, having gone yesterday at noon to visit the Cazembd,.
the, porters had shut the_door in his face.
16th. — At lTrA'.JL7TEe^anaT[uropue took his seat outside
my door, and requested that I would muster the whites to hear
his message. This was done when Jose Rodrigues Caleja, assum
ing a prophetic strain, declared that he knew the business to be-
a demand for the presents (mirambos) destined for the Muro
piie, the Mueneputo, and the minor chiefs on the way to^
Angola. His conjecture, however, proved to be untrue. The
Sana Muropue told us all at once that the Cazembe had sent
him to verify the message yesterday delivered to the Fumo^
Anceva in his own presence, and that, seeing our readiness to
rush into danger, he would not allow us passage to Angola till
our second visit. Moreover, the king found it hard that he who,
opening the roads which had been closed by Chibuy, Governing/
Fumo of the Muizas, had sent his vassals to buy cloth, and to
^ing whites with much treasure to his kingdom, should see-
such valuables pass out of it.*
When the message was over, Jose Rodrigues ^Caleja caused
it to be explained to the Sana Muropue that the whitesy
also did not wish to expose their lives for the purpose oi
death, and that they returned thanks to the Cazembe. I at
once_ stopped the message, asking Jose Rodrigues Caleja
how it agreed with what he had spoken on the 14th instant,
in presence of the Cazembe and his chiefs. Ashamed of "

=* This again is the truth coming out at last. Jose' Eodrigues Caleja had/
doubtless been intriguing to bring it about. ^

Chap. IV. AEEOGANCE OF THE PUMO ANCEVA. 123
rashness and cowardice., he changed colour .¦aad...Jhfi]iL..his '
peace^^^Havin gTaken all the votes, they were unanimous for
'our'acfing according to the Cazembe's wishes. This did not
quite please me, but, to gain time, I assented. The mild
address of the Sana Muropue giving me an opportunity to
publish the insufferable arrogance with which the Fumo AncevS'^
had spoken yesterday, I asked him, before replying, if the
Cazembe really held me to be a man of as little judgment as
his officer had declared ; also, if it was true, as the same person
had asserted, to a Caffre linguist of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira,
that, had the whites (Muzungos) been Muizas, the king would
have cut off their heads. -^
Here all my party present showed their timidity and their
habits of murmming ; even unto openly asking me whether I
wanted satisfaction from the Cazembe or from the Fumo
Anceva. Not heeding their criticisms, I ordered my question to
be put to the Fumo Anceva, who denied the whole, declaring it
an imposture. After this reply, which showed to all the
confusion of the proud Caffre, I sent to say to the Sana
Muropue, that I had never expected the king to break his word^
a thing impossible even amongst the Caffre chiefs near his
country ; but that, as the king desired it, we would speak no
more about Angola. He left us, and on the evening of that
day I proceeded to a judicial inquiry upon the subject of Pedro
Xavier Velasco's offences.

( 124 )

CHAPTER V. .
-Continuation of the Chaplain's Diaet from Pebeuakt 17, 1799,
TO THE Time of Pkepaeing foe the Eetuen Maech.
February 17, 1799. — At 8 a.m. the Sana Muropue returned
to my house, and, in presence of all the whites, delivered a
message from the Cazembe, that, as there was no more talk of
Angola, he wanted the now superfluous presents intended fo»
the Muropue and the Mueneputo.* I put it to the vote of
all : they were in a panic lest I should refuse : knowing the
demand would be made, they augured the worst ;.,.|gfiff;ifii.iXoj:,fey
Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Velasco (sic pro Nolasco) Vieira d'Araujo,
the chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco, and Antonio Jose da
Cruz, were the only officers who did not show fear.
All being of one opinion, namely, that refusal would be
dangerous, I was obliged to consent ; but before doing so, I
inquired of the Sana Muropue what the Cazembe meant by
such a claim ; J^e replied it was all done in good friendship. I
added that the presents should be put into his hands, hot into
those of the Fumo Anceva, as the latter had received a con
siderable gift in the name of our sovereign, and we did not
Know whether it had reached its destination. Moreover, that
besides plundering what was given to his master, he robbed
what the Cazembe sent to his friends and relatives (buenozes).V
But I insisted that in presence of the king the first present should
De referred to. The Fumo Anceva changed colour, now deny
ing that he had received the gift, then affirming that he had
given up all to his master. The Sana Muropue confirmed this
^last assertion, and relieved the Caffre whose guilt was evident ;
either to please the Cazembe who much affected his minister,
or to draw him from a confusion which also fell upon all the
nation (Murundas).t Yet I persisted that the present gift
should be reported before delivery, and to that purpose I sent
* This was one of the strongest reasons for tbe transit not being allowed. The
message was delivered by the apparent friend of the party, the Sana Muropue,
.after the bully Pumo Anceva had been allowed to frigliten them. All was
peifectly en reule.
t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 213) call the people generally Lundas, Murundas,
or Arundas. ,.,..i.™i.~„

Chap. V. PEINCE MUENEBUTO. 125

H

the lieutenant, Antonio Jose da Cruz, who could not, however,
find the Cazembe at home. Thn pnni- 1-ing- hag thf? nfmoiPt4in
believe that over-zeal for his interests make.Ti.the F^mo Ancfiva,
^ho is the greatest thief in his dominions, suff§r^2ffi«2!B£j^tkfi«i
'charges. I was therefore obliged'lx) deliver "t^Gepr^ent with
out further ado, and without verifying the delivery of the (
former gift, a fact committed to paper and signed by all the '
party.* In the evening I began to inquire into the misdemeanour
of Pedro Xavier Velasco.
18thr-21st. — There was drumming and dancing (tombocapao),
which other Caffres of these parts call " l^'^lBtoiftffl'^i" "*" ^'"t'^vg"^
Prince Muenebuto and his brother-in-law Chibuery, already
alluded to on January 20th. The Cazembe was present with his
usual dignity, but guarded by armed Caffres.^ as the prince
^ danced with his large knife drawn in^ order to touch wif,h it i
'""that of hj|g fathAr fl. si^n.nf harinnr and rpgppr».t The Cazembe,
^ however, thus favoured only his son. The ceremony took place
in the open space before the principal gate of the palace, a
great crowd of people having instruments collected, and there
also were our troops, for whom the Cazembe sent, and whose
discharge of musketry he himself directed. It was said that
this fete was to celebrate his having closed once for all the -¦
Angola road, so as to increase his connection with Tete, whence
their best things came. This was not confirmed, as they do not
wish to break off with Angola.
I will now describe Muenebuto the prince, and his Murundas.
Muenebuto is tail, good-looking, and well proportioned ; his ex
pression is pleasing, nay, almost always cheerful and smiling ; he
^cares only for amusement, and his age — twenty years — permits
nothing else. On the contrary, the Cazembe shows gravity
and inspires respect ; he also is tall, and well built, and his age
may be about fifty. As he has many wives — ^the greatest sign
of Caffre dignity — he becomes every year the father of two,
three, or four children. He is very generous at times in giving
slaves and pieces of cloth to his vassals, as well as to strangers
and whites, when he is not set against them ; and every day
he sent the Muzungos money and different presents of pro
visions, captives, ivory or copper bars, in proportion to their
offerings of cloth and beads, and according to his regard for them.
He is severe ; death, or at least amputation of the hand, being

* Those who have not travelled in Africa often wonder at all the importance
attached to these trifling presents. But&g,ja£t is^^t^wHhQutsugp;ljga,.the.
^^.jaiMiiww»-ia-.bi;jjmjr^jt t." o dea.d stop, noOakm^^to accountthe "hardships and
sufferings of return, i'he explorer, therefore, must fight for every cubit nf r^nih
.,^nd this is, perhaps, the_seYerest part oi nis lasg.
I Ha-tlVti ItiHlviLies. including drmlsing ana cancan.

126 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap.
the usual punishment. He is barbarous ; every new uioon
causes a Cagi;e to be HlIe4"hy-liis^g4iciQ£i--:::^^-a^^3SE'Kt
victim s^EMdrheart. and .part .oi„iha..£3atoiIs,.they makft-Up 1
'TPfidTd.ti.e,-.alwgyRjmixing iLwith oil. When these charms a
prepared, they are inserted into the horns of various anima
and even into scrivellos, which are closed with stoppers
wood or cloth. These fetishes are distributed about his pala
md courts ; they are hung to the doors, and for fear of sorce
;he king never speaks to any one without some of these hor
ying at his feet.*
He holds assemblies of his chiefs, who are invited to drii
pombe, or millet-beer, which is mixed with other pulse or n
gs each man's taste is. These drinkings begin with the fi
moon, and continue to the end ; they commence daily at
before 1 p.m., and they last two hours. All those present drii
as much as they please, but should any one vomit in t
assemHyjjthe_wretchJsisupefstition^^ndSOTTTi^e'airthe^people, the Cazembe is e
so much so as are others. He visits no one in person, ai
never leaves his palace to walk ; he has the name of beii
proud, but his people make him inconsistent.
The subjects (Murundas), who say that sixty years ago thi
came from the Western regions and established themselves
the_ lands of tLfi-.smflllSIlfid.JAGixas.I'Messiras). are of the sai
nation as the Cazembe, whose rites and customs they follow.
Usually the men are tall, dark, well made, and good-lookin
they tattoo (incise), but do not paint their bodies, nor do th
jag their teeth. Their dress is a cloth extending from t
waist to the knees, which are exposed by the garment bei:
raised in front ; it is girt by a leathern belt, 4 to 10 finge
broad. Their gala-dress is called " Muconzo ;" t it is of woolL
or cotton, but it jQMJstJiaJilaals,- To make it they cut a pie
5^ fathoms, or a little less in length, and if it be too she
they add a bit of the same quality ; the breadth is 2^ han(
and if wider it is reduced to that size. It must be finish^
¦with a full edging, which increases it in all parts ; this bord
is made of three strips of a different cloth, each 4 finge
broad. When the colour is red, for instance, the middle
white; it is yellow if the middle be red or white. Final!
they diversify these strips as they please, always taking ca
that the colour differs from the body or the principal part of tl
cloth. When putting on the " Muconzo," they cover the wai

f * Small horns of goats and antelopes are thus used in Unyamwezi, stuffed wi
thin iron wire ; in Congo with strips of cloth.
t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 238) call it Muconzo and Mooonzo.

€hap. V. THE MUEUNDAS. 127
and legs, finishing at the front of the person with a great band
of artificial pleats ; and the larger it is, the grander is the garb.
For arm-ornamente they use strings of fine beads like bracelets ;
their feet are covered with strung cowries, large opaque stone
ware beads (pedras de cores), and white or red porcelains
(velorios). Over their combed head-dresses, which are of many
braids, large and small, they wear a cap (carapupa), covered with
exquisite birds'-plumes ; the locks are also striped (barradellas)
with a certain clay, which, when dry, resembles the levigated
sandal-wood used by the Moors and Gentoos (Hindus) ; the
stripes, however, are only on the crown and temples (molleira).
Others rub their bodies upon the waist and upwards to the hair
with a certain vermilion (vermelhao),* here common.
Such is the gala dress. Their every-day clothing is a little
cloth, 1^ to 2 fathoms long, with or without a border of a single
strip; others wear bark cloth, like the Muizas, or edgeless
cotton ; and finally, coarse native cotton (maxilas de Gondo),t as
each one has or can afford.
As usual the women dress better than the men, as to the
kind of cloth, which is of wool ("collomanhal or similar stuff.
They also use, like the males, strings of many sorts of beads, to
cover their ankles, but they are not so fond of cowries or por
celain (velorio). Their coiffure is unlike that of the men ; they
cut off all the hair, leaving a httle lock in the middle, which in
time, growing long, serves to support a kind of diadem; the
rest of the hair, when it grows, forming sundry lines of short
braid. Their ordinary dress is extremely poor, consisting of one
very small cloth. Thp.{^A TynroAn, -ffh^ ftlpo cp.n be S(|1d by
their husbands, lead the lives of slaves, doing all the labour of
domestic slave^
'"" "TBi?*MurtiK9as,t like other peoples of this country, have
no (practical) religion. They recognize the existence of a
(-sovereign creator of the world, and call him " Reza." but they
consider him a tyrant that permits his creatures' death. They
have great veneration for their Azimps  (murimos), or dead.
whom they consult on all occasion™TT''war"or"gODd" fortuni^'
The Caffre servants of any Mopaza,§ or place in which a king i.si
buried, havem^ The Azimos require offerings of

* It has previously been described as being wood-powder.
t The expression is fully explained in the diary of June 20-23. Dr. Kh-k says
that a "Maxila de garda" is a hammock of native d^Ji, " Maxila de Gondo "
is a stutt "so coarse tha-il™IRlfflI{lTOKS'i!SSTeTn'a3e oTit Hence Monteiro and
Gamitto (p. 70) call the coarse cotton cloth made by the Marave, "Manxila."
See June 20-23, 1799, where the Chaplain explains the words.
X In the original misprinted " Mosundas." Vj
§ Mussassa is a camp: here it must be the burial-place before called M^xSmo. 1

128 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V,

provisions, as dough (massa), a food made of manioc flour, to stew
with the porridge, which in the Brazil is called Angii ; of quiriapy
(any mess of meat, fish, or herbs), and of pombe, the millet-beer
before described. They greatly respect what the oracle says to
them. Their sons are circumcised between the ages of fourteen
and eighteen,* and they affect polygamy, which they regard as
their greatness, much wondering at the one-wife marriage of
^he whites.
Their unions are effected without ceremony: the would-be
husband goes to the father or guardian of the girl, who may be
quite a child, and with him arranges the dowry in cloths, which,
if great, may reach a dozen. After this arrangement, called
Jlfitothal (joborac^o), the payment being left to the bride
groom's convenience, they arrange a day for leading home the
-bride, who, until of nubile years, remains with her parents.
Consummation is done thus : carried by the horse of some
Caffre, and accompanied by her female relations and friends,
beating drums, the bride is escorted to near the bridegroom's
house, and when close to it they send him word that they bring
his wife. This done, they drum and dance till some velorio
beads are sent to them, after which they advance two paces or
so, and stop till they get more. Thp,jiuJusJtnamagfedaji..^a.
^00 r^^affi:a_m.us.ij;iQt»onfy. strip hims6l4->bnt.alsa.gftaMit. bnrjftar.-
ring, to show that ha has given alLliis own... Seeing nothing
more come, they inspect the sum offered them, then they ad
vance nearer, and at length they hand over the bride to the
chief wife and her companions, and retire to their homes, leav
ing her in tears. As the Caffres may buy an unlimited number
of spouses, even their slaves being wives to them, they choose
^one, and call her the great woman, and she is the most respected.
Her peculiar duties are to preserve the husband's wardrobe and
njig^^gines, and to...app]y thft.Ialter..adi£Ji-jeqj3Uu:£d ; witliajiijising
'them no one^goes jto war^jtojiunt, or to travel, or, indeed, on
any impoftantBusiness. """" ' """""""'
The funerals of these people are proportioned to the means
of the deceased. Their pomp consists in the great cortege by
which the body is borne to the grave, and in the quantity of
^ food and drink expended upon the crowd of people, who sing-
and dance to the sound of drums. If the deceased be a king, ,
he must carry with him all that he possesses, with slaves tor
servg,,J^l_ and women for his pleasures.t Throughout hii

* In Dahomey this rite is deferred often till the twentieth year, and then it
^becomes dangerous. I have repeatedly recorded my opinion that it is of African,
origin, borrowed by the Jews from the negroid race. ——.—~—~~,
"TTms;f)ace1>r.'LiViirgstone, is still thegSSeral practice of Negroland, hut it

Chap. V. ,' COUNTRY OF THE MUEUNDAS. 129
dominions robberies^ and d^iiyorder (c.1,f^rerjx'La,na..j>iU.(»wed-iQB..t,An
jQIUflftfienidayScOr p^ipn^mnvp ThAT7j^arlliAgj-| pijimAg are witch-
sraft. adultery, ard^ till"^^~ ^be first, and the most enormous, is
always punished capitally ; the second sometimes, but more
•often by mytilation nf thA hand.g. thA Aa.r.c!, and ihp. ofFpnAimg-
meiTibfir. They are less severe with the women, as a rule, but
some plaintiffs are not satisfied except by death. Although
they cut off the thief's hands and ears, many wretches have ,
^exposed themselves to such mutilation.
The soil of this land is fertile, and would produce all that the
people want ; there are many kinds of food, but the principal
is manioc. They eat it in dough, toasted and boiled and even
raw ; and they drink it in pombe with a little mixture of millet. <
Manioc flour for dough is easily made in the following way :
after gathering the root, they peel it, and soak it in a stream for
three days ; on the fourth, when it is almost rotten, they dry it
in the summer sun, or in winter over a fire which they light
under the cots used for this purpose ; and, finally, they pound it ,
in a tree-trunk mortar. Wa may .gay thf|f, they are collecting
-and sowing this root all the year round, but the harvest is Jghm. ¦
.IjroYision IS wEolTv " waiifimg. .STsuch times they dig up a
srnall 'quantify to last for a few days, and i^jts stead they bury
ga few bitsj3,f„s|-|^.J,Hs ^bich a.ct as s^ed. The rams are abundant
and regular. Fruits are feAvTexcept bananas of many kinds : of
live stock, poultry is the most plentiful and goats are rare.
Game and fish suffice, but they cannot salt their provision, so
to keep it they dry it with fire and smoke, making it unfit for us
to eat. Tl^f» h1af.lr^aa.t.flA i,s,,yAlL,flajrmiJAd, but Only the king'^
jjgeps them, in certain riaceSpto^ : he does not
¦eat their flesb. savihgtliat thev aren^Smo^. like himself : also '
he does not milk them, not knowing how, so the cows are almost*
wild. Her^ wp. find jrftces of the Metemp.sycho.sis theory.*
With this idea the king sends his cattle as gifts to his guests,
and when they die or are killed for injuring, millet fields — these
.a,nimals pasture by night and sleep,, by day — he divides the '
meat amongst his people, who, not considering them, like their
king, great Fumos, eat them unscrupulously. Cow leather
makes their girdles, that of other horned cattle their dress,
and cows' blood enters into their medicines. Therefore they
sent us only dead and skinned animals.
There may be many articles of trade, but it is now confined
is not confined to that part of the world. Perhaps we may better define it, "tho
general concomitant of a particular phase of society.''
, * Superficial-- obsemetalaam. .jmfnmid the highly nhilosophical-and. com
plicated. JKeory" of metempsychosis with the vulgar metamorphosis of the savage ,
-African.  " ¦"—'"» ~-~^- —-'—  — — ~™ - - —-.-s-^

130 FE. PIN'D?^ CON'HfrlUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.

to two — ivoty and slaves. A tusk of 32 lbs. to 48 lbs. costs
2 to 3 pieces of cloth, the piece being H to 2 fathoms long,
and ten couros.* The tusk of 80 lbs. to 96 lbs. is worth 5 to 6
pieces, with a little couro or velorio. There are copper bars sold
for four common cloths, or pagnes (pannos de fato), or 40 to 50
couros ; the small bars cost as a rule one cloth's worth of mis
sanga. ^laeiit,#cegagtQn.&^aap.lachj|jp t) of different sizes is sold
cheap, but the two latter articles are not indigenous.
22nd. — The Sana Muropiie took away, in presence of aU. the
whites, the gifts destined for the Muropue and the Mueneputo,
as was promised at our assembly on the 17th instant.
23rd. — Having ordered Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz,
commandant of the troops, to chastise a soldier with forty blows,
he not only disobeyed me, but he also falsely reported having
•Carried out my orders.
February 2ith to March 1st. — The men, instigated by their
officers, demanded an advance of three months' pay, which I sent
to them without receiving any reply.
2nd-4ith. — I gave Pedro Xavier Velasco leave to go back to
Tete, not only at his request, but because I wished to avoid the
disgust shown by all the Expedition to the Cazembe, with whom,
it is said, this arrangement of return had been made in anticipa
tion of my desires. Jose Rodrigues Caleja, hearing this, wished
to interfere and exceeding his duties as guide and Receiver of the
Treasury, he addressed me a note in which, after a fashion, he-
made himself accessory to the command. As I took no notice
of his false reasonings, he began to show me aversion and to seek
¦I ¦ *""il»li..iLIII«i"""'"l"^ "'"""  ¦-•-¦¦ I II I MllM-l IIIMl rTI  II <lillll tll>>ni
|iis revenge.
5'th. — The'iiianioc grown in the land which the Cazembe had
offered to the whites (mjiaillSPs) on the 27th January was divided,
but their carelessness prevented them sending their slaves (che-
cundas) to receive the portion appertaining to them. ""^
6th-9ih. — Loud murmurs arose about the Expedition arriving^
at the Cazembe's city — which it could not at once leave — during
the early month of January, when the evils caused by the wet
season and the country rendered a long rest necessary. As Jose
Rodrigues Caleja, by declaring me to be the cause of the delay
and of their consequent sufferings, showed signs of stirring up
against me even the most indifferent, I assembled all the whites.
They knew what were my reasons for wintering here, so I
resolved that each should separately declare his opinion touch
ing our inaction, whether it could have been avoided or not and

* From the context it would appear that these couros are some kind of bead.
t Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 288) mention malachite " malaquites," which the
Cazembes call " chifuvia." I have seen fine copper from the Cazembe's country.

Chap. V. DIFFICULTIES WITH SUBORDINATES. 131
how. I told the writer, or notary, to take the paper in which
all had recorded their opinions, to draw it up in legal form, and
to get their signatures. It was late when we separated, and
the scribe was not skilled enough to draft the deed without'
the aid of others. He went to Jose Rodrigues Caleja, being of
that party, and with him falsified not only Caleja's vote but
-also that^of. Vasco Joaquim Pire.s, as is proved m""t^fi"^ocged
^ paper. I was disregarded by Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira,
and when I wished to punish him there' and then he would not
be arrested, nay, with threats he declared that His Excellency,
the Captain-General of Mozambique, should not deprive him of 1
his receivership, as had been done to Lieut. Manoel dos Santos
Silva. As I had little power, nothing was effected. I asked Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira, the first guide, how to ascertain from Chinhimba
and Mossindassaro the deficiency of the loads entrusted to
them for carriage to the Cazembe's court. He replied, in the
presence of many, that this must be done with the beneplacel/
of the king, whose vassals they were. Finding the answer
reasonable, I entrusted to him the business, which he undertook
promptly and with good will.
10th. — Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz, when ordered to
attest in writing the refusal of Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira
to submit to arrest yesterday, gave in his attestation which
denied all that had happened.
11^^14^^. — Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, whom I had resolved to
send on the 8th instant to the Cazembe in the matter of
Mossindassaro and Chinhimba, when asked by Jose Rodrigues
Caleja not to delay, excused himself by means of hi^ Caffre
, TtiIicTtii^^^P saying that the latter did not _wish_to...bear , any
messa,gg_to .the G^a^^^pr"'VhPTarMr^n^arvai^ii\ n g thing is, that
they try to lay the blame upon me, when at the same time they
bar my road to the king, and they prevent the two Caffres ''
obeying all my summons. At last I tried every effort to send
some other person on this errand to the king, who deferred it till
the morrow.
15th. — Sending back to the Cazembe the messenger who had
returned yesterday, I heard to-day that the king was pleased
with my calling up and examining the two Caffres before men
tioned. When they declined to obey my summons I reported
the fact to the king, begging that his messenger would conduct
them into my presence. He promised but he never performed,
which I attributed to the intrigues of Caleja. This man, under
colour of benefiting D. Francisca Josefa of Tete, whose niece
he had married, declared that the late Governor de Lacerda,
who had taken charge of that lady's venture, and whose death
K 2

132 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
had caused the goods to be confused, had concealed by
means of the Mossindassaro, six bales (moteros *) of cloth, and
had changed the mark or mixed the articles, removing 150
pannos and two bags (guissapos)t of velorio beads. These he
had wished to make over to J). Francisca's slave, Candeone, in
order to exchange for ivory. And this was done with the
knowledge of the governor's managing man, whose duty it was
to take charge of those articles.-jQrptexting the report spread by
Jose Rodrigues Caleja that the manager had wished to appro
priate the said spoils. This trick of Jose Rodrigues Caleja's
Iwas very ingenious, for not only was that Caffre encouraged to
conceal 912 more cloths (pagnes) of royal property, but Chin-
limba, the other Caffre messenger, also took heart successfully
lo embezzle from the Crown 456 cloths, three bags (guissapos) of
Velorio, two ditto of (red) beads, and one of cowries.
16th-28th. — Jos6 Rodrigues Caleja was always imposing upon
them the necessity of giving the Cazembe time to prepare for our
departure. The others being sick, I directed him to go with a
" mouth " or parcel of cloth and to make preparations, at the
same time reviving the matter of the two Caffres. The Cazembe
received him well, and said that he knew — the winter now being
over — that the Expedition would wish to return to Tete. As
regards the defaulting Caffre, he said that the whites had allowed
a long time to pass in silence, and had finally received every
thing. The first part of this reply could not have come from
a Caffre, who .g^UJiold that the palavgr (milando) never dies jor
ettT"*"^^

' wastes, but is kept" up till '''settlecP froni generation to genera-
1* tionTSo i resoivedeifher that tlie king had noTsaS^tTor had
"HBeen taught to say it by Jose Rodrigues Caleja. The affair
was not pushed further, because it was not advisable to call
Chinimba to account until the appearance of Mossindassaro,
who would hear of it from the Cazembe and conceal himself
29th-30th. — I gave the said Caffres some small quantity of
clothing for which they asked, thus hoping to assemble them
and to elicit something about the hidden goods.
31st. — The Cazembe sent me the chair enclosed in his pre
sent (mirambo), begging me to have it lined with " cherves," t
which was done at once. «*¦¦«—'
A;pril lst-7th. — By an accidental fire eight of my slaves were
„- burned in their own huts; many of the Expedition rejoiced/^
thereat, and a certain Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silveira, openly
* This is afterwards explained to be one-third of 456 cloths, that is to say,
each 152 cloths.
t J^^ .'^"'^ " Ruissapo " means a hag of bamboo rind or grass cloth. Monteiro
and Gamitto (p. 195) speak of " um Quissdpo, sacco feito de palma." y
X Dr. Kirk could not inform mo what kind of cloth " cherves " is. /

Chap. V. CONSPIRACY AMONG SUBOEDINATES. 133

wished that the accident had taken pla««e in my house. I report
this and other things, which do not exactly relate to the service
of the Crown, both to carry out my instructions and to show the ,
character of my subordinates.
8th-9th. — The Cazembe forbade the whites, who had begun
their cabals greatly to his disgust, all intercourse with him,
thus avoiding their impertinences, and he, wondered at our
disunion. 'r^
""lOth.^^Jose Rodrigues Caleja, an old enemy of Lieutenant
Manoel dos Santos e Silva, with whom he appeared friendly
only when wishing to insult me, after visiting him in his sick
ness, declared to me that he wished for death, and that if he
knew of anything to end his life he would take it. ^
lli}h-12th. — I had some inklings that the crime charged upon
Pedro Xavier Velasco was a mere imputation, and Lieutenant
Jos^ Vicente Pereira Salema confessed that he had been intimi^
dated to give false witness by Jose Rodrigues Caleja. I also
learned that Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, after his deposi
tion, went to Pedro Xavier Velasco's quarters, and told him that
I wanted to drink his blood, which was my reason for draw
ing up papers against him, but that no depositions made by'
himself or his colleagues would do him any injury.
13th. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja convoked, in the house of
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, to debate over the affair of the 9th
of March, all those of his party, viz.. Captain Joao da Cunha
Pereira, Lieutenant Manoel' dos Santos e Silva, Captain Jose
da Cruz, Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silva, Lieutenant Jose
Vicente Pereira Salema, and Ensign Jose Joaquim Pires;
they agreed to outrage me in that business, first by word and
then by deed. The Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de
Araujo and the chief sergeant Pedro Xavier Velasco were sick,
and not of the league. I had no testimony whereby to convict
them, thus they could insult me with impunity. The former
of these two, however, came unexpectedly upon them, and the^
project fell to the ground. All this was told to me by Lieutenant
Jos6 Vicente Pereira Salema, whom as the most timorous they
sent to me with a paper of their requisitions.
14:th-15th. — Jos^ Rodrigues Caleja, who was in the habit of/
troubling me morning and Ayf^fflpp^faTnA Aariy +» rApnrt thof
messengers were expected from Tete to recall the troops, as
there was great alarm of the French.
16th. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja required me to assemble the
members in order to determine how to sell the Crown stores
remaining in the receiver's hands. My reply was that I had
reasons for not convening any more of such assemblies. He
went at once and wrote me a letter representing the loss that

134 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
would result from taking the goods back to Tete. In view of
all this trouble I at once ordered the stores to be valued.
17ih. — The effects were valued by the arbitrators at only
double their cost-price at Tete, and the receiver, with sundry
impertinences, demanded permission to sell them. I ordered
them to be sold for the sums offered, finding that nothing more
advantageous could be obtained.
l8th-19th. — I sent to compliment the Cazembe, who was then
a great friend of mine ; he sent back that he wanted to see me.
20^^.^ — I returned an answer to the Cazembe's message, de
claring that I would call upon him personally.
21 s^. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja, angry because, without con
sulting him, I had allowed Pedro Xavier Velasco to return to
Tete, and because I would not be made the tool of his private
enmities, did all he could to annoy me. He teazed me with
requests to smuggle out the cloth required for our return
march, as the Cazembe would never allow it, after once enter
ing, to leave the country. Fearing his malice, I appointed him
and the guide, Gonpalo Caetano Pereha, to fix upon the quantity
and the place. The former was settled, the latter they re
fused to tell me, pleading that, as we had travelled together, I
— a chaplain — must know as much as they (the guides) did.
22nd-23rd. — I again ordered the two aforesaid guides to tell
me the "cache," and they refused.
24 ^A.'^^ne' Cazembe consented to receive me on the morrow,
and to send a household officer to conduct me, as the Fumo
Anceva wished all the whites to be purely dependent upon
himself. Jose Rodrigues Caleja happened to be present, and,
dissimulating his jealousy of my getting an audience when he
had failed, begged me to forward the departure of the Ex
pedition, which, depending upon the Cazembe, would easily be
forgotten unless often brought to mind.
25th. — After a short delay I was admitted to the Cazembe,
who received my compliments kindly, respond ing, Jjriefly after
thg country fashion. This over, I earnestly praye3~hirh to
forwarcTTheTime" of our return; to which he also replied
favourably. I then submitted to him that on reaching Tete
there would be a difficulty in explaining to my superiors the
prohibition of passing over to Angola; he bade me leave two y
members of the party to proceed there after our departure.
The Fumo Anceva wrested this into a demand that each of the
whites should leave behind one or two^Qheundas.* Knowing^
that the slaves would be pawns for our future communication^
and that the Caffres being scarce, and many of them sickly, the
" This, I presume, is " checuuda " — a slave.

•Chap. V. INTEEVIEW WITH THE CAZEMBE. 13.5
whites would not consent to the measure. I replied that when
•Catara and Chinimba had come with friendly messages to Tete,
we had at once set out without hostages. Hearing me speak to
the soldier-hnguist in theSg}][^, dialect, the Cazembe at once
explained that he did notwant hostages, but two persons to go
to Angola. I could not reply to so sudden and unexpected a
permission, so I told the king that the presents destined for the
Muropue and the Muenebuto having been given away, and the
treasury being exhausted, my confusion prevented my returning^
an answer. The Cazembe at once said that he would manage
about the presents, and that all I had to do was to look after the
subsistence and the means of travel. I finally answered that the
matter should be thought over. He then spoke of the opaque
stoneware beads (pedras de cores) which he wanted from the
Whites, who still, ne knew, had good things. I contented him
as weU as possible, and left deeply preoccupied about Angola.
After my return, Jose Rodrigues Caleja, on hearing the affair,
malignantly remarked, that if I had proposed Pedro Xavier
Yelasco as envoy to the Cazembe, he would soon close the road'
"with a new prohibition ; and much of the same kind to throw
obstacles in my way.*
26th. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja came, and insultingly showed
me a paper in which the lieutenant-colonel Pedro Nolasco
Tieira de Araujo and Pedro Xavier Velasco had complained of
him, and charged him with being their informant. As if a
secret between nine persons could be kept, especially when of
the many councillors are Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira and
Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, who do nothing but
tittle-tattle. I tried to avoid a scandalous rupture, but from
that day forward he did nothing but oppose me, wishing to
commit all the goods to the Cazembe, and thus to frustrate
the transit to Angola.
27th. — The Fumo Anceva came from the Cazembe, refusing
passage to Tete for Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo,
who wished to leave these bad men. I answered that he was
not going, because I had not given him leave. This reply closed
the Caffre's mouth. . He doubtless had been taught to oppose,
this departure, though not by his friendship for the departer.
It was Jose Rodrigues Caleja's plan, in opposing the going of

"¦ This permission for two of the party to proceed to Angola was a sham, to see
' if any presents had been -withheld, and to try the perseverance of the whites, i
The Cazembe must have thought unfavourably of the leader when he hesitated at i
once to reply — n, tillJX "vpr tn be avoided in Africa. The two soldiers were
eventually left behind as was propASSfl, but' they rie'ver, it need hardly be said,
Reached Angola. In 1806 the Angolan Pombeiros found ^ one man gtill^
for permission.  r-m.,,  i. .,..111111.111 --~«.. '^"™^'^-''™~'

136 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
the two Pedros, Nolasco and Velasco, to forewarn all those who
might be useful to him at Tete, adding as many lies as possible,
and well knowing that the thing first heard, though false, is
generally credited in" preference to trutfar  •  ¦ 
Not satistiea by tHis mischief, that perverse man went with
Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz to the Cazembe, designing-
to traduce me and Pedro Nolasco, but the Cazembe, ^who hatad-hia-,
^'mMniausudispeeition, refused him access. He must indeed be
._a1badIaRbitfti MOT iKihOi JJri.iha.t.ed ,by, CfliffrP"- He reported'To^e
* umo Anceva that the Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco and ' the
other whites had so well hidden many fine cloths and coloured
stoneware beads (pedras pintadas), that these could be dis
covered only by opening their boxes. The Cazembe, despite
his generosity, was persuaded to give this order, or the Fumo
'Anceva fabricated it. I sent for the lieutenant-colonel, Pedro
Nolasco, to hear the message: he excused himself, but he
could not prevent the search. I positively refused to sanction
it in the case of other whites, knowing that the Fumo Anceva
wanted only to enter the receiver's house and to carry off every
thing for his king.*
28th-30th. — Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silveira aman at_once
prpu^jef ..his-..bii:tL.-and-j::ea(^t4br =any..yileness, Drought,"onTE'e
part of the partisans, who knew what to expect in return, a
"petition for pardon, and for the papers to be burned. Thinking
some severity necessary, I refused to destroy what concerned
Pedro Xavier Velasco, as by so doing I might expose myself to
their accusations of having made away with public documents,.
The Commissary replied that he would return, in hopes of a more
favourable answer. To get rid of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, i
ordered the cloth necessary for the return march to be brought
to my quarters, deducting 100 cloths (pannos) according to the
valuation. I also named all those to whom cloth, fine beads,
and tin (calaimt) had fallen due for some months. Thus the
receiver was lightened, and the goods were safely placed in the
hands of individuals. When the corporal (cabo), Paulo da Silva,
went to take the cloth for the expedition, Jose RodriguesK
Caleja uttered threats, saying that, as I had not consulted him,
I should see how it would end.

'-• * There is a Pumo Anceva at every African court, who thinks only of recom
mending himself to the king by giving any amount of trouble to strangers. Of j
course it is a shallow, short-sighted policy, butnoth|np; bpt.tBr nan pnmo .ftni^ ^ho i
,negTo'aiiain. It is, however, dangerous, and must be carefully -watched, as it is"!
calculated taj:aiisfi.jli3a^«efthl££Lhet.we,e,n .the meinheja-of an gBgiJition, and!
thsft..evei:ythinggoe3 to ruin. I
t Monteiro'anffT5umitto (p. 113) speak of " um pao de calaim," a loaf or lump
of calaim (Indian tin).

Chap. V. INSULTS FEOM SUBOEDINATES. 137 1
May lst-2nd.* — At mass-time I had just arrived at the lutroit,^
when Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz and Vasco Joaquim
Pires set up, in the former's lodgings, a song so profane anc
_ i. '' CD (J ' 9ti  ~ — ''-I iiir  -'-till  Ml mil INI •¦j'tnUMt

so loud, that I could not proceed with the ^crmce, anTs&QtJ;o,
beg thenfto ie^Tsilent. Prom that day they ceased attending
¦ at mass, nor did they observe Lent and other Christian duties?^
^Moreover, Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, whom_ I, when. Prior
_of Sena, had "taught to read, writej and cipher, iinpudently
"asked hie if Lwas a father or a priestjthatjie should confess^
to me.
"TSeut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira consented to the search,
and delivered certain large " canutilhos " and other things
demanded by the Fumo Anceva for his master. Catara, seeing
me assist in the search, at the request of the lieutenant-colonel,
Pedro Nolasco Vieira, who, for his own justification, wished it
to be public, as all those effects belonged to the late Gover
nor, required my house also to be visited. Upon this I sent a
message to the Cazembe, saying that all my cloth and beads
were kept for him, that I made him small presents every fifteen
days, and that I hoped he would not support Catdra's demand.
He replied that Catara had received no such power from him.
Thus fell to the ground the attempt to divide the 200 cloths
kept by me for the expenses of the Expedition.
At 11 A.M. Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz brought the
subsistence-roll for my signature. I notified to him in writing
that one of Jose Rodrigues Caleja's ten Caffres having died, the
name must be removed. The pair agreed to write to me in a
feigned hand an insulting note, accusing me of having caused^
troubles in the Expedition, and of having prevented the journg^
to Angola, also including the calumny of my beuig intimidated ;
so that the note might not be produced.
3rd. — I held the first general meeting of officers (cabo d'or-
dens), and proved the outrage of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, who sent
his slave Maxima into my courtyard to quarrel with, and itt^
treat, my barber-slave.
Ath.—I addressed an official note to Manoel Caetano Pereira,
the guide, naming him for the journey to Angola, with 400 cloths
and porcelains (velorio) for route expenses, he being able to live
almost as a Caffre, and having his own slaves who would not
leave him. He returned me the document, saying he .j^oiild
-ha^.jiathing to do'-v^l^g vS'iFiig;s.'''X'sAXirTa^ as on Her
Most Faithful Majesty's service, and he tried to excuse himself
by the persuasion of Jose Rodrigues Caleja.t
* In the original diary " March " is an error.
/ t Here the leader was decidedly wrong : be offered a sum utterly inadequate to
v the expenses of such a march, ^

138 FR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. V.
5th. — As Manoel Caetano Pereira would not set out, I de
manded back the order granting him 400 cloths ; he offered to
return it with his reply to my official. I left it with him,
thinking to annul the order by acquainting the receiver with
what had happened. I then directed Lieutenant Antonio Jose
da Cruz, who commanded the troops, to muster at my quarters
two picked men for the journey to Angola. He sent me a pair
of invalids, who, as he expected, were rejected, and I chose a
good man, well known to me, and bade him look out for a second.
At last he sent me the soldier Caetano da Costa, whom I de
tached for the duty together with another, giving them beads
and 200 cloths. Pedro Xavier Velasco set out from the Mussana
(Mussassa ?) on return to Tete, and Jose Rodrigues Caleja collected
some of the Caffre slaves furnished to the Expedition by D. Fran
cisca, and provoked them to leave the Mussana and to go for slaves
and ivory to the Muiza country. This was to make the others
desert and to hinder Pedro Xav^ier Velasco's journey.
At daybreak they left in my court a defamatory note, so
indecent as to be here unproduceable ; it was clearly dictated
by Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, and it was written in a dis
guised hand by Lieutenant Antonio, Jose ...da. Cruz, jiyho^ has jiot
only this talent, b^J^glso Jha};^,9Xi(Kgiag .doCJ^^
certified. 9ih-l0th. — I issued to the soldiers going to Angola — ^Paulo
da Silva and Caetano da Costa — 200 cloths and advance pay for
three months. The members of the Expedition who suffered
from hunger, partly because food was not to be bought and partly
from their own improvidence and waste, requested me to supply
to them some powder and lead that they might remedy the
the evil by hunting.
llth~13th. — I issued a keg of powder and 2 bags of lead.
The Cazembe sent us a message that after a few days he would
change his quarters, and that he wished all the whites to accom
pany him. I at once informed the members of the Expe
dition. Jose Rodrigues Caleja simply replied that if he left his
present quarters it would be to go to Tete.
15th~27th. — The Cazembe asked for a tent, or as they call it,
a "xdoth house " o£Ji:Ka:tm±fl.m at.ufF- it was the largest in the
Expedition, but I gratified him witli it.
28i;/i-31si;.— At 8 A.M. the Cazembe sent to say that on the
next day the whites must remove to his new quarters, where hq,
would shortly follow them. Jose Rodrigues Caleja persisted in
not moving, and the king told him to go to Tete whenever he
pleased, leaving in the hands of his Caffre Candione the business
of D. Francisca, whose son he called himself.
June 1st.— At 8 a.m. the Expedition, accompanied by the

Chap. V. A FIGHT IN THE CAMP. 139
Fumo Anceva, set out for M6ro (Mofo*), its appointed place.
Captain Jose' da Cunha and Vasco Joaquim Pires remaining be
hind at the old Mussana without leave. A message came after my
departure from the Cazembe, requesting an escort of our troops,
which could not be granted, as there were no officers to attend
to it. Jose Thomaz Gomes da Silva, wanting carriers for his
hammocks — all of them having been taken by Jose Rodrigues
Caleja and Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz — impudently sent
to say that, as he required people, who were all carrying my
ivory, he must take the same road as my Caffres, who were burnt
to death on April 7th.
2nd. — Josd Thomaz Gomes da Silva came to obtain satis
faction for the event of yesterday : I showed him that the ivory,
so far from being mine, was in the hands of the executor or
attorney of the late governor, and I threatened him with par- ^
ticular punishment in future if the thing recurred.
3rd. — Blows were exchanged between the soldiers and the
Muiza Caffres on account of a black woman belonging to one of
the former having something to do with the Muiza slaves of the
Cazembe's Muiza subjects. The Caffres of D. Francisca were
drawn into the fray, which reached such a point that some
blows were given to the highly respectable Muiza, Chinhimba.^
In haste I sent for an officer, but the Commandant was away,
the two subalterns would not come, and Jose Rodrigues Caleja
impudently sent to say that I might do it myself
4ft. — The Fumo Anceva applied for an escort for his king,
who would arrive to-morrow. Knowing the Cazembe's fondness
for firing, especially on such occasions, I ordered the receiver to^
issue a flask of powder. I told the Fumo Anceva that the
troops should be ready when the king arrived within conve
nient distance. I also informed the Commandant what honours
were to be paid to the king.
5th. — The Commandant applied for another flask of powder,
with which and that before given he went to meet the Cazembe
at his old residence, thus exceeding his orders.
6th-9th. — The Cazembe, at the advice of his medicine man,|^
left his old court, which was considered unhealthy, for a place
newly founded upon the Rio Moro.f He was accompanied and
preceded at a short interval by his wives, and he reached his new

* See June 6-9th.
t TheMnfn..Mniva. Mofwe. Mnftip. rir Mnfn T,nlr{.lo<:^ on whose eastern shore is
now the Ganda, Moss-umba, or Chipango (palace) of the Mwata Cazembe. Accord
ing to the ' Second Expeditiou ' (p. 316) the old place here alluded to was called
Pembiie, and lay one and a half leagues (six miles ) to the east. In the latest maps
the lagoon has no watershed, and is probably drained by the Luapula (Eoapula or*
Guapula) river into the Moero Lake.

140 PE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
palace at noon. I sent at once my compliments and a request
to see him ; he politely received my present and message, but
he did not appoint a day for my visit.
lOth-llth. — Lieutenant Antonio Jose da Cruz saluted with
firing a present of pombe sent by the Cazembe's wife.
12th — At 3 P.M. the Lieutenants Antonio Jos^ da Cruz and
Jose Vicente Pereira Salema went to the Cazembe's house,
opened the compound-fence and passed in review the king's
myes, saying to each other which was good, which each would
'tmoose, and so on. This coming to the Cazembe's ears, he was
greatly offended at the insult, and moreover he referred to the
Lieutenant having formerly paid court to one of his women
when, being in the old palace, lie had gone tofly a kjte. He would
Aave let the officer know the extent oilEswrath, but he was
prevented by his mother.*
13th. — The Cazembe sent to me, as Commandant, many com
plaints and threats, which were received by Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira. My people deputed Jose Thomaz Gomes with a
forged message that the Cazembe complained of the soldiers
and the slaves (Cheundas) taking whatever they wanted on the
roads, and that Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, being too ill to bring
ethe message, had sent him (J. Thomaz) to request me that such
actions might be forbidden by beat of drum. I at that time
ignored the Cazembe's true message, which was, " Great had
been the audacity of the whites (Muzungos) in casting their
eyes and desires upon his wives, when there were many
women — of whom they had had the best — in his lands. They
must know him to be a tiger that carried ruin and devas
tation in his train, and that iit would cost him little to prove
to them the truth of his words." I sent to Josd Thomaz Gomes,
ordering each officer and white man rigorously to prohibit his
soldiers and slaves (Cheundas) from all such thieving, and
showing them the danger of insulting the Cazembe, who
deserved all our attentions, not only for his favours, but also
because he was a powerful king, upon whom our well-beino-
depended. lAth-16th. — The Cazembe sending a messenger to me, I
asked why the master did not permit me to see him : he replied
that the king was waiting for the porters to bring some presents
for me. I answered that from a friend this proceeding was not

-n 1, S-'^'ilMf ^^^ ^^^ y ^^^ °®°^'>''' """'lier of the king. So when I visited
Dahome, Mr. Hilton a d^ken "chattel" attached to the missionaries, and,
I need hardly say, a Mulatfo, attempted to break into the kmg's seraglio. Gelele
behaved very well in the iKatter, merely sending to inform me that if the man had
not been ot my party he would have taken off his head.

Chap. V. T^TE-l-T^TE WITH THE CAZEMBE. 141
wanted: he rejoined that it was necessary, and that the king^
could not dismiss me empty-handed.*
17th-19th. — I reminded the Cazembe of his promise, and he
said that he would summon me on the morrow.
20th-23rd. — I was kindly and pleasantly received by the
Cazembe, who on this day had hardly one of his servants present
as interpreter.t After compliments he anticipated me on the
subject of my departure. I presented to him the soldiers who
would remain behind us to proceed to Angola. He saw and ap
proved of them, promising to forward them. This-day he ap
pointed one of his young domestics to accompany me to Mozam
bique, and to learn " Mainato." o^^^^ washing. They ignore this
art, and during our stay "they had learned to wash coarse cottons
(" Maxilas de Gondo "), very roughly made with wooden looms
by the Caffres of Sena, and a few at Tete ; to bathe themselves
often with water and to anoint the head and body with a little
oil in sign of spruceness. Finally, after impressing upon me
that he ardently desired communication with us, and that he had
taken much trouble to facilitate it, he dismissed me with great
signs of satisfaction.
2ith-28th. — From a slave of Catara I ascertained that the
two ivories presented in the name of the Cazembe when his
mission visited Tete in 1798, had been intended by him tot
buy stone-ware, beads (pedras), and other things required.
The chiefs of the troops, malignantly encouraged by their officers,
came to demand pay, though the receiver's department had only
100 cloths in stuff and 50 in porcelain beads (velorio) t to ration
the slaves whom the Cazembe might send by way of crown-
presents (Mirambo). I replied that the subject should be con
sidered. 29thr-30th. — The party against me sent Jose Thomaz Gomes
da Silva to inform me that they intended shortly to leave for
Tete, and that Jose Rodrigues Caleja desired to know my
intentions touching the five scores (corjas) § of cloth remaining
in the Receiver's department. The deputy, when asked if he
came to require cong6, replying in the negative, I told him
that the matter should be referred to the Cazembe. Caleja's

I* This is the usual manceuvre of African kings before they " give pass " or
dismiss their visitors. Having no return presents, or not -wishing to offer any
thing, t.bev waatf- t.bp. pj}.tience of their guest with a hundred delays, till, however
greedv..h.e de-parts in despair.  " " -—• — "^-— >— -" --_-. — -
"^"^''Tne fewer people present, the more friendly, of course, is tbe interview.
X As has been said, the pano (" panno," pague, tobe), or luiityof t-wo fathoms

of cotton cloth, in 1^2woHF6dj^j^used_toexpres3 other values, eyehoflBS^K.
" § 1 presume fBlS to beTne'Hindostani worcP-a'sooire^'frbm "koiL" 'Il"is used
in Zanzibar (' Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,' vol. jffl^, p. 446).

142 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
question I treated as a joke. The Cazembe, to whom the white
men's project was immediately reported, declared that he would
at once give us the road.
July Ist^lOth. — The party came in a mob, declaring their
intention to depart, as the Cazembe was causing delay. I replied
that everything possible had been doue, and that the king had
sent Xirdros (Shire men) to collect their fellow country-folk, whom
he had long ago despatched for the purpose of recovering the
annual taxes of his lands. They insisted on setting out, having
heard, probably from their untrustworthy slaves, that the
-Cazembe intended to keep us for another year. I know not
how they persuaded themselves so ; they ought to have known
that their actions had made them a trouble to the Cazembe's
subjects and an object of distrust to himself. Possibly the king
may have delayed us toseeffour means were exbajisted, but
this was their fault for having charged Lieutenant-Colonel
'Pedro Nolasco and myself with keeping back goods. I promised
to report the matter to the Cazembe, and when they retired I
prepared to do so by means of one of my servants. I had hardly
instructed the latter when Captain Joao' da Cunha Pereira
and Lieutenant Jose Vicente Pereira Salema, retracing their
steps, informed me that on the morrow they would set out for
Tete. I told them to act as they thought proper, my authority
as Commandant having long ago been set aside by them. My
messenger went to the Cazembe, who said that the whites
might go when they pleased, and that his object in keeping
them was to dismiss them satisfied, and not ill-disposed towards
him, so as to prevent others visiting him.
The whites were somewhat appeased by the royal reply,
which was duly communicated to them. Some resolved not to
go without me, but Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira, in his
pride, determined to start, inducing the troops to escort him.
As they would not move, he committed to them all their
rations ; whereas I, seeing the negligence of the men, had kept
back the stores for distribution on the day of departure, intending
to explain to the poor fellows tha,.sufferings which would
•result from the wilful waste of their only subsis!enSB~ft>r-the-
journey. ——— "———'--«-""¦ -™" -~— —..-,. ...^,... ,,  ...
nth. — Effectually Captain Joao da Cunha Pereira set out,
leaving his soldiers and quarters, and thus constituting himself
a deserter. When the Cazembe heard of the departure, he sent
me the present («usaio|)o) for Her Most Faithful Majesty, adding
that it was a token of gratitude for the favours conferred upon
him, and that his devoir being now done, he gave his pass ; he
added, however, that the opening of the Angola road must be
reserved for our return.

Chap. V. THE FUMO ANCEVA. 143
I assembled the whites, who were surprised at the sight of
the present, much expected on account of the promises and
the spirit of the Cazembe. It would have been more consider
able, but for the indiscretion of the Captain Joao da Cunha
Pereira, who had left without even an adieu to the king. I
received it in trouble of mind, and, whilst thinking what to say,
the party told the Fumo Anceva., who escorted it, that there
was no return gift for the presents which had been intended for
the Muropue and the Muenebuto, but which the Cazembe had
appropriated. Jos6 Rodrigues Caleja was directed to buy hides, and to make
handcuffs for the thirty slaves of the royal gift (mirambo), and
for the four others received by Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos,
and committed to him. Moreover, I directed that this gang
should be placed under sentinels. He hastened to say that he
had resolved to distribute the slaves amongst the soldiers, and
that for every head lost three-score cloths would be charged. I
asked how in this way the men could guard the Crown slaves,
when they did not even prevent their own property from^
escaping in numbers. To this objection he made no reply. I
allowed him to take his own way, because it was clear that he
would not obey me, or that, if compelled, he would cause
desertion, to render me responsible.
The Fumo Anceva departed with his message, and Jose
Rodrigues Caleja collected the several items of the . present. I
directed an account of it to be drawn up, and when he
refused to sign, I caused it to be attested by all the others
present. 12th. — At 8 A.M. the Fumo Anceva appeared with the return
gifts to the presents intended for the Muropiie and the Muene
buto. Whilst I ordered them to be received, every one gave
his opinion touching their smallness, and the worthlessness of
the former largesse. I represented to them that these words
would not only faff to increase the presents, but might prevent
the soldiers going to Angola. Jose Rodrigues Caleja hastened
to say that the mission could not take place, as these men
intended to foUow the steps of the Expedition as soon as ever
it turned towards Tete. I asked him why he had not reported
this, knowing that, in our impossibility to carry out the other
projects of the late Governor, this mission was the only duty
of which we could acquit ourselves. He was silenced by the
shame of finding himself either an impostor or the persorf'
determined to frustrate our principal object. Convinced that
the soldier Paulo da Silva was not capable of the intention
attributed to him, I proposed to inquire concerning the second
man to be sent, namely, Caetano da Costa. Finally, Jose

144 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
Rodrigues Caleja received the present, refusing to attest the
account, and the Fumo Anceva retired, complaining that he
had not received his "urne." *
13th. — Caetano da Costa, the soldier, when summoned before
me, and asked concerning Jose Rodrigues Caleja's assertion,
declared that it was false, and challenged the strictest inquiry.
I knew, however, that no one would assist in it. From passages
in this Diary it may be judged whether Caleja had or had not
opposed the mission to Angola. As the slaves of the two royal
gifts were not enough to carry the Crown loads, I directed
Lieutenant Antonio Jos6 da Cruz, who had the distribution of
the slave personnel of the Expedition, to set apart for my
hammock twenty Caffres, and to supply those necessary to
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos and to Jose Thomaz Gomes.
The two latter, like myself, had been carried by the slaves of
the Expedition, not by their own.
I had ordered the gang of D. Francisca, who at her own
discomfort supplied many hands, to carry the loads of their
mistress and the property of the late Governor. This was a
cause of spite to the Receiver, Jose Rodrigues Caleja, because it
prevented his revenging himself upon the Lieutenant-Colonel
Pedro Nolasco, in whose charge these properties were, by taking
away his porters. The Caffres were duly supplied to Lieu
tenant Manoel dos Santos and to Jose Thomaz Gomes. By
Jose Rodrigues Caleja's authority I remained without one, being
sentenced either to walk 270 leagues, or to take from the Lieu
tenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco ten Caffres whom he had brought
from Tete expressly for his own conveyance.
15^^-16^^. — The Cazembe applied to us for powder, sending a
slave as " dash." I despatched a keg, intended by the late
Governor as a present to the king, who returned, by way of
"mouth," another slave. Thereupon the Fumo Anceva
declared that his master wished two soldiers to remain, and to
escort the remittances, which, after the winter (rainy season),
would be sent to Tete. The minister did not fail to show that
he had been egged on to make such a requisition.
17th. — Jose Rodrigues Caleja and his followers called at my
quarters, wishing us to go for our " pass " to the Cazembe. My
reply was, that I had not been summoned. He rejoined, that
the Fumo Anceva had specified me. I objected, that the Fumo
might have given me the news, if true, and that they could go
without me. He persisted that my presence A\as indispensable,
to settle about the Angola mission and the Cazembe's escort.

* This word, from its context, means the " vails " usually given to those who
carry presents.

Chap. V. INTRIGUES OP J0Sl5 EODRIGUES CALEJA. 145
When I asked him if that was his affair, he protested against
the evil which delay might inflict upon the Royal treasury. I
dechned to accept his protest, and reminded him that I was his
superior. He refused to recognise me as such, and added asser
tions which convinced me that the Fumo Anceva 's requisition
for two soldiers had arisen from an intrigue of Jose Rodrigue.f '
Caleja. He had intended, if I consented, to accuse me of having
left the men for my own interest in the Cazembe's remittances >¦
or, if I refused, to frustrate thereby the mission to Angola, by
annoying the king with such rejection of his last request. In
I this apjuparpd the white hand ; the Caffres never remember to
alter, or to change the resolutions of those engaged in business
with them.
Resolving to make an example of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, I
prepared to issue, as authorized by my position of commander
of a royal expedition, part of whose duty it was to punish rebels
for the good of the Crown service, an order to the following
purport : That Jose Rodrigues Caleja, who had committed a
similar offence at Manipa in 1788, should, as chief mutineer
and rebel of the party, be arrested by Lieutenant Manoel dos
Santos, and held until the charge bejlaid before the Royal pre
sence. I did not, however, publish it at once, hoping by threats
to gain my object.
18th and 19th. — As my efforts were in vain, I issued the above
order against Jose Rodrigues Caleja, as was certified by Lieu
tenant Manoel dos Santos. His obstinacy was such that he
would not yield himself to arrest, unless I could prove the
faults of which he was accused. He thought easily to get
over this disobedience, adding the words, that the Commandant
had incurred criminality for having in that same order origi
nated the said intrigues ; and he compelled me not to publish
either the order or the signature of the executive officer to whom^
it had been submitted. Nothing remaining for me but to yield,
I left the man to himself. On the same day, Lieutenant
Antonio Jose da Cruz, commanding the troops, issued an order
that no one should obey my commands unless sent through him.*
This was because I had summoned in a hurry two soldiers to
stay at my huts, whilst he, the officer, was away, assisting at the
resignation of the Receiver's department, which he expected to
result from my orders for the arrest of Jose Rodrigues Caleja.
What, then, could I do, m any case like what happened on the
3rd of June,* when there was no regular service in the bush •
and he. the officer, was always sioklyhfiT^ ^a,r|<.^ f^^ duty, and
never in n^Itn, except for his pleasures? From'that day I
* The occasion of a fight between the soldiers and Muizas. L

146 FE. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. V.
never passed an easy night: the excitement in the camp
(mussassa) compelled me to be ever ready and to sleep with
loaded weapons by my side.
20^^. — To weaken Jose Rodrigues Caleja's party, I allowed
Lieutenant Manoel dos Santos and Jose Thomaz Gomes to go
forward, and to await us in the lands of the Maraves. Each
received for rations a quantity of blue cottons with 200 cloths,
on condition of returning into store all that exceeded their
wants. 21s^. — ^The troops went to take leave of the Cazembe, who
delivered to the lieutenant commanding a tabaret or low stool
(hytanda) covered with leopard skin, as a gift to the Crown.
All having been received with apparent kindness, they fired
their salutes and retired.

( 147 )

CHAPTER VL
The Eetubn Maboh — the Attack — and the Flight.
July 22nd. — The troops went off this day with my leave. They
were charged with the Crown slaves, chained in twos, threes, or
fours, to each soldier, and I had no responsible party to answer
for the slaves and their loads. The cloth and porcelain beads
(velorio) for the rations being in the hands of Jose Rodrigues
Caleja, who was preparing to set out without my permission, as
he frequently did, I could not refuse to dismiss men and officers
under pain of risking the robbery of the ivory and other royal
effects, which that person was to convey to Tete. After his
departure, I conceived great hopes of succeeding in the mis
sion to Angola, which had been stopped by the message of the
Fumo Anceva on the 11th instant. I went for my pass to
the Cazembe, who had appointed me to come on that day ; and,
being well received, I introduced the subject. He undertook
to forward the two soldiers, after pretending not to understand
me — a difficulty easily overcome as his brother (nephew ?)
the Sana Muropue, served me as linguist in the absence of
Fumo Anceva. The latter had not come, and the opposer of
all my projects — Jose Rodrigues Caleja — had departed. He
reminded me of my promise to send him from Mozambique
sundry " good (pretty) things," and I hastened to repeat it. On
his part he undertook to open a communication with me
through his lands to the Mozambique, appointing for this ser
vice his merchant, Chinhimba, whom he would take from
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira.
Seeing that he wished to retire, I thanked him in the name
of Her Most Faithful Majesty for the manner in which he had
^ ;gnig£tai«ed-the Expedition. I added that, as his friend, I was
grateful to him for his good offices. He received my compli
ments with kuidness ; his courtiers joined in the applause
probably on account of the parting-gift, which was presented
to me, and the visit ended with mutual protestations of friend
ship. The King, after receiving my return present, gave to
his grandees a feast of Pombe, which had been interrupted for
some days, and ordered drums and marimbas to be played, as a
sign of joy, that he was delivered of Messrs. Jose Rodrigues
Caleja and Co. I at once gave leave to Gonpalo Caetano
L 2

148 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. VI,
Pereira and V^asco Joaquim Pires, who, with Manoel Caetano
Pereira, set out for Tete on the next day
23rd. — The three persons above mentioned left for Tete.
24:th-26th. — I started with the Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco
en route for "Chungu," the.glii. court, Jp_eilmme-fche.JiDnfis»«f
^e late Governor, which the„Qa?effi^A. contrary to Caffre
culfcfui; allowed him to do.* Thence we were to march upon
¦ Tete. The Caffres of the Expedition having refused to carry
me, I begged Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco to lend me nine
M the slaves of D. Francisca, settling that their loads should be
committed to my wild Caffres,t wbo_'^lked jn neck chains. As
the acme of toil and trouble my Caffres were obliged to^onvey
the ration-cloth for the expedition. I kept it by me in order
that the troops might assist me on the road. We reached
Chungu at 2 p.m., disinterred the bones, and halted there with
the intention of marching the next day.|
27th.— 'We marched from Chungu to a new village of the
Sana Muropue, there to await the Fumo Anceva, our escort to
the frontier of the Cazembe's kingdom.
28th. — The Fumo Anceva joined me, but several Caffres of
the party being wanting, we could not advance.
29^^. — We left the village of the Sana Muropue, and presently
reached, at 3 p.m., the hillock station (o lugar dos outeirinhos), ac
companied by the Fumo Anceva, who thought it the best place
for halting. This day we passed by the viUage of a Muranda
Caffre, when our soldiers began to rob poultry: the people,
though they took up arms and wished to revenge themselves,
suffered this outrage in cold blood, remembering that the
Cazembe had ever treated white men well.
July 30th to August 3rd. — The Caffres not arriving, we marched
from the hillocks to the village of the Muenempanda, there to-
await them.
Aug. ith-6th.—'We ar]i£eiaUhe,pl^cerfJii£jJaa£nempanda^^
where he was (mussassado), and hutted (abarracado) in the husli,'
hunting after the country-fashion"ftfiat is to say,"digging narrow
^pitfalls, and covering them with dry grass, for catching careless
game. They have running hunts as well, killing wild beasts of
pasture with arrows, javelins, and spears. We also made our
camp (mussassa) in the jungle, at some distance from that of the
Muenempanda. 4.  . 
f * In Monteiro and Gamitto's days they still showed the cenotaph of th^
i Geral, as the ujifai^iwaiBjjaseUgrwuscalled at Limda.

t " Cafres hurras," a misprint for'
X I need hardly say that the Commandant, thus marching last, occupied the
place of danger, especially in a caravan leaving the country. Moreover, he reck
lessly exposed himself to the mtrigues of his enemies, the whites who had pre
ceded him ; and thus he rendered himself responsible for all their actions.

Chap. VL CONGRATULATIONS PROM^THE MUENEMPANDA. 149
7th. — The Muenempanda sent to congratulate us with his
compliments upon our arriving at his estate ; he had received*^
an order from his king and lord, the Cazembe, to supply us
with refreshments and provisions ; he purposed punctually so
to do, and if we passed by another road, he must forward
them by carriers.
8th and 9th. — We received a present of fresh and dried meat,
sweet potatoes, and pombe-beer, and we were invited to the
camp (mussassa), for which we returned thanks.
loth. — As I had no extra cloth for "mouths," the Lieut.-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco went alone to the Camado (house ?),
bearing my excuses.
nth and 12th. — There were still wanting sundry Caffres who
intended to make Tete with us, some carrying ivories, others to
receive the returns of their masters' presents. Yet, to avoid
the three forest marches between us and the populated part,
where we could buy provisions, we took leave of the Muene
mpanda by messengers, and we set out, leaving the Fumo Anceva
to follow us.
13th-15th. — At 9 A.M. we met a Caffre of Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira journeying spliis. This man told us that Jose Rodri
gues Caleja, having caused a disturbance in the village of
¦" Muilachiutu," had been robbed with his companions, whom
he had lost when flying from the Muizas. The villagers had
wounded one of the party, and had attempted to slay him, the ^
informant. 16th-18th. — After five days of good marching, we reached,
at 9 A.M., the village of Muilachiutu ; here we heard of the
excesses of Jose Rodrigues Caleja, and the run which the Caffres
had given him. We halted a day and a-half to buy food.
19th. — Arrived the Muizas, whom the Fumo Anceva had
hurried on with a message that we must await him in the
village of Chipoco. There he had ordered rations to be prepared,
since in our present place we should not be able to collect a
sufficient quantity, which indeed we had ascertained.
20th. — We reached at noon the village of Chirandu, seeking
rations, which were now wanted.
21st-23rd. — After spending two days in collecting a suf
ficiency of provisions, Avhich were very dear, we set out for
Ohiliamono. 24i/i. — We arrived at the village of Chiliamono, whom we
met on the road as he was going to meet the Fumo Anceva.
Here we bought some food, of which we had but little. Hunger
now began to force its way into camp.
25th and 26th. — We marched to a large village, Chiliapaco,
at which the Fumo Anceva told us to await him ; and there we

150 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VI.
found the senior guide, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who had halted
his party to join us. I sent to the Fumo Anceva a small present,
which did not satisfy him, b];j|,^^^;my .Tpeans now^forbade my being
a^_^e9ifc.jian. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira also 'recounted to^me
how he had been obliged to run in consequence of Jose Rodri
gues Caleja's affair.
27^7i and 28th. — To lighten my load, I sent to Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira two hundred cloths for the necessary expenses,
and also for the support of the soldiers, who, deserted by their
officers, were straggling in the bush. He returned me a
receipt. 29^A.r— From Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and Vasco Joaquim
Pires I heard that Jose Rodrigues Caleja was marching so fast,
that he would not trouble himself with the sick slaves of the
Crown, and that whenever one could not walk his head* was cut
off.* "~~~" 
"TliB Muizas are always drunk, and none more so than the
Fumo, who sent to ask me why, having stayed there long
enough, I did not leave his village. I replied that we were in
my friend the Cazembe's country, buying provisions, and that we
should await the Fumo Anceva, who was directed by his king to
escort us to the Zambeze (Chambeze) River. I sent this reply
[because these Muizas are insolent, treacherous, and timid, and
when haughtily treated they become at once disheartened. In
fact they are such that a few days ago they strangled their
Fumo. August 30th to September 1st. — Hearing that the Fumo Anceva
had reached the village of Chirando, where the rebel Muizas
would not receive him nor allow him to pass, I sent bearers to
urge him on, saying, that on account of his long delay we
wanted to take leave of him, to march on without his escort.
I bade him not to fear the Muizas, as we could defend him
when he joined our party, and afterwards that he could travel
through the bush, avoiding villages.
September 2nd-5th. — After four days, our party returned with the
reply of the Fumo Anceva, who held himself dismissed, as he could
not move forwards, and who, having reported all to his master,
must there await the royal orders.f I did not want to advance
without informing the Fumo Anceva, for fear of offending him
and his king, as the success of the Angolan mission might
depend upon .tiiis.fX

Sr * This' is a vile African Vactice, done simply on the dog-in-the-manger
principle. \
.t' It is hardly necessary to sayft^t the Mfumo had uever intended to go an
inch further. \
X A very simple-minded ecclesiastic l\

Chap. VI. REACH THE NOETHEEN ZAMBEZE EIVER. 151
6th-7th. — Leaving Chipaco, we halted at the fii-st village,
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco's illness having increased.
8thr-9th. — Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, not wishing to delay any
longer, departed with his party, intending to await us at the
Zambeze (Chambeze) River.
10^^16^^. — Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco being a little
better, we marched upon Munglue, intending to remain there
a few days, taking rest and collecting rations.
17th. — When about to leave our nighting place, the Muiza
villagers opposed our going, wishing us to halt for a day, and
to buy their provisions, which were at double the price for
which they sold them to us on the up-march. As we did not
assent, they threatened us with attack. I resolutely replied
that we were ready for war or for peace, that if they wanted to
fight, they must look sharp, as we could lose no time in their
lands. Hearing this, they gave up their plans of intimidation,
and we continued our march.
18^^. — At 11 A.M. we reached the banks of the Luenna River,
which was full and unfordable. When canoes were found, the
Caffres asked large sums for ferrying us across, and though we
tried to persuade them that we had no other cloths but what
we offered, they declared that I and my companion were the
only ones who possessed a large quantity, and that Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira had been allowed passage with many ivorieST
because they held him to be a mere trader, and the agent of
the late governor — and so indeed Jose Rodrigues Caleja and the
rest of the whites had assured them. Seeing that the Caffres
had made up their minds, and fearing the machinations of that
bad man, I had no remedy but to satisfy them ; after which
they did not neglect to beg from time to time.
19th. — At 10 A.M. we reached the Zambeze (Chambeze) River,
which was not fordable, as before. We were, therefore,
obliged to bargain for canoes, and the Caffres kept us till 3 p.m.
We were obliged to give up to them all our rernaining cloth,
copper, and ".calaim," our beads, copper bracelets (manilhas).*
and ivory. Even tJien, they at times objected to worE^demand-
ing new pay for persons and loads. This insolence lasted for
some time, so that part of the Expedition was on this side and
part on that side of the river, which inyoluntary^diYk greatly
aided their extortioniug.t In fKe clead "of " t'lienightj {nose on

if * These are the " Manillas " of the West African Coast, especially of the Oil
y-R.ivp.rg -nrherp. tbijj; tv,o||i,^:hp. fwfjn j^f siqall ^ jiorsg^l^ggg. Such "bangles" appear to
f lig.T7f| heer), ImQ-wn to all prijmtive pipipfa — — — .  . 
I t I well remember the same happening to me on the Malagarazi Eiver, when
I returning from the Tanganyilta Lake.

152 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF/rra;««roURNAL. Chap. VL
the right bank were attacked by kidnappers, but they fled
when discovered by our people, who pursued them.
20;^A. — -A little more velorio-beads brought over the rest of the
loads, and we at once set out for the place where Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira and his party were halted.
21st. — Wishing to ration in this place, we found the Muizas
so insufferable with their " palavers " (milandos), and other im
pertinences, that some voted to leave them : but it was agreed
lo night here.
2^2nd. — We advanced, and I resolved to halt at the foot of a
little village. Here, died Yasco Joaquim PireSj who, a^, J-J^'
¦ cpu^tgd ¦-Q.^-Februarl^li^^ "mass. AJjihroigiiZ^
sickThisdeatiri^^^^t "expected, and he'lvas]^ therefore.. _not
sacramg^eHTwithouF' affecfiiYg the inifaculous, I may term it
It^ palpable judgment of God, for despising those "mysteries.
To avoid "palaver^" Avith the natives, his body was secretly
buried in the bush.
23rd and 24 th. — We arrived at the Munglue village, which we
had been earnestly making since the 16th instant.
25th-28th. — We allowed two days to rest our footsore people,
to ration, and to refresh ourselves with cows' milk, which was
plentiful ; we drank it now soured_ (corta.do). n o w fi re-wpr jn ed .
but ^verwit^£]jtjugarj whichhaSTong run out. The provisions
wereoCearfapparentlyJhe^MmzasJiad passed _pnM;he word to
[?starvgjgg. They were envious of" our ivorv and slaves, and thev
looked upon us as their rivals in the trade Here begins a
regular system of;,blackmail * (chipatas), and Goncalo Caetano
Pereira, having nnished nis cloth, gave a small slave-girl.
29th. — From Munglue we repaired to the Masungure village,
seeking rations.
Sept. 30th to Oct. 1st. — We reached a Muiza village, which we
were obliged to pass. TJiesavages began to snatch from our
^affres' hands what^Aey co^S'taJie quickly and coiild readily
\ ca^ry off : they also seized two hoes (enchadas) and a large
knife, the work of the Cazembe's people (Murundas), and, being
drunk, refused to return the plunder. As it was already late,
we went to pass the night at a village hard by, where, provisions
being scarce, we were obliged to treat for them with our
insulters. October 2nd. — But little food appeared, and that little ex
tremely dear. As we sighed for the next day's march came
Condua, the brother of Chinhimba, who, finding the day too
far gone, promised to procure us restitution on the morrow.
3rd. — In want of provisions we advanced, whilst Gonpalo
* Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 58) say "Chipata ou Salvo-condueto."

Chap. VL ATTACKED BY THE MUIZAS. 153
Caetano Pereira, who remained behind, recovered the two hoes,
but not the knife. After a short distance we reached a village,
where they robbed us of two other hoes and a tusk. They also
wounded a Caffre with a poisoned arrow : the Muiza poison is
so virulent that it spreads over the body, and after a few days'
causes death, if the arrow be not carefully removed, ancl.if.iL.
counter-poison, which prudent Caffres always cari'X...Qifl-.'-suGh ¦
.jlouineys, .he. Jiat "applied. At tl"!?!""'SighT"l5r'oiJr slave's blood
there was great confusion ; some desired a prompt vengeance,
others, terrified, wanted to escape dangers exaggerated, by)
ijn|,gin.aktion. I hastened to see what was the matter, and at
once the Muizas collecting, pointed their arrows at us for
intimidation. When asked why we were insulted,.they replied
hardily that they had done so because they liked to do it, as we
•^vere passing through-theuJands. .and that if we wanted war we
Saa-^^tBija^eHbegiB-^— they were ready. Our''rQen''l'6"plied that
they were travelling peaceably, but that if attacked they would
defend themselves. The Muizas at once began to throw hard
clods instead of stones, ours replied, and all the women fled the
village. The carriers, standing in a body fifty paces off, grounded
their loads to see the end of the affair, which began to be
vigorous. Whilst I was trying to stop this stone-play, waiting
for Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who had remained behind, a Muiza,
with great assiduity and diligence, threw at me a succession of
clods. Seeing no hope, I discharged a gun at him, but missed.
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, who was near, also fired with
the same consequence. Hearing the sound of shots, and the
confused noise of combat, Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, whom we
were waiting for — he would assuredly have been lost if cut off
from us — hastened up. Meeting in his path a crowd of the
enemy, he pointed his gun, which somewhat frightened them.
As, however, they continued their war dance, and he would not
fire, one of his Caffres discharged a blunderbuss which was
ready, and mortally wounded in the side a Muiza, vV^fcm he
afterwards found to be the son of the village Fumo.* '^
The terrified savages opened the road to Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira, who at once joined us. We held a council, knowing
that we could no longer travel in quiet through the tribe, who
are a united people.
At the time appeared two of the enemy, making signs that
they came to speak with us, and praying not to be maltreated.
On our promise they approached, and begged a medicine to

* How remarkably this alventure resembles the accident which stopped Paul
du Chaillu in 1864.

154 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. VL
extract the slu^ (zagalotes) with which the Fumo's son had
been woundeS^ We asked why they had molested peaceful
travellers ; they put the blame upon their drink.* This excuse
did not satisfy us. We said that if their Fumo's son was
wounded, the same had happened to two of our slaves, who
were brought forward, and we refused the medicine required
to withdraw what had entered into the body, as they expressed
themselves. They retired discontented, and their companions, seeing this,
threatened us from afar. Our slaves, and the six soldiers of the
party, chased them to their houses, where a third Checunda
was wounded. This brought on another skirmish, and our men
^sacked the now well-nigh deserted village. I and Lieutenant-
Colonel Pedro Nolasco, wished to go in person, collect provi
sions, and burn down the place, hoping thus to terrify the
Muizas, and to recover the respect for the name of white man
(Muzungu) which Jos6 Rodrigues Caleja had lost. Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira, however, would by no means consent to such
a proceeding. We marched to a neighbouring place where there was water,
intending to rest the people, and to continue our journey in
the afternoon. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira found a Muiza of the
village of Mucunjure, the lord of these lands, and sent him to
inform his master of what had happened, forwarding a small
tusk, by way of " mouth." Having dined, we advanced in our
usual order, but with the precaution of being preceded by a few
musketeers. After a short march we heard a disturbance
ahead. All stopped, and I, going forward, found that Manoel
Caetano Pereira, who was with the soldiers in the van, had been
treacherously wounded by an ambushed Muiza.t The soldiers
hastened forwards; unhappily their muskets missed fire, and
thus the savages retired safely. The wound proved not dan
gerous, and was easily cured ; the arrow-head had struck against
a bone, and thus the poison was not diffused.
The Caffre of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who, in firing the
blunderbuss, had rendered his right hand useless, being braver
and more judicious than the rest, proposed returning to raze
the offending villages to the ground. 1 also approved of this,
but Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who, reasonably enough, counted
upon having to see the (Fumo's) wounded son, and thus to

* This may be true : Africans, like the American indigenes, are almost always
dangerous during a carouse. But the "Commandant" did wrong, I mean
unwisely, in refusing the medicine.
f Had the medicine been given, perhaps this would not have happened. Of
course the friends of the wounded savage rushed ou ahead, and, knowing the
country better than the caravan, succeeded in revenging themselves.

Chap. VL RENEWED HOSTILITY OF THE MUIZAS. 155
pacify Mucunjure, would not agree to this. He was the better
obeyed on account-x£Jiia--baMaot>-ma.uy.j3la.ves: we, therefore,^
necessarily following his advice, continued the march, and*
arrived without accident at the halting-place (Daro). Here we
at once received a reply from Mucunjure, who sent to Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira that the latter, although the people of the
village maltreated us without right, had done badly in wounding
the Fumo's son.* Gonpalo Caetano Pereira replied that the
Muizas having attacked us without a cause, we at last fired
upon them. With this new message we despatched an ivory,
by way . of blackmail. Mucunjure thought it too little ; never
theless, he sent to say that on the morrow he would hear the
whites, and if they were in the right he would punish the
Muizas. Another tusk was sent to him, but as it did not
come up to his wisl;ies, bi=».jr-ep.eijefl fl..mppe.r ba,r, which proved
.gaJisfadftry. He sent to say that on the next day he"~would '
supply us with a guide to a certain place, where we would be
able to buy provisions at will. Meanwhile midnight had
passed. Another Caffre of Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who had been
sent to the Fumo, shrewdly suspecting from certain expressions,
and from the preparations which he saw, that the people
intended to attack us, reported it to his master. The latter,
being under the idea that all the Caffres respected him as the-
Head White Man, and convinced by the Fumo's words, not only
disbeheved his Caffres, but also the more to ridicule and vilify
his informant, did not communicate to me the man's suspicions, <
which I should have examined with all circumspection.!
4i^.— Preparing early for the march, we awaited the pro
mised guide till 7 a.m. As he did not appear, and the sun
waxed warm, we set out for the place where we expected to buy
food, not having any for that day. Suspecting no evil from the
Fumo, we looked forward to meeting his guide upon the road,
in which, indeed, he failed us, the better to carry out the
treachery meditated by him. Presently appeared four Caffres,
saying that they were sent by the Fumo to conduct us ; whilst
giving this pretended message, crowds of Muizas issued from
their ambush, attacked us when they saw no guns, and seizing
q, ohflin-gang (gfl.rgp.lhfijm) ."^-"^g^-Q-^^-P^^'ST^ed them into tne
bush, without allowing them to drop their loads.
* Africans, like the Bedawin of Arabia, make a great difference between com
paratively harmless and mortal weapons. The Muizas were throwing only clods
or stones, but the slave fired a gun, and this in the savage mmd justifies a senousJ
ai&ay. t So it is that the oldest African travellers are sometimes taken unawares by tb&
Jnconsequence of the cbild'giEe'nagJ'SSr"'^"" *'-"" ^ * 4

156 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OP THE JOUENAL. Chap. VL
Our slaves, terrified by the war-drum, fell into confusion, but
soon recovered themselves enough to rob all our stuffs, which
"they carried in their " quitundos." * These are baskets in
bandbox shape, made of scraped and thinned wood. I thus lost
all my clean clothing (aceio), and what remained of my pro
visions : the only thing that could be saved was a box contain
ing some shirts, which the plunderers had either forgotten, or
had not yet touched, seeing me walk towards it. Withal,
caring little for the loss thus inflicted upon me, I hurried up in
the hope of saving my papers. Finding them scattered over
the ground, my grief and disgust were such, that, forgetting
danger and death, I busied myself in recovering them. Amongst
these last were the order for Jose Rodrigues Caleja's arrest,
with the countersignature of Manoel dos Santos at the foot.
When I had collected what I could, my Caffres, who hitherto
had not been seen, came up and reported that the Muizas had
carried off three of the gang, cutting their neck ropes, which
were of leather. I requested them carefully to look after my
papers, and the bandboxes containing them.
At this moment appeared Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who told
me that he was going off into the bushes to find a path to the
Aruangoa River, as he now considered the road throughout
the Muiza country closed; and that to march the men freely
he would leave behind 600 arrobas ( x 32 = 19,200 lbs.) of ivory,
carrying away only the little wanted for the journey. t
To raise his courage, I asked him if he intended to abandon
his capital without a blow. He said, " Yes," that he was now doing
so ; that on all sides nothing could be seen but jMuizas collect
ing to surround us ; that if this were once effected we could not
escape, but must necessarily perish ; finally, that I also should
make ready at once to retire if I would avoid destruction. I
communicated Gonpalo Caetano Pereira's determination to
Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco Vieira de Araujo, and told
him to prepare to abandon the property and retreat. Pedro
Nolasco, wishing to save his charge, could not makeup his mind.
Hurrying about the field, I missed Gonpalo Caetano Pereira
and his son, who had departed : this I told to Pedro Nolasco,
bidding him to push his work quickly, as we were alone in that
place. He did what he could, and he retired, leaving much ivory

* These boxes are used throughout Unyamwezi and Africa west of Zanzibar,
where they are generally made of tree-bark. The Kisawabih name is Kihndo, in
the plural Vilinrlo. J
t G. C. Pereira was the only man that " kncAvWhe bush,'' and this action of his
may be looked upon as a signal for a general sauve qui pent. Of coui'se nothing
could be more prudent, that is to say, more cowardly.

Chap. VI.

RETIREMENT OF THE MUIZAS.

157

to the Muizas, and the trunks and boxes to the sacking of
our slaves, who did not dislike an operation that ended in
relieving them of their loads. After marching some fifty paces,
I remembered the Archives of the Secretariat, committed by
Pedro Nolasco to the slaves of D. Francisca : not hearing what
had become of them, I retraced my steps to the place where all
remained, armed only with my gun and pistol. I at once
found the document-trunk, half broken open by the Caffres, who,
finding nothing but papers and books, had abandoned it, taking,
only a little volume bound with red silk. I ordered the soldier,
Antonio Francisco Delgado, who was still in the neighbour
hood, to finish opening it, and I committed to his care a large
book, to be brought to me with all the other papers.
I then joined Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, who awaited
me where I left him. We followed the path taken by Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira and his son. After ten paces or so we heard it
said that the Muizas were on our traces, which obliged us to
hurry. Coming to a rivulet, with water to the waist, I had the
sorrow to see myself abandoned, not a Caffre of all who crossed*
being willing to carry me over. At last, after many entreaties,
two men raised me, but fell with me in the water, wetting my
gun, which never left my hand.*
Whilst we were in the middle of the stream the Muizas shot
their arrows at us, and would have wounded or killed me had
not (^f],ji]ig.p a Caffre of Pedro Nolasco, who, being sick, could
not keep up with his master, put them to flight by a well-
directed shot, wounding one of them. In the first affray and in
this second none of our party was hurt, whereas of the Muizas
some sixteen suffered from our guns and bows.
Although the enemy had retired, we made a forced march.
As we were passing a little village, the inhabitants, who knew
our misfortunes, fjpt fir<^ to i^. grass, thinking to stop us. ijjt,
of warfare continued : it was renewed successively by all the
villages near which we travelled, although we had left the road
and had buried ourselves in the bush and the grasses.
Seeing, a little ahead, a village which appeared deserted, and
being in urgent want of food, we halted opposite it, and sent a
soldier, with some Caffres, to find if it contained provisions,
and, if so, to let us know, that we might advance in a body, help
ourselves, and then burn the place.f The soldier, however,

[the leather case of his telescope for carry-

* Dr. Krapf used his gun-barrels ai
ing water to drink. (' Travels,' Aj^)- ¦ leding was only making matters worse.
LO asked-th^ imiSS.kffiM'r'-^ii'yiiniLn.SfflSl.i

t Of course tliis buccaneer pn
minds me of the "nn/l mJaai-nTisirv wb
Red Sea, h

PI5'aliMil?]?M?3ll!S!*i'!3Sl

It re-
on the

158 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VL
finding pombe beer, proceeded to get drunk, whilst the Caffres
packed up a store of provisions in their "^ji]iabiid<aH,.'lt. When
their " sitting upon pombe " (funcpao de pombe) was finished, they
burned the remainder of the provision, which was ample, and
the viUage, too — such was their terror — merely to avoid the
¦delay which would be required to collect rations, and in order
at once to continue their march. The Caffre owner of the place,
seeing this destruction from afar, threatened us with a night
attack.t We marched till sunset, the Caffres thinking only of
escaping as quickly as possible from the lands of the Muizas,
where they considered themselves unsafe.
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, comfortable in his hammock, did
nothing but advance, halting only to rest his bearers. The
moment he saw us he ordered them on, without regard to
myself and to Pedro Nolasco, who were on foot, our Caffres
having purposely left our hammock-poles on the field of insult.
When we could no longer endure such a march, we cleared with
ffre a sleeping place, and issued the necessaiy orders for the
Caffres to keep watch. This day was dinnerless, because the
cook, in order to lighten himself, had thrown away aU that he
had prepared. At length, unable to bear my hunger, I ordered
for supper a few beans, intended for seed, which had escaped
plunder in a little bundle of napkin stuff.
All fell into a deep sleep, and thus the Muiza of the burnt
village had an opportunity of shooting during the night as
many arrows as he pleased ; six persons were wounded, j All
then awoke, full of fear and confusion ; the Muizas retired
before our gunshots, which did not take effect, owing to the
darkness. They contented themselves with saying that they
would close all the roads and kill every man.
5th. — We made a forced march. The Caffres, terrified by the
events of the last night, and wishing to push us on, pretended
at each step that the Muizas were coming; thus we had
neither halt nor dinner.§ This disorder was caused chiefly by
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira being entirely ruled by his men. As
the Caffres would not carry me, I had to walk the greater part
of the way ; when Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco, to whom

. * Leather bags made of the diins of small animals, as go°tg ^-^^ tTi'"'^
^ t 'rbis End 'or lMgSiT"ife'al'mcibf "always carried out: at any rate, one should ever
be in readiness for a night attack under such circumstances.
?l J In this case the travellers had no one to blame but themselves. They might
have bought the provisions, or tViay-glinii1,l ^^ ]p^g^g^ i^oyo i.^ft the value upon the
gi-ound. And burning tbe village was an act of -wanton'niisc'KIW.""^""""""""
«?¦ V.'t*e forced retreat may he compared with that of Paul du Chaillu at the end
of his second expedition. Happily for him he was young, whilst the poor priest was
not. Such searches in a tropical climate soon kill all \m.t thoroughly sound, and
seasoned men.

Chap. VI. FURTHER ALARMS EN ROUTE. 159
the hammock-men belonged, ordered them to take me up, they
dropped me after a few paces, and went on, saying that they
were tired, and leaving behind my conveyance, which more
than once I vainly ordered them to bring up. Such are the
tame slaves (Checundas), who at times threatened to abandon
us, and to take to the bush.
6th. — Food being much wanted, we resolved to send some
Caffres to spy out a village where we could buy it ; this was for
the general good, but they were too frightened to go. Seeing
ourselves compelled to do as they pleased, we went on, not
knowing how to support ourselves and the wild slaves (escravos
burros). After a short descent, a new alarm threw all into
confusion. When we asked the cause, they replied that we
were surrounded by enemies ; on examination, it proved that
some twenty Caffres of a village which we had not seen, fearing
lest we might plunder their provisions and burn their tents,
were frightening us with cries and war drums. We were com
pelled to hurry away, and they made signs of following us,
when a gun-shot, which wounded one of their number, com
pelled them to let us pass. Our Caffres could not believe
that the Muizas feared them, and all that the enemy wished
was to get rid of us as soon as possible.
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira was attacked by a severe fever,
which caused us no httle alarm; had he died, his Caffres
would hold it a bad omen, and would have deserted with the
rest of the Checundas, who doubtless would not have been
slow to follow. To-day I could not dine, there being no time,^
and I could not sup, having only a single bit of roasted manioc,
given to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Pedro Nolasco. As the
Caffres would not carry me, I judged better to reserve the
food for breakfast, so as to gam strength before the next
march. My sufferings at night were great, but it proved a^
wise precaution, the journey being long and hurried. The
flight of a slave with a large basket left me without any
clothes, except those which I was wearing, together with a shirt,
a>.Bhort quilt rgodrim),* and pillow-case.
7th.— -We marched without accident, but in hot haste, seeking
some village where provisions could be procured. The bush
was so sterile that it did not yield a wild fruit. There were
signs of game, but the Caffres of Tete, who are most vile and
worthless in the bush, preferred hunger to the light work oU
hunting. This day, Lieutenant-Colonel Pedi-o Nolasco sup
ported me by sharing his breakfast and dinner. To lighten a
words^in the text are "len^ol" and "fronhas."

160 PR. PINTO'S CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL. Chap. VL
Caffre, who was blaspheming under a camp-bed (barra),* I
allowed him to break it up, reserving for bedj;fclothes a sail
cloth ; and I already thought of cutting the quilt to pieces. The
hammock-bearers let me fall, to see if, by so doing, they could
induce me wholly to dispense with their services.
8th. — We struck out with more spirit, having now issued
from the unknown bush, and having hit u|ion the road that_
led us to the Cazembe's country. Many slaves ran off to find^
food, thinking that without it we should die, and others were left
behind unable to move. At noon we reached the camp
(mussassa) of an elephant-hunter ; he had nothing to sell, not
even meat, our Caffres, who had preceded |us having secretly
bought up the little there was with the c|oth of which they
had robbed us on the 4th instant. All this day I had to walk
with unn,|tp.r^||^]p |,^)j,|, and Pedro Nolasco again led me, as I
had absolutely nothing. ,
9th. — Before setting out, I sent off, in different directions,
three Caffres, with pieces of the quilt-chintz, to buy food ; I«
took this precaution to avoid a repetition of yesterday's affair :
with much difficulty we made a start ; weakness rendered the
march heavy, especially in my case, having with great labour*
to make it on foot. Arrived at the banks of the Aruangoa
River, we found vestiges of Mutumbuca f villages, and we sent,
our Caffres to buy pro-\dsions, which they always kept for
themselves, declaring that none could be found.
To escape this cheat, I crossed the river ^d •^jSih^^Z'^^-^
^IJj^negress for a basket of unshelled groundkiutg (a kind of
ilmon3'also1ou"nd In the Erazil)j another and a smaller basket of,
nillet-heads (corn-cobs), and a ',^,qjiis.serpj^^(a little vessel
yoven with thinned and scraped tree-bark) % of Aground millet
iBbfcMS sorghum). With this purchase, I returnea contented to-
|ay companions, and distributed to them a small part. As it5
was late, my dinner was raw ground-nuts (mandome crii), which
l.was able to beg : Gonpalo Caetano Pereira seeing me present^
offered me, for ceremony, some of his, but it was mt accepted,^
lest %& might feel tne want of it. \
10^— We advanced with more spirit towards th\ river ford,
in orde^^to escape from the country of the Muftas, whose.
memory to. us was not grateful. Hardly had we rVacheTTtf
wheii we wfere told that Muzaranjja, a certain Mutumbuca*

f * What, in the name M goodness, were they doing with a bed? N\ wonder
\that the slaves and Caffres refused to carry them.
t See Diary of August 20, l'?a,8.
X It resembles the quitundo or""kilindi, which I have before described.

Chap. VI. PINCHED WITH HUNGER. 161
kinglet, was waiting to plunder us, whilst further on was the
Mucanda. The news made us take the precaution of marching
down the stream, till we arrived opposite the country of the
Sengas,* where we could ford the Aruangoa and march straight
upon Tete. This determination was not taken till the Caffres,
who were summoned to our council, had agreed to it. Some
opined that we ought to leave our actual camping-place at the
shortest notice ; but, as it was late, the journey was reserved
for the morrow.
nth. — Right early we set out, flying from the new danger
which seemed imminent and nearest ; this made us hurry the
pace still more. In the great confusion of the line of march,
sundry slaves fled, and some carried off their loads of ivory.
I was borne in my hammock by the extraordinary efforts of
Pedro Nolasco, who took pity on the wounded soles of my
feet. 12th-13th. — AUsfldy hunger was upon^js, and at each
step the Caffres threatened desertion, when Providence threw
in our way, at the foot of the road, a freshlv-killed she-buffalo..
By no means would I insinuate that this circumstance was
miraculous or mysterious, knowing that Providence is ever
•directing its creatures to the ends which it purposes, by ways
which we may not comprehend. I have referred to it only to
j show the delight with which we hailed the good event of the
present march. We ordered the Caffres to cut it up, but they
refused, fearing a " Muando," or palaver with the hunter ; and,
to prevent our remaining near the buffalo-cow, they pressed us
to advance. We persisted in wishing to purchase the game,
and at that moment appeared the hunter, who sold it to us in
exchange for a negress. It was then divided, and the feast
somewhat appeased our people's hunger.
14th. — Having meat but no vegetables, we made for some
settlement where we could buy them. After half an hour's march
we found one : when, however, we wanted to purchase, a Cafl're
came out and told us that his village had notMng for sale, but
that on the other side of the river provisions were abundant ;
he ended by offering himself as guide. We accepted, and
presently we sent him, with our Checundas, to the place referred
* According to Monteiro and Gamitto (p. 47) the Syngas live to the east of the
Ohevas (Shevas), and near the mouth of the Aruangoa River. Dr. Livingstone
{' Second Expedition,' chap. ix. p. 198) says : " The country north of the mountains
here in sight from the Zambesi is called Senga, and its inhabitants Asenga or^
Basenga, but all appear to be of the same family as the rest of the Manganja anff
Marave." In M. Erbardt's map there amiiiiiCLlihJef.ferriea..Qy.er,the fanciful laks
and the northern, or the western, shore is called Ze'nga, answering to the Tseuga
of Dr. Livingstone's map. The inhabited island in the Bemba or Bangweolo Lake
¦explains, I have said, part of the " Mombas Mission Map."

162 FR. PINTO'^CONTINUATION OF THE JOUENAL. Chap. VI,
to, that they might return and let us know the prices. Mean-
' while the whole party proceeded to procure shelter in the bush,
which the dry grass and the small tree-motts or clumps afforded
on the river-banks, very distant from that village. Ato p.m. our
.^affres returned, saying that they had found plenty of pro-
' visions, for which the owners wanted ivory and slaves. This
good news gave us courage, and we reserved our purchases for
the next day.
15^A. — Gonpalo Caetano Pereira and Pedro Nolasco sent two-
ivories ; I, having none, despatched a pair of slaves, with whom
the purchase was speedily effected, whereas the tusks were
rejected as r^^i?^^"'^ ('pot ter raxaV We were kept waiting for
some time as the grain was not husked, and the Checundas left «¦
Jihings in this state, caring for little beyond their own mvest-
ments. Seeing my small store of food gradually disappear, and
learing lest that just bought should not come till after a long
delay, I sent a third slave and all my rags to be bartered for a
supply from another place. Here I tore in strips the only sheet
left to me.
16th. — The purchased provisions came ; they did not suffice,^
the cause being the thieving of the buyers ; so I sent to lay in
more : at this same time dried flesh of elephants, buffaloes, and
' other wild beasts was bought and exchanged for slaves.
, 17th and 18^^. — The Caffre purchasers having returned,
_ bringing the provisions, we continued our journey without
accident. 19,th. — When about to leave our nighting-place, two Caffre
hunters came up, shouting and saying that our people had
^robbed their medicines (mezinhas) and tobacco ; and that if the
stolen goods were not retftrnecl, they would maltreat and wound
the whole party. Wit|li_suchfhrpata
'hi^,^J^^^-J}S£^'^^^^^I^m^\^. We satisfied the com
plainants, there being no other remedy, and we continued our
march, seeking a fit place for buying a new store of food.
20!;;i.— At 10-30 F.M.J^i;^jy^,agj33fi§e4njy om encampment,
,aB-jijitlIfiH-- eyerything,4ntp_.]the-..gi-eate8t coSE^wjTwith their
terrible, roarings. Though perceiving us, they 'granted us the
I immunity of guests, and gTuHmg their feroSWI^Talling
a cafflp-^fhunters, they carried of:a Caffre.*  
21st-2?jrd. — Having bought provisions, we continued our
journey, and at noon we crossed the river, the Caffres being
unwilling to march opposite the land of the Sengas, which they
^now found to be fay o^
•^.The next "-GR«pmtfe. Expeditioni!KSsQ-:^*iS''*cI'''"™»i lip"s.

Chap. VL THE EXPEDITION BEACHES TETE. 163
24:th. — At 9 A.M. we met a small herd of elephants that
opened out, and allowed us free passage.
25th-27th. — Again we found ourselves under the necessity
of laying in provisions, and here we resolved to buy up all,
Gonpalo Caetano Pereira having met with a village Fumo, who
was acquainted with him.
28thr-30th. — The Caffres, knowing all about our journey,
studied only the various ways of robbing us : for this purpose,
ftKery ridiculous little Fumo demanded his blackmail, or "dasbj'
(,Sb$iMta), wiiichjsjpjid only to tj^ gren^ieig'or 'to^EeT^ing.
Our men, however, were so down-hearted, that any threat com
pelled us to disburse.
Oct. 31st and November 1st. — As we passed a village, a Caffre,
protesting that we had frightened his herd, and that a bul
lock had broken its leg, made a prize of an ivory, and hid
it. Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, to whom the tusk belonged, com-^
plained to the Fumo, who promised restitution.
Nov. 2nd and 3rd. — The tusk not appearing, and another
ha-dng been stolen during the night, we agreed that the Fumo's
promise was a deceit, and that he probably had a hand in the
plunder. We resolved no longer to wait for his justice, though
he pressed us so to do, and, not wishing to lose another tusk in
the same way, we set out.
4th-7th. — ^At 11 A.M. we reached the " Bar," or gold dig
gings of Jose Victor de Sousa e Vasconcellos, one of the in- .
habitants of Tete : we met the owner, who gave us hospitality,
and informed us of the safe arrival of that part of the
Expedition in which was Jose Rodrigues Caleja with his
followers. 8th. — We left the " Bar," and marched towards Marenga.
9thr-13th. — We arrived at Marenga. where Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira has his abode and gold diggings, and here we^ halted to
rest the people and to lay in stores.
14^^18?;^.— At 8 A.M. we left Marenga for;jTete, and found
no provisions in the way, where before they had been abundant
and cheap.
19th-22nd. — I took leave of Lieut.-Colonel Pedro Nolasco
Vieira de Araujo, who at once started for Tete, and I set out
with Gonpalo Caetano Pereira for Bamba, where we dined.
I waited till night-fall before entering the Villa de Tete,
having a repugnance to appear by daylight without decent^
ecclesiastical attire. Finally, at 6 p.m., I enteredjand met
various friends, who congratulated themselves on my return.
They had hardly expected it, since Josd Rodrigues Caleja,
besides taking away my credit, by depicting me as an'object of
public indignation, had assured^them that I should f never be
M 2

161 ¦ LETTER OF P. X. VELASCO. Chap. VI.
.=een again. He certainly was persuaded that his outrages on
the road would suffice to cause my destruction.
(Signed) Fbancisco Joao Pinto.

LETTER OF THE CHIEF-SERGEANT PEDRO XAVIER VELASCO
TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT. "QniLLiMANE, November 14, 1805.
"Most Illustrious aniJ Excellent Sik,
" I already have had the honour through two channels and on several occa
sions of a personal interview with your Excellency. On these occasions I took the
opportunity to place before you the part taken by me, under His Excellency the
late Governor Dr. Francisco Jose' Maria de Lacerda e Almeida, in the discovery
of the African interior, and in undertaking to forward the communication of Angola
•with the kingdom of Portugal. This was an enterprise on which he was sent by
our Sovereign, and in which he was efSciently seconded by your Excellency. I
also reported thecoustant and singular zeal, activity, and honour in the Eoyal service
displayed by me during the discovery referred to. Thus only, confiding solely in
your Excellency's kindness, can I hope for a word of favour to His Highness the
Prince Regent, who, seeing and appreciating my zeal, and knowing how to reward
and encourage his faithful vassals, may be pleased to place me under an obligation
by showing some proof that my humble services are recognised.
" Now, however. Excellency, four years have passed without any notice being
taken of those papers, nor do I even know if they have had the fortune to
meet yoor kindly regard, a circumstance which has discouraged and depressed me
to the utmost. Still, supposing that perhaps my ill fortune may have caused them
to be lost on the way by shipwreck, or by their carelessness to whom they were
committed for the purpose of being laid before your Excellency, I have again
resolved, after taking copies of the papers drawn out in an official form, to submit
them to you, hoping that you will be pleased to remember me. On the other
side, I see myself compelled to announce to your Excellency that having, in the
course of oui- journey, arrived at the kingdom of the King Cazembe (as is proved
by the said documents), it was announced to me in the month of October of the
current year, by the natives, that the King Cazembe had departed this life, and
that his son, after succeeding to the kingdom, had sent to inform me how much
he wished and anxiously desired communication with us. In proof of this his
sentiment, he favoured me with a present, accompanied by reliable assurances
on the part of his messengers that he has also sent to the town of Tete an
offering to His Highness and to sundry individuals there. Therefore, prompted
by activity in the Eoyal ser-pice, I must say to your Excellency that His High-
ness's treasury suffers much by the want of such intercourse, since those roads
-which were discovered on the former occasion are now closed. Thus nothing
more remains for me to inform your Excellency, except that your extreme goodness
and incomparable rectitude may deign to cast upon me a compassionate regard,
and support me with the powerful hand of your protection, in favouring what
your Excellency better understands concerning my prayer — a favour for which
I shall never find expressions capable of conyeyiug a just proof of my grateful
heart. " I am, with that respect which I submissively offer to the most excel- J^
lent person of your Excellency, whom God guard for many years, -^
" Of yom- Excellency the most obedient Servant,
" Pedko Xaviek Velasco.''

JOUENEY OF THE "POMBEIROS,"
FROM I
AN(^OLA TO THE EIOS DE SENNA
(EIYEES OF SENNA).
[Translated from the Portuguese, by B. A. Beadle, Esq., Chancellier to the
Portuguese Consulate, London.]

This Journal is very disconnected, and is manifestly -written by an
illiterate man. Some of his phrases are most difficult to under
stand : however, I have given great attention to them, and have
succeeded in all cases, I believe, in giving his meaning; the
original being disjointed, the translation is necessarily the same,
to some extent. — Translatok's Note.

CONTENTS.

A.— ^Despatch from the Captain-General of Angola, Jos^ d'Oliveira Barbosa,
dated the 25th of Jan-uary, 1815, enclosing another from the Governor
of Tette for the Count das Galveas, dated the 20th of May, 1811, con
taining the following documents : —
1st. — Copy of the Route Journal, made by Pedro Joao Baptista.
2nd. — Questions put to the said P. J. Baptista.
3rd. — Copy of the Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono
rato da Costa.
B, — Despatch from the said Captain-General Jose d'Oliveira Barbosa, with
the same date, enclosing copies of the foUo-wing Documents : —
1st. — Letter from F. H. da Costa to the Governor of Tette, dated
the 11th of November, 1804 (translated in part A).
2nd. — Route Journal of P. J. Baptista, from the lands of the
Muatahianvo to those of the King Cazembe, kept in 1806.
3rd. — Ditto from the Cazembe to Tette in 1811.
4th. — Notes of the days of journey of P. J. Baptista.
5th. — Account or Report of P. J. Baptista, relative to his Journey.
C. — Notice of -what passed in the town of Tette between P. J. Baptista, the
Governor, and other inhabitants. Written by himself.
D. — Declaration of Francisco Honorato da Costa in favour of his Pombeiros
(home-born slaves) who effected the Journey.*
Legislative documents relating to the Explorations.

* (Note in Portuguese.) All these documents are published without the least
alteration, either in their orthography or anything else.

( 167 )

(A.)
Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir,
I have the honour to bring before your worthy notice the
letters which were forwarded to me from Tette by the Governor
of the Rios de Senna (Rivers of Senna), which came by land, in
consequence of the discovery of communication between the
two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, so much desired.
And on this occasion are embarked in the frigate 'Principe
Dom Pedro' the pombeiros (bondsmen) Pedro Joao Baptista
and Amaro Jose, of Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose enterprise and
labours is owing tne Jaappy result of this work. They take
with them the note-books of the journey, to be presented in the
Office of the Secretary of State for this Department, (jrod keep
Jour_J^£^igB,ey. St. Paul de Assumppao de Loan3a7"2bth
anuary, 1815. To the Most Illustrious and Excellent Marquis
d'Aguiar. (Signed) Josk d'Oliveira Baebosa.

.Most Illustkxous and Excellent Count das (xalveas.
His Royal Highness our Lord the Prince Regent having,
in the year 1799, determined to see the opening up of the route
from his capital of Angola to these rivers of Senna completed,
in i order that his people, both in Western and Eastern Africa,
may turn their commerce to more lucrative account than they
have yet been able to do ; and also that news may circulate
from one coast to the other with greater speed than it could do (
by means of vessels, and having entrusted the opening up of the
Eastern side to the late Governor of these rivers, Francisco
Jose de Lacerda, and on the Western side to His Excellency
Tfii ^"'•HP.ado de Noronha. Captain-General of Angola, the latter
/committing it to Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Commander of the Fair of Casange, it so happened that thej*
former (Lacerda) died in the Cazembe's country, whilst the latter
, (Da Costa), by means of his slaves, succeeded in opening up th^
Avestern road as far as the same point. These slaves, however,
have been for five years at that place, without the means of
reaching this town to give the above information. Observing
this place to be somewhat destitute of trade, through the bad
understanding that has existed with several of the petty kings
surrounding it, and desiring by some means to extend its trade,
I invited to my residential quarters, in May 1810, Gonpalo

168 DESPATCHES OF J. D'O. BARBOSA.
Caetano Pereira, an aged man, and one experienced in these
inner parts. Conversing with him about the extension I wished
-ibis captaincy to acquire in its commerce, I asked him to point
out to me some place to which our traffic could be sent. He
replied that formerly the subjects of the King Cazembe fre
quented this town, but that from the time when we attempted
the opening up of communications with those interior places,
^they had ceased to come, and he said he did not know the reason
of it. Some declared it was in consequence of the disorders our
people created in the (lands of the) said Cazembe after the
death of Governor Lacerda, and others that it was because that
nation had carried on war with the Muize people ever since
those days. I then requested Pereira to give me three of his
slaves to send as an embassage to the said King Cazembe, in
order to see if it would induce that nation to come and trade again
¦with this town, as it had formerly done. He gave me them, and
I sent them as envoys to the said King Cazembe ; and he, seeing
the said slaves on their arrival, decided to send me an embassag.e-
composed of a chief and fifty of his vassals, by which he sent
me word that there had been in his kingdom for the last four
years those two persons who had come from Angola, whom he
ordered to be given up. They reached this town on the 2nd
February of the present year, bringing me a letter from their
master, of which letter I have the honour to enclose you a copy.
On my asking the above men if they wished to return
voluntarily by the way they had come, they replied yes ; but
that it was necessary the means required for their transport
should be provided by me. I ordered for them 700 cloths with 250
reis fortes each. I reported everything to my Captain-General,
and asked him whether the Royal Council of that capital would
place that amount to my account, ofi'ering in case of their refusal
to defray the expense myself. To this despatch sufficient time
has not yet elapsed for me to receive a reply.
I might make some reflections to your Excellency on this
discovery, as I do not find a large amount of intelligence in
these explorers ; but, at the same time, I admit that, according
to their capabilities, they did a great deal. As they return
by the same route, I have instructed them as to the way in
which they should proceed on their journey, the inquiries they
^ould make as to the mood in which they find some of the petty
kings, as to whether they will really allow us to travel freely
through those parts, and what are the presents we should offer
them, on all of which points they have been tutored by me. They
promise to carry out the above objects exactly, with all necessary
clearness, and to deliver to His Excellency the Captain-General
of Angola whatever they may come into possession of bearing on

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 169
the opening up of the country, all of which I acquaint your
Excellency with, that you may be good enough to lay it before
His Royal Highness our Lord the Prince Regent.
I have also the honour of remitting to Your Excellency the
Diary which the explorers have offered me, numbered 1 ; as
also a list of questions which I put to them, numbered 2 ; and a
letter which the Lieutenant-Colonel, the master of the above
explorers, wrote me, numbered 3. God keep your Excellency's
Illustrious and Excellent Person. Residential Quarters of the
town of Tette, 20th May, 1811. To the Illustrious and Excel
lent Count das Galveas, of the Council of H.R.H., Minister and
Secretary for Marine and Colonies. (Signed) Constantino
Peeeika de Azevedo, Governor of the Bivers of Senna.

f'

No. 1. (Copy.) 1806.
In the name of God, Amen. ^ 't , j^ ^
The route which I, Pedro Joapi Baptista, followed in my journey
from the Muropue to the Ki^g Cazembe Caquinhata, by order
of the Most Illustrious and iVcellent Captain-General of the
Kingdom of Angola, for the opening up of the way to the East
Coast of Africa by the Rivers \i Senna, a work entrusted to
Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Director of
the Fair of Casange, with goods worth two contos of reis, to
expend in gifts to chiefs on the way, in order to facilitate the
obtaining permission for the opening tip of the road to Tette. -,
[1st.] Sunday, 22nd of May of said year. — We started at 6 A.M.
from the Muropue's great farm, having stayed in the house of
his son named after countrYJashion-GapfiniJft.bia.nva. or accord-
JBg Jo nis posi, !joano_Mutopo doMarogus, We passed a river
^A^allS^^^Sf'^m^^ASamswiS^^^s^l^iB, seconajiver, Luiza,
which both run into the river Lunhua. During 'tiie journey
we came to the guide's place, whom the Muropue had- given to
us to conduct us to the Cazembe, the name of this placfe.being
Cutaqua. We paid the guide tfiQj?i]a,USIibo''^^d CflLYiLi!iri.,L^!^''
nf "^^jp.ffsv." We arrived at the above place at nightialL V^
met many people going to the said farm of the Muropue,\
carrying mandioca flour for their masters. We marched with
the sun in our rear. D '^ (51 \' ** t ^ , ' ^
[2nd.] Wednesday, 8th of June. — We got up at seven, and
started from the guide's place. "We passed three narrow
running streams, whose names we do not know^ which run into

170 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
the river Zuiza (Luiza ?), and we came to the farm of the black
named Caquiza Muegi, a slave of the Muropue, near a small
stream, the water of which they drink. He sent us to lodge in
his houses, and we gave him two " chuabos."* We arrived there
.at noon, and met no one, neither did we do anything. We
ja ar.ched.-with the sun as before.
[3rd.] Thursday, 9th of same Month. — We got up at 2 a.m.,
and started from Caquiza Muegi's farm. We passed five small
streams, and on the march we stopped at thg farm of the
..Q.ujIqIo. .o£, the Muropue. named Muene Cahuenoaj to wBom 'we
gave as presents six chuabos and two jghite twisted, glasses ,
with bell-shaped mouths. We arrived at our halting-place at
' Toiif inThe' a"Pl8rhO(D'h, and built our huts near the narrow stream,
of which they drink the water, called " Izabuigi." We marched
latterly with the sun on our left. We fteftmh no one.

[4th.] Friday, 10th. — We got up at dawn, and started from
Muene Cahuenda's farm. We passed four streams — names not
Ijnown — and continuing on our journey passed a river three
fathoms wide, called Mue-me.. and came to our ^jesert-Jialting-
placa beyond and near the stream called Canahia, which
"empGes into the said river Mue-me; on the other side of the
river Canahia we found houses already made by the travellers
of the country called Canoguesa, who were come to bring then-
tribute to their Muropue. We arrived at three in the after
noon. We travelled with the sun as before, and met ten blacks
'who had gone to buy salt at the Salina.
[5th.J Saturday, 11th. — We got up at five a.m. and left our
desert-lodging. We passed three narrow turbulent rivers on
the way, and came to another desert halting-place, near the
narrow stream called "Quipungo.'' The farm of some of
Muropue's black people was near, but we did not speak to any
of them. We arrived at the said halting-place at noon, having
marched with the sun on our left. We made a halt there to
get necessary provisions.
[6th.] Sunday, 12th. — We left our desert-lodging, having
got up qixofi^crow. We passed three narrow rivers, which run
into the river calledJDalalimg — the names of them we do not
know— and came to anotherjde&aKtJtidaiing made of thick bushes
staked to keep off wild beasts, neartKe said~river' Calahmo,
rif * In page 237, the Chuabo, or Xoabo, is explained to mean an East-Indian
Ejcloth; in other places it appears to be a measure. — R. F. B.

PROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 171
which is ten fathoms wide, more or less; we arrived at the
said stopping-place at noon, and had a little rain. We met
no one.
[7th.] Monday, 13th. — At 2 a.m. we left the desert, and
passed over eleven small streams. We marched up the valley
of the before-mentioned river Calalimo, and during this journey
we came to a halting-place near a river called Camu-sangagila,
on the other side of which we reached our halting-place at night
fall, and passed the night out, although the rain was falling.
We marched with the sun on our left.
[8th.J Tuesday, 14th. — We started from our desert halting-
place, near the river Camu-sangagila, which we left at 8 a.m.
We passed five running streamlets, and during the march we
came to the farm of a black named Muene Cassa, near a rivulet,
name not known, on the further bank of which we talked with
the said black about this our journey, that we were going to
Cazembe, being sent by Muropue. The farm was at some dis
tance from our halting-place. We gave a small mirror as a
present, and a chuabo of red " ,sprp|.fing-!! (a kind of tissue).
We arrived at three in the afternoon, and marched with the
sun as before.
[9th.] 'Wednesday, 15th. — We started from the farm of
Muene Cassa at 7 a.m., passed the (nine ?) narrow streams, and
during the march we came to the halting-place direct,* still
near the river Calalimo. We arrived at the said place at 2
P.M., having mfet with no one. We marched with the sun as
before. [lOth.J Thwrsday, 16th. — We got up and started at early
dawn. We passed three narrow running streams by bridges,
and came to another desert halting-place near a small rivei'?
We arrived there at mid-day, and built near the same river.
Some men were in our jear belonging to Soana Mulopo, sent
by him to buy salt ; we met no one.
[11th.] Friday, 17th. — We got up and started at 5 A.M.
from the lodging above named. We forded a running river
called Roando, two fathoms wide, which runs into the river
Lunheca. During our march we passed another narrow river
called Rova, which may be, more or less, thirteen fathoms wide.

* Du-eito, direct, may be an error for deserto, desert, deserted. — R. F. B.

172 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA
This also runs into the Lunheca. The farm of a black, called
Fumo Ahilombe of the Muropue, was some distance from us, but
that did not cause us any trouble. We arrived there at noon,
and built near the same river, meeting with no one.
[12th.J Saturday, 18th. — At 5 a.m. we got up and started
from the farm of Fumo Ahilombe. We passed six narrow rivers
which run into the Rova, and during the march we came to the
desert halting-place, beyond and near the river called Cazale.
This stream may be, more or less, twenty fathoms wide, with
water up to our waists. It runs into the river Lunheca. We
reached the said place about nightfall. We met several people
loaded with dry fish, which they were going to sell at the
Muropue's farm. We marched with the sun on our left, and
saw nothing of importance.
[13th.] Sunday, 19th. — We left our desert halting-place
above mentioned at 6 a.m. We passed no river, and, continuing
our journey, we came to the farm of the Luilolo (Quilolo) of the
Muropue, called Caponco Bumba Ajala, and we conversed with
him about the journey we were making by order of the
Muropue to the Cazembe. He answered that it was well, and
directly ordered us some eatables on behalf of his master the
Muropue. Wegavehhn a present of four chuabos and a mirror.
We reached the said d^ty at 4 p.m., near the river called Muncuzu.
We met no one.
[14th.] Monday, 20th. — We started at two a.m. from the
farm of Capomo (Caponco ?). We passed a stream, and during
our march crossed in a canoe a river, called Caginrige. The
pilots of the QuiMo..MHe.ne Mene, wj^„.i§ X'Qldt.of -this port, took
us across. Tnis river may be about fourteen fathoms wide ; it
runs into the Lunheca. We reached the farm of the said Quilolo
Muene Mene, and talked with him about the journey we were
making to Cazembe, by order of Muropue ; he also answered
•ttiat it was very good, that the road was quite clear. We gave
him for this a,,muzenza containing a hundred blue stone-
beads and five chuabos of assorted serafina, and further forty
other white stones, and for his pilots two chuabos of Indian
cloth. We made our kraal some distance from the farm to keep
out of the way of the thieves who rob at night. We reached
there at 3 p.m., and met no one. We stayed at this place six
days to collect provisions with which to proceed.
ri5th.] Tuesday, 5th July.~We rose at the first cockcrow,
and left the farm of Muene Mene. We passed four narrow rivers

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 173
which run into the river Caginrige, and we came to the farm of
a black, known to our guide as Soana Ganga. We spoke with
him about our journey to Cazembe. We reached there at 2
P.M., having met no one. We, gave him no present. We
marched with the sun on our leit. ""^
[16th.] Wednesday, 6th. — We started from Soana Ganga's
farm at 7 A.M. We passed two narrow running streams which
empty themselves into the said river Caginrige. We came to
the farm of the Quilolo of the mother of Muropue called Lun-«
congucha, and the Quilolo is named Muene Camatanga. We
spoke with him of the journey we were making to the Cazembe,
to which he answered, that as many as liked could travel that
way. We gave him a present of five chuabos and a small
mirror, and fifty milkstone beads. We reached this place at
noon. We marched with the sun as before, and met no one.
[17th.] Thursday, 7th. — We started from Muene Cama-
tanga's farm at 6 A.M. We passed three streams which run into
the said river Caginrige. During the journey we came to the
farm of the Quilolo, the same before mentioned as Muene
Casamba, whither Camatanga himself directed us, in order that
his vassal, who had given us the guide, might supply us with
necessary provisions for our journey to Cazembe, made by order
of the Muropue. In this same farm we made a month's stay, to
prepare the said provisions and allow the (manioc) flour, which
had been steeped in water, to get dry. We met no one. For
the above service we gave two chuabos of woollen stuff.
[18th.] Friday, 9th of August. — We started from Muene Ca
samba at 3 A.M. We again passed the river Caginrige, and
during the march we passed another narrow river, the name
unknown, which also runs into the said river Caginrige. We
came to a desert halting-place, near another small river, which
we reached at 4 p.m. We built our circle (kraal) during rain ; we
met no one.
[19th.] Saturday, 10th. — We got up and left our desert
halting-place at half-past five in the morning. We passed a
running river, narrow, with stony bed, name not known, and
came to another halting-place, called Canpueje, near a running
stream, where we found houses already made by the travelling
Arundas. We reached there at 2 p.m., and saw nothing.
[20th.] Sunday, 11th. — We left our desert halting-place,
from which we rose at 2 a.m. We passed three narrow rivers.

174 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
During the journey we came to another desert halting-place,
near a stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached
the said place at four in the afternoon ; we met no one.
[21st.] Monday, 12th. — We left our stopping-place at 6 A.M.
We passed a narrow running stream called Maconde, and during
the march we came to another halting-place called Lunpaja.
The farm of the Quilolo, called Anbulita Quisosa, was near, but we
did not talk with him about our journey. We reached the said
place at noon ; we met no one, and marched with the sun on
our left.
' [22nd.] Tuesday, 13th. — We got up and left our desert
resting-place at 5 a.m. We passed no river, and came to the
farm of the son of the Quilolo Cutaganda, near the river called
Reu. We spoke with him concerning the journey we were
making to Cazembe. We gave as a present to the said
Quilolo two chuabos of blue serafina and 200 cowries. We
arrived at the farm at 3 p.m. We marched with the sun as
before. [28rd.] Wednesday, 14th. — We left the son of Cutaganda at
seven in the morning. We forded the river Reu, which is
about twenty fathoms wide. We came to the desert halting-
place, near a stream, name not known. We arrived at 2 p.m.,
having met with no one.
[24th. J Thursday, 15th. — We started at 6 a.m. from our
desert stopping-place. We passed three narrow rivers which
run into the river Reu above named. We came to another
desert stopping-place near a stream called Qusbela (Quibenla?),
which also runs into river Reu. The farm of the black, named
Muconcota, a chief of Muropue, being far distant, he himself came
to our lodging-place that we might give him something as a
present. We gave him seven chuabos of serafina of different
qualities. We reached there at three in the afternoon. "\^"e
marched with the sun as before, and met with no one.
[25th.J Friday, 16th.— y^e left our desert halting-place at
5 A.M. We passed four narrow rivers which run into the river
Qusbela. During the journey we reached a desert-lodging near a
running stream called Capaca Melemo. We arrived at the said
lodging at noon \vithout rain. We had in our company some
blacks, who were going to buy salt at the Salina. We met with
no one.

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 175
[26th.] Saturday, 17th. — We started from our desert-lodging
near the river Capaca Melemo at 6 A.M. We forded four
small rivers, and continuing our journey we passed another river
called Ropoeja, which may be about thirty fathoms wide. It
runs into the river called Lubilaje. We came to another desert
halting-place near the same river Lubilaje, on the other side of
which we reached our lodging at three in the afternoon, without
rain. We marched with the sun the same as before ; we met
with no one.
[27th.J Sunday, 18th. — We made a halt at the farm of a
black named Quiabela Mucanda, which is near the above-named
river Ropoeja. He stopped our road, in order that we might give
him something because he was a potentate of the Muropue'sr*
Besides this he also gave us food to eat on behalf of said
Muropue, and brought for us as a parting gift a dead stag an^
three quicapos of green manioca flour for our use. We gave
him as a present ten chuabos and a small looking-glass. He
said that we might continue our journey, and that had wejngt^
>1V'^'^-^'ni , OTjjj^T'^''''" iiHaii1..1-4T^rv5-'T^n?PT<'"niiV"<TnAr1g from jja ,
bv force ot arms. t ' .
[28th.] Thjio'sddy, 31st of August. — We started at cockcrow
from the ci|;y of (Quiabela Mucaqda. We passed two running
streams, wnich emplTed themselves into the said river Ropoeja.
During our march we came to another desert stopping-place,
called Cancaco, on the other side of a stream. We arrived at
said place at noon, without fear of any Regano (chief) liko
the above-mentioned. We marched with the sun on our left ;
we met no one on the way.
[29th.] Friday, 1st of September. — We halted in consequence
the illness of our guide, who had his hand swoQenfromblows.
received from ,liig,„oma.slave. — —— ~« -,««».«"«—»—- — »
Saturday^ 2nd of said Month. — We started from our desert-
lodging at two in the morning. We passed a river called
Quipaca Anguengua, of small width, and during our march we
came tp^ another desert near a river called Rupele of four
fathoms width, which runs into the river Lubile. We arrived
at three in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as
before ; we met with no one.
[30th.] Sunday, 3rd. — We left our desert lodging at 5 a.m.
We passed no river, and came to another desert-lodging near
a river called " White," because of its white sand ; it discharges
itself into the river Lububuri, a small river near. We reached

176 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
the said lodging at noon. We built our kraal on the other si e
of the river, and met with no one.
[31st.] Monday, 4th.— We got up at 7 A.M., and ^^^"^^
from our desert halting-ground"; we passed no river during
journey. We came to another desert near tlie saia_ iiyer
Lububuri, which we did not cross. We arrived at t^^'° "^ . ^
afternoon, having marched with the sun as before, and having
met no one.
[32nd.] Tuesday, 5th. — We started from our desert-lodging
near the river Lububuri at six in the morning ; we passed no
river. We reached the river Lububuri, which we forded, the
water being up to our waists ; this river is about forty fathoms
wide, and has a stony bottom. We saw some people, the slaves
of the potentate named Cha Muginga Mucenda; we spoke to
these people, whose language is similar to that of the town of
Cazembe. We arrived near the said farm at 2 p.m., we said
nothing about our object, and built our huts on the other side of
the river, near it, but distant from the farm. We met with no one.
[33rd.] Wednesday, 6th. — At seven in the morning we
started from near the river Lububuri ; we passed no river. Dur
ing the journey we came to the farm of the said Cha Muginga
Mucenda ; we treated with him regarding our object, that we
were on our way to the King Ca.zembe. jp sppk fftr a white brnf.hftr.
-of our king,.Hj3llJiadjrayelled by sea, and to see if he was in th,^
said-JCazembe's dominions. '"This po'^nfaS^'is a chief of the
Cazembe, who renders obedience both to the Muropue and
to the Cazembe: the said Cazembe has left lu'm to cultivate
all kinds of provisions, wherewith to supply all travellers coming
from the Muropue to Cazembe, taking tribute, and called by
them " Mulamko," as also for those who come from Cazembe
to Muropue, taking the tribute sent by the said King Cazembe
to his King Muropue. On the day of our arrival he presented
us with ajmuron.dLQf.Pombe. This city of Cha Muginga Mu-
'cenda, being the boundary on that side of the territories of
Muropue, the territory on this side bemg those of Cazembe, we
gave him a present of ten chuabos and two small looking-
glasses. He answered that he was preparing some food for us
to take to Cazembe, because that, halfway along the road, until
we came to the Salina, we should get nothing to eat. At this
same place we halted six days, for the purpose of collecting
extra provisions. We reached this same farm at noon, and
we built some distance from it, near and on the further side
of a river called Camonqueje. We met no one. ~

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 177
[34th.j Thursday, 7ih. — We arose at 6 a.m., and started
from Cha Muginga Mucenda's farm ; we left our huts, passed no
river, and on the journey we came to aJ^sgEjgio^gjflg called
Musula Aponpo. We arrived at this lodging-place at 2 p.m., and
built our huts to the east of the river " Lubury." We marched
with the sun on our left. After we had built, some slaves of
Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming with salt from the Salina, passed
and saw our lodging-place. We marched with the sun as before,
and met no one.
[35th.] Friday, 8th. — Started at 5 a.m. from the desert
lodging Musula Aponpo. We passed a narrow running river
named the son of the river Lunfupa (Lufula ?). During our
journey we crossed the said Lunfupa, the water up to our
waists; this river is about fifteen fathoms wide, it runs into
the river Luaba (Lualaba ?). We reached this at noon, and
saw nothing to disturb us ; we built our huts beyond and near
the river's side, and met with no one.
[36th.] Saturday, 9th. — We set out at 2 a.m. from the desert
lodging near the river Lunfupa. We passed a narrow running
river, name not known, and came to another desert-lodging
near a large river-plain called Quebonda, with a small stream
in it: here we found some black hunters with the game they
had.arrowed ; they were gomglhe same way as ourselves, to the
^almaToTuy salt ; they did not inform us whence they came. I
We met no one.
[37th.] Sunday, 10th. — We arose at the fir^t cockcrow, and
started from the Quebonda plain, We were till midday crossing
this plain. During our journey we came to a halting-place on
the top of a hill, called Inpume, near the river, two fathoms
wide, called Camoa, which runs into the Lualaba. We reached
the before-mentioned lodging at three in the afternoon; we
built our huts on the further top of the same hiU ; we had no
rain. We met some blacks of Cha Muginga Mucenda, coming
from the Salina ; they told us that the potentate Quebule, a
relation of the Cazembe, governor of the salt district, was well.
[38th.] Monday, 11th.— We left our lodging on the hill
Inpume at 5 a.m. ; we passed no river. During our march we
came to another desert-lodging, near the stream called Catomta,
and the lodging called Muary Agoia, being in the lands of
Cazembe. We marched now with the sun in our front, and
arrived at the above lodging at noon. We met some blacks
coming from the salt districts, but saw nothing unusual. N

178 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA
[39th.] Tuesday, 12th. — We started from our desert-lodging
Catomta at 6 a.m. ; passed a narrow stream. During the journey
we came to another desert-lodging, near a river two fathoms
wide, called Huita Amatete, which runs into the River Lua
laba. The said lodging being a long way off from the farm
of a black named Muire, a potentate of Cazembe, this man
came to our lodging at nightfall: we conversed with him
about our journey to King Cazembe, made by order of Muropue.
He answered that the Cazembe was well, and also his relation,
the potentate Q^ibury, Lord of the Salina ; he offered us no
provisions. We arrived at this lodging at 3 p.m., without rain.
We marched with the sun in our front ; met no one and saw
'nothing of note.
[40th.] Wednesday, 13th. — We started from the farm of
Muhe at 5 a.m. We passed a small stream called Mulonga
Ancula, which runs into the Lualaba. On lea"ving this place,
^u^e^^^dbhged^j^^ we gave
him a chuabo of Indian cloth and tjSBiyty small Canddo
(Canudo, bugles ?) beads ; he went away contented. We con
tinued our journey, and reached the desert halting-place called
Luiana (Quiana ?) Acananga, near a running stream termed
the Son of the Abulonga (Mulonga) Ancula River. We halted
at 2 P.M.; marched with the sun as before, and lagt many
,^alt-buyers trayellin^^ to the^^ Muropue. We built our kraal
near the same sfreamThaSTnorain, and met no one.
[41st.] Thursday, 14th. — We started at four in the morning
from our desert-lodging Luiana (Quiana ?) Acananga. Dur
ing the journey we crossed a narrow stream from the east,
called Luigila, which forms a large river-plain, where it dis
charges into the river Lualaba. In this river-plain they get
j(,salt; in order to obtain which, they cut the grass which is
there found, and burn it ; they then throw the ashes into small
pans which they make, and proceed to prepare " luada " water.
They make their general measure of a small pan, by which
they sell the salt at the rate of jtenpans for a chuabo. We
reached this place at three in""theafirernoon, and ' built our
yhuts the other side of the valley. The sun was as usual;
BSM1-Sas£2j;^ 5 we m£t3ii]3,,jiai;^, and saw hCttlteg
rernark^bler^™"'''''^ — — — ~.
r42nd.] Friday 15;;^.— Halted ; our guide being ill.
Saturday, 16th.— 'We got up at 7 a.m., and started from
the river-plain; we found ourselves descending into another
river-plain. Passing no river during the journey, we came to

PROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 179
the said 'river-plain ; we reached the said lodging at noon ;
we went into the houses already made by the salt-buyers ; we
met with no one. The river Lualaba, where the potentate
Quibury was on the other side, being very distant, we had
nothing to say with his chiefs there. We saw nothing re
markable. [43rd.] Sunday , 17th. — At 5 a.m. we got up, and started
in the river-plain, and found ourselves descending it. We
passed no river. During the march we crossed the River
Lualaba in a canoe. This river is about fifty or more fathoms
wide ; it discharges itself into the Lunheca. We came to
another chief of the same potentate, Quibury of the Cazembe.
The guide sent and gave notice of our arrival. He (the chief)
directed that we were to lodge near his walls. We did not
speak with him. We arrived at said place at midday without
rain, having marched with the sun in om* front. We met
no one.
[44th.] Monday, 18th. — We halted at the farm of the chief
Quibury, at six o'clock in the day. He sent for us, and
¦v^e conversed with him about our project ; that we had come
from Angola, sent by his friend our King, whom they call
J^gnepr^tp. to see his superior, the King Cazembe ; also that we
were sent by Muropue, with orders to the said King Cazembe
to treat us -without malice; that we were going to seek the
brother of our said King, who had gone by sea, to find if he were
in the territory of said King Cazembe ; and that we should ask
permission to go on to the town of Tette to see if he was there,
for which purpose Muropue had given us this his guide Cutaqua-
seja, that he might deliver the message entrusted to him by
Muropue to King Cazembe. We so acted knowing that all the^
chiefs would not let travellers with merchandise going to the
lands of others pass ; that if travellers who came to their places
did not trade with them, they would, little by little, rob them by^i
false pretences just like thieves. The Chief Quibury answered
that white men were to be found in Cazembe who had come
?there to trade ; that he did not know whence they had come, or
through whose dominions ; that he heard a white soldier had
been found who had left those white traders ; and that when we
saw King Cazembe it would be well for us to treat with him.
He presented us with two handfuls of fresh-killed bjjfih-meat.
We halted with him eight days, arranging all thi|/We pre
sented hirii with twenty chuabos, one hundred milk-stones, a
small mirror, and a Portuguese musket. He then allowed us
to proceed on our journey. — -»,.»™„,..»... -
"¦~~----'-~  ...--. ^..„., N 2

180 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
[45th.J Tuesday 19th. — At 7 a.m. we started from the farm
of Quibury, a relation to the Cazembe. We passed no river.
We found ourselves going down in the same direction as the
river Lualaba. During the journey we came to the halting-
place near a stream called " Chafim," which runs into the said
Lualaba. We arrived at the halting-place at noon. We
marched with the sun in our front ; and built near this side of
the said stream. We met many common animals, and saw
nothing rare or strange.-"- — .—-"•  . — -^--, — ^^...___ — .„.._^
[46th.] Wednesday, 20th. — At 5 a.m. we left our desert-
lodging near the stream " Chafim." We crossed the " Chafim,"
and during the march we came to another desert halting-
place near a stream called Bacasacala. Arrived there at two
in the afternoon, without rain ; we built our circle to the east
of the stream ; marched with the sun as before, and met with
no one.
[47th.] Thursday, 21st. — At 6 a.m. we left the halting-place
near the stream Bacasala (Bacasacala ?). We passed a narrow
running stream, and came to the top of a hill, the farm of the
slaves of Quibury. We arrived at the said halting-place at
2 P.M. We built our circle near a small stream, without rain.
We met no one.
[48th.] Friday, 22nd. — At five in the morning we started
from the place of the slaves of Quibury. Passed three small
rivers, narrow, whose names we do not know. During our
march we came to the place of the Chief of Quibury, named
Camungo. We did not find this chief at this farm, only his
"sons," he having gone to the chase. They allowed us to
enter into their houses ; and we gave them a present of two
chuabos of Indian cloths. We spoke with them about the
journey we were making to Cazembe. We reached this place
at noon, without rain. We marched with the sun in fi-ont.
We met no one.
[49th.] Saturday, 23rd.— Wfe got up at dawn, and left the
farm of the black, Camungo. We passed a small river, and came
to the desert-lodging. We began building when rain fell, and
we continued on in the rain to finish our circle near a small
stream, the name of which we do not know. We reached the
lodging at two in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as
before. At midnight two lions came near our lodging, and
kept us awake by their roaring all night. By God's wiU they
did us no harm. We met no one, and saw nothing of import
ance.

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 181
[50th.J Sunday, 24th. — We got up at 5.30 a.m., and started
from our desert-lodging. We passed three narrow rivers. We
came to another halting-place, the farm of the potentate
Anpala being distant half a league. We arrived at the lodging
.at two in the afternoon. We built on this side of a river called^
Ancula, without rain. We met soine black salt^merchants, who
were going to buy provisions at the farin of "fBepofentateAnpala.
We went with the sun in the same position as before.
[51st.] Monday, 25th. — We started at cockcrow from our
lodging near the river Ancula. We found ourselves going up
with the said river Ancula. We passed a narrow stream, and,
¦during the march, came to another desert-lodging near and on
this side of the river Ancula. We entered the hunters' circle, i
We arrived at midday, without" ram. vVe marched with the
sun in our front. We met no one.
[52nd.] Tuesday, 26th. — We rose at 6 a.m., and started from
the river Anonla (Ancula ?). We passed two small rivers, whose
names we are ignorant of ; and during the journey we came to
the farm of a black called the son of the potentate Pande, by name
Muana Auta, to. whom we did not speak._as he had gone to his '
fatherslarm. Iney ordered us to go m the houses ot the people
ot tUe said potentate Pande. We reached there at midday, near
the river RiLomba (Rilomba?). We presented two chuabos and
a hundred cowries. It being afternoon, I went hunting, and
shot a deer. The slaves of our guide found, a. dead buffalo.
.which had been^illedTlBy a Hon. "~We"met no one.
[53rd.] Wednesday, 27th. — At two in the morning we started
from the farm called Muana Auta. We passed a stream called
Quimane. During the journey we came to the place of ^he
potentate called Pande, whom we did not see there the day we
^mTSfFT'^SnKS only entertained our guide, who came to us with
lemjif^hn .of.driTik , called " poube." The bearer brought
th]

word that he was occupied with messengers from King Cazembe,
and that he would see us when he had more leisure We arrived
in the said farm at two in the afternoon, and built our circle
near a river called Murucuxy, on the other side of it. We
marched with the sun in our front, and met no one.
[54th.J Thursday, 28th. — A halt, caused by the said poten
tate; as also on Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, in order to
treat with him about our journey to King Cazembe, he being
a chief. We told him we were going to King Cazembe, from
Muropue, who had sent us with a guide capable of conducting

182 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
us to the town of Tette, to dehver a letter to the Most Hlustrious
Governor of that town, sent by the king whom they call
Musneputo. We presented him with twenty chuabos of good
woollen cloths, and he offered us two quicapos of millet and
^hirty sHces of dry buffalo flesh, and told us we might contmue
our journey, and go on prosecuting; ourjplan.
[55th.] Monday, 1st of October.— We rose at 6 A.M., and set out
from the farm of Pande. We passed two narrow streams during
the journey. We came to the farm of a black named Cahiumbo
Camara. We did not speak to him on the day of our arrival ;
»only two blacks came to our lodging to see us. We gave them
no present. We reached there at two in the afternoon, and
\;^e not persecuted forgifts. We went into the houses of the
traveffers who"go'*to "Cazembe. We marched with the sun in
our front, and met no one.
[56th.] Tuesday, 2nd. — We left_ the j:;iijpu,o£--tkeJblack
.Cahiumbo Camara at^ ^SS^MS'- We crossed a river, near
which "we passed the night. During the journey we came to
the^desert halting-place called Quidano (Quidaxi ?), near a
river, whose name we do not know. We reached there at
midday. We built on this side of it, finishing our circle in the
rain. We met no one. In crossing a large river-plain we
saw numerous zebras feeding there ; when we approached they
fled. [57th.] Wednesday, 3rd. — We got up at two in the morning,
and started from our desert-lodging " Quidano." We passed a
narrow river, and during the journey we came to ttL£_aiici£nt
farm of a black __mjcflpd_-Luncongi. now depopulated. We
arnved at ourToHgmg at four"m"the afternoon, without rain.
We built our circle near a small stream, whose name we do
not know. We journeyed with the sun in our front, and met
with no one.
[58th.] Thursday, 4th. — At 7 o'clock a.m. we got up and
started from the depopulated farm of Luncongi. We passed no
river ; and during the journey we came to the new farm of the
same potentate Luncongi, on the other side of a river named
Luvire, which we crossed by canoe — it may be about twelve
fathoms wide, and discharges itself into the Luapula. We
entered the houses of the farm, and spoke with the said black
Luncongi about our journey to Cazembe. We presented him
with a chuabo. He told us King Cazembe was well ; that he
was willing to get food for our guide who had brought us ; and

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 183
with this idea we remained all day on Friday. He brought
for the guide four pieces of fresh meat, and for us twenty,
saying that in his farm there was a great deal of hunger.
[59th.] Friday, 5th. — We started at 6 a.m. from the farm
of Luncongi ; passed two rivers, the names not known, which
run into the river Luvire. During the march we came to the
halting-place, near the same river Luvirp. We came down with
the same river, and arrived at the haltpg-place at three in the
afternoon. We built our circle dtoflid plenty of rain. We
marched with the sun in front, and met no one.
[60th.] Saturday, 6th. — We started from the solitary halting-
place at cockcrow, and without rain. We passed no river,
and during the march, we came to the place . of a small
potentate named Muene Majamo Amuaxi. We told him about
our journey, that we were going to King Cazembe, and pre
sented him with nothing. We arrived at this place at two
o'clock. We built our huts near and on the other side of
the river called Musumbe. We met no one, and saw nothing
rare or important.
[61st.] Sunday, 7th. — At seven o'clock in the morning we left
the city of the Muene Majamo. We passed no river, and came
to the place of a potentate called Muaxy. We conversed with
him, saying that we were going to King Cazembe, by order of
the Muropue. He said that the heir to the state of Cazembaj)!
was well ; and that he on his part entertained us on behalf ot
King Cazembe. We halted one day for him to give us pro
visions. We reached this farm at midday, and he sent us word to
occupy the houses of his slaves. We journeyed with the sun
in front, and met no one. Presented him with seven chuabos
and a small mirror. He gave us five quicapos of §inall-];t^i)y^t.
and sixty pieces of flesh, telling usTo"continue our journey.
[62nd.] Monday, 8th. — At 5 a.m. we started from the farm of
the potentate Muaxy. We passed a stream of narrow width, its
name not known, and during the journey we arrived at the
desert-lodging near a small narrow river, with stony bottom,
name of it not known. We reached this place at 4 p.m., without
rain. We built our circle on this side of the river, and we met
three blacks who were going to buy salt at the farm of Muaxy
above named, having come from the court of King Cazembe.
We marched with the sun in our front, and saw nothing new.
[63rd.] Tuesday, 9th. — At 2 a.m. we started from our solitary

184 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
lodging. We passed five streams — names unknown — and found
ourselves ascending a hill called Cunde Irugo. In the course of
the march we crossed a river named Cavulancango, at 6 a.m. we
started from the said Cavulancango, which is about seven fathoms
wide, the water being up to our waists when crossing ; it runs
into the river Luapula. We reached the said lodging at noon,
and built our circle on the other side, near the river. We met
six black slaves of Cazembe going to the city of Muaxy. We
said nothing to them. Marched with the sun as before.
[64th.J Wednesday, 10th. — At 6 a.m. we started from near
the river Cavulancango. Passed no river. Were ascending
the hill Cunde Irugo. During the march we came to another
stopping-place, near anarrow river, called the Son of Cavulan-
..cango.. On the lop of the said hill we reached our lodging, at
two o'clock, without rain. ^!|ft.£a3tos4.ihS-iSiajJfi-eLiJia.trax^^
.ejrtheother side of the river. Marched with the sun as before.
[65th.J Thursday, 11th. — We arose at 2 a.m., and left our
desert-lodging. Passed two running streams, and on the march
came to another desert-lodging on the top of the said hill.
We arrived during rain at six in the afternoon, built our circle,
and met no one.
[66th.] Friday, 12th. — At seven in the morning we got up,
and left the top of the hill. We passed seven narrow streams
which run into the Luapula. We came to another desert near
a narrow river, where we found a circle made. We met nobody,
and walked with the sun in our front.
[67th.] Saturday, 13th. — At 2 a.m. we left our desert-
lodging. We passed two streams, and pushing on crossed a
river called Lutipuca, five fathoms wide, running into the
Luapula. During the journey we arrived at the place of a
chief of Cazembe, named Sota. We did not find him in the
farm, he having gone to pay tribute to Cazembe. We halted at
two o'clock, without rain, and gave no presents.
[68th. 1 Sunday, 14th. — We started from Sofa's farm at
dawn. Passed the river Lutipuca a second time on foot. On
the journey we came to a desert-lodging near a stream' —
name of it not known. Arrived at noon at said lodging. We
now march with the sun on our right. We met with no one.
[69th.] Monday, 15th. — At 5 a.m. we left our desert-
lodging. Passed no river on the march. We came to

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 185
another desert-lodging near the river Lutipuca. We fol
lowed it downwards, and arrived at it at noon, without rain.
Marcjied with the sun on our right. Met no one, and saw
nothing new.
[70th.] Tuesday, 16th. — We got up and started from our
lonely halting-place. During the march we came to the farm
of a small potentate of Cazembe, named ,J[iia^qjjg^. We
talked with him concerning our journey to KmgOazembe, and
he sent word to us to stay in the houses of his people. We
reached this place at two in the afternoon. We presented
him with four xuabos of serafina cloth. He told us he was
pleased witn ine present, and ""direclJeS. us on our road. We
did nothing else.
[71st.] Wednesday, nth. — We got up at cockcrow, and left
the farm of Munxaqueta. We passed through a magnificent
river-plain with little water, it is about ten leagues in length,
full of zebras, buffaloes, deer, stags, and many other animals
not known to us by name. We came to the farm of another
potentate named Muaxies, and of his brother named Quiocola :
we spoke regarding our journey to King Cazembe. We reached
this place at 4 p.m. Wo pypgpnt<:.rl +I^^ twr. pr.toy^|^^.ffjj^ wj£h
.twelve chuabos. They said King Cazembe was well. We
met no one, ana marched with the sun as before.
[72nd.] Thursday, 18th. — Got up at five in the morning,
and left the farm of Munxaqueta. Had no rain. We crossed
the said river-plain, and on the west of it canoe'd over the
river Luapula. Gave the pilots or boatmen two chuabos of
woollen stuffs. We came to the farm of a black named Tambo
(Amtapo ?) Aquilala, and spoke with him about our journey
to King Cazembe from the Muropue. We arranged our own
matters, arrived in this place at 4 p.m. Built near the farm.
The river Luapula is about fifty-seven fathoms wide. We do
not know where it discharges itself. Met no one.

^to"-

[73rd.] Friday, 19th. — Got up at 6 A.M., and started from
the place of Tambo Aquilala. Passed no river, but followed
down the course of the river Luapula, and came to the farm
of Cazembe's sister, named Pemba,* near the same river. She
directly sent us to lodge in the houses of her people. We
did not speak with- her on the day of our arrival. Reached the
farm at two in the afternoon, having met no one.
" In the other journal it is also a sister. See page 217. — R. F. B.

186 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
[74th.J Saturday, 20th. — Halted in the Cazembe's sister's
farm, by her own order. At two in the morning, she sent for us,
and we we'nt inside her walls. She asked whence we came. We
replied, from Angola and the court of Muropue, who had given
us the guide. That we had come to speak with her brother
King Cazembe, to get permission to go on to the town of Tette.
She replied it was very good on the part of Muropue to send
white people to speak with her brother ; that none of Muropue's
predecessors had done so ; that it was a very great fortune for
her brother Cazembe's heir to the State. She offered us a large
she-goat, forty fresh fish, two bottles of a drink called " pombe,"
"and six quicapos of dry mandioca flour. We presented her
with thirty -two xuabos, a blue glass, and a " mozenzo " of a
^hundred white stones. She said she was much pleased with our
gifts. We waited there that she might send notice of our
arrival to her brother. King Cazembe, as it is obligatory on her
part when travellers come to report them to her brother. With
! this end we waited six days at her farm, when the carriers came
in search of us.
[75th.J Saturday 27th. — Got up and left the farm of
Cazembe s sister at 7 am. Had no rain. We followed down
the course of the Luapula. Passed a river of two fathoms'
width, name unknown, which runs into the Luapula. During
the journey we came to the farm of a black named Murumbo :
we reached it at midday. We met no one, and marched with
the sun on our right. We lodged in the houses of the farm,
and saw nothing rare or important.
[76th.] Sunday, 28th. — We got up at 2 A.M., and started from
the farm of Murumbo. We marched down with the above-
named river on our left. We passed two rivers, Lufubo and
Capueje, which run into the above-named river. During the
journey we came to the farm of a black named Gando, near a
river called Gona, here we gave no presents. We reached it
at six in the afternoon. We marched with the sun as before.
[77th.] Monday, 29th. — At 5 a.m. we got up and started
from the farm of Gando, near the river Gona. We passed two
rivers, one called Belenje, the other's name not known ; during
the march we came to the place of a black named Canpungue.
We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and met a good
number of King Cazembe's people carrying firewood. We pre
sented this black, Canpungue, with a chuabo of " Zuarte " or
Indian cloth ; he told us to continue our journey, as the Cazembe
was expecting us.

FROM MUROPUE TO CAZEMBE. 187
[78th.] Tuesday, 30th. — At seven a.m. we started from
the place of the black, Canpungue — had no rain ; we passed
no river, and during the journey came to the place of a black
named Luiagamara, of the Cazembe. Reaching this place
at four in the afternoon, we lodged in the houses near a river
called Canengua, narrow, and running into the river called
Mouva, near which Cazembe's city is situated. We gave no
present to the owner of this place ; we halted there, and sent
forward a day's notice of our arrival ; we waited a little time,
when the King Cazembe's messenger arrived, bringing us, as
guest-gift, four murondos of a drink called " ponbe," one hundredi*
pieces of fresh meat, with some manioc flour for our consump
tion, and also a message from King Cazembe, asking us to
remain at present where we were, that he would send for us
later. Day breaking directly, and it being two o'clock in tbe
morning, he sent for us by his chief, with orders that on our
arrival near the walls of his chiefs (ancestors ?), we should fire off
all our guns, as a signal that we had arrived at his capital. Ho
ordered us to lodge with one of his gatekeepers, named Fumo
Aquibery. We did nothing respecting our journey on this day :
he sent us for our people, however, some provisions, manioc
flour, fish, fresh meat, and " pombe," she-goats, and meats already
prepared ; he said he would see us with great pleasure. When
morning broke, he sent word for us to come and tell him^
what brought us there. We found him seated in the publro^
highway, where he was accustomed to deliver his judgments
to his people, surrounded by all the great potentates of his
councils. He was robed in his silks and velvets, and had beads
of various kinds on his arms and legs ; his people surrounded
him, and ha. Jiad all his instruments of ..barbarous, grandeur
roimd about him. HeTSm to say that the guide who had
^conaT'm'tir^trsrftwn-. his Muropue should speak. The guide
said, " I bring you some white men here from the king they
call Muenuputo ; they come to communicate with you. King
Cazembe; treat them well, without malice, and execute the
wishes entrusted to them: grant them. King Cazembe, per
mission, together with some guide, who you may see able to
conduct them, to go to the town of Tette, to deliver a letter to
the Most Illustrious Governor of that town, they being entrusted
with this mission in Angola, whence they came. Muropue also
strongly recommends you will do all necessary to despatch the
travellers where they wish to go, and afterwards send them
back to Muropue, in order that he may return them whence
they came." The King Cazembe said that he esteemed it much,.
and not a little, his Muropue's having sent travellers from afar ;
that for a long time past he had entertained the idea of opening

188

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA

the road to Senna ; that he was very pleased to see travellers
from Muropue, none of whose predecessors had similarly acted
before; that he would do all in his power — not only pro
vide a guide, but go with us himself as far as the War-
camp, to fight the highwaymen and robbers who meet with
and intercept people on the road coming to communicate
with him. King Cazembe. We had gone with King Cazembe
as far as a farm of his people, about half a league from
Cazembe, with numerous troops to escort us on the road ; after
this, a perturbation spread among his people, who did not wish
to fight, so the attempt was frustrated ; we returned to the farm
with him against his wish. He began tQ,^gg|it out his chiefs; he
cilt the gars^ of some, others he rnulcted ,m slayes and.^maM^as^
(bracelets) ; and on the "second month he handed us over to
his chief named Muenepanda to accompany us with more people.
On our reaching a desert-lodging called Quipire, he turned back,
saying that the town of Tette was a long way off; that the force
he (Muenepanda) had to oppose to the potentates he might
rmeet on the road was very small ; that he did not wish to run
any risk. We returned with him, and after waiting another
half month, the black, named Nharugue, belonging to Gonpalo
Caetano Pereira arrived, and we started and marched in his
company till we reached this town of Tette.
King Cazembe is very black, a fine, stout young man, with
small beard, and jed eyes ; he is very well accustomed to white
traders, who come to his court to buy and sell such articles as seed,
manioc flour, maize, millet, haricot beans, a good many " canas "
(sugar-cane ?), and fish -nhich the people catch in the river near
there called Mouva. Ivory comes from the other side the river
"Luapula, and is brought as tribute by the people ; green stones
(malachite) are found in the ground, called " catanga " ; traders
from the Muizas people come and buy ivory, m exchange for
tissues and merchandise ; another nation, named Tungalanazas.
brings slaves and brass bracelets, cowries, palm-oil, and somegoods
which King Cazembe has, come from the Cola (Angola ?), a land
of Muropue, also fine large beads. There is a good deal of salt in
that part, which they get from the ground ; there is also another
kind of rock-salt which is brought as tribute from the salt district,
on the road to Muropue's territory, called Luigila, where he has
a chief and a relation, named Quibery, who takes account of the
Salina, and sends tributes of salt to his Muropue, besides buying
it of the travellers who come from Muropue. I have made no
entry of the rainy days we stopped, or of those when we were
detained by sickness. I saw nothing more at the Court of King
Cazembe which I have forgotten to write ; I saw nothing but
that akeady stated.

FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 18^

Documents relative to the Journey prom Angola to the
Rivers of Senna.
No. 1. (December)— 1810.
Route Journal which I, Pedro Joao Batista, made on my
journey from Cazembe to the town of Tette.
[1st.] — Lodging at Casocoma, a farm of our " Cazembe of the
Road " (guide), who led us ; he is called, after country-fashion,
Catara. This day we left the city of King Cazembe, at seven
in the morning. We crossed a river called Lunde, not very
broad, which runs into the other river Mouva, near which lives
the said Cazembe. We marched with the sun in front, and met
no one.
[2nd.] — Started from the farm of Catara Casocoma, at two
in the morning; passed a stream, and on the march came to
the place of a black namedJ3uihono. slave of the daughter of the
Cazembe, named^ Quitende. We lodged in their houses; we
halted there, and waited lor Cazembe's road-escort, which had
stayed behind. A delay of three days was caused by the same.
We met no one, and saw nothing new.
[3rd.] — Started from the farm of Quihono at five in the
morning; crossed no river. During the march came to the
desert-lodging near a narrow river called Capaco ; and having
crossed another river called Bengeli, four fathoms wide, which
runs into the river Mouva before-mentioned, we met two blacks
loaded with dry fish, going to the large farm of the said Cazembe.
We saw nothing more.
[4th.] — Left our desert-lodging at eight in the morning;
did not pass any river during the march. We arrived at a de
serted farm of a black named Muiro, near the same before-
named river we came down by. Reached this place at 4 p.m.,
marched with the sun in front; we halted in the old houses
of the farm. We stayed at this place one day, waiting for
an ivory belonging to Catara.
[5th.] — Left the deserted farm of Muiro at two in the morning.

190 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
During the journey we came to and passed' a river named Luena,
about seventeen fathoms wide: it discharges itself into the
river named Carucuige. We arrived at the desert-lodging near
the same river Luena, built our circle, and met with no one.
[6th.] — From the lodging in the desert near the river Ben-
lengi, say Luena, we started at cockcrow, and came to another
desert (lodging ?) called Muchito Agumbo. We reached this at
two in the afternoon, travelled with the sun as before ; we did '
not meet with any one.
[7th.] — Left our lodging in the desert Muchito Agumbo at
seven in the morning ; passed three small streams. During the
journey we came to the place of a black named Cangueli and to
the lands of a potentate of Cazembe, named Muenepanda. We
reached there at three in the afternoon, near a narrow river
whose name we do not know, which runs into the river named
Panpaje ; there we halted by order of the said King Cazembe,
who wished to send some provisions to Catara.
[8th.] — Rose at dawn, and, without rain, started from the
place of the black Cangueli. During the journey we came to
the desert-lodging near a narrow river named Muangi, on the
other side of which we reached the said lodging at noon.
Marched with the sun in front, and did not meet any one.
[9th.] — At 4 A.M. we set out from the desert-lodging near
the river Muangi. We passed two streams, names unknown.
During the march we came to another desert-lodging near a
narrow river called Camicomba. We reached the same at two
in the afternoon; built our circle near said river; met with
no one ; marched with the sun as before.
' [10th.] — From near the river Camicomba we started at six
in the morning. Passed no river. During the march we came to
another desert near a running stream named Caquietatume. We
arrived there at three in the afternoon. We made a stay of two
days there, awaiting ivory from the Cazembe. We met with no
one. [11th.] — At cockcrow we got up and started from the desert
near the river Caquila. Passed a river named Lufunbo, three
fathoms in width. During our march we came to another
desert near a river, the name of which we do not know. We
reached there at four in the afternoon ; built our huts near said
river, whose further side we had followed down. No rain. Met
with no one.

FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 191
[12th.J — At six in the morning we set out from our desert
halting-place. Passed no river, and during the journey we came
to the desert-lodging called Luipiri. We reached the same at
Ave-Maria (nightfall) without rain. We occupied the houses
already built by the travelling Muizas. We met with no one.
[13th.] — At dawn we got up and startedfrom the desert-lodging
Luipiri. Passed seven small streams ; names unknown. During
the march we came to the village of a deceased potentate nameii*
Luibue, whom Cazembe had killed in battle, and to the place of
a potentate named Muiro Aquito, relation of the deceased
Luibue. We arrived at two in the afternoon. We spoke with
him about the journey we were making to the town of Tette,
and stayed there as his guests. He gave the Cazembe of the
road (guide) two quiapos of maize and two fowls, and told us
we could continue our journey; that the way was open.
Catara gave, as a present, five blue stones. Nothing more
passed between us.
[14th.] — At two in the morning we started from the place of
the potentate Muiro Aquito. Passed three streams, names un
known. During the journey we came to the place of a potentate
named Luiama Cabanba, with the soubriquet "Sapue." We
reached there at midday, and built on this side of and near a
stream, of which they drink the water. He came to visit us,
but brought nothing to entertain us with.
[15th.] — At five in the morning we started from the place of
Sapue. Passed five streams, and during the march arrived at
the potentate Luiama's own farm. Arrived there at midday.
Spoke with him regarding the journey we were making to Tette.
He answered it was well. We built near a river called Lucuetue,
and halted to buy some provisions, and, h^f order of King
Cazembe, to receive from him various runajray slaves who had
escaped on the last journey of Catara's. He, however, did not
deliver them, excusing himself by saying they were in the lands
of others of his subordinate relations, who were a long way off.
[16th.] — We started from the farm of Luiama at eight in the
morning, without rain. During the journey we came to the place
of a black named Lupupa. We reached there at two in the
afternoon ; built our circle near a river called Rungo. We
marched with the sun as before ; met no one. We did nothing
with him. We made only half a journey, because they wished
ns to give something to the said Lupupa. We gave a " capu-
tem," and they went away.

192 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
[17th.] — At five in the morning we got up and started from the
place of the black Lupupa. Passed no river, and during the
journey we came to the farm of the said people, whose chief
is called, after the country-fashio^jj., Camango- We spoke with
him, tellingTmn we "Werff'-g^g to Tette in the company of
Gonpalo Caetano's black. To him we gave nothing. We
arrived at this farm about nightfall ; built close to it, and near
a narrow river, whose name we do not know. Had no rain.
Marched with the sun in our front.
[18th.] — At 6 o'clock a.m. we set out from the place of
Camango. We forded a river named Lunbanzenge, with water
up to our waists. During the march we came to the farm of a
black named Cacomba, on this bank of the river which we
crossed. We arrived at noon, and built near the said black's
farm. We halted there, waiting for Catara, who was staying
behind. We met no one.
[19th.] — Started at six in the morning from the farm of
Mobengi. Crossed the river Hiabenge on foot. During the
journey we arrived at (the place) of a black named Quiota, who
came and paid us a visit at our lodging in his own interest,
thinking we would give him something, named Luipata. We
gave him nothing = Halt.* Started from the farm of Cazembe,
which we left at 5 A.M. We crossed a stream, and came to the
,. ci^jaL.a ..potentate named Mobengi Acalams. We spoke with
him about our going to Tette. We presented him a hundred
small milk-stones and a bag of salt. We reached this place at
noon, and when we had begun building he sent us a she-goat
and Iwo alqueires of maize. We halted there a day, awaiting
Catara! "W(3 llfl'St ho one.""'"
[20th.] — From our lodging at Mobengi's place we started at
6 A.M. ; crossed the river Heabengi on foot. During the journey
we came to the place of a black named Luiota, who came to
visit us, in his own interest at our lodging, that we migBT'Srve'
^im..j,Q.mething^ named Jbuipata.^We^^aTO_him_nothing. At
"nightfall we reached this place, not iiavmf^'passed any one.
We marched with the sun in our faces.
[21st.j We started out from the place of Luiota at two in
the morning without rain. We crossed three streams, names
unknown. Durmg the march we reached the place of a black
* Evidently this is a march (No. 20), but for some reason, possibly a clerical
error, it is not counted. ;

FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 193
named Muazabanba, with whom we treated concerning our
journey to Tette, that they called Nhunque. The Cazembe of
the road gave him a "bixo" (slave-boy); he gave as presents -
two " alqueires " of maize. We reached this place at four in
the afternoon, having marched with the sun in our front, and
having met no one.
[22nd.] At early dawn we left the farm of Muazabanba, with
out rain ; crossed three streams, names unknown. During the
journey we came to the place of the potentate named Capeco,
the farm of that barbarian _being some way off. We presented
him" witlT two Tags of saii^_^lhicif1y8''tg8k'lLgainst his wish,
_wanting cloth. We reachea saia place at tnree m tne aiter-
noon'. ajid..hi"jjj|; near a narrow river, name unknown. The sun
in the same positiion on "'our'"' Wi'afCll,' dWing' which we met
no one.
[23rd.] At 6 a.m. we left the place of Capeco Calubunda,
crossing two streams during the journey, and thence we
left the lowlands we were travelling through, and went on
ascending hills of rock. We came to a desert-lodging near a
stream. We got there at four in the afternoon; marched with
the sun in our front, and passed no one. ^ ,„., ^- .w-  ""
[24th.] Started at 7 a.m. from the desert-lodging, crossed
two narrow rivers; one named Benzi, the other Macala. We
came to the city of the people of a chief named Muceba ; we
spoke not with them of any gifts. We reached this place at
four in the afternoon, built near a stream named Ca Meguigo;
travelled with the sun in our front, and met no one.

««9)MM>MM««9MM«<flH

[25th.] From the farm of the people of Muceba we started
at early dawn, crossed two streams, and during the journey we
came to the farm of Muceba's head-wife ; she is not in the
place, only her "sons" are. We spoke to them about our
journey to Tette. Tbgy begged^ soinething. ,^^,JLm.x)atSL (a
present). W^ repliecTwe fiad ' r^nSrou ght any thmglogrYe a&„
.t . , ' III . fiiiiiKii'i III I "  T  'ifn -'I ... •' . . -'-i^^
Luipaia ; they dig not cease-lto oppose us. We reached this
pTace at four 'Tn*l

place at ibur in theaiternoon, built our circle near a river,
name unknown, whose water they drink ; we met no one.
[26th.] We left the head-wife's farm at six in the morning-
We crossed a river named Huombia, and came to the place
of a slave of the said Muceba, named Luinhiba do Cazembe.
We arrived with him at midday, without rain. In this place
Catara gave a , bixo de Luipata (negt;o^boy as gift) to the said
"  o

194 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA '
black that the present might be passed on to Muceba, lord
of the lands. We met with two blacks, people of Muceba's, and
saw nothing that caused us trouble.
[27th.] From the farm of Luinhiba we started at six in the
morning, crossed a river called Quibanga, and during our march
we isame to the great farm of the said Muceba. We conversed
Wm him about our journey to Tette, and presented him with
V^ "Caputitn ;" while the Cazembe of the road gave him a black
woman. We reached this place at three in the afternoon, and
we built near the river, of which they drink the water, having
met no one.
[28th.] Started from the farm of the chief Muceba at 8 a.m. ;
crossed a river called Luvira. We continued our march till
nightfall, and slept at a desert-lodging near a stream, name
unknown. [29th.] Left the desert-lodging at daybreak; passed two
farms, called Calembe and Capelebanda. We came to another
farm of a black named Muaza Muranga, where we arrived at
Ave-Maria time ; built near a river named Roanga the Little.
We treated of nothing with them. Marched with the sun in
our front, and met no one.
[30th.] At first cockcrow we arose and started from the
place of Muaza Muranga ; crossed no river ; and during
the march we came to the river Aruangoa, which we crossed on
foot — this river is said to be thirty fathoms wide. We arrived
at midday, and we occupied the houses already built by the
ti-avellers from Tette. Having a little time to spare, we were
found in the same place by a number of blacks, loaded with
tobacco, going to the other side (of the river). We met no
one, and journeyed with the sun as before.
[31st.] At dawn we left the river Aruangoa, and marched
down in the same direction as the river. During the march
we came to the farm of a black named Capangara ; had a good
deal of rain. Arrived in this place at four in the afternoon,
and built our circle near a narrow river called Rubinba. We
marched last with sun on our left, and mdi no one.
[32nd.] Started at 8 a.m. from Capangara's farm; crossed no
river. Came to the chief, named Muazabanba, spoke with
him about our journey to Tette ; Cataro, the Cazembe of the
road, gave a "bixo,;" we two chuabos of xed serafina. We

PROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 195
reached this farm at midday without rain ; built our circle near
the river called Matize, q
with no one, and travelled

the river called Matize, of y^}\j<^ijn they drink^ the^ watey: met
i with the sun on oiir leit side.

[33rd.] From Muazabanba's place we started at five in the
morning ; passed a narrow river called Lucingi, came to
the farm of some blacks, whom we do not know. Arrived at
three in the afternoon, having met no one ; we marched with
the sun as before.
[34th.] We left the farm of the before-mentioned blacks at
six in the morning, passed two small streams, whose names we
do not know, and reached the farm of a black named Quiceres
Quiamorilo. We arrived here at two in the morning (after
noon ?), without rain ; built near a running stream, name not
known, met some blacks loaded with tobacco ; marched with
the sun as before.
[35th.] From Quiceres Quiamorilo's farm we started at
6 A.M., crossed one river, and during the march came to the
farm of the village of Capelema, belonging to two blacks, one
named Capanga, the other Quicuta. We said nothing to
them, and built near the river called Camba, not very wide,
of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun as
before, and met no one.
[36th.] Left the farm of Capangara at dawn. Passed a river
we are ignorant of the name of, and during our march came to
the farm of a potentate, Capelemena, whom we did not find
there, he having gone to his houses. We only found there his
head-wife and also his " sons." They began directly asking for
"Luipata." The Cazembe of the road gave a "bixo." We
reached this farm at noon, and built near a narrow river named
Lucunzie. Marched with sun on our left, and met no one.
[37th.] Left the farm of Capelemena at eleven in the
morning, and came to the farm of the sister of the before
mentioned ; we reached this place about nightfall. We treated
of nothing with her. We crossed no river, met no one, and built
near a small stream.
[88th.] At 7 A.M. we got up, and started from the farm of
Capelemena's sister ; we followed down the course of the river
Lucunzie, and during the march came to the town of a potentate
named Mocanda Caronga, and place of the black named
Quitanga Quiamuomba. We reached this place at midday,
without rain, built near it, and met no one.
0 2

196 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA
[39th.] At cockcrow we started from the farm of Quitanga,
passed no river, and during our march came to another farm of
the people of said Mocanda. We spoke with them about our
journey to Tette, and gave them nothing. Arrived at three in
the afternoon ; marched with the sun as before. Met no one.
[40th.] At two in the morning we left Mocanda's people-
crossed the great farm of the same Mocanda, and during the
journey came to another of his people's farms, which we reached
at four in the afternoon, without rain ; travelled as before, and
did not meet any one. We gave no presents to the said blacks^
[41st.] At 6 A.M. we got up and left the place above men
tioned ; crossed one river, name unknown. During the journey
we came to the farm named Ponda. We reached it at seven
in the evening, built near a narrow river named Luca; marched
with the sun on our left, and met no one.
[42nd.] We started from the farm of Ponda, at seven
in the morning. We passed one stream, name unknown.
During our march we came to the farm of the people of the
potentate Gurula, which we crossed. We reached there with
drizzling rain at noon. Built near a stream, and met no one.
[43rd.] Started from the people of Gurula at five in the
morning, crossed a river named Bue, and continuing our march
we crossed three narrow rivers, and arrived at the city of a
black named Luiangue. We got there at three in the after
noon, built during a good deal of rain, and near a river
niamed Daramenca. Marched with the sun as before, and met
no one.
[44th.] From the farm of Luiangue we got up and started
at dawn; passed a hill named Inamirombe, boundary of the
chief Mocanda Caronga's lands. We came to the farm of a
black named Cairaire ; we arrived there at two in the afternoon.
We said nothing to any of them about our journey, and met
no one.
[45th.j Left the farm of Cairaire at six o'clock in the
morning; crossed a narrow river, and during the march we
came to the farm named Capata. We reached there at four in
the afternoon. TI^a ppnplA gayq HR b"nses to lodge in, so that
. we Jiad. not to imud our circle. Marched with tlTe suiTbh our"
l(3ft, and met no one.
[46th.] At six in the morning we left the farm Capata,

FROM CAZEMBE TO TETTE. 197
without rain; crossed five narrow streams, names unknown;
passed the old farm of Gonpalo Caetano; during our march
came to another old deserted farm. We arrived at midday,
with rain ; built near a stream, name unknown ; met no one,
and saw nothing of rarity.
[47th.] At two in the morning we started from the old
farm ; crossed a river called " Quiamuombo" the Smaller. During
the journey we came to a desert, and built near a stream,
whose name we do not know. We reached this lodging at
noon, without rain. Met four blacks loaded with maize. We
marched M'ith the sun as before.
[48 th. J At two in the morning we started from our desert-
lodging; crosseda_rivg£jaii£«£sithtuaam^ and,
coming to fj.not.hf-r dc'.sp.rt.at five in the afternoon, we built npai.
a stream, the name unknown. We met no one.
[49th.] Started from our desert - lodging at six in the
morning, crossed a river three fathoms wide, name not known. **
During the march came to the farm of a black, whose name we'*>
do not know. We arrived there at two in the afternoon ; built
in the rain, near the " Lovras " (probably " Lavras," or gold-
washings) of the said black. We marched with the sun on our
left, and saw nothing rare.
[50 th.] We left the farm of the black above-mentioned at
two in the morning. We crossed three narrow rivers, whose
names we do not know. During the journey we came to the
farm of two blacks, named Catetua and Catiza ; we reached
there at two in the afternoon, with rain. We marched with
the sun as before. We met no one.
[51st.] At two in the morning we started from the farm of
Catetua, crossed three rivers, each three fathoms wide. We
came to the farm of Dona Francisca, named Maxinga. We
reached there at three in the afternoon, without rain, and
lodged in the houses of the said blacks. We marched as before,
and met no one.
[52nd.] From Maxinga we started at 6 a.m. without rain ;
crossed a river on foot, which had water up to our breasts;
we do not know the name of it. During the march we reached
the farm of some blacks, whose names we are ignorant of. We
arrived there at midday, having met with no one ; we lodged
.in the houses of the farm.

198 QUESTIONS PUT TO P. J. BAPTISTA.
[53rd.] At six o'clock in the morning we left the farm of
the blacks. We crossed a river, whose name we do not know,
and came to the farm of Gonpalo Caetano, named Musoro-
anhata. We did not find him there ; only the father-in-law of
the same Gonpalo, by name Pascoal Domingos, who ordered us
to occupy the houses of the slaves of the above-named. We
reached this place at two in the afternoon without rain; we
met with no one.
[54th.] Started from Musoro-anhata at eleven in the
morning ; crossed two small streams, whose names we do not
know. During the march we came to the farm of Manoel
Caetano, whom we found at home; he gave us shelter. We
reached there at three in the afternoon with rain; we met
no one.
[55th.] At two in the morning we set out from Manoel
Caetano's place, crossed two streams, and came to the farm of
the said Gonpalo Caetano Pereira. We arrived at noon ; met
some blacks sent by him. We occupied the houses of bis
Caffres by his order. Westayed in this place twenty days to
ed with the sun as before!

rest ourselves ; marcheo
[56th.] At dawn we started from Gonpalo Caetano Pereira's
farm ; crossed a narrow river, name unknown. During the
march we came to the farm of a soldier named Macoco. We
reached there at four in the afternoon ; met a great many
people. [57th.] Left the farm of the soldier Macoco, at seven in
the morning. We crossed no river. During the journey we
came near the river Zambeze; we crossed it in a canoe to
this town, which we reached on Saturday, the 2nd of February,
1811.

[No. 2.]
On summoniug to my residential quarters the two men,
discoverers of the road from Angola to this town, I put the
following questions to them : —
I asked their names. One answered, his name was Pedro
Joao Batista, and his comrade's Anastacio Francisco. Asked
them whence they came, and by whose orders. They replied,
they came from the interior of Angola, by order of His
Excellency D. Fernando de Noronha, Captain-General of

QUESTIONS PUT TO P. J. BAPTISTA. 199
Angola, who charged their master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa, Commander of the Fair of Casanje, to send
them on a discovery, from that Western Capital to the Eastern
Coast, from which master they brought a letter for the Governor
of these Rivers.
On being asked when they set out from the inner regions of
Angola, they replied, they left the plantation named tjj.g, ^ajr. of
_Casanje at the end of November 1802 ; but that on the
JeigUtli day of the journey they met with resistance, not being
"aiiowea to pass l5eyond' the farm of the chief Bonba, whejg.
jthey stayed till the .Y^r .1805^ without being able to go
Stner iorwa'r'd"'OT'''t3^ac¥, 1M advisetheir master at their starting-
place, that he might send them some goods, so that the chief
would allow them to pass freely. However, as soon as they
were able to give such information to their master, he assisted
them with goods, to allow of their passing ; and that, pursuing
their journey, they made a digression and went into the
territory of another chief, named Mexico, which digression cost*
twenty days. That in the said farm, people wished to make war
against them, and seize the goods they had with them, because,
previously to their arrival, a merchant of the same fair had
gone to this farm, and had taken, on credit, a certain number of j
slaves, a certain quantity of wax, and some ivory, and had not'
yet paid the said chief. However, they state that they con
tented him with a quantity of cloths, and he allowed them
to leave freely. Continuing their joui'ney thence they went
to the farm of Catende, a, petty lj:;i,np- now subject to the
J^jandMoropo, in which eight" days were occupiea "Iroin tne
previous farm ; and going on from this they went to the farm of
Chaanbuje, distant Irom the preceding three days; thence
they proceeded to the town of Luibaica, distant four days
from the last ; and thence they went to another farm, named
Banga - Banga, in which they occupied two days ; thence
they went to the farm of the Moropo's mother, named Locon- •"
queixa, in which journey they spent two days; thence they
went on to the capital of the Grand Moropo, and it is from this
place that they began to keep the route-journal, which they
delivered to me, up to this town of Tette.
On asking them if, in this digression, since they had started
from the inner regions of Angola to their arrival at Moropo's,
they had found provisions and water on the road, they answered
that they had found everything, and had paid for such things
with their goods.
On asking them if, since setting out from Mexico's farm to
Moropo, as also from this to Cazembe, and alterwards to this
town, they had encountered any marauders, who had attempted

200 LETTER OF F. H. DA COSTA.
to rob them of the goods they were carrying, they answered no,
that on the contrary, they had met with much liberality in
many farms.
On asking them when they had arrived at Cazembe, and f(3r
what reason they did not continue their journey to this city,
they answered that tliey arrived there in the year 1806, and
that having- no resources whatever to bring them on to this
town, because of King Cazembe's being at war with the King oiL
¦ the^Mui^es, a country through which they would have to jia.ss,
they remained in Cazembe till the end of the year 1810, when
they then came ou to this town. rf*^**
On asking them with what amount of hospitality the King
of Cazembe had treated them, they replied, that during the
whole of the four years he had supplied them with all they
needed, both food and clothing, so that all the time they wanted
for nothing.
On asking them if they wished voluntarily to return by the
same route, or whether they would prefer going by sea, as I
could send them to Mozambique, so that they might inform
their master of their proceedings, they 'answered that they
wished to go back by the same route, as they were desirous
' of making a more complete and circumstantial route journal
\ than the one they had presented to me ; but that to enable them
to do this, I should have to provide them with goods from
His Royal Highness, to maintain them on their journeys, to
? provide and pay the chiefs for safe-conducts, whom they would
have to pass, and also to purchase some slaves to accompany
»tthem on the route, and carry them should either ..of .them fall
ill on the road. «.»— — - --~— ™_

[No. 3.] (Copy.)
Illusteious Sir, — The Most Serene Prince Regent, our
Lord, strongly urged upon the Most Illustrious and Excellent Dom
Fernando Antonio de Noronha, Actual Governor and Captain-
General of this State and Kingdom of Angola, on which this
Fair of Casanje is dependent, the exploration and opening up of
the Eastern with this Western Coast. His Excellency also
ordered me to penetrate, if I could, as far as the Cazembe, where
it is known that the illustrious Lacerda, worthy predecessor
of _ your Excellency, had died ; and suggested I should
write and communicate to your Excellency this most important
object, so interesting to the whole nation, and so much desired
by His Royal Highness, to whom all his faithful subjects are.

LETTER OF F. H. DA COSTA. 201
¦ 'h ¦
with the greatest consideration, so ambitious to render services,
and to unite in working together for the glory of such an excel
lent Sovereign.
The importance of this communication led me to send
all my slaves on so serious an fenterprise, though I was
obliged to be without them so far away in the interior, and
distant from the capital of Angola. This will be delivered to
your Excellency by my said slaves. I have striven in this
matter since 1797 to obtain from ,Sucilo Bamba, Cambambi,
Camacaca, and Mujumbo ^ealunga, Ijfltfiatflfct J^ir rn'Ter "yf" ai 1 ,
"J^op.°'0) y'tkssao-e"' Into ' the "T^^enor, to negotiate with all in
general, and with the potentate Jaga Cacanje, ruler of the
lands in which this fair is situated. And tor this reason, I
turned to di.sx'over the means of communicating with your Ex
cellency through the above-name^ potentate. Ruler of all the
Sougo, concerning the expenses it was indispensable for me to
incur with him ; although I dissembled with him as to the
principal purport of this business, by explaining to him the grief
in which I was living, through my ignorance as to the existence*
of one of my brothers, who having taken a different route
at sea, it was reported had travelled by land to Senna, and
thence had gone to Cazembe, where he died. That I was in
doubt as to whether such was the case or not ; that if it was as
stated, it would at once remove all anxiety, and I should, after
Jamentmg ^is_ loss, _^proceed to "console^ myself "lor it, as" is
necessary in this life ; and should then go on to inquire what
had become"^ his property, and who had succeeded him in
his rights. In this way, I succeeded in obtaining from him a
passage through his dominions, and sent my slaves, accom
panied by his own vassals, to a country named Louvar, in
which the p_otentate Liuuhg^eg.ov'i'-^'us. He inforrii^^^I say,
that he was~correspohd"ed with and amicably treated, and in
formed me that he had just sent to ask for a daughter as his
wife, to unite more closely the bonds of amity with those of'
relationship. He offered to send and ask that friend (now
father-in-law, said to be to the west of the river Luambeje,
which I believe runs to the eastern coast, but am not certain
of yet, and who is a relation of Cazembe's, and owes, they
say, allegiance to Cazembe) to have my messengers passed
safely and peacefully by his people, that they may reach
Cazembe. I write to the latter, requesting him to let these
men come on to your Honour with my letter, by means of
which I expect to obtain an exact knowledge of my said
brother's fate, and who has succeeded to his rights according
to the means that appeared best to me to adopt. Persons
who have been sent to that capital to get information, recom-

202 DESPATCH OF J. D'O. BARBOSA.
mend that these inquiries should be conducted with all care and
the greatest possible secrecy, so that the prejudices which the
r blacks entertain against the whites may not be disturbed ;___they
Umagiae_that.,the latter never dojinytihmg..exceptfpr_ their, jown
fcrofit, and to their (the blacks') prejudice, that the whites have no
Isincerityjan'd" only 'turn "their actions "to their "own advantage
fagainst them. Another great reason for the strife and j"e^alousy
[existing among the black nations is, that the whites endeavour to^
1 H2fit-J^'5^^-thfiil..,.supei:ipr.ity^ o|^ and'power, to subject to
l^'toem other ^nations interior "S"^ force , and position. They are
jealous lest the blacks should enjoy the same privileges, and thus
be able to remove the yoke in which they are bound. They supply
them, themselves, with some few things that they think neces
sary, adding whatever they think proper to their cost ; prevent
ing the others obtaining the same articles firsthand from whence
they obtain them, and which they have thus the power of
supplying them with.
You will kindly credit the profound respect I entertain for
you, and honour me with your, to me, much esteemed corre
spondence, to effect the long-coveted discovery, in pursuance of
the Royal orders given to the Most Illustrious Governor and
Captain-General of Angola, at whose suggestion and recom
mendation I decided to try and obtain those of your Honour
for the same end.
With all consideration, I most cordially kiss your Honour's
hands, whom God keep many happy years. Fair of Casanje em
Carmo de Quiriquibe, 11th November, 1804. The Most Illus
trious Governor of Senna knd Tette. Your most obedient
and respectful servant, (Sigtned) Feancisco Honoeato da
Costa, Director of the Fair qf Casanje. /
Most Illusteious and Excellent Sie, — I have the satisfac
tion of laying before your Excellency the letter from the
Governor of the Rivers of Senna, which came by land, in
consequence of the discovery of a communication between
the two coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, with copies
of the letter addressed to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, to whose
fatigues and exertions this discovery is due, and the diaries
of the journeys and other intelligence bearing on the same
subject. The Pombeiro slaves belonging to the above-men-

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 203
tioned director, named Pedro Joao Baptista and Amaro
Joze, are embarked on board the frigate " Prince Dom Pedro,"
to be delivered to the Secretariat of State, so that they may
personally give any other information to your Excellency.
The above-said Lieutenant-Colonel, through my intervention,
prays that His Royal Highness will remunerate him for his
services to the extent that he deserves. God keep your
Excellency. St. Paul's of the Assumption of Loanda, 25th
January, 1815 - The Most Illustrious and Excellent Antonio
de Araujo de Azevedo = (Signed) Jos6 be Olivbika Baebosa
{Captain-General of Angola).

[No. 1.]
This is another copy of the letter of F. H. da' Costa, tran
scribed in Part A, No. 6, page 236, and translated in pp. 198-
202 of this Appendix.

[No. 2.] *
One thousand eight hundred and six. — In the name of God,
Amen. — Route Journal, which I, Pedro Joao Baptista, make on
my journey from Muatahianvo to King Cazembe Caquinhata. —
1st day of the march and lodging, whence we started from
the great farm of the said Muatahianvo, from his son's house,
iiami^id, after the land fa,^slg,gft. Capenda Hianva, where we were
lodging, or accordrngtohis post, Soana Mulopo of the Muata-
JuaBSO, irom which we ^et out at six o clock m the morning.
We crossed two rivers, one named Igiba, of four fathoms' width,'*
the other Luiza, both of which run into the river Lulua ; during
the journey we arrived }\it the place "f the guide whom the said
potentate Muatahianvo had given us to the Cazembe, named, after
ihecountrystyle, Cutaguaseje. We reached this place at dusk.
"TSfeTmffiBer of people, who were going to the Banza (abode)
of the Muatahianvo, carrying to their masters provisions of dry
manioc fiour, called "^^^" Marched_ with .Jhe sun in our
' rear' and saw nothing unusual.

[2nd.] Lodging of Cutaguaseje. Set out at seven in
the morning. Passed three narrow runnug streams, whose
names I do not know, which run into the river Luiza. Con-

* This is the same Diary, with trifling variations, printed in pp. 169-188.-
R. F. B.

204 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
tinning the journey, we again crossed the said river Luiza,
and arrived at the place of the black named Caquiza Muexi,
a slave of the Muatahianvo, near a river, the water of which
they drink. He ordered us to lodge in the houses of the
owner of the farm. We arrived at midday, without rain, and
met with no one.
[3rd.] Lodging place of Caquiza Muexi. We started at
two o'clock in the morning. Crossed five streams, whose names
I do not know. During the march came to the farm of the
Quilolo of Muatahianvo, named Muene Canenda. We reached
this place at four in the afternoon, and built near the river
Isabuigi, of which they drink the water. Marched with the sun
on our left. We stayed here three days, the guide's female
slave being ill. Saw no great variety of birds or animals.
[4th.] Lodging of the farm of the Quilolo Muene Canenda.
Started at dawn, without rain. Crossed four streams, whose
names I do not know. Continuing our journey, we crossed a
river named Mue-me, and came to the end of the desert, on the
other side and near the river Canaia, which runs into the river
Mue-me : here we found the houses Ijuilt by the travellers
«fiLl.he.. country, named ^ Canongafigga, who -were ""going fo"pay
tribute to"lffuataEianvo. We reached there at three in the after
noon, having marched with the ^p as before. Met some people
who had gone to buy saft in the Salina, called " da Quigila."
[5th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at five in the
morning. Passed three narrow rivers, which were rough in
, crossing. Came to another desert, near the narrow river caUed
Quipungo, the farm of some blacks, whose names we do not
know, slaves of Muatahianvo, being a little way off. We
reached this lodging at midday, without rain. Met no one, and
had no dealings with those in the farm. We saw no rarity,
^nd to procure provisions we halted here two days.
[6th.] Desert-lodging, whence we started at^ockcrow. Crossed
ten (three?) narrow rivers, which run into the river named
Calalema, which rivers we do not know the names of, and came
to a,notitMi desert-lodging Qf..thick.bn.shps, staked-aLUaand. near
the said river Calalema, which is about twelve (ten?) fathoms
across. We reached this place about two in the afternoon, with
a little rain. Met no one, and marched with the sun as before.
[7th.] Desert-Jadging. Started from the same at cock
crow. Crossed eleven narrow rivers, names unknown, and fol-

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 205
lowed up the course of the river Calalema. During the journey,
we came ^-^ fi, rl ppifirt-lod gin g near a at,refl.m named Camus-
sanga Gila, on»the other_ side_qf ^^which we came to Jhe, said
lodging at nighffili, arid Ead'not time tonBuiTd pur .huts to sleep
in. Met no one," and saw nothing"unusual.'""
[8th.] Desert-lodging, near the river Camussanga Gila.
Started thence at five in the morning, crossed six running
streams, and, during the journey, came to the farm of a black ,
slave of Muatahianvo, named Muene Cassa, near and on the
other side of a stream, the name of which I do not know, the
farm above-mentioned being situated a long way off from our-
lodging. We reached here at three in the afternoon. Met
no one. Marched with the sun on our left side, built near the
saidnlace, and had no deahngs with those in thelarrh.'

[9th.] Lodging of the farm of Muene Cassa. Started from
this place at dawn, crossed nine small rivers, and, during the
march, came to a desert-lodging, still near the river Calalema^
reached this river at four in the afternoon. Met no one..
Marched with the sun, as before, and saw no beasts.
[10th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at seven
in the morning. Crossed three running rivers by bridges.-*
Came to another desert, near a small river, name unknown.
We reached there at midday, and built near the same river.
Some of Soana Mulopo's people came along in our rear, sent h^
him to buy salt. Met no one, and marched with the sun as
before. [11th.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at five in the morn
ing. Crossed on foot a running river, named Roando, two
fathoms wide, which flows into the river Lulua. During the
march we came to another narrow river called Rova, and
arrived at the end of our march near the said Rova, which is
about thirteen fathoms wide, and also runs into the river Lulua,
the farm of a black named Tumo (Fumo ?) Ahilanbe, of Muata
hianvo, being a long way off. We arrived at midday, without
rain, and built near the said river. Marched with the sun on
our left. Met no one, ana saw no beasts.
[12th.] Desert-lodging. Started at early dawn. Crossed
six narrow streams, which run into the river Rova. During
the march we came to the deaeEtslodging, on the other side
and near the river called Cazalle, which is about twenty
fathoms in width, with water to our waists ; it runs into the

206 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
Luliia. We reached this river at dusk. Met several people
4paded TYJth.^ah. which they were going to sell at the Banza of
tBe^Muatahianvo. Marched with the sun on the left. Saw
nothing new.
[13th.] Desert-lodging above named. Set out at six in
the morning. Crossed no river, and, continuing our march,
came to the place of Quilolo of the Muatahianvo, named
after the country CaEQCO .Bjjmha».^^a. _ We spoke to him
aBouT biir " journey, which we were making, by order of his
Muatahianvo, to the country of the Cazembe Caquinhata ; he
answered it was well, and ordered us to lodge in his " sons' "
houses; he gave us as guests four^moitetes^ of ., igur and a
mutete pf fi^. We reached this iairoa? four in the afternoon,
"^ear "a "narrow stream or river named Mucuza. Met no one,
and marched with the sun as before.
[14th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Capoco, from
which we started at two in the morning. Passed a dry stream,
and, continuing our journey, crossed the river Caginrige by
canoe, the boatmen of the Quilolo Muene Mene, who was lord
of the port, having put us on the other side of it ; this said
river is about fourteen fathoms -wide, and runs into the river
Lulua. We arrived at the farm of Mene, the said Quilolo of
Muatahianvo, and treated with him regarding our journey to
Cazembe by order of the said Muatahianvo : he answered
nothing, and only said that the way was open. We made
our circle there, f5£^,_off_from J;he farm, and paid the boatmen
"twcu3^Hm.S§ £f„,?.]ftft^^§ (I'^dian cloth), and gave the owner a
small looking-glass with gilt papered„.gdges, and>fifty:,beads.pf^
roncalha. We reached this at three in the afternoon. Met no"'
one, and marched with the sun as before.
[15th.] Lodging at the place of Muene Mene. Started
rat the first cockcrow. Crossed four narrow rivers running
into the said river Caginrigi, and came to the farm of the black
known as the owner, and named by our guide Soana Ganga ;
spoke with him regarding the journey we are making to
Cazembe. We arrived at two in the afternoon. Met no one,
saw nothing uncommon, and marched with the sun on our left.
[16th.] Lodging of the farm of Soana Ganga. Started at
seven in the morning. Crossed two narrow rivers running into
said river Caginrigi ; came to the farm of Muatahianvo's mother,
Luconquessa ; found there his Quilolo, named, after the country-

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 207
fashion,Muene Camatanga. We spoke with him about our journey,
that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata by order of the Muata
hianvo ; he replied, that people going from Angola to Cazembe
was very gratifying ; we gave him a beirame of linen and jtg.ft,ti !&:...
^colomJiifiads, beside%JjSjt,small.M.ue .&taaesJtttA.K.,,lijyaaskik''
wliichi§,.a gift.toijie, lord, pf, the Jgfld. We reached this city
at midday, without rain. ''ATej;,,,^,  gfladu T"'^?'^Y peoplp. ^.aixist. to,
biiyjalt. Marched with the sun as before.
[17th.] Lodging at the farm of Muene Camatanga, from
which we started at six in the morning, crossed three streams,
which run into the river Caginrigi. During the march we
arrived at the farm of the Quilolo of said Camatanga, named
Muene Cassamba, whither Camatanga had directed us to go, in
order to obtain provisions for our desert march, by order of
Muatahianvo'. With collecting these provisions we were detained
fifteen days. Met no one, and saw nothing unusual.
[18th.] Lodging at Muene Cassamba's farm. Started from
this place at two in the morning, again crossed the river Cagin
rigi. During the march crossed another river running into the
same Caginrigi. We came to the desert-lodging near another ,
narrow river, the name unknown. We reached said lodging at
midday ; built our huts during rain. Met no one, and marched
with sun on our left, and no beasts.
[19tli.] Desert lodging. Started from it at half-past 6 a.m.
passed a narrow river with stony bed, and came to another
desert called Canpueje, near a running stream, where we found
houses, built by__the Alundas travellers. Arrived there at two
in the afternoon ;"saw'rrothing uncommon.

&

o'

[20th = 21st of former Journal, p. 174.] Desert-lodging.
Canpueje. Started hence at cockcrow, crossed a narrow river
named Maconde. During the journey came to another desert-
lodging called Lunsaja, .^he .'' li^gjt^ " (settlements, villages)
of the Quilolo Anibulete QuissosaTof the Muatahianvo, being a
short way on. Did not speaKwith him about our lourney.
Reached this at four in the afternoon, ana^J^uilt near a narrow
runniug river, name unkjiQjvn. Marched with the 'sun" on our
left, and met no one.
'" [21st.] Lodging pf _ the desert. Lunsaja, from which we
started at Eve in the morning, passed no river, and during the
march came to the farm of the son of Cuta Ganda, near a river

208 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
called Reu. We spoke with him about-^ur journey to
Cazembe. We reached the said city at three in the afternoon.
Met no one, marched with the sun as before, and saw no
beasts. [22nd.] Lodging at the farm of the son of Cutaganda. Got
up at seven in the morning, crossed the river Rgu on foot ; it
is about twenty fathoms wide. We came toTSeaesert-lodging
,u^£ a small stream, name unknown. We i^eacRed'said'^'fream
aFlwo in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the sun
on our left side.
[23rd.] Desert-lodging. Started from it at six in the
morning, crossed three narrow streams, which run into said
river Reu, came to another desert near a river named Quibenla,
which also runs into the river Reu, the " libatas " of the Quilolo
Munconcota being very distant. Reached there at three in the
afternoon, and saw nothing unusual.
[24th.] Desert-lodging near the river Quibenla. Started at
five in the morning, crossed four narrow rivers which run into
said river Quibenla. During the march came to another
'desert-lodging, named Capaca Melemo, close by a runnino-
stream. Reached this at ny^dav. without rain. Marched with
the sun as before. Met no one.
[25th.] Desert-lodging, Capaca Melemo. Left at six in
the morning, crossed four narrow rivers. During the march
came to and crossed a river named Ropoege, which is about
thirty fathoms wide, and runs into the river Lubilage. We
came to the desert-lodging close by the other side of said river.
We reached this at three in the afternoon, without rain, marched
with the sun on our left, saw no birds nor beasts worth
noting. [26th.] Desert-lodging. Started at seven in the morning,
crossed two streams running into the river Eopoege, and con
tinuing our march came to the desert-lodging called Cassaco,
^ near and on the other side of a running stream. Reached there
' at midday, ha^dng met no one, and marched with the sun as
before. [27th.] Desert-lodging, Cassaco. Started ateockg-ow. crossed
a campmg-place near a flowing river, very narrow, named
Quipaca Amguengua, and during the journey came to another

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 209
desert-lodging, close by the river Ropele, four fathoms wide,
running into the river Lububury. Reached this at three in the
afternoon. Marched with the sun on our left ; met no one.
Saw only some wild boars, who were feeding on this side of the
said river. '--**
[28th.] Desert-lodging near the river Ropele, from which
we started at first cockcrow, passed no river, and continuing our
journey we came to the desert-lodging near the narrow river
called White River, it haviup- whit,e sands, which runs into
the river Lububury. We reached said lodging at midday, built
our barracks near the other side of the said river. Met no
one, Marched with the sun as before ; saw neither birds nor
beasts. ^ 
[29th.] Lodging near the White River. Started at seven
in the morning, crossed no river. During the journey came to
the desert-lodging near the river Lububury, which we did not
cross. Reached this place at two in the afternoon. Marched
with the sun on our left ; built our huts on this side, and
near the said river. A number of people going to buy salt
in company with us. Met no one ; saw nothing unusual.
[30th = 32nd in former diary, p. 176.] Desert-lodging near
the river Lububury. Started at 6 a.m., passed no river, came
to the river Lububury, which we crossed on foot, and which had
water to our waists. It is about forty fathoms in width, and
has a stony bed. We met with people and slaves there of
the Quilolo of the Muatahianvo and Cazembe, named, after the
land fashion, Chamuginga Mucenda. Reached said farm at two
in the afternoon. Did not speak with them, and built our huts
near and the other side of the said river, a long way from
the farm. Met no one ; saw neither birds nor reptiles ; marched
with the sun as before.
[31st.] Lodging of the Cio (Citio, a farm ?), near the river
Lububury. Started therefrom at seven in the morning, crossed
no river. During the march came to the " libata " of said
Quilolo Chamuginga Mucenda. Spoke with him regarding
our journey ; that we were going to Cazembe Caquinhata, by
order of the Muatahianvo. He answered that the Cazembe was
well. We reached this place at midday. He presented us as his
guests with a Sanga of Aid and eight moitetes of (manioc) flour'
— four for us and four for our guide — also a small she-goat^
We built some distance from the farm, close by the narrow river
named Oamonguigi, but on the other side of it. Met no one ;
marched with the sun as before ; saw neither birds nor beasts.

210 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
[32nd.] Lodging of the farm of Chamuginga Mucenda.
Started therefrom at six in the morning, passed two halting-
places but no river, and continuing our march came to the
lodging named Mussula Apompo ; reached this at two in the
afternoon, built our huts to the east of the said river. Marched
with the sun on our left sidej saw nothing uncommon. Met
no one.
' [33rd.] Desert-lodging Mussula Apompo. Started at six in
the morning ; passed a narrow stream, named Son of the River
Lufula, and continuing our journey we came to the same river
Lufula, which we crossed, with the water to our waists. It
is more or less fifteen fathoms wide, and runs into the river
Lualaba. We reached there at midday, having marched with
the sun on our left. Met no one, and built on the other side of
and near the said river.
[34th.] Lodging of the desert near the river Lufula. Started
at five in the rttl5r»i®g,«»e^6!ra narrow river, whose name I do not
know, and came to another desert resting-place, near a large
river-plain named Quibonda, with a small stream on this side
of it. Here we saw some black huntsmen, with the wild cattle
•they had killed with arrows; they were going by the same
route to the Salina, to buy salt. They (|id, ftot inform us_
whence they came. Reached said lodging at two in the
"aRernpoBTWttitout rain. Marched with the sun as before, and
saw nothing rare.
[35th.] Desert-lodging near the Quibonda, which occupied
us till midday in crossing. Having started at the first cock
crow, crossed a stream, and during the march came to a lodging
on a hill called Jupume (Inpume ?), near a narrow river named
Camoa, of two fathoms in width, which runs into the river
Lualaba. We reached this place at three in the afternoon,
built our huts on the side of said hill at the top, without rain.
Met no one ; marched with the sun on our left side.
[36th.] "Q3Sfii''''-r-^^stiiil1g-p^''^'^ near the river Camoa, from
which we started at five in the morning ; crossed no river, and
during the march came to the desert-lodging near the small
stream named Catonta, the lodging being called Mucary Agoia.
We are now in the Cazembe's dominions. We reached here
at noon; marched this journey with the sun in our front.
' Met some blacks, who were coming to the salt districts ; saw
no birds nor animals of any rarity.
[37th.] Deggctrlodgiug in the_halting-place named Mucari

ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. 211
Agoia, from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a
narrow running stream, and, continuing our march, came to
Aihe desert-lodging near the river, of small width, named Huita
Amalete, which runs into the Lualaba. Wefouud^-some-dis—
tance from the halting-place, .some huts of ^^!Q.uilQlQ.-Qf the
^Ca"zeiflbe,~iiamed^uire, JordoFthe c'oppei-inines. li.is in this-
farm they make the bars.~''We''reached said halting-place at
two in the afternoon ; spoke with them regarding our journey,
that we were going to the King Cazembe, being sent by the'
Muatahianvo. He answered that the King Cazembe was well,
and also his uncle Quibiu'i, lord of the Salina._ He pTASAij|p.d-
u^with nothing. Marcifed with the sun in our frd!SE't'°metno
one, and'saw no birds nor beasts.
[38th.J Halting-place of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, Muir
from which we started at six in the morning ; crossed a narro^
river named Mulonga Amcula, which runs into the river
Lualaba. On leaving the said farm Muire asked ua.Jbjc./a
presentj^_J/V e gave him twenty small white bugles (missanga &e
(Janudo)7with which he was contented, s^ngJje^cftuLiJiot-piass
I3|i for Eoore as. he. ..had given us nothing. Continuing our mari^h
we came to the desert-lodging named Quiana Acananga, nea\
a running stream, son or tributary to the said river Mulauga
(Mulonga ?) Amcula. Reached said lodging at two in the after
noon, without rain. Marched with the sun as before. Met
several people coming from the salt district, going to Muata
hianvo. Saw nothing new.
[39th.] Desert-lodging, Quiana Acananga. Set out from
this at two in the morning ; crossed no river, and during the
march we came to another desert-lodging named Ma,bobela,
near a very small stream. Reached this at four in tE^aftef-
noon ; Jbajjt .near th,e,sam_e streamlet. Marched with the sun as
before. Met no people, and saw many zebras, who were pasturing
[40th.] Desert-lodging of Mabobela. Started at cockcrow.
Crossed nn river.. During the journey came to the place of a
iUacLftajnsaOiuil^^ Salina (saJjt.dis,ti;iet)
Quigila ; we arrived there at two in the afternoon ; spoke with
the people of the farm about our journey to King Cazembe
Caquinhata. Thex.aaaffiere.d.,it, was very fortunate to see white
-pePljlei., whom_ they,^,a,l] M.uziing.QS„£Qming, ftprn ApSPla. We
lodged in their houses. Marched with the sun in our front. Saw
many birds named Hundas, a sort of duck.
[41st.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Buibui, we
p 2

212 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
started therefrom at six o'clock in the morning ; continuing our
journey, we came to and crossed the river Lualaba by canoe *
this river is about forty fathoms wide. We arrived at the great
farm of the Quiburi, uncle of Cazembe, lord of the salt district
(Salina) Quegila ; he received us with great pleasure and con
sideration, lodging us in the houses of his Quilolos. We gave
I to Quiburi a present of blue "^ronealha " and two beirames of
ash-coloured J).eads ; at ther^iffT" We gave fifty "beads'TTf-same"
' blue " roncalha." We reached this place at four in the afternoon.
Met several of Quiburi's people going to fish in the above river.
Saw a great number of wild cattle and small game. He
gave us as his guests a leg of wild bull, t^y nnixmws of
.^ugh or. -.pijiSte. two_^ sangas of A16 de^Jjucu, called Caxai ;
he informed us that there ""^'as' in" Cazembe a white man
intending to go to Angola, with letters from the Governor of
Tette, who had died in Cazembe.
(42nd.) Lodging at the farm of Quiburi of the Cazembe;
left therefrom at three in the afternoou. Passed no river.
We marched down the course of the . Lualaba, : during the
march we came to tha^desert-lodging, its name not known, near
a stream called Cbafim, which run"s"'in!o" the Lualaba. We
reached this place at midday, without rain. Marched with the
sun in our front. Built on the other side, near the said river,
Sai^.a^reat many animals,-— zebras, wild-cattle, muquetes^&c.
[43rd.] Desert-lodging near the river Chafim. Set out
from this place at five in the morning, and crossed no river.
During the journey we came to another desert-lodging, near a.
stream named Bacassacala ; reached this lodging at two in the
afternoon, without rain. Built on the east of the same
stream. Marched with the sun as before ; met nothino-.
[44th.] Desert-lodging, Bacassacala. Left this at six in
morning. Crossed no river. During the march Ave came to
another desert-lodging near a narrow stream, the name of it not
known. Arrived there at noon, without rain. Marched with
the sun as before in our front. Built on the other side of, and
near said stream. Met no one ; saw nothing rare.
[45th.] Desert-lodging. Started therefrom at six in the
morning. Crossed a narrow stream. Continuing our march, we
reached the top of a hill, tlte..huis of the slaves of Q,uiburi being-
seen in the distance. Reachedrthis lodgiiig at "tw in "the after
noon, with the sun as before. Built on the other side of the said
stream, without rain. Met no one ; saw no animals.

ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA. 213
[46th.] Desert-lodging on the top of the hill. Left this
place at five in the morning. Crossed three narrow streams,
names not known. During the march we came to the place of
the Quilolo of the Quiburi, named after the country Camungo.**
We did not find him in the farm, but only his "sons," he
having gone to the chase ; _b^J^^ffn§.'^jaa.de- ua.l.pdge in their
''^"'.L"f?L "^^'^f^ ^^^^' nountRjija^JoT^i^he^uide tiK ,
had sent with,,]^s,_aail.J8'hO- came in the Cazembe's. interest.
We arrived in this place at noon, without rain. Marched with
the sun in our front. Met two of Quiburi's blacks, loaded with
provisions of millet and haricot beans for seed for the said |
ijuiburi. Saw no birds nor animals of any novelty.
[47th.] Lodging at the farm of Camungo. Set out at
seven in the morning. Crossed a narrow stream, name not
known, i Continuing our march we came to the desert-lodging,
and_when we began buijdmg^.r,§i,ifi4'^l > huilt close to the other.-
side of a narrow river, name not known. We came to this
desert-lodging at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun
as before in our front. At midnight two lions coming Jttsar
the camp on the other side oi_tM_^TX^ex roared through .all -
¦MM  i.ii I  fiyiiijiiw.ii  iw 1111.11 i-ir  ¦iiiiirii[  11' -I -in-f-^ - «- - O ^
.jhe most blessed night, causing us to lose our r.gst ¦; buUsaih-
4Tn''Tl''iii''!tifei<pi;.^'°P5lTri c^^^ and saw nothing
new. [48th.] Desert-lodging, from which we started at cockcrow.
Crossed three small rivers, names not known to me. During
the journey came to the lodging: of the ambassadpr  of the
-.-Cazembe. who was going. to.,.take.-.th& Mulambo to the""M'u'ala-
— ¦¦,i.«.ii..iniiii .^..J.^ . .¦-.¦^.........>r,.r,.ffr ^-i I .^nWi?tt^if-HiwTOmiY»i.iBJr.i»r^ii-i I I ii~,iiira-,..,j^,^,i.,ni,i,„i,i|„„,|Mi.£,iiii.n
. hianvo. We did not see him, as he took a dilterent route.
'We put up at the lodgings of the said ambassador, named Ca.-
buita Capinda ; the huts of the Quilolo of the Cazembe, named,
atglEtllfie. land-fashion, Amgala, being distant half a league,
and near the river Ameula (Ancula ?) four fathoms wide, at the
other side of which we arrived at 2 p.m. without rain. We
marched with the sun in our front. Met .with seven blacks,
-dealers in salt.-whoL-Aaere-^QinpL-.to buy provisions in the said.
gS^^lagg. Saw eight animals named inuquetes. who passed
oFany kin('

Saw no birds oFany kind.
[49th.] Lodging at the ambassador's, Cabuita Capenda, and
lands of the Quilolo Ampala, from which we started at six in
the morning. Followed up the river Ameula (Ancula ?).
Crossed a narrow stream on foot. During the march came to
another lodging of the said ambassador in the desert, on this
side and near the river Ameula. We occupied said lodgings.

214 ROUTE JOURNAL OP P. J. BAPTISTA.
Reached there at noon without rain. Marched with the sun
as before. Met no one, and saw nothing new.
[50th.] Desert-lodging, near the river Ameula. Started
at six in the morning. Crossed two narrow streams, and during
the march we came to the farm of the son of the Quilolo named
--Pande, the same called, after the land-fashion, Muana Auta.
We did not speak with hirn, he having gone to his father's
"Banza." We occupied the old huts of the blacks, the
Senzalas (negro quarters) being a short distance off, near this
side of the river called Rilomba. We reached this place at
noon without rain. Marched with the sun as before, and met
no one. It being three o'clock in the afternoon, I went out
hunting, and shot a deer. The guide's slaves, who came with
him from the farm of the Quiburi, found a wild bull which a
' lion had killed, and had only eaten a part of the inside and
the rump. Saw nothing else worthy of note.
[51st.] Lodging of the farm of Muana Auta. Left this place
at five in the morning. Crossed the small river Quimana, and
during the march came to the Banza of said Quilolo Pande,
whom we did not see on the day of our arrival : he only sent a
message to our guide, Cutaguaseje, saying he was occupied
i^'ith Cazembe's messengers, and that when he was more quiet
we should see him. We arrived at said Banza at two in the after
noon, and built near a narrow river called Murucuaxi, but on
the other side of it. Marched with the sun as before, and met
no one.
[52nd.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Pande. Started
at six in the morning without rain. Crossed two narrow streams.
During the journey we came to the place of his NgoUa BoUe,
named Cahiombo Camara, with whom we did not speak on the
day we arrived. Only two blacks came to see us, but we
treated of nothing with them : the huts were some distance off.
We arrived at this place at two in the afternoon, and lodged in
the lodgings of Cazembe's ambassador, Cabuita. Marched with
the sun in our front. Met no one.
[53rd = 56th in the former diary, p. 182.] Lodging at the
farm of Cahiombo Camara. Started from hence at ..cockcrow.
Crossed the river, near which we passed the night. During
the march we came to th^, desert;bdgmg:.jiamM.. Quidasa,
on this side of and near a river, whose name I do not know.
We reached this lodging at midday, and while commencing to

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 215
build, rain fell. Marched with the sun in our front ; crossed a
river-plain, and saw a very large herd^f zebras. Met no one.
[54th.] Resting-place of Quidaxi. Started at 6 a.m.
Crossed a narrow muddy river, and, continuing our march,
came to the old farm of the Quilolo of Lucongi, without rain ;
built near a narrow stream, name not known. Reached this
place at two in the afternoon. Marched with the sun as before.
Met no one ; saw no bfrds nor beasts of any kind.
[55th.] Desert-lodging of the old farm of Lucongi, from
which we started at seven in the morning without rain. Crossed
no river, and during the march came to the new farm of
Luncongi, on the other side of the river Luviri, which we
crossed by canoe ; this river is about twelve fathoms wide, and
runs into the river Luapula. We lodged in the huts of the
".Senzalas " (negro quarters). We reached this place at four
in the aiteriiooh. VV e spo^e with the owner of the said huts
about our intention of going on to King Cazembe, by order
of the Muatahianvo : the said Luncongi replied that it was ^
very good. Marched with the siiil as -before •' met' no one. - ¦
[56th.] Lodging at the farm of Luncongi. Started at six
in the morning. Crossed two rivers, their names unknown
to me, which run into the river Luviri. During our journey
we came to the desert-lodging near said Luviri, having followed
down its course. Reached said desert at three in the afternoon.
Built in the rain. Marched with sun in our front. Met no one,
saw neither bird nor animal of any kind.
[57th.] Desert-lodging. Started from this place at cock
crow, without rain. Crossed no river, and, continuing our
march, came to the farm of the Macota of the Quilolo Muaxi.
Spoke with him about the journey we were making to Cazembe.
"We reached this place at three in the afternoon. Built near
and on the other side the river Mufumbe. Met no one ; saw
nothing new.
[58th.] Lodging at the place of the Macota of Muaxi.
Started at six in the morning. Crossed no river, and came
to the farm of the said Quilolo Muaxi ; talked with him about
our journey : he replied, that King Cazembe already knew of
our coming. Reached this farm at noon, without rain. We
lodged in the houses of his people, the Banza of said Muaxi ij
being a little distance off. Marched with the sun in our front.
Met no one, and saw neither bird nor animal of rarity.

216 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
[59th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muaxi, left
at five in the morning; crossed a narrow stream, name
unknown. During the march we came to the desert-lodging
near a small river with stony bed. Reached this desert at
noon. Marched with the sun as before. Built on the other
side near the said river. Met three blacks going to the farm
of Muaxi to buy salt. Saw nothing new.
[60th.] Desert-lodging. Left this at cockcrow ; crossed five
narrow streams. We are approaching the great hill named
Cunde Irungo. During the march we crossed the river named
Gavula Cungo, which is about seven fathoms wide, with water
up to our waists. It runs into the river Luapula. Reached
said desert-lodging at noon, without rain. Built near and on
the other side of the river before named. Met some people
coming from Cazembe, going to the farm of the Muaxi ; they
gave us no news. Marched with the sun as before.
[61st.] Desert-lodging near the river Cavnla Cungo. Started
therefrom at six in the morning ; passed no river, marched in
the direction of the same hill, Cunde Irungo. Continuing our
march we came to another desert halting-place near the river
called the son (or tributary) of the river above mentioned.
Reached this lodging at four in the afternoon, without rain.
Lodged in the huts of the other travellers on the other side.
Marched with the sun in our front. Met no person whatever.
[62nd.] Desert-lodging of Cunde Irungo. Started at seven
in the morning; marched to the top of the hill Cunde
Irungo, crossed two small streams. During the march we came
to another desert-lodging near the streamlet and the hill
before mentioned. Arrived at noon, in rain. Built by the side
of the stream. Met no one ; saw nothing at all new or
rare. [63rd = 67th in the former diary, p. 184.] Desert-lodging
of the hill Cunde Irungo. Started at seven in the morning ;
crossed a river named Lutipuca, six fathoms wide. During
the march we came to another desert-lodging near a stream
whose name I do not know. We arrived at midday ; marched
last with the sun on our right side. Met no one ; saw no
birds nor animals.
I
_ [64th.] Desert-lodging. Started at cockcrow. Crossed no
river. Continuing our march we came to the lodging near the
river Lutipuca before named, and marching down with this

ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA. 217
river we arrived at noon, without rain. Journeyed with the
sun as before. Met no one.
[65th.] Desert-lodging. Started at six in the morning.
During the march we came to the farm of the Quilolo Jlucha-
quita, of the Cazembe. Spoke with him about our journey.
He said he was very pleased to see Muzungos from Angola.
He sent us to lodge in his people's houses. Reached this place
at two in the afternoon. Met no person whatever.
i66th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Muchaquita.
Started at cockcrow. We marched across a magnificent dry river-
plain, no water whatever. It was about ten leagues in length,
and was full of various animals, zebras, empacassas (wild cattle),
deer, stags, and many other animals~whose names I do not
know. Continuing our march, we came to the farm of another
Quilolo, named after the land Muachico, near that of his
Macota named Quiocola, the latter being some little distance
from Muachico. We spoke with him about cur journey, that
we were going to visit the King Cazembe. We reached said
farm at two in the afternoon, without rain. Marched with the
sun on our right. Saw no one.
[67th.] Halting-place at the farm of Muachico. Started
at seven in the morning. Crossed the river-plain before men
tioned on the western side, and passed over the river Luapula
by canoe. For the services of the boatmen we gave them a
£^ggg»(BWa65.g£^j;^^':^t£3»-i^th, thji^tyrtlxtfifi tjsadaj^LsMtajxiii;.
calha, and one beirame of "pata.Yar."_hfiads. Said river is about
" fifty'l'athoms wiSeTmore or lessT^Kviiig crossed this stream,
we came afterwards to the farm of the Quilolo, Lord of tha
Port, named, after the land, Amtapo Aquilala. Arrived at this
farm at four in the afternoon. Met no one. Marched with the
sun on our right side, and built some distance from the farm.
[68th.] Lodging of the farm of Amtapo Aquilala. Left
this halting-place at 6 a.m. ; passed no river, descended along
the river Luapula. During the journey we came to the farm
of Cazembe's sister, named, according to land-fashion, Pemba-
femia : she directly requested we would occupy the houses of he?^
Quilolos. We spoke to her about our undertaking; that we
were proceeding to her brother, the King Cazembe. She said
Muatahianvo's sending messengers from Angola pleased her
much : similar messengers had never appeared in the Cazembe's
lands before. She presented us with four moitetes of flour
and four fresh fish. We arrived here at two in the after-

218 ROUTE JOURNAL OF P. J. BAPTISTA.
noon, having marched with the sun on our right. Met with no
one. [69th.] Lodging at the farm of the Cazembe's sister, Pemba.
Set out at seven in the morning, without rain. Still marched
down the river, crossed a narrow stream two fathoms wide,
running into the same Luapula. During the march we came to
the farm of the Quilolo named Murumbo. Arrived at noon.
Met no one. Marched with the sun on our right. Lodged
in the houses of the farm. Saw neither birds nor beasts.
[70th.] Lodging at the farm of the Quilolo Murumbo. Started
at cockcrow, and, descending with the Luapula on the left,
we crossed -two rivers, the Lufubo and the Capueje, running
into said Luapula. During the journey we came to the
-farm of the Catuata^ who marched in our company, named
according" to laruf fashion ^j^ssacSQE7~near -the river, three
fathoms wide, named Gonna/'^We'went into the houses of said
,Catuata. We reached this place at 2 p.m., without rain.
Marched with the sun as before, and met no person whatever.
[71st.] Lodging at the farm of Quissacanhi, near the river
Gonna. Started at 5 A.M. ; crossed two running streams of small
width, and during our march came to the farm of the black
named Capunque, near the river Belengi, four fathoms wide,
which runs, into the Luapula. Arrived at three in the after
noon. Met a great many people coming from the Cazembe's
great farm. Marched with the sun as before on our right ;
saw no animals.
[72nd.] Lodging at the farm of Capunque, near the river
Belengi. Started at six in the morning ; crossed no river, and
continuing our march we came to the city of the Quilolo
of Cabola, near the river named Cannegoa, three fathoms
wide, which runs into the river Mouva. Arrived at four in the
afternoon, and halted two days by order of said Cazembe.
Marched with the sun on our right. Met a great many people
coming from Cazembe's great farm. Saw nothing of any novelty
or importance.
[73rd.] Halting-place at the farm of the Quilolo Cabola, near
the river Cannegoa. Started at eleven in the morning, crossed
no river, passed Senzalas, and during the journey we came to
the capital of King Cazembe. Having come down a,.stately_
^iverr.plain caLled_Mg!iya* near which is built the said Cazembe's
"city, we reached the Banza at midday, and occupied the

DAYS' JOURNEY FROM MUA'J^HIANVa^OJdyc^RYa -.^9^
jbouse of the keeper .of his gates, "najied.,^ Qj^jj.biry Quitap^bp ^
_^uiam'acungol Recei-yihgword by his page that as a signal
"^01 "our arrival in these dominions we should discharge what
^ guns we could, as it was a great pleasure to him to see people
in his lands from Angola, a thing of which he had not thought
of, and which was very fortunate for him, as heir to the
deceased Cazembe Hunga Amuronga, we discharged three
guns, and he replied from within his walls with one, all being ^
astonished at our coming, and overjoyed among themselves.
He sent us a quantity of (manioc) flour, meat, fresh and dried fish,
and A16, treating us with great hospitality all the time we re
mained there. He also enabled us to reach the Rivers of Senna."??
During the journey w^.were bq]tfid |,wp,Tif.y-|,yf^ idfiy^j and on the
march seventy-three.*
"""¦¦^'"" i^isigned) Pedeo Joao Baptista.
(Countersigned) Antonio Nogueiea da Rooha.

[No. 3.]
Route of P. J. Baptista from the Cazembe to Te-ttein. 1811 has nol -
been given here. ""  -¦ ¦ - -

[No. 4.] Numbee of Days' Joueney eeom tub Muatahianvo
to the Faie of Mucaey : —
Days.
From the Muss-umba of the Muatahianvo to the farm of the Camata
Camunga  1
From the Camata to Cacenda  2
From Cacenda to Gongo  3
From Gongo to the river Luiza  4
From the river Luiza to the farm of Quissenda  5
From Quissenda to Milemba  6
From Milemba to the Desert  7
From the Desert to the river L-uigi .  8
From the river Luigi to Cavenga  9
From Cavenga to Canssuida  10
From Canss-uida to the farm of the people of Mo-micapelle . . 11
From Capelle, crossing the river L-uhia by canoe, and to the farm of
the Fumo Campeo  12
From the Fumo Campeo to the farm of the Muene Canceze . 13
From Canceze to the deserted farm Mutembo ... .14
From Mutembo to the farm of the Quilolo Quirtrngo . . .15
From the Quirimgo to the Desert . . .... 16
From the Desert to another Desert  17
From the Desert to Dembue  18
From the Dembue to the Desert near " Quiana of the water " . .19
From Quiana to the farm of the Muene Rifunda Garga (Ganga ?) . 20
From the Muene Eifunda to near the river Cacamuca ... 21

* The former diary (pp. 169-188) gives seventy-eight days ; but it includes
various halts. — R. F. B.

220 DAYS' JOURNEY FROM BOMBA TO MUCAEY. ' Days.
From the river Cacamuca, crossing the large river Cassais by canoe,
to the farm of the boatmen, having passed the old farm of
the Chaoab-umby, to the farm of his son, Soana Mona . . 22
From the Soana Mona, crossing the new farm of the Chacabungi,
near the river Caemba  23
From Caemba to another farm, Maluvo . . ... 24
From Mal-uvo to the farm of the sister of the Chacabimgi, named
Moarihianva, near the river Lualele  25
From the river Lualele to the farm of the M-uene Fanna ... 26
From the Muene Fanna crossing a second time the (Desert) river
Lualele  27
From the river Lualele to the farm of the Chacaluilo . . .28
From the Chacaluilo to another farm of the Chacabuita ... 29
From the Chacabuita to the .Desert  30
From the Desert to the farm of Muene Cavanda . . . 31
Prom Cavanda to the farm of the Muana Muilombe .... 32
From Muana Muilombe to the farm Chabanza of the Chacabungi,
where the lands of the Muatahianvo terminate ... 33
From the Chabanza to the Desert  34
From the Desert to another Desert .... . . 35
From the Desert to the Desert near the river Luemba ... 36
From the river Luemba to the Desert ... . . 37
From the Desert to the river Banza, Desert  38
From the river Banza to near a small river, the name not known
to me  39
From the small river we followed up the river Quihubue, Desert . 40
Jrom the Desert we crossed said river Quihubue .... 41
From the Quihubue to the Desert, near to the other side of the small
river  ... 42
From the Desert, near the river Quihubue, to the farm of the people
Quibonca of the Moana Gana Quisengue  43
From the Quissengue to the farm of the Inna Fumo .... 44
From the Inna Fumo crossed the river Quicampa, Desert . . 45
From the Desert to the people of the Bumba and farm of the Xatumba 46
From Xatumba to the farm of the Xacacequelle, near the principal
site of the Bumba  4.7
From the Bumba to the river Quango  48
From the river Quango crossed the river Quafo, Desert . .' 49
From the Q-uafo to the Desert Massangagila  50
PYom Massangagila crossed the river Jombo to the far-m Pepumdi
Songo  51
From the Pepumdi to the Muenene Quibungo  52
From Muenene Quibungo to another Munene Toro . '. ". '. 53
P^om Munene Toro to the farm of the son of Bomba, supposed "name
Joaquim  54
From Joaquim of the Bomba to the Banza of the said Bomba '. '. 55

Number op Days' Joueney feom the Chief Bomba to
THE Faie of Mucaey : —

1

From the great farm of the Bomba to the river Cuie .
From the Cuie to near the farms of his people . '2
From those farms to another farm ... '3
From the latter farm to the Desert . '.  4

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OP JOURNEY. 221
Days.
From the Desert to the farm of a son of the Bomba, named Hiemba
Munda  5
'From Hiemba to the farm of the chief Pundi Hiabonga ... 6
From the Pundi to the chief Motende  7
From the Motende to the Capacala  8
From the Capacala to the farm of the Quissoca, sister of tho Bomba 9
From the Quissoca to near the river Jombo  10
From the Jombo crossed to the other side of it  11
From the Jombo to the farm Souveta of the Cabita Catempo . . 12
From the Cabita to the farm of the Mocampa  13
From the Mocampa to the Desert  14
From the Desert to the farm of Genzo, brother of the Banda
Gongo . . . , ,  15
From the Gongo to the Desert  16
From the Desert to the Quileculo and farm of the Quihoata . . 17
From the Quihoata to the farm of the son of the Cabunxi and Catembo,
named Cuinhiba  18
From the Cuinhiba to the farm of the Camba, brother of the
Quibenda  19
From the Camba to the farm of the Quibenda . . .20
From the Quibenda to the Marimbe  21
From Marimbe to the Fair of Mucary  22
(Signed) Pedro Joao Baptista.
(Countersigned) Antokio NoGUBmA da Eocha.

[No. 5.]
In the name of God, Amen.
Eeminiscences of the Departuke eeom the Muatayanvo to the
Dominions of the Cazembe Caquinhata, and«sdia± transpired aath
the Quilolos whom we found pn_t,be-' road beyond the State and
Kingdom of Angola; an3nhe'''re'sT that I saw in these territories,
unth we reached the lands of Cazembe, by the mystery of the
yir^in Onrlady; and of our costlv departure from said Pumbo to the
town of Tete, bearing a letter for the Governor of the said town,
despatched by my master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da
Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucary, and arrival of a Pombeiro of the
^.^hief Captain Gon9alo Caetano Pereha, named, after the country-fashion,
'^ Marungue, now come to conduct us from the Pumbo of the Cazembe,
who brought goods to buy ivory, slaves, and green stones (malachite) -^
how the same Marimgue released us from said place, and with whom
we started from thence, after being delayed there four years, having
\- started for Tete and turned back twice; and it was in the yeaz
,^r 1810 that we finally started for the town of Tete.
On Sunday, twenty-second of May of said year, we started
from the Mufumba, of Muatayanvo, and came to' the farm of
the Cacoata, named Cutaqua,cexe, who acted as our guide. 'We
were detained in this place sixteen days, caused by his per
forming his rjtgs, and on Tuesday, seventh July, we started,
""^OOTi TEe™ march passed the Quilolos and peoples of the said
Muatayanvo, until we came to the site of the Quilolo named,

222 p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY.
according to the land-fashion, Chamuginga Mussenda, who owns
allegiance both to Muatayanvo and Cazembe, because, when the
last Muatayanvo and Cazembe marched forth to subjugate the
country in which the Cazembe's lands are situated, they left
this Quilolo Chamuginga Mussenda near the river Luburi, to
receive all persons coming from the Muatayanvo or the
^Cazembe, in procuring all kinds of provisions for the use of all
people coming from either potentate. This farm is the boundary
of the lands of the Muatayanvo on that side; crossing said
river Luburi on the other side of it, are found the people
of the Cazembe, who subject themselves to the Quilolo of
Cazembe— -Quibi, 'who was in the river-plain of the Salina
called Quigila, wlijijSMBeaeatl^^ead. At the farm of Chamu-
gingaTJfS^da alUravellers buy provigjflns of ,gmGfeiifiUf> in
order to go and buy salt and mucongos of straws-cloth., a few-.
made-up articles, and waxT When we sFaf ted from this farm of
(3haffiug]nga Mussenda, we travelled across others with valleys
and hills, and saw, on the summit of the hills, stones which appear
txue (green ?"). and w]^er.eike^d4g4;hs,copi3er ; in the midst of this
country "iswhere they make the bars. 'Ijiere are two proprietors
of the 'l&^z^^,;!' the first is near the road we crossed, named
after the land (in country fashion) Muiro, and the other is called
Canbembe. Those owners are the head smiths, who order the bars
to be made by their " sons " and their own " macotas" (slaves),
and pay such bars as tribute to the Quiburi, orhis successor, for
that Lord of the Salina to send them to the Muatayanvo, or to
whoever the Muatayanvo sends for them. These two proprietors
were also at one time sovereigns of the lands, as well as owners of
the mines left them by their predecessors. They were, however,
acquired by Cazembe by force, so that the lands are now in sub
jection to both the Muatayanvo and the Cazembe, having been
conquered by the late Quilolo Quiburi, Lord of the Salina.
Quiburi was a maternal r'eJafion of th^'Cazembe's,"who""had
appointed him to govern the Salina and have the manage
ment of sending the tribute of salt, and the goods of the Muata
yanvo ; also to receive visitors or travellers who go from the
Muatayanvo to the Cazembe. He sent the mulambo by his
Cacoata to the Muatayanvo, to arrange with the said Lord of
the Salina, that, in addition to the tribute presents of stuff,
beads, salt, and other things, which they buy from the salt-
dealers, should be delivered to the Cacoata to take to the Muata
yanvo. The Salina Quigila is near the river Lualaba, on this side
of it. On the further side of the said river is established the
Lord of the Salina, and in this same country there are no
provisions of manioc-flour to be obtained, and what httle there

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 223
is is bought with the goods that come from the Muatayanvo.
In the Pumbo only millet, large haricot beans, large maize, and
J^mcu, which they call Caixai, are to be obtained, and even
these come lirom such retired" farms that it is difficult to obtain
a mouthful of meal or any description of food, and very costly.
One ,yust be provid^d_with CT beads, or snrtifi othpx..2£!J£ls.
j-Ji^iy-3ia!lTJfi^]]||g[|]^^TbTA "Jhey _do. not cultivate
iganioc. it not being the custom of the country: the previous
sovereigns of j^j_|Mid did not grow this .pjaj^uction, and this
Decame the genemTKaluT in the said Pumbo. There is nolMiig
tliey "ranT make"^se of 'for- dr6ss"f "men clothe themselves in
Mussamba basts, and women buy straw-cloth from the people
before named in exchange for salt ; that is, in the dry season.
In the rainy season, when the salt-traders do not come, they
are put to great straits, and the traders cannot obtain the salt
at such times, the river-plain itself being flooded. In order to
get the salt they cut the straw and burn it ; after which thef^
dissolve the ashes in water, and throw the lye into small pan^
which they make ; then they boU it, and this they exchange
for wbat. thqy gnusider wealthy namely, woollen cloth, Indian
ti^Ufig, beads, and straw-cloths'. The si^tlis (H'^rreirps) also"
exchange their bars for liour and other provisions that arg.
valued. From the lands of the smiths and the Salina to the
other side of the river Lualaba, where the governor of the
Salina, and the other Quilolos on the route to Cazembe also
live, they cannot rely upon a sufficient quantity of provisions for
travellers. Only millet is to be had ; and even at the proper
time for cultivation it is expensive to obtain this, there not
being sufficient men to carry provisions, manioc beans, and
necessary things, which come as lar as the river Lualaba. Thus
they risk losing their lives from hunger. ^
"""Affer'liSTfng' crossed the Luarula we reached on the other
side of the river a farm of the sister of Cazembe named Pemba,
and this lady received us with much consideration. She was
much astonished to] see us, and pleased with Muatayanvo for
having sent whites, called by them Mugungos (Muzungos),
to visit her brother the Cazembe, a thing the previous Muata-
yanvos had never done; that it was a blessing for her
brother, Cazembe's successor, as they had no recollection of
having been before visited by whites coming from the Muata
yanvo to the Cazembe. On Wednesday, the 15th of December,
she sent for us and told us that when her father, Cazembe
Hunga, was living, a great number of white people, with much
goods, had come in company of the (governor, and requested
permission from the Cazembe to allow them passage to the
Muatayanvo, and from the Muatayanvo to the fair of Cassange.

224 ' p. J, BAPTISTA'S EEPOET OP JOUENEY.
The late Cazembe, however, did not grant the permission ; and
it pleased God that he (the Governor before mentioned) should
»die in the Cazembe's lands ; the colonists and soldiers who had
come in the said Governor's company then returned. (She also
told us) that the Cazembe himself was well, and that in the
said mussumba (place) there was a soldier who had letters to
go to Angola. She sent directly to inform her brother Cazembe
¦<d our arrival, as also that it was her duty to send word of the
arrival of any traveller going to the Cazembe, before such
traveller's being allowed to go into the presence. She treated
us with much kindness in supplying us with food. "We pre
sented this lady with , a, blue twisted .glass-jcup, a muzengo de al-
mandrilha, and two beirames of lead-coloured beads. We waited
there five days, pending the arrival of her messengers ; and on
Saturday, the sixteenth, the Cazembe's messengers came to
fetch us, bringing for our use a she-goat, five motetes of manioc
flour, a motete of fresh fish, together with a black woman and
her child, and with a message from the Cazembe that he
rwas very pleased at our arrival, and that as a mark of his love
he offered us the black woman. He was very gratified at
his Muatayanvo's having forwarded to him white men from
Mueneputo, as he had never seen any such before in his
dominions. To the Cacoata (guide) who had brought us,
he sent food to eat. We stayed one day with the
said messengers, and on the next we started with them.
Sunday, thirty-first of December, of one thousand eight
hundred and six we arrived at the mussumba of the King
Cazembe, at six o'clock in the afternoon. On that day we
did not see him, and he only sent word for us to occupy the
house of his Quilolo Quiota. On Monday, first of January,
one thousand eight hundred and seven, he sent for us. We
went and saw him ; but we said nothing about our undertaking.
Only our guide spoke, saying, " I bring you here by order of
the King Muatayanvo, messengers from Mueneputo, who have
come to seek a wiil^,j!xafclia];.^of the Mueneputo, who it is
stated is to be found in your territory. Treat them well,
without malice." The said Cacoata then delivered the present
that Muatayanvo sent to the Cazembe and added nothing more.
The Cazembe himMf replied that he was very gratified at
his lord the Muatayanvo's sending him messengers from
Mueneputo, and that it was a very fortunate thing for him.
We then retired to our houses. After doing so he sent for us
privately, without letting the Cocoata hear of it, and he told us
that he had for a long time known the object of our visit ; that
he would treat of this wish of his friend the Mueneputo's more
at leisure. As a signal of our arrival in his country, he wished

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OP JOURNEY. 225
us to fire off all the guns we could, which was a thing that
pleased him very much. W^e discharged three guns, and he,
within his walls, also fired one. On "Wednesday, the third day
of said month, he sent his two Quilolos, named, after the land-
fashion, Quiota Mutemba and Quitamba Quiamaungo, with a
message that we were to explain particularly what In-ought us
there, and to deliver the present that his friend the Muene
puto had sent by us for him. ,.-- —
We delivered his present, which consisted of two^icapos of
green serafina (cloth), two aj»capos of yellow serafina, two ditto
singelos or dresses of red'^mmy (durante), two small mirrors'
with gilt paper edges, a Portuguese fire-arrof'and two blue,
cups, all of which we made over to his messengers, saying,
" Here is the Saguate, or present, which your friend the
Mueneputo sends to and offers you. He sent us also to visit
you. King Cazembe, as he is always desirous of maintaining a
good, and reciprocal intercourse with you, which is eauaHv
useful and profitable both for you and us. He asks that you
'will allow his messengers and their Cacoata to pass freely, so
that he may conduct us on the road to Senna, seeing that the
brother of your friend Mueneputo is not here. The latter
desires and wishes to keep up terms of friendship with you.
King Cazembe. I hand you here the letter which I bring
you from Mueneputo himself, and which he sends you in
a friendly spirit for you to have read, and grant what he asks
therein, regarding the journey to Senna." This letter the
Cazembe received in the sight of his people, and retained^
He replied that he knew how honourable all white men were,
and that he would order the letter to be read at his leisure.
On the fourth day of the said month, Thursday, he sent for
us, and at his doorway we found a white soldier, native of
Quilhiman, named Paulo de Santiago e Silva, and three blacks
belonging to colonists of Tete and Senna, waiting to receive
us by Cazembe's orders. When they did see us they received us
with great joy, because we had come from Angola. The
-,SQMiej:;^Jaiaid.JjafiiL ..det^pfid . two years, trying to find the way
to Angolain^esCTviceoft^T3rown, and asking to be allowed
to go, but was never granted permission.
The Cazembe replied he was very pleased with the Saguate
which his friend Mueneputo had sent him, and that he was
quite ready to carry out all the wishes of his friend Mueneputo.
That he desired not only to provide us with a guide, but that
he would himself go with us as far as the river Aruangua, as
there were enemies and robbers to be met with on the way, who
were in the habit of plundering the whites who came from Tete
and Senna, with the intention of transacting business of their
Q

226 p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY.
own in the Cazembe's lands. That he was convinced all the
white people were children of Mueneputo, because the Governor
of Senna himself had come to his dominions, accompanied by his
regiment of soldiers and officers, as well as civilian colonists of
said town of Tete, and had asked permission of his dead
father, Cazembe Hunga Anmomga (Amuronga), to pass through
and visit Muatayanvo, in order to discover if they could go on
to Angola. That the said Cazembe Hunga would not grant this
permission, but that he, the son and successor to the State, would
do all that in any way might be possible. When we saw he
was ready to put us on the way to Senna, to content him still
aiore we presented him two blue glasses, two muz^^os' of coral
wit'loi liollow stems like a pipe, two muzengos of white romalha,
two ditto of Bumbango, three ditto of Queta Calongo, a quizapo
of black serafina, and two small looking-glasses with gilt frames.
We told him that his friend Mueneputo had sent him a good
piece of fine red cloth, and some good stone-beads, but that his
King Muatayanvo had taken them all. He answered it did
not matter ; that he would carry out the wishes of our king ;
and that he would have as much as possible notwithstanding.
On Tuesday, the twentieth of April, we started for the war-
camp, with the Cazembe to take us to the before-mentioned
river Aruangoa, the way being stopped so that no traveller
should pass, it being the custom generally amongst all the
heathen chiefs not to allow any traveller whatever to pass through
their towns with goods to other chiefs without the strangers
first stopping and trading with them. When we reached the
war-camp a great disturbance took possession of them (the
Cazembe's people) for fear that the eldest brother of the Ca
zembe, named, after the land-fashion, Capaca, whom the deceased
father, Cazembe Hunga, had banished to the land called Cassange,
was coming to take the State from Cazembe. On account of
the treason that now prevailed amongst his people, the Cazembe
'proceeded to examine who was the instigator of the disturbance.
Some threw the blame on to his mother, his mother accused
some of the Quilolos, and the Cazembe banished to other lands
his cousin Q^ibanba. chief Quilolo, and ordered his hands and
ears to be cut. "'"Other Quilolos he fined in goods, and any thing
else he chose to ask for. He then returned from the road to
Senna, and went to carry on war in the land called -Xfflga. and
us he delivered over to hi^jg^Ki, -nho remained in his stead,
and to his sig.t££i;iaaa£ga to attend to us, and assist us with all
the things we might require.' " -~~~—
He was occupied in this war two and a half months, when
we saw him again, and stayed with him two months longer.
On our telling him that, as the way was not open to Senna, he

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 227
should let us return to the Muatayanvo, he answered nothing.
He sent forces to join in war on the other side of the river
Luapula. When we tried to arrange about our journey, and
asked him to let us go to the Muatayanvo, he began to mis
lead us with presents of " garapas " (juice of sugar-cane) and''
meat. For some days there appeared no means of escaping
from our persecution; we were compelled to stay with him
without being able to go either to the Muatayanvo or to Tete.
When he saw our need for going was very great, he chose as
our Cazembe of the road (guide) the oldest of all his Quilolosf"
named, after the land-fashion, Muenepanda, and his relation
Soana Mulopo, named Tambo ; also two Quilolos, his brothers-
in-law, named after the land Chabanza Mutemba, and another
Quilembe, and other Quilolos, to assist in escorting us to Tete.
We started with the Muenepanda and the others named, who made
stoppages on the way to pray, and to attempt to diYine whglhQfc,
tliey- could proceed" 'GftiffP. On our reaching tHeTarmof
Cazembe's Quilolo, where we halted two days, waiting for
our guide, the JHuenep^daj two messengers from the Chiefs
Quiana and Quebue came_jii-o«j:-...searcb, i)ringing an ox tot
induce the MuenepandaTand his war-men to go back, to allow
Chabanza to come past with ivory and other things which he
had with him to buy goods for Cazembe at Tete ; they said
the road was quite clear. In spite, however, of all thes^
attempts to deceive, we continued our journey, and, crossing
the river Lupulb, we met some other messengers bringing two
oxen, who tried to turn the Muenepanda back, with the sam^
false tale about the way to Senna being clear, and that there was
no one to interfere with travellers, who could come and go on
their journeys at anytime, and in any direction. On the second
day from this, the Muenepanda accepted the two oxen, and, at
the lodging of Quipiri, which we were come to, he ordered all
the ivory to be collected, and presented it to Quianna's mes- "•
sengers, He then turned back, saying that the way was quite
clear, thus neglecting to carry out Cazembe's orders, which
were to escort us to the river Aruangua, as arranged, and
receiving private gifts from the above chiefs to induce him not
to make war in their countries. Muenepanda stayed at the
above halting-place Quipiri, and we went on with Chabanza
Mutemba, and all the guide's ivory, slaves, green stones, bars of
copper, and.^,nqftfi,„gfe^p.s. We arrived at the farm of the Chief
Quiana Catanba, where we were halted fifteen days without
being able to get away ; Quianna deceiving us by saying we must
wait for the floods in the rivers to retire before we proceeded on
our journey. This was an excuse to detain us till the arrival
of his friends, to"3fEacF"us and seize all the "guide's goods. These
-... Q 2

228 p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OP JOURNEY.
'robbers are brothers to those whom the Cazembe killed in the
war which he carried on in the Tanga country ; he met these
Hiizas (Huizas ?) returning from the Chief Cassongo's lands with
his ivory, which was intended to purchase merchandize. At
Quiana's place all our slaves and green stones were hidden away
by the people when they saw we wished to escape from their
place. By the aid of the Virgin Mary we had been warned
by another chief, named, after the land-fashion, Quirando, who
sent our guide Chabanza notice that, being a friend of the
Cazembe's, he knew that Quiana had ordered his fighting-meib
to this side of the river Hianbigi (Chambeze), intending to
kill him (Chabanza), and advising him to retire from Quiana's
place. We escaped thence, with the loss of many slaves and
other things that the Cazembe had sent to purchase mer
chandize in Tete. By the help of our Lady of the Con
ception none of us died, although we were robbed of a great
deal. We returned to the mussumba of King Cazembe a
second time, troubled and injured as we were, jmarehing day
a^dnight, so that the fighting-men might not overtake "ii^'W e
found t'he" QuiTStCTMuenepaiiid'a -very "comfortabry settled at his
farm, and the Cazembe much enraged with him and the other
Quilolos. After a long time had elapsed, by a providential
circumstance the pombeiro of the Chief-Captain Gongalo
Caetano Pereira, arrived with merchandise, having come to
buy slaves and ivory, by order of his master. He brought
a letter for the soldier Paulo Santiago, to join the pombeiros
of the said Gonpalo Caetano, who were detained there through
the way not being clear. We started with this pombeiro
for the town of Tete, with the Cacoata, or guide of the
Cazembe, named, after the land, Catara Mirimba, and with other
persons, taking ivory, slaves, green-stones, and copper bars, to
barter for cloth, and to deliver us to the Governor.
The trade of the Cazembe's country consists ofivoixjiasses, i
green-stones, and coppar-bars. which they sell to'tIie~traveller&
"Trom I'e^and'^SemiaTand to blacks of the Huiza nation, who are
established on the road to Tete. These Huizas are the first
travellers who ever traded with Cazembe, long before any
pombeiro from Senhor Gongalo Caetano appeared. They call
these pombeiros "M^cazgpjjfls^" meaning faithful njienjvho are
responsible for all^bjngsT ^nggJ^Caetaqp being the firsl; tradeF
who discovered the Cazeate^s land, and the Huizas are the
people who in former days went to Tete to buy Indian goods
and Tanga cloths, which they call^jaaSilaSj a name also given
toourlipoias. (hammocks); also q.uJzaBgps .of serafina, good
printed cahcoes, and plates, to pksentto tFe" said " "Oazembe.
Some Tangas (loin cloths) are made by the Huizas themselves.

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 229
"Colonist travellers from Tete and Senna give for each slave
they buy in Cazembe's land at the present time, five Indian^
sheetings, and for ivory six or seven sheetings and othe^^
extra articles for every large tusk, as Cazembe's people under
stand that ivory is more valued inT'ete than slaves. 'WEeST"
we took our leave, he presented us, in the presence of his
¦Quilolos, or chiefs, ten slaves, and a large green-stone for his -<
friend the Governor. He produced two ells of fine red cloth,
Celling us that a green-stone is named Cazeinlje, and ^t^^atjfigg
(red cloth is 5h uvuiytiSl? or supermiendeni whom they call t
OTought to him, Cazembe, and for ourselves his messengers
were given five slaves ; four molgmies (black boys), and a black
woman for me^^ Pedro ; and to" my partner Anastacio five slaves,
£wo moleques, two molecas (girls), and a ,jbl,^)Gk..ffiQinan ; and to
buy provisions from his place to the Muatayanvo, he gave us
six hundred "sambos," three hundred for me and other three
hundred for ^rfSstacK). I asked him if he had by chance any
_white rhin(:)q9i;ps-ho];fts. when he sent directly to find some, and
then gave_two small ones to us. And during all the four years i
we were detained there, trying our utmost to get away to Muata
yanvo, as there was no road open to Senna, he gave us, to
keep us patient, two slaves, one for me, the other for my comrade. ^
For three years he used all possible dilig.e»ce.to open the.Jffiay
toTSe'SS^rgnj'rS'ehna, it Taaving .been closed all that time. He
did "not alTo wTis to incur any expenses on behalf of his friend*^
Mueneputo, but took them all upon himself. He also carried
out the orders of his King Muatayanvo.
On the return from Tete to the Cazembe we were delayed nine
months, caused by his collecting mulanbo (tribute) by means
of his Quilolos, hi^ mothpr' sist.pra^ a,rid brotKef s^ jud preparing
a Cazfembe of the road (the guide) to take charge of us, and bring
us with the tribute into the Muatayanvo's presence. Cazembe,
.through his eagerness to obtain cloth, had left us to return to the
Muatayanvo with only remnants ; and the result of his acting
in such a way was thafwgj^ bis .country quite puzzled, not ^
having ey.^n a piece of stillt^ad .peither^ads n^ shells to buy '
anything with on the.jsa<L-except the..." sambos " he, gave, us.
WesetonTwith his Cacoata (guide), named, after the land-
fashion, Munhage, at a time when there was a great scarcity of*
food, and after losses from desertion and death on the way, 1
caused by privations and detentions brought about by the '
Cazembe ; we had no remedy, nor could we prevent it. We set
out for Muatayanvo's, in order not to displease him, and at the
wish of the Governor of the Elvers of Senna, who directed that
if the Cazembe should give us his ambassador to conduct us to

230 p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY.
the Muatayanvo's, we should treat him well, and with all love,
peace, and quietness on the way, in the general service that we
are engaged in, as perhaps His Excellency might send some one
from Tete with a letter on the general service. Cazembe
entertains great friendship for the Governor. Every month
and year he sends his Cacoatas with slaves and whatever is
most necessary to the Governor's house, his messengers coming
and going with us. And in the course of two years, if God
does not see fit to prevent it, he entertains hopes that the
Governor will send and repay him for his trouble in sending
us on safely to Tete, a way that was very difficult to open and
keep clear. It is now open, but at the present time he does
not send his Cacoata, as he is waiting for the Governor's
messengers to arrive and confer with him, and then his
" Cacoata " would accompany us to the Governor. King
lOazembe has tea-pots, cups, pans, demijohns, silver spoons
and forks, plates of Lisbon earthenware, good hats, shoe-
buckles, and gold money, doubloons and half doubloons. He
ljjaiS™j^,i]hris^aii j30ui£tesy : he doffs his hat, and gives good
day^_good afternoon, or good^_CTening. He keeps a'Il~~tb^
"wmte man's Tuf hiMre'TliatBelonged to the late Governor
Lacerda, and other white people, inhabitants of the same
town, who had come in Governor Lacerda's company, and
which was left, as there were no porters to carry such things
to Tete, through the flight of the Governor's people, which
ensued on the alarm felt at his death ; he having come
there with about %JiiQHMwi«attgadflsljm!:t]Lof.,^Oiids^.^ the
Eoyal-Jkeagury, in addition to his own means and the means
of the residents of Tete and other places, to expend in opening
up the way to Angola. It is even now well remembered how he
was supplied with all they had in their homes, and how for want
of the means to transport their belongings to the Elvers of Senna,
a greatcjmany of the colonist-travellers sold them. The only one
who did^noi suUer any loss was Senhor Gonqalo Caetano
Pereira, who had his men, and his son, an ensign in the militia,
Manoel Caetano Pereira, who also took away some goods, in-
including a sedan-chair which belonged to the Governor.
The Cazembe is powerful in his capital, and rules over a
great many people. His place is rather smaller than the
Muatayanvo's : MsjcadeK^are harsh, and he is feared by all the
great chiefs, who are also lords of their own lands :^they fought
wi|h_hjja,.^Ui,jLl^ Away from his
dominions there are djfierpfftei^tates. highwaymen, and robbers.
siwho are settled on the other s|de of the two rivers MianFege
(Chambeze) and Aruangoa, on the route to Tete. Cazembe has
not yet been there, but he /ntends to go and attack them.

p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY. 231
When there are no travellers trading at his capital, he will order
slaves and ivory to be collected, and will go with his ambas
sadors to chastise such chiefs as stop the way to traders comin^»>
from Tete to his country ; and, whoever the chief may be who
will not allow travellers to pass, he will proceed at 0}ice^j!ii.a£XQ,^
his fighting jnen. and m^rch them tQ..aiich pumbos. The robbers
now begin to pay tributes of cattle, wishing to convey the false
impression that they are his vassals, and some petty ,<;'.1;ij,sfe, .^.rth ,
ali£iadg.£S.caping to other lands some distance Awav.
Thetemtpry^35^?iaEiIis!^ffiI^S^^^di- -^ disease is^
prevalent therein that is painful to ¦ffie"°^es. It is supplied
with provisions all the year round and every year ; manioc flour,
millet, maize, large haricot beans, small ditto, ffi^fflfiUaeaas,
which they call Misao a Cabandi, Massango, which they term
Impondo, and Caxai, alias Lucu, fruits, as bananas ; sugar-canes,
potatoes, yams, gourds, almonds (ground-nuts), and much fish
from the rivers Luapula and Mouva, which are near. He owns
three salt districts — Cabomba, Muagi, and Carucuige — beside
the Salina Quigila, which is on this border of the Muatayanvo.
He possesses victuals, oxen, which the before-named chiefs pay
as tribute, and some other oxen, which he sends and buys from
the Huizas in exchange for slaves, small animals, and she-goats.
He has neither sheep nor pigs ; except at the present time, a
few pigs that came from the country called Tanga: he also
requested the illustrious Snr°. D. Francisca and the chief-
captain, Gonpalo Caetano, to send others by us on our return from j
Tete. The Cazembe was the slave of the son of Muatayanva^
named, after the country-fashion, Mutanda, who was formerly
governor of the salt district, by order of the Muatayanvo Mun-
canza, who had appointed him. This Mutanda was king of the
so-called Acosa nation. He afterwards went to take part in the
wars, and left as his substitute his Quilolo and slave Quinhata,**
to send the salt tribute and other necessary things bought with
the salt to his " father," the Muatayanvo. This same Quinhata
began to sen^, „g,. jnQ3:e.-imp,(;)ytant , J^i:^l3-pbo_(tnlmle'). _muconzos.>
beirames, and cloths, big pans of salt, and other things much^
esteemed by the Muatayanvo, than that of Mutanda, the " son,"^
after his campaigns. He collected all the slaves taken in the
wars and other things there valued ; and he also ordered salt to
be prepared for the slaves to carry, and collected the MulambcM
These they took to his father, the Muatayanvo, giving him the
news of the raids which he had been engaged iu ; adding
that the Mutanda could not personally render obedience to his
" father," because his'^feet were inj ured. On the arrival of the
said Mutanda?r°messengCT^~wEodelivered the Mulambo, his
father Muatayanvo Muncanza, refused it, saying that what his

232 p. J. BAPTISTA'S REPORT OF JOURNEY.
slave Quinhata had sent was larger than his " son's," who had
neither love nor obedience for him. The Mutanda's messengers
rrreturned with the Mulambo and the former was offended by his
" father's " having returned it, while he accepted the assertions
- of his slave Quinhata. He ordered Quinhata to be captured,
and to be thrown into the river. Muciiregir^'Tte ineSiJbiliJ'tJI'iri'e-
turning to the Muatayanvo, told him that his " son " had ordered
Quinhata to be killed because he had sent a good Mulambo.
The " father," on hearing this, immediately sent and expelled
his " son " from the government of the Salina, giving the same to
Jhe son of the deceased Quinhata, named, after the land-fashion,
Gansg, Ahilonda, who was invested with the white clay, knife,
sE^H^!jaS£lms!l.qgetber_with other Quilolos tomaintaih him in
his doiff^jns. He ordered him to govern the Salina and conquer
. all the lands he could ; that when he came to any country sup
plying good things, he should stay there, in order to go on
.conquering, little by little, as he might be able. He established
himself in the^Quixinga land, in which he now governs, sending
tribute to his masters, the Muatayanvos, by his ambassadors, and
by some of Muatayanvo's " Cacoatas " (guides), who go there
to collect and buy slaves,"'goods,^|^^mbosdolos (counterfeit
cowries), which they call "^pande," ^'EnSToFIafge round shell,
saracas, chintz, small plates, large cowries, brass basins, huartes,
and borralhos. It is some years since the Cazembe went to
visit the Muatayanvo in person. By the latter 's own orders,
when former Cazembes came to conquer the lands in which the
present chief reigns, they agreed not to leave their lands because
of the danger lest the people, in their absence, might rise and
kill the persons they left to represent them (relations or
friends), while the Cazembe went to visit the Muatayanvo.
Therefore it became a general custom for the Cazembes not to
go personally to the Mussamba of the Muatayanvo, but only
"to send ambassadors with their Mulambo. Some Cacoatas who
come from the Muatayanvo's do not wish to return to him:
these remain in Cazembe's lands, and if the Muatayanvo sends
' for them, the Cazembe laughs, and sends slaves in their stead.
AU, the^ayes we brought died of hunger : some fled from
thj^. Pumbol,oi' the Cazeinbe, there_ bein£*no prisons where we
could secure'them. When we were onThis side of the river
Luburi, with the men ill and dying on the road from the Salina
Quigila as far as the said river Luburi, on Wednesday, 11th
February, we had a great fright, and were all the night on the
look-out, as the chief, Jitli^a-jSamba, wanted to attack our
Cazembe of the .Boad (guide), and ki]iJl&=t]a,well©r*-also, who
ivere in his company, because the Muatayanvo had killed the
^nessengers of his friends, Quinhama and Muchima, and took

p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 233
their goods to him, the Muatayanvo. With the assistance of
the Holy Virgin Mary, we left there without sustaining any
harm, by the Divine Providence ; and with these losses it became
necessary to stay two months at the river Luburi, to get the
people into condition, who had come in so pale, thin, and ill
from hunger, we as well as they not being able to walk a step
through the same cause. We saw nothing more in the terri
tories of the Cazembe that I have omitted to note ; neither on
the road was there anything nor any misadventure which I
failed to report. I continued to make my notes regularly, even
(Signed) Pedeo Joao Baptista.

(C.)
181L
In the name of God, Amen.
The following relates to what passed between the Most Illustrious Governor
of the Eivers of Senna, on the East Coast of Africa, regarding our
arrival from the dependency and Kingdom of Angola, and of our
dehvery to the Governor of the letter sent by my master,
Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, Du-ector of the
Fair of Mucari; of other matters current in that to-wn, its trade,
and the conquered lands now subject to the same town ; the dis
coveries I made in the territory, and the persons who assisted me to
make them.
On Saturday, the second of February, 1811, we arrived in
the town of Tette, at four in the afternoon, in the company of the
Chief-Captain Gonpalo Caetano Pereira, who was to bring us
into the presence of the Governor. On the day of our arrival,
however, we did not see him, and the same gentleman, Gonpalo
Caetano, placed us in the house of a native of the place, who
was away from the town, whilst he stayed with his son-in-law,
Jose Sebastiao de Ataide. We passed two nights on the
road after leaving the Senhor Gonpalo Caetano's farm. On
Sunday, the third, the Governor sent a soldier to summon us.
I went with Gonpalo Caetano, and delivered the letter to the
Governor himself: he did not open it in our presence, but said
that the way by land being open from the West Coast of Africa,
at Angola, to the Eivers of Senna, was a very good thing. The

234 p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.
Cazembe's ambassador, with whom we were, named Catara
Mirimba, gave the following message : — " I bring to your Excel
lency these men, who come from Angola ;" at the same time the
ambassador offered the present which Cazembe sent to the
Governor: it consisted of two ivory tusks and a large green
¦ stone, which he did not deliver. His Excellency then asked me
for the diaries kept from the Fair of Cassange to the Muathi-
I anvo, from the Muatahianvo to the King Cazembe, and from
Cazembe to the town of Tette. To write these diaries, I at once
asked for paper, which was given me, and I stated with all
clearness what passed between us and the Muatahianvo on the
subject of our journey ; how he allowed us to pass on, and gave us
the guide, who brought us to Cazembe, and the presents we
gave to the Muatahianvo ; also about the potentates and peoples
on the journey to the Cazembe, and in like manner about the
Cazembe, and the long delay there ; how we were compelled
^to return twice, becauag._of_ the Huizas chief being engaged
in.,„waLwith the Cazembe •~ltFe~IaFEei~ lia-ving killed their
" sons " in the fight on his return from the road to Senna. After
resting twenty days, when I remained to write out the journal
from Cassange to the Muatahianvo. .His..E.:^ppllency would givB^
^j^e no more paper, and said that from the particulars I had given
himverSalTy'lrbout Cassange, he was well informed of all ; that
he wanted only the two journals from the Muatahianvo to
Cazembe, and from the Cazembe to the Eios de Senna. On
delivering our letter, he told us that on no account he could
provide us with all things required for our journey to Angola
c without the sanction of His Excellency the Governor-General ;
but that he would send us to see the General at Mozambique,
wjjQ^might write to Eio de Janeiro, and request our Lord the
Piince"^Eegenno^|IowJGin"(ffi to send W witli all the
necessaries for our transport IBTe added that when the last
Governor, Antonio de Noronha, or Antonio Norberto Barboza
de Villa (Villas ?) de Boas, made disbursements, some persons of
the general works proved that he repaid the Treasury, from
' which he had taken the means, from the factory of His Excel
lency at Mozambique, and he was condemned to make a general
distribution of merchandise ; that under no circumstances could
he do anything without orders (or permission) from Mozambique,
»-becausejDj[.il).a.gEeat sti?..,,ll"?re^l\a,d been in consequence of our
.jPj-'iPce Eegent I^.aviog 'to Teave'liis'^capTtal to escape being
T^^f J-^y t'^® gi'eat BuonaparTel" That in the state of ruin and
"OTffulon'the Eivers of Senna were in, without protective means,
he could do nothing, and did' hob even know who would govern
Jhese Eivers of Senna, whether they would be Portuguese
, or English ; and, in consequence of this'panic, he was deprived

p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 235-
of his control over the Eoyal Treasury ; that it was only to
the late Governor, Jose Francisco de Araujo Lacerda, who died
in Cazembe, that His Eoyal Highness had confided the task of^
exploring the route from the Western Coast of Africa (Angola)
by land: the deceased had the Eoyal orders and everything
necessary for the undertaking, but he did not reach Angola^
as it pleased God to take him to Himself, and he died in tBe ,
country of Cazembe. In Goa there are now two Governors, ond-T*
English and the other Portuguese ; and, according to news the
traders bring, who come from Mozambique to the Eivers of
Senna with goods, I mean with cloth to buy money — the name
they give to gold-dust — and ivory, the English will come and
take this place also, and there will be two Governors in the***
Senna rivers ; but who can tell what truth there is in it ?
In addition to the above declaration the Governor made to us,
he asked if we would wear uniforms : and, telling me to sit down
upon a chair, said no one would venture to do what we had done,..*-
in crossing overland from the West Coast of Africa by Angola, to
the East Coast at the Eivers of Senna ; that His Eoyal Highness
had always been seeking some one who could accomplish this,
but all in vain, as he had not met with any one who would under
take this important task ; and that the six thousand cruzados<^
which Governor Lacerda had taken with him on his enterprise,
had been lost. I replied, " Ica^anotbeseated in your Honour.'&
_pre§ence_i it may be seen frdmthe letter -weTring, who we are."
The Governor theSTsaid, -weTiS^execuled Ihe task 'as'weTPas
the gentlemen themselves executed the orders of His Eoyal
Highness : much more did we, beiflg..aLa»es, and having the _
patience and ingenuity to, Qb.gy and carry out our .masters
,J^[ers,, deserve being rewarded for the amount of trouble and
work we had gone through for His Eoyal Highness ; and as
Angola had its own Government, with full powers, we would be
assisted, and our master, Francisco Honorato da Costa, as author i,
of this undertaking, would not fail to inform them of what we had ^^
done for the Eoyal service. The Governor dealt with all
these matters at his public residence, in the presence of two
officers of the staff, and his Adjutant Eodrigo Jose de Aboim,
the Captain of Militia Camello Jose de Lemos, Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk, and two other
men whose names I do not know. We replied, we could not go
to Mozambique, as our guide, whom Muatahianvo had given us,
was waiting at Cazembe for us ; and also that we had been away
from our country nearly ten years, the time we had been occu-
pied in this enterprise, and we did not know whether he who *"
sent us was living or dead.
The Governor answered that it did not matter, but that it

236. P. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.
would be impossible to provide means for our transport to
Angola ; therefore he would ask them as an obligation to His
Eoyal Highness. He sent me with a soldier to the house of the
Illustrious Joaquim Correa Craveiro Sabarreiros, to keep and
clothe me ; and my comrade Anastacio Francisco to the house of
the Illustrious Lady Dona Francisca Josefa de Moura e Menezes,
¦fb feed and clottie~Eiiia! 'They treated us with grgaLJi.iudness,
giving, as food every ten or twelve days for the black boys and
negresses, a measure of millet, and to us they gave prepared food
«at both houses for dinner, &c. ; TI',y„„Cftm.T:adift,- hnyi^jpr p^etting
much moj'gj-gd better food than I did. The said CsMffirp gave
me a w^i^[e°fasS^'^^§^p^fSt;r'S!B&*a wraggeror^6^wn||of_blue
serafina ferret" with" coppCT~butto a pafr ~on5oSESr'au3"two
plates of Lisbon earthenware for my use. While we were
lodging in these houses the Governor sent for us, and gave us
a piece of Zuarte to make trousers of, and " cutoes ; " and
^ the Cazembe of the road (guide) they gave cloth and
fine beads, to buy provisions with at Senhor Gonpalo Caetano's
farm. The merchandise, however, they gave direct to Gonpalo
Caetano, at his son-in-law's house, Jose Sebastiao de Ataide,
sending it by a sergeant of the garrison, Luiz Jose Ferreira
Lima, from the Governor's, to give them to the Cazembe of the
road, to buy what they pleased. Senhoi;_Gon£alo Caetano did not,
however, g\ye,^these^things to the Cazeinbe of tEe'road7°16tif'oHly
supplied..bjjai with provTsio^s'lmmlLis Arimos (warehouses). After
having given all these orders, he drew up a list of themmes and
dwellings of the inhabitants of that town, that they might, each
man and woman, as an obligation to His Eoyal Highness, give
fifteen or twenty pieces^ of cloth. The Governor himself con
tributed one hundred and thirty pieces towards our transport to
Angola, and that we might carry letters very carefully to the
Illustrious and Excellent Senhor General of Angola, and to the
Director Francisco Honorato da Costa. They promised to give
us only six hundred pieces of cloth, to which we answered, " If
your Honour wishes to take compassion on us, and send us to
An gola, six hundred pieces of the stuff of this_jeauata.- would
not be^.. sufficient for sudi^fnong^oim make
to the chie|g,„,on_the way, and the cost of provisions, for our use
fromthe town of Tette to the Cazembe, from the (jazembeJto„the
Muatahianvo, whorn'fhey call Muropue, and fro'm^,the..JS![jia,ta-
hianvo to the Fair of Mucary." He began to gerout of humour
ii^ith lis, saying that when we came from Cassange we brought
no cloth for the exploration of the road to the Eivers of Senna,
to which we. replied that the Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco
Honorato da Costa had despatched us with three contos
(Es.3000|000) worth of woollen goods of fine quality, besides

p. J. BAPTISTA^g- PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 237
bugles, and stone-beads of various kinds; fine red cloths,
crimson beaver and druggets to present to the chiefs of the
countries on the way to allow us to pass through. On our giving
this explanation, he said we must not make comparisons with,
the goods that came from Angola on the West Coast. So he sent
us away with only four hundred and sixty-eight pieces, which
they call Xo^^bos (chuabos). Indian cloth^, much. dMaaged, given
by the innabitants against their wishes ; they saying that there
was no obligation on their part to subscribe, there being plenty
of goods in the King's factory. These things were given to us
already packed in two small bales, called by them Mutores.'
We do not recollect the particulars of these articles, neither
had we a list of them to know what they consisted of; and we
only opened them at the house of Senhor Gonpalo Caetano at
the recommendation of the Governor in a letter brought with
us by a soldier named Domingos Sampaio, ordering Senhor
Gonpalo Caetano to take account of the goods and deliver themi
to us when we started. Thus we were despatched wanting what
wa3,m9gtB.ecessaiy.ta.fflgeAHajLonibfi.j:oa,d, they having supplied.
to us no cloththab,^^^dhe,Si;^re^-i--iipd.'lij-tnp twn..pQt.e]3.t.a.t^Sj
"lEe3^^1zem^flI^dIth§„MlJaiahi^T0 : these two chiefs having
oKne air they could to assist us to carry out the undertaking, and
help us to cross. They gave us neither firearms nor gunpowder
to aid us in our defence ; only four hundred and sixty-eight
pieces of cloth, ten packets of small white, black and blue beads»
bought out of the said cloths, and four bags of salt.
By the help of God, without either muskets or powder, we
started from the town of Tette on Friday, May the tenth,
1811, nothing else having been treated of in connection with
our expedition ; noting the state of the said town, not only in
consequence of the fear and panic created by Bonaparte, but
also by fhp w.i.nt nf unirn f>ff-inti'w^ fT^^ug the t.-.wngTnPTi Even
the Governor himself they accuse — I say they accuse falsely —
of having been proved to have been the cause of the death of,
two Governors, the Illustrious Governor Francisco de Araujo e
Lacerda, whom it pleased God to take to Himself at Cazembe,
being engaged in the same task of exploring the route from
Tette to Angola, and the other. Governor Antonio Norberto.
Barbosa de Villas Boas, whom the colonists, officers, and
soldiers, abandoned in the wars in the country named Caririra,
Jtielonging to an ximirai, potentate- named,, .after. ihe. .CQuatiy-
^|fe^^3^;^,'Mntap.%Acuitua. The latter is now persecuting
""theG-overnor of the above town aided by another nearer, who is
called Prince of the land of Tette, or in country-fashion Changara :
he is also persecuting the Governor to render him vassalage, and
send him monthly tributes as the Sovereign of the lands.

238 p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.
The conquered districts held by the Government of Tette are
four. Senna, Quilhimar (Quillimane), Zumbo with Marissa
(Marrisca ?), and the country (of the) Maravez, on the other side
of the Zambeze river, in which people Mve, and in which are
the warehouses (aijmos) of the inhabitants of the town, male
and female. There is also another country to the west of the
river Zambeze, called SofaUa, territory of the Muana Mutapa,
who is under the Government of Mozambique.
The trade of the town of Tette consists in ivory, gold dust
called money, which the traders from Mozambique, Senna, and
Quilhimar, come to buy with Indian stuffs. There is not a
large trade carried on there in slaves, the price not being good
enough to pay the seller. In former times they were worth
more, but not at the present. They give for a "m(;^gcote." or
,jJga&l2S£of sk spa^n^hei^^^ a piece of zuarte eightMhoms
in length, averaging (or capable of being cut into) twelve or
fourteen cloths, and a piece of white "ii8,paatfir-!l^.,eight cloths.

to make up the number of twenty-two cloths, which they call
a score (corja), the number they give for a slave. The traders
of Mozambique, Senna, and Quilhimar always try to get slaves
who came from the Cazembe, as they do not run away so
much as those from our conquered districts about Tette.
The town of Tette is built of stone, and it is with the same
material found in the country that they build one-storied houses
of stone and clay, and some ground-floor buildings thatehed
with straw : there are only four houses roofed with tUes, and
they belong to Dona Francisca called Quibonda ; Dona Paula
Mascarenhas ; Dona Philipa Antonia, sister of the Quibonda,
and Senhor Craveiro. SadLja,.^5tracted^frrai the^streets in the
i^CotSsiljp (Cacimbo, i.e., cloudy) seasonTanTar'^as the fortress
wliere the soldiers are quartered, "and where the Governor's
house, and the quarters of all the principal inhabitants, are
situated. On the further side of the Zambeze lie the Arimos
(warehouses) of the inhabitants, containing supplies of wheat,
barley, rice, and even apples and quinces ;_millet. called Maqa
Ambala, and ,ga^e, known as Magsa .. AquindeUe, fruits of
different kinds ; canes, froip which they make sugar, and
"Qfiifibita," a liquor jextracted. from the -dregs_jjljhe_su^ar.
The climate is very hot, fevers and agues prevailing.
Nearly all the inhabitants have mines, whence they get
gold dust, called money ; they are near the small rivers, where
they send their slaves to find it. On this side of the Zambeze,
every day, there are slaves going and coming, belonging to the
inhabitants, livho bring maize and wheat for making bread,
besides other necessaries, and firewood. The said river Zam
beze is about four hundred fathoms wide: to Senna and

p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE. 239
Quilhimar (Quillimane) there are roads running down the
river-valley. In the said pumbo (town) there are only a few white Portu
guese, whose names are, the Illustrious Senhor Joaquim Correia
Craveiro Sabarreiros, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia ; Doctor in
Chief Mathias Jose Eebello, native of Loanda; Alexandre de
Araujo Laceria Coutinho Pereira, Town Major; Leandro Jose
de Aragao, Ensign of the Garrison ; Michael Joaquim, Ensign
of Militia ; Joaquim da Costa and Joao da Guarda, Lieutenant of
Mihtia; Manoel Antonio, Captain of Militia; Vicente Antonio
de Quadros ; Antonio Vergohno de (?.), Ensign of the Garrison ;
Caetano Benedito Lobo, Lieutenant of Militia ; Camillo Jose
de Lemos, Captain of Militia ; Eodrigo Jose de Aboiim, Adju
tant and Captain of Militia; Christovao Franco, Chief Captain of
the Mixonga (bush-land) ; Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima, Sergeant
of the Garrison ; Jose Oias, Quartermaster of the Garrison.
Those born in the same town, Joao Vicente da Cruz, Lieu
tenant of the Garrison; Ignacio Gomes dos Santos, Major of
Militia ; Manuel Jose Cardoso, Chief Captain of the lands ; Luiz
Nunes, Captain of Militia ; Joao Cardoso, Ensign of the Garrison;
Miguel da Costa e Santa Maria ; Jose Dias de Sousa ; Dionizio
Xavier da Costa, Ensign of Militia ; Jose Vicente de Aquino.
Ladies of the same country: the Illustrious Senhora Dona
Francisca Josefa de Moura and Menezes, who had been married
to two Governors of the town of Tette ; Illustrious Senhoras
Dona Paula Mascarenhas ; Dona Filippa Antonia de Moura and
Menezes ; Dona Leonarda Oitavianna dos Eeis Moreira ; Dona
Thomazia Eitta de Moura and Menezes ; Dona Izabel Pereira
de Araujo, Dona Anna Sebastiao de Sousa Braganpa, Dona Anna
de Mello Botelho, Dona Izabel Anna de Sousa Braganpa,
Dona Eit^, de Araujo Lacerda; Dona Maria da Costa, and
Dona Anna da Costa.
Beside these, there are people of another nation called
the "jOanaris " (of East Indian derivation), viz., the Illustri
ous Jffie"P?dro Diniz, Colonel of Militia; Gonpalo Caetano
Pereira ; Jose Sebastiao de Ataide, Judicial Clerk ; Joao
Caetano de Andrade Soccorro, Lieutenant-Colonel of Militia;
Domingos Antonio Salvador Colapo, Commissioner ef the Eoyal
Treasury ; Joao Salvador Colapo, and other persons, whose names
I do not know. There are also three^ persons, whites, whom they
cgjl,Gentaos (heathens), who do not profess the Catholic faith ;
^ th^y'^y^s in while "cfothes every day, and wear on their heads
^fmrnissrwiGcrm^^ a§ other paacfe/ do^' one is named lacrausjiauis, tau^r; the
seconS'is a blacksmith, and the third a carpenter.
On Saturday, 24th May, 1811, the Lieutenant-Colonel, I say

210 p. J. BAPTISTA'S PROCEEDINGS AT TETTE.
the Governor, I say the Adjutant. Eodrigo Jose de Aboim, sent
for us to receive the goods given by the ladies and gentlemen
which they were deceitfully trying to rob us of Senhor
Eodrigo and Senhor Luiz Jose Ferreira Lima told us that some
very showy pieces of white " botira," given us by Senhor Craveiro,
Dona Francisca Quibonda, and Dona Paula Mascarenhas, which
¦^they much needed or coveted, must be changed for Indian calico.
We said, that having received said pieces from the Governor's
hands, it would not do to exchange them for two pieces
only, as this "botira" would be useful to us to present to
' the Cazembe : the Governor haviug given us no cloth that would
please the Cazembe, who had been the means of our coming
here with his Cacuata, and who would be pleased with them,
and let us go on to Angola. The before-named gentlemen
replied yes (that it must be done as they said).
On Monday, 25th of the same month, a soldier came to fetch
us by the Governor's order, to go and see the articles. I
went with my comrade Anastacio, and we saw in the Governor's
quarto (room) Eodrigo Camelo, Jos6 de Lemos, and Luiz Jose
Ferreira Lima ; and, looking over the goods, we saw, without
moving them, that the pieces that were there with the rest of
the things were missing. Luiz directly went away, and
when the said Senhor Eodrigo came in we asked him about
them ; he answered^us^verj^roughly and_ coarsely, i^aji^, that
. if -wa hadJi&jiiipudencetj), question Hm7Tie"would sena uf'^to
buy where the SenhorHonorato was ; and taking hold of me,
he tried to throw me out of the window to the ground : and, as
he could not lift me, he began to kick me, shouting uproariously
' all the time. 4iJS?.^j S.^J9Jfe.9J,!25:™®^o declared in our favour,
sa.yingAaJt,.it w.as very wroiig to exchange «goods from the Eoyat
_.S6K'^e ; he prevented my telling the Governor about it, as I
wished to, because he was ill in bed, and his companion Luiz
very much wished to prevent it, as it was he who had taken
^down on paper a note of the goods as he went from house to
house ; they were both at the bottom of this exchange, which aU
the inhabitants considered to have been a very bad proceeding.
Nothing else was done, neither did we witness anything more
in the territory of Tette that I have forgotten to mention,
/except my involuntary neglect to carry out the orders of my
master, Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa, on
this task of opening the road from the State and Kingdom of
Angola to the Eios de Senna. QiiiJia^exgxj'raised that we
departed from, this to:^ja,KJjlili.put the inconvenience which might
havejresulted^ from robberies and other crimes, which cause
T^Sce and quietne^JtoCEa._yAluedr'''7Sig " Pedeo JoS5'
Baptista. '^Countersigned) Antonio Nogueika da Eocha.

DECLARATION OF P. H. DA COSTA. 241

(D.)
The Governor of Angola transmits from the Governor of the
Hivers of Senna the despatches, arrived overland in conse
quence of the discovery of a communication between the two
coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, made by the pombeiros of
Lieut.-Colonel Director of the Fair of Mucary, Francisco Honorato
-da Costa, to whose diligence and exertions is owing the happy
result of this important and much-desired object. The before-
said Lieut.-Colonel prays that he may be justly recompensed
for his services ; for the outlay he made from his own means
on account of the expedition, and for the loss of the slaves
^engaged in the undertaking:, giving up all -his .rights. Q!i.titig..ta-
tha.ijir,£X3imS.-tha^, tney may Vf^ceive trnirrHi.s...EQ.gaJja.i.PihneHft-
iHifl rp^ard nf ¦ mprit. Hp. wishpg a.lan to be able to remunerate
the native heathen chiefs wh" a'^aiatpd him.
1 charge Pedro Joao Baptista to seek out the Illustrious
Senhor Treasurer-in-Chief of the Eoyal Exchequer, Francisco
Bento Maria Targini, at Eio de Janeiro, and to assure that
gentleman of my respects, and to beg him to intercede and
promote the intercession with the Prince Eegent our Lord, the
¦Queen our Lady, and the other Eoyal personages their coun
sellors and illustrious ministers, to obtain a fair and due-*
Temuneration for my great services effected entirely at my own
-cost, without assistance from any person, or i^ "real " from ihp
Eoyal Treasury; but on the contrary, -nn'th Vnn-wTi nppnsitinp
*fttrm"'fflgg8"Trho have governed Ambaca. and who are undesery-
ing ttie name of Portuguese jva£sals, when tlieTBSyaTTreasury
TiiS, without :wii7'!PbHUlt,' losL aTTTt expended, as well as the men <
who were entrusted with this enterprise. And so nothing was
effected ; but if any of those who came from Senna and Mozam
bique had reached Angola, no person, no matter how subordinate
his position, would }>a.ve. bp.m. unrewarded similarly in addition.
towhat recompense I expectjnvself I hope to obtain something
•on account of my slaves whom I employed, of whom some died, ,
others deserted, while others accompanied and assisted me when
•seriously affected with diseases which I have had difficulty in
escaping. With the careful application of remedies and proper
treatment persevered in by them, by the mercy of God I am alive
Tto remunerate those who remain, and I wish also to reward the
-native potentates who assisted me, and who would by the in
centive of rewards be ready to aid with similar zeal any further
object of interest to the Eoyal Service ; I renounce entirely all
my rights existing in them (the slaves), that they may be able

242 LETTERS iFEpaf THE PRINCE REGENT
to enjoy any favours, honours or rewards of which they may be
worthy, and which the Eoyal graciousness may be pleased to con
fer on them. Fair of Mucary, district of the kingdom of Angola,
27th October of 1814. (Signed) Fkancisco Honoeato da
Costa. .U^-.-( '^
Legislative documents referring to these explorations : —
[1st.] To Jose d'Oliveira Barbosa, Governor and Captain-General
of the Kingdom of Angola. — Friend, I, the Prince Eegent, cor
dially greet you. Having had before my Eoyal presence your
despatch accompanying the result of the exploration with
which Francisco Honorato da Costa, director of the Fair of
Mucari had been entrusted, who by means of unremitting atten
tion and at considerable personal expense, has at last succeeded
in proving the existence of communication between the two
coasts of Eastern and Western Africa, I could not allow such arr
important service, rendered gratuitously, and so worthy of my
attention, to pass unnoticed. Having already in consequence
granted some rewards to the said Francisco Honorato da Costa,
as you will have known, I am equally pleased to bestow upon
rhim a life pension of eight hundred milreis annually, which
shall be regularly paid by the Board of Administration of my
Eoyal Treasury in that kingdom of Angola. I also ordain that
^ he shall remain, as long as he may wish to do so, director of
the before-mentioned Fair of Mucari, from which place he
can best contirihe to make journeys, which should be annually
repeated from that point to the Eivers of Senna, for which pur
pose I have resolved that a company of pedestres (pedestrians)
shall be formed there in any manner yoii may consider best.
After hearing the opinion on the subject of the said Francisco
Honorato da Costa, you will be able to determine the num
ber of men required to form such company, and also the
persons best suited to fill such posts; bearing in mind how-
^ ever that I have already reserved the post of captain in it for
Pedro Joao Baptista, as a reward for the services he rendered
in the first expedition and for the knowledge he obtained in it,
which he will be able to make useful in the subsequent
journeys. The expenses connected with the same will be made
in future on account of my Eoyal exchequer, so long as I do not
order to the contrary. All of which I think fitting to commu
nicate to you for your information, and that you may so act
upon it. Given at Our Palace of Eio de Janeiro, on the
twenty-eighth day of August, eighteen hundred and fifteen.
(Signed) The P^nce. To Jose d'Oliveira Barboza.

and THE MARQUIS D'AGUIAR. ' 243
[2nd.] The Prince Eegent, my master, having been pleased to
confer on Lieut.-Colonel Francisco Honorato da Costa the
appointment of brigadier of militia, as an acknowledgment foit"'
the important services rendered by him in the exploration of
the communication between the two coasts of Eastern and
Western Africa with which he was entrusted, as has already
been notified to your Honour, the said August Sovereign is
pleased to order that notwithstanding the absence of his
nomination (or diploma) you will facilitate his obtaining and
enjoying all the advantages such appointment confers on him^,.,
both as regards his use of the proper uniform, and the hono'fir^
and privileges annexed to the post of brigadier. I forwaJtx
this to your Honour for your information. God keep your
lordship. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed)
Maequis d'Aguiae.
[3rd.] By a decree, a copy of which is enclosed to your Honour,
my master the Prince Eegent was pleased to name Pedro Joao
Baptista, captain of the company of pedestrians, which is to bef,.
raised at the Fair of Mucari, there not being now time sufficient
to prepare the nomination (or diploma) of this officer. The
same August Senhor orders that notwithstanding this de
ficiency your Honour wiU consider him as afready in the
enjoyment of all the advantages which the appointment
just granted by H.E.H. confers on him. His pay of 10,000 ^
reis per month is to commence, and he wiU make use of the
proper uniform. I forward this to you for your information
and execution. God keep your Honour. Palace of Eio de
Janeiro, 31st August, 1815. (Signed) Marquis d'Aguiae.
[4th.] Desiring to give a proof of the value in which I hold the
services just rendered by Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco Hono
rato da Costa, Director of the Fair of Mucari, in the interior of
the kingdom of Angola, so worthy my Eoyal attention, having
succeeded at his own expense, and by untfring diligence, in
opening the communication between the two coasts of "Western
and Eastern Africa, I have been pleased to confer on him the
rank of Brigadier of Militia, to continue there in charge of
the same important undertakings. The Supreme Military
Council, having so understood it, will transmit to him the
K J.

244 LETTERS OF THE PRINCE REGENT.
necessary documents. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 13th May,
1815. (With the signature of the Prince Eegent.)
[5th.] Having by Eoyal decree, dated this day, ordered the forma
tion of a Company of Pedestrians, to be employed in the
communication which has just been discovered between the two
coasts of Western and Eastern Africa, I am pleased to confer
the post of Captain of this Company on Pedro Joao Baptista,
who was employed on the first expedition. And, considering
the service he therein rendered, I have also been pleased to
grant him, in the exercise of that appointment, the stipend of
ten milreis per month. The Supreme Military Council, having
so understood it, will, in contbrmity, transmit to him the
necessary despatches. Palace of Eio de Janeiro, 28th August,
1815. (With the Signature of the Prince Eegent.)

EESUME

JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

By de. C. T. beke, Ph.D., E.S.A., E.E.G.S.

( 247 )

EESUME
OF THE
JOURNEY OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO.

By de. C. T. beke, Ph.D., E.S.A., E.E.G.S.*

The second mission from the Portuguese Governor of the Eios
de Sena to the Court of the Muata Cazembe, in 1831,,5asvery

(afterwards Major) Antonio Candido Pedroso Gamitto, second
in command, an escort of twenty soldiers and a drummer, of
whom four only were whites, from the garrison of Tete, and a
Creole interpreter, with 120 negro slaves as porters. In company
with the mission, and as auxiliaries, went two Creole traders
with fifty slaves. Of this party the only persons who could
read and write were the two Portuguese officers. With the
¦exception of one magnetic compass, they took with them no
instruments, not even a telescope, neither were they provided
with medicines of any sort or kind. Captain Gamitto, who
wrote the narrative of the mission,t of which I am now
about to make use, appears to have been an intelligent and
observant Taan^j^^^x^ctlj^ hon^^t.. and unassuming, making no
pretensions to any scientificKnowIedgeraJDiS^e^^ to have
-deemed it an advantage to the mission that no man of science
was aitjlghed to jt.— ^•'**^"""''~"
""" The expedition left Tete, and crossed the river Zambesi on
June 1, 1831, and, after a most disastrous journey, reached
the frontiers of the Cazembe's dominions on October 27th
following. The barrenness of the country traversed is almost?
inconceivable. Dr. Lacerda had raentioned^, jn^.i3..:diaiX-tl^e
absence qf animal life^ obs^^^gljm'liTfl'SSaiStic^., but good-
Mmbmed'^^^m^^^^Ja&JSmms&^^ whili^Sj/^'^IJSg
'ixEausteTtKirfbodThad declared war against the butterflies.

* Reprinted, with the permission of the publishers, from 'Illustrated Travels,'
¦Tol. ii. p. 114.
-f ' O Muata Cazembe.' Lisbon, 1854.

248 EESUME OF THE JOURNEY
and consoling himge]f..f3r .the absence of mosquitoes by the-
the_ annoyance of their "infernaljnusic." On thissecond"
"expedition numerous deaths are recorded as having been
caused by sickness brought on by want of proper nourishment,
if not from absolute starvation. When once within the
territories of the Cazembe they met, however, with larger sup-
'plies, the country being partially cultivated and having a larger
population. On November 9th the mission halted at the residence of
a petty officer, on a little hill named Chempire, to await the
Mambo's permission to approach his capital. The treatment
they experienced there, and subsequently during their stay
'in the country, was widely different from the welcome re
ceived by the former mission, under Dr. Lacerda, from the
Muata Cazembe Lekeza, who§a.jagmorjj_Gamitto_says,_Ea!ir
tinued t_o_be respected both at home aMabroadT^n^ccoimtof.
Jys jnany_ estimable "qi^^p^ whereas his "son, the reign
ing Cazembe, was on the contrary, deficient in everything-
,»that was good, and was, therefore, detested even by his own
relations. As manifesting the different treatment the two missions
received, I may notice the Eoyal message sent to the Portuguese
at the same time that permission was granted for them to
proceed to Lund^, the capital. It was to the effect that things.
were then very different from what they had been in the time of
the king's father, when the former Mozungos visited the country ;
that every negro who should be caught stealing should instantly
dose his head ; and that every soldier or negro who should be
found intriguing with any of the wives either of the Muata him-
' self or of his kilolos (nobles) should have his ears and genitals
cut off, but ftaljua b^ds, because without them he could not
be of service tothelKizungos.
It is indeed true that things were not the same as in the
time of the Muata Cazembe Lekeza; for Father Francisco
Pinto relates that before the arrival of the mission, that
^sovereign called his nobles together, and ordered them to look
after their wives ; for that if they neglected to do so, and any
thing improper occurred, they would have themselves alone tO'
blame. And when, afterwards, one of the courtiers complained
to him of the conduct of a Portuguese officer with respect to
his wife, and demanded satisfaction, the Muata ordered him
*) chastise his wife for having gone and inveigled the Mozungo !
But so far was the politic and conciliatory conduct of the
father from serving as an example to the son, that the latter
ordered the Muaniancita, or interpreter, not to make the

OF MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO. 249
'' Geral " — as the Portuguese envoy was called, as being the
representative of the Governor of Eios de Sena — acquainted vvith
the ancient customs, because, as the Mozungos were all new
men, they should be made to give larger presents than formerly.]
And, accordingly, they were subjected to all sorts of extortions^
and ill-treatment.
However, it is not my intention to relate the history of the
Portuguese mission, but to describe the manners and customs of
the strange people whom they went to visit, and with whom, it
is to be hoped, we shall shortly be made much better acquainted
by our countryman. Dr. Livingstone.
On the road to Lunda the mission had to pass by the
Masbamos (by Dr. Lacerda called Massangas) or sepulchres of
"tue aeceased Muatas. As they approached the spot, the
Soldiers 'oT~tEe escort donned their uniforms, and put them
selves in marching order; and on reaching the Mashamos
they were received with lunguros, or cries of iov. from crowds
of persons of both sex^^d oi all ages, smeared over with mud
from the waist to the crown of the head,^sonie uiim^ ingte|i,(l^"ras
*^mark''af^istira!trOTi7a"White powder like'chal^Tcal.ied Miipemha.
On their encamping there, the soldiers forming the escort were
sent to the Mashamos, at the request of the chief commissioned
to accompany the mission to Lunda ; and as a mark of greater
respect, and for the sake of order. Captain Gamitto himself took
the command.
They were first conducted to the Mashamo of the Muata
Canyembo III., the third sovereign of that name and of tliis
state. It consisted of a large quadrangular enclosure, about a
hundred paces on each side, constructed of branches of trees and
jstakes, forming an impenetrable barrier. Near..J,he„entrj,ncf
stood a heap of human skulls, and outside the door, seated
cros's'-Yfgged' on'XTion^finr'was the Muine-Mashamo. (grave-
kp^pppr_nrjiTixu.st,pr), smpa.rerl over mt^tmpem'oa from the head_
to the waist. '*'"' " ™~" ~~~
""TM"soldiers here fired three volleys of musketry, and the
captain and the interpreter made their offerings to the Mup^ao
(apirit) of the_Muata byjlacingjthemm front, of the minister,
who said they were "insufficient, and that unless an addition
was made, he would not be able to offer them. His demand
having been complied with, he took the presents with him intoj
the Mashamo, and shortly afterwards sent to desire the strangers I
to enter.
They found the whole space inside in a state of the utmost
cleanliness, and in the centre they saw a large circular house,
thatched with straw, in front of the door of which stood another
heap of skulls. In the centre of this large house was a smaller

250 .,, p ^ ¦¦ EESUMlfi OF JHl^ JOURNEY v <2,^ 0:,
one, of a cylindrical form, made of plaited cane-work, perfectly
empty, and without any decoration, except two painted pillars
at the entrance. This was the tomb of the Muata, and here
they found the minister seated cross-legged, with the presents
before him. After he had so remained some time in silence,
and apparently in deep meditation, he was heard from time to
.ii'me to mutter a few Vbrd^^n^IalZlSngtitteeXcM'medTwith a
loud voice, " Avene! " (Hail !). Gamitto says~that thisexcTa-
mationlmeant '^muph obliged.:" but, even, if the true meaning
of the expression were not known, the context shows that the
Muine-Mashamo was addressing himself to the spirit of the
MuMa, and not to the olterers; lor he "then turned i^Siind to
them, 'and said, " The Muzimo is much obliged to the Mozungos,
"and to the CazemEeTTrnpata for^S'^^'^^ght them!" i
On TfeiS"""tltSf5'"was'a" loud clapping'^df*Min3s, and cries of j
" Averie ! " on the part of _the,Gazpmbeg who accompanied the
detachment ; and the ceremony being then over, they all
retired, the Cazembes resuming their arms, which they had
left outside the enclosure, for no armed person is allowed to
enter. On the following morning the sepulchre of the Muata Lekeza
— the fourth sovereign, and far[TerorTHe"*reig^^]"or^^^was
visiteTjjLJiESiSanner. 'Here~eveiyTEing"~w'ai~round to be
similaFto the other, with the addition only that there were
seen two skulls atta,cb^4j^..Jfa.J'^^Q> which, t,feej_^J^eretold,
were those of two powerfuTMambos whom LekezaTiad van-
quished and slam, and thatnear the monarch s grave stood
thirty gmi-lbarr els, some of which were in very good order ; but,
as they could not be repaired, they were depojjfted here as tro
phies, dedicated to the deceased conqueror.*'^
, The ceremonies performed here were a repetition of those of
the day before at the grave of Canyembo III., except only that
the offerings. on this-occasion had, to-he mnreased. for the,
alleged reason that Lekeza was the first Cazembe .^yhoJ^a^ ever
seen and'cbhversed"'wifh~the l^zungos, and,.it wa_s..bis spirit
thaf'st'ill watched over and protected them.; an_ argument
w^jic^^here was ho withstanding. All the offerings made at
the sepulchres of the deceased Muatas were, however, for the
benefit af the living one, by whom they were taken posses
sion of.
On the following day, November 19th, the mission made its
formal entry into Lunda, the capital, by a road some fifteen
yards in width. On this occasion an incident occurred which is
\deserving of notice.
Captain Gamitto relates that on the journey from Tete one
'of the Creole traders had brought with him a donkey ; but, the

I

OP MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO. 251
owner having died on the road, he had appropriated the animal
to himself, and had ridden on it, instead of using a litter like the
other Europeans. As it happened, he was a great gainer bf*
this ; for, in consequence of the sickness and incapacity of the
bearers, his companions, and even Major Monteiro himself, had
often to go on foot. As there was no saddle nor bridle, Gamitto
had to put up with the best substitutes he could, covering the
little animal with a tiger-skin as a saddle-cloth. It was mounted
on this charger that the gallant captain took his place in th®*
procession on its entry into the capital. His uniform consisted
of a jacket of blue nankeen and white trowsers, with a scarlet
cord and tassels for a sash. He, as well as the other Europeans,
had allowed the beard and hair to grow so long that the former
reached to his chest, and the latter as low down over his
shoulders. On his head he wore an otter-skin cap, and at his
side hung his trusty sword, the scabbard of which had become.
the colour of the natives themselves, from exposure to the airi
Thus magnificently equipped, and mounted on his little donkey,
caparisoned as already described, he made his solemn entry
into what he says is perhaps the largest city of Southern Africa.
The post occupied by the cavalier, who in his own person
formed the cavalry of the escort, was immediately after the
vanguard ; and, as may well be imagined, the singularity of his
appearance attracted universal attention, and gave rise tcC
innumerable remarks among the spectators. The ass, like the
horse, is an animal totally unknown in that part of the world ;
so that some of the natives said, " jt [s a man vvith six leas : "
others, "]t is an animal that feeds on iron : " others, again.
" He is a great warrior, &c. The immense multitude assembled
iidgeiher, ihe clainour that was raised by them, and the difficulty
of penetrating through the crowd, excited the captain's charger
to such a pitch that it galloped on with its mouth open, as if it
wanted to bite the people, every now and then giving utterance
to a prolonged bray, to the intense amazement of the people.
" Were any one to appear in this trim in any town in Europe,"
profoundly remarks Gamitto, "he would assuredly be an object
of ridicule; " but here the donkey and himself shared between
them the admiration and applause of the public — so much so,
indeed, that the rest of the mission was without importance,
and attracted "ho att^MlOD.
T'Eis'menSon of the first appearance of the ass in the country
of the Cazembe induces me to refer to a subject that has of late
much occupied the attention of naturalists and archaeologists,
both in England and in France, since the time of the visit to
Egypt of the Prince and Princess of Wales. At the anniversary
dinner of the Eoyal Geographical Society, on May 24th, 1869,

252 RBSUMiS OF THE JOURNEY
Professor Owen, who had accompanied their Eoyal Highnesses
on their interesting tour, drew attention to the fact that " to the
Arabian shepherds, Hyksos or Sheiksos, Egypt was indebted
for the horse as a beast of draught. Previously to this Philistine
or Arabian invasion, the manifold fgescoes on the tombs of
Egyptian worthies show no other jsolipgd but the ass." * And
at the meeting of the Academie des SClSlides' ol Paris, on
December 13th last, M. Milne-Edwards, whilst admitting that
the horse appeared to be originally a native of Central Asia and
of a part of Europe, considered it as being, at the present day,
perfectly demonstrated that the ass is a species essentially
African, which did not extend itself into Asia, except in the
domestic state.f However this may be, it seems quite certain,
from the anecdote I have just related, that the ass is not a native
of Southern Africa.
On the morning of November 29th they were summoned
into the presence of the Muata Cazembe, who was waiting to
receive the principal members of the mission. In pursuance of
the arrangements previously made, they proceeded to the court
with the greatest ceremony, the detachment being under arms,
with their officer at their head ; and as they had received an
intimation that they were all to take something as a present to
the Muata, so that he might know how many persons there were,
and who they were with whom he had to communicate, each
one carried a piece of cotton cloth.
On arriving at the Mossumba. or residence of the Mambo,
they entered a spacious court, which was already filled with an
immense crowd, so placed as to leave a small quadrangular
space vacant in front of the east door of the chipango, as the
inner enclosure containing the residence is called, whether it be
of the prince or of a subject. The soldiers stationed in the
coutt were the garrison of Lunda, consisting of about four or
five thousand men, all armed with bows and arrows and spears ;
the nobles and officers wearing in a leather scabbard sus
pended under the left arm aJj|.rgi?^..td.raight.,two-^f|ger[, l^pi^ f^
swords ..cMIed pocjia. about eighteen inches long and four
inches broad. 'Ihey were all standing apparently without any
military discipline.
The Muata was seated on the left side of the east door of
the Mossumba. Several panther-sldns, with the tails turned
outwards, so as to form a sort of star, served him as a carpet, on

* In the Athemxum of June 12, 1869 (No. 2172), imder the head, " The
Prince of Wales's Visit to Egypt," are some remarks of mine ou this most interest
ing subject.
t See 'Comptes Rendus, torn. Ixis., p. 1259.

OP MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO. 253
the centre of which was laid an enormous lion-skin, and upon
this was placed a square stool or ottoman covered with a large
green cloth. On this species of throne was seated the Muata,
clothed with an elegance and sumptuousness such as the
Portuguese officers had never witnessed in any other native
potentate. On his head he wore a sort of conical mitre, upwards of a
foot in height, formed of feathers of a bright red colour.
Encircling this was a diadem of stones, which, from the variety
of colour and their quality, presented a most brilliant sightr"
At the back of his head, and rising from the nape of the neck,
was a fan-shaped ruff of green cloth, fastened by two small ivory
pins. The neck and shoulders were covered with a sort of
cape, the upper edge of which was composed of the bottoms of
cowrie-shells; this was followed by rows of pretty artificial
stones of glass ; below which was a row of small circular and
square mirrors, placed alternately in regular order, on whicl\^
when the sun happened to shine, it was impossible to keep the
eyes fixed. These formed the lower edge of the cape, falling
equally over the shoulders, the chest, and the back.
On each arm, above the elbow, was a band of blue cloth four
inches broad, trimmed with very narrow strips of fur, of which
the hair, black and white, was four inches in length, having the
appearance of a fringe. This, being a badge of royalty, coul^
only be worn by the Muata Cazembe and his near relative^
The forearm, from the elbow to the wrist, was covered with
rows of light bbie beads.
The monarch's body, from the waist to the knees, was covered
with a yellow cloth, having two borders on each side a couple
of inches in width, the upper one being blue and the lower one
scarlet. This cloth was several yards in length, and the way in
which it was worn was by placing one end of it on the body and
then bringing the cloth round over it, and fastening it in front
with a small ivory pin. The rest of the cloth was then gathered
up in small and very even plaits, which were secured by means
of a strip of raw leather, so that the plaits were formed into a
sort of rosette or frill. They call this cloth muconzo, and the'
girdle insipo. This strip of leather is cut out of a cow-hide, the
whole length from the neck to the tip of the tail, and is five or
six inches broad. When the insipo is fastened round the
muconzo, the end of the tail hangs down from the rosette or
frill in front.
The Muata had hanging on his right side, fastened to the
insipo, a string of beads, and at the end of this was a small bell
which, when he walked, knocked against his legs, keeping time
with his pace. On bis legs, from his knees downwards, were

254 RESUME OF THE JOURNEY
rows of beads like those on his arms. Dressed and ornamented
in this fashion, his face, hands, and feet alone were naked, all
the rest of his body being covered, and, as it appeared to Captain
Gamitto, with great elegance and good taste.
"^ To protect uie Muata from" the sun tCere were seven large
umbrellas, made of different coloured cloths of native manu
facture, raised on large bamboos fixed in the ground. Eound
p-the umbrellas stood twelve negroes, plainly and cleanly clad,
each holding in his hand, a -nrhralr yiadfi,,froTu a cow's tail, the
handle being covered with beads of variouscorours. "these
whisks were all shaken at the same time, as if to drive away the
flies, on a signal given by the Cazembe with a smaller one
which he held in" his hand.
At a short distance from him twelve other negroes with
brooms moved about slowly, their eyes fixed on the ground,
sweeping and picking up all the weeds or other objects, however
¦^ minute, that they might find ; and these were followed by two
others walking at the same slow pace, each one having a basket
'*'at his back to hold whatever the others might sweep up. But
so clean was the place, that none of them had anything to do,
^'^^iX-ii!£..5££lL.£^2.S2^® would not dispense with these cere
monies. »«»»-»»™-«!««»..~-.>-^- - 
""""Troin the back of the Muata's seat were drawn on the ground
two curved lines, which met together in front of him at a dis
tance of four or five yards. The line on the left was simply cut
in the ground ; that on the right.wA&.KP-.de with impemba, the
white powder already mentioned. In fronto?"TBe CSS^SMtTE^
outside and" albng "these cur ved lines, were placed in two parallel
rows about two feet apart several images of coarse workmanship,
representing h^lf-length figures of human beings with negro
features, having on their heads the horns of animals, and fas
tened upon sticks driven into the ground. Between these two
rows of figures, at the end nearest the Cazembe, was a wicker
basket in the form of a barrel containing a smaller figure.
Close to those at the further end were two negroes seated on
the ground, having before them a small earthen vessel filled
with live coals, on which they kept throwing leaves that pro-
- duced a dense aromatic smoke. These two men, as well as all
the images, had their faces turned towards the Cazembe. From
below the last image on the right, nearest to the foot of the
fumigator, ran a cord reaching to the feet of the Muata, though
for M'hat purpose was not apparent.
The door of the chipango was open, and within the doorway
sat the two principal wives of the Muata. On the left was the
chief wife, who is stvlpd Mn!:|rj|^p;nm.hA^ i^pa+prl qu an ottoman
and wrapped in a large green cloth, having her arms, neck, and

OP MM. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO. 255
head adorned with stones of various colours, and on her head
an ornament of scarlet feathers similar to that of the Cazembe, ¦
only smaller. The second wife, who bore the title of Jntemena.
was seated on a lion-skin spread on the ground, being dressecl
in a plain cloth without any ornaments. Behind these were
more than four hundred females of various ages, all standing,
and dressed in uhandas, or waist-cloths reaching down to the
knees. These formed the establishment of the chipango, or
the seraglio as it may be called, being divided among the four
principal wives, whose servants they were.
Seated on a lion-skin laid on the ground to the left of the
Cazembe, protected from the sun by two umbrellas, and dressed
Hke the Muaringombe, or chief wife, sat a young negress styled^
Nineamuana, mqthei of tha. Huang, or Muata, which title de
volved on her on the death ofthe dazemBe's real mother, asV
being her next of kin. Behind her stood about two hundred
negresses dressed in uhandas, forming her state establishment. ^
Within the square left vacant by the guards, ranged in a
semicircle round the Cazembe, according to their respective
ranks, were thg Kilqlggi^ jjr y ambires (njjJjJ£s), seated on the skins
of lions or p'anthers, eacnwith^lpis umbrella, and all dressed
hke the Mambo, with the exceptioh-of the cape and the scarlet
feathers. In the centre of the semicircle, and forhiing part of ,
it, were two persons who attracted particular attention on account
of their scarlet feathers and fur armlets, like those of the Muata,
only smaller. Thesgjvere his relatives, the opte named Kalulua
being his unclaf'and the other his nepBew, named Suana-
Muropue. Between the Cazembe and the kilolos were the musicians,
playing on instruments of divers shapes and sounds, quite dif
ferent from anything the strangers had seen among the other
people they had visited. They were divided into bands ; and,
as each band played its own tune.-.the. effeiit,..ffiaS-anY.thiag...b.iit\.
"¦-harmomous; but. when „one band was heard alone the music
^^.:Qot without sweetness and harmony. -.¦»«».«»»»»««.
Ainoh*^tKe niusicians, and ''hear the Muata, were several
gjijIjffDons, ridiculously (fressed jn, panther^skins, hanging down
IromTheir shoulders, wSIi'the heads of the animals covering
their own heads, the rest of their bodies being naked. Others
had their heads decorated with the horns of animals, and wore
il>a girdle of straw, professedly for the sake of decency, but so
arranged as to be, in fact, indecent. Others had strips of
leather hanging from the waist, but in other respects vvere quite
naked, their bodies being painted all over red and white. And
lastly, some went altogether naked, their heads and faces alone \
being covered with grass. Dressed up in this fashion, these

256 resume' of the JOURNEY
buffoons made all sorts of grimaces, and put themselves into
. the most ridiculous postures, without, however, attracting much,
if any, attention from those present.
The multitude of persons thus assembled, and the great
variety of their costumes, p;figented_^a_jconfag,gd--Mt...most
brilliant .spectacle. The Muata Cazembe. appeared to be about
nfty years of age, but was said to be much older. He had a
^thick beard, which had already turned grey. He was stout and
tall, and in possession of health and agility which gave promise
"^f a long life. His manners were majestic and agreeable, and
iis state and style of living were, in their way, showy. Most
certainly it was not to be imagined that so much etiquette,
ceremony, and ostentation would be met with in the sovereign
of a region so remote from the sea-shore, and among a people
"apparently so savage and barbarous.
When the Portuguese envoy and his escort had come into
the presence of the Cazembe, and advanced between him and
the Kilolos, they halted and presented arms, intimating to the
Mambo that this was intended for him, it being the way in
which they saluted kings and great personages, to which he
•ffesponded with a deep bow and the expression of his thanks.
As they were all standing, the Muata ordered a large tusk of
ivory, covered with a tiger-skin, to be placed at the feet of the
envoy, whom he desired to seat himself on it. But as he had
not done the same to the rest of the party, so that they must
either have remained standing or else have sat down on the
ground, the envoy explained that he could not be seated whilst
the other Mozungos ]'einaffie3°^|raQdmg7such "being contrary to
"theif custom, "aE wtiicH'tTie Muata smiled, and"S"6hT'a ^'ahther'-
•skin for each ot the party.
When they had all taken their seats in front of the Cazembe,
close to the images, he made a slight motion of the head, and
immediately there began a drumming and dancing quite different
from anything the visitors had ever seen anywhere else, which
entertainment lasted a considerable time. "When the Cazembe
Ampata — that is to say, the envoy from the Muata to the Portu
guese Government — who had accompanied the mission from
Itete, came forward and danced before the Cazembe, the latter
'stretched out both his hands towards him and said, " Uavinga,"
which means " Well done ! " this being the greatest honour he
ever showed to any one. On this, that officer and all his suite
prostrated themselves before their sovereign, rubbing their
bodies with earth from the waist to the head, and crying out
repeatedly, "^yerjg,! .avaog.!" (Hailj^hail !) The Mambo
then, turning round towards his courHers^ made a sign to them,
and immediately they all rose and went to salute the Cazembe

OP mm. MONTEIRO AND GAMITTO. 257
Ampata, who, as they approached him, fell down on his knees. All
those of superior or equal rank went up to him, each separately,
and took hold of both his arms, clasping the inner part of the
elbow-joint with the hand, he doing the same to them. The
kil61os of inferior rank, however, did not touch him, but merely
approached him in front, raising both arms in the air with the
hands open, to which he responded in like manner. During the
whole time he remained on his knees, not rising till they had j
allgone through the ceremony of thus saluting him.
The Portuguese envoy then intimated to the Muata that he
also would like to fire a salute, which he approved ; and when
this had taken place he desired that it might be repeated, which
was done accordingly. The solemnity being thus brought to a
close, the Muata dismissed the mission, sending a female slave
as a present to its chief.

( 2n9 )

INDEX.

Abada, or unicorn, 26 n.
Abeokuta, 111 n.
Aboun, Rodi-igo Jose' de, 235, 239, 240.
Abulonga Ancula, Soa of. River, 178.
Acaboiia, lands of, 23.
Aco River, 15, 24.
Adamastor stream, 23.
Aden, British authorities of, 28.
Agbome, capital of Dahome, 43 n.
Agoas altas, 84 n.
Agua de Inglaterra, 75.
Agysimba, ruins of, 7 n., 8 n.
Ahilombe, Fumo, farm of, 172.
Albino, 88 n.
Alexander the Great, 14 and n.
Alexandria, mission station at, 3 n.
Almas, souls or ghosts, 59 n.
Alondas, or Alundas, tribe, 47?;., 104,
207.
Amaro, Jose, the Pombeiro, 167.
Amazons, women porters, 70.
Ambas, or chief officers, 24.
Ambos tribe, 99.
Ambriz River, 20 n.
Amendoim, ground-nuts, 42.
Amtapo Aquilala, farm of, 217.
Amutua, Moanna Mutapa, Chief, 237.
Anbulita Quisosa, farm of, 174.
Anceva Fumo, 101, 108, 110, 112, 113,
115, 116, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,
125, 134, 135, 139, 143, 144, 148,^150.
Ancula River, 181, 213.
Andrade Soccorro, Joao Caetano de,
239.
Angola, copper-mines of, 3 ; negroes of,
16 ; river transit of, 19 n. ; trade of,
20 and n. ; sham permission to pro
ceed to, 135, 137; soldiers deputed
for, 141; obstacles to the Mission,
144, 150 ; arrival of the Pombeiros
from, 168 ; their journal, 189 et seq. ;
documents relative to their journey,
189 et seq.
Angil porridge, 59 ; dough, 72.
AnguUo, Sova, 25 n.
Anguros tribe, 35 n., 81,
Angurucu, Sova, 25 n.
Anibulete Quissosa, 207.

Anpala, Chief, 181.
Anthropophagi, Caffre, 93.
Antonio, Manoel, 239.
" Apostles' street," 12 proposed ^Nilo
mission stations, 3 n.
Aquilala, Tambo, Chief, 185.
Aquino, Jose' Vicente de, 239.
Arab geography, 30 n.
Arachis Bypogxa, 42 n.
Aragao, Leandro Jose' de, 239.
Arambas tribe, 99.
Araujo, Dona Izabel Pereii-a de, 239.
 , Lt.-Col. P. N. V. de, 7, 52,
115, 121, 124, 133, 135, 15G, 163.
 Lacerda, Dona Rita de, 239.
Ardeans, a blue stuff, 56 and n.
Aruangoa, Northern, or Loangwa River,
35 «., 40 n., 84, 85, 89, 156, 160, 161,
194, 230.
 , Southern, or Aroangoa River,
30 n., 35 n., 36, 40 n., 49.
Arunda tribe, 47 n., 55, 124 n.
Ass, the, unkno-wn in Cazembe's coun
try, 251.
Assuan mission station, 3 «.
Assumpcao e Mello, Jose' de, 24 n.
Ataide, Jose Sebastiao de, 46, 233, 235,
236, 239.
Atalaia, or sentinel, 26 n.
Aventureiro, or volunteer, 26 n.
Avila, the, 24.
Aycurii, or Guayouru race, 2.
Azevedo, Constantino Pereira de, 1 69.
 , Antonio de Araujo de, 203.
Azimos, or dead, 127.

Babindele, or Portugue.so, 48.
Bacasacala stream, 180, 212.
Bagre, flsh, 118.
Bahia, 1, 18
Bailundo, 25 n.
Balakahari tribe, 31 n.
Baloch, 63 «., 67 n.
Bamba village, 1 63.
Bambire tribe, 22 n.
Bandeira, Visoount de Sa da, 10, 13,
19 n., 20 »., 22 n., 24 n., 29 n., 30.
S 2

260

INDEX.

Banga Banga, 199.
Bangweolo Lake, 36 n., 47 «., 100 n,
Banyai, 22 n., 67, n. 97 n.
Banyans, 98.
'' Banza," 17 and n.
Baptista, Pedro JoSo, route-journal
from Angola to the Rivers of Senna,
189 et seq. ; questions put to, 198 et
seq. ; route-journal from the lands of
the Muatahianvo to those of the
Cazembe, and to Tette, 203 et seq. ;
notes of the days of journey, 219 et
seq. ; report of journey, 221 ; account
of intercourse with the governor and
other inhabitants of Tette, 233 et seq.
Bar, gold-washing place, 49 n., 70,
163.
Barbosa, Colonel J. P. A., 50 n.
 , J. M. Garcia de Castro, 20 n,
 , Jose d'Oliviera, Capt., despatches
of, 167, 202.
Barcellos, 1.
Baroe people, 44, 70, 83.
Barthema, 26.
Barve, king of, 83.
Batatas, 18.
Batlapi tribe, 31.
Bazizulus, 38 n.
Beadle, B. A., translation of the Pom
beiros' journal by, 1 65 et seq.
Bechwana country, 31.
Bedawin, 26 n., 155.
Begar, forced labour, 19 n.
Beke, Dr. C., resume of the journey of
MM. Monteiro and Gamitto, 245 el
seq.
Belengi, or Belenje, River, 186, 218.
Bemba, or Bangweolo, Lake, 106, 161 n.
Bengeli River, 189.
Benguela country, 13, 24 n., 25 n., 52.
Benin, city, 42 n. ; tribe of, 44 n.
Benlengi River, 190.
Benzi stream, 193.
Bernardino, pilot, 9.
Bidam, a Sterculia, 42.
' Bibliotheca Glottica,' 2.
Bilboes, punishment, 90.
Bissungo Bitlolo, 16 n.
Bive, kinglet, 35, 64, 66.
Bixo, or slave, 66 »., 193, 194,
Bobd, manioc flour, 203.
Boca, 102 n., 109.
Boers, exodus of, 31.
Bolama Islands, 21 n.
Bomba, Cliief, 220.
Bonaparte, dread of, 14 »., 234, 237, "
Bonba, Chief, 199.
Botiam, a stuif, 112 n.
Botombucas, tribe, helots, 77 »., 84.
Bowdich, ]0, 47 n.. 105 ii., 100 n.
Brazil, 16, 59, 71, 90 ¦«.

Briant, Capt., 13.
Brochedo, M. B. T., 22 n.
Brookhouse, Mr., 13.
Bua rivulet, 49, 75, 76, 105.
Bube tribe, 48 n.
Bue River, 196.
Buibui, farm of, 211.
Bumba Ajala, Capoco, 206.
Bunda, 25 n.
Butongas, or freedmen, 58 and n.
Caballeros, or " Mounted Indians," 2.
Cabindas, the, 20 »., 49 n.
Caboamanga, 59.
Cabola, farm of, 218.
Cabomba Salina, 231.
Cabuita Capinda, Ambassador of the
Cazembe, 213, 214.
Cacamuca River 219.
Cacenda, 219.
Cachoeira, cascade, 56 n.
Ca9imbo, dry season, 27, 238.
Cacoata, guide, 224, 225, 229, 230.
Cacomba, farm of, 192.
Caconda Nova, 22 and «., 24.
Caemba, 220.
Csesar, Julius, 14 n.
Caetano, GonQalo, 197, 198.
Caffres, unreliableness of, 4, 89, 91,
157, 161; deity ignored by, 18 m.,
45 n. ; tribes, 34 ; peaceful charac
ter of country Caffres, 52 ; cloth, 56 ;
indolence of, 59, 65, 77, 83, 93; a
well-built -warlike race, 61 ; mode of
killing elephants, 82 ; preference for
tainted meat, 86 ; want of intelli
gence of, 94 ; greeting ceremonies
of, 97 ; circular houses of, 116 ; theii-
thievish character, 119, 160, 163;
polygamy a sign of dignity among,
125.
Caginrige River, 172, 173, 206, 207.
Cahiumbo Camara, farm of, 182, 214.
Cairo, mission station at, 3 n.
Cairaire, farm of, 196.
Oajanus Indicus, 71 n.
Calabar bean, ordeal, 96 n.
Calalimo River, 170, 171, 204.
Calega, Jose' Rodriguez, guide, 8, 67,
73,74, 85, 107, 111, 115, 117, 120,
121, 122, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138,
141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150,
151, 163.
Camango, Chief, 48, 192.
Camarones River, 26 n. ; Mountains,
43 m.
Camatanga, Muene, farm of, 173, 207.
Camba River, 195.
Cambambe, Falls of, 19 n,
Ca Meguigo River, I'JS.
Camicomba River, 190.

INDEX.

261

Camoa River, 177, 210.
Camoens, 29 n.
Camonqueje River, 176.
Campeze, Pumo Chinimba, village of,
94. '¦ '
Camungo, Cliief; farm of, 213.
Camu-sangagila River, 171, 205.
Oanado, beads, 178.
Canaris, foreign tribe, 239.
Canahia River, 170.
Cananga, sister of Cazembe, 226.
Cancaco, halting-place, 175.
Candido, Signor, iSO n.
Candimbo, 22.
Candione slave, 132, 138.
Canengua River, 187.
Cangueli, farm of, 190.
Canhae, the Caffre, 157.
Canhembo, Quilolo, or captain, 104.
 III., 249, 250; IV. and V., 104.
Canina, Chief, 24.
Cannegoa River, 218.
Canoe Indians, 2.
Canonguessa country, 170, 204.
Canpueje, halting-place, 173, 207.
Canpungue, farm of, 186, 187.
Canssuida, 219.
Canutilho, 42 and n., 110 n.
Capaca, elder brother of Cazembe, 226.
Capaca Melemo stream, 174, 208.
Capaco River, 189.
Capangara, 48, 49, 194.
Capangura village, 85, 105.
Capata, farm of, 196.
Capelebanda farm, 194.
Capelema village, 195.
Capendo Hianva, 169.
Capeco Calubunda, Chief, 193.
Cape Town, 20 n.
Capelemena, Chief, 195.
Caperampande, village of, 87.
Caperemera, Chief, 49, 78, 79, 80, 82,
83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 93, 105.
Capire, Serra, 84 n.
Capoco, Quilolo, farm of, 206.
Caponco Bumba Ajala, farm of, 172.
Capotim, a blue stuff, 56 n.
Capueje River, 186, 218.
Capunque, farm of, 218.
Caquietatume stream, 190.
Caquila River, 190.
Caquinga, Soveta, 25 n.
Caquiza JMuegi, farm of, 170, 204.
Cara, Helianthus tuberosus, 71.
Caramuga, 48.
Caraore settlement, 49.
Carapu5a, cap, 127.
Cardoso, Joao, 239.
 , Manuel Jose, 239.
Carlotina, Cordilheira, 84, 105.
Caronga, Mocanda, Chief, 195, 196,

Carrapatos, poisonous ticks, 2.
Carregadores, Negro porters, 20.
Carucuige River, 190 ; Salina, 231.
Caruzissira stream, 68, 105.
Casocoma, farm, 189.
Casamba, Muene, farm of, 173, 207.
Cassa, Muene, farm of, 171, 205.
Cassaco, desert-lodging, 208.
Cassange Factory, 11.
 , Fair of, 20 »., 167, 199, 200, 202,
234.
Cassibo, or Cacimbo, 238.
Castor-oil tree, 42 n.
Catanga, or green stones, 188.
Catara, a grandee, 7, 41, 44, 45, 55, 82,
89, 91, 95, 112, 137, 189, 193.
 Mirimba, 228, 234.
Catetua and Catiza, farm of, 197.
Catonta stream, 177, 210.
Catumbella, 24 n.
Caunda, 48.
Cauril, value of the, 79.
Cauris, or cowries, 41 n.
Cavalleiro, or Equestrian tribes, 89.
Cavenga, 219.
Cavulancango River, 184, 216.
Caxai, 212, 231.
Cayapds tribe, 2.
Cazale River, 172, 205.
Cazembe, King, 4, 7, 8, 33, 35, 36, 38,
41, 42, 43, 45, 50, 55, 65, 70, 72, 87,
94, 95, 96, 100, 101, 102, 103, 109,
no, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120,
121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 130, 132,
1.33, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140,
141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148,
149, 169, 176, 177, 178, 179, 18],
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188,
190, 191, 200, 2U3, 209, 210, 211,
215, 217, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226,
228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 240, 247, 252,
253, 254, 255, 256.
 , city of the, 5, 30, 39, 52, 100,
103 »., 106, 107, 187, 189, 199, 200,
201, 218.
 , farm of, 192, 218.
 , territory of, 231, 233, 248.
 Hunga, 223, 226.
 Leke'za, 248.
Ceara, 19.
Chabanza Mutemba, 227.
Chacabuita, 220.
Chafim stream, 180, 212.
Chaillu, P. du, 25 n., 153 n., 158 n.
Chama Lake, 39 ; country, 98.
Cha Muginga Mucenda, Chief, 176,
177, 209, 222.
" Chamban9ua," war drum, 104.
Chambeze, or Zambeze River, 23 n.,
30 »., 48, 85, 93, 94, 95, 106, 150, 228.
Charpy, Caetan, 66 n.

262

INDEX.

Chatham, Earl of, 93 n.
Checundas, slaves, 119, 134, 140, 150,
161.
Chedima, 22 n., 97 n.
Chempire hill, 248.
Chenene, 49.
Cherim River, 37.
Chevas tribe, 76 n, 161 ii.
Chibanbo, 59.
Chibuery, 125.
Chibuy, Fumo, 122.
Chifuvia, malachite, 130 n.
Chigumunquire stream, 73, 105.
Chiliamono village, 149.
Chiliapaco village, 149.
Chindundo Lupata, 66 n.
Chinguengue, hair-powder, 82 n.
Chinhemeapes, 48.
Chinimbu, or Chinhimba, 7, 55, 72, 131,
132, 135, 139, 147, 152.
Chinti Capenda, Chief, 83 n.
Chipaco village, 48, 75, 149 ; Chief, 00.
Chipoco village, 149.
Chiponda, 70.
Chirando village, 150.
Chire, or Shire, River, 30, 37, 75 and «.,
81, 88, 99.
Chitenga viUage, 77, 105.
Chiti-Muculo, 99 n.
Chobe River, 17 n., 22 n.'
Chrishona Missionaries, proposed Nile
mission stations of, 3 n.
Chuabo, 74 and m., ^70, 171, 172, 173,
174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180,181,182,
185, 186, 194, 237.
Chungu, burial-place of Dr. Lacerda,
148.
 rivulet, locality of Dr. La
cerda's death, 99 n.
Chydeira-mujepo, 48.
Cice River, 25 n.
Cio, farm of, 209.
Citio, or farm, 209.
Coanza River, 3, 17 n., 24, 25 n., 119.
Cobaes tribe, 24, 26.
Cocos nucifera, toddy from, 99 n.
Coghlan, Colonel, 28 n.
Coimbra, 1:
Colaijo, Antonio Salvador, 239.
 , Joao Salvador, 239.
Colonos, or tributary native landholders,'
58 m. '
Comoro Islands, French occupation of,
21.
Condo, 59.
Condua, 152.
Congo, kinglet, 48.
 tribe, 26 n., ii n. ; River, 21, 36 n.
Constancio, 26 m.
Convolvulus Batata, 18, 42, 92.
Cook, Capt., 59.

Oooley, Mr., 11, 15 n., 16 n., 23 n., 25 n.,
30 n., 33 «., 36 n., 37 m., 38 m., 45 n.,
47 m., 48 n., 49 n., 57 m., 58 m., 66
«., 67 )(., 77 «., 81 «., 88 n., 91 m.,
94 m., 95 n., 103 m., 104, 107 n.
Copper-mines, 222.
Corafcio de Jesus, 1.
Corrientes, Cape, rebellion at, 108.
Costa, Caetano da, 9, 138, 143, 144.
 , Dona Anna da, 239.
 , Francisco Honorata da, 11, 167,
235, 236, 241, 242, 243; letter of,
200.
 , Joaquim da, 239.
 , Dona Maria da, 239.
 e Santa Maria, Miguel da, 239.
¦  , Xavier da, 239. .
Coutinho, Francisco Innocencio da
Sousa, Governor of Angola, 15,
20 m.
 , Rodrigo de Sousa, 3, 13, 14 n.
Couto, Da, 66 n.
Cruz, Antonio Jose da. Fort lieutenant,
9, 61, 65, 74, 107, 111, 115, 119, 120,
124, 125, 130, 131, 133, 137, 138,
139, 140, 144, 145.
Cubango River, 17 n., 22 and n.
" Cubata," 17 m.
Cube, 59.
Cuie River, 220.
Cunde Irugo hUl, 47 n., 184, 216.
Cunene River, 3, 22, 23, 24, 29 «., 31,
41, 50.
Cunha, Capt. Joao da, 74, 139.
Cutado River, 22.
Cutaganda, son of, 174, 207.
Cutaqua village, 169.
Cutaquaseja, guide, 179, 203, 214.
Cutaquacexe, farm of, 221.
Cutia River, 25 n.
Cuyaba, 2.
Cyprus, monogamy of, 19 m.

Dahome, 43 m., 44 »., 57 n., 108 m.,
114 n., 140 m. ; King of, 37 «., 101
n.; ' Mission to Dahome,' 7, 40 n.,
81m.
Daramenca River, 196.
Daro, halting-place, 107, 155.
" Dashes," or free gifts, 27, 38 and »,.
Death offerings, 59.
De Castro, P. A., 11.
De la Condamine, 15 n.
Decken, Baron von der, 37 );.
De Jarric, Jesuit, 3, 12, 33 m.
Delgado, Antonio Francisco, 9, 157.
Dembue, 219.
Dende', palm-oil tree, 42.
Dente de marfim miudo, small ivory,
111.

INDEX.

263

Dias, Bartholomew, 16 n.
Diniz, Jose' Pedro, 239.
Doll plant, 71.
Dombo da Guinzamba, sulphur mines
of, 18.
 Dombo, " the Terror," 734.
Donna Maria I., 3 n.
Don Quixote, 93.
Ddrdra, beads, 42.
Dos Santos, 66 n.
Dourada, fish, 85 ii.
Dukhun, 17 n.
Dumbos, plains, 39.
Dm-ante, wooUen stuff, 41, 225.
Eai-th-rubbing, ceremony of, 44 and u.
Eijiguaijigi tribe, 2.
Elieis Guineensis, 42 n.
Elephantes, Rio dos, 22 ra.
Eleusine Coracano, 17 m.
EmpacasseirOjhunter of -wild cattle, 25 m.
Empacasso, gnu or buffalo, 26 m.
Emphyte'osis, land tenure, 59 n.
Encoge Fort, 20 m.
Enhabudos, skin bags, 158.
Erhardt, map of, 161 m.
Estanho, tin, 44.
Pabiao, Caetano, Chief of Squadron, 9,
118.
Fanna, Muene, 220.
Farinha, manioc meal, 100.
Ferreiros, ot smiths, 223.
Fetishes, 45, 126.
Francisco, Anastacio, 236.
Franco, Christovao, 239.
Fraqueza, debility, 75.
Freire, Bernardino, 11.
Freitas, Mr., 11.
Frio, Cabo, 21 m.
Fruter, Dutch Commissioner, 31.
Fuba, maize meal, 59 n.
Fumos, or Mfumos, district chiefs, 62,
68, 87, 97, 154, 163.
Funcpao de pombe, 158.
Funerals, 128.
Gabao, or Gaboon, River, 21 n.
Gaconda, Little Fish Bay, 16 n.
Galangue, 24.
Galveas, Count das, 167.
Giima, Antonio de Saldanha da, 20.
Gambos, or Sambos, the, 24.
Gamitto, see Monteiro.
Ganda, palace, 139 ra.
Gando, farm of, 186.
Ganga Abilonda, 232.
Gango River, 17 ra.
Ganguelas, savage cannibal tribe, 17.
Garcia, Major, 16 ra. „„ ,,_
Gargalheira, chain gang, 90, 155.

Garopa, fish, 118.
Gelele, King of Dahome, 40 ra., 117 «.,
140 n.
Geral, term applied to Do Lacerda, 148.
Gerebita, liquor, 238.
Getim, cloth, 110.
Ghats, or Usagara Mountains, 76 ra.
Gnu, 26 n.
GOa, 34, 235.
Godinho, Manoel, Fray, 3, 12, 30, 37 n.
Godri, quilted coverlet, 159.
Gold-dust mines. 238.
Golungo- Alto, 18 m., 49 ra.
Gomes, Jose Thomaz, 9, 74, 91, 140,
144, 146.
Gona River, 186, 218.
Gondar, 3 n.
Gora, 41, 45.
Gorongozo Mountains, 55 m.
Gova, or Goa, 70 n.
Gra^a, Joaquim Rodriguez, 12, 119 n.
Groat Fish Bay, 16 n.
Great Libata settlement, 25 v.
Greeting ceremonies of Caffres, &c., 97.
Guandu bean, 71.
Guapula, Boapula, or Luapula River,
139 ra.
Guarava River, 47 and m.
Guarda, Joao da, 239.
Guerra Preta, Negro militia, 26 m.
Gurula, Chief, 196.
Haines River, 32.
Hair powder, use of, 82, 87.
Harar, 7 ra.
Harrington, Capt., 13.
Hemosura, or Murusura, River, 38.
Henrique, Don, the Virgin, 14 n.
Hiabenge River, 192.
Hiemba Munda, 221.
Hilton, Mr., 140 m.
Hippocrates, 90.
Holcus sorghum, VJ n., 30.
Horace, 29, 82.
Hottentots, tribe of, 24.
Huita Amatete River, 178, 211.
Huizas, tribe of, 228.
Humbe Grande, 22 and ra.
Hundas, species of duck, 211.
Hunga Amuronga, or Canhembo IV.,
104 m.
Huombia River, 193.
Hyksos, horses introduced into Egypt
by the, 252.
Hytanda, the Cazembe's throne, 112.
lao, or Wahiao, land of the, 39 ra.
Iceland, sparse population of, 19 n.
Impa^eiro, 25 ra.
Impemba, chalk powder, 102 ra.
Imperador, the, 65.

264

INDEX.

Impoane, or Mpoani, the Zanzibar
coast, 57 n.
Inamirombe, boundary hill, 196.
Ingeba River, 169, 203.
Inhacengeira, 60, 105.
Inhambane, 31, 42 ra.
Inharuanga, 49.
Inpume, halting-place, 177, 210.
Insipo, leathern belt, 42 n.
Ircu(;uze River, 84, l05.
Izabuigi stream, 170, 204.
Jaga, or chief, 22.
Jaguars, 2.
Jaua, Java, or Gova, village, 35, 66, 68,
70, 96, 105.
Java mines, 35, 70.
Joaquim, Michael, 239.
.Toanina, Cordilheira, 68.
Joao, Don, 68.
 VII., Regent, 4 n.
Johnston, Mr. Keith, 16 n.
Jose', Anastacio, 11.
.fosefa, Dona Francisca, of Tette, 131.
Juba River, 32.
Junta, 53.
Kabebe town, 41 n.
Kafir- race, see Caffre.
Kamalondo Lake, 36 ra., 47 ra.
Kaole village, 63 ra.
Karagwe, or Karagwah, 100 h.
Kasai, Great, River, 41 ra.
Kasakere, Bushmen, 24 ra.
Katanga, Chief, 30 ra.
Kazeh Arabs, 104 m.
Kebrabasa Rapids, 40 ra.
Keringo station, 39 n.
Khambi, or kraal, 83 ra.
Kbudabakhsh, 10.
Kichhri, 71.
Kilindo, bark boxes, 156 ra.
Kilima-ni, or Quilimane, 22 n., 39.
Kilolos, 256.
Kilwa, 37 m.
Kirk, Dr., 12, 26 m., 43 m., 56 n., 62 ra.,
79 ra., 119 m., 127 n., 132 n.
Kirk's Mountains, 66 ra.
Kisawaliili dialect, 33 ra., 40 »., 75 ra
156 ra.
Kitanda, a cot, 112 ra.
Kiyombo, King, 104 n.
Koii, or score, 141 ra.
Kraal, 83 ra.
Krapf, Dr., 3 and ra., 45 n., 157 n.
Lacerda, Dr. Francisco Jose' Maria de,
birthplace of, 1 ; book of travels, 2 ;
robbed of his papers, 3 ; character of,
5 ; his party, 7 ; amount of his suc
cess, 10 ; preliminary observations

by, 14 et seq. ; information as to the
proposed " Cazembe Expedition," and
instructions issued to his party, 33 ei
seq. ; preparations for the journey, 55
et seq. ; departure of the party, and
journal, 59 et seq. ; end of the journal
and scene of his death, 103 ; diary of
of his journey, 105, 106.
Labour, forced, evils of, 19 n.
Lake regions of Central Intertropical
Africa, 1.
Lama, 39 ra.
Latao, metal, 44 n., 53.
Lavras, or Lovras, gold washings, 197.
Leeambye River, 23 ra., 36 n.
Lemos, Camello Jose de, 235, 239, 240.
Lenjol, 159 m.
Leque'za, Canhembo IV., 104, 250.
Levar, 24 ra
Le-vugo or Revugo River, 97 n.
Liambesi River, 23 ra.
Libambo, slave-chain, 19 ra., 20 n.
"Libata," 17 and ra., 25 ra., 207.
Likuare River, 40 u.
Lima, Lopez de, Capt., 12, 15 ra.
 , Luiz Jose Ferreira, 239, 240.
Linhares, Conde de, 13, 14 ra.
Linyanti, 30 ra.
Lions, dangers from, 101 and /«., 162,
180, 213.
Lisbon, 52, 76.
Little Fish Bay, 16,
Livingstone, Dr., 7 n. , 8 ra., 11, 15 ra.,
20 ra., 22 ra., 23 «., 25 ra., 26 n., 30 ra.,
31 n., 33 ra., 34 ra., 37 n., 38 ra.,
39 n., 40 m.,45 m., 48 ra., 49 ra., 55 ra.,
56 ra., 59 «., 66 m., 67 ra., 70b ., 84 ra.,
85 m., 91 ra., 95 ra., 97 ra., 99 ra., 100 ra.,
112 n., 117 n., 118 n., 128 m., 161 «.,
249.
Loanda, 12 n., 21 ra.
Loango, 21.
Loangwa, 34 ra. ; stream, 40 n.
Lobisa plateau of Livingstone, 85 ra.
Lobo, Caetano Benedito, 239.
Loena, 25 ra.
Loje, fort, 21 m.
Lombimbe, 24.
Lopo Gon<;alves, Cape, 20 ra.
Louren5o Marquez, Bay, 21 ra. 31, 42 ra.
Louvar counti-y, 201.
Loval, 25 ra.
Lualaba River, 177, 178, 179, 180, 222,
223.
Lualao River, 104.
Luane, 70 m.
Luapula River, 38, 39 m., 47 n., 94 ».,
184, 185, 186, 217, 218,
Luarula River, 223.
Lubilaje River, 175.
Lubile River, 175.

INDEX.

265

Lububuri River, 175, 176, 209.
Lubury River, 177, 222, 232, 233.
Luca River, 196.
Luceque, Chief of, 22.
Lucenda, Cazembes city, 103 n., 104.
Lucheringa station, 39.
Luco, millet, 17.
Lucongi, farm of, 215.
Lucingi River, 195.
Luconquessa, farm of, 206.
Lucuale River, 46.
Lucuase River, 40 and n.
Lucuetue River, 191.
Lucunzie River, 195.
Luena River 25 m., 48 m., 151, 190.
Lufira River, Sir Bartle Frere's " Lua
laba," 47 n.
Lufubo River, 186, 218.
Lufula River, 210.
Lufunbo River, 190.
Luiagamara, Chief, 187.
Luiama Cabanba, Chief, 191.
Luiana, or Quiana Acananga, halting-
place, 178.
Luiangue, city of, 196.
Luibue, Chief, 191.
Luigila stream, 178; river-plain, salt
making in, 178, 188.
Luigi River, 219.
Luinhame, Chief, 201.
Luinhiba do Cazembe, farm of, 193, 194,
Luiota, farm of, 192.
Luipiri, desert-lodging, 191.
Luiza River, 41 m., 169, 203, 204.
Lunbanzenge River, 192.
Lunsaja, halting-place, 174, 207.
Luncongi, firm of, 182.
Lunconguoha, 173.
Lunda, or Londo, city, 38 ra., 48 ».,
103 ra., 250 ; River, 189.
Lunfupa or Lufula River, 177.
Lunheca River, 171, 179.
Lunhua River, 169.
Lupata Mountains, 29 ra.
 River, 66 ; Gorge, 64, 105.
Lupulo River, 227.
Lupupa, farm of, 191, 192.
Lutipuca River, 184, 216.
Luvu-i River, 47, 182, 194, 215.
Luy Amboellas, 25 ra.
M***a de Congo, 16 n.
M'vua, hunter or fisherman, 33 n.
Mabobela, desert-lodging, 211.
Macala stream, 193.
Maijamballa, millet, 17 ra.
Macatupa, 48.
Macaxeira, manioc, 101 m.
Macoco, farm of, 198.
Maconde stream, 174, 207.
Machinga, or Maxinga, 58, 88, 105.

Macqueen, Mr. J., 10, 22 ra., 88 n.
Madeira Rio, 59 n.
Magadoxo, 32.
Magyar, Ladislaus, 38 »., 41 n., 104.
Mainato, washing, 141.
Maize, 17 ra.
Makololo, 33 m., 67 m.
Malachite, or Malaquites, 130.
Mambo-a-Chedima, King, 22 n.
Mampur, or Ngami, Lake, 31.
Mamukwend-ashinto stream, 48.
" Maneputo," 16 and n.
Manes of ancestors, worship of, 80, 102.
Manga, region of whites, 109.
Manganja, the, 67 ra.
Manguros, tribe of, 81 and m.
Manila Caffres, 55, 82.
Manicongo, Lord of Congo, 48.
Manilhas, bracelets, 18 m.
Manioc meal, mode of preparing, 100,
101, 129.
Marave Lake, 30 ra.
Maraves, thievish character of the, 5,
61, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74;
cowardice of, 78; villages of, 92;
productiveness of country of, 93 ;
greeting customs of, 97.
Maravi River, misnomer of, 30.
Marenga gold-diggings, 163.
Marenga, or Marengue, Land, 35 and ra.
Marianno, Luis, missionary, 38 m.
Marimba, musical instrument, 112.
Marisana, Cordilheira, 68.
Mai-issa, or Marrisca, district, 238.
Marriage customs of the Mm-undas,
128.
Marungu, or Runangwa, River, 39.
Mascarenahs, Dona Paula, 239.
Mashamos, sepulchres of Muatas, 249.
Massa, manioc dough, 128.
Massanza, royal burial-place, 102 and n.,
249.
Masse, kinglet, 84.
Masungure village, 152.
Matantora, Lupata, 66 ra.
Mate Grosso city, 1, 2.
Mauch, Herr Carl, 8 ra.
Mave, or Muave, ordeal for witchcraft,
96 and m.
Maxamo, royal burial-place, 102m., 127ra.
Maxila de Gondo, a coarse stuff, 127.
Maxinga, farm of Dona Francisca, 64.
 , mines of, 58 and n.
Mayotte occupied by the French, 21 m.
Mazanba, 49.
Mazavamba, kinglet, 35, 84 ; village,
85, 105.
Mazy, kinglet, 35.
Mbarazi plant, 71 ra.
Mediuca, or Mediqua, palm, 43 m.
Mehmandar, strangers' host, 108 ra.

266

INDEX.

Mello Botelho, Dona Anna de, 239.
Messira, or Wasira tribe, 104, 126.
Messire-Chirumba, Chief, 98 ra.
Messum, Mr., 12.
Metempsychosis theory, 129.
Mexicans, despotism and cruelty of, 38 m.
Mfumo, 17 m., 62 ra.
Michonga, Mdr da, Chief Captain of the
Bush, 8, 70.
Milandos Negregados, or palavers, 36
and ra., 45, 62, 66, 74, 111 ra., 116,
132.
" IMilho Burro," maize, 17 ra.
Millet, 17 and n.
Milne-Edwards, M., 252.
Miluana, tribe, 99ra.
Minas, coast of, 21 ra.
Mines, copper, 18 m., 222.
 , gold, 71, 78, 163, 238.
¦  , iron, 18.
Missanga, glass beads, 26 m., 98.
Mitondo, 59.
38 m.
Mobengi, farm of, 192.
 Acalams, Chief, 192.
Mocanda, or Mukando, kinglet, 49, 35,
76, 81, 85, 105, 106, 161; rivulet, 97,
98, 99.
Mo9aiigo, millet, 17.
Mocassa, straw hut, 107.
Mocazembos, head-men of porters, 79.
Mo^aza, royal burial-place, 127.
Mocoanhocas tribe, 24.
Mococorocas tribe, 24.
Moero, Lake, 30 «., 36 m., 39 m., 47 ra.,
139 m.
Mofue, or Mofu, lakelet, 38 ra., 39 ra.,
139 ra.
Mojos, or Moxo.?, Indians, 2, 59.
Molatu, denial of guilt, 4!5 m.
Molembo, or Malemba, Bay, 21 m.
Moluanes tribe, 99 ra.
Mombas Mission, 3, 31 ; map, 161 ra.
Mombasah, 45 m.
Mongazi, or Mongayi, hill-tribes, 67 m.
Monhembas, land of the, 24.
Monomotapa, 3, 22 ra.
Monteiro and Gamitto, expedition of,
7 ra., 10, 11, 16 H., 17 n., 22 ra., 26 ra.,
30, 33 m., 35 ra., 38 ra., 41 n., 42 ra., 43 ra.,
44 ra., 45 ra., 47 m., 48 m., 49 m., 56 m.,
57 m., 58 ra., 59 ra., 60 ra., 62 m., 66 m.,
74 m., 75 m., 76)1., 77 m., 78 m., 81 n.,
82 ra., 84 ra., 85 ra., 86 m., 88 ra., 91 ra.,
92 ra., 96 ra., 97 ra., 99 ra., 101 m., 102 ra.,
103 ra., 109 n., 110 ra., 112 ra., 119 m.,
120 n., 124 ra., 126 n., 130 ra., 132 ».,
136 ra., 148 m., 152 ra., 161 m.
 , Resume of the Journey of, by
Dr. C. T. 6eke, 247 et seq.
Moors, presents to, indispensable, 26.

Moraes e Almeida, Sebastiao de, 49.
Moi-daxim, colic, 75.
Moreira de Barros, Dr., 2.
Moro, Rio, 139.
Mortes, Rio das, 29 m.
Morumbala Mountain, 39 ra.
Morungabambara village, 91, 106;
Chief, 92.
Mosango, millet, 17.
Mossamedes, or Little Fish Bay, 16 m.,
21 ra., 31.
Mossenses, slaves or vassals, 62.
Mossumba, 252.
Moura e Menezes, Dona Francisca
Josefa de, 57, 58, 70, 72, 236,
239.
.  , Dona Filippa de Antonia, 59 n.,
239.
 , Dona Thomazia Ritta de, 239.
Mouro-Atchinto, -village of, 98.
Mouro, Fumo, 100.
Mouva River, 187, 188, 189 ; river-plain,
218.
Mexico, Chief, 199.
Moxos, or Mojos, Indians, 2 ; province,
59.
Mozambique, 3, 16, 21, 23, 25, 34, 46,
53, 55, 56, 59, 62, 65, 76, 96, 98, 235,
241.
 , Captain-General of, 113, 131.
 Channel, 22.
 , variation in value of coin of,
62 ra.
Mozimos, ancestral Manes, 102.
Mozungos, 256.
Mpoani, the Zanzibar coast, 57 ra.
Msene, 92 m.
Mtape, Muene, 22 ra.
M'tope, Nyanja ya, 39.
Muagi Salina 231.
Muana Auta Chief, 181, 214.
Bluangi River, 190.
Muaringombe, chief wife of the Muata,
254.
Muary Agoia, lodging-place, 177, 210.
Mualavanvo Muncanza, 231.
 , Mufumba of, 221.
Muave ordeal, 96 m.
Muaxi, farm of, 183, 185, 215.
Muaxy IMajano, Chief, 183.
Muaza Muranga, farm of, 194.
Muazabanba, farm of, 193, 194.
Mucanzo, or Muconzo, fine cloth, 108.
Mucary, Fair- of, 236.
Muchito Agumbo, desert-lodging, 190.
Mucazambos, or Mocazambos, faithful
men, 66, 79, 228.
Muceba, Chief, 193 ; farm of, 194.
Muchaquita, farm of, 217.
Muchinga Mountains, 36 m.
Muchingua, or Muxinga, Serra, 88.

INDEX.

267

Muconcota, Chief, 174.
Muconzo, gala dress, 42, 108, 126.
Mucungure, kinglet, 88, 89, 155; village
of, 154.
Mucuru, or Mukulu, 39 n.
Muembas, 99 ra.
Mue-me River, 170, 204.
Muenepanda village, 48; Chief, ISS,
190, 227, 228.
Muenebuto, the, 48, 116, 119, 120, 125,
187.
Muene Cahuenda, farm of, 170, 204.
 Mene, farm of, 172, 206.
Muenempanda, Cazembe's Commander-
in-Chief, 110, 120, 149; ViUage of,
14S.
Mufira River, 47.
Mufumbe River, 215.
Mugruve, 48.
Muigni Kidogo, slave, 10.
Muilachiutu village, 149.
Muine-Maxamo, mortuai-y guardian
priest, 103.
Muire, Chief, 178 ; lord of the copper-
mines, 211.
Muiro Aquito, Chief, 191.
 , farm of, 189.
Muizas, thievish character of the, 5, 33,
36, 37 ; teeth-jagging custom of, 45,
88; manufacturing capabilities of,
71 ; courage of, 74 ; cannibals, 75 ;
wood-dust, hair-powder of, 82, 87;
iron furnaces of, 90 ; hut-dwellings,
of, 92 ; contest with, 139 ; drunkenness
and insolence of, 150 ; poisoned
arrows of, 153.
Mujao tribe, 35 and m., 37, 98.
Mujanos, the, 81.
Mukulu, or Mucuru, River, 39 n.
Mulatto, 140.
Muleque, or slave boy, 66 m., 229.
Mulonga Amcula stream, 178, 211.
Muncuzu River, 172.
Munglue', halting-place, 151, 152.
Munhaes tribe, 97.
Munhage, guide, 229.
Munhango River, 25 n.
Munxaqueta, Chief, 185.
Murambalo village, 69.
Murimbala range, 39 ra.
Murimos, dead, 127.
Muromo, royal permission of intercourse,
102.
Muropue, Muropde, or Maropoe, the,
38, 41, 47 m., 48, 49, 104, 169.
Muropue, Sana, 38 and m., 147, 148.
Murucuxy River, 181, 214.
Murumbo, farm of, 186, 218.
Murundas, or Lundas, tribe, 124, 126,
127.
Murusura River, 38 and ra.

Musneputo, 182.
Musoro Anhata, farm of, 198.
Musula Aponpo, desert-lodging, 177,
Musumbe River, 183.
Mussassa, or kraal, 83 and »;., 127.
Mussidansaro, or Mossidansaro, 70, 72,
131, 132.
Mussucuma tribe, 94 and m., 99.
Mutemba, Quiota, 225.
Mutumbuca tribe, 77 and n.
Muxinga, 88.
Muzambazes, or Mo9ambazes, trading
slaves, 35, 66 ra.
Muzaranba, kinglet, 160.
Muzengos, or Muzungos (whites), 48
and ra., 74, 108, 109, 125, 140.
Muzimos, Manes of ancestors, 80.
Mwata yil Nvo, King, 36 m., 38 /(., 40,
41 „., 104.
Nagli, East Indian plant, 17 ra.
Nanjaeja Matope, 39.
Nano country, 24 and ra.
Napier, Sir Charles, his " bit of soap "
equipment, 28 m.
Napoleon Buonaparte, 14 ra.
Negro, Cabo, 16, 24.
 , Rio, peculiar salt made at, 76.
Negroes of Benguela, character of, 16.
Neves, Das, J. A., 10, 33 ra.
Ngami Lake, 22 ra.
Nhamudoro bean, 71.
Nhaufa Fatiola, 59, 105.
Nhanja Grand River, 30 m., 81 ii,.
¦ Mocuro, or Mucuro, Lake, 30 ra..

31

- Pangono, 31 n.

Nhanza-Mpote, or Nyanza Mputo,
River, 119.
Nharugue, 188.
Nhassangeira, or Inhacengeira, 64,
105.
Nhumbo, or gnu, 26 v.
Nhunque, 193.
Nile, 1 2 mission stations of the, 3 ra.
Nolasco dAraujo, Pedro, 7, 61, 68, 69,
73, 77, 103, 107, 115, 124, 135, 136,
142, 144, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 157,
158, 159, 160, 161, 162.
Noronha, Antonio de, 234.
 , Don F. A. S. de. Governor of
Angola, 4, 167.
Nourse River, misnomer of, 22 m., 29 m.
Novaes, Paulo Dias de. Governor of
Angola, 25 ra.
Nunes, Luiz, 239.
Nyanja ya M'tope, 39.
Nyanja Mucuro Lake, 30.
Nyanza, 39, 119.
Nyare, wild cattle, 25 m.

268

INDEX.

Nyassa Lake, 30 ra.,
'75 ra., 81 ra., 99 ra. '

32, 33, S9, 50 m..

Oeiras, ironworks of, 18 n.
Oias, Jose, 239.
Ojimbe'si, or Zambesi, 23 n.
' O Muata Cazembe,' history of the Ca
zembe, 103 n.
Onze River, 20.
Ophir, 55 ra.
Orange River, 31.
Ovampos, country of, 16.
Owen, Capt., k.n., 29 m., 31, 32.
 , Professor, 252.
Padrao, memorial pillar, 16 ra.
Padron, Cape, 20 m.
Pagne, or panno, 136.
Palma Christi, or castor-oil tree, 42 ra.
Palmeira mansa, cocoa-nut tree, 99.
Pande, Chief, 181, 182, 214.
Panel dodge. 111 m.
Panicum spicalum, 17 ra.
Panno, or pano, unit of value, 17, 79 n.,
136, 141 m.
Pannos de velorio, 110 and ra.
Panpaje River, 190.
Para, supposed birthplace of De La
cerda, 1.
Parusoca, 48.
Pasnicheiro, 49.
Patamares, messengers, T9.
Paulistas, 1, 93.
Paulo, Sao, province of, 2.
Payagua tribe, 2, 89.
Pea-nuts, 42 n.
Pedras de cores, stoneware beads, 127,
135.
 de Ponguandongo, fortified fort,
15 and m.
Pedro, Don, 3 ra.
 , Frei, the Pombeiro, 8 ; his his
tory of the Cazembe, 103 m.
 , the Pombeiro, 49 ra., 104, 167.
Pemba, sister of the Cazembe, 185, 217.
223.
Pembera^ao, 125.
Pemberar, to dance for joy, 112.
Pendes, fish, 85 ; ingots, 110.
Pennisetum, 17 m.
Pequizo, 59.
Pereira, Alexandre de Araujo Laceria
Coutinho, 239.
 of Dr. Livingstone, 33 m.
 , Joao da Cunha, Captain, 8, 60,
69, 107, 111, 113, 114, 131, 133, 138,
142, 143.
Pereira, Manoel Caetano, guide, 8, 34,
35, 36, 40, 57, 76, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94,
100, 102, 137, 138, 230.

Pereira, Goncjalo Caetano, " the Terror,"
guide, 7, 33 and m., 34 and ra., 35, 46,
64, 65, 70, 73, 85, 107, 111, 113, 114,
115, 120, 122, 131, 133, 134, 140,
148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154,
156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162,
167, 228, 230, 233, 235, 236,

147,155,163,239.

 , Jeronymo, Col., Governor of
Mozambique, 4, 56.
Perez, Pero, 93.
Peruvians, civilization of, 38.
Philip of Macedon. 14.
Pindwe, pea-nut, 42 m.
Pintd, Francisco Joao, chaplain, 5, 7,
60 ; diary of, 107-164, 248.
Pii-es, or Peres, Vasco Joaquim, Ensign,
9, 74, 115, 119, 131, 133, 137, 139,
148, 152.
Pistache nut, 42 ra.
Playfair, Capt., 28.
Pliny, 59.
Pocue', knives, 43.
Polygamy, 19 ra.
Pombe, or Ponbe, 43 and ii., 59, 87,
100, 120, 126, 128, 129, 147, 158,
176, 181, 186, 187.
Pombeiros, native travelling traders,
11,12, 35 ra., 47 m., 49 m., 66 ra., 79,
104 ra., 119 m., 135 m.
 , journey of the, 165 et seq.
Ponda, farm of, 196.
Porcelanas, 110.
Porto FeUz, 2.
 , A. F. F. da SUva, trans- African
journey of servants of, 12.
Portuguese paupers, 72.
Prazos da Coroa, estates held chiefly by
-women, 58 m., 60 n.
Presidios, or fortified posts, 3, 31.
Principe Island, 21 m.
Pungo-Andongo, 19 n.
Puto, meaning of, 17 m.

Quadros, Vinoente Antonio de, 239.
Quanza, or Coanza, River, 25 m.
Quebonda, river-plain, 177, 210.
Querimba River, 37 ra.
Quiabela Mucanda, town, 175.
Quiaca, Sova, 26.
Quiamaungo, Quitamba, 225.
Quiamuomba, Quitanga, Chief, 195 ;
River, 197.
Quiana Acananga, lodging, 211.
 Catanba, Chief, 227.
Quibanga River, 194.
Quibenla River, 208.
Quibiry Quitambo Quiamacungo, gate
keeper of the Cazembe, 219.
Quiboque, Sova, 25 ».

INDEX.

269

Quibulia, 25 m.
Quiburi, or Queburi, Governor of the
Salina, 119, 178, 179, 188, 212, 222.
Quiceres Quiamorilo, farm of, 195.
Quidano, or Quidaxi, halting-place,
182, 214, 215.
Quigila Salina, 231.
Quihona, farm of, 189.
Quilengues, the, 24.
Quilimane Fort, 22, 39, 40, 42 n.. 46, 51,
53, 55, 56.
Quilolo, or captain, 104.
Quilomata, 24.
Quimana River, 214.
Quinhama, Sova, 25 m.
Quinhata, the slave, 232.
Quiocola, Chief, 185.
Quiota, farm of, 192.
Quipaca Anguenga River, 175, 208.
Quipire, desert-lodging, 188.
Quipungo stream, 170, 204.
Quipungos, the, 24.
Quirando, Chief, 228.
Quiria^a, mess of meat, &c., 128.
Quissacanhi, farm of, 218.
Qusbela, or Quibenla, River, 174.
Quitata, Sova, 24.
Quitundos, tree-bark boxes, 156.

Saphia vinifera, or Devil's Palm, 43 m.
Ravenstein, Mr., 38 ra., 39 «., 48 m.
Eebello, Mathias Jose', 239.
Regulo, kinglet, 47, 66.
Eeis Moreira, Dona Leonarda Oitavi
anna dos, 239.
Remimba River, 85, 105.
Reu River, 174, 208.
Revugo, or Levugu, River, 97 ra.
Reza, divinity, 127.
Ricena rivulet, 97, 106.
Rilomba River, 181.
Rio Grande, 59 n.
Rio de Janeiro, 62.
Eios de Sena, Governor of, 86, 167.
Roando River, 171, 205.
Roanga the Little, Eiver, 194.
Roapura Eiver, 47 and ra.
Roarro Grande, 48 and ra.
Roborac9ao, betrothal, 128.
Eock fish, 118.
 salt, 188.
Eodrigo, Serra, 90, 106.
Eofoi, River, 47 and n.
Roncalha Azid, 26 m.
Ropele River, 209.
Ropoeja River, 175, 208.
Roscher, Dr., 37 m.
Rova River, 171, 205.
Roveu River, 49.
Ruanceze River, 48 n,

Ruanga River, 48, 49.
Euanzeze River, 98, 106.
Ruareze Eiver, 76 ra.
Rubinba Eiver, 194.
Eucure River, 98, 106.
Eugurue Eiver, 94.
Euena Eiver, 48.
Ruia River, 49 n.
Russell, Dr. W. H., 97.
Euminda, 49.
Eungo Eiver, 191.
Eupele Eiver, 175.
Ruy Perez, Cape, 32.
Ruy, or Ruui, streams, 75.

S'a Leone, 95 n.
Sabarreiros, Joaquim Correa Craveiro,
236, 239.
Salema, Jos^ Vicente Pereira, 7, 74 and
«., 103, 121, 133, 135, 137, 140, 142.
Salt, scarcity of, 76; mode of obtain
ing, 178, 223.
Salvador, Sao, colony, 1.
Samba, Muene, Chief, 232.
Sambos, 24.
Sana Muropiie, 111, 116, 118, 120, 122,
123, 124, 130.
Sansa River, 49.
Santos e Silva, Manoel dos, Lieut., the
Receiver, 9, 74, 107, 108, 109, 111,
113, 115, 118, 131, 133, 143, 145,
146.
Santos, Ignacio Gomes dos, 239.
San Pedro Eiver, or Eio Grande do
Sul, 27.
Sao Paulo, city, 1.
Sao Salvador, 1.
Sapa-janjala road, 24.
Saruas, disease, 2.
Sathanas, thraldom of, 6.
Sawahii country, 112 m.
Sechwana language, 31.
Sego Factory, 21 m.
Seguati, or saguate, gifts, 38.
Sena Caffres, 58.
Sena, Eios da, 22, 23, 25 »., 26, 39, 44,
46, 55, 61, 70, 71, 80, 81, 241.
 , gold mining operations on the
71.
Sengas, country of the, 161.
" Sertanejos," meaning of, 4 n., 17 m.,
21, 25.
" Sertanista," 17 m.
Sezao, or seasoning fever, 73.
Shevas tribe, 49 m.
Shire Eiver, 30 ra., 37 ra., 39, 75, 81, 88,
99 m.
Shirwa Lake, 30 ra.
Silva, Paulo da, 9, 138, 143, 225.
 Teixeira, Alexandre da, 24 n.

270

INDEX.

Silveira e Silva, Jose' Thomaz Gomes
da, Fort-adjutant, 9, 133, 136, 139,
141, 146.
" Sitting on Pombe," 120 m., 158.
Smith, Wayland, 44 m.
Snake, huge, 2.
Soana Ganga, farm of, 173, 206.
.  Mulopo, 171, 227.
Sofala, possibly " Ophir," 55 ra.
SofaUa territory, 238.
Solons, savage, 118.
Somalis, country of, 28 n.
Somerville, Dutch Commissioner, 31 .
 , Mrs., 16 ra.
Sota, Chief, 184.
Sousa Braganpa, Dona Paulina Anna
de, 60, 61.
 , Dona Anna Sebastiao de, 239.
 , Dona Izabel Anna de, 239.
 , Jose' Dias de, 239.
 e Vasconcellos, Jose Victor de,
163.
Sorcerers, burning of, 96 and ra.
" Sovas," or chiefs, 16 and ra., 19.
" Sovetas," vassals, 16.
Speke, Capt., 31 ra.
 and Grant, 118 ra.
Spies, employment of, 7 and n., 41
and n.
Sm-a wine, 43 and m., 99 and ra.
Table Bay, 20.
Tanganyika Lake, 18 m., 33 m,, 39 n.,
42 m., 47 m., 73 m., 81 m., 98 n.
Tanjina, Madagascar ordeal, 96.
Taubat6, 2.
Tchad, Lake, 29 m.
Teeth-jagging, custom of, 45.
Tembe, house, 114.
Tete, 5, 30, 39 m., 42 m., 49, 51, 55, 56,
59, 63, 64, 65, 85, 87, 89, 103, 105 «.,
106 m., 112, 121, 125, 133, 138, 141,
163, 233.
Tette, meaning of, 56 m.
Thome', S., island of, 21.
Thiir plant of Hindostan, 71 ra.
Tie'te River, 2.
Tombocapao, 125.
Trastes, trade "notions," 41.
Trombas, Rio, 22 m. ; ferries of, 29 n.
Tsenga, or Zdnga, 161 m.
Tucorim, cloth, 112 ra.
Tungalagaza tribe, 188.
Uchinda, wild palm, 99.
Uemba tribe, 99.
Ugali, porridge, 59 ra.
Ugogo country, 76 m., 84 n. ; people,
82 ra.
Uhyao, land of tho AValiiao, 39 n.
Ujiji, 84.

Ulenge, Lake, 36 m.
Undi, Chief, 67 m.
University Missionaries, 37 m.
Unyamwezi, 22 ra., 81 m., 82 m., 92 m.,
94 ra., 100 m., 114 n.
Usagara Mountains, 67, 76.
Usenda, supposed name of Cazembe's
city, 104.
Usukuma, 94.
Uzereze, or Ruareze, Eiver, 76, 105.
Vacira tribe, 104 m., 126.
Valdez, M., 11, 22 ra., 24 m.
Varoondas people, 47 ra.
Vasconcellos, Alexandi-e J. B. de, 24 ra.,
29 ra.
 e Sousa, Jose Victor de, 163.
Vaviza, or Vavua, people, 33 m., 49.
Velasco, Pedro Xavier, Chief Sergeant,
8, 52, 61, 74, 76, 77, 99, 101, 114,
115, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 130, 133,
134, 135, 138.
 , Letter of, to the Home Govern
ment, 164.
Velorio, beads, 26 m., 67, 78, 85, 98, 112,
127, 137, 141.
Vergas, copper anklets, 18.
Vei-melhao, wood powder, 127.
Viagem h contracosta, 3, 12.
Viajantes Arundas, 47 ra.
" Victor of Asia," 14.
Victoria Nyanza Region, 30 m.
Vieyra, 26 m.
Villas Boas, Antonio Norberto Barbosa
de, 234, 237.
Vinde, kinglet, 35.
Vua, rain or river, 75 n.
Wabisa, or Wabisha, 33 ra., 45 ra.
Waghorn, Lieut., 3.
Wagogo tribe, 78.
Wahiao tribe, 37, 39 ra., 81, 9S ra.
Wakhutu, 96 ra.
Wales, Prince of, 251.
Waller, Rev. Horace, 23 ii.
Wamanga Arabs, 109 ra.
Wanyamwezi tribe, 33 ra.
Wanyika ti-ibe, 26 m., 45 n.
War camp, Cazembe'.?, 226.
Wasira tribe, 104.
Watuta ti'ibe, 43 m.
Wazaramo tribe, 61. >
Webbi Gamana, 32.
White River, 209.
Witchcraft, ordeal for, 96 and n.
Wizards, supposed, 117.

Xaraos, Lake, 2, 89.
Xaile, red cloth, 79.

INDEX.

Xiara, 4S.
Xibuiri, Shibuiri, or Quiburi, River,
119.
Xiraro, or Shiraro, Cafire oflicer, 114.
Xire River, see Shire.
Xirfiros, or Shire' men, 142.

Yabenzi River, 23 n.

Zabumbas, tomtoms, 44.
Zaehaf Lake, the Nyassa, 30, 32, 37 ra.
Zaflan, or Nyassa, Lake, 30.
Zaire Eiver, 21 m., 22.
Zambeze River, Upper, 30.

Zambeze River, 1, 22, 23 ra., 25 n., 29
ra., 30 ra.. 35, 36, 37, 38 ra., 39, 47, 48,
51, 60, 70, 76, 91 ra., 93, 94, 151, V.\^,
230, 247.
Zamzimbar, Zanzibar Island and coast,
57.
Zanzibar, 18 ra., 34 ra., 37, 43 n,, 57,
03 n., 73 ra , 83, 95, 98, 141 /i.
" Zea maize, ' 17 ra., 48.
Zebra, the, 20.
Zimbabye ruins, 8 m.
Zimbawc, or Zimboe, 91 and n., 101.
Zuarte, cotton cloth, 17, 56 ra., 79.
Zulus, 38 ra.
Zumbo, colony, 1, 7 »., 35 «, 86, 238.
Zuiza, or Luiza, River, 170.

THE END.

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3 9002 00582 6921 .p