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OF

THE LIFE

OF

THE RIGHT HONORABLE
WILLIAM PITT.

He governed the kingdom so long, " that the various passions of
men mingled, and, in a manner, incorporated themselves with eveiy
thing that can be said or written concerning him."
Lord Chesterfield of Sir Robeut Walpole,

PHILADELPHIA :
PRINTED BY B. GRAVES,
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1806.

ANNALS OF THE
RIGHT HONORABLE
WILLIAM PITT.

The life of WILLIAM PITT contains so much of the
public and so little of the private man in its events, that,
the reader will pardon our entering upon some illustration of the
plan, the aim, and scope of this rapid sketch, before he pro
ceeds, lest he should expect anecdotes where he will encounter
orations, and incidents where he will but meet with opinions.
Aware of the great difficulty at this moment of representing
this illustrious character in an historical form, the following
pages will be found to contain all the leading features in their
native figure and proportion. The senate has been the great
theatre where the abundance of his early cultivation, of his
uncommon mind, and of his unbounded application, formed into
maxims of policy, and digested into systems of government, was "
displayed and promulgated. To this source the editor has prin
cipally applied ; and it is only where Mr. Pitt's speeches do not fur-
nish the information necessary to complete the views of the work,
that he has had recourse to the best historians of the times.
William Pitt was the joungest son of the illustrious Earl Chatham,
and was born on the 28th oF'May, 1759, at a time when his
father's glory was at its zenith ; and when, in consequence of the
wisdom of his councils, and the vigour and promptitude of his
decisions, British valour reigned triumphant in every part of the
globe. t£h the accession of his present majesty, that great statesman, in
consequence of new arrangements, retired from the station which he
had so honorably filled, and consigning his elder sons to the care of
others, he devoted his own time to the education of this hjg. favorite
child, on a strong and well-founded persuasion (as he was in the
habit of saying) that " he would one day increase the glory of the
name of Pitt."
His classical knowledge Mr. Pitt acquired under the care of a
private tutor at Burton Pynsent, the seat of his father j and the

4 THE LIFE OF A. 1780.
Earl took pleasure in teaching him, while still a youth, to argue
with logical precision, and to speak with elegance and force.. He
accustomed him to the practice of making accurate enquiries re
specting every subject that caught his attention, and taught him
not to remain" satisfied with a superficial observation of appear
ances. These lessons brought him into an early practice of cool
and patient investigation, rarely, if ever, acquired by those who
prefer the trappings of eloquence, and the showy ornaments of
language, to plain sober diction, and pertinent matter of fact.
Under such an able paternal guide, an acute mind could not fail
to imbibe a store of sound practical knowledge. The Earl saw
in his son a future statesman, and, in all probability, a future
minister of his country also. It. was a laudable ambition, and to
gratify it he spared no exertions ; directing his whole attention to
the great object of rendering his son accomplished in all things
requisite to form a public character, and to preserve the lustre
already attached to the name of William Pitt. He, himself, fre
quently entered into disputations with him, and encouraged him
to converse with others, upon subjects far above what could be
expected from his years. In the management of these arguments,
his father would never cease to press him with difficulties ; nor
would he permit him to stop, till the subject of contention was
completely exhausted. By being inured^ t0 this method, the son
acquired that quality which is of the^first consequence in pub
lic life. ...a sufficient degree of firmness, "and presence of mind, as
well as a ready delivery, in which he was wonderfully aided both
by nature and education. That he might enjoy all the benefits of
instruction which this country could give him, and at the same
time, by a rapid progress in the preliminary studies, qualify him~
self early for the senate, lie was, at between fourteen and fifteen
years of age, taken from under ttie private tuition of the Rev.
Mr. Wilson, and entered at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, where
he was placed under the tuition of Dr. Turner, now Dean of
Norwich, and Doctor Pretyman, the present bishop of Lincoln;
who, in the dedication of his excellent elementary work on
Christian Theology, has, in terms of very affectionate regard, borne
the most honorable testimony, not only to the promising abilities,
but to the private virtues and amiable dispositions of his illustrious
pupil. Mr. Pitt was afterwards entered a student of Lincoln's Inn, and
made> so rapid a progress in his legal studies, as to be soon called
to the bar, with every prospect of success. He once or twice went
upon the western circuit, and appeared as junior counsel in several
causes. On the dissolution of parliament in September, 1780, Mr. Pitt
was returned for a borough, at the age of 22. Some of his friends
at Cambridge proposed that lie should become a candidate for that
University, but he declined the honor, because it was not una
nimously offered. The opinion of his talents entertained by his
illustrious father, and the sedulous cultivation the Earl had

A. 1782. WILLIAM PITT. 5
bestowed upon his favorite son, were publicly known. The ex
pectations of all ranks and parties were aroused in his favour. Mr.
Burke's plan of a reform afforded Mr. Pitt the opportunity of
making his first important speech in the house. It will be recol
lected that Lord_North was at the head of_administration. Mr. Pitt,
therefore, appeared on the side of opposition. He did not, how
ever, connect himself with any of its members as a party, but like
his father, he trusted to himself. In the speech, v/hich he now
delivered, Mr. Pitt fully justified the public anticipation, and
was considered an important accession to parliamentary ability.
In 1782 terminated the administration of Lord North, and
during an adjournment that of LQrd Rockingham was formed.
Mr. Pitt had voted against Lord North's system and measures,
but never formed any connection with the Rockingham confe
deracy, and accepted no place. Young as this gentleman was, he
had studied moral and political philosophy more thoroughly than
most of the ablest men of the time, though of riper experience.
He had accurately investigated the history, . detail and spirit of
the British constitution, and comprehended its objects, princi
ples and actual state; he conceived it to be the highest effort of
human wisdom, and its support essential to the prosperity and
happiness of the nation. He saw that, notwithstanding the ex
cellence of our polity, various corruptions had arisen, and vari
ous evils had issued from its legislature, very pernicious to the
country. Considering one of the chief advantages of our sys
tem to be the equipoise of the component estates, he imputed
recent measures and miscarriages to a derangement in the proper
balance. Like other young men of lofty genius, not yet ma
tured in the practice of affairs, in devising a corrective he, formed
theories which subsequent experience could not entirely con
firm. There was in many parts of the kingdom a dispositon of
election franchises totally disproportionate both to numbers and
to property ; and hence there appeared to be a defect in the re
presentation of the commons of England. This inequality was
founded neither on alleged merits, nor property on the part of
the electors. In a considerable number of boroughs, there was
not only a paucity of voters, but the few that enjoyed franchises
were in such a state as to render them in a great measure depen
dent on individuals. As there were evidently very great abuses
in the administration of affairs, and as parliament appeared in
many instances to have sanctioned measures detrimental to the
country, it was natural to impute the conduct of part of the ma
jorizes to the corrupt influence of the crown, and the efficacy
of ministerial seduction. To remove the supposed source of evil,
many patriotic men projected ' a reform in parliament. Lord
Chatham had been favourable to an alteration in this department
ef the constitution : his son formed the same general opinion.
He, therefore, resolved to propose some plan for meliorating the
representation. Aware, however, of the delicate ground on
a 2

6 , THE LIFE OF
which he trod, he proceeded very cautiously. Intending to in
vestigate facts before he drew a conclusion or constructed
schemes, he confined himself to a motion that a committee should
be oppointed to enquire into the state of the representation in
parliament, and to report their sentiments to the house. This
was however negatived.
The Rockingham administration was soon after dissolved by
the death of the Marquis, and the appointment of Lord Shel
burne in his place ; the other members of the cabinet resigning
their offices, Mr. Pitt accepted the office of chancellor of the
exchequer  This year put an end to the war with America; the
independence of that country being acknowledged, preliminary
articles were signed on the 30th of November.
Lord Shelburne, though a man of considerable political know
ledge, and particularly distinguished for an -intimate acquaintance
with foreign affairs, yet found from the great talents of his
opponents, who were ranked under Lord North in one division,
and under Mr. Fox in another," that without some accession of
political strength he should be incapable of retaining his situa
tion. Despairing of a re-union with those from whom he had
so 'ately separated, he made overtures to the»party which he bad
uniformly opposed. Mr. Pitt candidly bestowed a just tribute
of praise on Lord North, but declared his determination never
to be a member of a ministry in which that statesman should
bear a part. It may indeed be fairly inferred from the conduct
of Mr. Pitt, that he thought it wiser to stand upon political
talents and character, than to seek the props of coalitions and
combinations. Various reports were now spread concerning
the intention of both the respective parties and individual mem
bers ; all eyes were turned to the approaching meeting of parlia
ment. Parliament having met on the 9th of July, for the first
time after the change, Mr. Fox undertook to explain the motive
of his late resignation. It had (he said) been understood by
Lord Rockingham's friends, that Lord Shelburne had, on coming
into office, acceded to their measures ; that he had sacrificed
his own opinion respecting the independency of America to
the sentiments of his colleagues ; but Mr. Fox found that
totally different principles were adopted which he would not
then detail, and thought it his duty to resign. He pledged
himself, when circumstances would admit of a particular state
ment of his reasons, to prove that they were well founded.
... Mr. Pitt arraigned the conduct of the late secretaiy of state in
the severest terms. It was evident', he said, from'the ^liole
tenor of the right honorable gentleman's speeches, tlrat he was
more at variance with men than with their measures. He denied
that lie had adduced any public ground on which his resignation
was justifiable. He deprecated the fatal consequences of dis-
sention. lie conjured the people to give the ministers their
confidence till they had shewn that tbey did not deserve it; and

A 1783. WILLIAM PITT. 7
he pledged himself, in the most solemn manner, that, whenever
he saw things going wrong, he would first endeavour to set them
right; but failing in that effort, he should be the first to relinquish
his present political connections. In consequence of the cen^
sure passed on the peace by the resolutions of the house of com
mons on the 21st of February, 1783, Lord Shelburne quitted his
office of first commissioner of the treasury, and the chancellor of
the exchequer declared publicly in the house, that he only held
his place till a successor should be appointed to fill it. A mi
nisterial interregnum ensued, which lasted till the beginning of
April. Mr. Pitt then acquainted the house, that he had resigned
his office of chancellor of his majesty's exchequer. On the 2d
of April a new administration was announced, of which the fol
lowing persons formed the cabinet: the Duke of Kortland, Lord
North, Mr. Fox, Lord J. Cavendish, Lord Keppel, Lord Stormont,
and the Earl of Carlisle.
On the fth of May, Mr. Pitt made a motion respecting the
reform of parliamentary representation ; the mode intended last
year of examining the subject by a committee, was Recounted
too general, he therefore designed to bring forward specific pro
positions. The object of the first was to prevent bribery at
elections, the second proposed to disfranchise a borough which
should be convicted of corruption ; but that the minority of
votes should be recompensed : his third proposition was, that an
augmentation of the knights of shires, and representatives of the
metroplis should be added to the state of the representation.
He left the number for future discussion, but said he should
recommend one hundred. The arguments both for and against
a parliamentary reform were nearly the same as in the preceding
session, but the supporters constituted a smaller proportion; the
_majority against the reform were two hundred "and ninety-three.
to one hundred and forty-nine. It was in this session that the
consideration of India affairs first afforded to Mr. i Dundas an
opportunity of completely exhibiting his powers and habits.
During the administration of Lord North, his abilities were but
imperfectly known, because occasion had admitted of only par
tial exertion He was distinguished as a clear, direct and forci
ble reasoner; but he had not yet shewn his abilities as a statesman.
In the India enquiry he manifested the most patient, constant
and active industry to investigate ; penetrating acuteness to dis
cover the nature and situation of affairs, enlarged views to com
prehend their tendency, and fertile energetic invention to devise
regulations, both for correction and improvement. Mr. Dundas
indeed, when in opposition to ministers, whose means of pro
curing their offices he did not approve, v as far from considering
invectives against administration, as the chief bush, ess of a mem
ber of parliament. He planned and proposed himself, much oftener
than he censured the propositions and schemes of others.

8 THE LIFE OF A. 1783.
Parliament assembled on the 11th of November, and soon
afforded an opportunity of considering the views of administra
tion. His Majesty's speech was short, but extremely compre
hensive ; it noticed the treaties of peace, and state of the East
India affairs, the means of recruiting the national strength, affor
ded by the peace, and the revenue at large. The primary im
portance of these objects was undeniable, and an address, conso
nant to the speech, was unanimously passed in both houses. Mr.
Pitt expressed his hitrh approbation of the ends proposed by
government, though he made some animadversions on the tardiness
of ministers, in not having been further advanced with measures
for the accomplishment of such momentous purposes. On all
Jhese grand subjects he counselled them to bring forward great,
•sefflcient, and permanent systems ; as he highly applaudsd the
ends which they professed to seek— he trusted the means which
they would devise would be equally meritorious, in which case1,
they should have his warmest support. Mr. Fox, impressed with
the very highest idea of Mr. Pitt's talents, declared nothing could
afford him more satisfaction as a minister, or proud exultation as
a man, than to be honored with the praise and support of Mr.
Pitt. On the 18th of November, Mr. Fox moved for leave to bring
in his East India Bill : Its objects were to vest the whole affairs
of the company in commissioners, to he appointed by parliament.
The first, most strenuous, and powerful opposer of the bill was
Mr. Pitt. The reasons which he urged against it were reducible
to two heads. The proposed scheme, he said, " annihilated char
tered rights, and created a new and immense body of influence
unknown to the British constitution. He admitted that India
wanted reform ; but not such a reform as broke through every
principle of equity and justice. The bill proposed to disfran
chise the members, and confiscate the property of the East India
Company; it required directors and trustees, chosen by proprie
tors, for 'the behalf of those constituents, and under their control,
to surrender all lands, tenements, houses, books, records, charters,
instruments, vessels, goods, money, and sureties, to persons over
whom the owners were to possess no power of interference in
the disposal of their own property. On what principle of law
or justice could such a confiscation be defended? The rights of
the company were conveyed in a charter, expressed in the clearest
and strongest terms that could be conceived. It was clearer,
stronger, and better guarded, in point of expression, than the
charter of the Bank of England ; the right by which our graSious
sovereign held the sceptre of these kingdoms, was not mole fully
confirmed, nor further removed from the possibility of aii plausi
ble question. The principle of this bill once established, what
security had the other public companies of the kingdom ? What
security had the Bank of England ? What security had the
national creditors, or the public corporations? Or indeed, what
assurance could we have for the great charter itself. ...the foun-

A. 1783. WILLIAM PITT. 9
dation of all our privileges, and all our liberties. The power*
indeed, was pretended to be created in trust, for the benefit of
the proprietors : No ! but to a majority of. either house of par
liament, which the most drivelling minister could not fail to
secure with the patronage of about In o _ millions sterling, given
by diis bill. But the proposition was still more objectionable
in another way ; it was calculated to increase the influence of the
minister to an enormous and alarming degree. Seven commis
sioners, chosen ostensibly by parliament, but really by adminis
tration, were to involve in the vortex of their authority the
whole treasure of India. These poured forth like an irresistible
torrent upon this country, would sweep away our liberties, and
all we could call our own." Mr. Dundas argued on the same
side, and even charged Mr. Fox with" seeking perpetual dictator
ship. The combined force of philosophy, eloquence and poetry,
was employed by Mr. Burke, in supporting this grand project
of his friend, and it was on this occasion that he made his cele
brated speech on the extent and bounds of chartered rights  The
fate of the bill is well known. ...it passed the commons, but was re
jected by the lords.
On the 18th of December, at Twelve at night, his Majesty
sent a message to the two secretaries of state, intimating that he
had no farther occasion for their services, and directing that the
seals of office should be delivered to him by the under-secretaries,
as a personal interview would be disagreeable. Early the next
morning letters of dismission, signed Temple, were sent to the
other members of the cabinet. Immediately the places of first
lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer were conferred
on Mr. Pitt.... thus terminated the coalition administration, owing
its downfal to Mr. Fox's East-India Bill.
By the dismissal of ministers the country found itself in a new
situation ; about to be governed by an administration, which a very
powerful majority in the house of commons thwarted.
The new prime minister was a young man, in the twenty-fifth
year of his age, supported by no family influence nor .political
confederacy; meanwhile addresses were pouring in from all
quarters to the sovereign, to testify the highest satisfaction at the
dismission" of the old and the appointment of the new adminis
tration. On the 12th of January, IJ'84, in the midst of the measures
taken by opposition to prevent a dissolution of Parliament, Mr.
Pitt being pressed to give the house some satisfactory assurance
that it would not take place, refused, declaring that " he would
never compromise the royal prerogative, nor bargain it away in the
house of commons."
On the 14th, Mr. Pitt moved for leave to bring in his East
India Bill, which was, however, rejected by a majority of 222
to 214. While this bill was pending, the proposition that a
minister ought not to continue in office without the, support of

10 THE LIFE OF A. 1784*
the commons, was carried in that house by 205 against 184 ; but
in the house of peers Lord Thurlow insisted that this was a
peremptory order which the house of commons had no right to
issue in contravention of the law of the land ; for that nothing
short of an act of parliament, formally passed by the three states,
had the power of suspending any part of the statute or common law
ef England.
Mr. Pitt, on the 18th of February, informed the house that
the King had not, in compliance with the resolution of the com
mons, dismissed his ministers, and that the ministers had not
resigned. Impartial men had desired a coalition which should
comprehend the chief talents of both sides : With this view a
considerable number of independent gentlemen met at the St.
Alban's Tavern, on the 26th of January, and drew up an address,
recommending an union of parties. This being signed by fifty-
three members of the house of commons, was presented by a com
mittee to the Duke of Portland and to Mr. Pitt. The Duke of
Portland answered, he should be happy in obeying the commands
of so respectable a meeting, but that the greatest difficulty to him
was Mr. Pitt's continuance in office. Mr. Pitt also expressed
his readiness to pay attention to the Wishes of the meeting, and
co-operate with their intentions to form a stronger and more ex
tended administration, if it could be done consistently, with
principle and honor. In the further progress of the discussion,
the Duke of Portland proposed, as a preliminary step, -that Mr.
Pitt should resign, in compliance with the resolution of the
house of commons. Mr. Pitt declared that it was inconsistent
with his principles and sentiments to resign his ministerial capa
city in the present circumstances. The Duke of Portland offered
the same preliminary repeatedly, in different forms ; but Mr.
Pitt still held it inadmissible, and the Duke of Portland conti
nued to insist on it as an indispensable step ; the negociation,
therefore, was suspended. Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt expressed
their sentiments to the house, both appearing impressed with a
sense of the benefits that might accrue from an united adminis
tration, but neither would relinquish their respective principles.
Mr. Fox insisted, that it was unconstitutional in Mr. Pitt to
hold his place after such a vote of the house of commons ; that
therefore he must resign. Mr. Pitt insisted, that it was not un
constitutional, and would not consent to resign... resignation
would be the virtual admission of a control in the house of
commons which he denied them to possess. The reciprocal
communications between the Duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt were
continued, and his majesty even sent a message to the duke,
desiring jthat he and Mr. Pitt should have an interview for the
sake of forming a new administration ; this step, however failed
to produce the desired effect.
The address for the removal of ministry was presented to the
kins', on the 25th of February. His majesty in a dignified

A. 1784. WILLIAM PITT. 11
answer, fraught with reason, refused. Every attempt to induce the
sovereign to sacrifice his choice of servants highly approved of by
his people, to the mere will of the coalition party, unsupported by
any constitutional reasoning was unavailing. On the 9th of March,
they appeared to have considered themselves as vanquished. Thus
terminated a contest between' a powerful confederacy in the house
of commons, and the executive government, supported by the confi
dence which the nation reposed in the talents and character of the
principal minister. A man less powerful in reasoning would have
yielded to allegations, so confidently urged, to sophistry so plausibly
supported, or even to the very authority of such illustrious names.
A minister, however, endowed with intellectual superiority, unless
also resolutely firm, would have rather conceded what he knew
to be right, than maintain a contest with so numerous, forcible and
well disciplined a host, though he knew them to be wrong. With
out a third advantage, a high degree of estimation with the public,
success might have been uncertain. On the side of Mr. Fox, there
were consummate ability, intrepid boldness, fortified by a special
confederacy. On the side of Mr. Pitt, there was consummate ability
and firmness, and unquestionable character, which was fortified by
no special combination, but increased, extended, and enlarged by
that general connection which wisdom, virtue, and appropriate fame
rarely fail to attach to a senator or statesman among au informed,
distinguishing and free people. Mr. Fox, though transcendant in
genius, sought power by means which during the two preceding
reigns, had exalted several ministers of no genius. Mr. Pitt secured
public confidence, and acquired power, by personal qualities. But
every impartial well-wisher to his country, while he rejoices that
Britain obtained the services of Mr. Pitt, must no less regret that
she lost those of Mr. Fox.
On the 24th of March, 1784, parliament was prorogued, and the
next evening it was dissolved by proclamation.
In the new parliament a very considerable number of members
friendly to Mr. Pitt was returned, more than 180 of the former hav
ing lost their seats. As far as popular opinion can be a test, it was de
cidedly in favor of him and against his opponents. The first mini
sterial efforts of Mr. Pitt were directed to finance. On the 2d of
June, he brought in a bill for the more effectual prevention of smug
gling ; this passed. The commutation act was his next measure. It
had appeared before the committee on smuggling, that only. five.
millions, five hundred-thousand pounds of tea were sold annually
by the East-India company, whereas the annual consumption of the
kingdom <was believed to exceed twelve millions ; so that the con
traband traffic in this article was more than double the legal. The
remedy which the minister devised for this evil, was to lower the
' duties on tea to so small an amount, as to make the trade wholly un-
| profitable, and consequently not worth the pursuit. The rate of freight
k and insurance to the shore was obout 25 per cent, and the insurance
on the inland carriage about 10 per cent, more, in all 35 per cent.
• The duty on tea, as it then stood, was about 50 per cent, so that the
11 smuggler had au advantage oyer the fair dealer of 15 percent. As

12 THE LIFE OF A. 1784.
this regulation would cause a- deficiency in the revenue of about
600,000/. per annum, he proposed to make it good by an additional
window tax. This tax, he said, would not be felt as an additional
burden, but ought to be considered as a commutation, and would
prove favorable to the subject. But the principal benefit which he
expected from this measure, was the absolute ruin of the smuggling
trade, which subsisted almost entirely on the profit of teas. Another
benefit would be the timely and necessary relief it would afford to
the East -India company. By this regulation they would find a vent
for thirteen, instead of five millions of pounds of tea, and would be
enabled to employ twenty more large ships in their service. This
bill passed by a majority of 148 to 40. A third bill was passed for the
regulation of duties on British spirits and on spirits imported from
the West Indies.
The next measures of the minister were a bill to permit the East-In
dia company to divide eight per cent, interest on their capital. ...an
act to allow the company a further respite of duties due to the exche
quer, to enable them to accept of bills beyond the amount prescribed
by former acts, and to establish their future dividends. ...these were
followed by a bill for the better government of the affairs of the
East-India company.
The proposed change at home was nearly the same as in Mr.
Fox's bill. It proposed to leave the management of commercial
affairs to the company, and to vest the territorial possessions in a board
of control. Abroad, the supreme council and governor general
were to have an absolute power of originating orders to the inferior
presidencies, in cases that did not interfere with the directions already
received from Britain, and of suspending members of the other coun
cils, in case of disobedience. The supreme ' government was re
strained from offensive war or alliances, without orders from home ;
the subordinate settlements were prohibited from forming even defen
sive treaties, but with a conditional clause; which would render their
permanency dependent on the ratification of the governor-general ;
the servants of the company were required to transmit accounts of
all considerable transactions to the council of Bengal, and the supreme
council to convey speedy intelligence to Britain of every important
occurrence. In considering ihe comfort and security of the natives,
enquiry was ordered to be instituted by the different presidencies into
the expulsions of hereditary farmers, and the oppressive rents and
contributions that have been extorted ; and measures were directed
to be employed for their relief and future tranquillity. Various regula
tions were added, respecting the debts of the Nabob of Arcot, and
the Rajah of Tanjore, to private individuals and to the company. The
bill further required an examination into the different establishments
of the presidencies, for the purposes of retrenchment, and an annual
report of the same to be transmitted to Britain. The proposition also
contained both the description of delinquency, and the judicial esta
blishment for its cognizance and punishment. Crimes committed by
English subjects in any part of India, were made amenable to every
British court of justice, in the same manner as if they had been com
mitted in our immediate dominions. Presents, except such as were

A. 1784. WILLIAM PITT. 13
merely ceremonial, were forbidden to be received, unless by a coun
sellor at law, a physician, a surgeon, or a chaplain, under the penalty
of confiscation of the present, and an additional fine at the discretion
of the court. Disobedience of orders, unless absolutely necessary,
and pecuniary transactions contrary to the interests ot the company,
were declared to be high crimes and misdemeanors. The company
were forbidden to interfere in favor of any person legally convicted
of the above crimes, or to employ him in their service for ever. The
governors of the several presidencies were empowered to imprison
any person suspected of illicit correspondence, and to send him to
England if they judged it necessary. Every person serving in India
was required, within two months after his return to England, to de-
liver'in upon oath to the court of the exchequer an inventory of his
real and personal estates, and a copy thereof to the court of directors,
for the inspection of the proprietors ; and should the validity of the
account be doubted, on any complaint to that effect made by the
board of control, the court of directors, or three proprietors possess
ing India stock to the amount of 10,000j£. conjunctively, the court
of exchequer were required to examine upon oath the person accused,
and to imprison him until he should have satisfactorily answered in
terrogatories. Neglect or concealment were to be punished by the
imprisonment of the defendant, the forfeiture of all his estates, both
real and personal, and an incapacity of ever serving the company.
For the mure speedy and effectual prosecution of persons in Great
Britain, charged with crimes committed in India ; a court was esta
blished, to consist of three judges, nominated respectively by the
chancery, king's bench and common pleas, four peers taken from a
list of forty, (the lists to be chosen by ballot from their respective
houses), a certain number of whom should be subject to peremptory
challenge, both by the prosecutor and the defendant. The judgment
of the court was to extend to imprisonment, fine and incapacity of
serving the company. Such were the outlines of Mr. Pitt's legisla
tive, executorial and judicial arrangement for the government of India.
Mr. Pitt now found himself necessarily engaged in the laborious
business of winding up the accounts of the war, and he was compelled
by the burden of floating debt, and the general state of the national
finances, to negociate a loan, though in time of peace ; but as this
measure was unavoidable, in order to make the terms as fuvorable as
possible, instead of granting enormous profit to private or political
favorites, he disposed of it to the best bidders. The principle of
impost with which he set ouf, was to bear, as "lightly as possible, on
the poorer classes. O.i the 2d day of August, 1('84. the session was
ended* by a speech from the throne, in wnich his majesty expressed
his warmest thanks for the eminent proofs exhibited by parliament of
zealous and diligent attention to the public service.
Parliament met on the 26l.li of January, 1785. On the 18th of
April Mr. Pitt again introduced his plan for a reform. Des rous, as
the minister professed himself, of such a change in the representation,
as he conceived most consistent with the principles, and conducive
to the objects of the constitution, he was aware of the daiger of

14 THE LIFE OF A. 1785.
essays of reform, unless very nicely modified and circumscribed....
The leading principle was, that the choice of legislators should follow
6uch circumstances as give an interest in their acts, and theref re
ought, in a great degree, to be attached to property. This being
established, it was obvious, that as many very considerable towns and
bodies either had no vote in electing representatives, or had not the
privilege of chusing a number proportioned to their property, it
would be neeessary to disfranchise certain decayed boroughs. In re
lations between government and the subject it was a manifest rule in
jurisprudence on the one hand, that the interest of a part must give
way to the interest of the whole ; but on the other, that when such
a sacrifice is required from a subject, the state should amply compen
sate individual loss incurred for the public good. Guided by these
maxims, Mr. Pitt proposed to transfer the right of choosing repre
sentatives from thirty-six of such boroughs as had already fallen, or
were falling into decay, to the counties and to such chief towns and
cities as were at present unrepresented ; that a fund should be provi
ded for the purpose of giving the owners and holders of the boroughs
disfranchised, an appreciated compensation ; that the acceptance of
this recompence should be a voluntary act of the proprietor, and, if
not taken at present, should be placed out at compound interest, until
it became an irresistible inducement to such proprietor ; he also pro
jected to extend the right of voting for knights of the shire to copy
holders as well as freeholders, but his propositions were negatived by
a majority of 248 to 174.
Parliament was this year principally occupied in forming arrange
ments for a commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland.
In the year 1780, the trade of Ireland had been freed from the hurt
ful restrictions by which it had long been shackled. In 1782, the
independence of Irish parliaments had been for ever established. It
remained for the legislature of the two countries to arrange a system
of commercial intercourse, which might best promote the advantage
of parties so nearly connected. Mr. Pitt having received assurances of
the disposition of the body of the Irish parliament to settle their com
mercial intercourse on the basis of reciprocity, proposed a plan under
two general heads ;.... First, Britain was to allow the importation of the
produce of our colonies in the West-Indies and America into Ire
land. Secondly, there should be established between the two coun
tries a mutual exchange of their respective productions and manu
factures upon equal tenns. A considerable portion of the session was
employed in examining merchants and manufacturers upon the vari
ous details which could elucidate the subject ; and after fully inves
tigating the evidence, Mr. Pitt, on the 12th of May, 1785, proposed
twenty resolutions, containing a full explanation of the terms before
proposed, and also new resolutions, which arose from the increased
knowledge that had been acquired. The chief object of the adchV
tional propositions were to provide, first, that whatever navigation laws
theBritish parliament should find it necessary to enact, for the pieser-
vation of her marine, the same should be passed by the legislature of
Ireland. Secondly, that Ireland should debar itself from trading to
any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, to the Straights

A. 1785. WILLIAM PITT. 15
of Magellan , so long as it should be thought necessary to continue the
charter of the English East-India Company. Afterthree months had
been chiefly occupied in examining witnesses, and modifying the
various provisions, the propositions were passed, by alarge majority^
in the house of commons, and afterwards by the lords. On the 28th
of July Mr. Pitt prnp'sed a bill, founded upon them; this was ac
companied by an address to the king, in which both houses concurred;
containing a statement of what had been done by the British parlia
ment, and observing that it now remained for the parliament of Ire
land to judge and decide upon the proposed agreement. In Ireland
national prejudice counteracted national interest ; the clamor against
the bill was very loud. In these circumstances it was deemed by the!
British legislature inexpedient to proceed any further, with overtures
so misunderstood and misrepresented by the party to whom they
were really so advantageous. From close connection, Mr. Pitt had-
seen that very great advantages must accrue to both countries ; com
mercial intercourse would gradually tend to assimilation of character,
and produce reciprocity of interest ; the result of both would be poli
tical harmony. If his propositions had been adopted, it is morally
certain that subsequent events, so calamitous to Ireland, would have
been prevented. They were however abandoned.
Introductory to financial details, Mr. Pitt this season took a general
view of the state of pecuniary affairs, by comparing the public income
with the public expenditure. The result of his statement and calcu
lations was, that there would be^uch.a surplus as wou'tri enable par
liament to appropriate one 'million sterling to a sinking fund, for the
discharge of the national debt. At present, however, he had only
seen the general practicability of the principle, but not having
matured measures for such an appropriation, he chose to defer a
specific plan till the following year. On the 8th of August on a
message from the king, parliament was adjourned to the 27th of
October, a,nd afterwards prorogued by proclamation. British com
merce continued to increase and extend ; the flourishing state of trade,
together with the announced project of Mr. Pitt for the discharge of
the national debt, raised the stocks, in a short time, from fifty-four to
seventy, in the three per cents consolidated, the barometer of the
other funds. The mercantile and monied interest evidently reposed
in the chancellor of the exchequer, a confidence which they had
bestowed upon no minister since the time of his father. They con
ceived the highest opinion of his integrity, approved the principles on
which he was proceeding, and were satisfied with the rapid advances
of Irad^e, as well as the increasing means of enlarging their capital.
On the 24th of January, 1786, the parliament was assembled.
Without opposing the customary address on his majesty's speech,
Mr. Fox went into a very wide field of continental politics. In
reply, Mr. Pitt made an introductory observation deserving peculiar
attention, as it very strongly exhibited a prominent feature in the
eloquence of his opponent. Mr. Fox, he said, discovered most extra
ordinary dexterity in leaving out of a discussion such parts belonging
to the subject as did not suit his purpose to be brought forward, and
a similar dexterity of introducing, however foreign to the question.

16 THE LIFE OF A. 1786.
such matter as he expected' would be favourable. Mr. Pitt at this
time declared an intention, to which, in the course of his parlia
mentary warfare he generally adhered, that let Mr. Fox range ever so
wide into extraneous subjects, he should confine his answers to What
he conceived relative to the purpose.
On the 2yth of March, Mr. Pitt brought forward his plans for
the reduei ion of the national debt. A committee had been appointed
early in the session, in order to investiga'e and exactly ascertain the
public income and expenditure, and strike the balance ; the result of
the investigation from the income of the year 1785 was, income
15,379,133/. expenditure 14,478,181/. so that a surplus of more
than 900,000/. remained, and on this basis Mr. Pitt formed his
scheme. He proposed that by taxes neither numerous nor burden
some, the balance might be raised to a million: by a succinct and
clear view of our finances he demonstrated, that excess of income
beyond expenditure was in the present and following years likely
to increase ; but in making his calculations he had contented him
self with concluding that it would not decrease. This million was
to be appropriated unalienably to the gradual extinction of the
national debt. Several savings of expence and increase of revenue,
especially through the customs from the suppression of smuggling,
would add to the national income : annuities would also fall into
the same fund, the accumulated compound added to these sources
would, in twenty-eight years, if properly managed, produce an
annual revenue of four millions to the state. For the management
of This f;s4- S?r)'missioiiei'S_were_Jo^e^appointed to receive two
hundred and fifty thousand pounds quarterly, with the full power o£
employing it in the purchase of stock. In choosing persons to be
intrusted, Mr. Pitt proceeded on his general principle, which had
been already exhibited in his India bill, that in circumstances which
required new delegation of executorial power, the trust should be
ve sted in men whose official situation presumed their competency
to the execution of the commission ; the speaker of the house of
commons, the chancellor of the exchequer, the master of the rolls,
the governor and deputy governor of the bank of England, and
accountant general, were gentlemen whose nomination he recom
mended. After illustrating his calculations, and the advantages of
his scheme, he compressed the substance into the form of a -motion.
On this subject Mr. Sheridan took a leading part in opposition, and
Mr. Fox proposed that in a future loan, the commissioners might
accept of as much ofitasthey could pay from the puplic money in their
hands; and thus, besides a prevention of that amount of future debt
which would be equivalent to the redemption of the part, the«public
would be gainers by the profits which would accrue from such a loan.
The bill containing the original principle and plan, though with some
modification of the latter, passed through both houses, and received
the royal assent.
The next measure of the ministry was an act to subject foreign
wines to the excise, by which great and various frauds upon the
revenue were prevented, which passed into a law. ...but the bill for
appointing commissioners to enquire into the state and condition of

A. 1786. WILLIAM PITT. 17
the woods, forests and land revenues belonging to the crown, was
rejected. The conduct of Mr. Hastings began now to occupy the attention
of parliament. Mr. Burke delivered twenty -two charges against that
gentleman. On the 4th of June, Mr. Pitt acquiesced in the third
charge, relative to Cheyt Sing, brought by Mr. Fox, and considered
the proceedings at Benares beyond the exigence of the case. It was
carried by a majority of 119 to 79 that the charge contained matter
of impeachment.
The session terminated on the 11th of July It was in this inter
val of parliamentary duties that Mr. Pitt matured his noble design
of changing the contentious system which had so long prevailed
between England and France. The means of inducing the two
countries to pursue ob'ects so conductive to their mutual benefit,
he thought would be commercial intercourse, which should recipro
cally increase the value of production and labour. •
Before he formed his scheme for promoting an intercourse between
the two chief nations of the world, he made himself thoroughly ac
quainted with the state offsets, the actual productions, and the pro
bable resources of the respective countries. For commercial informa
tion and science, especially the history and actual state of modern
trade, no man exceeded Lord Hawkesbury. Mr. Eden's acuteness
and conversancy with every subject of commerce and diplomatic ex
perience, rendered him a most valuable auxiliary in digesting and
composing the plan at home, and the ablest agent for negociating and
concluding an advantageous agreement with France. He accordingly
repaired to Paris ; where he conducted and completed the desired ar-.
rangements with the ministers of Louis.
The treaty in question established reciprocal liberty of commerce
between the two countries. The subjects of each power were to na
vigate and resort to the dominions of the other, without any distur
bance, except for transgressing the laws. The prohibitory duties in
each kingdom, by enhancing the price, had reciprocally discouraged
the sale of their principal commodities ; these were now modified to
the satisfaction of both by a tariff. The wines of France, to be im
ported into England, were subjected to no higher duty than the pro
ductions of Portugal; the dudes on brandies, and various other arti
cles, were to be lowered in proportion ; and the commodities of Bri
tain were to be equally favored in France. On the same basis of reci
procity were the articles respecting disputes between the mercantile^
maritime, or other subjects of the two countries, and various details
of civil, commercial and political intercourse, to be adjusted; the
right 8f revising this treaty after the term of twelve years, to pro
pose and make such alterations as the times and circumstances should
have rendered proper or necessary, was reserved. In a treaty formed
on the basis of reciprocal freedom of trade, the advantage to the
contracting parties was, and necessarily must be, in the compound
rates of their resources and skilful industry. At first sight, from the
climate and soil of France, the balance of commercial benefit appeared
in favor of that country, and many politicians reasoned so with much
plausibility; But Mr, Pitt had profoundly considered the relative

18 THE LIFE OF A. 1787-
circumstances, and justly concluded that the French industry and skill
was much more inferior to the British industry and skill, than the
French soil and climate were superior to ours ; and thus, that greater
benefit would accrue to this country from the freedom of trade : ex
perience justified his conclusions. Parliament met on the 23d of
January, 1787.
On the 4th of Feb. the treaty was submitted to parliament. After
the ministerhad explained and supported the object, spirit, and provi
sions of this treaty, numbers of the opposite side attacked it on a
variety of grounds. Mr. Fox, in particular, maintained, that France
was the inveterate and unalterable enemy of Great Britain; no mu
tual interest, could possibly eradicate what was deeply rooted in her
constitution. The intercourse which this treaty would produce,
must be extremely hurtful to the superior national character of Eng
land. The nearer the two nations were drawn into contact, and the
more succsssfully they were invited to mingle with each other, in the
same proportion the remaining morals, principles, and vigour of the
English national mind would be enervated and corrupted. The mi
nister himself controverted Mr Fox's position, that France was unal
terably the enemy of the country. The existence of eternal enmity
was totally inconsistent with the constitution of the human mind,
the history of mankind, and the experience of political societies 
Every state recorded in history had been at different times in friend
ship or amitywithits several neighbours. During the greater part of
the seventeenth century profound peace had subsisted between France
and England; there was nothing improbable in an idea that such a
system might again prevail ; but should war again arise, would the
treaty deprive us of our natural watchfulness, or our accustomed
strength,? On the contrary, as it must enrich the nation, it would
also prove the means of enabling her to combat her enemy with more
powerful effect ; but it was now much less likely that our resources
should be called for such a purpose, than at former periods. . .The
treaty underwent many and various discussions in its passage through
the two houses, and was approved by a great majority of both ;
and on the 8th of March an ad Iress was presented from the lords, the
commons testifying their joint approbation of the treaty with France.
One of the subjects recommended to parliament by the speech from
the throne, was the consolidation of the customs. From the com
plexity of the whole system, it was scarcely possible that a merchant
could be acquainted, by any calculation of his own, with the exact
amount of what he was to pay. To remedy this great abuse, Mr.
Pitt proposed to abolish all the duties that now subsisted, and to sub
stitute one single duty on each article, amounting, as nearly a% possi
ble, to the aggregate of the various subsidies now paid. Mr. Pitt had
given severe attention to this business ; and had not left one person
unconsulted from whom any information ould be obtained, and the
greatest diligence had been used to circulate the plan among the most
competent judges of those persons who were immediately concerned
in its operation and effects. The proposed scheme caused no debates,
the object was so evidently advantageous, and the means so well
adapted, as to command the concurrence and approbation of the

A. 1787. WILLIAM PITT. 19
whole house.* On the 26th of April, Mr. Pitt presented to the
house of commons a bill, stating, that frauds had been committed
in the collection of the tax on post horses, and providing that, as a
remedy to the evil, the tax should be farmed. The bill passed both
houses without a division. The labour attending the investigation
of this subject can only be guessed by the fact of its comprehending
upwards of 3,000 resolutions to be submitted to the house.
On the 28th of March, Mr. Beaufoy, member for Yarmouth, at
the request of the deputies of the dissenting congregations in and
about London, made a motion for taking into consideration the re
peal of the corporation and test acts. 1 he points which Mr. Beau
foy endeavored in a long and able speech to prove, were chiefly
three. ...First, that the test act, which constitutes the most extensive
grievance of which the dissenters complain, was not originally level
led against them, and that the causes which dictated the corporation
act have ceased to operate. The second fact which Mr. Beaufoy
wished to substantiate was, that every man having an undoubted
right to judge for himself in matters of religion, he ought not, on
account of the exercise of that right, to incur any punishment, or to
be branded with a mark of infamy ; that the exclusion from military
service and civil trusts was both a punishment and an opprobrious
distinction. Lastly, he dwelt much upon the impropriety and
scandal of prophaning a most sacred and awful sacrament, by mixing
it with concerns that were merely temporal ; and noted the distress
ing situation in which it placed the clergy, who were under the ne
cessity of giving it to all who offered themselves for the purpose of
qualification, or of avoiding grievous prosecution.
He concluded with moving, that a committee of the whole house
should take into consideration so much of the acts referred to, as
require persons, before they are admitted into any office or place in
corporations, or having accepted any office, civil or military, Or any
place of trust under the crown, to recewe the sacrament of the lord's
supper, according to the rites of the church of England.
Mr. Pitt opposed the motion, and began by marking the difference
between civil and religious liberty on .the one hand, and political
trusts on the other. The former every good constitution of govern
ment must secure to all its subjects ; the latter was bestowed with dis
crimination, according to individual qualification and disposition,
of which the community had the right of judging by any rule that it
thought expedient. The test was merely the condition in which it
would admit service ; and none could be aggrieved by an exclusion
arising from himself. The present, therefore, was not a question of
grievance and redress, but simply of policy.
On this question only, legislation had to deliberate. Was it expe
dient on the present circumstances, sentiments, and principles of the
* Mr. Burke, who rose immediately after the minister, professed
that it did not become him, or those who like him unfortunately felt
it to be frequently their duty to oppose the measures of government,
to content themselves with a sullen acquiescence ; but on the con
trary, to rise manfully and do justice to the measure, and to return
their thanks to its author, on behalf of themselves and their country.

20 THE LIFE OF A. 1787.
dissenters, for the nation to employ them in certain specified offices.
To such an inquiry, every recapitulation of former history was
extraneous ; a repeal might have been wise in the time of Charles II.
and unwise in the reign of George III. The dissenters were, un
doubtedly, a body of men, who were entitled to the consideration of
parliament, but there was another class equally as respectable .and
more numerous, whose fears on this ' occasion would be alarmed.
Many members of the church of England cenceived that the eccle
siastical part of our constitution would be seriously injured, and
their apprehensions were not to be treated lightly. If he were
arguing on principles of right, he should not talk of alarm ; but he
had already said, he was arguing upon principles of expediency.-
The church and state were united upon principles of expediency,
and it concerned those, to whom the well being of the state was en
trusted, to take care that the church should not rashly be demolished.
The persons who now applied, declared that they meant nothing
political by their application ; but he must look at human actions
tofind out the springs. Highly as he thought of many of the pre
sent dissenters, he could not but observe there were persons among
them, who would not admit that any establishment was necessary ;
and against such it becanu the legislature to be upon their guard.
Doctor Priestley, whose abilities and learning were very high, and
whose opinions were received as oracles by a certain class of dissenters,
had proclaimed enmity against the church. Sectarians, said Dr. P.
were wisely placing as it were, grain by grain, a train of gunpowder,
to which the match would one clay be laid to blow up the fabric of
error, which could never be again raised upon the same foundation.
When he saw proceedings, intended to subvert so important a part
of our polity, he thought circumspection and vigilance absolutely
necessary : when there was an avowed design to sap the fortress, it
became the duty of the garrison to secure the outposts : the dis
senters already enjoyed every mental freedom to serve God according
to their conscience, in the most ample degree: what the) now required
was inexpedient and dangerous. These sentiments deeply impressed
the house, and on a division, the proposition of Mr. Beaufoy was ne
gatived by a majority of 178 to 100.
On the 7th of Feb. Mr. Sheridan opened the third article of accu
sation against Mr. Hastings. It is impossible to do justice to this
celebrated speech,* which occupied the extraordinary time of five
hours and a half. On the 2d of April, various other accusations
were examined, and the impeachment was at lengih voted. When the
form in which that inquest should be carried on, became a subject of
consideration, Mr. Fox proposed, that there should be a geheral
* The late Mr. Logan, well-known for his literary efforts, and
author of a most masterly defence of Mr. Hastings, went that day to
the house of commons, prepossessed for the accused and against the
accuser. At the expiration of the first hour, he said to a friend,
" All this is declamatory assertion without proof;" when the second
was finished, " This is a most wonderful oiaion;' at 'he close of
the third, " Mr. Hastings has acted very unjiistifish'.\ ;" the fourth,
"Mr. Hastings is a most attrocious criminal ;" and it the last, " of
all monsters of iirquity the most enormous is Warren Huttings.''

A> 1788. WILLIAM PITT. 21
charge of impeachment ; Mr. Pitt, that they should separate and
analyze the charges, since the accusation consisted of many allega
tions, which had not been substantiated, and of many facts which
could not be considered as criminal ; that thus each part should be
tried by its distinct and individual merits. Mr. Burke and Mr. She
ridan coincided with the minister, and his plan was adopted.
On the 30th of May, parliament was prorogued. It was during
this summer that Holland was distracted widi internal dissention 
The part taken by surrounding nations will be remembered by all ;
but when the king of France announced to the cabinet of England
that he had determined to afford to the states of Holland the assist
ance which they had requested ; our king declared to France,
that if she interposed forcibly, Britain should take an active part, and
he gave immediate directions for augmenting his fleet and army. A
powerful armament was equipped with uncommon expedition. A
decisive and grand tone, worthy of mighty power supporting con
scious justice, produced the desired effect, and France made no hos
tile effort to support the revolutionary faction. This was the first occa
sion that displayed the genius and energy of Mr. Pitt in foreign po
licy, and procured him general admiration abroad and at home.
The house met again on the 27th of November. The conduct of
Mr- Pitt respecting Holland was extremely popular among all parties
throughout the kingdom ; and in both houses it experienced the same
unanimous commendation. Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Sheridan,
perfectly coincided with him and his friends in the general principle of
interference in continental affairs to preserve the balance of Europe.
The most important measure of this session, was a bill introduced
by Mr. Pitt, to explain doubts which had arisen concerning a part of
the law of 1724, for the- adrouustration of British India. The_biU
related to the pay and subsistence of Britishfroopsrirrir.dia. After
much and violent opposition, it was carried by a majority of 54, and
thus it was declared that the commissioners, being instituted for the
territorial administration of India by the act of 1784, possessed a di
rectorial, as well as controling power, in whatever was necessary to the
effectual execution of the trust reposed in them by the act of 1784..
On the 5th of May, 1788, the financial plan for the year was pro
posed by Mr. Pitt. The minister observed that several extraordinary
expences had been necessarily incurred, but.neverthelessthe receipts
of the country had fully answered even unforeseen demands, without
deviating from the plan which the legislature had adopted for dimi
nishing the national debt. When such were the savings in a year of
unusual expense, as our resources were fast increasing in the extension
of commerce, and the improvement of revenue, we may most firmly
infer, that our financial conoerns were in a state of progressive melio
ration ; no new taxes were imposed, but a lottery was appointed. It
was also in this session that the question on the slave trade was first
agitated in the house. A committee of the privy council had been
employed in investigating facts. Mr. Pitt finding that sufficient in
formation to authorise parliamentary discussion had not been collected,
on the 9th of May proposed that the consideration of the slave trade
should be deferred till nest session,

22 THE LIFE OF A. 1788.
During the recess, the war which had raged between the emperors
of Russia and Germany in confederate league, and the Turks, bad
given rise to a new disposition of things upon the continent. At
this crisis a triple alliance was formed, wiiich bound Great Britain,
Prussia, and the republic together, to reciprocal succour and defence j
upon this point Mr. Pitt again differed from Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox's
project of continental alliance was to connect ourselves with Austria,
that should a war arise with France, such a powerful enemy might di
vide her attention, and prevent it from being directed to maritime
affairs. Mr. Pitt's plan was to form continental alliances accordingto
existing situations. France was engaged in no scheme of policy,
likely to effect the general safety of Europe. The emperor was so
involved in the designs of Catharine, that an alliance with him would
be impracticable, except at the expence of seconding the attempts of
Russia. In the formidable combination between these two powers,
that nation became naturally the ally of Britain, which had a com
mon interest in preventing the aggrandizement of the parties.
The attention of parliament (which met without summons on the
20 of November, agreeably to the prorogation) was called to a very
calamitous subject. This was the mental derangement of the sovereign,
arising, as it was said, from the effects of fever. The house adjourned
for a fortnight, till the fact should be ascertained. It appeared from
the evidence of his majesty's physicians, who were examined by the
privy council, that a temporary incapacity existed. The house met,
and Mr. Pitt moved for a committe to search into precedents. Mr.
Fox objected to a committee for such a purpose, as nugatory, and
contended that the heir apparent, being of full age and capacity, had
as indisputable a claim to the exercise of the executiye^power, in. the
liame-ar.d on behaii'-of the- sovereign, during the continuance of such
incapacity, as in case of his natural demise. Mr. Pitt combated his
doctrine, as totally inconsistent with actual history and the spirit of
the constitution. There were, he admitted, no precedents applicable
to this specific case of incapacity ; but whatever disability had at any
time arisen in the executive branch, as the history of the country
shewed, had been supplied by parliament. When the regular exer-
cise of the powers of government was, from any cause, suspended, to
whom could the right of providing a remedy for the existing defect
devolve, but to the people, from whom all the powers of government
originated ! To, assert an inherent right in the Prince of Wales to,
assume the government, was virtually to revive those exploded ideas
of the divine and indefeasible authority of princes, which had justly
sunk into contempt and almost into oblivion. Kings and princes
derive their powers from the people, and to the people alone, through.
the organ of their representatives, did it appertain to decide in cases
for which the constitution had made no specific or positive provision.
On these grounds, Mr. Pitt insisted that the prince had no more
right to be appointed to supply the existing deficiency than any
other subject ; though he admitted that in the present case, expe.
diency dictated that parliament should offer him the regency ; substi
tution of another to execute the office of king, during a temporary
incapacity, was merely a measure of necessary policy ; It was

JV. 1788. WILLIAM PITT. 23
incumbent on the legislature to entrust the authority to such a person
or persons, as it should deem most likely to answer the purpose : after
these observations, the question being- put, it was carried that a com
mittee should be appointed to search for precedents.
Mr. Fox, at the next meeting, entered upon an explanation of his
meaning, and said, that his expressions on a former day had been
misrepresented; his position, which he was still ready to maintain,
was that the houses of parliament had the right to adjudge the fact of
incapacity, but on such adjudication the heir apparent had the right
of holding the reins of government whilst the incapacity lasted ; as,
however, Mr. Pitt agreed with him, that in the present circumstances
the prince was the person who ought to hold that office, it would be
much more prudent to abstain from discussing such nice and
subtle distinctions. Mr. Pitt replied that he differed as much
from Mr. Fox, respecting the question of right, now that he
had explained his meaning, as before such an explanation. Mr.
Fox, he said, now asserted, that the Prince of Wales had a right
to exercise the royal authority, under the present circumstances
of the country; buc that it was a right not in possession, until the
prince could exercise it on what he called the adjudication of Parlia
ment. He, on his part, denied, that the Prinee of Wales possessed
any right whatever. This was a very important question, and must
be decided before they could proceed any further ; there might be
difference of opinion, whether any regency was necessary yet, and a
difference of opinion might arise, if necessary, what were" the power
requisite to be granted to the regent ; but nothing could be deter
mined till the matter of right should be discussed. He not only
challanged Mr. Fox to adduce either precedent or law to support his
doctrine, but actually shewed from history that such a claim of right
had been made, and had been refuted by parliament. In the reign
of Henry VI. the Duke of Gloucester, next heir to the crown,
claimed the regency during the minority of the King, and applied to
parliament; the answer to this claim was, that he neither had by
birth, nor by the will of his brother, any right whatever to the exer
cise of royal authority ; they, however, appointed him regent, and
entrusted him with the care of the young king. At the revolution,
parliament proceeded on the same general principle ; the king had
ceased to act ; to supply this deficiency, parliament acted as legisla
tors ; they did not restrict themselves to a simple address to the Prince
of Orange to accept the crown ; they felt not only that they must
have a king, but they must have a king on certain terms and condi
tions; they did what amounted to a legislative act; they came to a
resolution to settle the crown, not on the Prince of Orange and the
heirs ot his body, nor on the Princess Mary and her heirs, but on the
Prince and Princess jointly. Here it was evident that whatever the
necessity of the case required at that time, the lords and commons
possessed the power to provide for it, and consequently possessed
the power to supply the deficiency. Mr. Pitt proposed on the 16th
of Dec. three resolutions : the first stating his majesty's present un
fitness for performing the functions of the kingly office .- secondly,
that the lords and commons had a right to provide for that case, and

24

THE LIFE OF A. 1789.

were in duty bound to make such provisions ; thirdly, that the lords
and commous should determine on the most effectual means of exer
cising their right, by vesting the powers and authority of the crown
on behalf of the king during his majesty's illness  After along de
bate, the resolutions were voted.
The preliminary subjects having been discussed by both houses,
Mr. Pi", before he explained his plan of the regency to parliament,
submitted its outlines to the Prince in a letter; they were, that his
hip-bness should be empowered to exercise the royal authority in the
natoe and on the behalf of his majesty, during his majesty's illness,
and to do all acts which might legally be done by his majesty. The
care of his majesty's person, the management of the household, andthe
direction and appointments of the officers and servtnts thereia should
be in the queen, under such regulations as might be thought neces
sary. The power to be exercised by his highness should not extend
to the disposal of either real or personal property of the king (except
in the renewal of leases) to the bestowal of any pension, the reversion
of any office, or any appointments whatever, but during his majesty's
pleasure, except those granted by law for iii e ; lh*t ins highness
should not be empowered to confer the dignity of the peerage on any
person, except his majesty's issue who had attained the age of twenty-
one years. In reply, his highness expressed his disapprobation of the
plan and reasons, but deemed it incumbent on him to accept the,
office. On the 16th of Jan. 1789, this plan was submitted to parliament;
it experienced a violent opposition ; and in the house of lords ail the
princes of the blood royal voted against the minister. Tiie resolution
nevertheless passed and aregency bill was brought in on the 6d) of Feb.
on the 12th it passed, and was carried to the lords and read a second
time. It will be remembered that his majesty's recovery rendered the
third reading unnecessary. Nothing important to the subject of these
annals passed in the remainder of the session. The shop-tax was in
deed repealed, and tobacco subjected to the excise. On the 11th of
Aug. the house rose.
The reader will recollect, that the French revolution had for some
time agitated the minds of surrounding nations. England seemed dis
posed to congratulate her ancient rival upon the dawn of her liberty.
Its principal advocates were the admirers of republican forms of
government, and those who were willing to cast an odium upon
monarchy by attributing all the wars which have desolated the
world, to the ambition and avarice of princes. Such were the zeal
and activity of the French agitators, that there was no part of Europe
in which their agents were not established foi the purpose'of dis
seminating their principles. Great Britain and Ireland offered the
fairest field to the industry of these missionaries. It was not neg
lected, and was cultivated not without succes. Active and zealous
partizans were found to co-operate with them. Nor was this con
fined to individuals; but various political societies, of more or less
ancient denomination, made it their business to pr<i[..igat(' tin iprin-
ciples, and recommend their example. The nobility of France had
not been long proscribed and the church plundered, nor the king

A. 1790. WILLIAM PITT. 25
many days led captive to Paris, before letters of congratulation were
sent from several of these societies in both kingdoms, and a regular
official correspondence opened between them and the leadei s in
France. In the transactions of these societies, the means by which
the revolution was carried on and effected, if not always praised,
were yet pronounced to be sanctified by the end ; the example was
recommended as a glorious pattern for the imitation of mankind,
and sanguine expectations were held out, that it was but the first,
though an essential and leading step to the general emancipation of
Europe. That these public declarations might not miss their effect
upon the minds of the people, they were accompanied with com
parisons between the august perfection of fjie new French constitu
tion, and the imperfections of our own ; fyd the palm of having so
soon outstripped their ancient rivals in the'glorious race of freedom,
was conceded with regret and humiliation. At the same time the
press teemed with publications which were distributed gratis, and
circulated not only among the lower class of the community, 'but
through the army and the navy. In these writings the people were
invited toform themselves into clubs and societies, after the manner
of the French ; and many were actually formed in a great number of
the most populous towns of the kingdom, avowedly affiliated to use
an expression of their own by the democratic clubs in France.
Such was the state of things previous to the meeting of parliament,
which took place on Thursday, the 21st day of January, 1790. On
the 9th of February, when the military estimates were reported from
the committe, a debate took place, in which Mr. Fox having a
second time let fall some expressions of applause of the French revo
lution, Mr. Burke rose, and in a speech fraught with political sagacity,
the strongest argument, and the finest imagery, unfolded his view of
that great political phenomenon, which he characterised as an irra
tional, unprincipled, proscribing, plundering, ferocious, bloody and
tyranniacai democracy. He observed, that the very worst part of the
example set us in France, was the late assumption of citizenship by
the army. As this opinion was in direct opposition to the sentiments
of Mr. Fox, Mr. Buuke expressed the great regret he felt in differing
from his right honorable friend ; and after pronouncing a very fine
panegyric upon his superior abilities, and bearing testimony to the
natural moderation, disinterestedness, and benevolence of his dispo
sition, he begged the house to judge from his coming forward to mark
an expression or two of his best friend, how anxious he was to1 keep
the distemper of France from the least countenance in England, where
he was sure, some wicked persons had shewn a strong- disposition to
recommend an imitation of the French spirit of reform. .Were he
oppose/1 to any, the least tendency towards the means of introducing
a democracy like theirs, as well as to the end itself, that he would
abandon His best friends, and join with his worst enemies, to oppose
either the means or the end. This speech of Mr. Burke was received
with great and general applause.
On the 2d of March, Mr. Fox renewed the application ^parlia
ment for-llie repeal of the test act. It was opp -sed in'a long and
c

26 THE LIFE OF A. 1790.
able speech by Mr. Pitt. He began by expressing his obligations to
Mr. Fox for his clear *nd candid statement of the precise object of
the dissenters in their present application, and pn the full extent to
wihch his motion was intended to be carried.
The next question of importance which engaged the consideration
of the house of commons, was a motion made by Mr. Flood, on the
4th of March, for leave to bring in a bill to amend the representation
of the people in parliament. Mr. Pitt said, he had brought forward,
some years back, a proposition of the same nature ; to which the op
position had been successful, though the times and a variety of other
circumstances were then more favourable than at present. The chief
objection then, was the danger of innovation; and it was a know
ledge of theimpression-tjjat argument had made, which rendered him ,
desirous of waiting till sjne more favorable moment than the present
should offer itself, when"he most certainly should again submit his
ideas to the house. At present, unless the right honorable gen
tleman would consent to withdraw his motion, he should move to
adjourn. Mr. Flood withdrew his motion... .Subjects of revenue
occupied the chief attention of parliament during the session.
In April, 1790, Mr. Pitt opened his scheme of finance for the year.
Having stated the prosperous situation of the country, to prove and
illustrate his position, he recapitulated the extraordinary expences
defrayed in 1789, in addition to the regular establishment. Notwith-
standing these unforeseen demands, though we had borrowed only
one million, we had paid six millions of debt. The increase of reve
nue, which had thus liquidated so many and great charges, originated
in two permanent causes, the suppression of smuggling and the ia-
crease of commerce. On the 5th of May Mr. Pitt brought down to
the house his Majesty's message on the dispute with Spain, relative
to Nootka Sound. He declared that, much as we wished for peace
we must be prepared for war, if Spain refused satisfaction. On this
occasion Mr. Pitt had the cordial support of Mr. Fox and the unani
mous concurrence of the house. The session closed on the 10th of
June, and parliament was dissolved the next day. On the 24th of
July the Spanish government issued a declaration, which, by yielding
to the claims of the king of England, put an end to warlike prepara
tion. The convention completed the satisfaction of the nation, who
deemed it equally honorable and advantageous to Britain as the minis-
terhad obtained every compensation which justice could demand.
The new parliament met on the 26th of November, 1790. In the
course of this busy session two messages were delivered from his
majesty, which gave rise to many warm and important debates, affect
ing, and yet likely to affect the polticaof this country and all Europe.
The first, in order of time, related to the government of Canada, the
regulation of which province had confessedly been long under the
consideration of the king's ministers, and had been cursorily brought
to the notice of the house in former sessions. The Quebec bill,
which arose out of this message, proceeded regularly through the
house for six weeks unopposed. It was still in its silent progress
when the other message was delivered, on the 28th of March.
It imported, that " as his majesty's endeavours, in conjunction

A. lTSO. WILLIAM PITT. 27
with his allies, to bring about a pacification between Russia and the
Porte had proved ineffectual, his majesty had judged it requisite, for
the purpose of adding weight to his representation, to make some
farther augmentation to his naval force. The indications of enmity
to this country, joined to Catharine's ambitious projects, strongly im
pelled the British government to prevent the encroachments of the
Russian court. Britain and her allies adhered to their purpose, of
inducing or compelling Catharine to restore the conquest. Finding
pacific ncgociations unavailing, the defensive alliance projected more
effectual uneasiness. The message coming under consideration, Mr.
Fox opposed hostile interference. The forcible eloquence of that
great statesman coinciding with the immediate interests of merchants
and manufacturers, impressed those bodies of men very powerfully.
Their sentiments were rapidly and widely diffused through the nation,
and rendered the people in general inimical to a Russian war. The
administration of Mr. Pitt had never encountered so rude a shock as
from this discussion. Yet it is probable, that had he been at liberty to
divulge all which he then knew of the danger hanging over the North,
and. which subsequent events have unfolded to the world, his conduct
might have been viewed in a very different light ; at least, we have
reason to suppose, from the recent language of his most violent oppo
nents, who, when it was too late, would have urged an actual war in
defence of Poland. But while he acted from his knowledge, parliament
and the people were under the necessity of judging from their own.
Their sense was intelligibly declared against him : he acknowledged,
and obeyed it.
Mr. Pitt's Quebec bill, in its latter stages, gave occasion to the
public declaration of a breach between Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke,
which was the forerunner of a more serious, because much more
extensive schism in the party of opposition. The slave trade under-
went this year a much more complete discussion than when it was
formerly agitated. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox took the same side, but-
their efforts were ineffectual. A vote for a gradual abolition passing.
Mr. Pitt, who had invariably supported the measure of abolition, not
merely as a minister, but as a man feeling for all mankind, in a speech,
fraught with argument and eloquence, conjured the'house not to
postpone, even for an hour, the great and necessary work of abolition.
" Reflect, said Mr. Pitt, on the, 80,000 persons annually torn from
their native land ! on the connections which are broken ! on the
friendships, attachments, and relationships that are burst asunder....
There*is something in the horror of it that surpasses all the bounds of
imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought
upon that continent ? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we
refuse, even now, to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will
be the guilt of Britain ! Shall we not rather count the days and
hours that are suffered to intervene, than to delay the accomplishment
of such a work ? I trust we shall not think ourselves too liberal if we
give to Africa the common chance of civilization with the rest of the
world. If we listen to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue,
this night, the line of conduct which they prescribe. Some of us
may live to see a reverse of that picture from which we now turn our

28 THE LIFE OF A. 1792.
eyes with shame and regret. We may behold the natives of Africa
engaged in the calm occupations of industry, in the pursuits of a just
and legitimate commerce. We may behold the beams of science and
and philosophy breaking in upon their land, which, at some happy pe
riod, in still later times, may blaze with full lustre ; and, joining their
influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and invigorate the
more distant extremeties of that immense continent. Then may we
hope, that even Africa, though last of all the quarters of the globe, shall
enjoy at length, in the evening of her days, those blessings which have
descended so plentifully upon us in a much earlier period of the world.
Nos primvs equu oriens afflavit anbelis :
Illic sera rubens accendit lumina vesper.
In this view, as an atonement for our long and cruel injustice towards
Africa, the measure now before the house most forcibly recommends
itself to my mind. The great and happy change to be expected in
the state of her inhabitants is, of all the various and important benefits
of the abolition, in my estimation, incomparably the most extensive
and important. The session concluded on the 10th of June, without
any other occurrence worthy of remark.
Great and important as were the progressions of the public opinion
in 1791, to arrest the attention of the philosophical observer, the
events in England were not numerous. The principle of Britain,
manifested not only in her declarations to foreign powers, but in her
uniform conduct, was, that an internal change in the political system
of any country did not justify the interference of neighboring nations,
unless that internal change led its votaries to aggression.
This principle, acted upon so long as it was possible, shews very
forcibly the sentiments of the subject of these annals, upon the
greatest question of his life, and may assist in rescuing his name from
the aspersions of his and his country's enemies.
Parliament met Jan. 31, 1792. Nothing occurred of interest till
Mr. Pitt produced his budget on the 17lh of Feb. when the chancellor
of the exchequer entered upon the subject in a committee of the
whole house, and delivered a splended speech, which was heard with
general admiration by the house, and read with avidity by people of
all descriptions, in every part of the kingdom. The amount of the
permanent revenue, with the land and malt duties annexed, from Jan.
1791 to Jan. 1792, he estimated at 16,730,000£. being 300,000£.
more than the aggregate of the preceding year. The permanent ex
penditure, including the interest of the' debt, the annual million
applied towards its extinction, the civil list, and the military and
naval establishments, he calculated at 15,810,0Q0j£ . leaving a clear
surplus of more than 900,000,6 . In diis state of diings he thought
himself authorized to propose the repeal of a part of the more burden
some taxes, to the amount of about 200,000,6 . per annum, and at the
same time to apply the sum of 400,000£. to the reduction of the
national debt, in aid of the annual million appropriated by parliament.
This would still fall far short of his estimate of the national ability^
and there was good ground to believe that we had not reached, by
many degrees, the summit of our prosperity. When the debentures

A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 29
to the American loyalists should be discharged, which would happen
in about four years, an addition of near 300,000j£. would accrue
to the revenue. In consequence of the general improvement of
credit, the three per cents, would soon rise so high as to enable the
parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as soon as by law
redeemable, of the five per cents, which would add the sum of
700, 000,6 . or little less to the sinking fund. The indefinite additions
which might be expected from the enormous produce of the existing-
taxes, the result of our rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all
calculation. Our exports had arisen one third in value since the \ ear
1783, i. e. from 14,741 ,000^. to 20,120,000^. and our interna] trade
had increased in at least an equal proportion. Thus shall we be en
abled to make a swiftly accelerated progress in the essential work of
liquidating the national debt, and in a very short time to reach a point
which, perhaps, not long since was thought too distant for calculation.
On the continuance of our present prosperity it is, indeed, impossible
to count with certainty ; but, unquestionably, there never was a time
when, from the situation of Europe, wc might more reasonably expect
a durable peace than at the present moment. After developing with
much ability and sagacity the hidden but operative springs of the
returning prosperity of the country, the minister concluded with the
following memorable words : " From the result of the whole I trust
I am entitled to infer, that the scene .which we are now contempla
ting, is not the transient effect of accident, not the short-lived pros
perity of a day, but the genuine and natural result of regular and per
manent causes. The season of our severe trial is at an end ; and we
are at length relieved, not only from the dejection and gloom which
a few years since hung over the country, but from the doubt and un
certainly which, even for a considerable time after our prospect had
begun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes and expectations of
the public. We may yet, indeed, be subject to those fluctuations
which often happen in the affairs of a great nation, and which it is im
possible to calculate or foresee ; but as far as there can be any reliance
on human speculations, we have the best ground, from the experience
of the past, to look with satisfaction to the present, and widi confi
dence to the future. — Nunc demum rcdit animus, cum non spern
modo ac votum sccuritas publica, scd ipsius voti fiduciam et rohuv
assumpserit. On the ,29th of the same month, Mr. Whilbread moved three
resolutions conveying a censure upon the ministers ftirlhtir conduct
in the Russian controversy. The subject is now so little intciesting
that we shall content ourselves with stating tlu:t after a debate of
two (fays, in which the leadeis of the o /position and Mr. Fox, in
particular, displayed the most animated powers, Mr. Pitt succeeded
so well in satisfying the house, that the motion was rejected by a
division of 244 against 118.
An association had been recently established, the declared object
of which was to procure what is commonly called a reform in parlia
ment, and to shorten the period of its duration. Sevci al respectable
members of the house of commons patronized this assoc.ation, which
assumed the title of " The Friends of the People," and lent it tha
c 2

30 The- life of a. 1732,
Credit of their names. Lord Lauderdale, Mr. Grey, and Mr. Sheri
dan, Were said to be the principal founders and directors of it. It
was in consequence of a resolution, which was adopted by this
society, that Mr. Grey came forward with a notice of his intention
to move for a parliamentary reform at some period in the subsequent
session. Mr. Pitt observed that if ever there were a time, when the
subject of a parliamentary reform ought not to be agitated, the present
was that period. The part which he had himself formerly acted
upon a similar occasion, was well known to the house. When he
had himself proposed a parliamentary reform, the complexion of the
times was different in every respect from what it then was. Real
grievances were practically felt, and a direct contrariety existed
between the opinions of the people. The country was in a state of
actual distress, a national bankruptcy dreaded,1 and the publie mind
almost bordering on absolute despair. In this situation, something
he had conceived, ought to be attempted to counteract such alarming
evils, by restoring to the people that confidence in parliament which
they seemed to have lost. A parliamentary reform had appeared to
him adequate to such an effect ; a measure which at the time would
have satisfied the nation, and was not likely to have gone beyond its
declared object. The case, he remarked, at present was widely dif
ferent. By the blessing of Providence we enjoyed an unexampled
state of political happiness ; and the gloom which had brooded over
the public mind, had completely dispersed. It was impossible by
any attempt at reform to make the nation easier or happier. On the
other hand much real evil might attend it ; the security of all the
blessings we possessed might be shaken to the very foundation. Fo*
such was the temper of too many reformers out of doors, that mo
derate measures were not likely to satisfy tbem ; they wished not to
preserve, but to subvert the constitution. Such were his principal
objections to the time when this subject was brought forward ; —
objections, which he thought sufficiently accounted for the altered
line of conduct he proposed to pursue, still retaining his opinion of
the propriety of a parliamentary reform, whenever it might seem
attainable without danger or mischief. He complained that instead
of coming forward at once with some specific proposition on the
subject, Mr. Grey had given an indistinct notice, which would
naturally"" agitate the public mind for a considerable period, and
set to work many dangerous and designing theorists. Of this latter
description he conceived some of that society to be, with which he
grieved to find a man of Mr. Grey's talents and character unhappily
connected. The aim of such people was nothing less tjjan to
destroy the British constitution, and to erect on its ruins that mad
system which had been misnamed liberty in another country. Not
withstanding the informality of the proceeding, the debate was car
ried to a considerable length, several members strongly expressed
their disapprobation of the society in which the measure had originated.
Lord North and Mr. Windham, in particular, sided on this occasion with
Mr. Burke, and opposed the arguments of their friends in opposition.
It was now that the great difference of opinion which led to the
ultimate division of the members of opposition took place. The

A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 31
societies denominated " The Friends of the People," the corres
ponding societies and other " affiliated" clubs were in their utmost
activity employing all the arts of the press to assail every class of men
with addresses to their passions, their prejudices, or their interests.
The Rights of Man, by Thomas Paine, was particularly pressed into
circulation. About the same period, the members of the revolution
society published their proceedings and correspondence. In these the
revolution of France was not only praised in general terms, but that
leading maxim of it, the sacred duty of insurrection, particularly
applauded. Our revolution in 1688, was considered as imperfect.
The final completion of this glorious work, it was said, was only to
be hoped from an imitation of the conduct of France, and our specific
grievances, were stated to be " royal prerogatives injurious to the
public interest, a servile peerage, a rapacious and intolerant clergy,
and a corrupt representation."
On the 11th of May Mr. Fox moved for the repeal of some parti
cular statutes against the dissenters. Mr. Pitt opposed the measure, as
it seemed acknowledged on all hands, that no practical evils had ever
happened, or were likely to happen, from the laws in question, and
as danger might possibly accrue from the repeal of them, the motion
was negatived by a majority of 79. The royal proclamation against
the dispersion of seditious writings was now issued, and being laid
before the house, and an address of approbation moved, it was op
posed by Mr. Grey with much warmth, and the proclamation itself
condemned in severe terms, as a measure insidious and pernicious.
The " diligent enquiry," enjoined by the proclamation' after the au
thors and distributors of wicked and seditious writings, could only
tend to establish an odious and arbitrary system of espionage. Mr,
G. strongly intimated his belief, that the real object of the proclama
tion was merely to discredit the late, association in the view of the
public. This Mr. Pitt disclaimed in very explicit terms ; and ex
pressed his high respect for many of the association in question, de
claring " that he differed from them only in regard to the time and
mode which they had adopted for the attainment of their object."
The association in question, he said, did not come within the scope
and purview of the proclamation, which was levelled against the
danng and seditious principles which had been so assiduously propa
gated amongst the people, under the plausible and delusive appella
tion of the Rights of Man. Several members of opposition, particu
larly the Marquis of Titchfield, Lord North, Mr. Windham and Mr.
Anstruther, delivered their sentiments in support of the address, im
pressed with the persuasion that a line of conduct had lately been
adopted in this country, which required the utmost attention and
interference of government.
On two occasions in the upper house, the Lord Chancellor Thur.
low had not only opposed ministry, but employed even invective ;
the breach in the administration became irreparable : Mr Put, there
fore, was said to have insisted, that either he or Lord 1'hui low should
be dismissed from the king's service. The great seal was accordingly
demanded, the very day that parliament rose, and put into the custody

32 THE LIFE OF A. 1792.
of three commissioners, the principal of whom was chief Baron Eyre.
Two cabinet offices being now, in effect, vacant, the minister, it was
reported, signified an inclination for a junction with that branch of
the opposition, which had concurred in the important measure of the
proclamation. It was likewise added, that, seriously alarmed at the
state of the nation and of Europe, and anxious to combine all the abi
lities of the country for the general safety, he did not object to include
Mr. Fox in the arrangement, which was understood to have been par
ticularly pressed by Mr. Burke, who, since the concert that had been
established between government and the old leaders of the whig party
on the subject of the proclamation, was known to have had more fre
quent and free intercourse with the ministers. In consequence of
this overture, negociations were represented to have taken place, but
finally tohave proved abortive, from the obstacles to an arrangement
which were started on the part of Mr. Fox, who would only consent
to the proposed union, on the condition that Mr. Pitt should relin
quish the high situation he theirheld, to be more on a level with him
in office, while the Duke of Portland, or at least, some_neutral per
son, sheuld be appointed to tbetreasury : a condition, wmcnr was re
jected on the part of the minister. The friends of Mr. Fox, in
talking of this unprosperous issue, asserted, that what he had de
manded was no more than was indispensably necessary to his consist
ency, as being the same terms for which he had contended in the be
ginning of the year 1784; but the friends of Mr. Pitt answered,' that
he was as much entitled as Mr. Fox could be, to consult his own
character; that admitting him to have been wrong (which they did
not really mean to admit) in standing upon the prerogative of the
crown, against the sense of the house of commons, and in refusing to
be bound by that sense, as speaking the true voice of the people in
1784 ; yet he had then, by a dissolution, made a regular appeal to
the people, and the decision was most clearly in his favor ; that he
hadately in a striking manner shewn hemself to retain the public
confidence, of the king and of parliament, including even many of the
most respectable members of Mr. Fox's party ; and as to the people
at large, it was asked, if Mr. Fox would abide by the result of any
new appeal to them ; if not, what was the jusiice or equity of requir
ing, that Mr Pitt should voluntarily foreg-o all th, se advantages. —
The former, in reply accused him of inordinate aml>ition, andthe
latter retorted the charge, observing that what Mr. Fox meant by his
claim of perfect equality, was in truth, f >r the minister to have af
forded him a complete triumph, by confessing himself in the wrong,
and by humbling himself, to have gratified a personal jeal.usy, which
if it existed at all, must have frustrated all the salutary effects other
wise to have been hoped from the p, ojt-cted coalition ; Mr. Pitt,
they added, by manifesting a readiness to share with his opp nent, on
terms not dishonorable to either party, that power of which he v, ;>s in
the entire and firm pmssessioii, gave the best proof, that he was sincere
in preferring tne interests of his country to any private ends , f his
own. On the 15th of June the session terminated with a .| eecli
from the throne, in which his majesty, mentioning J,e sta e of affairs
in Europe, declared his own intention to observe a strict neutrality.

A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 33
Mr. Pitt's plan for the administration of the Indian territories, exe
cuted under the direction of Mr. Dundas, had corrected abuses, re
stored prosperity, and extended revenue through British India.
The French revolution continued to engage the attention of Great
Britain, but government still resolved to avoid all interference in the
internal affairs of France. The French now declared war against
Austria and Prussia. The king was deposed, the Scheldt was opened
in contravention of sacred treaties.
During the recess of 1792, the public ferment greatly increased in
this country. The efforts of the revolutionary emissaries became more
strenuous in London, and in the other great cities. On the 7th of
Nov. an address from several patriotic societies in England was pre
sented at the bar of the convention, containing, in addition to the
accustomed complimentary expresions, reflections upon the govern
ment and constitution of their own country. The president of the
convention, in his answer used expressions full of respect and compla
cency ; copies of the address were ordered to be sent to all the armies
and departments of the republic. A royal proclamation was issued
December 1, 1792, announcing " that notwithstanding the late pro
clamation of the 21st of May, the utmost industry was still emphrjed
by evil-disposed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert with
' persons in foreign parts, with a view to subvert the laws and consti
tution ; and that a spirit of tumult and disorder thereby excited, had
lately shewn itself in acts of riot and iusurrection ; and that these
causes moving him thereto, his; Majesty had resolved forthwith to
embody part of the militia of the kingdom." On the same day another
proclamation was issued for convening the parliament (which stood
prorogued to the 3d of Jan. 1793) on the 13th of December; the law
requiring, that if the militia be drawn out during the recess of parlia
ment, and this it can only be in case of invasion or actual insurrection,
parliament shall be assembled within the space of fourteen days.
On the 13th of December parliament was assembled; and the king
stated his various reasons for his present measures. Notwithstanding
the strict neutrality which he had uniformly observed in the wars:
now raging on the continent, he could not, without concern, observe
the strong indications of an intention in the French to excite disturb
ances in other countries ; to pursue views of conquest and ag
grandisement, inconsistent with the balance of Europe, to disre
gard the rights of neutral powers ; and to adopt towards his allies the
states general, measures neither conformable to the public law, nor to
the positive articles of existing treaties, he had thorefore found it ne.
cessary to make some augmentation of his army and navy.
Notwithstanding the facts already detailed, Mr. Fox, at the head of
a small but able band, ridiculed and reprobated the apprehension of
any tendency towards revolution existing in the people of this coun
try. Mr. Pitt being absent, in consequence of his having vacated his
seat by the acceptance of the wardenship of the cinque ports, till now
held by the Earl of Guilford (Lord North). Mr. Burke was the
principal opponent to Mr. Fox in parliament. Mr. B. insisted that
preventive policy was necessary to the salvation of the country. We

34 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
pass over any further historical relation of events till the discussion of
the alien bill on the fourth of Jan. 1793. Mr. Pitt's speeches upon this
and a subsequent motion for an address to the king, while they explain
all the transactions of the time, will illustrate more peculiarly his own
powers of mind and the sentiments he entertained on passing events.
Upon the alien bill, he said, that he felt himself called upon lo
speak on the present occasion, though from the circumstance of his
absence on former debates, the ground of discussion had already heen
pre-Occupied. A right honorable gentleman, Mr. Fox, had assumed
as a principle, that -no bill of this sort ought to be brought forward,
except upon some ground of- positive circumstances upon which it
was founded being stated in the preamble. If he was called upon to
state the particular ground upon which the bill was founded, the
only difficulty which he should find, was, that these grounds were
in themselves far greater than the magnitude of the measure. If he
should only state, that by some extraordinary occurrence, some un
foreseen and inevitable calamity of nature, great numbers of foreigners
had come into this country without the means of subsistence, with
out being brought for any purposes of commerce, or without any
possibility of discrimination, even this he should consider as affording
a sufficient object of jealousy and attention, but when it appeared
that these came from a country whose principles were inimical to the
peace and order of every other government, and though many of
them, no doubt, had fled here in order to find a refuge from the sword
of persecution, there was but too much reason to suspect, among
these had mingled emissaries for prey, regard for our own interests,
and for the safety of the country, enforced the necessity of peculiar
vigilance. In addition to all these circumstances, we find that in the
councils of that country, from which these persons had come, there
had been adopted a system of propagating, by every means of *rt and
force, principles inimical to the government of every country, and
that they were now actually carrying on a war against the established
government of other countries, under the specious pretext of pro-
moling the cause of freedom : but he now came to the climax of all.
In this country itself there had been found persons who proposed
the same principles with those maintained in the councils of that
neighboring stale, and held out the model of their government as an
object of applause and imitation ; who had industriously propagated,
and publicly avowed, that they acted with them in concert ; that
they had held a correspondence with affiliated societies of jacobins;
they had presented addresses to the convention, andhad there1 been
received, encouraged and cherished, and had in return met with offers
Of fraternity and succour. Was there then not reason to suppose.
that persons might have been sent to this country, with a view of
carrying on that concert. Was not this obvious to the understanding
and feeling of every honorable gentleman present. Yet after all that
had been stated, there are some who pretend to tell us that they fear
no internal alarm, that they see no cause of danger. Notwithstanding
the general sentiments of the country and of that house, they have
the hardihood to treat the whole as the effect of ministerial artifice

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 35
Had ministerial artifice made those who had hitherto acted upon
a. system of opposition, now concur in the opinion of this
danger? Had it made all the members in that house, except
ten or fifteen, agree in the same sentiment ? He should now shortly
point out what were the leading circumstances of the present
time. What had they seen ? They had seen within two or three years
a revolution in France, founded upon principles which were incon
sistent with our own, and with every regular government ; which
were hostile to hereditary monarchy, to nobihly, to all the priveleged
orders, and to every sort of popular representation short of that, which
would give to every individual a voice in the election of represen
tatives. Writings had been published in this country, holding out
this government as an object of envy, and model of imitation, decry
ing every other form of government as founded in injustice and in
consistent with the unalienable right of man ; representing this new
scheme as holding out relief to the poor, inculcating a more pure and
simple system of morals and enlarging the circle of social happiness.
How far it deserved This character its own practice would best
prove. Societies had been formed in different manufacturing towns
in this country, upon the model of the jacobin societies in France,
where the utmost art and industry had been employed to inflame the
passions and mislead the judgment of the lower classes, and where the
doctrines inculcated might be supposed to be attended with the worst
effect. These societies carried on correspendence with the societies
and councils of France, and received from them invitations of support.
In addition to all this, we have seen a code of the laws of nations
adopted in France, hostile to every other government, a system of
anarchy and ambition, setting at defiance all regular authority, and
treating as unlawful every thing which has been sanctioned by the
laws of other countries. Their new code of the laws of nations went to
establish t heir government where Ver they should carry their arms. As
tlieir ambition was unbounded, so the anarchy, which they hoped to
establish, was universal. From the conduct which they had already
exhibited, a judgment might be formed of the future course which
they would pursue. Under the specious pretext of promoting the
cause of freedom, they had shewn no scruple to annex the territories
of tlieir neighbours to their own dominions, and to force upon the in
habitants of the countries which they had entered, that freedom which
they were unwilling to receive, and of which, certainly the state of
their own country did not afford a very flattering specimen. Their
own declarations had shewn that their views were not confined to
particular countries, that tlieir object was every where to propagate
their own system by all the means which art, industry, or force could
suppb/. When there were men in this country connected with a peo
ple actuated by such principles, and pursuing such a system, it surely
became a matter of the most serious consideration. Such being the
state of circumstances, he put it to the hearts, consciences, judgments
and understandings of gentlemen present, whether there was not seri
ous ground of alarm ? Such was the general view of affairs; com
bined with which, their was a necessity of taking some measure
against that influx of foreigners which had poured into the country.

36 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
While all that house and all the country agree with respect to the
existence of danger, there were ten or fifteen members who com
pletely denied it; but even these could not agree with regard to the
degree of its non-existence. In this respect, they were inconsistent
with themselves. A right honorable gentleman (Mr. Fox) who,
though he had spoken last, was first to be attended to; though he
disapproved of the principles upon which the French acted — though
afraid of the progress of their arms, was. not afraid of the progress of
their opinions in this country. On this score he apprehends nothing,
though it was particularly the interest, and had always been the
policy of the French to sow divisions in those countries, against
which they entertained views of hostility— ra policy which, in the
present instance, could not be better answered than by propagating
their sentiments. The opinions that right honorable gentleman had
stated, were not to be opposed by force ; they were to be resisted,
first by neglect and contempt, the mode of which he seemed most to
approve ; secondly, by argument and resoning; and last, by prose
cution, which, however, he did not greatly commend. He would
only ask, what sort of opinions were those to which the right honor
able gentleman had alluded. Serious and conscientious opinions,
founded upon sober and dispassionate reasoning, he would own, had
a claim to the utmost indulgence, and ought always to be treated with
deference; but surely, with regard to wild and violent notions, as
suming the name of opinions, but tending by overt acts to overturn
every established government, and to introduce anarchy and confusion,
a different mode of conduct was to be observed. Those opinions which .
the French entertained were of the most dangerous nature ; they ,
were opinions produced by interest, inflamed by passion, propagated i
by delusion, which their successes had carried to the utmost excess,
and had contributed to render still more dangerous. For, would
the right honorable gentleman tetl him that the French opinions re
ceived no additional weight from the success of tlieir armies ? Was
it possible to separate between the progress of tlieir opinions and the
success of their arms ? It was evident that the one must influence the
other, and that the diffusion of their principles must keep pace with
the extent of their victories. He was not afraid of the progress of the
French principles in this country, unless the defence of the country
should previously be undermined by the introduction of these prin
ciples. A noWe lord(Earl Wycombe)bad said, that if a war should
take place, the blame of that war must entirely belong to ministers.
He would here beg to refer to the conduct of France. It had first
denied the obligation of a treaty, which, though sometimes called
absolute, had been considered as the corner stone of the balance of
Europe, and repeatedly renewed ; which had been coeval wjj.h the
establishment of Dutch freedom, and was, in fact, necessary to the
existence of the independence of Holland — a treaty in which France
could have no concern, except in fulfilment of its own stipulation,
to guard it against infringement ; and which could only be a matter of
question between (he sovereign of the Dutch republic and the sove
reign of the Austrian Netherlands. France could oniv have one of
two motives for interference — eidier as asuaiing to act ^s sovereign

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 37
of the Netherlands, or because she has proclaimed a new code of the
law of nations, by which she presumes to dictate to every, country,
and to model every government by her own standard. Could we
then, in this country, without resigning the spirit of independent
Britons, and the faith due to an ally, submit to so insolent and unjust
a claim as that of opening the Scheldt on the part of the French ? But
they affected, upon their present system, to despise all treaties, and to
regard the one in question as extorted by avarice, and consented to
through despotism. The second circumstance to which he should
call their attention was, the decree of the 19th of November. By
this decree, the French engaged to assist all people in procuringtheir
freedom — such a freedom, he supposed, as they themselves enjoyed.
We have seen, said he, French freedom in definition, we have seen it
in illustration, and haye now an opportunity to compare the theory
with the practice. Their conduct in Flanders afforded a specimen of
the nature of theirfreedom. They had there endeavoured to propagate
their doctrine, but finding the inhabitants not disposed to give them so
favourable a reception as they could have wished, they had taken the
method of inculcating opinions of freedom by force. Their general
had issued a proclamation, that whoever should not embrace the tree
of liberty, should be cut off as a wretch unfit to live. The noble
lord talked of their having given an explanation with respect to this
decree. What sort of explanation had they given I They had stated
that it was not tlieir intention to assist a few individuals, but only to
interfere in cases where a great majority of the people should be dis
posed to shake off their government ;" so that, in fact, it was their in
tention to promote rehellion in other countries, and to declare war
against all established -governments. <This sort of war was an inex
piable war against all legitimate power, and which was only £0 termi
nate in its extinction. Formerly the splendour of conquest had, in
some measure, been pursued with a respect which had been paid to
the government and rights of the conquered. The Romans were
careful to preserve the government, the habits, and customs of the
nations which they had vanquished, considering that as the best se
curity for their conquests. For the present age had been reserved
the idea of a war of extirpation — a war which should tend to annihilate
whatever had been held most dear, or found most valuable. This
was a sort of war which had never been carried on even by despots,
and which was only exemplified in the conduct of those modern
republicans, who held out a system of what they called freedom and
happiness. One honorable gentleman (Major Maitland) had declared,
that the whole of the danger which had been held out, and the conse
quent alarm which had been excited in the country, was a mere delusion,
effected by the artifices of ministry. That honorable gentleman had,
at the same time, stated, that the uniform misconduct of ministry since
they came into power, was sufficient to have occasioned all the mis
chiefs which had been described, and to bring any country into a state
of the greatest calamity. If this was the case, he, for one, could not
but rejoice, that all these mischiefs, and all this calamity, amounted to
nothing more than delusion. In reply to the Marquis of Titchfield,
who had accused ministers of tardiness, Mr. P. asserted, that it was
D

38 THE LIFE OF A. 1793v
not till very lately the proceedings had assumed sufficient importance
to justify ministerial interference. It was curious that other gentle
men in opposition had brought a directly contrary charge, by accusing
ministers of too great precipitation. It was only the retreat of the
Duke of Brunswick, and the success of the French arms, with the
consequences that had followed, events so rapid and unexpected,
which it was impossible to foresee, and which defied even the smallest
conjecture, that rendered the danger so imminent, and the necessity
of preparations so urgent on the part of this country. It was not till
lately that the opening of the Scheldt had occurred, an infringement
of the stipulations of treaties, and an invasion of our allies, the
Dutch, which rendered it absolutely necessary for this country to
interfere, more especially as it seemed to open the way for farther
violations of treaty, and more extended acquisitions of conquest. It
was not till the 19th of November that the decree had passed^
which menaced hostility to every government, and the principles of
which every nation in Europe was interested to oppose. He trustejK
it would appear from attention to these circumstances, that as
soon as the danger could be ascertained, measures had been taken
to meet it, and that there had been no want of vigilance, pre
caution, and activity, on the part of ministers. He trusted that
they would all concur to meet the present emergency by suitable mea
sures, to obviate the danger by the most effectual means which could
be devised, and unite their strength for two great objects — the safety
of the country and support of the constitution. The bill was then
read a third time, and passed.
On the 24th of January, 1793, intelligence arrived in London of
the melancholy catastrophe of*Louis XVI. His majesty immediately
notified to Mr. Chauvelin, that the character with which he had
been invested at the British court, and of iwhich the functions had
been so long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the death
of his most christian majesty, he had no longer any public character
here, and that within eight, dayshe must quit the kingdom. The
French rulers finding Britain inflexibly determined on adherence to
the right of independent nations, by a decree qfihe-conxerition of the
1st of February, 1793, declared war against Great Britain with accla-,
mation^ and soon alfier against Holland, which their forces were ready
to invade. Upon the very same day that France declared war against
Great Britain, the British parliament was engaged in discussing a
message from the king, concerning the papers which had passed be
tween M. Chauvelin and the minister for foreign affairs. On this
occasion Mr. Pitt, who had now resumed his seat in parliament, made
an eloquent harangue. Adverting, at the commencement of thespeecb,
to the melancholy catastrophe which had just taken place in France: '
he represented it " as an event so full of grief and horror, that he
wished it were possible to tear it from tlieir memories, and expunge i|?
from the page of history, and remove it for ever from the observation'
and comments of mankind ; — but that event was unfortunately pass
ed, and the present age must be forever contaminated with the guilt
and ignominy of having witnessed it. In this dreadful transaction
they saw concentrated the effect of those principles, pushed to their

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 39
utmost extent, which set out with dissolving all the bands by which
society was held together — principles established in opposition to
every law human and divine, and which, presumptuously relying on
the authority of wild and delusive theories, rejected all the advanta
ges of the wisdom and experience of former ages, and even the
sacred instructions of revelation. While, therefore, he directed their
attention to this transaction, he paid not only a tribute to humanity,
but he suggested to them a subject of much useful reflection. No
consideration indeed could be more connected with a country like
this, or of a greater.importance, than what tended to avert such trans
actions as had taken place in that neighbouring state. Here, where
a monarch formed an essential part of the government, clothed with
inviolability which was essential to the exercise of the sovereign
power ; where the legislature was composed of a mixture df demo
cracy and aristocracy ; and where, by the benefits of this system, we
had been exempted from those mischiefs which in former ages had
been produced by despotism, and which were only to be exceeded by
those still more horrid evils which in the present time had been found
to be the fruits of licentiousness and anarchy. Mr. Pitt now proceed
ed to remark on the different papers which had been laid on the ta
ble, and printed for the use of the members. It would appear from
the first paper that the system on which his Majesty had uniformly
acted, was founded on the very principles which had afterwards dic
tated the necessity of his making preparations. His majesty had de
clined taking any part in the internal government of France, and had
made a positive, declaration to that effect. When he took that wise,
generous and disinterested resolution Jie had reason to expect that
the French would in return have respected the rights of himself and
his allies, and most of all, that they woidd not have attempted any in
ternal interference in this country. A paper on the table contained on
their part a positive contract to abstain from any of those acts by
which they had provoked the indignation of this country. In this
paper they disclaimed all views of aggrandizement ; they gave assur
ances of their good conduct to neutral nations ; they protested against
their entertaining an idea of interfering in the government of the
country, or making any attempts to excite insurrection ; upon the
express ground (stated in the paper) that such interference and such
attempts would be a violation of the law of nations, they had them
selves, by anticipation, passed sentence upon their own conduct ;
and the event of this discussion would decide, whether that sentence
would be confirmed by those who had actually been injured. Dur
ing the whole summer, while France had been engaged in the wars
with Aifstria and Prussia, his Majesty had in no shape departed from
the neutrality which he had engaged to observe, nor did he, by the
smallest act, give any reason to suspect his adherence to that system.
But what, he would ask, was the conduct of the French: The first
instance of their success in Savoy had been sufficient to unfold the
plan of their ambition. They had immediately adopted the course to
annex'it for ever to their own dominions, and had displayed a reso
lution to do the same, wherever they should carry tlieir aims. That
th.ey might not leave any doubt of their intentions, by a formal de-

40 THE LIFE OF A. 1793*
cree, they had stated their plan of overturning every government,'
and substituting their own ; they threatened destruction to all who
should not be inclined to adopt their system of freedom, and by a
horrid mockery, offered fraternization ; where it was refused, they?
were determined to employ force, and to propagate their principles]
where they should fail to gain assent, by the mouths of cannon.
They established, in the instructions to the commissioners whom they
appointed to enforce the decree, with respect to the countries enter
ed by their armies, a standing revolutionary order, that instituted a
system of organizing disorganization. And what was the reason
which they assigned for all this ? " The period of freedom," said
they, " must soon come ; we must then endeavour, by all means
in our power, to accomplish it now; for should this freedom be
accomplished by other nations, what then will become of us ?" for
justly migbt they entertain doubts of their safety. They had ren
dered the Netherlands a province, in substance as well as name
entirely dependant on France. That system, pursued by the Jaco
bin societies, in concert with their correspondents, had given a more
fatal blow to liberty, than any which it had ever suffered from the
boldest attempts of the most aspiring monarch.
What had been the circumstances which had attended the trium-
phal entry of General Dumourier .' Demonstrations of joy inspired
by terror, illuminations imperiously demanded by an armed force;
And when the primary assembly met to deliberate, in what circum
stances did they assemble? with the tree of liberty planted amidst
them, and surrounded by a hollow square' of French soldiers ; a situa
tion surely equally conducive 4o the ease of their own thoughts, and
the freedom of their public deliberations. And what had happened
even since the French had professed their intention of evacuating the
territories which they had entered, at the conclusion of the war ? a
deputation had been received from Hainault, requesting that it might
be added as an eighty -fifth department. And how had this deputation
been received? Had the request been rejected? No, it had only
been postponed till a committee should be able to prepare instruc
tions, how those nations, wllo should be desirous of the same union,
should be able to incorporate themselves with Frarice in a regular
and formal manner, till the preliminaries should be settled by which
it should subject to its government, and add to its territories, eveiy
country which should be so unfortunate as to experience the force
of its arms, and give to its wild and destructive ambition only the
same limits with those of its power. It was matter of serious con
sideration, how far such a conduct not only ought to rouse the indig
nation, but might tend to affect the interests of this counfty. To.
shew how the French had behaved with respect to neutral nations,!
he need only refer to their decree of the 19th of November, which
had already been so often mentioned and so amply discussed. He
then read that passage in which the French grant fraternity to all
those people who should be desirous to gain their freedom, and offer
them assistance for that purpose. By the bye, he remarked, fliat to
grant fraternity was a curious state of equality, and that none might
be at a loss to know to whom the French nation were disposed to

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 41
grant this relationship of younger brothers, they had ordered the
decree to be printed in all languages, by which it might be perceived,
that they intended the favour for aU nations who chose to accept of
it. Some pretended explanations had indeed been given of this de
cree, but of all these explanations he should say nothing but what
had already been stated by the noble secretary of state, that they con
tained only an avowel and a repetition of the offence. The whole
of their language, institutes, and conduct, had been directed to the
.total subversion of every government. To monarchy particularly
they had testified the most decided aversion, and so violent was their
enmity that they could be satisfied with nothing less than its entire
extermination. The bloody sentence, which the hand of the assassin
had lately carried into execution against their own monarch, was
passed against the sovereigns of all countries. Were not their prin
ciples intended to be applied in their effects to this government ?
No society in this country, however small in number, however con
temptible, however even questionable in existence, had sent addresses
to their assembly, in which they had expressed sentiments of sedition
and treason, which had not been received with a degree of theatrical
extravagance, and cherished with all the enthusiasm of congenial feel
ing. Need he then ask, if England was not aimed at by this conduct,
and if it alone was to be exempted from the consequences of a system,
the profession of which was anarchy, and which seemed to aspire to
establish universal dominion upon the ruin of every government ?
From what had passed in a former part of the evening, he understood
that it would be urged lhatthe Dutch had made no formal requisition
for the support of this country, in order to resist the opening of the
Scheldt by the French, and to enable them to maintain their right to
the exclusive navigation of that river. He granted that no such
formal requisition had been made. But might there not be pruden
tial reasons for not making this requisition on their part, very diffe
rent from those wliich should induce this country to withhold its
support. When the French opened the Scheldt, the Dutch entered
their solemn protest against that invasion of their rights, which left
them at liberty, at any time, to take it up as an act of hostility. If,
from the sudden progress of the French arms and the circumstance of
their forces being at their very door, they either from prudence or
fear, did not think proper to take it up as an immediate commence
ment of hostilities — because they had been timid, would England
think itself at liberty to leave its allies, already involved in a situation
of imminent danger lo that certain ruin to which they were exposed '
in consequence of a system, the principles of which threatened also
destruction to England, Europe, and to the whole of mankind ;
Thus in all those three assurances which they had given of their in
tention to reject any system of aggrandizement, to abstain from inter
fering in the government of any neutral country, and ti» respect the
rights of his majesty and of his allies, they had entirely failed, and
in every respect completely reversed that line of conduct which
they had so solemnly pledged themselves to adopt. Whatever they
had offered under the name of explanations, contained nothing-
that either offered any compensation for the past, or was at aii
D 2

42 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
satisfactory with respect to the future. Op the 27th of December
M. Chauvelin, on the part of the executive council, had pre
sented the note complaining of the decree of the 19th of Novem
ber. On the 31st of December, a member of that executive council,
(minister of the marine) addressed a letter to all the friends of liberty
in the seaports; from which he would now read some passages. "The
king and his parliament mean to make war against us. Willthe
English republicans suffer it ? Already these freemen shew their dis
content, and the repugnance which they have to bear arms against
their brothers, the French. — Well ! we will fly to their succour — we
will make a descent in the island — we will lodge there fifty thousand
caps of liberty — we will plant there the sacred tree, and we will
stretch out our arms to our republican brethren — the tyranny of their
government will soon be destroyed." He called the attention of the
house to this declaration, which distinguished the English people
from the king and the parliament, and to the nature of that present
which was meant to be made them. While such declarations were
in force, what could be thought of any explanations which were pre
tended to be given, or what credit was due to the assertions, that they
entertained no intentions hostile to the government of this country?
From all these circumstances, he concluded, that the conduct and pre
tensions of the French were such as were neither consistent with the
existence nor safety of this country, such as that house could not, and,
Jhe was confident, never would acquiesce in; Unless you will then
recede from your principles, or they withdraw, a war must be the
consequence — as lo the time, the precise moment, he should not pre
tend to fix it — it would be left open to the last for any satisfactory
explanation ; but he should deceive them if he should say, that he
thought any such explanation would be given, or that it was proba
ble that a war could be avoided.
The intelligence of the French declaration of war having been
received on,the 11th of Feb. a message, announcing the war, was de-
livered to the house. He now came to state what had occurred since
his majesty's last message ; and to notice those grounds which had
served as a pretence for the declaration of war. When his majesty
had dismissed M. Chauvelin, what were then the hopes of peace ? He
was by no means sanguine in such hopes, and he had stated to the
bouse, that he then saw but little probability that a war could be
avoided. Still, however, the last moment had been kept open to re
ceive any satisfactory explanation that might be offered ; but what,
it might be asked, was to be the mode of receiving such explanation.
When his majesty had dismissed M. Chauvelin, eight days had been
allowed him for l)is departure ; and if during that period he Bad sent
any more satisfactory explanation, still it wotdd have been received.
M. Chauvelin, however,- instantly quitted the country, without
making any proposition. Another agent liad succeeded ( M. Maret)i
who, on his arrival in this country, had notified himself as the charge
d'alKaires on the part of the French republic, but had never, during
his residence in the kingdom, offered the smallest communication.
What was the next event which had succeeded ? an embargo was. laid
on all the vessels and persons of his majesty's subjects who were the*

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 43
in France. This embargo was to be considered as not only a symp
tom, but as an act of hostility. It certainly had taken place without
any notice having been given, contrary to treaty, and against all the
laws of nations. Notwithstanding this violent and outrageous act, such
was the disposition to peace in his majesty's ministers, that the chan
nels of communication even after this period, were not shut. A most
singular circumstance happened, which was the arrival of intelligence
from his majesty's minister at the Hague, on the very day when the
embargo became known here, that he had received an intimation from
General Dumourier, that the general wished an interview, in order to
see if it were yet possible to adjust the differences between the two
countries, and to promote a general pacification. Instead of treating
the embargo as an act, of hostility, and forbearing from any commu
nication, even after this aggression, his majesty's ministers, on the
same day on which the embargo was made known to them, gave in.
structions to the ambassador at the Hague, to enter into a communica
tion with General Dumourier. But before the answer of government
could reach the ambassador, or any means be adopted for carrying the
object proposed into execution, war was declared on the part of the
French, against this country. He must again revert for a moment to
the embargo. He then stated, that a detention of ships, ifno ground
of hostility has been given, is in the first place, contrary to the law
of nations : in the second place, there was an actuaj treaty between
the two countries, provided for this very circumstance; and this
treaty(if not set aside by our breach of it, which he should come to
presently,) expressly said, that " in case of a rupture time shall- be
given for the removal of persons and effects." Mr. Pitt then entered
into an examination of the articles of the French declaration, which he
proved to consist of the weakest pretexts. Of all the reasons he ever
heard for making war against another country, that of the French
upon this occasion, was the most extraordinary: they said they
would make war on us — first, because we loved our own constitution ;
secondly, because we detested their proceedings: and lastly, because
we presumed to grieve at the death of their murdered king. Thus
would they even destroy those principles of justice, and those senti
ments of compassion, which led. to reprobate their crimes, and to be
afflicted at their cruelties. Thus would they deprive us of that last
resource of humanity, to mourn over the misfortunes and sufferings of
the victims of their injustice, they would not only endeavour to da^
stroy our political existence, and to deprive us of the privileges which,
we enjoyed as subjects of the most excellent constitution, but they
would eradicate our feelings as men ; they would make crimes of
the sympathies which were excited by the distresses of our common
nature ; they would repress our sighs and restrain our tears. He
now came to his conclusien — we, said he, have, in every instance,
observed the strictest neutrality with respect to the French : we have
pushed, to its utmost extent, the system of temperance and modera
tion; we have held out the means of accommodation; we have
waited till the last moment for satisfactory explanation. These means
of accommodation have been slighted and abused, and all along there
has appeared no disposition to give any satisfactory explanation, —

44 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
They have now, at last, come to an actual aggression, by. seizing our
vessels in our very ports, without any provocation given on our
part ; without any preparations having been adopted but those of
necessary precaution, they have declared, and are now waging war.
Such is the conduct which they have pursued ; such is the situation
in which we stand. It now remains to be seen whether, under Pro
vidence, the efforts of a free, brave, loyal, and happy people, aided by
their allies, will not be successfid in checking the progress of a system,
the principles of which, if not opposed, threaten the most fatal con
sequences to the tranquillity of this country, the security of its allies,'
the good order of every European government, and the happiness of
the whole human race. Messrs. Fox, Burke and Sheridan spoke,
and the first gentleman moved an amendment ; the address was, how
ever, voted without a division.
On the 18th, Mr. Fox moved five resolutions, the grounds of
which were — first, objection to a war with France, for the purpose of
suppressing any opinions thatprevailed there, however injurious their
tendency ; second, that the alleged grounds* of war were not, in
the first instance, justifiable ; third, that ministers had not used means
likely to obtain redress without a rupture ; fourth, that ministers had
neglected to recognize the principles they held against France, in the
case of Poland; and fifth, that ministers ought to forbear to recom
mend any measures which might prevent the conclusion of a separatei
peace. A debate, not less vehement than the former, took place; and
upon a division, the members appeared to be 270 who voted for the
previous question, against 44, who supported the motion. On the
21st of February, Mr. Grey moved an adress, containing a compre
hensive view of the whole subject-matter of dispute ; it concluded
with stating, that the calamities of such a war as was now commenced, •
a war of vengeance and not of necessity, must be aggravated, in the_
estimation of every rational mind, by reflecting on the peculiar ad
vantages of that fortunate situation we had so unwisely abandoned.
Mr. Pitt replied in a few words, declaring that this subject required)
no further discussion. The motion of Mr. Grey was immediately
negatived without a division. On the 4th of March, Mr. Sheridan
proposed that an enquiry should be instituted into the alleged sedi
tion, and declared his disbelief of the ministerial representations. In
answer to Mr. Sheridan's requisition, it was argued, that government
had not asserted the existence of plots, to be established by proof, for
judicial animadversion, but of a seditious spirit and opperations,which
required deliberative precaution and the most vigilant care to prevent
them from maturing into plots and insurrections. From a combina
tion of various and disconnected circumstances, a man might receive
a moral certainty of a general fact, which ought to regulate his con
duct, though he might have no proof of such a fact sufficient to
establish it before a magistrate. The active circulation of seditious
writings, the proceedings and declarations of the innovating societies ;
the public and avowed sentiments of great numbers in favour of the
French system, as a model for this country, concurred in manifesting
the existence of a spirit which it became the legislature and govern
ment to repress ; and Mr. Sheridan's motion was negatived by a very
numerous majority,

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 45
On the 6th of May, Mr. Grey made his motion, for a reform in par
liament, various petitions had been received. Mr. G's observations
were necessarily interspersed with personal animadversions on Mr.
Pitt's affirmed change of conduct. Mr. Pitt said, " I feel more particu
larly anxious, on account of the share which I have had in agitating
the question of parliamentary reform, to state fully and distinctly the
reasons which induce me to resist the motion which is now brought
forward. Last session, I considered the agitation of the question as
Gapable of producing much mischief, and likely to be attended with
no good. Such was the conclusion which I formed from experience.
I had myself, on different occasions, proposed a reform, in situations
which seemed favourable to my object, and supported by persons of
the highest respectability, and had even then failed. Several gentle
men from a dread of the consequences of innovation, and from a doubt
whether the advantage to be obtained was such as would compensate
for the risk incurred, opposed my views. If such arguments had
formerly succeeded, how much force had they last year acquired
from the dreadful lesson afforded in the example of neighbouring
kingdoms ! The scene of horrors which it then presented, exceeded
imagination, far short as it stopped of what has since occurred. I
perceived forming within the bosom of the country, a small but not
contemptible party, who aspired at something more than a moderate
reform, whose object, indeed, was nothing less than lo introduce here
those French principles, Which, from their consequences, I could not
regard but with horror. I saw therefore, that while none of that good
of which a moderate reform might be productive, was to be obtained,
mufch danger might be incurred, and an opening afforded to wicked
persons to subvert that very constitution which we were desirous to
improve, only in order that we might preserve. I thus found the
probability of good, small ; while the mischief was of a size so gigan
tic as to exceed calculation. And upon this reasoning, even if I had
rated as high as ever the advantages of a reform, and had seen a
greater probability than had hitherto appeared of accomplishing such
a reform, I would rather have abandoned my object than have incur
red or increased the danger. But it was alleged that this was precisely
the time to bring forward a moderate reform, as the best means to
quiet violent spirits, and the surest remedy against ruinous innova
tion. The gentlemen who now come forward in the cause of parlia-*
mentary reform, I have no doubt, were encouraged, in their first ex
ertions, by the hope that they slfould be enabled to overcome the
violent spirits, and that moderate men, who might otherwise have'
been misled, would be induced to join their standard. I have learned
from their publications, that they not only proposed to guide thef
minds of the people, but also to be guided by them, and that they
were resolved to drop their views if they should find that they did
not meet with a pretty general concurrence. Such was the situation
of the business at the last session ; another year has now passed in
France, disgraced with excesses and outrages so horrid, that they ef
face the memory of those which formerly occurred, and leave of them
only the faint traces, and the image hardly visible. The French had
disclosed a system of disseminating their principles, and procuring

46 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
proselytes in every part of Europe, a system which they had particu
larly followed up with respect to this country. Such was the case
without  what was the situation of affairs within ? Societies had
been formed in this country, affiliated with the Jacobin clubs in
France ; and though they had since assumed a different shape, were
then employed for the purpose of spreading Jacobin principles. In
this object they proceeded with a degree of boldness and confidence,
proportioned to the success of the French arms. We thus beheld
the scheme which we had anticipated as the result of the new consti
tutions in France opening upon us. We had more immediately an
opportunity of seeing what were the views of the legislators of France
with respect to this country, and what their instruments in England -
were endeavouring to effect. For while in France, they always men-
tibned the pretext of a reform, as the medium by which they were
to introduce their principles, their instruments here always took care
to connect the system of parliamentary reform with all those delu
sive doctrines, upon which was founded the newly-raised fabric of
French freedom . Nothing less than a national convention was held
out as a sufficient remedy for the abuses which prevailed in the repre
sentation, and the sole organ through which a more perfect form of
government was to be obtained, namely, such a government as should
acknowledge no other source of authority and no other rule of con
duct, than the will of the majority. In short, French principles were
inculcated as the true standard of political belief, and the example
of the French government proposed as a worthy object of imitation.
I now proceed to events of a more recent date. The admirers of
French policy in this country felt a depression of spirits from the de
feat of their friends and allies, which, for a time, gave a fatal blow
to their hopes, and compelled them to conceal their views, and to as-
sume a veil of caution, butill-suited to the ardour of their temper, and
the boldness of their enterprize. But though they had thus been
forced, for a while, to relinquish their schemes, it was not to be pre--
sumed from this that they had by any means abandoned them — no!-
they still meditated the same plans, and only lay by to watch for an
opportunity favourable to the accomplishment of their designs. For
that purpose, they had looked particularly to the question of parlia-
mentary reform. Previous to the bringing forward the present
motion, a great number of petitions had been presented to the house,
equally singular in their form, expression, and the manner in which
tfiey had thus been submitted to notice. They had been introduced
trader the auspices of the gentlemen who supported the motion.
They were all of three descriptions, except that one upon which the
motion was more partibularly founded, and a petition from Notting
ham,,, conceived in exactly the same terms with one which had been
received from that place in 1782. When it had first been re
ceived, it came after a long war, which, had harassed and exhausted
the country, and the calamities of which, it stated as a proper
ground for a reform of parliament : unfortunately it still employed
the same language, and gave the same description of the country,
after a long and prosperous peace. All these petitions came from
places in England and Scotland, that seemed to have no national

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 4?
connection or likelihood of communication. Yet, coming from
these different places, they were all the same in substance, and nearly
the same in stile; whatever little difference there might be in the
expression, they seemed all to proceed from the same hands. All of
them were the same in prayer ; they concurred in praying for the
right of universal suffrage, as the basis of that reform which they de
sired. With respect to those petitions, two questions arise ; firsts
what weight they ought to have with the house, and how far they
oughtto be allowed to go in influencing their judgment ; and secondly,
whether this is a season proper for the consideration of that object
which they claim, and favourable to a temperate reform. On the
first point, when petitions came to the house, fabricated in appeaf-
ance, similar as to substance and expression, it did not require much
-time to determine in what point of view they were to be considered.
There was every reason to suspect that they were the work of a few
individuals. They had certainly much more the appearance of the
design of a few individuals, than of the general expression of the
sentiments of the country. If it was asked, then, what weight they
ought to have, the answer was easy — none. The fraud was too gross
and palpable, and it was evident from what quarter they came, and
with what views they were presented. But what are the grounds
upon which they now bring forward this question of reform ?^—
First they state, that from the general burst of loyalty expressed by
the nation upon the first alarm, there is no reason to fear that the
people will pass beyond the bounds of discretion, and that no season
can be more favourable for a temperate reform than that in which
they have so strongly testified their attachment to the established or
der of things and their reluctance to any change. Of this temper they
recommend to us to take the advantage. But how stands the case ?
The fact, I grant, is, indeed., true. But it is also true, that societies
in this country have been anxiously seeking not to obtain reform, but
to find cause of dissatisfaction, not to allay the violence of innova
tion but to influence discontent. Is it then out of deference to that
small party, actuated by such principles, and pursuing such a line of
conduct, that we are to grant a reform, and not out of respect to the
great body of the people of England, animated by a spirit of the purest
loyalty and too much attached to the blessings of the constitu
tion and the present government, to wish to hazard them by a change?
What then is the question at issue ? It is the same question which is
now at issue with the whole of Europe, .who are contending for
the cause of order, of justice, of humanity, of religion, in opposition
to anarchy, to injustice, to cruelty, to infidelity. Are we to yield
then toAthe clamours of dissatisfaction and discontent ? and are we to
disregard the voice of satisfaction and gratitude ? are we, in order to
gratify the caprice, or sooth the insolence of a few disaffected, to neg
lect the benefit of the common body ? Are we, at a moment of emer
gency like this, when the great cause of all is at stake, to suspend our
cares for the public welfare and attend to the discussion of petty
claims, and the redress of imaginary grievances ? Are we, at such a
moment, in order to please a few individuals, to hazard the conse
quence of producing alarm and distrust in the general body, firm and

48 THE LIFE OF A. 1798.
united in the common cause ? I shall not proceed to remark on the
precise nature of the motion itself. The" motion is, to refer to a
committee one of those petitions for a reform which have been pre
sented to the house. Whether the honorable gentleman who madethe
motion means likewise to refer them all, is a point of which I am not
.ascertained. (Mr Grey here nodded assent.) If he means to refer them
all, my reasoning on the subject is reduced to a veiy short compass.
Ought we to refer to a committee to deliberate on the measure of un
limited suffrage? The circumstance of having moved to refer the
prayers of the petitions, withouthaving pointed out any specific plan
for obtaining their object, most clearly has a tendency to excite
discontent, without affording' the means of allaying it. Though
I formerly moved for a general inquiry, I was afterwards convinced
that it would be attended with no good effect, and abandoned the
motion. I became sensible that there was no chance of obtaining
any advantage but by bringing forward a specific proposition. If I
thought so then, how much more must I now be confirmed in the
same opinion ? If any object is proposed for discussion, it ought to
ibe specific. The contrary mode can tend only to perplex the dis
cussion, and to render it productive of mischief. I shall now short
ly observe on the manner of introducing this business. The honor
able gentleman stated fairly and candidly, that he brought forward
the present question, not on the ground of right, but of expediency,
' think so too. To talk of an abstracted right of equal represen
tation, is absurd. It is to arrogate that right to one form of govern
ment, whereas Providence has accommodated the different forms of
government to the different states of society in which they subsist..
There are as many different rights as the causes which occur to diver
sify tiie modes of government. But though the honorable gentleman dis
claimed the ground of general andabstractedright, he has so far enlarg
ed his ground of expedience as to embrace the mode of reasoning, by
which that wild theory is supported. He has declared himself ready
to take even universal suffrage, that mode which he approves the least,
rather than to suffer the constitution to remain as it is. I so far differ
with him, that I would rather abandon what I conceived to be the
best plan of reform, than risk the consequences of any hazard to the
constitution, as it at present subsists. Can I then embark in the same
committee with the honorable gentleman, while he rejects the only
plan on which I have contended for reform, and is ready to give inlo
that which he himself deems the worst ? I must confess myself
alarmed at the extent to which he carries his object, I see no probabi
lity of a temperate reform, and, if granted, it would not even answer
the end for which it is demanded. So far from satisfying those who
solicit it, it would only extend their views and multiply and encou
rage their claims ; they want not a parliamentary reform for itself,
but for something else, which they have in prospect. They consi-.
der it not as the end of their wishes, but the only means which may lead
to their accomplishment. But here we are told, that by refusing this
reform, we areacting upon the same principle by which we lost Ame
rica, by not complying with the demands of that country. The Ameri
cans desired specific relief; they pointed out a definite object with which

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 49
they pledged themselves to be satisfied. Here no specific relief is de
manded, no definite object is pointed out. You are desired to give
what nobody asks; and to those who tell you, that even if you give
it them they will not be satisfied ; my plan went to give vigour and
stability to the ancient principles of the constitution, and not to in
troduce into it any new principles. The merit of the British consti
tution is to be estimated, not by metaphysical ideas, not by vague
themes, but by analysing it in practice. Its benefits are confirmed by
the sure and infallible test of experience. In the history of the
country, from the earliest period down to that in which I now speak,
the number of electors have always been few, in proportion to that of
the great body of the people. My plan went to regulate the distri
bution of the right of electing members, to add some and to transfer
others : when such was my plan, am I to be told that I have been an
advocate for parliamentary reform, as if I had espoused the same side of
the question which is now taken up by these honorable gentlemen,
and am now resisting that cause which I had formerly supported ?
I affirm that my plan is ten times more contrary to that of the right
honorable gentleman than his to the constitution ; nay, I go farther;
I agree with the honorable gtntleman (Mr. Windham) that to adopt
the system now proposed, is to adopt the principle of the French
code, and follow the example of their legislators. As these principle*
are unknown in the history of this country, it is to France only that"
we can look for their origin. The same principles which claim indi
vidual suffrage, and affirm that every man has an equal right to a
share in the representation, is that which serves as the basis of that de
claration of rights on which the French legislators have founded their
government. We ought to recollect that there are 250 persons who
possess an equal voice in the legislature with that of this house ; that
there is a king who, to the third of the legislature, adds the whole of
the executive power; and if this principle of individual suffrage be
granted, and be carried to its utmost extent, it goes to subvert the
peerage, and to depose the king, and, in fine, to extinguish every
hereditary distinction and every privileged order, and to establish that
system of equalising anarchy announced in the code of French legis
lation, and attested in the blood of the massacres at Paris. The
question then is, whether you will abide by your constitution or
hazard a change, with all that dreadful train of consequences with
which we have seen it attended in a neighbouring kingdom ? Abide
by your constitution, did I say? It cannot be necessary for me to
add a word more. But I would not stop there if it were possible to
go farther. If it were possible for an Eglishman To forget his attach
ment ft> the constitution and his loyalty to the sovereign — if it were
possible for him to lose all those generous feelings which bind him to
his country and secure his obedience to its laws — if it were possible for
him to sacrifice all these to those principles which are brought forward
to support a change of government, yet if he should attend only to
reason, he would find them wild and illusive theories. He would
find the principle of individual will powerful and efficient to the de
struction of every individual and of every community, but to every
good purpose null and void. He would find that those rights
E

50 THE LIFE OF A. 1793.
which entitle all to an equal share in the government are rights which,
only serve to remove them from useful labour, from sober industry,
and from domestic connections, and which abandon them to be the
slaves of every idle caprice, and of every destructive passion. The
government that adopts such principles, ceases to be a government ; it
unties the bands which knit together society, it forfeits the reverence
and obedience of its subjects ; it gives up those whom it ought to pro
tect, to the daggers of the Marseillois and the assassins of Paris. Un
der a pretence of centering all authority in the will of the many, it
establishes the worst sort of despotism. Such is the state of thati
wretched country, France, the detestable policy of which has added
new words to the dictionary, such as the phrases of municipalities de
claring themselves in a state of permanent revolution, and the nation
itself in a state of sovereign insurrection ! In what is called the.
government of the multitude, they are not the many who govern the
few, but the few who governs the many. It is a species of tyranny.
which adds insult to the wretchedness of its subjects, by stiling its
own arbitrary decrees the voice of the people, and sanctioning its acts
of oppression and cruelty under the pretence of the national will. Such
is the nature of those principles, conneifted with the right of indivi
dual suffrage ; and how far you are prepared to give countenance to
that measure, by referring it to a committee as a subject of delibera
tion, you are now called upon to determine."
One of the most important objects of parliamentary consideration,
during the present session, was the state of mercantile credit. The
circulating specie being by no means sufficient to answer the very
greatly augmented demands of trade, the quantity of paper currency
which was brought into circulation as a supplying medium, was so
large and disproportionate, that a scarcity of cash was produced,
which threatened a general stagnation in the commercial world. In
consequence of the distress and alarm which this stagnation had caus
ed, Mr, Pitt proposed that a select committee should be appointed to
enquire into facts, and explore their causes ; andthe subject beingin-
vestigated, it was found that the embarrassments arose from the preci
pitation, and not the inability of British merchants. Mr. Pitt proposed
that government should advance money on the security of mercantile
commodities, by issuing exchequer bills, to be granted to merchants
for a limited time, and bearing legal interest. The bill was passed
• into a law, the temporary embarrassment was removed, and manufac
tures and trade again became flourishing. In raising the supplies,
the minister felt the stagnation of mercantile credit. A loan of
4,500,000/. was raised at a premium of 8 per cent. The new duties
were 10 per cent, on the assessed taxes, an additional duty on British
spirits, on bills, receipts and game licenses.
On the 17th of June, Mr. Fox moved certain resolutions, expressing
the request of the house that his Majesty would take the earliest op
portunity of procuring peace. Mr. Pitt opposed the address in a
long speech. He said he did not hesitate to declare the motion the
most impolitic and preposterous, and only calculated to amuse and
delude the people, by holding out the possibility of peace when, in
ireality, it was impossible. You have seen, said Mr. Pitt, your-

A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 51
selves and all Europe attacked — when you have seen a system
established, violating all treaties, disregarding all obligations, and,
under the name of the rights of man, uniting the principles of
usurpation abroad, tyranny and confusion at home, you will judge
whether you ought to sit down without some security against the
consequences of such a system being again brought into action. And
this security, it appears to me, can only be obtained in one of
1 ! u-ee modes: — first, that these principles shall no longer predomi
nate ; or second, that those who are now engaged in them shall be
taught that they are impracticable, and convinced of their own want
of power to carry them into execution ; or third, that the issue of the
present war shall be such, as by weakening their power of attack
shall strengthen your power of resistance. Without these, you may,
indeed, have an armed truce, a temporary suspension of hostilities ;
but no permanent peace ; no solid security to guard you against the
repetition of injury and the renewal of attack. The present motion
can only tend to fetter the operations of war, to delude our subjects,
to gratify the factious, to inflame the discontented, to discourage our
allies, to strengthen our enemies. What could be the effect of any ne-
gociation for peace in the present moment. It is not merely to the cha-
ractar of Marat, with whom we would have to treat, that I object; it
is not the horror of those crimes, in every stage, rising one above'
another in point of enormity ? but I object to the consequences of that
character, to the effect of those crimes. They are such as render nego-
ciation useless, and must entirely deprive of stability any peaca
Which could be concluded in such circumstances. All the crimes
which disgrace history have occurred in one country, in a space so
short, and with circumstances So highly aggravated, as outrun thought
and exceed imagination. Should we treat with Marat, before we had
finished the negociation, he might again have descended to the dregs
of the people, from whom he sprung, and have given place to a still
more desperate villain. But if the motion can answer no good pur
pose, can it answer no bad one ? Might it not serve to encourage
the French ? What the honourable gentleman reserved as the last
part of his argument, seemed to have this tendency, the conclusion
which he drew of the necessity of a peace from the situation of the
country. If we are really come to that period of distress, we must
indeed submit to the decrees of Providence with such resignation as
we would submit to the sacrifice of our independence. If the period
of our ruin is come, we must prepare to meet the fate which we can
not avert ; we cannot meet it in any shape more dreadful than that
which is proposed by the motion of the honourable gentleman. But
our situation is not yet so desperate. With respect to the embarrass
ment of credit, and the consequent interruption of commerce, I may
safely say, that none have watched it more carefully than myself, none
can have felt it more anxiously. The honorable gentleman states the
i means of relief, which have been adopted by the legislature, as, in his
: opinion, a proof of the extent of the calamity, for my part, I have
1 formed a very different conclusion. The effect of the relief held out
i by the legislature, even before it was experienced, was completely to
restore confidence and vigour to commerce — a proof that the embar-

52 THE LIFE OF A. 1794.
rassed state of credit was only temporary, and, in a great measure, ac
cidental. The present motion, by magnifying the inconvenience which
We have sustained into a calamity, is calculated to give a false impres-
sion, and give to what at most could only be the object of apprehenj
sion at home, all the mischievous consequences of a real distress abroad!
It is calculated to discourage our allies, and inspire our enemies with
confidence. Havingthus given my opinion as a member of parliament,
there are some allusions which have been made to me, as a member
cf the cabinet, which I am called upon to notice. I have only
to say, tliat if there is'any difference in opinion between me and other
members of the cabinet, I can only assure him, that I am the more de
termined to oppose the grounds and principles upon which this motion
is founded. I have spoken at much greater length than at first I in
tended ; but on this subject whenever it occurs, I find it impossible to
keep those bounds which I had prescribed to myself, prompted, as I
am, to enlarge, by the dearest feelings and principles of my heart,
affection and gratitude to my sovereign, and that duty which I owe as
a member of the community.
In this year the United Irishmen first assembled, andthe Scotch con-
vention of delegates. As their purposes were known we shall pass
aver the current events, till the meeting of parliament on the 21st of
Jan."1794. Mr. Fox moved an amendment to the proposed address"
ecommending his majesty to treat, as speedily as possible, for a peace
with France, upon safe and advantageous terms, without-any reference
to the nature ot form of the government that might exist in that
oaulitry. "Mr. Pitt-said, that the present war had not been hastily
and rashly engaged in, but after due deliberation and mature convict
tion. It had been the opinion of the majority of that house, and of
the great body of the nation, that it was undertaken upon grounds
strictly defensive j and that the nation were equally compelled to
engage in it by the obligations of duty, and the urgency of necessity.
As to the objects of the war, they had frequently been brought for.
ward in the course of last session, and unless it can be shewn, that
we were originally mistaken : that they were not proper objects of
contest ; or that they are already gained ; the obligations and neces
sity which originally induced us to undertake the war, operate with
equal force at the- present moment. He had placed the termination
of the war upon two circumstances ; first, the being able to procure
a peace upon terms likely to render it secure and permanent ; and
secondly, an indemnity suitable to expence incurred by carrying on
the war. He had always asserted, that if a peace could be made
upon terms of security to this country, no consideration of the de
testable characters of the ruling men in France, or of the crimes and
horrors with which they were sullied, ought to influence this coun- .
try to reject such terms. From the nature of the French govern?,
ment, there could be no dependence on the characters of whom iS»
was composed. The shifting of persons took place like the shifting
of scenes ; but this change of persons produced no alteration in the
conduct of the drama, the principles and proceedings still continued
the samey or only were distinguished in their progress by increased'
gradations of enormity — On the 31st of May, a new governments

A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. S3
more dreadful in its character, and more fatal in its effects, than any
which preceded it, had taken place  this was the revolutionary
government  one of the leading features of which was the abo
lition of religion. The extinction of religious sentiment was in
tended to pave the way for the introduction of fresh crimes, and en
tirely to break asunder those bands of society which had been already
loosened. A second measure of this government was the destruction
of property ; a precedent which tended not less to destroy all ideas
of justice, than the former to extinguish all sentiments of piety.
These crimes, however, they contrived to convert into sources of
revenue. From the pillage of the churches — from the destruction of
property  from the confiscation of the effects of those who were
condemned, they derived the means for conducting tlieir military
operations. They pushed every resource to its utmost extent : re
sources so desperate afford in themselves the most certain symptoms
and indications of the approaching decay of that system with which
they are connected. If then such be the system, if such the means
of its support, what prospect can there be of either stability or per
manence to the present order of things ? As to the question of the
honorable gentleman, continued the chancellor of the exchequer,
tvhether I am never to make peace with the Jacobins it is extremely
difficult to answer; and it would be neither prudent nor rational in
me to give him any definitive reply in the present moment. The
questidn of pursuing the war must, in every instance, depend upon
the convenience with which it can be carried on to ourselves, and of
that you must be best qualified to judge. The honorable gentleman's
motion is certainly couched in very general terms, and such as might
take in every thing that I have contended for. It recommends to his
majesty, to conclude a peace whenever it can be done upon safe
and advantageous terms, without any reference to the nature and form
of government which may exist in France. I likewise am of opinion,
that a safe and advantageous peace ought to be concluded, but that
the security and benefits of that peace must depend upon the establish
ment of a government esseirtiahydifferent ifromtire _m^|ent ; but
though the motion, from^nV'ge'neraiTEerBfttTri "which it is expressed,
is calculated to gain no precise object, it is yet capable of much mis
chief; it means and says, that this house entertains sentiments dif
ferent from those expressed by his Majesty in his speech. It holds out
to our allies, that they are no longer to consider us as eager in
the cause, while it must impart encouragement and confidence to our
enemies. The honorable gentleman has said, that a treaty with the
Freneh govern ment would afford us as good a security for the continu
ance of peace, as that which we derived from the treaty of Ryswicfc
'or Utrecht. He then, in his usual way, entered into a declamation
against kings, and said, that we might place equal dependance on the
good faith of the present government of France, as on that of the
court of Louis XIV. This I expressly deny ; and I affirm, that had
that king even succeeded in his ambitious projects lo their full ex
tent, what we should then have suffered might have been considered
as a deliverance, compared with what must be the consequence of
success attending the present French .system. All the splendor of
e 2

54 THE LIFE OF A* 1794.
his court, all the abilities of his generals and discipline of his armies,
all the great exertions which he was enabled to make, proceeded from
a high sentiment of honour. No such principles actuate the conduct
of the present French rulers They have contrived to banish all
restraints, and with an ambition more insatiable, they have at their,
disposal, means of- destruction much more formidable than that
monarch ever possessed in the plenitude of his power. The honora
ble gentleman has inaccurately stated, that I attach the same degree
of importance to the restoration of monarchy in-France, as to the de
struction of the present system ; this is by no means the case. I
attach importance to the restoration of monarchy, from an opinion,
that in the present state of France, some settled form should tak;e
place, in which the greater part of the people may be disposed to
concur. The ancient government I consider as affording the' best
materials upon which they could work in introducing any change
into the fabric of their constitution ; besides, as I have thought it
incumbent in any interference which I proposed. in the internal af
fairs of that country, to consult chiefly the happiness of the people.
Monarchy appeared to me the system most friendly to tlieir true in
terests. But there is one part of the argument -of my noble friend,
to which I must particularly call your attention, and which, inde
pendently of every other consideration, precludes even the possi
bility of our treating with France in the present moment. A decree
has been passed by the convention, forbidding to treat with any
enemy, till they shall have evacuated the territories of the republic:
and on the 11th of April it was again decreed, that those persons
•should be punished with death who should propose to treat with any
power which should not have previously acknowledged the indepen
dence of the French nation, and the unity and indivisibility of the
republic, founded upon liberty and equality. Are you then to
withdraw your armies, to deprive yourself of the co-operation of
your allies, to forego all your acquisitions, to give up Conde,
Qnesnoi, Tobago, Fort Louis, all the factories in the East Indies !
Should you consent to do all this; should you even hasten to send
an ambassador to treat with the convention, and the right honorable
gentleman (Mr. Fox), I believe on a former occasion, volunteered
himself for that service, you not only must acknowledge the unity
and indivisibility of the French republic, but you must do so In
their own way. You must acknowdedge it as founded on liberty
and equality. You must subscribe to the whole of tlieir code, and
by this act, sanction the deposition of your sovereign and the annihi
lation of your legislature. It may be said, that they wpuld net in
sist upon all this to its full extent ; but of this I can have but little
confidence, when I compare their past declarations and their con
duct.* To whatever pitch of extravagance they may have reached in
what they have said, the absurdity of their expressions has in every
instance been surpassed by the outrages of tlieir conduct. We are
called in the present age to witness the political and moral pheno
menon of a mighty and civilized people, formed into an artificial
horde of banditti, throwing off all the restraints which have influi
enced men in social life, displaying a savage valour directed by a

A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 35.
sanguinary spirit, forming rapine and destruction into a system, and, ,
perverting to their detestable purposes, all the talents and ingenuity
which they derived from their advanced stage of civilization, all the
refinements of art, and the discoveries of science. We behold them
uniting the utmost savageness and ferocity of design with consum
mate contrivance, and skill in execution; and seemingly engaged
in no less than a conspiracy to exterminate from the face of the earth,
all honor, humanity, justice, and religion. In this state, can there
be any question but to resist, where resistance alone can he effectual,
till such time, as by the blessing of providence upon our endeavors,
we shall have secured the independence of this country, and the
general interests of Europe ?" — Mr, Pitt carried the address by a
majority of 277 against 59.
The sentence of Messrs. Muir and Palmer, came under the cogni- .
zance of parliament on the 27th. MfT^Pitt, however, took no part
in the debate, but on a subsequent occasion he gave his opinion
in favour of the justi.ce. of tfe sp.ntp.nr-p. On the 3d of Feb. in a
debate upon the military force to be employed, Mr. Pitt thus stated
the comparative situation of the country, at the commencement of
the war and at that time ; i" You have now 85,000 seamen voted, of
whom 75,000 are at present borne and mustered. You have made an
addition to your army of about 30,000 men. You have in your
pay a considerable number of auxiliary troops: — a force, which at the
commencement of the war, had no existence. You have thus; both,
from the situation in which you stand with respect to the enemy,
and from the increased means which you possess to carry on the
contest, the most flattering prospect of final success. In this dis
cussion Mr. P. also admitted, that he had a considerable share in
advising the expedition to Dunkirk, and that he did not shrink from
the smallest part of the responsibility — that if he had given wrong
advice, however he might regret the consequences, he should certain
ly feel no shame in avowing the error. There was but one circum
stance, he affirmed, which led to the raising of the siege, and that was
the discomfiture of the covering army of Austrians under Gen.
Freytag. He then entered into the vindication of the affair of Toulon,
and affirmed, that both in the acquisition, in the defence, and in the
evacuation, .eminent merit Was displayed."
On the 5th, the ways and means were submitted to the house';
19 millions were necessary, and the new taxes were laid on bricks
and tiles, British and foreign spirits, slate, stone, glass* paper, and
attorney's indentures. ¦ I ¦ .,
The punishment of the Scotch emissaries of sedition, did not deter
similar projectors in England. On the 13th of May, a committee of
secrecy was appointed, to examine the papers of certain persons,
Messrs. Horne_ Tooke, Hardy and others, who had been taken into
custody. On'The 16tfr°°Mr. Pitt presented the first report, and
Stated at great length his view of its contents. He traced thehistory
and proceedings of the societies for the last two years ; they had
adopted, he said, the monstrous doctrines of the rights of man, #h ich
seduced the weak and ignorant to overturn gjvernment, law, pro
perty, security, and whatever was valuable ; which fcad destroyed.

S6 THE LIFE OF A. 1794.
whatever was valuable in France, and endangered'fbe safety, if
not the existence of every nation in Europe. The object of all
these societies was the practical inculcation of such doctrines. A
correspondence, prior to the enormities of France, had subsisted
between these societies and the French Jacobin clubs. When the'
Jacobin faction, which usurped the government, bad commenced
hostilities against Great Britain, these societies, as far as they
could, had pursued the same conduct, expressed the same attach
ment to their cause, adopted their appellations, and formed the design
of disseminating the same principles. Their operations were chiefly'
directed to manufacturing towns. They considered the convention?
at Edinburgh as the representatives of the people, asserted the inno
cence of those members who fell under the sentence of the law, and-
declared they could only look for reform in such a convention. But
the chief attention of the house was required in considering a society,"
though composed of the meanest and most despicable of the people,
who acted upon the worst Jacobin principles and had within it the
means of the most unbounded extension and rapid increase. This
society, comprehending thirty divisions in London, was connected by
a systematic correspondence, with other societies scattered through
the manufacturing towns. It had arrived at such a pitch of audacity'
as to declare its competence to watch over the progress of legislation ;
to investigate its principles ; to prescribe limits for its actions, beyond
which if it presumed to advance, an end was to be put to the existence
of parliament itself. Recently this corresponding society had laid
before the constitutional society a plan for assembling a convention
for all England. The evident object of the proposed meeting, in Mr.
Pitt's opinion, was to exercise legislative and judicial capacities, to
overturn the established system of government, and wrest from the
parliament the power which the constitution had lodged in their
hands. This plan was to be speedily carried into execution, audi
Sheffield was chosen to facilitate the meeting of their delegates. An
assembly had been held on the 14th of April, and resolutions were
passed which arraigned every branch of the government; threatened
the sovereign, insulted the house of peers, and accused the commons
of insufficiency ; declarations were uttered, that if certain measures
were pursued, whether with or without the consent of parliament,
they should be rescinded ; and that the constitution was utterly de
stroyed. The proofs of these allegations were tlieir own records ; and
it further appeared from the report, that arms had been actually
procured and distributed by the societies; and that so far from break--
ing up this Jacobin army, -they had shewn themselves immcfteably
bent on their pursuit, and displayed preparations of deSance and re
sistance to government. From all these facts, Mr. Pitt inferred there
was a very dangerous conspiracy, which -it became them, by seasonable!
interference, to prevent from being carried into execution. In times
of apprehended rebellion it had been usual to enact a temporary sus
pension of the habeas corpus law ; that act had been suspended when
the constitution and liberty of the country were most guarded and
respected; and such a suspension was more particularly called for
at this crisis, when attempts were made to disseminate principles

A. 1794.- WILLIAM PITT. 57
dangerous to that constitution, for the preservation of which the law
had been made ; Mr. Pitt, therefore, proposed a bill " empowering
his majesty to secure and detain all persons suspected of designs against
his crown and government." Mr. Fox expressed his astonishment
that the committee should solemnly call the attention of the house to
facts so long notorious j the allegations reported by the committee
were chiefly repetitions of stale advertisements. What was the real
account, taken apart from the comments of Mr. Pitt's eloquence ?
Societies had been constituted for the purposes of parliamentary rer
form ; they had corresponded together ; and they had corresponded
with France when at peace with this country. A convention was
proposed for the purposes of reform in England ; and this was the
only new information. The project was in itself contemptible and
ridiculous, and could not really alarm the minister, or any man in his
senses. No grounds were adduced that could possibly justify such a
momentous intrenchment on the liberties of the subject as this bill
proposed. Mr. Pitt prevailed, and. the proposition of ministers
passed into a law. In the after-discussion of the habeas corpus ac8
suspension bill, Mr. Pitt entered minutely into the views and objects
of these societies— he read more extracts from the corresponding
society. In one of their proceedings they appoint a committee to
Watch over the proceedings of parliament, with a view to controul
whatever may appear to them improper conduct, expressing, at the
same time, that as no redress oftheir grievances was to be expectedfrom
that quarter, it was their duty to repel tyranny by the same means by
which it was supported. He then said, with regard to nothing new
being in the report until the seizure of those papers, the correspon
dence with the club at Norwich * had never been known, and it was
one of the most important discoveries that those papers contained,
as it brought to light the general intention of assembling their Jacobin
convention. The other subjects of parliamentary discussion during
this important session, were the temporary introduction of the Hessian
troops, previous to their employment in the expedition for which
they were engaged — the bill for the emigrant forces-r-the voluntary
contributions — foreign subsidies — the bill to prevent sums voted in
the British funds from being seized by the French rulers — motions of
inquiry, tending to the censure of ministry, and motions for the re-
establishment of peace. Upon most, and indeed all of these matters Mr.
Pilt spoke at large, and with astonishing powers. His measures were

* During the success of the French, a few of the lowest class waited upon a worthy
magistrate of that city, who was supposed to favor *' the cause of liberty," and con
gratulated him upon the progress or' their principles, and at the same time upon the
general division of property which would now very soon le made. Well, gentlemen,
said the magistrate, but this will fall hard upon some; for instance, Mr. Coke, of
Holkham, surely you will allow him some means cf maintenance, since not being
aecustomed to labour, he would hardly be ahle to obtain support. Why ay, said
fhese legislators, that's true, we had not considered that ; to De sure he is one of us,
and he ought to have some allowance. Well gentlemen, and what do you propose?
Why 3°o£. a year ! Don t you think that would be enough ? Why upon my word!
liii nk be ought to have 300/. a year, and so gocd morning, gentlemen, -«

58 THE LIFE OF A. 1794
supported by the same great majorities. The parliament was pro
rogued on the 11th of July.
The unfortunate termination of the campaigns in 1~94, are well
remembered! Holland being evacuated by the British, yielded to the
republican armies. In France, the tyranny of Robespierre and of
the Jacobin clubs had been ended by his death. Social order began .
to re-appear. In Great Britain, the trial or Watt and Downie at
Edinburgh, and of Hardy andothers in England, for high treason, had
principally occupied the public attention. The volunteer associations
had been set on foot. A treaty was concluded between Great Britain
and America, tending powerfully to promote the political amity and.
commercial benefit of both countries. Several changes took place,
in the administration, making room for the whigs, who had seceded
from Mr. Fox at the commencement of the war : Lord Fitzwilliam
was made viceroy of Ireland, the Duke of Portland third secretary of
state, Mr. Windham secretary at war, and Earl Spencer first lord of
the admiralty.
Parliament met on the 30th of Dec. 1794. His majesty's
speech urged the necessity of perseverance in the war, notwithstand
ing our disappointments, and augured the ultimate success of our
allies, from the progressive and rapid decay of French resources, and
the instability of every part of that unnatural system. Mr. Wilber-
force having moved an amendment to the address, recommending a
negotiation for peace, Mr. Pitt, in addition to his former arguments,
Said, the question now to be discussed might shortly be stated, whe
ther the risk of making peace with the present government of France,
was greater than that of continuing the war in the present condition
of the resources of this country. -What was the prospect which a
peace with France, under the present circumstances, presented to this.
kingdom ? Had we reason to expect from such a peace, any cordial
intercourse, any desirable amity and friendship ? should we be enabled
to disband our armies, or disarm our fleets, or to put an end to the
traitorous correspondence bill, and the other measures which had
been passed, with a view to the preservation of public order and
tranquillity ? He could easily suppose that those gentlemen, who
had in an early part of the evening, so decidedly given their opinion
with respect to the late trials, and who had supposed all the persons
in this country to be so pure, as not even to be infected by contact
With Jacobin principles, would foresee no danger from a French
alliance. But such was not the case with his honorable friends, who,
even in such an event, talked of the necessity of additional precau
tions, in order to guard the dignity of the crown, and preserve the
tranquillity of the country. But this was not the only objection to
abandoning the war in the present moment. We were desired to re
linquish the contest at a period at which all the natural and unna
tural resources by which France had hitherto been ennabled to per
severe, were fast approaching to their termination. Would the right
honorable gentleman opposite, Mr. Fox, himself say, that England
Was in that state under which she should agree to a peace, leaving the
Austrian Netherlands in possession of the French ? In a few months
after, Holland would certainly be added to that acquisition, and in a

A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 59
short time afterwards, the sword must be drawn again, upon terms
of much greater disadvantage, than we had now to encounter in car
rying on the war. All modern wars had been remarked to depend
on a comparison of the means by which they were to be*carrled on.
That state, however, which possessed the superiority of resources had
been found finally to be successful. The great question between
Great Britain and France, in the present contest, was — which should
be able to hold out longest in point of pecuniary resources ? The
French existed, he said, by means as extraordinary as the events they
brought about — their pecuniary expences were beyond any thing
ever known, and supported by requisition of person, life and pro
perty  they depended entirely upon terror. He then stated, that
since the revolution their expenditure amounted to 480 millions
sterling ; 320 millions sterling in two years, was the price of the
efforts by which they wrested from the allies the conquests they had
obtained But was this to be considered as the scale of what they
could spend? did these enormous sums arise from an increase of
revenue, or from an orderly system of finance ? — not at all — it arose
from an unlimited paper credit; and all their own accounts con
curred, he said, in declaring, that if carried any farther, it would be
impossible to maintain any longer, much less to augment it, by any
greater aggravations of the mischief of plunder and confusion. It
had even been stated by their own leader, that it had now been car
ried to that point, beyond which it could not be extended without
ruin to the country. Was it then too much to say, their resources
were nearly at an end ? The question then was'  had we, under
the present circumstances, the prospect of being able to bring as
great a force into the field, as would require from the French the
same degree of exertion which had been necessary in the former
campaigns ? Even let it be supposed that Holland should fall, and that
circumstances should be such, that we could no longer look for
assistance from the court of Berlin, yet he could see no reason why
the augmentation of the British force might not fully supply the
loss, and even do something more valuable in point of effect, with
respect to the operations of the war. He could see no reason, if we
gave to Austria the pecuniary aid which", it required at its own ex-
pence, why we might not be able, in conjunction with the augmented
force, which, from the assistance of our credit, it would be ena
bled to bring forward, along too with the powers of Spain and the
states of Italy, to effect a powerful diversion, and accomplish the
important purpose — a purpose in the accomplishment of which, the
happiness^ almost the existence of Europe, entirely rested. Opposi-
i tion contended on the contrary, that the enthusiasm of the French
would support them against all difficulties and find new resources.
The house however supported the minister by a majority of 179.
i On the 26th of Jan. 1795, a motion was made by Mr Grey, " that
Lthe present state of the government of France ought not to preclude
a negotiation for peace." The old arguments on both sides were
recapitulated ; and Mr. Pitt again distinctly declared, that ministers
had never entertained the idea of the conquest of France — that secu
rity was their object.

60 THE LIFE OF A. 1795.
The force required by Britain for the service of 1795, amounted
to 100,000 seamen, 120,000 regulars for the guard and garrisons of
the kingdom, 66,000 militia, and.,40,000 men employed partly in
Ireland and partly in the West Indies and the plantations, exclusive
of fencibles and volunteers, foreign troops in British pay, and em
bodied French emigrants. The sums required to maintain this force,
with the extraordinaries and ordnance for the Sardinian subsidy, and
all the public services of the year, amounted to twenty-seven millions,
five hundred and forty thousand pounds, requiring a loan of eighteen
millions. The taxes were upon wine, foreign and British spirits,
tea, coffee, insurances, foreign grocery and fruits, timber, increase
or post-office duty by abridgingthe privilege of franking, and on hair
powder. The loan having been raised by private contract and not
by open com| etition, was severely censured ; the terms were alleged
to be, at least five per cent, more favorable to the contractors than
was necessary. In furnishing the requisite force for the current year,
greatly surpassing the demands of former exigencies, it was necessary
to consider the most speedy and effectual means for levying soldiers
and sailors. On the 2d of Feb. Mr. Pitt proposed a new plan for
manning the navy. He prefaced it by saying, there was only one
general consideration to which he should call tlieir attention in the
outset of the business. All had expressed, and he trusted sincerely
felt, the necessity of great and unusual burdens, in order to meet the
scale of exertion which it was incumbent upon the country to make
in the present crisis. He trusted, that in the present instance, instead
of attempts being made to throw the burden upon -one particular
class, instead of jealousy being produced between interests mistakenly
considered as opposite, all classes of the community would cheerfully
unite to examine what was the proportion which each could afford t0
bear, and in what manner the exertions of the country could be most
effectually called forth. In proposing the means by which the plan
now before the committee might best be carried into effect, he must
necessarily look to the principal sources of the national force. The
principal of these undoubtedly was the trade. He should look to
the mercantile marine — first, as it was the quarter best qualified to
supply the exertions which were now called for; and secondly, be-
cause so far as there was a separate interest, nope were more inter
ested than the ship-owners and merchants, that the country should be
able to meet the naval force of the enemy, to maintain its superiority
by sea, and to supply adequate convoys The total of the shipping of
Scotland and England employed 100,000 men, and that the propot-
tion of men to the tonnage, was about one man for every fourteen
tons. He proposed to take about olie seaman out of every sVven who
were employed; though indeed it was not necessary that they should
be able men, as he would put an alternative, that the ship-owners, if
they were so disposed, might, instead of one seaman, provide two
landsmen ; this was accomplished according to the tonnage. He
computed' that the whole number of men obtained in this way might
amount to between eighteen and twenty thousand ; it was his inten
tion also to call upon the country for some supply of landsmen for
tlie service of the navy. This supply he meant to raise according

A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 61
to the number of parishes in the kingdom, and reckoning one man
for the proportion,, it might produce a force of about ten thousand
men. The way in which he meant to ascertain the number, was by
a list of the inhabited houses, not exempted from taxes. Thernode
of distributing the proportion, and of arranging the means by which
it was to be raised, he would leave to the justices of the peace, at a
special sessions to be held, for the purpose, providing only that, a
larger sum than should be "adequate to the bounty given to volun
teers, should be levied upon any parish which should be a defaulter ;
he also privileged ascertain number of men out of those who were
employed in the inland navigation, on navigable rivers and canals.
After a few modifications the bill passed into a law.
The preparations for the ensuing campaign, early in the session
came under consideration. The emperor had signified his earnest
inclination to make the most vigorous efforts against the common
enemy, but intimated the necessity of pecuniary assistance, in a loan
of four millions, on the credit of the revenues, which arose from his
hereditary dominions ; this would enable him to bring two hundred
thousand men into the field. His Britannic majesty expressed his
wish that the emperor should not only receive the desired supply,
but also, that by means of a similar loan to a greater extent, he might
be enabled to employ a still more considerable force ; a message to
that effect was, on the 4th of Feb. 1795, delivered to the house. Mr.
Pitt made a motion for the loan required : in discussing this propo
sition, he said, there were three points to be considered ; 1st. the
utility of the co-operation of Austria; 2d. the security for the per
formance of the stipulations ; and 3d. whether the risk of the loan it
self was greater than the probable advantage to be derived from the
measure. We ought to consider the enemy with whom we had to
contend ; an enemy powerful in men and resources. If he was asked,
where was the money to combat their resources ? Where was the
land force to encounter their requisition ? Where was the navy to
maintain its superiority on the sea ? Such was the proud situation of
this happy island, that all these were to be found in Great Britain.
If there was any deficiency, it was in the number of our land forces.
It was necessary, therefore, that for these we should look to some
great power on the continent ; and to whom could we look but to
the emperor ? Both from the extensive means which he possessed,
from his local situation, from the military character of his subjects,
and from his interest in the prosecution of the present contest. But
he did not merely rest upon this argument, arising out of the general
situation of Europe. It was an object of policy to Increase our force,
when'donsidered as acting upon our enemy in another mode. For
what he was now to mention with respect to the situation of France,
he had the admissions of persons who could not be suspected of
giving an unfavorable statement. He had the admission of Tallien
himself, corroborated by several other commissioners and members
of the convention, that the internal pressure of Fiance was such, that
it could not long he supported, unless the immense mass of paper
currency was reduced There existed no way of diminishing this
mass, but by a diminution of their expences, and those expences
F

62 THE LIFE OF A. 1795.
could not be lessened unless their forces were reduced. It was ne
cessary therefore, that we should keep them up to the same scale of
exertions, which must ultimately be fatal to their resources ; and
by bringing into the field a force equal to any which they could pos
sibly supply, counteract tlieir professed object, to make peace with
some countries; in order that with a reduced establishment they might
more successfully carry on the waragainstothers. The question was,
whether we would be parties to their scheme of policy, by allowing
the emperor to withdraw his force for the want of pecuniary assist
ance. It was with the wish to pursue the war. .against this country
with unabated rancour, that they desired peace with the other powers
of the confederacy. This argument brought him to the third point —
the preservation of our naval superiority; and here Mr. Pitt con
tended that this would be best pursued by directing the attention of
the enemy from his marine, to which end the measure proposed
would immediately tend. He said, that the earnestness of the em
peror to conclude this loan had afforded full proof of his sincerity in
the cause; and that the advantage likely to result from the present
measure was such as greatly to overbalance any risk with which it
might be attended, was the clearest proposition that had ever pre
sented itself to his mind.
On the 24th of March, Mr. Fox moved, that the house of com
mons should resolve itself into a committee, to enquire into the state
of the nation ; if, he said, when the public mind was evidently chan
ged, the house should continue to repose a blind confidence in minis
ters, to impose new burdens on the people, not only without requiring
them to negotiate, but even without demanding of them any account
of the blood and treasure they had squandered, great advantage must
be given to whoever wished to disseminate dissatisfaction. England
must, it was manifest, sustain the whole weight of the war. Mr.
Fox again insisted, in the strongest terms, upon the propriety and
necessity of a specific avowal of the object of the war. Ministers had
«o shuffled and trimmed between different systems — they had dealt
out their declarations and professions in such ambiguous language,
that they had lost all claim and title to confidence; he then adverted
to the condition of Ireland, the irritated state of which was to be as
cribed, according to every appearance, to the misconduct of ministers.
Mr. Pitt said, that on the different topics introduced in the speech of
the right honorable gentleman, he would briefly call the attention of
the house to the only true point of the motion which had just been
made, which was the reference lo the present situation of a sistei king
dom, the other topics were merely a repetition of all that hail been
so frequently advanced; what he had rested upon as a separate and
substantial ground of inquiry was the state of politics in that sister
kingdom. However his speech might have assumed the shape of an
elaborate and able discussion of the past and present situation of the
country, it was evident that it was brought forward with a view to
the difficulty and embarrassment of the particular crisis. He would
not deny that in what had happened there was much which he had
to regret ; but he would venture boldly to state, for himself and his
colleagues, that if any embarrassment had arisen in Ireland, it did not

A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 63
proceed from any declaration sanctioned by fliem, committing his
majesty's government in that country. He would not now enter
into the question, whether any blame was attached to the respectable
person at the head of the government. He had only thought neces
sary to make an assertion in justice to lvmself and his colleagues, which
he would defy, at any future period, to be disproved. What was the
object of this motion but to countenance discontent under pre
text of lamenting it, and to produce danger by the very means recom
mended for precaution. The different grounds stated by the right
honorable gentleman as proper grounds of inquiry, comprehended the
question of resources, population, revenue, foreign connexions, the
objects of the war, andthe means by which it was to be prosecuted.
There was no point, political, financial, commercial, and almost specu
lative, that related to the state of the country, which the right honor
able gentleman, in the course of his speech, had not contrived to em
brace. But he would ask whether the house, at this advanced period
of the session, and after the repeated declarations wh'cli they had
made with respect to their views, wore in a proper situation to be re
quired to enter into an inquiry which no length of session, and no ac
curacy of investigation could enable them to overtake. One unfor
tunate singularity which attended the present motion, was that the
house had already determined on these very questions, with respect
to which it was proposed to institute an inquiry. The first ground
on which the right honorable gentleman proposed to enter into a
committee of inquiry, is in order to ascertain the state of the finances
of the country ; that it is already ascertained by the vote of the house,
of a loan of 18 millions. The next ground which the right honora
ble gentleman had stated for going into a committee of inquiry, was
to ascertain how far the population of the country had decreased. —
No man could look without regret to the loss of those brave fellows,
who had nbbly fallen in the cause which they had proved themselves
so worthy to defend. But after all, the diminution of numbers,
which he had stated, amounted to only 12,000, to this he had some
thing much stronger to oppose, and which no speculative inference
could be brought to overturn. At present the army was larger than
it had ever been at a former period, and the navy upon a more respect
able footing than it had been in any second year of a war. So far
were manufactures from being decreased, that the export of last year
was greater than it had been in any former year, exceptingonly two of
the most flourishing years of peace. When this was stated to be the
case, and it was considered that the army and navy were both at so
great A pitch — a fact which had been mentioned by the right honora
ble gentleman, and which, he lamented, was partially true — that there
were still manufacturers who were distressed for want of employment,
proved directly the reverse of his own arguments, and shewed that
the country, which could furnish so large a supply of men both for
the service of war and the acts of peace, had suffered no material dimi
nution in its population. The right honorable gentleman had next
examined the situation of the country with respect to its allies. The
house had now decided upon the general question of the prosecution
of the war, and the inquiry proposed was iii itself endless ; it could

64 THE LIFE OF A. 1795.
tend to no practical result, and might lead to disclosures which would
be attended with embarrassment and mischief. As to the king of
Prussia, he had no hesitation to repeat what he had stated upon a
former occasion, that he had not adequately performed his engage
ments, nor acted in such a manner as this country had a right to ex
pect. The question was, whether, in consequence of this particular
.failure, we were to depart from any general system, and because in one
instance we had been disappointed, renounce all benefit to be derived
from alliances with other powers. The right honorable gentleman
then came to the consideration of that often disputed point, namely,
the object of the war. Upon-this subject he would not have intru
ded one single word upon the house, had it not been that the right
honorable gentleman had, in some degree shifted his ground. He
(Mr. Fox) had stated, that there were two lines of conduct which
ministers might have adopted in the commencement of the war ; each
of thesemodes of conduct was attended by their respective advantages
and disadvantages ; but both of them he affirmed to be preferable to
the line of conduct adopted by his majesty's ministers. The first of
these modes was, by carrying on what he called a war.against France ;
namely, to confine the exertions of this country simply to protect our
allies, and to revenge the insults offered to us, without, in any manner
whatever, interfering in the internal commotions which might pre
vail in France. The other mode suggested, was that of carrying on a
war for France, thus openly to avow that our efforts were directed to
the formation of a regular government in France, and that our con
quests were only made in trust for Louis XVII. The right honora
ble gentleman had this night abandoned all his old arguments, for
he formerly used to contend that we could not interfere at all in
the internal affairs of France without violating every principle of
justice and of the law of nations, but now the right honorable
gentleman admits, that it would have been proper to have carried on
the war expressly for the restoration of monarchy in France. With
all possible respect for the right honorable gentleman's judgment,
he thought that his majesty's ministers had conducted the war upon
principles more consonant, to good sense and policy, than either of
the systems stated by that gentleman. They had entered into a war
for the defence of this country, and for the protection of our allies,
in the prosecution of which they did not by any specific declarations,
as to the internal situation of France, prevent themselves from
taking every possible advantage of any favourable occurrences
which might happen in France. Nor did they state that the
restoration of monarchy, or any particular form of government
iii France, was a sine qua non, without which they would not
make peace. This was the conduct of his majesty's ministers 
this was the conduct which had frequently been explained to, and
had as often received the approbation - of the house of com
mons. Upon one point only he would detain the house for a few
moments, and that was in reply to the charge made by the right hon. ,
gentleman, of the want of attention in the admiralty to protect the
trade of Great Britain. The charge was partly founded upon the in
crease in the price of insurance. It was true that from some causes

A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 65
the price of insurance had increased, but there were many circum
stances to be taken into consideration upon this subject. The great
and unexampled extent of our commerce, which he had shewn in the
former part of his speech ; the almost total annihilation of the com
merce of France, which led her to turn her attention to the equipment
of privateers to plunder our trade, which swarmed in every sea. In
these circumstances it was not to be wondered at that they should have
made several captures of our merchantmen, which, however, he still
affirmed to be not more numerous than in proportion to the increase
of our trade ; upon the whole, the question for the consideration of
the house was, whether or not they were to retract all the opinions
which they had so often and so solemnly pronounced ; and whether
they would employ concession and submission as the most likely
means to obtain an honourable, a secure and a lasting peace. The
right hon. gentleman had attempted, in the course of his speech, to
confound every question of danger to be apprehended from the suci
cess of the French, and to confound all regular government with the
enemies of liberty. He had with the same anxiety, endeavoured to
palliate all the excesses of the French, by calling them an enthusiasm
in the cause of freedom. Entertaining such sentiments as these, it
was natural for that right hon. gentleman to forget all our advantages,
while he remembered and often exaggerated our misfortunes. The
chancellor concluded this argumentative speech with declaring, that
although ministry were prepared and willing to meet every inquiry
into their conduct, he should move " that the house do adjourn." —
The ayes were 219, the noes 63.
His royal highness the Prince of Wales's marriage with the
daughter of the Duke of Brunswick had now taken place.* In
consequence of a message from the king, stating the reliance of his
majesty upon the generosity of the house to enable him to settle an
establishment upon the prince and princess, suited to their rank, and
to relieve him from his present incumbrances, the house went on the
4th of May into a committee on this subject. Mr. Pitt declared that
it was not his majesty's intention to require a specific sum for the dis
charge of the debts of his royal highness, but to set apart a certain por
tion of that income which might be granted by the liberality of par
liament. The debts were stated by Mr. Pitt at between six and seven
huudjed_Jhousand pounds^ He therefore proposed that the revenue
of his royal highness should be 125,000£. that the jointure of the
princess should be 50,000^. per annum, and that the proportion of
the prince's income appropriated for the payment of his debts should.
be veAed in the hands of commissioners. And in order that effectual
provision might be made to prevent the recurrence of any such claim
in f Jture, he recommended that no arrear should, on any pretence, go
beyond the quarter. These propositions were finally acceded to by the
house. Irish affairs at this season were extremely interesting. When
Earl Fitzwilliam accepted the viceroyalty, as he afterwards declared,
he had been authorized to complete the catholic emancipation ; and as
' It was, however well understood that the prince acceded to this alliance with,
much reluctance — his attachment to the accomplished Mrs, Fiizhei be. t with wh^ro.
the m.i-riage ceiemony, though invalid by law, had undoubtedly passed, having i
i»Ser«dnu duniimtion,— £;lsh,im's hist, of Geo. UI. vul. 5. edit, of 1801.
r 2

66 THE LIFE OT A. 1795.
soon as he entered upon his office, he had prepared to put this mea
sure into execution. The chief members of the Irish ministry at this
time were the Beresford party, alw/ays inimical to the encouragement
of catholics. Lord FitzwiUiam dismissed from their offices some of
these persons, and chose, in their place, others favourable to the grand
system which he had in view. The steps for accelerating the catholic
emancipation passed without animadversion from the English mini
stry ; but the dismissal of Mr. Beresford and his adherents gave great
offence to the cabinet of London. Lord FitzwiUiam refusing to
change his arrangement, he was recalled, and Lord Camden was ap
pointed his successor. Lord FitzwiUiam arrived in Britain, made his
appearance in parliament, challenged ministers to prove, that his
measures deserved the blame which their conduct intimated, and de
manded an inquiry. Ministers contended that no blame was attached
to Lord FitzwiUiam, and therefore no inquiry was necessary for his
vindication ; and that there were reasons of state which rendered the
discussion altogether improper : the motions in the respective houses
for an inquiry were negatived. Mr. Wilberforce made another inef
fectual effort this session to abolish the slave trade in which he was
seconded by Mr. Pitt. The West-India merchants received a vote of
relief. Mr. Hastings's acquittal also took place about this period.
Such were the principal events, andthe session closed on the 27th of
June. Though the republican arms had received a check in Germa
ny, the effects of the former successes now became visible The
grand Duke of Tuscany and the king of Sweden acknowledged the
French republic ; the king of Prussia abandoned the coalition, and
concluded peace. Spain had been compeUed to the same measure.
The disasterous expedition to Quiberon, (very generally attributed to
Mr. Windham) in aid of the royalists, had taken place. The English
fleets however, on the other hand, were successful under Admirals
Bridport and Hotham, and the Cape of Good Hope was reduced by
Admiral Elphinstone. Bonaparte had now begun to attract the notice
of his countrymen. In Great Britain many who had approved the
war began to abate of tlieir support from its duration. The scarcity
and dearness of provisions tended also to excite discontents. Meet
ings for the purposes of political discussion were frequent, and the
societies redoubled their activity ; these circumstances induced the
king to assemble parliament on the 29th of October. In his way
to the house of lords, through the park, his coach was surrounded by
persons of all descriptions, demanding peace, and the dismission of
Mr. Pitt. Some voices were even heard, exclaiming " no king," and
stones were thrown at the state coach as it drew near to the horse
guards. In passing through palace-yard, one of the windows was
broken, it was said, by a bullet discharged from an air gun. Every
loyal and patriotic Britain felt with indignation the unmerited
insult offered to his sovereign. A proclamation was published,
offering a large peauniary reward for the discovery of the perpetra
tors. The speech from the throne was, in the mean time aUowed to
be as appropriate, as any that had been delivered since the commence
ment of the war. It mentioned the disappointment of the French in
their' attempts in Germany, and the internal difficulties under which

A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 67
they continued to labor. Their present situation afforded a well
founded presumption, that they would listen to equitable and mode
rate terms of peace. In order to obtain such terms, it would be
necessary to shew that Great Britain was able to maintain the con
test till such a peace ensued, as accorded with its dignity and interest.
The address was opposed by Mr. Fox, who concluded a speech
made up of the old arguments, with moving that such conditions of
peace might be offered to the French as were consistent with the
safety and dignity of Great Britain. The very recent agitation of this
question left but little new matter for either side ; we shaU therefore
only state that Mr. Fox's motion was negatived by 240 to 59. To se
cure his majesty against future attempts, bills were introduced into
both houses. In the house of commons, on the 9th of Nov. Mr.
Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for the more effectually pre
venting seditious assemblies. Mr. P. prefaced his motion in a short
speech, in which he said no man could have a doubt that the right
to give his opinion on public affairs, and to discuss the propriety of
public measures of the legislature, was an inherent right of every
man in this country, and he should be sorry to say any thing from a
momentary pressure, however strong, against the constitutional privi
lege of meeting and discussing pubbc measures, and forming petitions
to the legislature ; but on the other hand, if at meetings of this kind,
instead of slating real grievances, the people were excited to rebel
lion ; if instead of favoring the principle of freedom, the very founda
tion of it was to be destroyed, and with it the happiness of the people,
it was high time for the legislature to interpose with its authority.
The bill proposed that all assemblies exceeding fifty in number, and
not already recognized by law, if convened for addressing the king
or parliament, with the view or on the pretext of considering griev
ances, or procuring an alteration in church or state, should be de
clared unlawful, and liable to dispersion by a magistrate, after read
ing a specific proclamation ; unless the assembly were collected by a
public advertisement, signed by seven resident householders, and a
true copy of it, subscribed by them, were left with the publisher,
who, under a penalty of fifty pounds, must deliver it to any justice
of the peace by whom it should be demanded. It farther provided,
that djsobedience for more than one hour to the magistrate's order
to disperse, should subject any individual of a number above twelve,
to the punishment of death ; and even an assembly.held by regular
advertisement, in the same manner, and wilh the same risk to the
disobedient, might be dispersed, if any measure subversive of the
constitution, or tending to incite the people to hatred, or dislike, or
contempt of the royal family, or of the parliament, were proposed.,
To prevent certain political lecturers from gaining a livelihood, by
preaching sedition, a house opened for any political discussion, with
out a licence, was to incur a penalty of a hundred pounds.  Mr.
Fox reprobated this measure in a very eloquent and warm speech ;
he contended that the existing laws upon the subject were adequate
to every constitutional purpose. Why do not ministers, said he, at
once declare, in a manly way, that a free constitution is no longer

68 THE LIFE OF A. 1795.
suitable to this country, and that arguing upon a philosophical view
of the complexion of the times and the events which have recently
taken place in Europe, that a change in the principles of the govern
ment is become expedient ? Why do they not at once imitate the
example of Denmark in the last century, and from principles of con
venience, surrender their free form of government into the hands of
an arbitrary monarch, and not thus mock the understanding, and
insult the feelings of the people of this country. Various petitions
against the bill were presented to the house, and addresses also in its
favor ; at length it passed into a law. . These acts tended greatly to
shake the popularity of Mr. Pitt throughout the kingdom. How
ever efficient they might be for remedying the specific evils that pre
vailed, yet even many friends of government thought they did much
more than the necessity of the case justified. The restrictions upon
the press, imposed by the same act, were deemed to admit also too
much latitude of construction, and to enchain the freedom of the
press. Mr. Pitt is nevertheless accused of having laid too little stress
on literary efficacy.
During these parliamentary agitations, the houses were not un
mindful of the critical state of the country, through the alarming
scarcity of corn that had prevailed for sometime. On the second day
of the session, Mr. Pitt moved that the bill allowing the importation
of corn, duty free, should be extended to another year. He propo
sed at the same time several regulations relating to the sale of flour,
and the making of bread. After a long discussion of the causes of
the scarcity, they were found to be of so complicated a nature, that
it proved difficult to remove them. A bill was however brought in
to prohibit the manufacture of starch from wheat and other grain ; to
lower the duties on its importation, to prevent the distilling from it,
and all obstructions to its free transportation through every part of
the kingdom. A bounty for importation was also agreed upon. The
hardships incident to labourers, tradesmen and manufacturers were,
on the 27th of Nov. brought before the consideration of the house by
Mr. Whitbread. Mr. Pitt was of opinion, that in a matter of this
kind the operation of general principles ought to be attended to, pre
ferably to uncertain and precarious remedies. It was dangerous to
interfere, by regulation, in the intercourse between individuals en
gaged in the various business of society. Many of the distresses
complained of, originated from the abuses that had crept into the
execution of the laws relating to the poor, which required much
amendment. They did not sufficiently discriminate between the un
fortunate and the idle and dissipated. All application fof relief
should be founded upon unavoidable misfortune, and if possible, the
relief should consist of employment, which would not only benefit
the individual applying, but the community itself, by an increase of
labour and industry to the common stock; He recommended the in
stitution of friendly societies. After an elaborate discussion of this
subject, Mr. Whitbread's motion was negatived.
On the 7th of Dec. Mr. Pitt laid before the house an estimate of
the expences of the approachingyear. They amounted to 27,500,000/.
; including a loan of 18,000,000/, He gave a very favorable account

A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 69
of many branches of the revenue, particularly of the permanent taxes,,
which he stated to be adequately productive to the extent of the
sums expected from them. The interest of the loan would amount
to 1,112,000/ for the payment of which, he would propose the
following taxes ; — 2 per cent, on all legacies above a certain extent
to the first collaterals : he next proposed 10 per cent, on the already
assessed taxes, one pound upon every horse kept for pleasure, two
shillings on every horse kept for labour, an additional tax on tobacco
and on printed linens, a duty upon salt, and the reduction of the
drawback on sugar ; the total of these would amount to 1,127,000/.
which was more than sufficient for the proposed interest. Mr. Pitt
took particular notice, at the same time, that in the fourth year of a
most expensive war, such was the prosperity and opulence of this
country, that it was able to command the immense loan in question,
at no more than 4 1-2 per cent. He also assigned the reason for his
raising it without having recourse to his usual method of competi
tion, which was, that the persons concerned in procuring the last
loan, had not yet received the latter instalments due to them upon it.
This assertion gave birth to much censure. The point, at which
they chiefly aimed, was to prove that Mr. P. had acted erroneously,
in putting the business of the loan into the hands of Mr. Boyd.
This was represented in many of the circumstances, as unwarrantable
and corrupt. On the 26th of Feb. 1796, the question was agitated in
the view to exculpate Mr. Pitt, and resolutions to that effect were
moved by Mr. Douglas. Mr. P. said in his vindication, it cannot
be supposed, that from any recent declarations which have been
made by the honourable gentleman, exculpating me from all charge
of personal corruption, that I should have forgotten that it was
broadly stated by gentlemen on the other side, who movedfor a com
mittee of inquiry, that there was ground for suspicion, that the
distribution of the loan had been employed for the purpose of cpr- ¦
rupt influence. If such declarations were rash and unguarded, and
if they are now retracted as unjust and unfounded, I certainly have
reason to rejoice injthe progress which has been made in consequence
of the sober investigation of a committee towards a decision so much
more grateful to my character and feelings. But at the same time I
cannot help remarking, that while the ground on which the inquiry
was originally brought forward, " that the loan had been employed
as the means of corrupt and pernicious influence," is now professed
to be abandoned ; it seems to be but half retracted by the, honorable
mover of tlje resolution, and to be supplied by ambiguous hints and
fresh insinuations. In every loan bill parliament inserts a premium
for the prompt payment of the sums subscribed, foreseeing that
government may possibly have occasion for the money before the
instalments become due in the regular course. Last year, though
large sums were paid up, still the public exigencies were such as to
render additional supplies necessary, and the terms offered were not
sufficiently tempting to induce individuals to come forward with
their money. Under these circumstances, government entered into
a negotiation with a monied house, to advance such sums as were
wanted for the service. At that time parliament could not be

70 THE LIFE OF A. 1796.
convened, and in order to give effect to the negotiation, it was indis
pensably necessary that it should be accompanied with some degree
of secrecy. In the whole transaction, however, there was nothing
questionable or suspicious, nothing unwarrantable on the part of
government, or which gave to Mr. Boyd an exclusive right, far less
a discretionary power, to dictate the terms of a future loan. So
much for the substance "of the transaction ; as for the form, it was
only the form of the security. It was only an engagement on the
part of government to make good the sums advanced for the public
service. The particular manner of executing it, was such as was
dictated by the necessary regard to secrecy. The next point was the
effect of the king's message ; those who knew him best, knew that it
was not in his mind when the bargain was made. Besides the mes
sage, there were other collateral causes for the sudden rise of the
stocks — the unexpected victories of the Austrians, the increasing
distresses of the enemy, the serene and tranquil appearance of affairs
at home; these causes, coupled with the intimation, that.peace only
depended on the disposition of the enemy, combined to give that
sudden and extraordinary rise to the funds which singly they would "
have failed to produce. After all, the extent of the benefit to the
contractors, and of the loss to the public, had been greatly over
rated. It had been stated, that the profit upon the loan amounted to
12 per cent. — it amounted to this sum only for four days, during
which, stocks were exceedingly fluctuating ; so that altogether it did
not bear this price for above a few hours, and aU the shares must,
have been disposed of within these few hours, a circumstance which
Would have brought such a quantity into market, as must have oc
casioned a depression that would greatly have overbalanced the tem
porary rise. Under these circumstances, I am said to have given
away a sum of two millions, one hundred and fifty thousand pounds,
Tby the mode of negociating the present loan. With this assertion"
concludes the charge against me ; and with desiring the house to
attend to this assertion, I conclude my defence.
On the 8th of December, a message was delivered from the king to
the house of commons, informing them of his disposition to enter into
anegociation for peace with the present government of France. Mr.
Pitt moved an address, expressive of their readiness to concur in such
a measure. Mr. Sheridan avowed himself of opinion, that the inten
tion of the ministers was to frustrate the motion for peace, of which
Mr. Grey had given notice. Until the present opportunity, Mr.
Pitt replied, none had offered to encourage ideas of peace, which,
however, had not been prevented by the mere existence of av-epublic
in France, but by a total absence of any species of regular govern
ment. The change now was manifest ; the new constitution was
contrary to the doctrine of universal equality ; the French had now
a mixed form of government, admitting of distinctions in society;
and their legislature was not constructed on a pure democracy. This
fully authorized ministry to consider them in quite another light than
formerly ; but did not furnish any pretence for depriving ministers
of their right to act in the name of the executive power, without
undue interference.

A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 71
The plans formed by ministry were so extensive, that the supplies
already granted not appearing sufficient, parliament was again resorted
to for raising an additional supply and the sanction of another loan.
Mr. Pitt was duly sensible of the repugnance to so unprecedented a
measure. After apologising for the necessity that compelled him to
adopt it, and expressing his confidence that the resources of the country
would render it much lighter, on trial, than it seemed in the ap
prehension of many ; he proceeded to inform the house, that
it was in some respects, rather a substitution of other taxes to those
that had been relinquished for the ease of the public, than the impo
sition of new ones ; he also stated, that services unprovided for, and
of which the propriety was evident, would demand the means of per
formance. Having withdrawn the tax on printed linens and cali
coes, he would now propose to replace that deficiency by a tax upon
jdogs and by another on hats. To these two taxes he would now add
one, of twenty pounds a ton upon wine, which would yield 600,000/,
with very little addition of expence to the consumer. The totaiof the
sums demanded by Mr. Pitt for the services unprovided for, amount
ed to two millions and a half, and the annual charge of interest, and for
the funding of the unfunded debt, arose to 576,000/. The loan, which
was to furnish the means of carrying the above scheme into execu
tion, would amount to 7,500,000/. at the moderate profit of 3/. 6*. 8rf.
per cent, to the lenders. This, he observed, was an incontrovertible
proof of the flourishing situation of this country, of its surprising re
sources, and of the confidence reposed in the ministry by people of
property. This proposition gave rise to very warm replies ; but it
was finally passed.
Before the opening of the campaign in 1796, the French had
decreed the annexation of Belgium to the territories of the French re
public. Negotiations to detach certain powers from the confederacy,
had been set on foot at Basle, where Mr. Barthelemi had concluded the
treaty ..with Prussia- Mr. Wickham, the British ambassador to the
Swiss cantons, was instructed to apply to this gentleman, and to
learn whether the directory were desirous to negotiate with Britain
and her allies, on moderate and honorable conditions. The answer
received from M. Barthelemi, in the name of the directory, was, that
it felt the sincerest desire to terminate the war on such conditions as
France could reasonably accept, and which were specified in the
answer; but one of these positively insisted on the retention of the
Austrian dominions in the low countries. This reply expressing a
decided resolution not to part with their acquisitions, displayed in the
opinion of the British ministers, a disposition so arrogant, that the
negociat^n was suspended. Both parties proceeded to open the
campaign. The insurgents of La Vendee were reduced — the confe
derates were repeatedly overcome by Bonaparte, who was now ap
pointed to the command of the army in Italy. The King of Sardina
and the Pope were forced to receive peace at his dictation and
Mantua was taken. In Germany, indeed the Archduke Charles had
compelled Jouvdan to retreat, and the successes of England had been
signal. In the West Indies, St. Lucie was retaken, and the insurrection
excited by Victor Hughes on the other islands quelled. In the East

72 The life of a. 1796.
Ceylon and the Dutch settlements surrendered, together with 7 ships
of the line. In the close of the year, the enemy made his unsuccess
ful attempt on Ireland, but was compelled to return, with the loss of a
ship of the line and two frigates. Such was the state of affairs when
the English government applied for passports, for the ambassador to
treat for peace, and Lord Malmesbury was sent to Paris in that
character. The new parliament met on the 6th of October, and his majesty in
formed the houses that he had omitted no endeavors for setting on
foot negotiations to restore peace to Europe. But nothing, he ob
served, could contribute so effectually to this end, as to manifest that
we possessed both the determination and resources to oppose, with in
creased activity and energy, the farther efforts with which we might
have to contend. The motion for the address gave occasion for a
most eloquent speech from the chancellor of the exchequer. HeandT
Mr. Fox were the only speakers.. The latter gentleman did not op
pose the address, tut he entered at large into subjects of doubt and
complaint. Mr. P. spoke in reply. There are certainly many topics
said he", on which the right honorable gentleman has touched in the
course of his speech in which I now difler with him, as much as ever
I differed at any former period ; but, with respect to the great and
substantial object of the address, the propriety of the conduct em
ployed to bring about a solid and durable peace, such a peace as may
be consistent with the permanent security and the just pretensions pf
the country, there does not subsist. even the slightest shade of differ
ence. That object is found to command the most full and most une
quivocal support. Such a circumstance. I must indeed consider as
matter of just pride and of honest satisfaction. I look with stiU higher
pleasure to the concurrence now expressed in the object of the ad
dress, as the pledge of general unanimity, and the omen of great exer
tions, if unfortunately that object should not be obtained. If the
enemy are still actuated by ambitious projects, we shall unmask them
in the eyes of Europe; we shall expose the injustice of their policy,
and their insatiable thirst of aggrandizement, and if no other advan
tage be gained, we at least shall be able to put to the proof the since
rity of that pledge which this day has been given — that if the enemy
are not disposed to accede to peace on just and reasonable terms, the
war will be supported by the unanimous voice and the collected force
of the nation. If the unanimity of this day be accompanied with
such views, if it is not an unanimity founded merely upon the pleas
ing sound of peace, the captivating charm of renewed tranquillity,
and the prospect of the termination of those scenes of horror and ca
lamity with which war is always attended, such an unanimiV,' would
indeed be fatal to the country ; but if it is an unanimity, the result of
rational and manly reflection, funded upon a careful" consideration
of the situation of the country, and prepared to meet every conjunc
ture, I shall then consider the unanimity of this day as the happiest
aira in the history of the country. The right honorable gentleman
has intimated as his opinion, that we must change the w hole system of
our interior policy, and at the same time reprobated in the "severest
terms, laws which were passed during the last parliament, and declared

A. 1796. WILLIAM PlTT. 73
that he could not subscribe to any construction of that part of his
majesty's speech which included those among the laws, the energy and
wisdom of which had contributed to secure the tranquillity of the
country. Having made this declaration, it would be unfair and Un-
candid on my part not to be equally explicit. I desire no gentiemaii
to vote for the address upon any such qualification with respect to
those laws. I am firmly of opinion, that, exclusive of their influence,
the peace of the country could not have been so successfully main-1
tained, nor can I suffer the smallest reproach to fall upon the charac
ter of the last parliament, who displayed their wisdom and their energy
in providing a remedy so suitable to the alarming nature of the crisis.
The right hon. gentleman seemed to consider, from the language of
the address, that endeavours have only been made of late to procure'
peace. If ever the day shall come when an examination shall be in
stituted into the steps which have been adopted to secure the re-esta
blishment of the general tranquillity, I am confident that no endeavors
for that purpose will be found to be wanting on thepart of ministers.'
But gentlemen must be sensible, that what may be admitted as an en
deavor to restore peace, depends upon a variety of circumstances: It
depends on the relative 'state of parties, on the number of allies with
whom we may be engaged to act, on the degree of attention we pay to
their interests, and on the concert we wish to preserve with them.
Taking all these considerations into view, I again pledge myself that
it will be found in the result of inquiry, that ministers have neglected
no opportunity which could have been improved for the purpose of
accelerating peace. As to the question of our resources, the right
honorable gentleman admits them to be extensive and flourishing.
They furnish indeed, in a moment like the present, a subject of pecu
liar congratulation and well-grounded confidence. If the revenue,
after a four years' war, and after all the additional burthens which
have been imposed, still keeps up to the rate at w hich it was stated
last year ; that circumstance is surely no slight cause of satisfac
tion. Mr. P. then said, that commerce was in the most flourish
ing state, and that the exports had been equal to what they were
in 1792- These resources have in them nothing hollow or delusive;
they are the result of an accumulated capital, of gradually increasing
commerce, of high and established credit. They are thefruits of fair
exertion, of laudable ingenuity, of successful industry; they have
been produced under a system of order and of justice, while we un
der many disadvantages, have been contending against a country
which exhibits in every respect the reverse of the picture — a proof
that the regtttar operation of those principles must triumph over the
unnatural'and exhausting efforts of violence and extortion. The
rio-ht hon. gentleman had wasted a good deal of ingenuity in attempt
ing to prove that the speech ought to have contained an express ac
knowledgment of the French government. It ought to have occur
red to him that a passport having been sent for and granted, some
communication must have taken place on that occasion ; and as the
directory had been satisfied with the form of communication, and the
mode in which they had been addressed, it could not be necessaiy for
him to start a difficulty where they had foaiid hoi.c. I can i.ssuie
G

74 THE LIFE OF A". 1796a
him, on the; part of the British ministers, that no question of eti
quette, no difficulty of form originating from them, shall be permitted
to stand in the way of negotiation, or to obstruct the attainment of
the great object of peace. As to the other points, the right honora
ble gentleman has suggested what lessons we ought to derive from the
experience of adversity. How far the situation of this country is that
of adversity, let those pronounce who are best acquainted with the
state of our resources. It cannot surely be termed a state of adver-
sity from any losses of our trade, the diminution of our capital, or
from the reduction of any of our foreign possessions. We have not
been greatly impoverished by the events of the war in the East and
West Indies. We cannot be much weakened in our national strength,
even upon the statement of the right honorable gentleman, by having
our navy, in consequence of repeated triumphs over every hostile
squadron, raised to a greater degree of glory and of fame, than it had
ever before obtained- Where, then, are we to look for the symptoms
©f this adversity ? While the violence of France has been over-run
ning so great a part of Europe, and every where carrying desolation
in its prpgress, your naval exertions have enabled you to counter
balance their successes, by acquisitions in different parts of the
globe, and to pave the way for the restoration of peace to your
allies, on terms which their own strength might have been un
able to procure. If you look indeed to the geographical situation
of the seat of war, the emperor has not regained by his recent vic
tories all that he had formerly lost. But do you count for nothing
the destruction and ruin of those armies, by whom aU the previous
successes of the enemy had been achieved? Do you count for no
thing the glorious and immortal testimony that has been exhibited to
mankind, that disciplined valour must finally triumph over those
principles that the war was undertaken to oppose, and which owed
all their extraordinary and unaccountable successes to the violence
in which they originated, and the excesses with which they were
accompanied? Recent events have served also to exciupate the
characters of those who were calumniated as desirous to embrace their
principles, and receive tlieir laws ; and in Germany they have left
behind them nothing but the memory of their wrongs, and a feeling
of eternal resentment. Are such effects to be considered as of small
importance, or to be put in competition with the reduction of a for
tress, or the possession of a district ? Of the virtues to be acquired
in the school of adversity, the right honorable gentleman only men
tioned those of moderation and forbearance. Moderation 1 should
consider as that virtue which is best adapted to the d9wn of pros
perity;, there are other virtues of no less importance, whiSh are to
be acquired under a reverse of fortune, and which are equally be
coming in those who are called to suffer: — these are the virtues of
adversity endured, and adversity resisted ;— of adversity encountered,
and of adversity surmounted. The recent example of Germany has
furnished an illustrious instance of public fortitude and perseverance
having had their merited reward. These are lessons which I trust,
this country has not to learn. England has never shewn itself de
ficient in firmness and magnanimity: it is unrivalled in resource;

A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 75
it has always been foremost in the career of honorable exertion, andit
has only to maintain its accustomed vigour and perseverance, to effect
the restoration of general tranquillity, upon terms consistent with the
dignity of its own character, and the security and interest of Europe.
A clause in his majesty's speech had declared the king's apprehen
sion that the enemy were preparing an invasion upon this island.
Mr. Pitt, on the 18th of October, recommended measures for repel
ling all attempts. For this purpose he formed a plan for levying fif
teen thousand men from the different parishes for the sea service, and
another for recruiting the regular regiments. In the projected levies
for the land service, he considered two objects; first, the means of
calling together a land force sufficient of itself to repel an invasion,
even independently of our naval armaments ; and secondly, to adopt
such measures in the levies as should not materially interfere with the
agriculture, commerce, and general industry of this kingdom. He
then proposed a supplementary levy of militia, to be grafted on the
old establishment, of sixty thousand men; not to be immediately,
called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and completely trained, so as
to be fit for service at a moment of danger. He also proposed to pro
vide a considerable force of irregular cavalry, to be levied in the fol
lowing manner: every person who kept ten horses, should be
obliged to provide one horse and one horseman, to serve in a corps of
militia; and those who kept more tjian ten, should provide in the
same proportion ; and that those that kept fewer than ten, were to
form themselves into classes, in which it should be decided by ballot,
who, at the common expense, should provide the horse and the horse
man. These troops were to be furnished with uniform and accou
trements, arranged into corps, and put under proper officers. The
whole number of cavalry proposed to be raised by this mode was twen
ty thousand: the other supplemental troops amounted to seventy-five
thousand men. Among the means proposed for internal defence, a
bill was introduced by Mr. Dundas, for raising and embodying a
militia in Scotland, and an act for that purpose was passed m ithouf
opposition. The whole land forces of the country, intended for the
year 1797, was to consist of one hundred and ninety-five thousand,
six hundred and ninety-four, and the navy was to amount to a hun
dred and twenty thousand men. The pecuniary supplies of the year
were thirty-one millions borrowed, besides the annual income. Mr.
Pitt continued to display great financial skill in exempting the very
lower class from the severest pressure of the new taxes, though the
principal part bore very heavily on the comforts and accommodations
of the ididdling ranks; the fresh imposts were upon tea, coffee, spi
rits, sugars, and various other articles of daily and general consump
tion ; upon assessed taxes; postage, stage-coaches and canal naviga
tion ; — the budget was opened on the 7th of December. It is in
connection with the general subject of finance, to introduce a plan
that was proposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, and which
met with general approbation — viz. the funding of the navy and ex
chequer bills ; the former amounting nearly to twelve millions, the
latter to two millions and a half.

76 THE LIFE OF A. 1796
On the 14th of December Mr. Fox moved, " that his majesty's
ministers, having authorised and directed, at different times, without
the consent, and during the sitting of parliament, the issue of various
sums^ff money, for the service of his Imperial Majesty, and also for
the setHfice of the army under the Prince of Conde, have acted con
trary to their duty, and to the trust reposed in them, and have there
fore violated the constitutional privileges of this house." On this
occasion Mr. Pitt manifested great eloquence in his defence. After
much prefatory matter, respecting a concession which Mr. Fox
had been obliged to make, in admitting that the right of the house,
to dispose of the public money, was subject to some limitations,
he shewed from parliamentary history, that the measure now at
tacked was not unprecedented nor unconstitutional. In the present
case, he contended still, that it was expedient and necessary. The
nature of a vote of credit, said Mr. Pitt, I consider to be such as gives
a power to administration to apply the sum to any exigence that may
occur. I am well aware that every distribution of public money
adopted by ministers is a matter of legal discussion, subject to there-
vision and the controul of parliament, and that their vigilance in re
specting such distribution becomes even more necessary in proportion
to the extent of the sum, and the emergency of the crisis ; but if the
necessity of the supply is increased by the difficulty of the circum*
stances under which it must be granted: if to divulge the object
would be attended with danger, is it fair to put the utility and impor
tance of the operations achieved under those circumstances, altogether
out of the question ? With respect to the sums granted to the em
peror, one thing is evident, that the measure which has been adopted
has succeeded, which, if attempted in any other way, might in all
probability have failed of its object. I ask gentlemen, what are their
own feelings in the present moment with respect to the situation of
the country in the present contest, and I request them to look back to
the months of July and August, when the French were pursuing their
triumphant career with an impetuosity which seemed to defy all op
position, and to threaten the general subjugation of Europe. Let
1hem contemplate the slow, firm, measured and magnanimous retreat
of the gallant Austrian army, and the consequences which followed
from a retreat only calculated to ensure the success of their future.
operations. Will they then ask themselves, dry as the question may
be, when so animated a subject is presented to the mind, how far the
assurance of the aid which this country was disposed to grant, may
have invigorated the spirit of a coimtry making its utmost efforts to
resist an invading foe, how far it may have given confidence %> their
resources, and enabled them to prosecute that line of operations which
lias been attended with such distinguished success ? With these con
siderations in his view, is there any man who can regard as a matter of
consequence, whether the expense of 900,000,6. or l,200,000j£. has
been incurred to the country? Is there any man who would be wil
ling, for the sake of so paltry a saving, to give up our share in promot
ing a service which has terminated So honorably for the character of
eur allies, and so beneficially for the general interests of Europe I

A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 77
Who would not rejoice that he was admitted into a partnership sa
iUustrious, and accompanied with such brilliant success ?
"  Mecredite Lesion,
" Me Tenedon, Chrysenque ist Cyllan Apollinis urbes,
" Et Scyron cepisse, Mea concussa putate
" Procubuisse solo Lyrnesia mania dextra."
The public are not so dead or so insensible as either to be ignorant
of the advantages which have been obtained or ungrateful towards ¦
those to whose gaUant exertions they are indebted on the present occa-;
sion. There is not a man, even the meanest individual in the country,'
who will not feel himself more than repaid for the small quota he.
will be required to bring forward in aid of the public service, by the
important benefits which have been secured to the general interest of
Europe. At the meetingof the preseht parliament, those with whom'
I was in the habit of confidential intercourse, will be enabled to state
to the house, that I looked with the utmost .anxiety to the period
when I should be enabled to make to the house the communication of
every step that had taken place in the business. Yet in all this the
right honourable gentleman sees nothing but a deliberate intention to
violate the rights of parliament. He can perceive no symptom of
a wish to save Germany and Great Britain from the imminent dangers
with which they were threatened. He thinks that we have only avail
ed ourselves of the opportunity to conceal our attempt against the
constitution under the cover of the glory of the Austrian arms ; but
I must remind him that this resolution to support the arms of our
allies was taken at no moment of brilliant success ; that it was influ
enced by no delusive phantom of military glory, it was taken at
a moment when the prospects of this country and our allies were the
most discouraging. In adopting this resolution at such a moment,
ministers gave apledge of their sincere attachment to the country, and
of their firm determination to support its best interests. They were
not ignorant of the consequences of their conduct, of the risk of those
measures they had adopted, and the responsibility which attached
to themselves from the event. In that situation they were called
upon to decide ; and both the testimony of their former opponents
and of moniednien might be brought to prove, that they had adopted
that line of conduct w Inch was most safe and prudent for the country.
I have now weighed the whole merits of the transaction before the
house, and with them I am well content to leave the decision. I
throw myself upon your justice, prepared in every case to submit to
your decision ; but while I bow with the most perfect submission to
the determination of the house, I cannot but remark on the extraordi
nary language which has been used on this question- Ministers have
been brfiffcUy accused of a wanton and a malignant desire to violate the
constitution ; it has been stated that no other motive could possibly
have actuated tlieir conduct. If a charge of such malignant intention
had been brought against men, who have affirmed the present war to
be neither just nor necessary, and who, on that ground, cannot be
supposed friendly to its success, who have extolled, nay, even exulted
in the piodigies of Fench valour ; who have exclaimed against the
injustice of bringing to trial persons who had associated to overcome:
G 2

78 THE LIFE OF A. 1796*
the legislature ; who were anxious to expose and aggravate every de
fect of the constitution; to reprobate every measure adoptod tor its
preservation, and to obstruct every proceeding of the executive go
vernment to ensure the success of our contest in which we ^en
gaged in common with our allies : I say, if such a charge ot delibe
rate and deep-rooted malignity were brought against persons ot tins
description, I should conceive that even then the rules of candid and
charitable interpretation would induce us to hesitate in admitting its
reality, much more when it is brought against individuals whose con-
duct, I trust, has exhibited the reverse of the picture I have now
drawn. I appeal to the justice of the house ; I rely on their candour ;
fcut to gentlemen who can suppose ministers capable of the motives
which have been imputed to them on this occasion, it must be evi
dent that I can desire to make no such appeal. Mr. Bragge moved
an amendment, commending the conduct of ministers, which was car.
ried by 185 against 104.
On the return of Lord Malmesbury, towards the close et 179o,
from the unsuccessful negotiation at Paris, the British funds suffered
a greater depression than was experienced at any period of the Ameri
can war.* Insurrections prevailed in many parts of Ireland; an unex
ampled run on the bank of England was followed by a suspension ot
payment in specie; and a mutiny of unprecedented extent and invete
racy raged in the navy. His majesty's declaration on the subject of
the negotiation was laid before parliament. The substance of this
declaration was " that the rupture of the negotiation did not arise
from the failure of any sincere attempt on the part of France ; but
from the determination of that government to reject all means of
peace, by an obstinate adherence to a claim which never could be ad
mitted ; a claim, which that government rested on the constitution of
its own country, to be received by all nations as paramount to every
principle and law in Europe, as superior to the obligations of treaties,
the ties of common interest, and the most urgent considerations of ge
neral security. His majesty, who had entered into this treaty with
good faith, had now only to lament its abrupt termination, and to de-
clare, in the face of Europe, that whenever his enemies should be dis
posed to enter on the work of general pacification, nothing should be
wanting, on 'his part, to contribute to the accomplishment of that
great object, which was only retarded by the exorbitant pretensions
of his enemies." The message was, on the 30th of December, taken
into consideration. Mr. Pitt rose to move the address, and entered
upon a most elaborate and detailed statement of the circumstances at
tending the negotiation — they were these: In the first instance,
ministers had applied to the Danish ambassador at London^ to trans
mit, through the Danish envoy at Paris, a declaration, siting his
Britannic majesty's desire to conclude a peace, " on just and honora
ble conditions, and demanding the necessary passports for a person ot
confidence, whom his majesty would send to Paris, with a commis
sion to discuss with the government there all the measures the most
proper to produce so desirable an end." The Danish minister having
conveyed to the directory this manifestation of the British intentions*
* The 3 per cent. Consols being so low as 51.

A. 17 96. WILLIAM PITT. T3
h. waB replied by the French government, " that the executive go
vernment would not receive or answer, from the enemies of the repub
lic, any overtures transmitted through an intermediate channel ; but
that, if England would send persons furnished with full powers and
official papers, they might, upoh the frontier, demand the passports
necessary for proceeding to Paris." The courtof London having ap
plied for passports, nominated Lord Marmesbury ; this succeeded the
application through Mr. Wickham, which has already been related.
The first object of Lord M- was to fix a basis conformably to
established usage. This was, " that compensation should be made to
France by proportionable restitutions from his Majesty's conquests on
that power, for those arrangements to which she should be called
upon to consent, in order to satisfy the just pretensions of his allies
and to preserve the political balance of Europe." After some diffi
culty, this basis was accepted by the French government; they then
demanded that Lord M. should specifically bring forward his terms.
His Lordship delivered two notes, one signed and one not, the first
comprehending the terms of peace between England and France, the
other relating to the interests of our allies. This was followed by a
captious demand to have it signed by Lord M. This demand was
complied with, to deprive them of every pretence for breaking off the
negotiation, and immediately they call for an ultimatum in twenty-
four hours. To comply with this was impossible, and, in conse
quence, his Lordship received orders to quit Paris in forty-eight
hours, and the territories of the republic as soon as possible.
The French government after this, signified a wish to renew the
negotiation by means of couriers, upon a new basis, which was, the
retention of all the countries annexed to their republic. Notwith
standing their disavowal of this principle, in the admission of the
former basis of the negociation, it is now alleged as a ground for the
pretension, that they are entitled, as a matter of right, to demand
from this country, that we shall make no proposals inconsistent with
the laws and constitution of France. I know of no law of nations,
said Mr. Pitt, which can, in the remotest degree, countenance such a
monstrous claim. The annexation of territory to any state, by the
government of that state during the continuance of war, can never
confer a claim which supersedes the treaties of other powers, and the
known and public obligation of the different nations of Europe. In
my opinion there is no principle of the law of nations clearer than this,
that when, in the course of war any nation acquires new possessions,
that such nation has only temporary right to them, and that they do
not become property till the end of the war. I should not be sur
prised to hear that Ireland, in consequence of the rumour which has
been cumulated of their intention to attempt an invasion upon that
country, is constitutionally annexed to the territories of the republic,
or even that the city of Westminster is a part of indivisible France.
And are we then, after all the exertions that we have made, in order
to effect the object of general pacification ; and after being baffled in
all our efforts by the stubborn pride and persevering obstinacy of the
French government; after all our propositions have been slighted,
and our ambassador insulted, are we now to consent to sacrifice our
engagements, and to violate our treaties, becausej forsooth, it would

80 THE LIFE' OF A. 1796.
be attended with some inconvenience for them to call their primary
assemblies, , in order to cancel a law which is incompatible with the
principle of fair negociation . But this is not all the degradation to
whidh they would have us submit. You must also engage to. make
no propositions which are contrary to the laws of the constitution,
and the treaties which bind the republic. Here they introduce a
new and extraordinary clause, imposing a restriction still more absurd
and unreasonable than the other. The republic of France may have
made secret treaties which we know nothing about, and yet that
government expects that we are not to permit our propositions to
interfere with these treaties. How is it possible for this country to
know what secret articles there may be in the treaty between France
and Holland ? How can we know what the Dutch may have ceded
to France, or whether France may not have an oath in heaven never
to give up the territories ceded to her by Holland ? Who can know-
but her treaty with Spain contains some secret article, guaranteeing
to the latter the restitution of Gibraltar, or some important possession
now belonging to his majesty ? And how can I know what govern-,
ment France may choose to give to Italy, or what she may be pleased
to assign to Germany ? In fact, the question is not how much you
wiU give for peace, but how much disgrace you will suffer at the
outset — how much degradation you wiU submit to as a preliminary ?
In these circumstances then, are we to persevere in the war with a
spirit and energy worthy of the British name and of the British
character, or are we, by sending couriers to Paris, to prostrate our
selves at the feet of a stubborn and supercilious government, to do
what they require, and to submit to whatever they may impose ? I
hope there is not a hand in his majesty's councils that would sign
the proposals, that there is not a heart in this house that would
sanction the measure, and that there is not an individual in the
British dominions who would act as the courier. In answering the
speech of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Erskine and Mr. Fox took a general view of
the causes and consequences of the war, and said that the minister had
this night come forward, in along and elaborate speech, to shew that
the only effect of all our efforts had been, that the enemy had, from
success, become more unreasonable in their pretensions, and that all
hopes of peace were removed to a greater distance than ever. On
these and similar grounds, Mr. Fox, in the house of commons, pro
posed an address to the king, representing the conduct of ministry,
in the whole of the war, as ruinous ; in this negociation as a com
pound of folly and deceit ; and describing the country as hastening
to destruction, through their infatuated counsels. The address how
ever was negatived, and opposite addresses, approving highly of the
general system of ministers, of the principles and conduct^ of the
negociation, and throwing the whole blame of the rupture upoVi the ,
French, were carried by most numerous majorities.
On the 27th of Feb 1797, a message was delivered from his
majesty to both houses of parliament, stating " that an unusual
demand of specie having been made from different parts of the coun
try on the metropolis, it had been found necessary to make n order
of council, to the directors of the bank, prohibiting the issuing of,
any cash in payment, till the sense of parliament could be taken, on,

A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT. 81
the subject." Mr. Pitt, after some preliminary observations, moved
for a secret committee to ascertain the situation of the bank. Mr.
Fox, and other members in opposition, contended that the bank had
been reduced to a state of insolvency by the infatuation of ministers.
The result of the reports however was, " that on the 25th of Feb. the
last day of paying gold and silver, there was a surplus of effects be
longing to the bank, beyond the total debts, amounting to the sum of
3,826,890,6. exclusive of a permanent debt of 11,666,800^. due
from government; that the bank of England had lately experienced
an universal drain of cash : that this drain was owing to drafts from
the country, which arose from local alarms of invasion; that demands
had been of late progressively increasing, but particularly in the last
week; and that there was every reason to apprehend, that these de
mands, and the consequent progressive reduction of cash, would
continue and even increase, insomuch that if it were to proceed in
the same proportion, the bank of England would be deprived of the
means of supplying the cash which might be necessary for the pressing
exigencies of public service ;" grounded on these reports, Mr. Pitt
proposed a bill, enabling the bank of England to issue notes inpay
ment of demands upon them, instead of cash, The bill was passed
into a law. This measure saved the credit of the bank and of the
funds, and made money of the various denominations much more.
plentiful than before.
The mutiny in the fleet now broke out. In this alarm, ministers
immediately took the step of transferring the board of admiralty to
Portsmouth, and conciliatory terms of a return to duty were proposed
and acceded to by the seamen, and their demands having been deemed
equitable, they were promised redress. In consequence, however, of
some mistrust, the mutiny again broke forth, by the zealous and
prudent exertions of Lord Howe, it was appeased. The petition,
containing their statement of grievances being laid before parliament,
became the subject of discussion on the 8th of May, when Mr. Pitt
submitted the estimates for the augmentation of the pay of the navy.
To calm at once all discontent, nothing, in his opinion, would be so
effectual, as the unanimous decision of parliament on the proposal
before them ; he, therefore, thought it his duty to entreat the house
to pass their silent judgment on the present case, while they coincided
with the motion it occasioned him to make. He then moved for a
total of 436,000^. Opposition, however, accused ministers of pro
crastination and a scandalous neglect of duty; Mr. Whitbread even
moved fo»a vote of censure, but it was negatived by 237 to 63, and
the bill passed. It was hoped that these concessions would have
proved satisfactory, but on the 22d of May a mutiny shewed itself at
the Nore, and threatened consequences more fatal than that in the
other fleets. We need scarcely relate that it was soon terminated, and
that the ring-leaders suffered death. In the mean time, this dangerous
mutiny had been a serious object of attention in parliament. On the
1st of June, a message was delivered from the king to both houses, to
give them formal notice of the event, and to request they would
adopt the necessary measures for the public security, and particularly
tP make more effectual provision for the prevention and punishment

82 THE LIFE OP A. 1797.
of attempts to excite mutiny and sedition in the navy, or to seduce
individuals in the sea or land service, from their duty and allegiance.
On the 3d of March Mr. Whitbread entered into an inquiry rela
tive to the late attempt upon Ireland, which Mr. Pitt answered by
asserting that the attack of the French fleet being equally likely to
fall upon Portugal and Ireland, ministers had taken every possible
precaution, by ordering a squadron to watch their motions, and by
having a fleet in port ready to pursue. Weather alone was the cause
of their arrival in Bantry Bay, undiscovered. Mr. Pitt concluded
his speech, on this occasion, by complaining of Mr. Fox's manner of
speaking concerning Ireland, which he considered as violent and in
flammatory. On a division of the house, on Mr. Whitbread's mo-
lion, the previous question against it was carried by 201 against 62.
During this session, great discontents prevailed in Ireland, which mi
nisters imputed to the dissemination of Jacobinical principles ; and
opposition to the system of government which had been adopted
since the recal of Earl FitzwiUiam. An address, praying his majesty's
interference to allay the discontent in Ireland, was moved by Mr.
Fox on the 23d of March, but negatived.
The ministers since the return of Lord Malmesbury's negotiation,
had declined in popularity, and numerous petitions were presented to
the king for their dismission; their opponents proposed, in both
houses of parliament, addresses to his majesty, to remove from bis
councils his present servants. The- grounds both of attack and defence
^yere the same that had been so often discussed in various farms, and
the replies those so often repeated. The motipns were respectively re
jected by both houses. Mr. Gre» also renewed his propositions of
parliamentary reform, with the same success. His scheme was more
definite than before ; he proposed that the number of county mem
bers should be increased from ninety-two to a hundred and thir
teen, eligible not only by freeholders, but by copyholders and lease
holders ; and that the other four hundred members should be chosen
by aU householders. The arguments for and against the proposition
were much the same that had been so repeatedly employed. — Parlia
ment rose on the 20th of July, after having sat between nine and ten
months. The campaign of 1797 was so decisively favourable to the French
arms, that Buonaparte dictated the treaty of Campio Formio, while he
changed the government of Venice and Genoa. The war upon the
continent was thus for a time at an end, and England remained with
Portugal alone, to sustain the combat. The naval war prayed deci
sively in our favor. Sir John Jervis obtained the victor^- which
gave birth to his present title (Earl St. Vincent). Admiral Duncan
annihilated the Dutch fleet off Camperdown at a blow. In France
three of the directors had arrested and transported sixty of the depu
ties who were alleged to be friendly to royalty, with Barthelemi, their
colleague, and thus established for a time, their own power. Under
„ these circumstances was Lord Wbjdjne^ury sent to Lisle to treat for
peace. For the progress"ancl event of the negociation we refer to Mr,
Pitt's explanation in parliament, which assembled on the 2d of Nov.
In England discontent was much less prevalent than in former years.

A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT. 83
The victories of our navy gratified the national sense of honor;
the re-appearence of gold and silver proved the responsibility of
the bank, and dispelled apprehensions concerning national credit.
The abrupt termination of the embassy at Lisle was attributed to the
hostility of France, the nation in general deemed the continuance of
the war now a measure of necessary self defence, and was disposed to
make the greatest exertions. Mr. Fox, together with other leading
members of that party, had seceded. The address, therefore, passed
with scarcely any opposition. On the 10th, when the papers relative
to the negociation came under consideration; Sir John Sinclair
moved an amendment to the address. Mr. Pitt, in reply, distinctly
separated the wishes of the people from the intention of the govern
ment of France. After much preliminary remark upon the promi
nent arguments of Sir John Sinclair's speech, he proceeded to an
animated relation of the circumstances of the negociation. He reca
pitulated the facts which took place on Lord M's embassy to Paris,
and said, in spite of the insulting termination of that negociation, his
majesty had determined to renew his application for peace. The
directory began by a procedure contrary to general usage; they
would receive no proposal for preliminaries, but insisted that confer
ences to conclude a definitive treaty should at once be held. It wa9
acceded to. In granting a passport, they inserted a condition relative
to the minister's powers, and that, inconsistent with his majesty's ex
planation ; the passport was for a minister coming to conclude a
separate peace. His majesty declared he had no choice between a
preliminary and definitive treaty, but his good faith to his ally the
queen of Portugal would not permit his acceding to a separate peace.
It was then agreed that France should treat for Holland and Spain,
and England for Portugal. In spite of thege obstacles, and others
more minute, Lord M. arrived at Lisle, and the powers were ex
changed, and were aUowed to be unexceptionable, although three
months afterwards the suppossd defect of these powers was made the
cause of the rupture of the negotiation. In the exalted situation this
nation held relatively to France, who had nothing to restore to Great
Britain, a project was delivered by the British plenipotentiary, which
agreed to give up the conquests we had made, with certain excep
tions ; for these a blank was left, in order to ascertain whether France
intended to divide the compensations between her and her allies . She
had, however, no difficulty to declare, that she must retain every
thing for herself. What, Sir, was it we offered to renounce to
France? in one word, all that we had taken from them; and for
what weje these renunciations to be made ? For peace, and for peace
only, ^.nd to whom ? To a nation which had obtained from his
majesty's dominions in Europe, nothing in the course of the war,
which had never met our fleets but to add to the catalogue of our
. victories, and to swell the melancholy lists of their own captures and
defeats. Our proposal was allowed by the French ministers and trans
mitted to the directory. Months had elapsed in sending couriers
from Lisle to Paris, while we, whom they had summoned a definitive
treaty, only were to stop and discuss preliminary points — we were to
discuss whether his majesty would relinquish the title of king of

84 THE LIFE OF A. 1797.
France; a harmless feather, at most, in the crown of England— whether
we would restore the ships taken at Toulon — the .acquisition of
valour, and which we were intitled, on every ground, to hold —
whether we would renounce the mortgage we might possess in the
Netherlands, and which engaged so much of the worthy baronet's at
tention. But what he considers as so important was of no importance
at all— we have none. We told them the true state of the case, and
that it was not worth talking about. It was next demanded we should
consent to give up all we had taken, and then to hear what we had
further to ask. Is it possible to suppose that such a thing could be
listened to by any country that was not prepared to prostrate itself at
the feet of France, and in that abject posture to adore its conqueror,
to solicit new insults, to submit to demands'still more degrading and
ignominious, and to concede at once the honor of the British name !
His majesty had no hesitation in refusing to comply with such inso
lent and unwarrantable demands. His majesty's firmness, however,:
drew new assurances of the most pacific intentions and new promises
of the contre projet. The same offensive demands were, nevertheless,
soon after, renewed on the part of the directory, and Lord M. was
finally desired to go to England for fresh powers. Mr. P. having'
thus stated tiie progress and issue of the negosiation, concluded in
these words : there is one great resource, which I ti-ust will never
abandon us, and which has shone forth in the English character, by
which we have preserved our existence and fame as a nation, whicji
1 trust we shall be determined never to abandon under any extremity,
but shall join hand and heart in the solemn pledge that is proposed to
us, and declare to his majesty, that vie know great exertions are wanting,'
that naeare prepared to make them, and at all eventsdeterm.ii.edto stand or
fall by the laws, liberties, and religion of our country. Such
was the influence of tliis speech, that it seemed to satisfy all doubts
and silence all opposition. Sir J. Sinclair confessed he was not in--
sensible of the weight of the arguments adduced, and withdrew his
motion. On the 22d of November Mr. Pitt brought forward his annual
statement of accounts. The expense of the year amounted to 26 1-2
millions. In order to furnish a supply, he declared it to be his in
tention to have recourse to a perfectly new and solid system of
finance. Of this sum 6 1-2 millions would arise from the unappro
priated produce of the sinking fund, exchequer bills and unmortgaged
taxes, 19 millions were then to be provided for, seven of these he
proposed to raise within the year by a new impost, which should be
regulated by the existing assessed taxes in a triplicate proportion to
their actual amount — limited, however, to the tenth of each person's
income, and modified according to circumstances. Of the remaining
twelve millions, four might be borrowect without creating any addi
tional debt; the produce of the sinking fund, old and new, appro
priated to the purpose of liquidating the national debt, being equal
to that amount. For the other eight millions, he proposed that the
triple assessment be continued till the principal and interest be com-
pletely discharged ; so that after seven millions should be raised for
the service of the year, the same taxes, in litUe moie than another

A-» 1797. W^LIAM PITT. 83
jrear, wquld pay off, the.. eigh^mill^stJ^bo^^ ifttePn
mediate interest-. TJn^ friljl was opposed wlifo much,seyerity. in every,
stage; and on,' the. second readmg,jMi:!-)7oxi and Mr. Sheridan. again
made their appearance in the house, An additional. clause, w^pra-.
posed by( Mr! A44ingt,on, allowing, voluntary, contribuAiojiSj ., ajjfil
adopted. The bi]^Vfin)aJ,ly wsse,d,by amaJ9rjty,o| lQ&tqiJ'l,
On the 27tkof Marcb^lJ^S,, Sflr, B^nda^ moved for. leave to, bsi?ff!
in his bili? for the defence ,ojf the reali^ -which gave, rise to the.YOiiuite
teer associations. Theajietyan^thje .habeas corpus, suspension bill*
were revived. Mr. Pitt alapiproposed a fiflia.ncial measure for thp .reT
demption, or rather the commutation, of the la.nd,-tax, i its object was,
to absorb a large quantjit^y of stock, and. iq the process to; transfev.a;
great portion of: the .national debt, into a landed security, The quan
tity of stock 'thug transferred, was in its amount to equal at least, the.
quantity of lan<j-ta^,, which, by tills , means, sjipulcl.be extinguish-,
ed, and become applicable. to the public service. The aBBQunt of the
land-tax Is. two millions sterling; thc,m"mister:proposed to set-it up at '
twenty yeai;s.' purchase, when the.thr? e per ceflts, were, at fifty, with a
proportionable rise of purchasage, according to, tlieir increasing pjrtec*
Foj-ty minions sterling. 'the present amount of thehiwl-taxiat twenty,
years* purchase, \vpuldampunt tp eighty milljons, 3per cents., stockj
at fifty, affording ^n.lnterest of 2,400,000/, and ieaving a clear gain to ,
the revenue of 400.000/, a year. Tp simplify the operation, the
purchase was to be made in stocky and not in money ;. the proprietor
was^Q. have the opportunity of pre-emption, as the land-tax was. not-
to be offered, to sale to third pers/wis, until the expii- Ation of a certain ,
period, to be g^n to the proprietQivof] th,e hind to make his arrange -
mentsforthe purchase j afterwards it was redeemable by the praprlc-.
tqr, on replacing to, the original piu-slia^'er the surae qua.jt.ity of 3 per
cent, stock vvhiph.he paid as the price of his purchase. This scheme i
encountered s,trong objections, hut, these were over-ruled, and a bill,
conformable to Mr. Pitt's plan was passed into a. law..
The alarm at invasion, not pnly continuing but increasing.,, and tha
French having by thia tiir»p assembled, a vast force on the opposite side
of the channel, the, chancellor of the exchequeiyon the 2»5th of May,
moved for a bilj; for tlie more .effectual, manning of the navy Tiie <
chief object he.had in view was the temporary suspension, of protec
tions, and it was his wish that the, bill, should that day pass through
its different stages. Mr .^He^ney expressed his belief thatthe augment
tation of the navy migr-^~blTprovided for in the usual way. No ar-_
ghments Juid been offered to prove the propriety of such au extraordi-.
nary delation from the common practice, of that house ; nor was he.
prepared to give three or fpur votes without spme deliberation and re
flection in favor of a bill which, like, all the other measures of mini
stry, he considered. as decidedly hostile: to the liberty of the subject-
Mr,. ffjtt rose in great warmtl|. and, said/'thAtif every .measure adopt.
ed against the designs of France was to be considered as-hostile to th?
liberties of this country,, then indeed his. idea of liberty differed widely
from that of the honorable gentleman- Wefe the present bill not
passed in a day, it wasobvious that those whom it concerned might
elude its effects : but iftthgrneasure was necessary.andthafca previous
H

86 THE LIFE OF A. 1798.
notice would render it inefficient, how could the honorable gentleman's
opposition to it be accounted for, but from a desire to obstruct the
defence of the country ?" Mr. Tierney now rose, and called the
chancellor of the exchequer to order ; and the speaker interposing with
that dignified impartiality which has ever marked his conduct, ob
served, that whatever had a tendency to throw suspicion on the senti
ments of a member, if conveyed in language thit clearly marked such
intention, was certainly irregular. This the house would judge of,
but they would wait to hear the honorable gentleman's explanation.
Mr. Pitt replied, "that if the house waited for his explanation,, he
feared it must wait a longtime. He submitted what he had said to the
Judgment of the house, and would not depart from any thing he had
advanced, by either retracting or explaining his words." Mr. Tiemey
immediately left the hoBse, a challenge was sent from that gentleman
to Mr. Pitt, and a duel fought between them on the ensuing Sunday.
The following article appeared in the public prints, on Monday,
May 28 — We are authorised to state, that in consequence of what
passed on Friday last, Mr. Pitt, accompanied by Mr. Ryder, and Mr.
Tierney, accompanied by Sir George Walpole, met at three o'clock
^yesterday afternoon, on Putney heath. After some ineffectual at-
Jtempts, on the part cf the seconds, to prevent farther proceedings, the
parties tooktheir ground at the distance of twelve paces. A case of
pistols was fired at the same moment, without effect ; a second case was
\lsoTiredin the same manner; Mr. Pitt firing his pistol in the air .- the
seconds then jointly interfered, and insisted that" the niatter should
go no"iartHer,"it~Bemg* their"3ecided opinion that sufficient satisfac.
tion had been given, and that the business was ended with perfect ho-
nor taiiotlijagrties.
The state oTTrel'and now became the frequent subject of inquiry
and animadversion, but ministry represented the circumstances as too
critical for discussion. The slave trade abolition was once more ne
gatived, and the session was ended on the 27th of June. It was during'
this year that the plans of the United Irishmen, which had been con
certed with the French government to aid their invasion, and finally
to establish Ireland as an independent republic, became known.—
Conciliatory measures were proposed by opposition, but the ministry
conceived, that, though generally successful if applied before the pas
sions of men are inflamed, they would now come too late. Vigorous
means were therefore adopted. — Troops were sent over, of which the
English militia having been permitted to volunteer the service, form
ed a part, and the insurrection was subdued . In the mean twne Lord
Camden was recalled, and Marquis Cornwallis, who united gJ-eat mi
litary talents to extensive civil knowledge, succeeded him. This no-
Mercian's judicious plans tended much to quiet and prepare Ireland for
a permanent system, which might prevent the recurrence of much
evil. Sir J. B. Warren's victory over the French squadron, which
brought assistance to the insurgents, also contributed to extinguish
the rebellion. The threats of invasion were cohtinued, and the nation
was in arms. But the French were secretly preparing the Egyptian
expeditidn, which sailed and after landing the troops, it will ever be
proudly remembered, was encountered and overcome by Admiral

A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 87
Nelson. In pursuance of the treaty of Campo Formio, a congress
was now sitting at Rastadt. Russia seemed to enter earnestly into the
war; the Porte incensed at the landing in Egypt, declared against
France ; and the Americans, indignant at the conduct of the French,.
to their shipping, were also preparing to take part if the negociation
should fail. The British ministers had recovered, in a great degree,
their popularity — so powerfulis the influence of success — when par
liament met on the 20th of~rT5veTnt>ef1 Opposition still continued
their secession and the address was carried with only one dissenting
voice. On the 3d of Dec the. minister, in a speech of uncommon length
and excellence, developed his plans of finance for the year ; the sum
total of the supplies required, was 29,272,000^. The ways and
means for which there were the usual resources, in the duties substi
tuted in lieu of the land tax, now made perpetual, the lottery, the
consolidated fund, and imports and exports, extended to the amount
of 6,150,000£. The remainder of the sum total of the supplies for
the year, remained to be raised, either by a tax within the year, in the
same manner as the assessed tax bill of last year, or by a loan, was
upwards of 23 millions. Last session, the plan of trebling the assessed
taxes, not only was taken to furnish a certain portion of the supplies
of the yeir, but part of its produce was assigned for the extinction
of such part of the loan of eight millions as was not covered by the
sinking fund. Voluntary contributions had made up the deficit on
the assessed taxes; and the superior produce of the exports and im
ports beyond the estimate of ways and means, had brought the amount
of the sums to be raised to that of 7 1-2 millions, at which they had
been calculated. The produce of the assessed taxes, which he had
estimated at 4,500,000£. under all the modifications they had un
dergone, and all the evasions and tricks with which so many persons
had shifted the public burden from their own shoulders, was yet four
millions. Instead of 1,500,000^. the voluntary contributions alrea
dy exceeded two millions ; and the .sum of 7 1-2 millions, for which
credit had been taken, and had been effective to the public servide.
These particulars, respecting the estimate of 1798, being premised,
Mr. Pitt proceeded to state a new plan for raising a very considerable
part of the supplies within the year, and of course proportionably di
minishing that of the sum to be borrowed. This was by a tax on in
come. The commissioners who should be invested with power of
fixing every one's income, should be persons of a respectable situation
in life, and men of integrity and independence ; and peculiar provi
sions jjiere framed to secure such a choice. No persons whose incomes
were under 60£. a year should pay any thing, every one should state
what the sum was, which he was willing to contribute under a decla
ration, that what he so contributed was not less than one tenth of his
income. But the next point to be considered, was in what manner
the declaration of the parties should be checked and ascertained. The
mode Mr. Pitt would propose, was, that it should be made the duty
' of some officers in each district, to lay before the commissioners any
' grounds of doubt which they might entertain. When these grounds
' of doubt should be transmitted to the commissioners, they should have

88 THE LIFE dF A. 1798;
the power of requiring a specification of income arising from (He dif
ferent branches, and. according to the forms prescribed by ia schedule
annexed to' the act. If the commissioners should not be satisfied,
ttley might require another specifecitidiji.. Individuals also ihigfit state
in what they had been overcharged. If the commisSfdh'ers should
hot be satisfied with the schedule given in, they should have, in that
case, the power tb proceed to examinations by bath ; but they shriufii
have no power to compel a man to answer— they should neither have
authority to call for books, 'nor to examine cleiks or agents. If,
however, the party examined should withhold any information on the'lfe
points, it should rest with' the commissioners to form their own opi
nion, and their judgment should be final, unless the party chose fd
appeal to the highest order of the commissioners; but, even in
that case, no books or papers should be examined. If the party
should be unwilling to'produce those papers, he must acquiesce ill
the decision which the commissioners should come to upon such
other information as it might be in their power to obtain. Such
information the commissioners should be strictly sworn not to
''isclose, nor to avail themselves of it for any purpose separate
from the execution of the act If however any information should
he made upon oath, which the commissioners should think to
oe false, they might carry on a prosecution for perjury. Mr. Pitt
proceeded to propose certain exemptions from disclosure of income:
abatements and allowances in favour of certain descriptions of per
sons; and next to consider the probable amount of the tax. —
Having reviewed the general sources of wealth in this country, he
stated the national income to be 1(32,000,000/. annually, clear of all
deductions ; on this sum, a tax of 10 per cent, was likely to
produce 16,600,060/. a year. Mr, Pitt having thus explained the
nature and objeet of his present plaii of finance, observed, that it
wiis founded on an extension of the .general, principle of that financial
"measure which had been adopted last session of parliament. If the
committee had seen the advantages of that principle, imperfect as ii
was, in comparison of that of the present measure, they would find
something better than reason to induce them to adhere to it; they
would find that their own experience decided in its favor.. Among
all the various circumstances in which resided the hopes of our ene
mies abroad, of all the causes that chiefly aggravated the fears of those
Who were most desponding at home, there were none which more for
cibly operated than the hopes oh the one hand and the fears On the
other, of increasing our funded dett. Itwas npt^sp much thfepbwe^,
enmity, or extravagance of the enemy that excited apprehehsrph,.hijt
that we should trust to the usual resources of the country till they
failed; and that rio others could be substituted in their place, wiffeout
danger and mischief resulting from them. We have, however, had
the satisfaction of Knowing, that now, under the accujnulafed bur
dens of protracted war, after a period of six.ye&rs of arduous contest,
after events alarming to the public credit of the tingdoin, we haye
s -en, after all this, the county on a sudden rousing herself, and adopt
ing new means of vigor and exerlicfn, distinguishing herself aiid.silr-
p.u>shig the proudest period of the British history. We have had the

A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 89
happiness of becoming instrumental in producing the glorious change
which has taken place ; but let it be recollected that it is not those
events Which are the most dazzling and striking, that, perhaps, have
had the largest share in producing the favourable change in the situa
tion and prospects of the country. It is true all this is to be ascribed
to the secrecy and vigilance displayed in our naval departments, the
disposition1 of our maritime strength ; but they are to be ascribed
more immediately to the transcendant,the unequalled abilities, and in
trepidity and skill of our commanders, to whose merits I cannot
do justice.. There has been shewn a degree of fervent zeal, of perse
verance, of ardour, of resolution on the part of British seamen, by
which their character-is raised in the estimation of the world. But
while this valour and activity have averted the impending storm, do
not let us forget that the power of employing such a force is to be at
tributed to the circumstance of our possessing the pecuniary resources
necessary to furnish that force. The resources for our national de
fence have arisen from the firmness and inflexible perseverance of par
liament ; from the zeal, magnanimity and decision in promoting the
public interest, which have characterised all classes of British subjects.
They have had the satisfaction of being instrumental in the salvation
of themselves and the rest of the world, and of vindicating their in
sulted honors. We have seen a mercantile country, arm themselves
For the defence of their country. We have happily seen them, with
out any diminution of that mercantile pursuit which furnishes their
resources, display the noblest instances of magnanimity, and persons
from whoseisituations and habits it would least have been expected,
shew a decree of military zeal and enthusiasm which has given us all
the advantages of a military nation, without any diminutipn of those
other advantages which are more felt than cherished among us. I
must believe there is not a man who would be disposed to question
' the policy of the conduct which we have adopted. When we have
the satisfaction of knowing that by performing our duty we have
' consulted our immediate interest as much as our permanent security ;
we can have no hesitation in adhering to the same line of conduct, and
following up that system which has been productive cf so much
benefit. On these grounds, therefore, he would propose a set of re
solutions on the plan which he had submitted to their consideration .
The bill finally passed by a great majority. It was, however, justly
unpopular, frpm its imposing the heaviest burdens upon the middling
classes, arid from its great exposure of private concerns. The other
taxes were laid on sugar, coffee, bills of exchange and stamps.
A provisional treaty was concluded between Great Britain and
Russia, December 18, 1798. His Britannic majesty engaged to
furnish the pecuniary succours, 225,000/. sterling for the first
and most urgent expences; of which 75,000/ was to be paid
as soon as the troops had passed the Russian frontier It was
also stipulated, that his Britannic majesty should pay for a
campaign of eight mouths, a subsidy of 112,500/. per month —
two--thirds of the sum to be- -immediately paid, the other third
at the conclusion of a peace. The Emperor, on his part, was
to bring to the field -forty-five thousand men, in cavalry and
h2

90 THE LIFE OF A. 1799.
infantry, with the,, necessary artillery. The contracting pattfe's
engaged not to make either peace or armistice without including
each other in the treaty. A message, from hi^ majesty stated
this convention to parliament; and the requisite subsidy was .pro
posed by ministers. Mr. Pitt, in a very eloquept speech, enlarged\qn
the merits of the prince, who now swayed the Russian sceptre. From
-the praises of Paul, Mr. Pitt passed tp thpse of the people of Enghuid.
"There is," said he, "a high spirited pride, an elevated loyalty, a ge
nerous warmth of heart, a nobleness of spirit, a hearty hilarity and
manly gaiety that- distingaish"bur nation; in which we are to look for
the best pledges of general safety, and of that security against general
usu: patron, which ottyer nations, in their weakness pr their folly, have
no where found. With respect to vthat which appeared so much to
.embarrass certain gentlemen, the deliverance nf Europe, he, would not
say particularly what it was ; whether from the infection of false prin
ciples, the corroding. qares of a period of distraction and dismay, »,
or the dissolution of all governments, and death of all social ordejr
and religion. Will then gentlemen continue to regard with suspi
cion the conduct of the Emperor of Russia? Has he not sufficiently
shewn his devotion to the cause in which we are engaged, by the.kind,
and number, and value of bis sacrifices, ultimately to prevail in the
struggle against a tyranny, which, in changing our point of vision,
we every where find accompanied in its desolating progress, by de
gradation, misery and nakedness, to the unhappy victims of its power
— a tyranny which has magnified, and strengthened its powers to do
mischief in the proportion that the legitimate and venejable fabrics
of civilized and polished society have declined from, the meridian of
their glory, and lost the power of doing good— a tyranny which strides
across the ill-fated domain of France, its foot armed with the scythe
of oppression and indiscriminate proscription,- that touches only to
blightj and rests only to destroy— the reproach and the curse of the
infatuated people who still eoritinue to acknowledge it. In my view
of security, every object of ambition and aggrandizementis abandon
ed. Our simple object is security, just security, with a little mixture
of indemnification. B-ut wishing tp be understood, I answer the ho
norable gentleman when he asks, "Does the right honorable , gentle
man mean to prosecute the war until the French republic is over
thrown 1 Is it his determination not to treat. wiUi France whifcit
• continues a republic 1" I answer, I do not confine my views' to j»e
territorial limits of France ; I contemplate the principles, character,
and conduct of France ; I censider what these are ; I see iiv^hem tne
, issues of destruction, of infamy and ruin, to every state in her alliance ;
and, therefore, I say, that until the aspect of that mighty masstof
iniquity and folly is entirely changed, until, by the common consent
of the general voice of all men, I can with truth tell.parliameut,
France is no longer terrible for her contempt of the, rights of every
other nation — she no longer avows schemes of universal empire — she
has settled into a state, whose goveriimcntcan, maintain those relations
in their integrity, in which alone civilized communities are to find
their security, there can beno safety in peace. Such, are my senti
ments. I am not afraid to avow them. I commit them to the

a: 1799.' WILLIAM pnrr. §i
thiijking ijfafig mznTtmii ; and if they have hot 'He^fi'J^oiiecl f>y* ffley
stream ofi'Tj^ncto sophistry, and prejudiced by'nef 'rarsefip'6r|, "t alH
sure they \vilt approve of the determiiiationj'have avowed, for those;
grave^ and mature reisphs^P ^hich I fd.und it. t , f •„ .',
J,t,vvas iii this period pf the session that the grSnd and inipprlint
measure pf theunipri pf Ireland and Gr'eat Britain became the subject
ofparliarneptary consideration. On the 22dof January,. a r/ieSsage^bri.
that subject was received from his majesty by both houses of parlikr
ment. His majesty, after adverting to the Unremitting industry with
wtljch pur ehejnies persevered in their avowed design of effecting the
separation pf Ireland from this kingdom, recommended.it to the. lords
and commons " tp consider pf the most effectual means' of finally de
feating that design, by disposing the, parliaments of both kingdoms to
provide, i,n the manner which they should judge the most expedient,
foi; settling such a complete and final adjustment, as might best tend
tp improve and perpetuate a connection essential for their common,
security, and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the
British empire" Oh the following day, when this message was
taken into consideration, Mr. PundaS introduced amotion, the sub
stance o'f which was, " that the hoif.se would proceed, with all due
dispatch, tp the consideration of the several interests recommended in
h}s majesty's gracious message to' their serious attention." Mr.
Sheridan said, that before ministers recommended to the house of
commons to take measures that led inevitably to the discussion cf
some plan of union, it was incumbent on them to have shewn, that
tfie last pledge of the English parliament to the people of Ireland, by
which theirrindependence was recognized, and their rights acknow>
ledged, had hot produced that unanimity which the parliaments of tbi6
two countries ought to cfierish. He then entered at large into the
question, and concluded by moving an amendment, which went to
state, that " there appeared to.be an intention of effecting an liqiorij
and to implore his majesty not to listen to those who might advise
such a. measure at the present crisis." Mr. Pitt did not think it neces
sary to enter fully. into the important details which the subject be
fore them naturally suggested, and although he spoke at some length
in reply to Mr. Sheridan, we pass on to his speech when the question
was resumed, as it contains a(l that can be said upon the subject in the
most eloquent form. Mr. Sheridan withdrew his amendment, and
tke original motion was put and carried. Sppii after this, intelligence
was received by the British goverriihent, that the prcppsal fpr an
Union, jyhich liad been (aid before the Irish parliament, had been re
jected. It was carried in the upper house by a great majority, but
lost in the commons by one vote.
On Thursday, January 31, i.799, the order of the day for takirfS
his majesty's message, relative tb an uhidn with Ireland, into consi
deration being read, Mr. Pitt rose and said, that when he proposed to
the house that measure the last time, in order to fix the present da*
For its farther consideration, he indulged a hope that the result of a
similar communication to the parliament of. Ireland, would have
opened a more favourable prospect than at present, existed., of its
speedy accomplishment; But while he admitted' arid respected the

92 THE LIFE OF A. 1799.
rights ofrthe parliament of Ireland,, he felt, that, as amember of the,
parliament pf Great Britain, he also had a right to fexercisfe,' and a'
duty, to perform. That ;duty was to, express, as distinctly as he could,
the general nature and outline of the plan, which, in his conscience,"
he thought would tend, in the strongest manner, tp ensure the safety^
and happuiess of both kingdoms. If parliament, after full explana
tion, and mature deliberation, should be of the same opinion, he would
propose that its determination should remain recorded as that by
which the parliament of Great Britain were ready to abide, leaving to
the legislature of Ireland to Reject or adopt it hereafter, upon a
full consideration of the measure. ! do entertain a confidence, con
tinued Mr. P. even under the apparent discouragement of the
opinion expressed by the Irish hpuse of commons, that this measui'e
is founded upon such clear, such demonstrable grounds df utility ; is
so calculated to add to the strength and power of the empire, (in
which the safety of Ireland is included, and from which rt never can
be separated) and is attended with so many advantages to Ireland in
particular, that all that can be necessary for its ultimate adoption W,'
that it should be stated distinctly, temperately and fully, and that it
should be left tp the unprejudiced, the dispassionate, the sober judg1-
irient pf the parliament of Ireland. I am the more encouraged in this "
hope of the ultimate success of this measure when 'I see that barely
more than one half of the members that attended the house of com
mons were adverse to it ; and that in the other house of parliament in
Ireland, containing, as it does, so large a portion of the property of
that kingdom, it was approved by a great majority. When I
have reason to believe that the sentiments of a large party of
the people of that country are favourable to it ; and that much of the
manufacturing and of the commercial interests of Ireland are already
sensible how well it is calculated to prpthote their advantage, I think
that it will still terminate in that which can alone be a fortunate
result. Let me ask, what is the situation of affairs that has called us
to the discussion 0f this subject? This very connection, the neces
sity of which has been admitted on all hands, has been attacked by
foreign enemies and by domestic traitors. The dissfeluti6n of this
connection is the great object cf the hostility pf our common ene
mies ; let us profit by the designs of those who, if their conduct dis
plays no true wisdom, at least possess that species of wisdom which
is calculated for the promotion of mischief. The settlement which
was made in 1782 consisted in the demolition of the system which be
fore held the two countries together. Such was the final adjust
ment cf 1782 ; and I can prove it to be so, not only from the 6i»inest
reasoning, but I can prove it by the opinion expressed by the British
parliament at that very time. I can prove it by the opinion expressed
by those very ministers by whom it was proposed and conducted.
Oh a former night, I read an extract from the journals, to shew what
was the opinion even of those by whom the final adjustment was pro
posed. It would then appear, that the message was sent to the parlia
ment of Ireland, recommending to them the adoption of some plan for
a final adjustment between the two countries ; in answer to this, the
parliament of Ireland stated certain grievances, the principal of which

A; 1799. wiLLfAM PITT. $3
was; tTi'e' powers claimed by rWparTi&neht Offcreat'BMtanYof r6aKrife;
Taws tb rJiHS'Irteiaha;. Oh tl&t'jjftfun'd was fhoved ffi^ripela bfrwriafc
wftfcWe'd the declaratory act?; which inbtidhVas aise1#fe% fty=Hle>'
Bfiftisfl parliament. ' I beg|rartter;'tdTStii^ha^^
the bill, bf which so much hash'eSn s&id,' was. passed, 'an'aTIdresYiJb hiS
majesty Was.mbved arid carried', graying Him tp tfake such'ra.rlfier'jn'ffij
sures^as fohjtn seamed proper, tb 'streiigtli§n the. conriectidn Bewee'B
tbe two countries! I now come to the cpmmercial prppbsttioft
which.was brought fbrward hi 178$. The best, perhaps, th'^t can
Be said of it is, that it went as far'as Circumstances yould then penhi^
fe draw the two countries into a tlbser ccnriecticn, , yet if I am nbt
mistaken, it Will be fpuhd that the chancellor of the- exchequer pf that
day, in lfelarid, in ^ debate upon the Irish propositions, held tKis
language :— " If 'this infa^uatedcountry give's up the present pffer,
she may lbbk fpr it again in vain — things cannpt reniaih as they are— »
ccifrmercial jealcusy is roused — if will increase with two independent
legislatures, and without an united interest in commerce, in a Com?
fh'erciatl empire, political union will receive many- shocks, and separa
tion bf interest must threaten separation of connection, which evefj'
liohe,st Irishman must shudderto look at as apcssible event."
What is the evil lb which he alludes ? Ccmmercial jpalcusies 6ev
fween twp cctihtries acting upcn the laws of twp independent legis
latures, and th'e danger pf those legislatures acting in cpposition'
tb each other. 'How can this evjl be remedied? , By two means pnly f
either by spme compact entered into by the legislatures (of the two
countries, respecting the mode of forming their commercial regula
tions, or else by blehdingthe two legislatures together; the?e are. the
only two. I defy the wit of man tb point -out a third. The experi-
meritbfa mutual compact has been tried without success ; the result
then is— you must remain in thestate which that righthonourable gen
tleman has described, br you' must again recur to the proposal pf^a
compact similar tb that rejected in 1785, or you must resort to the best
and most effectual remedy — a 'legislative union. If we were to' ask
the ministers of our allies, what measure they thought the most likely
tb {ahitrnient the power pf the British empire, and consequently in
crease that strength by which they were, nuw protected — if we wefe to1
Ssk the agent of our enemies, What measure would be the most likely
fp render their designs, ibortive — 'the aristyer would be the same in
both cases, viz. the firin consolidation of every part of the empire.
There is another consideration well worth attention ; Recollect what
are the peculiar means by which we have been enabled to resist the;
uriequalle'd and eccentric efforts pf France, without any diminution,
hay with an increase pf bur general prosperity— what, but the great
comiriercial resources which we p&sse'ss ? A measure tt\en, whicji
must communicate tb Such a migfity finib 6f the empire as Ireland, all
the cpmmercial advantage's which Great Britain possesses, which \\ilt
ojie'n the markets of the ohe country tr/1 the othfefj 'which, will give)
Mem both t^e'commdri use of their Capital, riuisf, by diffusing a large
portion of wealth info Ireland, considerably increase the rescirrces',
and cbnseritf^ritly the str^n'gtH of the vvhole empire.. But it is not
merely in this general view, that 1 think fife question OUglrt'to be Cbii.

94 THE LIFE OF A. 1799.
sidereal., ^eioughtto lppk to It .with a view pecuKarly to the per.
manentlinterest and security of Ireland. W^ien that country was
threatened with the double danger qf hostile attacks by enemies with
out, and of treason within, from what quarter did she derive the
Sfeans of hej: deliverance ? — from the naval force of Great Brijain—
from the voluntary exertions of her military of every description, not
called for by law, and from her pecuniary resources, added to the
loyalty and energy of the inhabitants of Ireland itself ; of which it is
impossible to speak with too much praise, and which shews how well
they deserve to be called the brethren of Britons. When that danger
threatened Ireland, the purse of preat Britain was as open for the
wants of Ireland, as for the necessities of England- I do not, Sirji
state these circumstances, as upbraiding Ireland for the benefits we
have conferred ; far frorn it ; but I state them with pleasuse, as shew
ing the friendship . and good-will with which the country has acted
towards her. It is to identifythem with us — it is to make them part
of the same community, by giving them. a full share of those accumu
lated blessings which are diffused throughout Great Britain ; it is, in
a word, by giving them a full participation of the wealth, the power,
and the glory of the British empire. Until the kingdoms are united,
any attempt to make regulations here for the internal state pf Ireland,
must certainly be a violation pf her independence, But feeling, as I
4p, for their interests and their welfare, I cannot be inattentive to the
events that are passing before me. I must therefore'repeat, thktwhq,
ever considers that the enemy have shewn by their conduct, that they
considered Ireland as the weakest and most vulnerable part of the em
pire ; whoever reflects upon those dreadful and inexcusable cruelties,
instigated by the enemies of both countries, and upon those" lamenta
ble severities by which the exertions for the defence of Ireland were
unhappily, but unavoidably attended, must feel that, as it now stands
composed in the hostile division of its sects, in the animosities exist
ing between ancient settlers and original inhabitants, in the ignorance
and want of civilization which mark that country more' than almost
any other country in Europe, in the unfortunate prevalence of Jaco
bin principles, arising from these causes, and augmenting their malig
nity, and which have produced that distressed state" which we now
deplore ; every one, I say, who reflects upon all these circumstances^
must agree with me in thinking, that there is no cure but in the form j
arion of a general imperial legislature, free alike from terror and from
resentment, removed from the danger and agitation, and uninfluenced
by the prejudices, and uninflamed by the passions of that distracted
country. Above all, in the great leading distinction hetween the
people of Ireland, (I mean their religious distinctiens) what* is their
situatipn? The pretestant feels that the claims of the~ catholics
threaten the existence of the pretestant ascendancy; while, en thjs
other hand, the great body of catholics feel the establishment of the
national church, and their exclusion from the exercise of certain
rights and privileges a grievance. Between the two, it becomes a
matter of difficulty in the minds of many persons, whether it would
be better to listen only to the fears of the former, or to grant the claims
of tjie latter. No man can say, that in the present state of things, and

A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT.. 95
while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, full concessions could be
made to the catholics, without endangering the state, and shaking
the constitution of Ireland to its centre. In the second place, I think it
Certain that, even for whatever period it may be thought necessary,
after the union, to withhold from the catholics the enjoyment of those
advantages, many of the objections which at present arise out of their
situation would be removed, if the protestant legislature were no lon
ger separate and local, but general and imperial; and the catholics
themselves would at once feel a mitigation of the most goading and
irritating of their present causes of complaint. How far, in addition
to this great and leading consideration , it may also be wise and practii
cable to accompany the measure by some mode pf relieving the lpwer
orders from the pressure of tithes, or to make, under proper regula
tions, and without breaking in on the security of the present protest.-
arit establishment, an effectual and adequate provision for the catholic
clergy, it is not now necessary to discuss. It is sufficient to say, that
these and all other subordinate points connected with the same sub
ject, are more likely to be permanently and satisfactorily settled by
an united legislature, than by any local arrangements. I have heard
it asked, when I pressed the measure, what are the positive advan
tages that Ireland is to derive from it? To this very question I pre
sume the considerations which I have already urged afford a sufficient
answer. It will be found to bear some resemblance to a question which
has been repeatedly put by some of the gentlemen opposite to me,
during the last six years. What are the advantages which Great Bri
tain has gained by the/present war with France ? To this, the bril
liant successes pf the British arms by sea and land, pur unexampled
naval victprles pver all pur enemies, the solid acquisitiun of valuable
territpry, the general increase cf pur ppwer, the progressive extension
of our commerce, and a series of events more glorious than any that
ever adorned the page pf our history, afford at once an ample and a
satisfactory answer. But there is another general answer which we
have uniformly given, and which would alone be sufficient : it is, that
we did not enter into this war for any purpose of ambition ; our obr
ject was not to acquire, but to preserve; and in this sense, what
we have gained by the war is, in one word, all that we should have
lost without it : it is the preservation of pur ccnstitutipn, our inde
pendence, our honour, pur existence as a nation. In the same man
ner I might answer the question* with respect to Ireland ; I might
enumerate the general advantages which Ireland would derive from
the effects of the arrangements to which I have already referred —
the protection which she will secure to herself in the hour of
danger. The most effectual means of increasing her commerce
and improving her agriculture, the command of English capital,
the infusion of English manners and English industry, necessarily
tending to am 3liorate her condition, to accelerate the progress. of
internal civilization, and to terminate those feuds and dissentions
which now distract the country, and which she does not possess with
in herself, the power either to controul or to extinguish. She would
see tlie avenue to hanors,.to distinctions, and exalted situatipns in the
general" seat of empire, opened to all those whose abilities and talents

96 THE LlfE Of A>v, 179J9/.
enable them. to indulge an honorable, and laudable ambition. But^
independent of all these advantages, I might also answer,_ thatftt(e
nuestipn'is not what Ireland; might to ' gain, but what she is .to pre-.
sferve. Those blessings, of wUcfrit has long been the aim of Frances
in conjunction with' domestic traitors, tP deprive her, andbn.iheij
ruins tb establish (with allits attendant miseries and hprrprsl a" Jacohiii
republic, founded on French influence, and existing only in sub
serviency to Fiance. Mr. Pitt proceeded to adduce, particular rea
sonings of the Irish chancellor of the exchequer in 1785, founded!
upon imports and exports which that efentlemari contended, made
the p'ropbsitions of that year so valuable to theJ Irish nation, that they
could not hesitate about embracing the offer; the riglit honbra'oje
gentleman then passed on to the objections stated to the measife,'
The first, said he, is, that the parliament of Ireland is incompetent to
entertain and discuss the question, without having previously o}>:
tained the consent of the people of Ireland, their constituents. No
lidan who maintains the parliament of Ireland to be co-equal with
bur own, can deny its competency on this question, unless he means
to go the length of denying, atthe same moment, thewtple of the
authority of the parliament of Great Britain, to shake every principle'
of legislation, andtounaintain, that all the acts passed, and every thing
<ione by parliament, or sanctioned by its authority, however sacred,
however beneficial, is neither more nor less than an act of usurpation .
He must riot only deny the validity of the union between' Scotland
¦and England, but he must deny the authority of every one of the,
proceedings of the limited legislature since the'union'; hay, 'Sir, he
inust go still further, and deny the authority under, which we now
sit and deliberate here as a house of parliament. This point, Sir, is of
so much importance, that I think, I ought not to suffer the bppnrfti.
ititytopass, without illustrating more fully what I mean, If' this,
principle of the incompetency of parliament to the decisiopi- of th§
measure be admitted, or if it be contended, that parliament has no
legitimate authority to discuss and decide upon it, you will be driven
to the necessity of recognizing a principle, the most dangerous that
ever was adopted in any civilized state. I mean the principle, th$
¦parliament cannot adopt any measure new in its nature, and pf great
importance, without appealing to the constituent and ' delegating
authority for directious. If we turn to Ireland itself, what do gentle
men think of the power of that parliament, which, without any fresjj
delegation from its protestant constituents, associates to itself a!} the,
i;a,tholic electors, and thus destroys a fundamental distinction oij
which it was formed? What must be said by those wlio ha'fe *$ any
time been friends to any plan of parliamentary reform, and partial,
larly such as have been most recently brought forward, either in
Great Britain or Ireland? Whatever may have been thought of the
propriety of the measure, I never heard any doubt of the competency
of parliament to consider and discuss it. Yet I defy any man tq,niaiu-
tain the principle of those plans, without contending that, as a mem
ber of parliament, he possesses a right to concur in disfranchising
those who sent him to parliament, and to select others, by whom he
was not elected, in their stead. I am sure that no sufficient jjigtincj

A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 97
tion, in point of principle, can be successfully maintained for a sin
gle moment; nor could I deem it necessary to dwell on this point, in
the manner I do, were I not convinced that it is connected in part
with false and dangerous notions on the subject of government which
have lately become too prevalent in the world. It may, in fact, be
traced to that gross perversion of the principles of all political socie
ty, which rests on the supposition that there exists continually in
every government a sovereignty in abeyance (as it were) on the part cf
the people, ready to be called forth on every occasion, or rather, on
every pretence, when it may suit the purposes of the party or faction
who are the advocates of this doctrine, to suppose an occasion for its
exertion. It is in these false principles that are contained the seeds of
all the misery, desolation and ruin, which, in the present day, have
spread themselves over so large a proportipn of the habitable globe.
These principles, Sir, are at length, so well known and understood
in tiieir practical effects, that they can no longer hppe for one en
lightened or intelligent advocate. No society, whatever be its parti
cular form, can long subsist, if this principle is once admitted. In
every government there must reside somewhere a supreme, absolute,
and unlimited authority. This is equally true of every form of go
vernment that ever has existed. In all governments that power may
by possibility be abused, whether the abused, is such as to justify
and call for the interference of the people c -llectively, or more pro
perly speaking of any portion of it, must always be an extreme case,
and a question of the greatest and most perilous responsibility, not in
law only, but in conscience and in duty, to all those who either act
upon it themselves, or persuade others to do so. But no provision
for such a case ever'has been or can be made before hand ; it forms no
chapter in any known code of laws, it can find no place in any system
of human jurisprudence. But, abpve all, if such a principle can make
np part pf any established constitution, not even of those where the
government is so framed, as to be most liable to the abuse of its pow
ers, it will be preposterous indeed to suppose that it can be admitted
in one where those powers are so distributed and balanced, as to fur
nish the best security against the probability of such an abuse. Shall
thatprinciple be sanctioned as a necessary part of the best government,
which cannot be admitted to exist even as an established check upon
the worst ! Yet, Sir, I know not how it is, that, in proportion as
we are less likely to have occasion for so desperate a remedy in pro
portion as a government is so framed as to provide within itself the
best guard and control on the exercise of every branch of authority,
to furnish the means of preventing or correcting every abuse of power,
and to secure by its own natural operation, a due attention to the in
terest anil feelings of every part of the community, in that very pro
portion persons have been found perverse enough to imagine, that
such a constitution admltts and recognizes, as a part of it, that which
is inconsistent with the nature of any government, and above ail, in
applicable to our own. I have said more, Sir, upon this subject than
I should have thought necessary, if I had not feit that this false and
dangerous mockery of the sovereignty of the' people is in truth one of the

98 THE LIFE OF A. 1799;
chief elements of Jacobinism, one of the favorite impostures to
mislead the understanding, and to flatter and inflame the passions of
the mass of mankind, who have not the opportunity of examining and
exposing it, and that, as such, on every occasion, and in every shape
in which it appears, it ought to be combated and resisted by every
friend to civil order and to the peace and happiness of mankind.
Sir, the next, and not the least prevalent objection, is one which is
contained in words which are an appeal to a natural and laudable, but
what I must call an erroneous and mistaken, sense of national pride.-
It is an appeal to the generous and noble passions of a nation easily
inflamed under any supposed attack upon its honor, I mean the at
tempt to represent the question of a union by compact between the
parliaments ef the twp klrigdems, as a questipn involving the indepen-
dence»of Ireland. It has been said, that no compensation could be
made to any country for the surrender of its national independence.
Do they mean to maintain that in any humiliating, in any degrading
sense of the word, that at any time when the government of any two
countries unite in forming one more extensive empire, that the indi
viduals who composed either of the former narrow societies are after
wards less members of an independent country, cr tp any valuable and
useful purpose less possessed of political freedom or civil happiness
than they were before ? It must be obvious to every gentleman who
will look at the subject, in tracing the histories of all the countries,
the most proud of their present existing independence of all the
nations in Europe, there is not one that could exist in the state in
which it now stands, if that principle had been acted upon by our fore
fathers '; and Europe must have remained to this hour in a state of ig
norance and barbarism, from the perpetual warfare of independent and
petty states. Will any man in general assert, that in all the different
unions which have formed the principal states of Europe, their inha
bitants have become less free, that they have had less of which to be
proud, less scope for their own exertions, than they had in their
former situation ? If this doctrine is to be generally maintained, what
becomes of the situation at this hour of any one county of England,
or of any one county of Ireland, now united under the independent
parliament of that kingdom ? If it be pushed to its full extent, it is
obviously incompatible with all civil society. As the firmer princi
ples of the sovereignty of the people strikes at the foundation of all
governments, so this is equally hostile to all political confederacy,
and mankind must be driven back to what is called the state of nature.
But while I combat this general and abstract principle, which would
operate as an objection to every union between separate states, on the
ground of the sacrifice of independence, do I mean to contend that
there is, in no case, just ground for such a sentiment ? Far from it ,
it may become, on many occasions, the first duty of a free and gene
rous people. If there exists a country which contains within itself
the means of military protection, the naval force necessary forks de
fence, which furnishes objects of industry sufficient for the sub
sistence of its inhabitants, and pecuniary resources adequate to
maintaining with dignity the rank which it has attained among the
nations of the world ; if, above all, it enjpys the blessings of internal

A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 99
content and tranquillity, and possesses a distinct constitution of its
own, the defects of which, if any, it is within itself capable of cor
recting, I can, indeed, well understand that such a country must be
jealous of any measure, which, even by its own consent, under the
authority of its own lawful government, is to associate it as a part of a
larger and more extensive empire. But, Sir, if, on the.other hand, it
should happen that there be a country, which, against the greatest of
all dangers that threatens its peace and security, has not adequate
means of protecting- itself without the aid of another nation ; if that
other be a neighboring and kindred nation, speaking the same
language, whose laws, whose customs and habits are the same in prin
ciple, but carried to a greater degree of perfection, with a more ex
tensive commerce, and more abundant means of acquiring and diffu
sing national wealth ; the stability of whose government — the excel
lence of whose constitution, is more than .ever the admiration and
envy of Europe, and of which the very country of which we are
speaking can only boast an inadequate and imperfect resemblance ;
under such circumstances, I would ask, what conduct would be pre
scribed by every rational principle of dignity, of honor, or of interest ?
I would ask, whether this is not a faithful description of the circum
stances which ought to dispose Ireland to a union ? Whether Great
Britain is not precisely the nation with which, on these principles, a
country situated as Ireland is, would desire to unite ? Does a union,
under such circumstances, by free consent, and on just and equal
terms, deserve to. be branded as a proposal for subjecting Ireland
to a foreign yoke ? Is it not rather the free and voluntary association
of two great countries, which join, for their common benefit, in one
empire, where each will retain its proportional weight and impor
tance, under the security of equal laws, reciprocal affection, and in
separable interests, and which want nothing but that indissoluble
connection to render both invincible ?
Non ego nee Teucris Italos parere jubebo
Nee nova regna peto ,• paribus se legibus ambce
Invictte gentes eterna infadera mittant.
Mr. Pitt then canvassed the objection of the removal of the seat of
government and the decrease of population, which he refuted by the
example of Scotland, and concluded perhaps the finest speech he
ever made, whether it be considered for extent of knowledge, strength
ef argument, or brilliancy of expression, by moving his string of re
solutions — which proposed an union under the name of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland — that the crown shall con-
tinueamder the same limitations — that one parliament to consist-of
a number to be fixed on the part of Ireland, should represent the
united kingdom — that the religious establishment should be the
same — that England and Ireland should trade upon an equal footing
— the payment of the sinking fund shall be separately defrayed —
that all expenees shall be jointly defrayed according to propositions
established previous to the union, and that the laws and jurisdiction
shall remain, these formed the basis of the settlement in which the
house expressed themselves ready to concur, and which they trusted,
after full and mature consideration woidd be concluded. The lead-

100 THE LIFE OF A. 1799.
ing opponents in the British parliament were, in their respective
houses, Mr. Sheridan and Lord Moira ; and the ground fm which
they principally rested was the declared disapprobation cf the Irish
house of commons. Both houses of British parliament concurred
in approving Mr. Pitt's proposition of union, and, in an address to the
king, requesting his majesty to communicate to Ireland their views
imd resrlutions. The king accordingly instructed the viceroy to lay
the proffers and proceedings of the British before the Irish parliament.
The farther parliamentary proceedings of the session, chiefly re
garded external defence and internal tranquillity. The supple
mentary militia were continued on the same footing as in the former
years, and the suspension of the habeas corpus continued. Mr.
Wilberforce renewed his motion for the abolition of the slave trade,
but his efforts were again unavailing: parliament was prorogued on
the 12th of July. The campaign of 1799, in Germany commenced
fortunately, Jourdain being forced to retreat across the Rhine. In
Italy, every thing yielded to the Russian General Suwarrow. The
armies of Scherer, Macdonald and Joubert were successively routed
and nothing remained to the French, but the small territory of Genoa.
The king of Naples was replaced upon his throne by Admiral Nel
son, and Captain Trowbridge being sent towards Home with a small
force, the Roman territory was evacuated by the republicans. In
Switzerland, affairs were not so successful. The Russians under
Korsakow were severely beaten, and the approach of the victorious
Suwarrow alone enabled him to face the enemy. The French harbours
were meanwhile in a state of blockade — the disastrous expedition
£o Holland sailed in August of this year — the surrender of the Dutch
fleet, and the subsequent evacuation of North Holland by the Bri
tish, are too recent a date to need further recital. The situation of
affairs on the continent, caused a short meeting of parliament, at
so early a season as the month of September. The object of this
extraordinary convocation was to pass a law for extending the vo
luntary service of the militia, while the regular forces were employed
on the expedition, and also lo vote some pecuniary supplies on ac
count of the unforeseen expences. The projected bill respecting
the militia, permitted three-fifths of that body to enlist into such
corps of regulars as his majesty should appoint; each volunteer to
receive ten guineas to serve in Europe only, and to continue attached
to the corps in which he first entered. The bill, being accom
panied with numerous regulations concerning the mode of its execu
tion, underwent considerable opposition, as tending to diminish by
donative the constitutional and patriotic force of the militia, *nd to
increase the standing army dependent on the crown. The object of
Mr. Pitt had uniformly been (his opponents said) to extend the
influence and the authority of the monarchical branch of the constitution
beyond its due and salutary bounds, the objections, though strongly
urged, were, hy a great majority of the house, deemed futile ; and
the bill was passed intp u law . The supplies granted at present
amounted to between six and seven millions, including two millions
five hundred thousand to be raised by exchequer bills. Bills were
also passed for granting relief to West-India merchants, a.nd for

A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. -101
supporting commercial credit. These were the chief acts of this ses
sion, which lasted only from the 24th of September, till the 12th of
October. Towards the close of this year Bonaparte escaped from Egypt to
France and a change was effected in the government by which he be
came first consul. His first act was to offer peace to England, the
pffer was rejected upon the ground of the instability of the French
government. The consul renewed his application by means of a
letter from Talleyrand, to Lord Grenville. — The reply of the British
government was the sime.
Parliament met on the 2d of February, 1800. The papers relative
to the negociation were .submitted to the house. Upon this occasion,
and in reply to Mr. Erskine, Mr. Pitt made one of his most able
speeches He enlarged on the origin of the war, and recapitulated all
the acts of French aggression upon the different powers in the world
in a strain of the most splendid eloquence, and drew a picture of the
state of France under all its successive forms of government, down to
the present revolution. Having taken a view of what it was, said Mr.
Pitt, let us now examine what it is. — In the first place we see, as has
been truly stated, a change in the description and form of the sove
reign authority. The various institutions, republican in appearance,
have given way to the absolute power of one man, and differing from
other monarchs only in this, that he wields a sword instead of a seep-
• tre. What then is the confidence we are to derive either from the
frame of the government, or from the character and past conduct of
the person who is now the absolute ruler of France ? Are we talking
of a stranger of whom we have heard nothing ! No, Sir ; we have
heard of him; we, and Europe, and the world, have heard both of
him and of the satelites by whom he is surrounded. Would it have
been possible for ministers to discharge their duty, in offering their
advice to their sovereign, without taking into their account the reli
ance to be placed on the disposition' and the principles of the person,
on whose disposition and principles the security to be obtained by
treaty must, in the present cirsumstances, principally depend ? What
opinion, then, are we led lo form of the pretensions of the Consul to
those particular qualities for which, in the official note, his personal
character is represented to us, as the surest pledge of peace ? We are
told this is his second attempt at general pacification. Let us see, for
a moment, how this attempt has been conducted. We thought fit to
reject altogether the proposal of treating, under the present circum
stances ; but, at the same time, we expressly stated, that, whenever
the moment for treaty should arrive, wo would in no case treat, but in
conjunction with our allies. What was the proposal coivainedin
his last note ? — To treat for a separate peace between Great Britain
and France. Such was the second attempt to effect general paoifi-
caliou; a proposal for a separate treaty with Great Britain. What
• had been the first'? — The conclusion of a separate treaty with Aus
tria This very treaty of Cam|.o Formio was ostentatiously prc-
' fessed to be concluded with the emperor, for the purpose of
enabling Bonaparte to take the command of the armv of England,
and to dictate a separate peace with this country on the banks of tbe
I 2

102 THE LIFE OF A. 1800.
Thames. He sent his two confidential friends, Berthier and Monge,
charged to communicate to the directory this treaty of Campo
Formio, they used on this occasion, the memorable words " Tbe King
dom of Great Britain and the French republic cannot exht together ." So
much for his disposition towards general pacification; let us look
next at the part he has taken in the different stages of the French re
volution, and let us then judge whether we are to look to him, as the
security against revolutionary principles. When the constitution of
the third year was established under Barras, that constitution was im
posed by the arms of Bonaparte, then commanding the army of the
Triumvirate in Paris. To that constitution he then swore fidelity.
How often he has repeated a similar oath I know not ; but twice, at
least, we know that he has not only repeated it himself, but tendered
it to others, under circumstances too striking not to be stated. The
house cannot have forgotten the resolution of the 4th of September,
which produced the dismissal of Lord Majmesbury from Lisle. How
was that resolution procured ? It was procured chiefly by the pro
mise of Bonaparte, (in the name of his army) decidedly to support
the directory in those measures which led to the infringement and
violation of every thing that the authors of the constitution of 1795,
or its adherents, could consider as fundamental. Immediately before
this event, in the midst of the desolation and bloodshed of Italy, he
had received the sacred present of new banners from the directory ; he
delivered them to his army with this exhortation : — " Let us swear,
fellow soldiers, by the manes of the patriots who have died by our
side, eternal hatred to the enemies of the constitution of the third
year ;" that very constitution which he soon after enabled the di-
' rectory to violate, and which, at the head of his grenadiers, he has
now finally destroyed. That oath was again renewed, in the midst of
that very scene to which I have last referred ; the oath of fidelity to
the constitution of the third year was administered to all the members
of the assembly then sitting, (under the terror of the bayonet) as the
solemn preparation for the business of the day ; and the morning was
, ushered in with swearing attachment to the constitution, that the even
ing might close with its destruction. If we carry our views out of
France, and look at the dreadful catalogue of all the breaches of treaty,
all the acts of perfidy at which I have only glanced, and which are
precisely commensurate with the number of treaties-which the re
public have made (for I have sought in vain for any one which it has
made, and which it has not broken) ; if we select those which have
been accompanied by the most attrocious cruelty, and marked the
most strongly with the characteristic features of the revolution, the
name of Bonaparte will be found allied to more of them than that of
¦ any other that can be handed down in the history of the crimes and
miseries of the last ten years. His name will be recorded with the
horrors committed in Italy, in the memorable campaign of 1796
and 1797, in the Milanese, in Genoa, in Madeira, in Tuscany, inRome,
and in Venice. His entrance into Lombardy was announced by a
solemn proclamation, issued on the 27th of April, 1796, which ter
minated with these words ; " Nations of Italy ; the French army is
come to break your chains, the French are the friends of the people in

A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 103
every country, your religion, your property, your custums, shallbe
respected ; this was fcllowed by a second, in nearly the same words :
to fulfil the solemn pledge respecting property, this very proclama-
tipn imppsed pn the Milanese a provisional contribution to the
amount of twenty millions ef livres ; and successive exactiuns were
afterwards levied on that single state to the amount, in the whole, of
near six millions sterling. The regard to religion and to the customs
of the country, was manifested with the same scrupulous fidelity. —
The churches were given up to indiscriminate plunder. Every reli
gious and charitable fund, every public treasure was confiscated.
The country was made the scene of every species of disorder and ra
pine. The priests, the established form of worship, all the objects of
religious reverence, were openly insulted by the French troops ; at
' Pavia, particularly, the people flew to arms, surrounded the Ficnch
garrison, and took them prisoners, but carefully abstained lrom
offering any violence, to a single soldier. In revenge for this con
duct, Bonaparte, then on his march 'to Mincio, suddenly returned,
collected his troops, and carried the extremity of military execution
over the country. He burnt the town of Benasco, and massacred
eight hundred of its inhabitants ; he marched into Pavia, took it by
storm, and deliveredit over to general plunder, and published, atthe
same moment, a proclamation, of the 26th of May, ordering his
troops to shoot all those who had not -laid down their arms, and taken
an oath of obedienee, to burn every village where the tocsin should
be sounded, and to put its inhabitants to death. The transactions
with Modena were on a smaller scale, but in the same character Bona
parte began by singing a treaty, by which the Duke of Modena was
to pay twelve millions of livres, and neutrality was promised him in
return ; this was soon followed by the personal arrest of the Duke,
and by a fresh extortion. Nearly at the same period, in violation of
the rights of neutrality, and of the treaty which had been concluded
between the French republic and the grand Duke of Tuscany, in the
preceding year, and in breach of a positive promise given pnly a few
days before, the French army forcibly took possession of Leghorn, for
the purpose of seizing the British property which was deposited there,
and confiscating it as prize ; and shortly after, when Bonaparte agreed
to evacua.e Leghorn in return for the evacuation of the island of
Elba, which was in possession of the British troops ; he insisted upon
a separate Article, by which it was stipulated, that the grand Duke
should pay the expence which the French had incurred by this inva.
sion of his teritory.
In the proceedings towards Genoa, we shall find not only a conti
nuation of the same system of extprtipn and plunder, but a striking
instance of the revolutionary means employed for the destruction of
independent governments. A French minister was at that time resi
dent at Genoa, which was acknowledged by France to be in a state of
neutrality and friendship ; in breach of this neutrality, Bonaparte
began, in the year 1796, with the demand of a loan ; he afterwards,
from the month of September, required and enforced the paymentof
a monthly subsidy, these exactions were accompanied by repeated as
surances of friendship ; they were followed, in May 1797, by a con-

104 THE LIFE OF A. 1800.
spiracy against the government, fomented by the emmissaries of the
¦French embassy, and conducted by the partizans of France ; encour
aged, and afterwards protected by the French minister. The con
spirators failed in their first attempt ; cverppwered by the ccurage and
vuluntary exertions of the inhabitants, their force was dispersed, and
many of the number were arrested. Bonaparte instantly considered
the defect of the conspirators as an act of aggression against the
• French republic ; he dispatched an aid-de-camp, with an order to the
senate of this independent state ; first, to release all tbe French who
were detained ; secondly, to punish those who had arrested them ;
thirdly, to declare that they had no share in the insurrection ; and
; fourthly, to disarm the people. Several French prisoners were im
mediately released, and a proclamation was preparing to disarm the
- inhabitants/when, by a second note, Bonaparte required the arrest of
the three inquisitors of state, and immediate alterations in the constitu
tion; he accompanied this with an order to the French minister to quit
Genoa, if his commands were not immediately carried into execution ;
at the same moment his troops entered the territory of the republic,
andshortly after the councils, intimidated and overpowered, abdicated
their functions. Three deputies were then sent to Bonaparte to re
ceive from him a new constitution ; on the 6th of June, after the
conferences at Montebello, he signed a convention, or rather issued a
decree, by which he fixed the new form of their government ; he him
self named, provisionally, all the members who were to compose it,
and he required the payment of seven millions of livres, as the price
of the subversion of their constitution and their independence. These
transactions require but one short comment ; it is to be found in the
official account given of them at Paris, which is in these memo
rable words : " General Bonaparte has pursued the only line of con
duct which could be allowed in the representative of a nation, which
has supported the war only to procure the solemn acknowledgment
of the right of nations, to change the form of their government. He
contributed nothing towards the revolution of Genoa, but he seized
the first moment to acknowledge the new government, as soon as he
saw that it was the result of the wishes of the people." It is unne
cessary to dwell on the wanton attacks against Rome, under the direc
tion ofBonaparte himself, in the years 1796 and 1797. which termi
nated first, by the treaty of Tolentino, concluded by Bonaparte, in
which, by enormous sacrifices, the Pope was allowed to purchase the
acknowledgement of his authority, as a sovereign prince ; and second
ly, by the violation of that very treaty and i!,e subversion of the Papal
authority by Joseph Bonaparte, accompanied by outrages and insults
towards the venerable pontiff, which even to a protestant,, seemed
hardly short of the guilt of sacrilege.
But of all the disgusting and tragical scenes which took place in
Italy, in the course of the period I am describing, those which passed
at Venice are perhaps the most striking, and the most characteristic;
In May, 1796L the French army, under Bonaparte, in the full tide
of its supcess against the Austrians, first approached tin. territories
of this republic,, which, from the commencement of the.- . ar, had.
observed a rigid neutrality. Their ent- ance on these ten ivcries was
as usual, accompanied by a solemn proclamationin the name of their

A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 105
general — " Bonaparte to the republic of Venice." " It is to deliver the
finest country in Europe from, the iron yoke of tbe proud house of Austria,
that the French army has braved obstacles the most difficult to surmount.
Beligion, government, customs, and property, shall be respected-" This
proclamation was followed by exactions similar to those which were
practised against Genoa, by the renewal of similar professions of
friendship, and the use of similar means to excite insurrection. At
length, in the spring of 1797, occasion was taken from disturbances
thus excited, to forge, in the name of the Venetian government, a
proclamation, hostile to France ; and this proceeding was made the
ground for military execution against the country, and fur effecting
by fcrce the subversion pf its ancient gcvernment and the establish
ment ef the democratic forms of the French revolution. This revo
lution was sealed by a treaty, signed in May, 1797, between Bonaparte
and commissioners appointed on the part of the new and revolu
tionary government of Venice. By the second and third secret arti
cles of this treaty, Venice agreed to give as a ransom, to secure itself
against all farther exactions or demands, the sum of three millions of
livres in money, the value of three millions mpre in articles of naval
supply, and three ships of the line ; and it received in return the
assurances of the friendship and support of the French republic.
Immediately after the signature of this treaty, the arsenal, the library,
and the palace of St. Marc, were ransacked and plundered, and heavy
additional contributions were imposed upon its inhabitants : and, in
not more than foUr months afterwards, this very republic of Venice,
united by alliance to France, the creature of Bpnaparte himself, from
whom it had received the present of French liberty, was by the same
Bonaparte transferred under the treaty of Campo Formio, to " that
iron yoke of the proud house of Austria," to deliver it from which he
had represented in his first proclamation, to be the great object of all
his operations. From hence we will follow Bonaparte and his army,
to Egypt. The attack was made in the name of the French king,
whom they had murdered; they pretended toj have the appro
bation of the Grand Seignior, whose territories they were violating ;
their project was carried on under the profession of a zeal for Maho-
metanisni ; it was carried on by proclaiming that France had been re
conciled to the mussulman faith, had abjured that of Christianity, or
as he, in his impious language, termed it, the sect of the Messiah.—
The only plea which they have since held out to colour this attro-
cious invasion of a neutral and friendly territory is, that it was the
roadto attack the English power in India. This attack against Egypt
was accompanied by an attack upon the British possessions in India,
made on true revolutionary principles. To India, the lovers of
peace had sent the messengers of Jacobinism for the purpose of incul
cating war in those distant regions, on Jacobin principles, and of
forming Jacobin clubs, which they actually succeeded in establishing,
and which, in most respects, resembled the European model, but which
were distinguished by this peculiarity, that they were required to
swear, in one breath, hatred to tyranny, the love of liberty, and the
destruction of all kings and sovereigns, except the good and faithful
ally of the French republic, CITIZEN TIPPOO,

106 THE LIFE OF A. 1800.
' This memorable expedition into Egypt, which I mention; not
.merely because it forms a principal article in the catalogue of tliose
acts of violence and perfidy in which Bonaparte has been engaged;
not merely because it was an enterprize peculiarly his own, of which
he was himself the planner, the executor and the betrayer ; but chiefly
because when from thence he retires to a different scene, to take pos
session of a new throne, from which he is to speak upon an equality
with kings and governors of Europe. He leaves behind him, at the
moment of his departure, a specimen which cannot be mistaken, of
his principles of negociation, I mean the intercepted correspondence.
He expressly enjoins his successor, strongly and steadily to insist in all
his intercourse with the Turks, that he came to Egypt with no hostile
-design, and that he never meant to keep possession of the country;
while, on the opposite page of the same instructions, he states in the
most unequivocal maimer, his regret at the discomfiture of his fa
vorite project of colonizing Egypt, and of maintaining it as a territo
rial acquisition. It is unnecessary to say more with respect to the
credit due to his professions, or the relianceto be placed on bis general
character. But it will, perhaps, be argued, that he has now an interestin mak
ing 'and observing peace. That it is his interest to negociate, Ido
not indeed deny; it is his interest above all to engage tiis country in
separate negociation, in order to loosen and dissolve the whole system
of the confederacy on the continent, and then either to break off his
separate treaty, or if he should have concluded it, to apply the lesson
which is taught in his school of policy in Egypt ; and to revive, at
his pleasure, those claims of indemnification which may have been re-
served to some happier period. Under all the circumstances of his
personal character, and hisiiewly acquired power, what other security
has he for retaining that power but the sword? His hold upon
Franceis the sword, and he has no other. He is a stranger, a foreigner
and an usurper ; he unites in his own person every thing that a pure
republican must detest ; every thing that an enraged Jacobin has ab
jured ; every thing that a sincere and faithful royalist must feel as an
insult. If he is opposed at any time in his career, what is his appeal ?
He appeals "to his fortune ;" in other words, to his army and his
sword. Placing, then, his whole reliance upon military support, can
he afford to let his military renown pass away, to let his laurels wither,
to let the memery of his trophies sink in obscurity I Do we believe
that, after the conclusion of peace, he would not still sigh over the
lost trophies of Egypt, wrested from him by the celebrated victory of
Aboukir, and the brilliant exertions of that heroic band of British sea
men, whose influence and example rendered the Turkish troops invin
cible at Acre ? Can he forget, that tbe effect of these exploits ena
bled Austria and Russia in one campaign to efface, by their success,
the most dazzling triumphs of his victories and desolating ambition?
Can we believe, with these impressions on his mind, that, if after a
year, eighteen months, or two years of peace had elapsed, he should be
tempted, by the appearance of fresh insurrection in Ireland, if we
were at such a moment without a fleet to watch the ports of France,
without a disposable army, he had suddenly the means of transporting

A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 107
thither a body of twenty or thirty thousand French troops ? Can we
believe, that at such a moment his ambition and vindicitive spirit
would be restrained by the obligation of a treaty ? Or, if in some
new crisis of difficulty and danger to the Ottoman empire, "with no
British navy in the Mediterranean, no confederacy formed, an oppor
tunity should present itself for resuming the abandoned expedi-f
tion to Egypt, for renewing the avowed and favorite project of
conquering and colonizing that rich and fertile country, and of
opening the, way to wound some of the vital interests of England, and
to plunder the treasures of the East, in order to fill the bankrupt cof
fers of France ? Would it be the interest of Bonaparte, under such
circumstance's, or his principles, his moderation, his love of peace,
his aversion to conquest, and his regard for the independence of ether
nations — would it be all, or any of these that would secure us against
an attempt which would leave us only the option of submitting without
a struggle to certain loss or disgrace, or of renewing the contest which
he had prematurely terminated, without allies, without preparation,
with diminished means, and with increased difficulty and hazard ?
Mr. Pitt then entered at great length into the nature of the present
French constitution. We have been asked in the course of this de
bate — do you think you Can impose monarchy upon France, against
the will of the nation ? I never thought it, I never- hoped it, I never
wished it ; but as a sincere lover of peace, I will not sacrifice it by
grasping at the shadow, when the reality is not substantially within
my reach- — Cur igitur pacem nolo ? §htia mfida est, quia periculssa, quia
esse non potest. An address highly approving the rejection of the
offers was voted by a great majority.
Perseverance in the war being still determined, subsidies were voted
to the emperor, the elector of Bavaria,, and other powers of the em
pire. The income tax was continued ; and, including a vote of cre
dit, there was a loan of twenty-one millions. A motion for an enqui
ry into the expedition to Holland was made, but it was rejected by a
great majority. The union between Great Britain and Ireland under
went an ample discussion in both houses of the Irish parliament, and.
was adopted by a great majority in both houses. The time, of its
commencement was finally determined to be fixed on the first of Jan.
1801, being the first day of the nineteenth century. Thesuspension
of the habeas corpus was, after a considerable discussion, continued.
Provisions being during this session uncommonly high, attracted the-
attention of parliament. Mr Pitt, on the soundest principles of poli
tical economy, sanctioned by the authority of the ablest writers, had
abstained from all interference in the corn-market ; the legislature
confined its attention to the contrivance of substitutes, and diminu
tion pf cpnsumptiun. Mr. Pitt, from a detailed view of the price of
provisions during the whole contest, argued, that if the scarcity had
arisen from the war, the increase would have been progressive ; where
as the prices in 1796, 1797 and 1798 had been as low as in peace, and
the rise had not taken place till 1799 ; and was obviously imputable
to the wet, late and unproductive harvest. In consequence of Had-
field's attempting the king's life, and repeated instances of insanity

108 THE LIFE OF A. 1800.
being directed against a personage whose safety was so dear and im
portant to the state, two additional clauses were added to the insanity
bill, providing more especially for the personal safety of the sove
reign; Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of July.
The campaign of this year was terminated by the peace between
France and Austria, as the consequence of Bonaparte's victories. The
British reduced Malta— the convention of El Arish, by which the
French General Kleber agreed to evacuate Egypt, was concluded by
Sir Sydney Smitli — this was not however ratified by the British go
vernment ; Curacoa in the West-Indies was captured. In Britain
the year 1800 was chiefly distinguished by the exorbitant price of the
necessaries of life. This dreadful evil, during the summer, was borne
with meritorious patience ; when harvest commenced, the prices fell
with considerable rapidity upwards of one fourth, but in September
bread again rose, and in tbe manufacturing towns riots began, espe
cially at Birmingham; thence they reached London, but were quelled
without the actual use of arms. The proposal of treating for peace
. was now made from the chief Consul, through Mr. Otto. The French
proposal for a naval armistice being rejected by the English govern
ment, and their contre-projet, prohibiting ail means of defence from
being conveyed into the island of M^lta, or any of the ports of Egypt,
and providing for the discontinuance of the blockade at .Brest, Tou.
Ion and other French ports, and the removal of the ships of war in
those ports to any other Station, being dissented to by the French,
the negociation was broken off. A separate peare, though the Chief
Consul would have acceded to tin- Eoglish cantre projet, as, the preli
minary, was saon after as heretofore rejected. The last British parlia
ment met on the 10th of Nov. 1800, in order to dispatch the most
urgent business previous to the meeting of the united legislature. TJie>
subjects which chiefly occupied their attention n ere, the overtures for
a peace with the French republic, the high price of provisions, and
the immediate supplies for the national service. The opponents of
ministry endeavored, as in the former year, to charge the scarcity to
the account of the war, but ministers sail continued to resisc this alle
gation. In the discussion upon the negociation, a great majority in
parliament approved highly of the resolution of iruvcrnmeiit not to
conclude a separate peace, the supplies required were vcted, the Bri- '
tish parliament was prorogued towards tiie end of December, and the
united parliament of Great Britain and Ireland met for the first time
on the 2d of January, 1801.
_ It was about this time that the northern confederacy began to shew
itself. Denmark and Sweden had been often engaged in contraband
traffic with France, and been detected by the vigilance of the Bri ish
cruizers. The^mplerqEjBfJj.us3Ja. irritated by the jealous\ of Austria
had now taken an iaveleratfc hateedto that power' and Great Britain,
and had joined with the Dane aid the Swede in an ..i-meil.neuii:ilitv si
milar to thatof the year 1780. There had been inuchdiscussion between
the British and the northern courts, and his Majesty's speech noticed
the convention between the northern powers, and iiis own efforts to
repel their aggression. The address being moved, Mrl Grey en^

A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 109
tered at large into the subject, and proposed an amendment. On
this occasion Mr Pitt's reply was severely sarcastic. I must confess,
Sir, said he, that the manner in which the hon. gentleman has treated
every part of this subject, has really filled me with astonishment, both
when I consider the general plan of his speech, and the particular
statements into which he went in support of his argument. In fol
lowing the erder which he tcpk, I must- begin with his dpubts and
end with his certainties; and I cannet avpid observing, that the hon.
gentleman was singularly unfortunate upon this subject, for he enter
tained doubts where there was not the slightest ground for hesitation,
and he makes up his mind to absolute certainty upon points in which
bcth argument and fact are decidedly against him. Upcn the justice
of our claim, the hon. gentleman states himself to be wholly in doubt.
There is, Sir, in general, a degree of modesty in doubting that conci
liates very much ; and a man is seldom inclined to bear hard upon an
antagonist whose attack does not exceed the limits of a doubt. But,
Sir, when a gentleman doubts that which has been indisputably estab
lished for more than a century — when he doubts that which has been
an acknowledged principle of law in all the tribunals of the kingdom,
which are alone competent to decide upon the subjetat, and which
parliament has, constantly known them to act upon — when he doubts
principles which the ablest and the wisest statesmen have uniformly
adopted — I say, Sir, the doubt that calls in question principles so
established, without offering the slightest ground for so doing, shews
a great deal of pert presumption which as often as modesty leads to
scepticism. There are two ways in which this subject is to be con
sidered: the first is what has been the general law of nations upon
this subject, independent of any particular treaties which may have
been made. The next is, how far any precise treaties affect it. With
respect to the law of nations, we know that the principle upon
which we are now acting has been universally admitted, except in
cases where it has been restrained or modified by particular treaties be
tween different states. And here I must observe, that the honorable
gentleman has fallen into the same error which constitutes the great
fallacy in.- the reasoning of the advocates for the northern powers :
namely, that every exception from the general law by a particular
treaty, proves the law to be as it is stated in that treaty ; whereas the
very circumstances of making an exception by treaty, proves what
the general law of nations would be if no such treaty were made to
modify or alter it. But what will the honorable gentleman say, if I
give to him this short answer, that with every one of the three north
ern powers with whom we are at pre sent in dispute, independent of that
law of nations, of our uniform practices, and of the opinions of our
courts, we have the strictest letter of engagements by which they are
bound to us ? — What will he say, if I shew that their present conduct
to us is as much a violation of positive treaties with us, as it is of the
law of nations. Mr. Pitt here quoted the facts to which he alluded.
But then the honorable gentleman says, " we do not know the precise
terms of the present treaty, and therefore we ought to take no steps
until we are completely apprized of its contents." How far would
the honorable gentleman push his argument ? Will he say, that we

110 THE LIFE OF A. 1801.
ought to wait quietly for the treaty, that we ought to take no step
until we had read it paragraph by paragraph ? Are we to wait till we
see the article itself, until we see the seal to the contract of our de
struction, before we take means to insure our defence ?
Sir, I will not trouble the house any longer upon the question of
right ; I come now to the expediency. The question is, whether we
are to permit the navy of our enemies to be supplied and recruited —
whether we are to suffer blockaded forts to be furnished with warlike
stores and provisions — whether we are to suffer neutral nations,' by
hoisting a flag upon a sloop, or a fishing boat, to convey the treasures
of South Arherica to the harbours of Spain, or the naval stores of the
Baltic to Brest or Toulon ? — I would ask, Sir, has there been any period
since we have been a naval countiy, in which we have not acted upon
this principle ? The honorable gentleman talks of the destruction
of the naval power of France; but does he really believe that" her
marine would have been decreased to the degree that it now is, if,
during the whole of the war, this very principle had not been acted
upon ? If the fraudulent system of neutrals had not been prevented,
her navy would have been in a very different situation from that in
which it now is. Does he not know that the naval preponderance
which we have by these means acquired, has given security to this
country, and has more than once afforded chances for the salvation of
Europe ?
Mr. Pitt then went on to refute the charges against ministers in
Mr. Grey's speech, and a, majority of 183 approved the conduct of
administration. — In the month of February, Mr. Pitt unexpectedly
resigned, and on the 16th he thus assigned his reasons. ^ When I
took the liberty of stating, that the insinuations thrown out by an
honorable gentleman this night were unfounded, my idea was, allud
ing to that cliarge, that I had not suggested any rumours injurious to
my sovereign, to whom I am, perhaps, more than any other man in
his dominions, "bound by gratitude, duty and affection. In saying
this, however, I did not mean to say that the ground assigned by
rumour was not the ground of my resignation, much less did I de-
cline any explanation. But it is somewhat a hevr doctrine, that a
man cannot, consistently with his duty, resign a high and responsible
situation, without giving all the reasons which determined him on
that line of conduct. Where this system of duty is established, I
know not I have never heard that it was a public crime to retire
from office without explaining the reason. I therefore am not aware
how it can be a public crime in me to relinquish, without assigning
the cause, a station which it would be the ambition of mf life, and
the passion of my heart, to continue to fill, if I could do so with
advantage to my country, and consistently with what I conceive to be
my duty. As to the merits then of the question which led to my
resignation, though I do not feel myself bound, I am willing to sub
mit them to the house. I should rather leave it to posterity to judge
of my conduct, still I have no objection to state the fact :  I, and
some of my colleagues in office, did feel it an incumbent duty upon
us to propose a measure on the part of government, which, under the
circumstances of the union so happily effected between the two coun-

A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. Ill
tries, we thought of great public importance, and necessary to com
plete the benefit likely to result from that measure :- we felt this opi
nion so strongly, that when we met with circumstances which ren
dered it impossible for us to propose it as a measure of government,
we felt it equally inccnsistent with pur duty and pur honor any
longer to remain a part of that goverment. What may be the opi
nion of others, I know not, but I beg to have it understood to be a
measure which, if I had remained in goverment, I must have pro
posed. What my conduct will be in a different situation must be
regulated by a mature and impartial review of all the circumstances
of the case. 1 shall be governed (as it has always been the wish of
my life to be) only by such considerations as I think best tend to
insure the tranquillity, the strength, and the happiness of the empire."
Having thus traced Mr. Pitt through his long career of ministerial
duties, it remains for us to view him in the less active and responsible
condition of a member of the house of commons. In the new admi
nistration Mr. Addington was the inheritor of Mr. Pitt's honors, and
it was understood that he was in some sort recommended by Mr. Pitt,
and that he expected Mr. P.'s support. Previous to that gentleman's
quitting the treasury, he produced the estimate of supply and the
ways and means, the former including a loan of 25,400,000/. Tbe
taxes were laid on tea and sugar, upon paper a duty often per cent, ad
ditional, and various other articles. — Inquiries were proposed into
the expedition to Ferrol apd Cadiz, and also concerning the conven
tion of El-Arish, which, if observed by England, it was said might
have prevented the. necessity of sending troops to E.gypt; but all
these motions were negatived by the usual very great majorities.— In
the cqiirse of the session, new regulations were made for encouraging
the importation of wheat, American flour and rice, tp lessen the
growing pressure of scarcity; and on the 1st of Ju]y the house
rose. In the sessipns which immediately succeeded the change cf minis
ters, we find Mr. Pitt the friend and supporter of Mr. Addington.—
Mr. Pitt's speeches were sjjpjJt_upon eraxPQP'ISUin, a"d were princi
pally in defenpe of the measures ofTKls administration.
On the opening of the session, on the 29th of October, 1801, the
speech from the throne announced the favourable conclusion of the
negociations begun in the last session of parliament.. It expressed
much satisfaction, that the differences with the northern powers had
been adjusted, and that the preliminaries of peace had been ratified
between us and the French republic. As the provision for defraying
the expanses which must unavoidably be continued for some time,
and maintaining an adequate peace establishment, could not be made
without large additional supplies, all possible attention should be paid
to such economical arrangements as might be consistent with the
great object of security to his majesty's dominions ; and concl < led
with eulogiums on the naval and military operations of the last cam
paign, and the glorious issue of our expedition to Egypt. Mr. Pitt.
said but a few words, he was however on the side of administration.
It was on this occasion that the Grenville party separated from their
late friends, by openly declaring-Their disapprobation of the peace.

112 THE LIFE OF A. 1801.
The discussion however was postponed till a future day. On the
3d of November the debate came on. In the early part of it Mr.
Pitti rose. He said, that upon a subject in itself of such import
ance, a^d one upon which it was unfortunately his lot to differ from
some with whom it had been his happiness to have been connected
by the strictest ties of friendship, for the greater part of his life, he
was anxious to deliver his sentiments, before the attention of the
house and his powers, should he exhausted by fatigue.
For some time past, all rational, all thinking men, had concurred in
an opinion, that whatever- their wishes might have been, whatever
hopes might at different periods of the war have been entertained,
yet, that after the events which had taken place on the continent, the
question of peace or war betweensGreat Britain and France became a
question of terms only. When he said that the question of peace or
war between this country and France was a question of terms only,
he wished to be understood, as being more anxious about the general
complexion of the peace, as affecting the character of this country,
for good faith, honor and generosity, than he was about any particu
lar acquisition that might be made, or any specific object that might
be attained. For his own part, he had no hesitation to declare, that
he would rather close with an enemy upon terms short even of the
fair pretensions of the country, provided they were not inconsistent
with honor and security, than continue the contest for any particular
possession. He did not pretend to state to the house, that this peace
fully answered all his wishes ; but the government had undoubtedly
endeavoured to obtain the bggttems they could for the ceuntry ; and
he was ready to contend, that the difference between the terms we had
obtained and those of retaining all we had given up, would no'; have
justified ministers, in jirotractingUie war... The principle upon which
administration acted, andTri which lie perfectly concurred with them,
was, that in selecting those acquisitions which we wished to retain,
it was our interest to endeavour to retain such as from their situation,
er from other causes, were the best calculated for confirming and se
curing our ancient territories. The object which must naturally first
present itself to every minister, must be to give additional vigor to our
maritime strength, and security to our colonial possessions. It must
be admitted by every man acquainted with the real interest of this
country, that, compared with the East and West Indies, the Medi
terranean is but a secondary consideration. In one point of veiw, he
admitted that possessions in the Mediterranean were of importance to
enable us to co-operate with any continental powers with whom we
might happen to be in alliance. When there was not a confederacy
in our favor, this country, with all its naval superiority, could not
make any very serious efforts on the continent ; yet, in the case of
such a confederacy, much undoubtedly would be done by the co-ope
ration of the British navy in the Mediterranean. Upon this princi
ple, he hoped the house would concur with him in thinking, that
we ought not to insist upon retaining the island of Malta. The
other possession which we had acquired, and upon the propriety of
retaining which much had been said, was Minorca. With respect to
this island, he perfectly concurred in tile opinion of his noble friendj

A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 113
(Lord Hawkesbury) that it would always belong to the power who
possessed the greatest maritime strength. Upon these grounds, he,
for one, would not have advised much to be given in another quarter,
for the purpose of enabling us to retain Minorca, doubting, as he did,
whether in time of peace it was worth the expense of a garrison. In
turning his attention to the East Indies, he certainly saw cause for
regret, because the opinion he had been taught to entertain ef the va
lue efthe Cape of Gppd Hope, was much higher thanthat expressed
by his neble friend. But, thinking thus highly as he did pf the
Cape, he considered it as far inferior indeed to Ceylon, which he
looked upon to be, of all the places upon the face of the globe, the
one which will add most to the security of our East Indian pos
sessions. He now came to the consideration of our situation in
the West Indies ; and he was .decidedly of opinion, that of all
the islands which the fortune of war had put into our hands in
that quarter, Trinidad was the most valuable ; he should prefer it
even to Martinico — undoubtedly as a protection to our leeward
islands it was the better of the twoT but in point of intrinsic
value, Trinidad was the more important. — He would now trouble .
the house shortly upon the subject of our allies. With sespect to the
Porte, we had done every thing that we were bound to do — nay,
more — we had compelled the French to the evacuation of Egypt, and
had stipulated for the integrity of her dominions. There was another
object which we had obtained — he meant the establishment of an
infant power, viz. the republic of the Seven Islands, which woujd
perhaps have otherwise fallen under the dominion of France ; tins
certainly was an acquisition of great importance for this country, not
inferipr perhaps to the pessession of Malta itself. With regard to
Naples, we were not bound to do any thing for her. She had even
desired to be released from her engagements to us ; but she was corn-
pelled to this by an over-ruling necessity ; and the government of
this country, in its conduct towards Naples, had only acted in con
formity to its own interest, and that upon large and liberal grounds,
in endeavouring to repair the fortunes of an ally who had given way
only to force. With regard to Sardinia, the same observations were
applicable ; for we were not bound to interfere for her, unless it was
to be maintained, that we were te take uppn purselves the task of
settling the affairs of the continent. He was ready to grant that we
ought to have claimed Piedmont for its sovereign; but could we have
obtained it, unless we could have . deposed the King of Etruria,
gained, the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, and driven the French
from the mountains of Switzerland ? Unless we could have done all
this, it would have been in vain lo restore the King of Sardinia tp his
capital, surrounded as he would have been by the French, and by
their dependent and affiliated republics. As to Portugal, every body
must lament -her misfortunes . But if it was right in her to ask to be
released from her engagements to us, and if it was right in us to con
sent to it, then clearly we were absolved from any obligation to her.
It had been said, " You affect to guarantee, the integrity of Portugal,
but it is only after France and Spain have taken every thing they
wished for." But this again was npt correct. The treaty of Badajoz
K 2

114 THE LIFE OF A. 1801.
certainly did not give to France all she desired, because France,
by a subsequent treaty, extorts another cession of still greater im
portance to her. What happens then ? Portugal has given up thi3
second portion of her territory by force, when you interfere and
cancel the second Treaty, and bring them back to the stipulations in
the first. To you, then, Portugal owes this difference in the limits
of her South American empire ; and to her you have acted not only
with good faJth, but with dignified liberality. The only remaining
ally was the Prince of Orange ; from our ancient connections, from
our gratitude for the services of the House of Orange at the period
of the revolution, from his connection with our sovereign, we could
not but take a lively interest in his fate, and we have shewn it by our
conduct. On the present occasion his interests had not been ne-
glected ; we did interfere for him j and we were told, that his interests
were at that time the subject of negociation, and that he would receive
an indemnity. Thus stood the case with regard to our acquisitions
and to our allies. But it had been said, that we ought to have ob
tained more ; that we ought to have obtained something to balance
the great increase of power which France had acquired ; that we have
given France the means of increasing her maritime strength', and, in
short, that we have signed the death-warrant of the country. Now,
~in the first place, if we had retained all our conquests, it would not
have made any difference to us in point of security ; would these ac
quisitions have enabled us to counterbalance the power which France
had acquired on the continent ? they would only give us a little
more wealth ; but a little more wealth would be badly purchased
by a little more war ; he should think so, even if we could be
sure that one year's more war would give it to us, particularly when
it was recollected how many years we had now been engaged in this
contest. In speaking, however, about our resources, he would
take upon himself to state, (and he hoped the house would give him
credit for some knowledge upon the subject) that if any case of ne
cessity should arise, or if our honor should require another contest,
we were far, very far indeed, from the end of our pecuniary re
sources, which, he was happy to say, were greater than the enemy, or
even the people of this country themselves had an idea of. Allu
sions had been made to former opinions and language ,- upon this sub
ject he should dnly say, that peace having been restored between
England and France, forbearance of language, and terms of respect,
were proper ; but it would be affectation and hypocrisy in him to
say, that he had changed, or could change, his opinion of thetcharac-
ter of the person presiding in France, until he saw a train of conduct
which would justify that change. The great object of the war on
our part was security. In order to obtain it, we certainly did look
for the subversion of that government which was founded upon re
volutionary principles. We never at any one period said, that, as a
sine qua non, we insisted upon the restoration of the old government
of France ; we only said, there was no government with which we
could treat— this was our language up to 1796 ; but in no one in
stance did we ever insist upon restoring the monarchy, though he did not
hesitate to acknowledge, that it would have been more consistent with-

A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 115
the wishes of ministers, and with the interest and security of this
country. He was equally ready to confess, that he had given up his
hopes with the greatest reluctance ; and he should, to his dying day,
'lament that there were not, on the part of the other powers of Europe,
efforts corresponding to our own, for the accomplishment of that
great work. There were periods, during the continuance of the war,
in which they had hopes of being able to put together the scattered
fragments of that great and venerable edifice, to have recalled the.
exiled nobility of France, to have restored a government, certainly
not free from defects, but built upon sober and regular foundations,
instead of that mad system of innovation which threatened, and had
nearly accomplished the destruction pf Europe. When this became
unattainable he gave up his hopes ;, but we had the satisfaction of
knowing, that we had survived the violence of the revolutionary fe
ver, and we had seen the extent of its principles abated: — We had
seen Jacobinism deprived of its fascination ; we had seen it stripped
of the name and pretext of liberty; it had shewn itself to be capable
only of destroying, not of building, and that it must necessarily end
in a military despotism ; he trusted this important lesson would not
be thrown away upon the world. He could not agree with those gen
tlemen who seemed to think that France had grown so much stronger
than ourselves. When the immense acquisitions which France had
made were taken into consideration on the one hand, it was but fair,
on the other, to consider what she had lost in population, in com
merce, in capital, and in habits of industry ; the desolation produced
by convulsions, such as France had undergone, could not be repaired
even by large acquisitions of territory. When he took into considera-
tipn the immense wealth of this country, and the natural and legiti
mate growth of that wealth, so much superior to the produce of rapa
city and plunder, he could not but entertain the hope, founded in jus
tice and in nature, of its solidity. This hope was strengthened by
collateral considerations, when lie looked to the great increase of our
maritime power, when he contemplated the additional naval triumphs.
that we had obtained, when he regarded the brilliant victories of our
armies gained over the flower of the troops of France ; trppps which,
in the ppinipn pf many, were invincible — when he reflected upon
these glorious achievements, though he could not but lament our
disappointment in some objects, he had the satisfaction of thinking,
that we had added strength to our security, and lustre to our national
character. But there were two important events which had given the
greatest consolidation to our strength ; he alluded to the destruction
of the power of Tippoo Sultaun in India. It had frequently been ob
served, that great dangers frequently produced in nations of a manly
cast of mind, great and noble exertions: so when the most unparal
leled danger threatened the sister kingdom, the feelings of a common
cause between the people of both countries had enabled them te over-
ceme prejudices, some of them perhaps laudable, and all of them
deep-rooted, and led to that happy union, which adds more to the
power and strength of theBritish empire, than all the conquests of pne
and indivisible France do to that country. These were consolations
wlncbjie wished to recal to the recollection of those wl|o entertained

1-16 THE LIFE OF A. 1802.
gloomy apprehensions about the strength and resources of Great Bri
tain. If any additional proofs were wanting tb prove her ability to
protect her honour and maintain her interest, let gentlemen look to
the last campaign, and they would see Great Britain contending against
a powerful confederacy in the North ; they would see her fighting for
those objects at once in Egypt and in the Baltic, and they would see
her successful in both. We had shewn that we were ready to meet
the threatened invasion at home, and could send troops to triumph
over the French on the barren sands of Egypt, before a man could
escape from Toulon to reinforce their blpcked-up army ; we had met
the menaced invasion by attacking France on her own coasts ; and we
had seen those ships which were destined for the invasion of this coun
try moored and chained to their shores, and finding protection only in
their batteries. These were not only sources of justifiable pride, but
grounds of solid security. We must depend for our security only
upon ourselves ; but if the views of France correspond with our own,
we had every prospect of enjoying a long peace. He saw some
symptoms that they were, though uppn this he had no certain know
ledge, but he would never rely upon personal character for the secu
rity of his country. He was inclined to hope every thing that was
good, but he was bound to act as if he feared otherwise.
During the remainder of the session. Mr. Pitt spoke very little in
the house. He continued on the side of administration, who also de
rived much suppprt from the adherents of Mr. Fox. Lord Grenville
and his party were now decidedly their enemies. On the 25th of
June, 1802, parliarrient rose. Ministers were popular, not less from
the circumstance of peace being concluded under their auspices, than
from the well founded belief which every where existed of their
moderate views, their strict economy and their unsullied integrity.
No event of importance occurred during this year, but the decree of
the French government, which created Bonaparte consul for life, and
the consequent change in the French constitution.
Early in the year 1803, Col. Despard and his traitorous associates
were brought to trial. The British ministry seemed to be well ac
quainted with the hostile intentions of Bonaparte, though no symp
tom of a breach Was manifested till the month of March, except an
increased naval and military establishment. Not long after the ses
sion commenced, an overture was made by Mr. Addington, first to
admit Mr. Pitt to an equal share of power with himself, nominating
Lord Chatham as the ostensible prime minister; and finding this not
satisfactory, it is said, Mr. Addington voluntarily proposed to rein
state Mr. Pitt in his former offices, and to accept, himself, a subor-
<Ul!3i§ employment. Mr. Pitt, however, it is asserted, declined,
unless he had a carte blanche, allowing him the sole nomination of
every member of the cabinet ; such a proposal was deemed unrea-
sonable by the other party, and the negociation terminated. In
March two messages from his Majesty were delivered to parliament,
which formally announced the great preparations in the enemy's
ports, and the discussions which were pending between the English
and French governments. In May these discussions terminated un
favorably, and the respective ambassadors were recalled. The papers
relative to the cause of the rupture were immediately submitted to

A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 117
both houses. On the 23d of this month an address to the king being
moved, Mr. Pitt delivered his opinions, in reply to Mr. Erskine, at
great length. He said, that upon the justice and necessity of the
grounds on which we were compelled to enter into the war, he
thought it almost impossible that thejhouse should not be unanimous.
In those transactions which had most immediately produced our pre
sent situation, the learned gentleman himself (Mr. Erskine) appeared,
notwithstanding some doubts which he had thrown out on particular
points, to admit, upon the whole, that there was such clear evidence
of views of aggression and hostility on the part of France, as justified
this country in retaining Malta for its own security. This he main
tained to be the first great point on which the question turned ; and
he contended that the whole of Sebastiani's report, and the circum
stances of his mission to Egypt, the express and deliberate avowal by
Bonaparte himself, of his views and intentions in a formal conference
with Lord Whitworth, and the information of the same intentions
through the official channel of the minister for foreign affairs, afforded
the clearest and most indisputable evidence, that the first Consul had
formed the determination, even while Malta was yet in our hands, of
resuming his hostile projects against Egypt ; that the pursuit of such
a project was an undeniable act of hostility against this country, and
aimed at some of its most important interests ; that it was, besides, a
direct violation both of the letter and spirit of the treaty of Amiens
itself, undeKpretence of which- treaty alone our evacuation of that
island was demanded. With respect to the avowal of his design by
the first consul himself, he referred to Lord Whitworth's account, in
his dispatch of the 21st of Feb. which took place by the express ap
pointment of the first Consul — that it was therefore evidently prepared
and deliberate. In the course of this conversation, the first Consul
did not attempUto disguise his ultimate views upon Egypt ; and in a
subsequent conversation with M. Talleyrand, it was expressly ad
mitted that the acquisition of Egypt had been, and still w as, a favo
rite object of the first Consul. To all the evidence founded on these
several documents, he had heard but one argument proposed — the
improbability of the French government thus disclosing its views, if
it really entertained them. He thought, however, that the difficulty
of accounting for the disclosure was removed, by referring to the new
and peculiar policy which had marked the conduct of France from
the very beginning of the revolution. ' Where any measure was in
contemplation more flagrant and atrocious than another, instead of
carefully concealing it till the moment of execution, it had, on the
contrary ,Tjeen studiously announced before hand ; that the object ef
this policy had been gradually to familiarize men's minds to that
which at first they could scarcely even believe, and that their schemes,
which, in the first instance, were received with horror, and would
have been opposed with indignation, came afterwards to he contem
plated with neglect and indifference ; and, in the end, such as it was
hopeless and impossible to resist. He therefore put it to the house,
whether, after having observed this practice, it was impossible for us ta
be so credulous and childish, as to act on the belief that Bonaparte
would abandon the projects he had formed, only because he had him-

118 THE LIFE OF A. 1803.
self told us he would persist in them, and he wished the house to
consider what was to be our future conduct, if, after all the warnings
given us, we were now to surrender Malta out of our hands, and the
attack upon Egypt were to follow in six or in twelve months after
wards. If the question were closed here, Mr. Pitt observed, that for
the reasons he had given, he was prepared to maintain, that on these
grounds alone the war was both just and necessary, and such as ought
tb call forth the utmost exertions of parliament and the nation in its
support. But so far was this from being the case, that there were
not any one of the leading transactions subsequent to the treaty of
Amiens, to which his majesty's declaration referred, which was not,
in his opinion, as far as justice was concerned, a clear and evident
cause of war, and such as would have been acted upon, if there were
sufficient means of co-operation on the continent, in almost every
period of the history of this country. He here alluded to the an
nexation of Piedmont, to the transaction respecting the German in
demnities, where the French government, with an arrogance, he
believed, unprecedented in the history of Europe, had presumed to
dictate to all Germany the detailed mode of arranging those indemni
ties — to the violence offered to Switzerland, on which he thought it the
less necessary to dwell, because he believed the conduct of France
towards that unfortunate and devoted countiy had excited one uni
versal sentiment of detestation — and lastly, to the continuance of the
French armies in Holland. After dwelling on these points, it was
impossible to contend that they were not symptoms of that deliberate
system of ambition and encroachment whichhad been thus uniformly
pursued towards others, and which was now directed to a quarter
where it immediately affected our separate, interests, and was in direct
violation of the treaty witty this country itself. He here drew a
strong picture of the continued and rapid succession of tile acts of
violence and oppression tvliich, during this period, had desolated so
many of the countries of Europe j and after comparing the irresistible
force and overwhelming progress of French ambition, to those dread
ful convulsions of nature, by which provinces and kingdoms were
consumed and buried in ruins, he asked whether we could contem
plate those scenes of havoc and destruction, without reflecting how
soon that torrent-of liquid fire might direct its ravages against our
selves ? Having closed his review of what had passed on the conti
nent, he would next refer to two points which appeared in the cor
respondence. The first was the demand which had been made by tha
French government, respecting the restraints on the liberty of the
press, and the expulsion of the French emigrants now remaining in
the country. On this it was unnecessaryto enlarge, because the in
solence of the proposition was sufficiently felt, and because it had
been at the'time resisted by his majesty's ministers, on grounds which
were stated with great force and ability in one of the papers on the ta
ble. The second point related to the commercial agents ; the indig
nity and outrage which attended their mission, was one of which it
was difficult to speak with composure. The French government had
made a formal proposition to send persons of this description, who had
nev^r been found necessary even when a commercial treaty subsisted,

A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 119
at a time when not only there was no such treaty, but when, as ap.
pears from the papers on the table, the commercial intercourse of his
majesty's subjects with France was suffering every degree of violence
and oppression.
This proposition had naturally and wisely been refused. The
French government then proceeded clandestinely to send these agents
in the train of their ambassadors ; and not content with this breach of
the law of nations, they afterwards addressed to them instructions,'
under the official character in which they had received admittance ;
and the object of these instructions was to direct them to take mea
sures, in time of peace, for ascertaining the soundings of ports, and
for obtaining military information of districts ; acts for which they
would have been hanged as spies in time of war. He maintained,
therefore, that all these indignities and insults, as well as the en
croachments and violences of which he had before been speaking, on
the Continent, must enter deeply ihto our consideration in judging of
the character and ultimate views and policy of our enemy. They
must decisively confirm us in the resolution to employ, without he
sitation, the most vigorous and determined resistance ; he felt con
vinced that there never was an occasion on which it more clearly
became the indispensable duty of parliament to concur with his ma
jesty in the declaration of the necessity and justice of the war in
which we were engaged, and to assure Jiim of firm and effectual sup
port. But in giving these assurances, he trusted thatiother gentle
men felt impressed with the same sense which he did of the awful
importance of the engagement into which they were preparing to en
ter, and that they considered those assurances not as formal words of
ceremony or custom, but as a solemn and deliberate -pledge on behalf
of themselves and the nation whom they represented. For his own
part, although he regarded the war as a war of necessity, and one
which we could not decline Without surrendering both our security
and our honour, he should enter upon it with little hopes of ultimate
success, if these sentiments were not deeply impressed on the minds
of parliament and the people. The scale of our exertions could not
be measured by those of former times, or confined within the limits
even of the great, and, till then, unexampled efforts of the last war.
Some system far more vigorous and effectual than any even then
adopted, would be found necessary, both in our finances, and in the
preparation for national defence. He was persuaded', that it could
only be by providing in the outset, means adequate to the whole
extent of these purposes, that could ensure the best chance either
of bringing the contest to a speedy conclusion, by convincing the
enemy of our sufficiency to maintain it, or could meet its continued
exigencies, if necessary, without the annual recurrence of growing
and accumulated embarrassments. We had not an option at this mo
ment between the blessings of peace and the dangers of war. From
the fatality of the times, and the general state of the world, we must
consider our lot as cast by the decrees of providence, in a time of
peril and trouble — he trusted the temper and courage of the nation
would conform itself to the duties of that situatl m — we should be
prepared collectively and individually to meet it with' that resigna-

120 THE LIFE OF A. 1803.
tion and fortitude, and, at the same time, with that active zeal and
exertion, which, in proportion to the magnitude of the crisis, might be
expected from a brave and free people — and we should reflect, even
in the hour of trial, what abundant reason we have to be grateful to
providence for the distinction we enjoy over most of the countries of.
Europe, and for all the advantages and blessings which national
wisdom and virtue have hitherto protected, and which -it now de
pends pn perseverence in the same just and honourable sentiments,
still to guard.and to preserve. Such were the sentiments of Mr. Pitt
upon the causes and consequences of the present war.
The debate on Mr. Fox's motion for endeavouring to obtain the
mediation of Russia, produced a very eloquent speech from Mr. Pitt.
He rejoiced, he said, to be able to agree with the honorable gentle
man in his general principles, though he could not but remember there
have been times when the honorable gentleman differed from him on
the application of those principles, with vehemence that looked very
like an entire condemnation .of them ; but far be it from me, said he,
to enter upon those topics, to call forth difference of opinion, and to
provoke former disputes. I allude to them to_ shew that the princi
ples I now applaud are not new to me. My approbation of them is
recorded in my past conduct. I am glad that the honorable gentle
man has proclaimed them with so much precision and force ; I hope
they will have the benefit of his great authority, and the recommen
dation of his^great talents (and greater authority they cannot have) to
remove objections which have sheltered themselves, perhaps, more
than there was ground fur, under his name, against all common cause
with the rest of Europe, and against sacrificing, in any circumstances,
the least portion of British interests, for the balance and preservation
of the continent. But while T approve the principle of keeping a
watchful eye upon the state of the continent, I do not mean that, on
every occasion, upon every movement, we ought tp interfere with
continental affairs. All I say is, that no great convulsions which
shall unhinge the established interests and dissolve former relations
can take place without involving consequences highly important to
Great Britain.
On the 3d of June, Mr. Patten moved for a vote of censure against
ministers. The debate had been protracted to" a great length, when
Mr. Pitt rose. His speech seemed to imply, in some sort, a separation
from the ministry. — If I professed, said he, a full and clear opinion
on the merits of the case, to the extent of either directly negativing
or adopting the resolutions which have been proposed, I should, fol-
'lowing the unbiassed dictates of my conscience, give my voje on that
side to which my judgment inclined. But to this extent, either cf
approbation or of censure, I am unable to go.
Those who, with me, have not made up their minds to the extent
of censuring ministers by the adoption of the propositions, or ap
proving their conduct by agreeing to a direct negative, must pursue
some middle course. Impressed, as I am, with those feelings, I move
that the other orders of the d:y be now read. Lord Hawkesbury made
a most animateoTreply, TrTwhich he declared, that he should consider
that he and his colleagues shrunk from their duty, could they accept

A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 121
such a compromise. Upon Mr. Fitt's motion being put, 56 divided
with him against 333.
On the 6th of June, Mr. Pitt, in a debate on the militia bill, expressed'
some uneasiness at the delay of ministers in bringing forward their
measures. He applauded every desire which ministers could manifest
to labour with perseverence, to consider of the best means for the
safety of the state; " but," said he, " do it effectually; and to do it
effectually, you must do it soon. The question now is, will you
save your country ? Save it in the best and most prudent way, if
you can; but save it! If any prejudice should arise against you — if
any temporary odium should attach to your measures — if it be for the
safety of the country, or for its honour, pursue it — pursue it although you
may have to contend with prejudice — pursue it, although you may have
to enceunter odium — pursue it, even although you may have to sub
due resistance! Do it! for the country must be saved!" On the
23d of June, Mr. Pitt again spoke in support of ministry, upon the
army of reserve bill. The session terminated on the 12th of August.
The events of the year 1803 were stamped with great importance.
The commencement of hostilities was accompanied by insurrection in
Ireland. This was, however, soon put down by the mild but vigor
ous measures of Mr. Addington's government. The operations of
the war were principally carried on in the West. St. Lucie was taken
by General Grinfield and Commodore Hood; Tobago capitulated, De-
marara, Essequibo and Berbice (Dutch settlements) were captured;
St. Pierre and Miquelon were also taken, and finally, General Rocham
beau and 8000 men, together with two frigates and some other vessels
lying in one of the harbours of St. Domingo, surrendered. Two line
of battle ships had just before struck to the British flag.
Parliament met on the 22d of November, 1803. The debates
on the 9th of December, on the army estimates, embraced the whole
subject of the general defence of the country. Mr. Pitt entered at
large upon the question. He undertook in a very spirited manner
to support the efficacy of the volunteer establishment, and he proposed
to confine himself strictly to the subject then before the committee,
the number and the formation of the different descriptions of military
force which had been provided for the defence of the empire. -He
defended the propriety of establishing a large volunteer force, and
affirmed that the opinion of parliament, ^repeatedly and distinctly
expressed, fully justified our having recourse to a great national
force, independently of the regular army and the militia. He looked
to the army as the great rallying point to which the volunteers must
have recourse, by whose example they must be regulated, by whose
experience they must be guided. But these corps, he conceived,
might be improved and matured to such a degree of perfection as
would enable government to employ a large proportion of the regulars
abroad. Of the amount of the volunteer force he saw no reason
to complain. In their distribution, however, he could have wished
that the numbers had been greater in the more exposed parts of the
maritime ciast. For he was decidedly of opinion that a smaller num
ber of men who could oppose the enemy immediately on their land
ing, and almost before they could ascend the beach, would be much

122 THE LIFE OF A. 1802.
more serviceable than a much larger number after the enemy had ob
tained a footing in the country. Mr. Pitt stated, that the object he
had more immediately in view, was to render this force an efficient and
permanent army. He was apprehensive that the estimates contained
no adequate provision for giving them a greater degree of discipline,
system and improvement. For this object he was desirous, that all
volunteer companies should be brought to act in battalions, and
whenever it could be done, in brigades. He also proposed to give
to every battalion the assistance of a field officer and an adjutant;
such officers still retaining their rank and pay in the army. With
respect to the number of days, which the corps should be exercised,
he was of opinion, that about fifty days would be sufficient for the
next year, and forty for each succeeding year, if the house should
agree with him in opinion, that the appointment of field oflieers and ad
jutants should be adopted. Still the object he had in view could not be
attained merely by the instruction of these officers, without some regu
lations to ensure punctual attendance, which would keep up the num
ber of the volunteers, and give them the habits and steadiness of sol
diers. Looking as we ought to look, to a protracted contest, we ought to
provide the means of maintaining it for a length of time ; we oughtnever
to forget with whom we are contending ; if it were apprehended that
the danger was withdrawn, the spirit of the volunteers might languish
and moulder for a time, though it certainly would not be extinguish
ed. It should be the great object of government to prevent that
spirit from subsiding, lest the country be called upon to meet the sud
den but long meditated attack of the enemy. Perhaps something like
the compulsory act of the last session might be adopted, during the
war, in order to keep up the number and the punctual attendance of
the volunteers, and to preserve that subordination, which is essential
to progressive improvement. On the subject of the sea fencibles,
Mr. Pitt observed, he should agree with his right hon. friend (Mr.
Windham) that if they were composed of a class of men liable to be
impressed into his majesty's sea service, it would not only be an use
less, but an improper institution. But the main object for which
they were employed was to serve on -board gun-boats, for which they
were peculiarly qualified. In this point of view, he looked upon
them as one of the most valuable parts of our force ; and this descrip
tion of service brought into activity a body of men, who, being
chiefly pilots and fishermen, could be neither employed in the navy,
nor be permanently taken from their families. Declining to enter
into any wider field of discussion, Mr. Pitt concluded by stating, that,
at the proper time, he should propose the resolutions to whi»h he had
alluded. In a subsequent debate on the 27lh of February, 1804, Mr.
P. enforced his former arguments, but he manifested some discontent
at the proposed measures ; he felt a conviction that much remained to
be done, which the bills before the house could not accomplish. He
proposed bounties, fines, and other means of stimulus to the volunteers
to undertake permanent duty for short peri ods.and to ensure attendance,
and concluded by declaring that it was not enough that our prepara
tions were great — they ought to be complete. In the last reading
«f the bill, Mr, Pitt defended it against the proposition of an armed

A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT 123
peasantry, to which he considered the volunteer force to be decidedly
superior in a country like England, upon every possible ground of
just comparison.
From the occasional opposition which Mr. Pitt had made to go
vernment, it 'was now evident tliat he was dissatisfied with the general
measures of Mr. Addington's administration. A motion which he
made in the month of March, for an enquiry into the state of our naval
force, very fully discovered that this dissatisfaction was of no ordi
nary extent. He proposed a series of motions for an address to his
majesty, praying that he would be pleased to give orders for laying
before the house a variety of documents relative to the state of our
naval force in the years 1790, 1801, and 1803. When the descrip
tion of the enemy's preparations was considered, he said, it might be
supposed that the great object of the admiralty would have been to
augment that kind of force which was most applicable to the pecu
liar circumstances of the empire, but it was not before the beginning
of January, that any contract was entered into for building any
portion of that descriptipn pf force, and then only 23 gun vessels
were contracted for, of which five were to be completed at the end
of nine months. Sensible that it was infinitely desirable to accele
rate the actual service of every description of light force, it was his
object, that an account of the orders issued by the admiralty for
building these vessels should be laid before the house, specifying the
terms of the contract and the time agreed on for its completion. If
this paper shpuld be produced, he should feel it his duty, on a future
day to move that an address be presented to his majesty, that he
would be graciously pleased to give order^ for using greater expedi
tion in augmenting that species of naval force best calculated for
meeting and resisting any attack of the enemy, for guarding the
narrow seas, and for protecting the coasts of the country. In the
course of the last war, the zeal and activity of the board of admiralty
had augmented the number of ships of the line to one hundred and
twenty. On the conclusion of peace, the permanent establishment
of the navy ought to have been a subject cf the deepest interest ;
and the propriety pf supplying successive augmentaticns shpuld have
formed a matter of uniform attention. There were two modes by
which this subject might be effected: building- in his majesty's dock
yards and contracting for ships in the yards of private merchants.
From the history of this -country for a long series of years, it ap
peared that building ships of the line in the merchants' yards was
generally resorted to. During the last war, np less than 26 sail of
the line, were added to the navy, of this number only two ships were
laid down in the king's dock-yards after the war broke out, and
these were not brought into service till a late period of its duration-
The inference to be drawn from the facts was plain. If supplies of
ships may be required during the continuance of the war, and there
is no probability of procuring these supplies through the king's
dockyards, those of the private merchants must be resorted to.
But, if lie was not grossly misinformed, Mr. Pitt said, the board of ad
miralty had made no contract to any extent for supplying the defi
ciencies of the navy. Since the year 1801, when the present board

124 THE LIFE OF A. 1804.
of admiralty come into power, not more than two ships of the line
had been contracted for in any of the merchants' yards. It appeared
to him that a stronger ground could not be urged for inquiring into
this subject. With respect to the number of seamen now employed,
contrasted with the number in the first year of the last war^ he ob
served that the number was then augmented from the peace establish
ment of 16,000 to no less than 76,000. At the commencement of
the present year, we set out with an establishment of 50,000, and with
the prospect of a rupture from hour to hour. In consequence
of the prodigious increase of our commerce, the mercantile
marine of the country, the great nursery for the navy, had in
creased in an astonishing degree ; and yet, notwithstanding all these
advantages, the number of seamen had been augmented to only 86,000.
Mr. Pitt concluded by a few general observations, stating th^t, at pre
sent, he wished the production of the papers, for which he intended
to move, merely as preparatory to future inquiry. Ministers replied
at length in their own justification, and they had on this occasion the
assistance of Mr. Sheridan's splendid eloquence. They objected to
the production of the papers. Mr. Pitt replied with great force t°
the various arguments which had been advanced against the motion-
He considered the refusal of ministers to produce the papers as tanta-
mount to a declaration, that if full information should be afforded,
doubts must still rest upon the minds of the members of that house,
which could alone be removed by serious investigation. The first
prominent feature of this motion was, to ascertain whether we pos
sessed such a naval force as would be fully competent to the security
of these islands. The next was, to lay a foundation to keep the navy
upon such an establishment, that, whatever may be its present condi
tion, a permanent force may be in future supported, adequate to the
accumulating perils to which the nation may be exposed. " Are not
these," he asked, " grave and important considerations ? Are they
not directed to provide against the greatest possible calamity, and for
the security, nay, the very existence of the country ? I have been
told, that I have been seized with a panic to which the gallant heart
of the noble lord at the head of the admiralty is a stranger. — That noble
lord, I well know, is superior to all ignoble fear ; but he would be
wholly unfit for the station he occupies, if he were not to entertain a
rational conviction of danger ; if he did not know that difficulties
were to be encountered, under the mighty system of hostility adopted
by France. If ministers have felt none of these apprehensions, if to
this alarm or panic they have been wholly superior, how are we to ex
plain their recent conduct ? For what purpose have they been en
gaging the time of parliament with prolix and energetic discussions on
the military force necessary to defend the sacred soil of our country
from insult and violation ? — Whence all this bustle and activity, this
voluminous correspondence with the most eminent characters in mili
tary life ? — Whence this variety of measures, which I will not say
they have proposed, but to which they have acceded ? Is this too
all vain delusion ? Or have they with me been degraded by a panic
which they assume when military affairs are under consideration, and
reject with indignation when the naval force is the subject of debate ;

A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 125
It has been truly said, that the naval defence of the land is our national
passion, _ in which we indulge all the excesses of instinctive pride.
With this generous propensity, let us look to the collective strength
of the enemy on the opposite coast, which seems to realize the fictions
of ancient story Can it be supposed, with this view before us, we
can for a moment forget all the advantages of our insular situation ;
the glories of our maritime strength ; the navy which has extended
our commerce, which has established our authority, which has raised
us to the rank we enjoy amongst surrounding empires, and which has
conduced to our power and aggrandizement in every quarter of the
earth? Can we, in the moment of danger, fail to remember this
grand source of public security? When the enemy, notwitstanding
the loss of their internal trade, their external commerce, their fisheries ,
the very foundatipn pf their navy, have, in the prpsecuticn pf a gigan
tic enterprize, erected an artificial marine of prodigious extent, are
we not to proportion our means to the new circumstances in which
we are placed, to the new perils to which we are exposed ? I trust,
therefore, I shall not be accused of disgraceful fear or idle panic, if
I contend that our exertions ought, at this moment, to exceed all for
mer efforts, since the dangers by which we are encompassed exceed all
former peril. In urging the importance of the kind of minor marine,
which Mr. Pitt had recommended, it was by no means his intention,
as has been misrepresented, to lay aside the floating castles by which
this country is protected; for should the flotilla of the enemy ven
ture to our coast, he had no doubt that a wide destruction and general
confusion would be occasioned by the annoyance of our regular navy.
But among the vast multitude, some might escape. In recommend
ing, therefore, this lesser navy, his object was to render certain that se
curity which otherwise would be only probable. The larger ships
would constitute our first defence ,- our flotilla would be destined to
protect the shallows ; our third expedient would be if possible, to
prevent by our army the landing of the enemy; the fourth was,
should they gain a footing on English ground, to meet them in the
field of slaughter. " But," said Mr. Pitt, " we are amused with «.
brilliant flash of eloquence, not lately a source of ordinary entertain
ment in this house, and we are told by an hon. gentleman (Mr. She
ridan) all this scheme of gun-vessels is a job. This sentiment, clothed
in a wandering meteor, which fixed its lay of indignation upon me,
shall not so far dazzle my organs of vision as to prevent my discover
ing the way by which I may relieve myself from the terrors of its ef
fulgence. It is not necessary to conclude, because a service has been
converted* into a job, that it is an useless service." Mr. Pitt concluded
by saying, he was sorry that what he proposed might tend in some de
gree to implicate Earl St. Vincent ; but he had to repeat, that no ten
derness, no consideration for that character, high and great as it de
servedly was, should induce him to sacrifice his duty to the public,
whose safety, in such a crisis as the present, was the first object of
his heart. Mr. Pitt's motion was lost by a majority of 71 ; but it
was understood that some of the documents for which he had moved
would be produced.
Dissatisfied with the measures which ministers had adopted for the
i- 2

126 THE LIFE OF A. 1804.
defence of the country, Mr.jLox, on -the 23d of April, moved, that it
be referred to a committe'To revise the several bills which had been
passed during the last and present sessions of parliament, for the de
fence of the country, and to consider of such further measures as may
be necessary to render the said defence more complete and permanent.
He supported his motion in a very long and able speech; Mr. Pitt
argued on the side of Mr. Fox, and went into a direct, and bitter op
position. He expressed the most decided disapprobation of the mea
sures of government. The spirited exertions w hich had been made to
organize the strength of the country, were not, he said, to be ascribed
to the direction and energy of ministers. No one measure could they
claim as their own ; no one measure had they improved and perfected;
but many they had weakened and destroyed by their incongruities.
Whatever then the spirit and zeal of a free and brave people may
have been under the sense of danger, ought fairly to be separated from
the tardiness, languor and imbecility of ministers in eveiy thing
of which they have assumed the direction. Is it enough, Mr. Pitt
asked, to have provided against the danger of a final conquest?
Enough, he affirmed, has not been done, unless we have adopted every
practicable and rational means of defeating the enemy, should they
invade our shores, with the least sacrifice of life, with the least waste
of the public resources, with that signal overthrow and destruction
which will forever deter them from a repetition of the attack, and for
ever relieve the country from the alaim and anxiety of invasion. In
conclusion, the right honorable gentleman stated, that, judging of mi
nisters from what they had done, and what they had omitted to do,
from their slow ness to adopt, and their incapacity to act upon any
vigorous plan for the public defence, from the very long consideration
they required upon even the most trifling topics, and the very crude
and ill-digested measures they, notwithstanding, uniformly brought
forward; from all these considerations, he felfhimself urged, by a
strong sense of duty to the house, to his country, and to his soveaeign,
to vote for the appointment of a committee to consider of devising
some effectual means for our protection, and for the security of all
that a great nation could hold to be valuable. Mr. Fox's motion was,
however, lost, by a majority of 52.
-~ On the 25th of April, Mr^Yoj&eJtevifcgjnoved that the house
should go into a committee on the bill for the suspeirsion of the army
of reserve act, Mr. Pitt was again the opponent of administration —
After offering his arguments against the plans before the house, he
suggested one which he considered preferable — this was to reduce the
militia, by not filling up vacancies to 40,000, and to increase the army
of reserve in proportion; thus he thought that high bounties arising
from the competition between the two services would be decreased,
tndthe regular :,rmy augmented. When the army of reserve amount
to 60,000, 10 or 15,000 should be annually permitted to enlist into
the line, and the vacancies filled up. The ballot ought also
to be differently regulated. If the person on whom the ballot
falls would not serve, he ought to be excused on paying a certain
sum, and the parish should find a substitute; where no substitute
could be found, the sum should be paid to the colonel, and the bounty
k of the recruiting service be so regulated as to keep that for limited

A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 127
service, below that of the regular army. Mr. Fox gave his hearty
assent to Mr. Pitt's plan, and ministers carried the question by a
majority of 37 only.
From the tenor of these debates it is obvious, that the military and
naval arrangements of Mr. Addington's administration were con
ceived by the leading members of the opposition, to furnish abun
dant materials for the public dissatisfaction. The general measures
cf government were described as having assumed such a character
of indecision, that ministers were supposed no longer to enjoy that
degree of public confidence, without which no administration can
maintain its ground. Such was represented to be the state of things
in the early part of the present year. About the middle of February,
some traces were perceptible of a coalition which was forming for
the express purpose of producing a change in the ministry. Mr.
Fox, Lord Gienville, and Mr. Windham were supposed to have
agreed upon an union of parliamentary endeavors to effect this
object. It does not appear, that, at this time, the efforts of Mr.
Pitt were in unison witlf.their exertions. That he was decidedly ad
verse to the ministry was undoubted ; that he was desirous of a
change in the cabinet was equally manifest ; but that he was disposed
ur.ifoimly to co-operate with this new opposition, is difficult to ascer
tain. It was not till April that the opposition was strengthened by
the accession of his powerful talents. To effect a change, generally,
seems to have been the sole aim of their opposition.
The first public intimation that a change in his majesty's govern
ment was in agitation was indirectly communicated to the house of
lords by Lord Hawkesbury. On the 30th of April a resignation of
part of the ministry took place, and, it is said, that a communication
from his majesty was made to Mr. Pitt on the third of May, through
the medium of the lord chancellor. The high office of chancellor
of the exchequer was at this time offered to Mr. Pitt ; but the tender
is reported to have been made with an express stipulation against the
revival of the c atholic jme stion . and the admission into the cabinet of
the great {leader of the oTd opjjysition. On the 7th of May, an inter
view Tb*ok"pIace between his Majesty and Mr. Pitt, upon which
occasion his majesty is said to have expressed no ebjection to Lord
Grenville, Earl Spencer, Mr. JWindham, or indeed lo any of their
friends, with one exception . Upon this point his majesty's reso
lution was unalterably fixed. A few hours after the interview, Mr.
Pitt communicated the result to Lord Grenville. His lordship, it
had been stated, immediately observed to Mr. Pitt, that without in
cluding Mr. Fox in the administration, and without a complete
abandonment of the principle of exclusion,, not a single member of
the new opposition would accede to any new ministerial arrange
ments. It may be proper to mention, that the leading members of
the new opposition were the lords Grenville, Minto, Fitzwilliam,
Carlisle and Spencer ; Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham, Mr. Grenville and
Mr. Elliot. When the personal objection to Mr. Fox was stated to
him, and the firm determination of those with whom he had lately
acted, not to form any part of an administration from which he was
to be excluded, he is reported to have professed his desire to see

128 THE LIFE OF A. 1804.
his majesty surrounded by a strong administration, and wished the
members of the old and new opposition not to be influenced by any
personal feeling, but consult only the good of the country. Not
withstanding this liberal advice, they refused to accept of power
without the support of his official co-operation. An explicit decla
ration of the sentiments of those with whom Lord Grenville acted
was formally made to Mr. Pitt, in a letter dated the 8th of May, 1804,
of which his lordship is universally believed to be the author. The
sentiments of Mr. Pitt on the subject of the formation of the ministry
were expressed in the debate on the measure which he afterwards
proposed for the augmentation of the public force. The choice of
ministers, he said, rested wholly with the crown. It was the undis
puted prerogative of his majesty to select and leave out whom he
pleased. This was one of the essential, fundamental points of our
monarchical constitution. With a direct reference to Lord Gren
ville, and several persons for whom he had great affection and esteem,
he expressed his regret that they had declined the assistance and co
operation which he had wished to obtain. He reminded them of
the favorable opinions they had lately entertained of him, when,
thinking higher of him than he did of himself, they had called for
his return to office, singly and unconditionally, and said, that cir
cumstance alone would re-inspire them with confidence and com
mand their support. His allusion to Mr. Fox was marked with
less personal and public regret ; for it seems, Mr. Pitt doubted
-whether his" admission into the cabinet would, at the same time that
it might communicate energy to his majesty's councils, contribute to
produce that decided unity of operation which appeared to be so
exceedingly desirable. Sincere as lie was in his wishes for an ex
tended administration, Mr. Pitt said, that the radical difference of
associates which this question had discovered, led him to doubt
whether it could have been achieved to any permanent or benericial
effect — an union of elements so discordant might, he conceived have
produced an effect very different from what was hoped and intended.
Mr. Pitt again became chancellor of the exchequer, the other places
in administration were filled by Lords Hawkesbury, Harrow by, Mel-
vilie, Camden, and Messrs. W. Dundas and Canning, to the exclusion
i of the friends cf Lord Grenville Mr. Addington, and Mr. Fox.
' The new administration having taken their seats, some efficient
measures, with regard to military force were expected, and, indeed, the
residue of the session was almost wholly devoted to this subject. —
On the 5th of June, Mr. Pitt submitted to the house a motion for
raising a permanent military force, and for the gradual reduction of the
militia — the plan was the same as detailed in Mr. Pitt's former speech,
The ballot was abolished ; the whole task of supplying the quota of
men thus rested upon the parish officers, and a time for non-compli
ance was established. No measure produced longer discussion than
this, and it was finally carried by 42, notwithstanding the opposition
of the Grenvilles, the Foxes, and the Add'mgtons. Little of impor
tance to the subject of these annals passed during the Session. Mr.
Wilberforce, after a perseverance of lfi years, obtained a vote for the
gradual abolition of the slave trade. Parliament was prorogued on
tie 31st of July. ep

A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 129
During this year the offensive operations of the war were wholly
confined to the blockade of the enemy's ports, and to attacks upon
the flotilla assembled for the purpose of conveying the invaders at
Boulogne. On these however, we could make but small impression
Surinam did, indeed surrender to an armament under Sir Charles
Green. The most important act of hostility was the detention of
four Spanish frigates on the 5th of October. At home great prepa
rations were made for internal defence, in the equipment and direction
of the volunteer force. The principal events were the seizure and
execution of the Duke d'Enghien, by order of Bonaparte, the ar
resting of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, on a charge of conspiracy,
the seizure of Sir G. Rumbold, the British ambassador, at Hamburg,
and the elevation of Bonaparte to the throne of France, with the
title of Emperor and the hereditary succession to his family. The
Spanish declaration of war against Great Britain was issued on the
14th of December.
Parliament met on the I3th of January, 1805. The speech noticed
with approbation the great efforts of this country ; it related that
Spain had declared war, and that the papers should be submitted to
parliament. A proposition of treating for peace (which had been re
cently received) was the only other topic, and his majesty expressed
his sincere desire to restore the blessings of peace, but declined to enter
into further explanation till he had consulted his allies. The debate
which followed was not remarkable. Mr. Fox was supported by the
.Grenville party, and Mr. Pitt received an accession of strength in the
friends of Mr. Addington, who was now reconciled to Mr. P. and ap
pointed to the presidency of the council, with the title of Lord Sid-
mouth. On the Hth of Feb. the Spanish papers were taken into
consideration; Mr. Pitt opened the debate, and in a speech of two
hours and a half, recapitulated the principal circumstances attending
the negociation. From this it appeared that Spain had entered into an
offensive and defensive treaty with France, by which the contracting
parties bound themselves mutually to assist each other with 15 sail of
the line and 24,000 men. When hostilities commenced, intelligence
was immediately given to our minister at Madrid. He was to announce
to that court, that if aids were afforded to France beyond a stipulated
sum, such assistance to the enemy would be considered a declaration
of war against England. Further, the admission of troops from
France, was stated to be a justifiable-ground of hostility. In such
events, our minister was to quit Madrid, and instructions were to be
given to the commanders of the British forces, naval and military, to
secure all the advantages the nature of their situations admitted. The
Spaniards were anxious to elude the terms of their obnoxious
treaty with the French government, and had offered to give an
equivalent for the limited succours. The demand of France was equal
to three millions per ann. sufficient in this country to maintain three
ships of the line and24,000 men. On the 17th of September, Admi
ral Cochrane gave intelligence of armaments in the port of Ferrol.
The cessation of hostile armaments was a sinequa non ofour forbearance,
but armaments were multiplied. Measures of precaution were now
become inevitable, said Mr. P. Having apprised Spain of the only
terms on which we could continue our system of forbearance, having

130 THE LIFE OF A« 1805.
distinctly restricted to precise limitations, the privileges of neutrality,
having told her that any armaments in her ports, after our connivance
at her pecuniary succours to France, would be deemed by us a viola
tion of her pretended neutrality— a forfeiture of all the advantages ot
our forbearance, and of that forbearance itself; having informed nei,
that, in not conforming with the terms on which we had agreed to sutler
her to enjov the benefits of our moderation, she would place nerselt in
* state o'f "war ; having added to this, that such a conduct on her
part, would amount to a declaration of war— what would have been
said of his majesty's ministers if. when the proceedings ot Spam had
violated every agreement, and all the possible terms of her own pre
tended neutrality, no measures of precaution had been taken by the
government of Great Britain ? I know the intelligence of Admiral
Cochrane has been questioned. The single thing against it to which
weight is attached, is that of a piece of news, given by M. u An-
dua'ga, in one of his notes, the last indeed to the British government.
M. D'Anduaga, when first he received the intelligence of the seizure
of the frigates of his nation, addressed a note to the secretary oi state
for foreign affairs, in which he states, that the colonel of the regiment
of Hibernia had received letters from some officers of his regiment at
Ferrol, stating, that the armament preparing, in that harbour, of whici
his regiment is part, was destined to go against the insurgents of Biscay.
I do not know what gentlemen think of such information. I will
not disparage the authors of it ; but most certainly I am of opimon
that information from a British admiral is higher authority than the
information from the Hibernian colonel. As to the assemblage and
arming at Ferrol, it is more probable, however, thatthey were origi
nally intended for a secret expedition of some sort, but that when it
became known that Biscay was in a disturbed state, as the troops
could not be spared for a secret expedition, they were ordered to be
landed, and received a destination altogether remote from that which
was assigned them under the plan which had led to their assemblage.
If it was otherwise, it never occurred to the governor of Galhcia to
tell Admiral Cochrane, when this officer wrote to him for explana
tion, that the armament at Ferrol was destined to act against the Bis-
cayans. On this subject the evidence of the governor of Galhcia is
conclusive. This person, in answer to the first letter of Admiral
Cochrane, demanding explanations of the armaments in the ports ot
Ferrol, replies, that it was an arming of some vessels for a secret ex
pedition, and not that it was an expedition destined against the insur
gents of Biscay. Mr. Frere stated at Madrid, his apprehensions re-
spectingthat armament, to which M. Cevallos makes no other answer,
than they were not intended to hurt us ; not that they were collected
to quell the revolt of the subjects of Spain. It was scarcely possible
that it could be at first intended to act against the revolted province.
If the force had been wanted to quell an insurrection in Biscay, and
that it had been proper to have sent such force by sea, Spain had
abundance of small craft in which to transport her troops. In the
second place, if she must employ her ships of war, what was more ob
viously likely to have been her course, than to have taken out their
guns and arrhed her vessels en flute. Add to this, that Spain has no
orts, or nonp at w hich she could, with any hope of safety, land troops

A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 131
in Biscay. But where and when was Spain to land her troops, if we
grant for the sake of the argument, that such was her intention ?
Why, Sir, in the Bay of Biscay; that bay, incomparably the most
tempestuous in Europe ; and in this bay, the dread of the hardiest
mariners, she was to land her troops, in the midst of the equinoxial
gales ! Days and weeks elapsed without one order, account or ex
planation from that court to its minister, M. D'Anduaga, to remove,
at the court of England, those just apprehensions, jealousies, and in
quietudes which the known proceedings at Ferrol were, of necessity,
-to create. — Not one word of explanation was given to our Charge-
d' Affairs, of the nature and object of these armaments ; but he was
told, generally, that they were not intended to hurt Great Britain.
The simple question in reference to our moderation towards Spain, is
not whether we did not do enough, but whether we did not do too
much ! — whether we did not remit our due vigour and decision in
not declaring war on the instant ? If we had at once, declared war, it
would have been consistent with substantial justice. As it was, our
reservation amounted to a pointed and conditional declaration of war.
Even in the detention of the ships the moderation of his majesty and
his government were obvious as unequivocal. We detained the fri
gates of Spain, indeed, but, by the mode of that detention, we left a
door open to Spain, to return to her ancient friendship, to the line of
her generous and magnanimous policy in better days, to the course of
her high-minded, honorable propensities and feelings, to her true
interests, to the paths of her renewn and her glory. On these grounds,
and, I flatter myself, Sir, it will not be thought claiming too'much
to ask, as I do, the judgment of the house, not in disapprobation and
disavowal, not to question the conduct of his majesty's govern
ment, but to lay at the foot of the throne our unqualified approbation
pf the fprbearance and moderation of his majesty's dispositions and
policy ; of his earnest desires to avoid hostilities, by the opportuni
ties afforded to Spain to alter her conduct ; and of our firm determi
nation to support him in the present war with Spain, for the mainte
nance of his just perogafives, of the honor and dignity of his crown,
and rights and liberties of his people." Mr. Grey having moved ;.n
amendment, censuring the late and present ministry, the debate was
adjourned lo the next day, when it was resumed, and after an eloquent
reply from the chancellor of the exchequer, the amendment was nega
tived by a majority of 207. On the 18th, Mr. Pitt produced his
budget; the total of supply was 13,690,000/ for England, 2,000,000/.
of which were raised by loan. The new taxes were, 25 per cent, on
the property tax, (introduced during the Addington administration) a
tax on letters, legacies, and a variety of articles of customs andjexcise.
The efforts of the opposition were first directed against Mr. Pitt's act
for the defence of the country. The attack was opened by Mr.
Windham, but Mr. Pitt did not speak upon the question. On the
6th of March it was renewed by Mr. Sheridan, who spok.e r-.t great
length. Mr. Pitt, in reply, defended the bill. His speech is chiefly
remarkable as far as it resp'ects Mr. Windham's return to his first poli
tical friends, and his secession from Mr. Pitt. The honorable gen
tleman (Mr. Sheridan) happens, said he, at present to concur in

132 THE LIFE OF A. 1805.
opinion with a right honorable gentleman, with whom I have acted,
and for many years concurred in opinion ; who, as to all my persona
feelings and dispositions, I still regard as my right honorable friend,
but of whom I cannot politically speak in language so suited to my
wishes. But as to the cordiality of the two honorable gentlemen,
why, Sir, if it be expected to be found as it appears from the speech
of the right honorable gentleman to-night, notwithstanding his pro
fessions, I much doubt, whether lasting friendship, or permanent
connections will ever arise amid engagements so dissimilar and from
elements so discordant. The honorable gentleman (Mr. Sheridan)
disclaimed the idea of opposing, materially the doctrines or sentiments
of the right honorable gentleman ; but tiis he took care to do away
in a subsequent sentence, by rendering his forbearace conditional.
He has told us, that there was not one principle jn the speech of the
right honorable gentleman that he does not more or less approve,
although, in point of fact, Sir, there was not one principle in it, that
he has not unequivocally disapproved. In many glaring parts of his
speech, this can be detected. The honorable gentleman tells us, that
he approves of a varied force ; the honorable gentleman again, holds it
as a first principle, that the military force should be uniform. The
honorable gentleman approves of our having an army for general ser.
vice, one for limited service, the militia, old and supplementary, the
army of reserve, and the volunteers ; these distributions the right
honorable gentleman vilifies ; they .are ingredients of our force
which are decried by him, but in which the honorable gentleman
who spoke to night (Mr. Sheridan) takes pride, nay, even glories —
Why, Sir, the honorable gentleman, we could all perceive, was not able
torestrian his fervent disapprobation of any other system. ^Notwith
standing this, I have no reason to suppose, that there is not too much
good humour prevalent in the dispositions of those two new friends,
for any observations of mine to make mischief between them. I do
know it is not by any means my intention, by any observations of
mine, to make mischief. As to one of the honorable gentlemen (Mr.
Windham) it is a little remarkable, that the system of a various mili
tary force was at one period approved and supported by himself.
Although "now condemned by him, he formerly contended for its
wisdom The militia, augmentation of the militia, supplementary
militia, additional cavalry, all these measures he supported and ap
proved, when lie was not only a member of the cabinet, but also secre
tary at war! I will not enter into ihe discussion here, whatever I
may be induced to do in a more advanced stage of my speech of the
opinion of gentlemen respecting the degree of confidence that may be
safely reposed in any of the members of this house. I will only say,
that when gentlemen have once approved measures, which they now
condemn ; when thev ask the house to rely, in a peculiar degree, on
their wisdom ,- when they do so at the moment that we know that,
while members <>f the cabinet, those measures Were never once
questioned by them, much less reprobated : when these things
strike us, we cannit give implicit credence to self-advised panegyrics
of honorable gentlemen. The right honorable gentleman, in particu
lar, differs from himself. If he will only look into a single page of

A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT.' 133
the journals, he w'dl find, that the bill for raisingmeniri the counties
and parishes, for the augmentation of the militia, the cavalry, supple
mentary, and otiiers, together with many more measures, all tending to
render our force throughout of a various description arid character,
were every one of them measures in which the right honorable gentle
man was either jointly concerned, or partly authorized. Thus far, as
to the consistency of the new friend of the right honorable gentleman
who has moved you. The majority against Mr. Sheridan's motion was
140. Mr. Pitt now brought forward a measure for increasing the re
gular army. This was by permitting such a portion of the militia to
volunteer, as would reduce that establishment to 41,000 for England,
8000 for Scotland; 17000 men were expected by this means to be ad
ded to the line. On the 25th of March, Mr. Fox presented the
catholic petition, and he said he did it with as much satisfaction as any
act of his parliamentary life. It is. understood that the catholic dele
gates had solicited Mr. Pitt to have performed this office, but that
the chancellor had thought right to decline it. The consideration of
the petition was fixed for the 9th of May.
A committee, appointed for the purpose of inquiry into the naval
department had* now submitted ten reports to the house. In the last,
circumstances had been stated of a sufficient importance to induce Mr.
Whitbread, on Monday, the 8th of April, to move resolutions, ex
pressing strong censure of the conduct of Lord Melville, fMr. Dun-r-
das, the present first lord of the admiralty)? Mi\ Pitt replied to Mr.
Grey — Without pretending to deny, said Mr. P. that the honorable
gentleman has in a great measure adhered to the promise which he
made of . considering this subject with moderation and coolness, I
must be permitted to say that he has not persevered in this resolution
¦ to the end- Instead of keeping strictly to facts, which ought alone
to be considered in a criminal charge, he has appealed to the feelings
of various descriptions of persons, upon topics that are not applica
ble to the present occasion. He has touched upon the public bur
dens, and hinted at the supposition that these burdens, required by
the pressure of the times, have been aggravated by the abuse of the
money, the raisirig of which forms so heavy a tax on the people. Sir,
I am willing to allow, as every man must, that if the public money
be squandered by any malversation on the part of the officers, (hear .'
hear.' J i.hen the matter becomes a subject for grave consideration and
serious inquiry. But what- 1 complain of is this, that the honorable
gentleman has endeavoured to mislead the public, by attempting to
circulate the notion, that great additions have been made to the pub
lic burdens, when no such additions have in the smallest degree taken
place, for foe, knows that not a shilling- has been lost to the public —
('hear.' hear /^l™^hat no allegation of any sucTTIbsshas been mentioned,
and that, in fact, no mischief whatever has resulted from this transac
tion. But I have not only to complain that the honorable gentle
man laid aside that moderation with which he commenced, but that he
has given a totally mistaken view of the materials on which he founds
his charge. The honorable gentleman tells us that the noble lord had
¦an opportunity of answering for himself, as it had been on a fair and
impartial trial. Neither the noble lord, nor the other persons who

1S4 THE LIFE OF' A. 1805.
were examined, ought to be considered as having been brought to any
thing like a trial, upon which a final judgment could be safely passed.
I do not say this, Sir, with a view to an opinion on the merits o£
the paints before us. My object is to shew that our materials are not
suctTas to atrbrcf a safe ground for any final decision — With respect
to the matters themselves, I da not wish to deny that they are of the
most grave and important nature, but I do again contend, that the pub
lic has not only sustained no loss, but that it has not even sustained
any inconvenience from the manner in which the money was applied.
Yet, at the same time, I admit, that if the public money be even in-
correctly managed by a public officer, he is responsible for his con
duct. I beg leave to repeat, that, from a full consideration of
this report, I am convinced that all the circumstances are not before
us in the full, clear and satisfactory manner, in which they ought to
be, before we can give a fair and impartial judgment upon them; I
am desirous, however, that the matter should be examined with all
that moderation, seriousness and coolness, which ought ever to attend
an affair of this nature. Without a long delay, not much -beyond the
holidays, by agreeing to the motion for a secret committee, for which
I shall have the honor to move, the house will have the matter clearly
before them ; and it is only by this mode of proceeding that the
whole can be fully investigated, so as to prepare it for a just and im
partial decision. The commissioners, it ought to be observed, do not
prptend to say that there were larger issues from the exchequer to the
bank, than if a more plain and correct mode of conducting the busi
ness of the navy had been adopted. They admit, as a fact, that the
issues were not larger. There were none that could increase or acce
lerate the employment of the money, and consequently it is evident
that the burdens of the people have not been augmented; nor has it
been proved that a single individual has been retarded in receiving
his payments. Upon the whole, it is certainly my opinion, and I
trust that those who have read the report carefully, have perceived,
that before a proper decision cart be given, many circumstances of elu
cidation are required. On the face of the accounts, 100,000j£. is the
whole amount of the advances to Lord Melville. It is knowm, that
of all the sums of 160 millions which had passed through the hands
of Lord Melville, every farthing has been applied to the purposes for
which it was issued, and has been regularly accounted for. Mr. Pitt
went on to state his reasons — there were errors in the balances stated
in the report, and the mixture of public and private accounts by Mr.
Trotter, Lord Melville's agent — these circumstances called for an
examination by a select committee. A very animated discussion ensu-
* «d, and the division of the house manifested an exact equality in the
sentiments of the members, 216being"for, and 216 against the motion;
the speaker gave his casting vote against the minister. Mr. Pitt hav
ing moved an adjournment for one day, Mr. Fox objected to it,
declaring that the country was in the hands of a disgraced ministry.—
It was, however, carried on Mr. Pitt's hinting that in such circum
stances it was necessary. Lord Melville the next day resigned his
office. On the succeeding Wednesday, "Mr. Whitbread followed up
the resolution of Monday, with moving an address to his, majesty

A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 135
to remove Lord Melville from all places of trust and emolument,
which he held during the pleasure of the crown. On this occasion
Mr. Pitt rosemerely to say, that while the present resolutions remain
ed upon the journals, it would be impossible for any minister to ad
vise his majesty to confer any employment upon the noble viscount.
After some debate the motion was withdrawn. The house voted that
the resolutions of Monday should be laid before his majesty, and
carried up by the whole house. Mr. W. then gave notice of a
motion, that the attorney general be instructed to prosecute Lord
Melville and Mr. Trotter. It was upon this question that the final
separation of Mr. Pitt and Lord Sidmouth took place. It is said that
Mr. Pitt's first intention was a direct opposition to Mr. Whitbread's
resolutions, and that he consented to forego this idea, in order to ob
tain the support of Lord Sidmouth's friends, upon the middle and
wise proposition of a select committee. Differences, however, arose,
upon the conduct to be observed in the future stages of the question,
and Lord Sidmouth resigned.
The case of Lord Melville was agitated in a variety of forms
during the session. It is sufficient for the purposes of this work to
quote Mr. Pitt's speech on the 1st of May, when Mr Whitbread
moved the house to address his majesty to dismiss Lord Melville from
all offices of trust and emolument. After stating the reasons that
induced him not to be the person to advise the measure of Lord Mel
ville's name being erased from the list of privy counsellors, Mr. P . said^
thatundera change of circum stance she had done so._ Iconfess, Sir,
and I am not ashamed to confess, that I "duTHSF'advise this step with
out a bitter pang, but a sense of public duty gave way to private friend-
slijp and esteem. I will not erase From my bosom feelings of private
affection, but I cannot suffer those feelings to interfere with what I
find to he the declared sense of a majority of this house. I own
the step was by me reluctantly taken, but it was not for me to dis
pute the wisdom, or to thwart the wishes of parliament. After what
I have said, I trust the honorable gentleman will see the propriety of
withdrawing his motion. Every public object is now obtained
which the motion could accomplish, and I am sure the honorable
gentleman has ca^dourandhumanityjgnough not to press discussions,
the only effect of wruehmusTBeTowound the already severely afflict
ed feelings of an unfortunate individual. - """""
"The catholic emancipatibrTcafne on upon the 13th of May. Mr.
Fox opened the question at great length, and was supported by Mr.
Grattan, the celebrated Irish orator, who was brought into parliament
for the purpose of speaking upon this great national subject. An
adjournment of the debate took place. Mr. Pitt did not rise till near
the close of the second night's discussion. In the first place, Mr.
Pitt said, I must express my great satisfaction at the temper and mo
deration with which the subject has been brought before the house,
and I trust that nothing on my part will disturb that coolness and
impartiality with which a question of so much magnitude should be
discussed. The petitioners do not ground their demands on any
claim of right, and though the honorable gentleman may not have
renounced'his private opinion upon the subject, he is content to let

1S6 THE LIFE OF A. 1805.
the matterbe discussed on the ground of expediency. For my own
part I am ready to confess, that I never did consider this question as
at all involving any claim of right, and that it was solely on princi
ples of expediency, that I should have ever recommended it to
your consideration. The distinction appears to me broad, evident
and fundamental. Right is that which is independent of circum
stances ; expediency that which includes the consideration of cir
cumstances, and is wholly governed by them, and dependent on them.
All questions of the enjoyment of power> the exercise of franchise,
and the admissibility to office, must be decided by views of general
convenience and advantage, and are not in the nature of perfect personal
rights, because they are bestowed, not for the benefit of the indivi
dual, but conferred for the sake of the state, for which the power is
exercised, and the duty performed. In this view we are bound to
consider npt the advantages of a measure under one particular view
or one set of circumstances, but to look- at it as involving a multi
tude of consequences in its adoption, in its execution, nay, in its
very discussion, and in tile manner and time of its agitation. On
this principle I felt, that entertaining, as I did, a wish for the re-
peal of these laws previous to the union with Ireland, it could not
have been consistent with the permanent safety of the protestant
interest, with the established frame and constitution of that country,
or with the existence of the connection with Great Britain, that
such privileges should have been conferred upon the catholics.
After the union, indeed, I saw the matter in a different light, and,
though certainly no pledge was given to the catholics, that their
claims should be granted, I then was of opinion that, if it was found
right to grant the claims of the catholics, they might be granted with
more safety to the general interests of the protestants and of the whole
empire, and even if rejected, they might be rejected with less danger
to the tranquillity of Ireland, than if that country had continued under
a local legislature. I thought too, that such concessions would
have been granted by a united parliament, under such guards and
securities for our civil and ecclesiastical constitution, as would en
tirely remove the danger which many apprehended might arise from
so great a departure from the policy of former times. Yet allowing
every thing for the good intentions, for the sincerity of the catholics
in their declarations, that they have no disposition to avail them
selves of any power they may attain, to endanger the church, or to
encroach upon established interests, I do not think it injurious to
them to suppose that on some future occasion, under the temptation
of some favourable opportunity, they might feel that natural wish,
and one particularly incident to the catholic religion, to aggrandize
the principles to which they are attached. It would have been
wise and proper not to have departed from the policy of former
ages, without adopting new securities for church and state suitable
to the circumstances of the times, and to the novelty of the dangers
that might be apprehended. I thought these precautions ought to
be adopted on different grounds from any inherent suspicion of the
catholics, whose general loyalty I am as willing as any man to admit.
I know that it was riot as catholics that so many persons of that

A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 137
persuasion, were engaged in the rebellion. It is true that the re
bellion sprang from those principles of jacobinism, which were let
loose in France ; but it is not unfair to. say also, that the influence of
thepriests themselves, corrupted by jacobin principles, may not have
been without effect in aggravating the evil. For this reason it ap
pears to me desirable to provide checks corresponding to the danger
to b,e apprehended; checks not applying to the catholics as catholics,
but such tests as would be a security against the principles on w hich.
the rebellion originated. I saw that these views and considerations
were to be combined into a system under which the catholics would
be satisfied, and the protestants safe. Looking at the various interests
( to be conciliated; the different objects to be secured, I was desirous,
if possible, to find that concurrence which would have given a fair
chance for carrying into effect a well-matured and digested, system,
without the danger of those obstacles that might pervert its tendency
or defeat its effect. Unless done with these regards, the advan
tages of the measure, I conceived, would be lost. Unfortunately,
however, Sir, circumstances occurred which prevented me from
bringing forward this great question in, the manner I had hoped
for. These circumstances certainly did appear to me of a nature
which rendered it expedient for me to relinquish the situation I then
held in his majesty's government, for, consistently with my own feel
ings I could not bring forward the subject while such circum
stances existed, and 1 could not bring myself to be » party to the
agitation, far less to the pressing of a measure, to whose success there
was an irresistible obstacle. My object was to allay the ferment that
had top lpng fatally existed, to crush all odious jealousies and dis
tinctions, but that object I never could hope to obtain by pressing the
consideration of a measure, professing to have these objects in view,
when I must have been sensible that the minds of men were not pre
pared for its reception, when I was conscious it could not be carried
in that spirit of harmony from which all its utility was derived. This,
Sir, is my view of the subject immediately subsequent to the union,
and this view, on the most mature consideration, continues un
changed- Mr. Fox's proposition was negatived by a division of 336
against 124.
No other discussion of importance took place during the remainder
of the session, which Was concluded on the 13th of July.
During the early part of the year, the greatest efforts had b^en used
by the British government to awaken the continental powersto a just
sense of their own honour and of the dangers that awaited them from
the enormous power of France, and to induce the three great princes
to make common cause with this country. Buonaparte in the mean
while was increasing' his preparations for invasion, and they were so
nearly matured, thattiae-attemjitiV3s_£xp«cted to_bejnade_ex£XY,dayA
When the French troops were suddenly marched from Boulogne to
-Germany. A coalition had indeed been formed, and upon a scale of
such magnitude, that ministers, with reason, hoped a most successful
issue. The precipitancy and fatal errors of the Austrians are known,
and the consequent defeat of the coalesced monarchs by the disgrace
ful capitulation of Ulm and the victory of Austerlitz, which enabled

138 THE LIFE OF A. 1806.
Buonaparte to dictate peace to the emperor of Germany, to compel the
emperor of Russia to march his army back to his own dominions, and
to new-model the territories and governments of the German princes.
.The depression which events so calamitous, and so entirely beyond the
ordinary occurrences of war, produced in England, was great and ge
neral. The nation could scarcely be roused by the glorious battle of
Trafalgar. Mr. Pitt, whose health- had long been declining under the
fatigues of never-ceasing attention to the affairs of his countryj^sunk
l,beneath the. calaniity . He had been to Bath for the benefit of the
waters, and had returned to London for the purpose of attending the
meeting of parliament, when his disorder increased to an alarming de
gree. It was an hereditary gout, attended with extreme weakness
brought on by a too anxious attention to business. His nervous sys
tem was so shattered as to deprive him for weeks together of sleep.
Water in the chest and extraordinary debility of (he stomach super
vened. On Tuesday, the 21st of January, 1806, his disorder was so aggra
vated, that all expectation was at an end. It became necessary for
his physicians to declare an opinion, and that Mr. Pitt himself should
be made acquainted with his imminent danger. The bishop of Lincoln*
his tutor and friend, who had constantly attended him, fulfilled the
painful office with firmness. Mr. Pitt was hardly sensible : — this
dreaded shock had scarcely power to dissipate his lethargy ; but after
a few moments he waved his hand, and was left alone with the bishop.
He had desired that some papers should be brought to him, to which
his signature was necessary ; and after he had settled all wordly con
cerns, he desired to receive the sacrament from his venerable friend,
and it was accordingly administered. Some time passed in the solemn
duties of religion. His will was made in a calm interval between this
time and the following day. He had signified a desire to write a few
lines, but his exhausted condition deprived him of the power. The
physicians now thought proper to discontinue medicine. During
the -morning pf Wednesday repeated inquiries were made after him,
and a statement of his danger was transmitted to his majesty, to his re-
lationsj and most of his friends ; lady Hester Stanhope, his niece, and
Mr. James Stanhope had an interview with him on Wednesday morn
ing, and received his last adieu; his brother, the Earl of Chatham,
took his last farewel in the afternoon. The bishop of Lincoln con-
tinued with him all night. The mortal symptoms were now approach
ing to a crisis. His extremities were already cold, and his senses be
gan to fail. As a last and desperate effort to protract life, blisters were
applied to the soles of his feet ; they restored him to something of
sensation and recollection, but they could arrest nothing of tbe pro
gress of death. It is said that he continued clear and composed till a
short time before his dissolution, which took place without a struggle,
at half past four on the Thursday morning, and the last words that
trembled on his lips were
•[OH! MY COUNTRY!"

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