*0£

ii^XHTVEWl^ YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

p¦ M
=3

3

1=4

',1 :-i

a >q

^

tL-
AN t ¦

HISTORICAL- MEMOIR

OF THE COLONY OF

NEW PLYMOUTH,

FROM THE FLIGHT OF THE PILGRIMS INTO HOLLAND IN
THE YEAR 1608, TO THE UNION OF THAT COLONY
WITH MASSACHUSETTS IN 1692.

BY FRANCIS BAYLIES.

WITH SOME CORRECTIONS, ADDITIONS, AND A
COPIOUS INDEX,
BY SAMUEL a. DRAKE.

VOLUME I.
CONTAINING PARTS ONE AND TWO.'

BOSTON:
WIGGIN & LUNT, 13 SCHOOL STREET.
1866.

CONTENTS.

VOLUME I.
Part I.— Preface,  Pages i. to xii.
From the time of Henry VIII. to the end of
twenty years from the Landing at Plymouth, . 1 to 321
Part II. — From 1641 to the commencement of the
War with King Philip, . . .¦ . . 1 to 286

NOTE BY THE EDITOR.
In order to equalize the size of the volumes as far as
possible, all the Editor's additions have been formed into a
Fifth Part, and placed at the end of the work.

PREFACE.
Some of the towns which were once included within the
Jancient colony of New Plymouth, contain at the present day a
population more numerous than the whole population of that
**eolony at any time during the first twenty years of its existence. —
But no small commonwealth, not even a Greek republic, ever
afforded to history in so short a period, so many materials alike
interesting and instructive.
In the earliest period, the colonists of Plymouth are to be
considered rather as a voluntary association of independent
individuals, than as subjects of the crown of England receiving
protection, and yielding allegiance.
Their history may properly be divided into four periods.
During the first they enacted laws, entered into treaties, made
war and peace, and exercised all the powers of sovereignty
almost escaping the notice of the English government. — They ,
iwere alone in a wide wilderness, and they assumed,, sovereign
power from necessity rather than choice: — this period is full of
events: — difficulties with the natives; — domestic factions; —
religious quarrels ; — ¦ repeated attempts to obtain a roj&l charter,
and a^continued effort to save themselves from the desolations of
war, and |he sufferings of famine.

iv PREFACE.
At this period trifling incidents assume a character of impor
tance far transcending their intrinsic interest, inasmuch as they
serve to indicate that active and energetic spirit, that patient
fortitude, that stern yet submissive religion, which taught the
pilgrims to endure and to hope, and while they relied on divine
protection, not to neglect the ' human means.'
So full of dangers was this period, that it was only by the
consummate prudence of Bradford, the matchless valor of
Standish, and the incessant enterprise of Winslow, that the colony
was saved from destruction.
The submissive piety of Brewster, indeed, produced a moral
effect as important in its consequences, as the active virtues of
the others.
These were the men who produced a greater revolution in the
world than Columbus. He in seeking for India discovered
America. — They in pursuit of religious freedom established civil
liberty, and meaning only to found a church, gave birth to a nation,
and in settling a town commenced an empire.
The colonists after surmounting the earliest diificulties, sup
pressing the faction of Oldham and Lyford, and quieting the
natives by exciting their fears, and winning their affections, under
took, in 1636, to establish a criminal code; to define and limit
the power and authority of their rulers, and to ascertain and
declare the extent of their own rights and privileges by law.
In 1639, a change was effected in the government which at
the time scarcely attracted notice, it being considered as an affair
of convenience only ; and yet it substituted a representative for
an actual democracy, by vesting in the deputies of seven towns
the power which had been previously exercised by the whole
people : — the extension of the settlements virtually prevented

PREFACE. v
them from exercising their legislative ' rights in person, and to
distribute legislative power in fair and equal proportions it became
necessary to delegate it.
Having, under the patent of 1629, obtained (as they supposed)
a title to the soil comprised within their limits, the colonists pro
ceeded as their increasing population required, to occupy vacant
lands, and to extinguish the Indian title to others by mutual
agreement, and by the payment of an equivalent.
The surrender of the patent (which had been taken in the
name of Governor Bradford) to the whole company, and the
issuing of the charters to the several towns in the colony in 1640,
terminates the first period of this history.
From 1641 to 1675, a period of more than thirtyfour years,
the history of the colony (with one exception) presents but few
momentous events. During this second period, a profound
peace was maintained with the natives. English settlements
incorporated as towns were extended in every direction, and
the territory was nearly covered by English grants. There were
no domestic feuds or ecclesiastical controversies. Sectarians it is
true occasionally disturbed the tranquillity of the inhabitants of
this little commonwealth ; but persecution with them assumed its
mildest form, and their annals have escaped that deep and indeli
ble stain of blood, which pollutes the pages of the early history
of their sterner and more intolerant brethren of Massachusetts. —
They were somewhat apprehensive of the cqpmissioners who
were sent out by King Charles II. to examine the condition of the
colonies, and to correct abuses, but in Plymouth there were no
complaints, because there were no wrongs. In 1643 a union or
confederation was effected between the colonies of Plymouth,
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, to which at first

vi PREFACE.
Saybrook, then a separate and independent settlement on Con
necticut river and which had been granted to Lord Say and Sele,
Lord Brook, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, was admitted as a
party, but which soon after lost its distinctive political character
by a union with Connecticut. The principal objects of this con
federation were to secure a harmonious cooperation in religious
affairs ;— to adopt means for the surrender of servants, criminals,
and fugitives from justice, escaping from one jurisdiction into
another : by establishing an alliance offensive and defensive to
provide for the common defence in war, for which soldiers were
to be raised and money assessed in ascertained proportions, and
for the prevention of wars, no colony was to wage one individu
ally or without the consent of six out of the eight commissioners.
The spirit of enterprise which found its first employment in
controversies with the natives took another direction, and in the
prosecution of commerce found the real source of prosperity and
wealth. Frugal and prudent from necessity, and industrious from
habit, the colonists continued to advance by sure and certain
steps in their career of successful exertion, until the breaking out
of that horrible war which bears the name of its author, and which
terminates the second and commences the third period of this
history. Romantic indeed is the history of this third period, full of inci
dent, exciting events, and high and heroic action. The war
which fills this period of colonial history was a contest for exis
tence. — It was the death struggle between the white and the red
races, and the fate not only of Plymouth but of all New England
was involved in the issue. Philip, the Tecumseh of his age, was
the chief of a confederacy which embraced nearly all the tribes
of New England ; but his own residence and that of his native

PREFACE. yjj

tribe was within the territorial jurisdiction of Plymouth, and there
fore much of the danger and much of the suffering which were
occasioned by the war, fell upon that colony. — The whole popula
tion were transformed into soldiers. — Every settlement contained
garrisoned houses, and the martial spirit was kindled even in
the bosoms of the women and children. The success of the
English gave to them the disposal of the remaining lands of the
Indians. They permitted a few miserable natives to hold some
narrow possessions on sufferance, (an evidence of their conquest
and debasement,) within that ample domain, once the heritage of
their ancestors. Their numbers lessened. — They mingled with
the blacks: — their distinctive character was lost, and the only
physical evidences which now remain of a ' previous people,'
are their uncoffmed skeletons, which are occasionally exhumed,
as though fate had determined to deny even to their bones, a
resting place in that soil over which they once had roamed, the
proud and solitary lords of the primeval forest.
The dominion of the colony was now firmly established, and the
colonists were relieved from all apprehensions of Indian hostility,
and the fourth period in their history commences.
During that period they in common with the other colonies of
New England, suffered under the oppression of Sir Edmund
Andross, and rejoiced in his overthrow. The revolution of 1688,
restored them to independence. After the accession of William
and Mary to the throne of Great Britain, but little regard was
manifested for their peculiar rights, and as a measure of poetical
convenience this colony was annexed to the younger but more
powerful sister colony of Massachusetts in 1692, having existed
as an independent government for a period of seventyone years.

viii PREFACE.
The people of Plymouth submitted to this arrangement with
reluctance, but as the evil was unavoidable, they bore the loss of
their independence with equanimity, and deported themselves as
loyal subjects of the crown, and as good citizens of the Province,
and as the laws, religion, customs, and principles of the Massa
chusetts' colonists were nearly similar to their own, they soon
amalgamated and became one people.
It would be presumptuous perhaps to call this humble work
a history : its relations are so minute, and to many may appear
so trifling, that the common usage of the world would require
that it should assume no higher name than that of memoir,
yet a narrative of the earliest settlement of Rome or England as
circumstantial, as minute, and as accurate as that which now
exists respecting the settlement of New Plymouth, would be
prized by scholars and antiquarians as the most precious of all
the treasures of history. Events which are obscured by the
duskiness of antiquity excite an indescribable, peculiar, romantic,
and mysterious interest, and could the very field be now pointed out
through which a Roman consul had guided the plough : — could
the very spot be ascertained where a Dictator had entered the
eternal city in all the honors of a lawful triumph : — could the
wild, dark haunts of the Druids be opened to the light, or the places
identified where the soil of England had been pressed by the feet
of Julius Cesar, or of Hengist and Horsa, or of William the
Conqueror, the enthusiasm of the age would consecrate such
ground, and no divine information would be required to proclaim
its holiness.
An attempt to arrange events which now are scattered through
various books, although it may at best be considered but an
effort at compilation, is entitled as the author apprehends to some.

PREFACE. \x
favor. — Time has already begun to throw his shadows over the
earlier part of American history, and before the light fades entirely
away, the slightest effort to arrest the fall of that dark curtain,
which like the funeral pall covers all that have lived, and to pre
sent men and things as they actually were without leaving the
future historian like the historian of antiquity, to grope his uncer
tain way by the dim and hazy light of an age fabulous, and
heroic, is entitled not only to favor but to indulgence.
Fortunately an account of the earlier proceedings of the Ply
mouth colonists exists in the relations of Mourt and Edward Win-
slow : to these relations the annals of Prince are an invaluable
appendage as they contain the only portion of the history written
by Governor Bradford which terminated in 1646, and which
contained a full, accurate, and minute account of all the transac
tions of the colony to that period. — This history is lost, and no
trace of it remains except in these annals, which are only
extended to the beginning of August, 1633, although it was the
intention of the author to have brought them down to 1730,
Both Winslow and Bradford were personally concerned in all the
transactions which they related, and as their veracity was unim
peachable, their writings are entitled to unlimited credit.
The work of Secretary Morton called the New England
Memorial, contains much valuable* information, although it has
not the minuteness of detail which characterises the works of the
others. It -is rather like an official record interspersed with
accounts of remarkable events, and special interpositions of
Providence. Many interesting facts have been collected from the
notes and appendix in the last edition of this work by the Hon.
John Davis.

x PREFACE.
Some interesting matter touching the history of this colony is
found in Winthrop's Journal, particularly in the notes to the last
Edition by the Hon. James Savage, and in Mather's Magnalia, and
Hubbard's history, as well as in the narrative which the latter has
written of the Indian wars.
Some valuable information has been gleaned from the collec
tions of the Historical Society of Massachusetts, especially from
such as relate to the settlement of the ancient Towns in the Colo
ny, and their ecclesiastical and local history.
A homely narrative of the transactions in which Colonel
Church was personally engaged during Philip's war, of which
he was the hero, has been consulted. — This narrative was
written by a son of Church,' from the notes and information of the
father, and under his inspection, and was published during his
life. It may therefore be relied on for its accuracy.
Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, Trumbull's History of
Connecticut, and the second volume of Belknap's Biography,
have been examined, — particularly the last, in which the author
has condensed in a clear, perspicuous and elegant manner, almost
all the earlier history of the Colony from Mourt, Winslow, Prince
and Morton.
Much information as to the laws has been gained from the
ancient manuscript records.
With a view to the history of Philip's war, three very scarce
tracts which were all published in London, in 1675 and 1676,
and which were once in the library of Sir Walter Scott, and
were by him presented to an American gentleman, have been
examined. The first is entitled ' The Present State of New
England with respect to the Indian War.— Wherein is an account
of the true reason thereof, (as far as. can be judged by men.)

PREFACE. Jx^
Together with the most remarkable passages that have happened
from the 20th of June, till the 10th of November, 1675.
Faithfully composed by a merchant of Boston, and communicated
to his friend in London.' *
This work is full of errors, and it cannot be trusted except
where the Author was an eye-witness to whal; he relates. Sau-
saman is said to have been sent by the Governor of Plymouth to
convert Philip to Christianity, and that for this he was seized and
sent to Plymouth by Philip,, and while on his way there exhorted
his guard to receive the gospel, which so much incensed them that
they put him to death, and that it was not until two or three months
after his death that his body was taken from its grave ! Massa-
soiet is called the grandfather of Philip ! In this history is con
tained the account of the exploits of Cornellis the Dutch pirate,
which Hutchinson has quoted.
' The second tract is entitled " A new and further Narrative of
the State of New-England being a continued Account of the
j Bloody Indian War from March till August, 1676. Giving a per
fect relation of the several devastations, engagements, and trans
actions there ; as also the great successes, lately obtained against
the Barbarous Indians, the reducing of King Philip, and the kill
ing of one of the Queens, he, together with a Catalogue of the
losses in the whole, sustained on either side, since the said War
began as near as can be collected. 'f
This account is far more Correct than the first. It generally
coincides with the other histories, and some facts not mentioned in
* Printed for Dorman Newman, at the King's Arms in Poultry, and at the
Ship and anchor, at the BHdge- foot, on South wark side 1675.
t London pri.ited by F. B. for Dorman Newman, at the ^King's Arms in the
Poultry, 1676.

X1i PREFACE.
those are disclosed which bear strong marks of authenticity. It
was written July 22, 1676, and appears to have been preceded
by two other letters.
The third is entitled ' A true Account, of the most considerable
Occurrences that have hapned in the Warre between the English
and Indians in New-England, from the fifth of May, 1676 ; to the
fourth of August last ; as also the successes, it hath pleased God to
give the English against them, as it hath been communicated by
letters to a friend in London. The most exact account yet
printed.'* This short account, although it was written before the war had
terminated, and when there were many crude reports in circula
tion, is very accurate, and agrees in most respects with the subse
quent histories.
All these tracts appear to have been written in the form of let
ters by residents in Boston to their friends in London.
From these sources this Memoir has been compiled, its merit
is not in its novelty, as nothing now can be gleaned from tradition.
It is a collection of historical facts which are scattered through
many works, and is the first attempt to embody a connected his
tory of the most ancient colony in New-England.
•London, printed for Benjamin Billingaley, at the Printing Press in Corn-
hill, 1676.

HISTORICAL MEMOIR

PLYMOUTH COLONY.

CHAPTER I.

Quarrel between King Henry VIII. and the Pope. — Protestant Schism. — Ed
ward VI. Favors the Protestants. — Persecution of the Protestants in the
Reign of Queen Mary. — Persecution of the Puritans in the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth. — Robert Brown, Richard Clifton, and John Robinson, gather a
Congregation amongst the People of Lincoln, Nottingham, and Yorkshire.
When Henry VIII. threw off the yoke of the Roman
Church, he retained many of its tenets. Although the
principles of Wickliffe, the earliestof the English reform
ers, had made some progress in some of the preceding
reigns, yet at the commencement of his, the Protestants,
were not known as a sect. The passions of the monarch
produced a more thorough revolution in England, than
was effected on the continent by the zeal and learning of
the early reformers, instructed and animated as they were
by the gigantic intellects and matchless courage of Luther
and of Calvin. Frustrated in a favorite project in which
his heart was concerned, the rage of the monarch was in-
1

2 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
flamed to an implacable degree against the Pope. Reso
lute, fearless, and revengeful, none but one like him could
have overthrown that mighty fabric of ecclesiastical power,
which was engrafted on all the national institutions of Eu
rope, and which it had been the work of centuries to
rear. By declaring himself the supreme head of the
Church of England, he discovered a disposition reckless
of consequences and daring to the verge of desperation.
This revolution was not caused by any dislike which the
king entertained to the creed, or the ceremonies of the
Church of Rome, for in early life he was attached to its
doctrines with all the zeal and fondness of an enthusiast,
and the title of ' Defender of the Faith' first bestowed
on Henry by Leo X. for his zeal and orthodoxy in com
bating the doctrines of the heretic Luther, still distin
guishes the protestant kings of England. Many of the
ceremonies of the papal church were preserved, and most
of its articles of faith, and the reformed church of Eng-
land still maintained in its form of worship a degree of
splendor far surpassing that of the simple and intellec
tual worship of the followers of Calvin. The hierarchy
was retained, the people still continued to reverence the
arch-bishops, the bishops, and the other grades of prelates
of the new establishment ; but the Catholic religion had
received a mortal blow, — the protestant church ac
knowledged no earthly head but the King, and the domin
ion which the Popes had maintained over the feelings,
opinions, and passions of the people, so powerful at times
as to overcome their principles of loyalty, and their oaths
of allegiance to their own sovereigns, was completely sub
verted. The avarice of the King completed the work which
his anger commenced ; the suppression, of the monastic
establishments established his power on a firmer basis, and
their spoils enriched his treasury : the law permitting the

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. g
clergy to marry, and the general diffusion of the holy
scriptures amongst the people completely destroyed the
connexion, political and ecclesiastical, between the king
dom of England and the church of Rome ; and while the
monarch defied, the people learned to despise the anger
of the Pope.
In the reign of Edward VI, the son and successor of
Henry, the articles of faith were conformed more to the
doctrines of Calvin, but the church retained its magnifi
cent form of worship : the higher dignitaries of the
establishment represented their order in the aristocratic
branch of the national councils . and mingled on equal
terms with the peers of the realm, although Hooper, a
man of great eloquence and learning, even in that reign,
had resolved to refuse a bishopric rather than suffer him
self to be clothed in an episcopal habit.
The bigotted Mary drove into exile many of the ablest
and most learned protestants, and the sufferings of their
brethren who remained, and maintained their faith at the
stake, and obtained the crown of martyrdom in the flames,
excited all the sympathy of the protestants on the conti
nent. The exiles were received with hospitality and affec
tion by the Calvinistic churches of Frankfort, Geneva,
Basil and Strasburgh. A church was gathered at Geneva,
by the famous William Whittingham, who fled from the
persecution of Mary, and abandoned a great estate in
England, — which, in its discipline, government, and
form" of worship, is said to1 have varied but little from that
of the congregational churches of the present day.
Suffering under the persecutions of the Catholics and
their bloody Queen, the exiles imbibed an unconquer
able dislike to all the modes of worship which had the
slightest resemblance to that of Rome. After the death

4 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of Mary and the accession of Queen Elizabeth, they
returned home inflamed with a sense of their wrongs,
and disgusted with the ceremonies of .the English
church, reestablished as it was on a protestant founda
tion, because they thought those ceremonies savored too
much of the superstition, and mummery, and idolatry
of Rome — ardently attached to the more simple mode
of worship which they had seen, and practised abroad, and
cherishing the deepest veneration for the doctrines of the
people with whom they had dwelt during their exile. The
love of equality, a feeling natural to the human mind, was
gratified with the idea that as in the kingdom of Heaven
there was no respect for persons, and as the disciples and
primitive Christians acknowledged no earthly rank, and
only adored the God of the Heavens and the Earth, and
reverenced their master and mediator, as his son, so
on earth there should be no ecclesiastical rank, and men
should be esteemed only in proportion to their spiritual
gifts and attainments. Elizabeth was obliged at the com
mencement of her reign to humor these notions. A large
proportion of her subjects still adhered to the Catholic
doctrines, and she was threatened from abroad with the
hostility of the Pope, and of all the Catholic Princes of
Europe, and many of her ablest and most faithful servants
had embraced the doctrines of the exiles ; but the Queen
(having established herself firmly on the throne, and having
overawed all her foreign enemies, and being respected as
the head of the protestants throughout Europe,) felt secure
from all danger of rebellion : — fond of magnificence, and
having the power under the laws of the realm, severely to
punish non-conformists, arbitrary in her principles, and
stubborn in her opinions, she soon resorted to her legal
powers to punish those who dared to think for themselves
on the subject of religion, and the Puritans, a name

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 5
which this class of people had received from their preten
sions to superior piety in religion and purity of conduct,
were persecuted for what Was termed error in opinion, — the
clergy of this sect were deprived of their benefices, fined
and imprisoned^ and some were even put to death. Al
though the avowal of their opinions hazarded their safety,
yet persecution inflamed their zeal, and strengthened their
inflexibility ; they studied the scriptures day and night,
and they imagined that their opinions respecting church
government, were supported by the authority of inspira
tion and by the mandates of the divine Author of their
religion. They discovered no external marks of splendor
in the primitive christian churches ; the gospel was
taught from the mouths of the poor, and the lowly. But
the christian religion as felt and practised in the days of
Queen Elizabeth, shed none of its mild, peaceful, and
charitable influences upon the hearts of men ; — sectarian
zeal smothered the zeal for gospel truth, and religion was
only another name for party. — The Puritans possessed as
little toleration as their persecutors, and felt no pity for the
Arian, or the Anabaptist, when writhing in the flames for
imputed heresy. Almost every religious sect has had its
martyrs, and its miracles, its infallible creed, its persecu
tions, and its catalogue of damnable heresies, and like the fa
bled sphynx has ever-been ready to destroy those who could
not explain the riddles, into which, they had transformed
the plain truths of the gospel. Elizabeth a princess of
uncommon sagacity, seemed to have lost it all on the sub
ject of religion ; — hating the Catholics on one hand, and
despising the Puritans on the other, she. would herself set
up the standard of orthodoxy, to which she had deter
mined that all should conform. At her instigation, the
two houses of Parliament, obsequious to her will, consented
to an act ' by which every person who should absent him-

6 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
self from church during a month was subjected to fine and
imprisonment ; and if after conviction, he did not within
three months renounce his erroneous opinions, and conform
to the laws, he was obliged to abjure the realm — but if
he either refused to comply with this condition, or return
ed from banishment, he should be put to death as a felon,
without the benefit of clergy.' This tyrannical and perse
cuting law was followed by the usual consequences of such
laws. All who had favored the Puritans were then induced to
believe, that if in their distresses they deserted them it
would be at the expense of honor,, and at the risk of
infamy. From an apprehension that their principles- might be
abandoned through fear, their consciences became sensitive.
Deliberate opinions grew out of doubtful predilections, —
and wavering inclinations. Those opinions soon became
fixed and ruling principles, influencing all their conduct,
absorbing all their attachments, and exciting all their
enthusiasm. The moral man was changed, and he existed
but for one purpose.
To understand the principles and motives of human
action, it would be well to revert to the origin and pro
gress of the christian religion. After the Almighty had
ceased to manifest his power by miracles, and his will by
inspiration, — after giving to man a basis for his faith, in
the birth, acts, sufferings, death and resurrection of his
son, and the miracles of the apostles, he withdrew his
visible glory from the earth, and left the remainder of his
designs to the operation of human reason and of natural
causes. • The primitive Christians opened the prospect of
a paradise on earth, but when their successors had won
their way to temporal power, and had grasped with eager
hands the pillars of the throne, the frailties of humanity

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 7
mingled with devotion, and the articles of faith were im
posed by the sword. When the barbarians who subjected
the Roman Empire knelt at the altar, and embraced the
cross, their rude minds unable to realize the pure doc
trines of him 'whose kingdom was not of this world,'
and yet reverencing those who had diverted them from
the senseless worship of a sabre, or the bloody worship of
Woden, and had led them to the fountains of immortal
life, in the warmth of gratitude and devotion, invested
these spiritual teachers with temporal power, and the
bishops became princes ; — hence politics were blended
with-religion, hence the union of church and state. The
intrigues of the statesman suspended the devotion of the
warrior, and the votaries of the gospel, instead of seeking
the kingdom of heaven, sought kingdoms on earth. The
study of the scriptures was neglected for the study of
politics, the clerical character was slighted — priests be
came statesmen and courtiers and candidates for civil dis
tinctions, and cardinals often guided the councils of the
Italian states, of Spain, France, Scotland, and England.
The Popes pursued their career of ambition and aggran
dizement with all the zeal and energy of temporal mon-
archs, and succeeded in establishing a despotism over the
mind, more thorough than that which was established by
their republican and imperial predecessors over the liber
ties of mankind. The prelates of the reformed religion
enjoyed some portion of the consideration, respect, and
power, which had attended their predecessors, but they
were unable to stay the spirit of reformation in its pro
gress. — When the human mind, is released from the re
straint of ancient and long settled opinions, and its accus
tomed habits of obedience, it is apt to run riot with num
berless vagaries and fantasies — with new and crude notions.
In the breaking up of the great deep, many novel and

S MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
strange appearances are presented, and in the feverish ex
citement of the time, whatever floats on the surface,
whether worthless or valuable, is grasped with eager
hands. So various are the lights in which the subject of
religion is viewed by different persons, so various are the
modes by which the mind is brought to its conclusions,
and so many arguments may be drawn from the holy wri
tings to favor the pretensions of different sects, that it is
not a matter of wonder that the christian world has been
divided into numberless parties, each maintaining with all
the zeal of conviction the truth of the system embraced
by themselves. Men of rank, and of wealth, fearful that
the introduction of new opinions will disturb the tranquil-
' lity of society, always resist innovations, and always sus
tain the established institutions both in church and state :
hence it is, that novel notions either in religion or politics
generally germinate in the humbler ranks of society, and
the energy and perseverance with which they are pursued,
are in the ratio of the zeal with which they are embraced.
Amongst the most zealous of the Puritans was a preach
er of the name of Robert Brown, a man of bold and
ready eloquence, and of showy and popular talents ; he
was the first who taught the people the perfect equality
of all those who joined the church of Christ, and he refu
sed to acknowledge any authority in church government, —
maintaining the new and daring doctrine, that his church
was amenable to none, and that any one might be conseT
crated and set apart for the priesthood by the election of
the brethren without any sanction from an archbishop,
bishop, or synod, or any authority whatever out of the
church itself, and that no form was necessary for the con
secration of a pastor but the imposition of hands. Al
though this daring innovator afterwards abandoned his
principles, conformed to the established religion, and re-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 9
ceived a benefice, yet his early opinions favoring the popu
lar notions of equality in church government, took deep
root amongst the humbler descriptions of the people, many
of whom, living on the confines of Lincoln, Nottingham,
and Yorkshire, were gathered into a congregation by the
influence and preaching of Richard Clifton and John
Robinson, about the year 1602 : they entered into a sol
emn covenant, devoting themselves to the service of God,
and to the aid and comfort of each other, and endeavor
ed to conform to the practice and the doctrines of the
primitive church of Christ; they were more rigid in their
practice than the other Puritans, and totally separated
themselves from the established church; they were popu
larly known at first by the name of Brownists, a name
derived from their founder, but which they always dis
claimed as a distinctive appellation.

( io )

CHAPTER II.
Persecution of the Puritans in the Reign of James I. — Clifton and Robinson's
Congregation escape into Holland. — Are established at Leyden. — Doctrines
maintained by Robinson's church.
When James I. came to the throne of England, Ban
croft was the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; the king was
influenced by his counsels, and the Puritans experienced
all the terrors of persecution ; some were imprisoned, and
all were harrassed by oppressive laws ; many were com
pelled to abandon their occupations, and to confine them
selves to their houses.
Wearied at last with these continual persecutions,
Robinson's church determined to abandon their country,
and to seek some other in which they might enjoy their
worship, and their opinions unmolested. After some
abortive attempts to leave England, in which they were
detected, and for which they suffered severely, they suc
ceeded in the spring of 1608 in hiring a Dutch vessel to
transport them to Holland : — the sagacity of therulers of
this commercial Republic had made them sensible of the
advantages of universal toleration, at a time when that -
policy was rejected by the whole christian world.
A part of Robinson's society having embarked, the
captain of the ship was intimidated by the appearance of
an armed force on the coast, and put to sea/without waiting
for the remainder, and after a voyage of fourteen days

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH .COLONY. ] j
arrived at Amsterdam. The wives and families of those
who had embarked, soon joined them, and the remainder
of Robinson's church went over in the summer of 1608.
They were joined in the same year by their venerated
pastor. The aged Clifton died previous to their embarca-
tion.. A congregation of English puritans under the care of
John Smith, had been gathered at Amsterdam previous to
the arrival of Robinson, but some dissensions happening
amongst them the church was dissolved. Robinson, fear
ful of the effects which might follow from such an example,
persuaded his church to remove to Leyden, which they
did after remaining a year at Amsterdam. '
At Leyden they lived harmoniously amongst themselves,
and were greatly respected by the Dutch for their dili
gence, fidelity, and good morals; the magistrates having
occasion to reprehend some of the' French Protestants who
also resided in their city, made this public declaration,
' these English have lived amongst us ten years, and yet
we never had any suit or accusation against any of them.'
Their numbers were increased, and at the end of eleven
years the church had three hundred communicants.
Robinson was a learned and pious man, well versed in
theology, and a subtle disputant. He had adopted the
creed of Calvin, anil a dispute having arisen between the
two professors of theology in the university, one being a
disciple of Calvin and the other of Arminius, the people
entered zealously into the dispute, and the aid of Robin
son was sought by the Calvinists, and according to the
account of Bradford, who was present, (but a partial wit
ness however,) completely foiled Episcopius the Arminian
professor. He relaxed however from his rigid principles
of separation, and allowed the pious members of the
Church of England, and of the reformed churches gene-

12 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
rally, to communicate with his, making this public decla
ration, that he separated from no particular church, but
from the corruption of all churches. The particular
sentiments as to ecclesiastical government which were
held by the church over which Robinson was pastor, and
which had a peculiar influence upon the conduct and cha
racter of the settlers of Plymouth, have been comprised
under the following heads.*
(1) ' That no church ought to consist of more members
than can Conveniently meet together for worship and dis
cipline.' (2) ' That every church of Christ is to consist only of
such as appear to believe in and obey him.'
(3) ' That any competent member of such, have a right,
when conscience obliges them, to form themselves into a
distinct church.'
(4) ' That this incorporation is by some contract or
covenant, express or implied.'
(5) ' That being thus incorporated, they have a right to
choose their own officers.'
(6) ' That these officers are Pastors, or teaching Elders,
Ruling Elders, and1 Deacons.
(7) ' That Elders being chosen and ordained, have no
power to rule the church but by consent of the brethren.'
(8) ' That all elders and all churches are equal in respect
of powers and privileges.'
(9) ' With respect to ordinances, they held that baptism
is to be administered to visible believers, and their infant
children ; but they admitted only the children of commu
nicants to baptism. That the Lord's supper is to be
received sitting at the table, (whilst they were in Holland
they received it every^Lord's day.) That ecclesiastical
* Dr Belknap's Life of John Robinson,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 13
censures where wholly spiritual, and not to be accompanied
with temporal penalties.'
(10) 'They admitted no holy 'days but the Christain
sabbath, though they had occasionally days of fasting and
thanksgiving ; and finally, they renounced all right of
human invention, or imposition in religious matters.'

( 14 )

CHAPTER III.
Robinson's Congregation resolve to Emigrate to America. — Negotiations with
the Virginia Company. — Robinson's Sermons to those who had resolved to
go.  Pastoral Letter. — Part of the Congregation embark for England, and
afterwards for America. — Their Voyage across the Atlantic. — Treachery of
the Captain. — They reach Cape Cod Harbor. — Subscribe a Governmental
Compact. Robinson and his church, after a residence of eleven
years at Leyden, came to a determination to emigrate to
America. The reasons which induced them to adopt this
bold design, were such as reflect much honor upon their
moral and patriotic character. The loose habits of the
commercial people with whom they sojourned, and their
careless observance of the sabbath, produced in the minds
of these austere and pious people an apprehension that
their children might be contaminated by the effects of evil
intercourse, and might be drawn by the prospect of com
mercial advantages or by the allurements of pleasure
(which a great city so abundantly affords) from their
habits of religious simplicity, and from the contemplation
of those subjects to which, they had devoted all their af
fections, and on which they considered their eternal wel
fare to depend. Although England had driven them from
her bosom, yet their long absence had not destroyed that
devoted attachment which they cherished in their hearts
to the land which gave them birth : they could not endure
the reflection that their children would lose their national

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 15
character and the language of their fathers. They wish
ed to live under the dominion of their native sovereign, in
any part of his empire in which they could enjoy their
religious faith unmolested, and they cherished a lively
hope that they should be able to rear the true church of
Christ in the American wilderness, and still form a part of
the English nation.
Some other considerations strengthened their resolution
to abandon Holland, amongst which were the extreme
difficulty of subsisting themselves ; many who came over
from England with fair fortunes, after exhausting them,
were either compelled to return, or to live meanly there ;
they considered the climate as unfavorable to health, and
having been educated to husbandry, they could not readily
accommodate their habits to those. Of the mechanical and
commercial people of Leyden, and many fell into prema
ture old age from excessive labor. .Influenced by all these
considerations, they persisted in their determination to emi
grate, but hesitated some time as to the place.
The Dutch made them advantageous offers if they would
settle in some of their foreign plantations, but so invinci
ble was their attachment to England that their offers were
rejected. Some were for settling in Guiana. After seve
ral days of fasting and humiliation, in which they humbly
sought the Lord to throw light on their paths, it was re
solved to emigrate to that part of America which was then
known by the name of Virginia, and which, at that time,
included all that part of North America which was claimed
by the English. Although they entertained many appre
hensions respecting this course, yet, they seemed to have
but a choice of difficulties. In addition to the moral rea
sons for removing to that part of America, they were under
some apprehensions that the war between the Spaniards
and the Dutch might be renewed, as the truce which had

IQ MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
existed between those nations for nearly twenty years was
about expiring, and if the Spaniards were successful, their
situation would be deplorable. This consideration induced
them to take the chance of living in a country which
might be considered as under the jurisdiction of the throne
of England, and reconciled them to the prospect of their
toils in subduing a wilderness, and of encountering the
difficulties and dangers of savage warfare.
Induced by these considerations, they appointed John
Carver and Robert Cushman their agents to go to Eng
land for the purpose of making an application to the Vir
ginia company, and also to ascertain whether King James
was disposed to tolerate them in the practice of their reli
gion, in the uninhabited wilderness which they proposed
to occupy.
The agents proceeded to England with letters from the
congregation to Sir Edwyn Sandys and Sir John Worsten-
holme, two principal members of the Virginia Company.
In simple and touching language they described their
feelings and the reasons which induced them to emigrate.
' Weaned from the delicate milk of their own country, and
so inured to the difficulties of a strange land, that no small
things would discourage them, or make them wish to return
home, they had acquired habits of frugality, industry, and
self-denial ; and were united in a solemn covenant, by
which they were bound to seek the welfare of the whole
company, and of every individual person.' The' letters
also contained an exposition of their religious creed : they
represented themselves as agreeing with the French re
formed churches in faith and in discipline, and differing
only in some incidental points.
The Virginia company received their application favor
ably; the letter was not submitted to the king and council,
but Sir Robert Norton, the Secretary of State, was in-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. j7
duced to use his influence with archbishop Abbot, who had
succeeded Bancroft, and who was a prelate of mild dispo
sition and tolerating principles, and by his kind offices the
,king was with some difficulty induced to say that he would
connive at their worship, but denied any official tolera
tion. The agents obtained nothing but verbal promises, and
returned without any written grant, or charter of rights ;
but upon the whole, the Leyden congregation were satis
fied. Trusting to hope, and sustained by religion, they
came to a final determination to emigrate. They could
not, however, transport themselves to America without as
sistance, and for this purpose they were induced to apply
to the merchant adventurers composing the Virginia com
pany, but before they could settle terms with them, in
consequence of the dissensions which prevailed in the
company, and their desire to obtain the most favorable
they were delayed for more than two years.
The Virginia company, in their connection with Robin
son's congregation, regarded only the commercial profits
which they expected to derive from their settlement in
America, and felt none of that holy zeal which impelled
this pious people to abandon the luxuries and the comforts
of civilized society, and to seek the wilderness. This
company had obtained a monopoly of the trade under cer
tain restrictions for a certain period. Rut they had never
acquired any title to the soil. The whole, excepting a
small part of Virginia, and a small Dutch settlement on
the North River, was in the possession of the Aboriginals.
It was said, however, that a patent was taken for the use
of Robinson's congregation, at the instance of the agents
in the name of Jacob Wincob, a religious man of the

13 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
family of the Countess of Lincoln, but this story rests on
tradition ; at any rate, the patent was never used.*
In order to ascertain the precise terms to which the
Virginia company were willing to accede, the Leyden
congregation sent their agents once more to England.
After considerable negotiation, they were induced to con
clude an agreement with the Merchant Adventurers on the
following hard terms, viz :
1st. That every person who went, being sixteen years
old and upwards, should be rated at £10, and that £10 be
accounted a single share.
2d. That every one who went and furnished himself
with £10, either in money or provisions, should be esti
mated at £20 in stock, and in the division of profits should
receive a double share.
3. That the partnership between the planters and ad
venturers should continue seven years ' except some unex
pected impediments do cause the whole company to agree
otherwise,' and that ' all the profits and benefits obtained
during the time by trade, traffic, trusting, working, fishing,
or any other means of any other person or persons remain
still in the common stock till the division.'
4. That they should upon their arrival choose a number
of fit persons to furnish their ships and boats for fishing
upon the sea, employing the rest in their several faculties
upon the land, as building houses, tilling and planting the
ground, and making such commodities as shall be most
useful for the colony.
5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and
the profits, viz : the houses, lands, goods and chattels be
equally divided amongst the adventurers — if any debt or
detriment concerning this adventure.
* Hubbard.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ig~
6. Whoever should come to the colony afterwards, or
put anything into the stock, should at the end of seven
years, share proportionably to his time.
7, Any one carrying his wife, children or servants, should
be allowed for every person of the age of sixteen or more,
a single share in the division ; if he provided them with
necessaries, a double share, or if they were between ten
and sixteen, two of them to be reckoned for a person both
in transportation and division.
8. That the children under ten years of age then going,
should have no other share in the division than fifty acres
of unmanured lands.
9. That the executors of such persons as should die pre
viously to the expiration of seven years, should take shares
in the division proportionably to the duration of the lives
of the testators.
10. That all persons belonging to the colony were to
have meat, drink and apparel, and all provisions out of the
common stock and goods of said. colony.
The agents insisted that at the end of seven years, the
houses and lands, especially gardens and fields, should re
main undivided, and should then be held by the planters «
only, and that the planters should have two days in each
week to devote to their own purposes ; but Cushman, the
principal agent, finding that it would be impossible to pre
vail on the company to accede to these terms, and fearing
that the plan might miscarry, consented to their exactions,
which he was the more inclined to do, inasmuch as all
who intended to remove had sold their estates and put the
proceeds into a common fund.
Amongst this pious people no secular concerns could
be transacted without the aid of prayer, so entirely were
their minds devoted to "religious contemplation and exer
cises that no prospect of temporal advantages could influ-

20 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ence their feelings or allure their inclinations ; — whenever
they met for the purposes of business, the aid of the Lord
was invoked with a sincerity correspondent to their zeal.
In the early part of the year 1620, Robinson delivered
a discourse, the object of which was, to strengthen and
confirm the resolution of those who were about to go to
America. They had ascertained that a majority of the
congregation were inclined to emigrate, but all who had
come to that determination could not immediately prepare
themselves for the voyage, those who remained (being the
majority,) required of Robinson that he should stay with
them, and proposed that Brewster the ruling elder, should
go with the minority, and such was the final arrangement ;
the minority were ' to be an absolute church of them
selves, as well as those that should stay ; with this pro
viso, that, as any should go over or return, they should
be reputed as members, without further dismission or tes
timonial :' — the others intended to follow as soon as
circumstances would permit.
In July they kept another solemn day of prayer and
Robinson again preached to them ; the exhortation in this
celebrated sermon ' breathed a noble spirit of christian
liberty,' and discovered a spirit of liberality the more
wonderful as the age was an age of bigotry, and proceed
ing as it did from one who at one period of his ministry
had been distinguished as a rigid and unyielding Separa
tist. 'Brethren,' said he, 'we are now quickly to part
from one another, and whether I may ever live to see your
face on earth any more, the God of heaven only knows ;
but whether the Lord hath appointed that or not, I charge
you before God and his blessed angels, that you follow me
no farther than you have seen me follow the Lord Jesus
Christ. If God reveal anything to you, by any other
instrument of his, be as ready to receive it, as ever you

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

12

were to receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am verily
persuaded — I am very confidant, that the Lord has more
truth yet to break forth out of his holy word. For my
part I cannot sufficiently bewail the condition of the
reformed churches, who are Come to a period in religion,
and will go at present no farther than the instruments of
their reformation. The Lutherans cannot be drawn to go
beyond what Luther saw : whatever part of his will our
good God has revealed to Calvin, they will rather die than
embrace it. And'the Calvinists you see stick fast where
they were left by that great man of God, who yet saw not
all things.
' This is a misery much to be lamented ; for though they
were burning and shining lights in their times, yet they
penetrated not into the whole counsel of God ; but were
they now living, would be as willing to embrace farther
light, as that which they first received. I beseech you,
remember it is an article of your church covenant, " that
you be ready to receive whatever truth shall be made
known to you from the written word of God." Remember
that, and every other article of your sacred covenant.
But I must here withal. exhort you to take heed what you
receive as truth. Examine it, consider it, and compare it
with other scriptures of truth, before you receive it, for it
is not possible that the christian world should come 'so
lately out of such thick anti-christian darkness, arid that
perfection of knowledge should break forth at once.
' I must also advise you to abandon, avoid, and shake
off the name of Brownist. It is a mere nick-name, and
a brand for the making religion, and the professors of it
odious to the christian world.'
The preacher in his selection of a text to this sermon,
was peculiarly happy. It was from Ezra, chap, viii, verse
21,' I procla imed a fast there at the river Ahava, that we

22 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
might afflict ourselves before our God, to seek of him a
right way for us, and for our little ones, and for all our
substance.' So perfectly acquainted were the Puritans
with the holy writings, that occasions could seldom arise
when they could not find passages singularly and strikingly
adapted to their circumstances.
Robinson also addressed a pastoral letter to them, in
which he advised them in relation to spiritual matters, and
exhorted them to the practice of charity and the bearing
of each others infirmities, he told them that ' their in
tended course of civil community would minister continual
occasion of offence, and would be as fuel for that fire,
except they diligently quenched it with brotherly forbear
ance ; and if taking offence causelessly or easily at men's
doings, be so carefully to be avoided, how much more
heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God him
self? which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur
at his providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such
afflictions wherewith he is pleased to visit us. Store up
therefore patience against the evil day ; without which we
take offence at the Lord himself in his holy and just works.
A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for ;
namely, that with your common employment, you join
common affections truly bent upon the general good, avoid
ing as a deadly plague of your both common and special
comforts, all re tiredness of mind for proper advantage;
and all singularly affected every manner or way, let every
man repress in himself and the whole body in each person,
as so many rebels against the common good, all private
respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general con
venience. And as men are careful not to have a new
house shaken with any violence, before it be well settled,
and the parts firmly knit; so be you, I beseech you breth-
eren, much more careful that the house of God (which

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

23

you are, and are to be,) be not shaken with unnecessary
novelties, or other oppositions to the first settling thereof;
lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using
amongst yourselves civil government, and are not furnished
with special eminency above the rest, to be chosen by you
into office of government ; let your wisdom and godliness
appear not only in choosing such persons as do entirely
love, and will promote the common good ; but also in
yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their
lawful administration, not beholding in them the ordinary-
ness of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good ;
not being like the foolish multitude, who more honor
the gay coat, than either the virtuous mind of the man,
or the glorious ordinance of the Lord : but you know
better things, and that the image of the Lord's poioer
and authority which the magistrate beareth is honor
able, in how mean persons soever ; and this duty [you
may the more willingly, and ought the more conscion-
ably to perform, because you are (at least for the pre
sent,) to have them for your ordinary governors, which
yourselves shall make choice of for that work. Sundry
other things of importance, I could put you in mind
of, and of those before mentioned in more words ; but
I will not so far wrong your goodly minds, as to think
you heedless of these things, there being also divers
amongst you so well able both to admonish themselves
,and others of what concerneth them.'
On the 21st of July, the emigrants quitted Leyden to
embark at Delfthaven. • They were accompanied by many
of their friends, and by some who came from Amsterdam.
The next day they embarked for England in a vessel called
the Speedwell: — At the moment of their going on board,
Robinson who had accompanied them ' fell on his knees,'
and with tearful eyes ' in a most ardent and affectionate

24

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

prayer, committed them to their divine Protector.'* So
great was the grief of this little church, all the members of
which had been endeared to each other from so many cir
cumstances, and united by so many ties, that when they
finally separated, the agonising expression of it drew tears
even from the Dutch, who had assembled on the quay to
see them depart, insensible as they usually were to sorrow
ful emotion.
The Speedwell arrived safely at South Hampton.
Another vessel of one hundred and eighty tons called the
May Flower was chartered in London, by Cushman, and
Carver went to superintend her equipment.
Thomas Weston a merchant of London, who had ad
ventured deeply in this enterprise, went to South Hampton'
to see that they were dispatched ; after the arrival of the
Speedwell both vessels were provisioned and fitted for the
voyage, and a trading stock of £1700 was put on board.
It was intended that the Speedwell should remain with the
colonists, and that the May Flower after landing her pas
sengers in America should return to England.
On the 5th of August 1620, both ships with one hun
dred and twenty passengers sailed from South Hamp
ton for America. The company were distributed be
tween the ships and a governor and two or three assist
ants chosen forftach, to attend to the distribution of
* Mr Robinson never reached America, the means of his congregation had
been exhausted, in the transportation of that part of his church which had
already left him, he remained at Leyden until the 22d of February 1625,
when he was seized with a complaint which terminated his excellent lite
on the 1st of March succeeding, in the fiftieth year of his age. His widow
and children after his death removed to the Plymouth colony, where his poster
ity remain and are numerous at this day. The Church over which he presided
and which his talents contributed so much to illustrate, was dissolved, the mem
bers were dispersed, some remaining in Holland, and some going to America.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 25
the provisions, and to all things respecting the wel
fare of the company. Reynolds, the master of the Speed
well, before they left the British Channel found his
vessel too leaky to proceed. Both ships put into Dart
mouth, and the Speedwell was overhauled, and repair
ed, and was supposed to have been made sea-worthy.
They sailed again on the 21st of August. The Speedwell
soon began to leak again, and when they had sailed about
an hundred leagues, the master declared that with constant
pumping he was scarcely able to keep her from sinking,
and the ships put into Plymouth ; on searching, no defect
appearing, the leakiness of the Speedwell was attributed
to general weakness, and she was judged unseaworthy.
It was supposed that the bad condition of that vessel was
exaggerated by the master to relieve himself from an en
gagement which he was anxious to avoid.
About twenty of the passengers were discouraged and
would not reimbark. The remainder being one hundred
and one, went on board the May Flower, and the provisions,
of the Speedwell being shifted to the May Flower, she
sailed on the 6th of September, and the Pilgrims bade an
everlasting farewell to England !
Little did these adventurers and humble wanderers think
when they at last commenced this memorable voyage, that
>they were destined to be amongst the principal founders
of the mightiest republic on earth, — little did they think
that their posterity would - become as numerous as the
sands on the sea shore. — Little did they think that the
spirit of religious freedom which glowed in their hearts
would expand into those proud notions of personal inde
pendence which in the course of a century and a half
would burst the ties of allegiance, defy the omnipotence
of Parliament, the power of the crown, and the terrors of
prerogative. The origin of American independence may
4

26 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
be clearly traced to the bold and uncompromising spirit of
the puritans of New England.
The May Floiver proceeded with favorable gales on
her destined voyage which was to Hudson's river, but the
winds soon changed and stormy weather succeeded, a
main beam was sprung, and the company were half inclin
ed to return, but the application of an iron screw having
restored the beam to its place they resolved to proceed.
A servant of Samuel Fuller died on the voyage, and a
child was born to Stephen Hopkins who was called Oce-
anus. On the ninth of November they first made land being
a part of the south shore of Cape Cod, this land being to
the north of their destination. They run south, but
being entangled amongst the sands and shoals of cape
Mallebarre * they put about. The danger of the naviga
tion, and their eager anxiety after their long and fatiguing
voyage to be put on shore, joined to the treachery of the
captain who had been bribed by the Dutch West India
Company not to land them on the shores of the Hudson, all
conspired to alter their original destination, and induced
them to run north. The Dutch had been anxious that
they should settle in some of their colonies; but as the
subjects of the republic ; when they ascertained that they
were determined to persevere in their allegiance to Eng
land they were apprehensive that they would interfere
with their settlements on the Hudson. The title to the •
river and the adjacent country was still unsettled between
Holland and England, and if the English title to the coun
try should be strengthened by the occupation of English
subjects, the Hollanders apprehended the destruction of
theirs. " Now part of Chatham.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 27
The next day (Nov. 10) the May Flower doubled the ex
treme point of Cape Cod, and a storm approaching, an
chored in a harbor* which bore the name of the cape,
and was so called by Gosnold in 1602 from the great
quantities of cod fish which he took there. Smith, the
founder of Virginia, in his voyage along the coast in 1614
had called it Cape James, but the.orginal name has been
retained. The master of the ship, alarmed by the diminution of
provisions, pressed the pilgrims to a speedy determination
as to a place of settlement in the neighborhood of the
harbor and threatened to. turn them on shore and to leave
them to their fate. At length they resolved to land, but
they found themselves beyond the limits of the South
Virginia Company, and the charter granted to them by ,
that Company became ineffectual.. Their servants who had
not been members of the Leyden congregation, but who
for the most part had been received in England, manifested
some signs of disobedience, and seemed to anticipate a
perfect freedom from the restraints both of law, and of
government: — Apprehensive that many difficulties might
arise from this spirit of insubordination, the more reflecting
part of the society judged it best that before they disem
barked a compact to obey the laws established by the
majority, should be signed by the whole company.
They were then under no authority whatever, and with
out any rule of government, restrained by no charter, and
acknowledging no authority but that of a distant monarch
who had not deigned to tell them how he would- have
them governed. Necessity drove them to natural law, and
they, adopted the only plan by which men thus situated
could be governed without resorting to, violence. To this
* Cape Cod Harbor, in Provincetown.

23 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
measure all consented, and after solemnly invoking the
throne of grace, they subscribed the following compact
unanimously. ' In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are un
derwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord,
king James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c, having under
taken for the glory of God, and advancement of the chris
tian faith, and honor of our king and country, a voyage,
to plant the first colony in the Northern parts of Virginia,
do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the pres
ence of God and of one another, covenant and combine
ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better
ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends
aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof, to' enact, constitute and
frame such just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, consti
tutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought
most meet and convenient, for the general good of the
colony, unto which we promise all due subjection and obe
dience. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed
our names, at Cape Cod, the eleventh day of November,,
in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, king James
of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of
Scotland the fifty fourth, Anno Domini 1620.'
This compact was subscribed in the following order, by

N

o. in Famil

iy-

No. in Family.

Mr John Carver,!

8

Edward Fuller.t

3

Mr William Bradford,!

2

John Turner,

3

Mr Edward Winslow,t

5

Francis Eaton.f

3

Mr William Brewster ,t

6

James Chilton.t

3

Mr Isaac Allerton,!

6

John Crackston,

2

Capt. Miles Standish.t

2

John Billington,t

4

John Alden,

I

Moses Fletcher,

I

Mr Samuel Fuller,

2

John Goodman,

I

Mr Christopher Martin.t

4

Degory Priest,

1

t Those with this mark brought their wives-

•

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 29

No. in Family. No. in Family.

Mr William Mullins.t

5

Thoma9 Williams, 1

Mr William White.f

5

Gilbert Winslow, l

[Besides a son born in Cape Cod

Edmund Margeson, 1

Harbor, and named Peregrine.]

Peter Brown, 1

Mr Richard Warren,

1

Richard Butteridge, 1

John Howland (of Carver's family,)

George Soule, (of Edward Winslow's

Mr Stephen Hopkins,!

8

Family,)

Edward Tilly ,t

4

Richard Clarke, 1

John Tilly.t

3

Richard Gardiner, 1

Francis Cook,

2

John Allerton, 1

Thomas Rogers,

2

Thomas English, 1

Thomas Tinker,t

3

Edward Dotey, ' ) Both of Stephen

John Ridgdale,f

2

Edward Leister, $ Hopkins' family.

This brief and comprehensive and simple instrument
established a most important principle, a principle which
is the foundation of all the democratic institutions of
America, and is the basis of the republic, and however it
may be expanded and complicated in our various consti
tutions, however unequally power may be distributed in
the different branches of our various governments, has
imparted to each its strongest and most striking charac
teristic. Many philosophers have since appeared who have in la
bored treatises endeavored to prove the doctrine that
the rights of man are unalienable, and natio*j|have bled
to defend and enforce them ; — yet, in ttyism&k age, the
age of despotism and superstition, when no tongue dared
to assert, and no pen to write this bold and novel doc
trine, a doctrine which was then as much at defiance with
common opinion as with actual power, of which the mon
arch was then held to be the sole fountain, and the theory
was universal that all popular rights were granted by the
crown, in this remote wilderness, amongst a small and un
known band of wandering outcasts, the principle that the
wilt of the majority of the people shall govern, was first
conceived, and was first practically exemplified.

30 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The pilgrims, from their notions of primitive^Chris-
tianity, the force of circumstances, and that pure moral
feeling which is the offspring of true religion, discovered a
truth in the science of government which had been conceal
ed for ages. On the bleak shore of a barren wilderness, in
the midst of desolation, with the blasts of winter howling
around them, and surrounded with dangers in their most
awful and appalling forms, the pilgrims of Leyden laid
the foundation of American liberty.

( 31 )>'

CHAPTER IV.
The Indians of New England.
The historian who endeavors to trace the early history
of the aboriginals of New England, is sorely perplexed.
All rude nations have preserved some memorials even
of their earliest history by traditions and songs ; but if
any such existed amongst the natives of New England,
they have escaped the notice of our forefathers. Their
rugged language, deficient, (as it is said, in one of the
parts of speech,) admitted not the melodies of song, and
although their gloomy imaginations could indulge in dis
astrous prophecies, yet their language was too imperfect
to embody them even into the uncouth form of Sybiline
verses. They had neither music nor minstrels, and the
chaunt of the bard was never known to resound in the for
ests of New England.
Equally destitute were they of the rudest monuments of
art. The tumulus which rise in the most barbarous coun
tries to perpetuate the memory of some savage hero was
never discovered here, and their early history is a blank
upon which the most indefatigable research cannot discover
a trace. Within the limits of the Plymouth Colony, there
is, however, one solitary monument of a previous people.
It is a rock on the eastern bank of Taunton river, covered

32 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
with sculpture,* which would seem to indicate a design to
perpetuate the remembrance of some event, by more en
during marks than the frail and temporary scratches of
savages. This rock was discovered by the English very early. In
1712 it attracted the attention of Cotton Mather, who
wrote its description, which was published in the transac
tions of the Royal Society. Since then, the ingenuity of
many antiquarians both in Europe and America has been
exerted to explain the mysteries which its hieroglyphics are^
supposed to conceal.
Most of them have supposed that it was the work of the
aboriginals, but the absence of any similar monument in
North America, and the total ignorance of the natives as
to its origin and design would seem to indicate in a man
ner too clear to admit of doubt, that we must look else
where for its authors. Some have conjectured that it was
executed by a people who were passing from the state of hi-
eroglyphical to that of alphabetical writing, and have imag
ined they could discern the traces of letters, and have cheer
ed their imaginations with the splendid vision ofaPhenician
barque, driven by tempests across the Atlantic, and seek
ing the shelter of a quiet river to repair the injuries of the
elements; and to these 'ancient mariners' would ihey as-'
sigh the authorship of these strange characters, which bear,
as they believe, a striking similarity to those of ancient
Phenicia. If this rock was sculptured by the Phenicians,
it is a monument of more remote antiquity than any in Eu
rope. And it is the only vestige of a people who existed in
* Familiarly called the Dighton Rock, or the Writing Rock. This rock is
about seven miles from Taunton in Assonet-neck, formerly a part of Taunton,
thsn of Dighton, and now of Berkley. It stands on the low water line, mea
suring at its base eightor nine feet; four feet in height, smooth faced, and slop
ing towards the water.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 33
the fabulous and heroic ages, — a people who first encounter
ed the dangers of ocean navigation, and whose commercial
enterprises imparted to the rude barbarians of the universal
world the first softening touches of civilization.
A tradition has been brought forth recently by a modern
Missionary, (the Rev. Mr Heckwelder) which deserves a
place in this history. It is given with a few variations, in
the words of a recent historian. This tradition is said to
exist amongst the Delawares.
' The Lenni Lenape [Delawares,] have a tradition that
their forefathers, many hundred years past,, resided in a
very distant country in the western part of the American
continent. They determined on migrating to the East.
After a long journey they arrived at the banks of the Na-
mcesi-Sipu, (Mississippi) where they fell in with the
Mengfae, (Iroquois, or Five Nations) who had also emigrat
ed from a distant country with similar objects, and were
proceeding eastward until they should find a country
which suited them. The territory east of the Mississippi
was inhabited by a powerful nation who had built many
large towns. This was the Alligewi, from whose name
that of the Alleghany river and mountains have been de
rived. They were a gigantic race, had built regular forti
fications, and had constructed their defences according to
the rules of art. The Lenape requested of them permis
sion to settle in their country, but were refused ; but they
gave them permission to pass through their country to
seek a settlement at the eastward. As soon as they at
tempted the passage of the river, the Alligewi perceiving
their vast numbers, attacked them furiously, and threaten
ed to destroy them if they persisted.'
' The Mengwe who had been passive spectators of the
attempt of the Lenape and its failure, now offered to join

34 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
them, on condition, that after conquering the country,
they should share it. This proposal was accepted, and the
resolution was taken by the two nations that they would
conquer or die. A war was commenced, which was at
tended with great slaughter. The Alligewi were attacked
in their fortifications, and after the lapse of many years
were compelled to abandon the country, and to escape
down the Mississippi. The conquered country was divi
ded. The Mengwe made choice of the lands in the vicinity
of the great lakes, and on their tributary streams, arid the
Lenape occupied the lands more south. They preserved
peace with each other and increased rapidly. Some of
the most enterprising of the hunters and warriors of the
Lenape crossed the mountains, and falling on streams
running eastward, followed them down the Great Bay
river, (Susquehannah) thence into the bay itself, (the
Chesapeake.) As they pursued their travels near the salt
water lake, (the Atlantic) they discovered the great river,
(Delaware) thence exploring eastward through the Schey-
ichbi country, (New Jersey) they arrived at another great
stream, (the Hudson river.) The country was uninhabited.
The hunters returned with the news. Emigration com
menced, and settlements were- made on each of the four
great rivers, the Delaware, Hudson, Susquehannah and
Potomac. The Delaware, to which they gave the name
of Lenapewihittuck, was the centre of their possessions.
Part remained on both sides of the Mississippi. More
than half emigrated and settled on the Atlantic. The emi
grants divided themselves into three tribes, viz : the Turtle,
Turkey, and Wolf. The Turtle calling themselves Unamis,
and the Turkey, Unalatchgo, selected ground nearest the
sea, between the coast and high mountains. As they mul
tiplied, their settlements extended from the Mohicannit-
tuck, (river of the Mohicans, the Hudson) beyond the Po-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

35

tomac. The Wolf tribe called Minci (Monseys) who lived
in the rear of the two other tribes' were the most warlike
of the Lenape ; they reached from Minisink, where they
had their council seat and fire, quite to the Hudson on the
east, and on the west and southwest far beyond the Sus
quehannah.' ' From these tribes composing the body of the Delawares,
emanated others, who adopted or received various names,
and who were called the grandchildren of the parent tribe.
This was the case with the Mahicanni, or Mohicans in the
east. Choosing to live by themselves, they crossed the
Hudson river, called by them Mohicannituck, and spread
themselves over all that country which now composes the
Eastern States. — New tribes again sprung from them
which assumed distinct names, still acknowledging the
parent stock to be their grandfather. The Delawares
at last thought proper to enlarge their council house, for
their Mahicanni grandchildren, that they might come to
their fire, that is to say, be benefited by their advice, in
order also to keep alive their family connexions and main
tain a league with each other. In a similar manner a
body of the Lenape, called Nanticokes, together with
their offspring, proceeded south as far as Maryland and
Virginia. The council house was extended for their ben-
fit to the Potomac'
' Meanwhile the Mengwe who had first settled on the
great lakes, had always kept a number of eanoes in readi
ness to save themselves in case the Allegewi should return,
and their number also increasing, they had in time pro
ceeded farther, and settled below the lakes, along the
river St Lawrence, In their progress they again came in
contact with ,the Lenape, their contiguity became the
cause of hostility and terminated in establishing the

36 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
decisive superiority of the Mengwe, known afterwards to
the English as the Five Nations.
Interesting and plausible as this tradition is made to
appear, — supported as it is by the radical difference which
is known to exist between the languages of the Iroquois
and Delawares, and the striking similarity of all the dia
lects of the Atlantic tribes from New England to Virginia,
a certain indication of a common origin, yet the weight
of probability is with those who deny the existence of the
tradition, which by them is traced to the fancy and the
falsehood of the Indian narrators, and the overweening
credulity of Heckwelder, unsupported by any oral history
whatever. Reluctantly do we yield to the force of the arguments
of those who have questioned the existence of this tradi
tion. — Yet facts more astonishing than these seem to be
admitted by common consent, namely, that the European
and American races are descended from a common ances
tor, whose children proceeding east and west from the
plains of central Asia, the cradle of the human race ; —
around the globe, after the lapse of thirty centuries, en
countered each other in the American wilderness, exhibit
ing the most striking contrast in their habits, manners,
customs, language, morals, laws, religion, knowledge,
complexion, and physical organization, a dissimilarity so
great that to a sceptical and unreflecting mind, it seems
irreconcilable with the notion of a common origin.
The habits, manners, customs, and character of the
aboriginals of America, have been so often described, that
any but a very general description is unnecessary.
Some physical characteristics were common to the
whole Indian race : straight black hair, tawny complex
ions, high cheek bones, and sunken but bright black eyes.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

37

The moral characteristics of the Indians of North
America, were no less striking by their similarity than the
physical. Disdain of labor, — contempt of females, — un
bounded hospitality to strangers, — ferocity in battle, —
cruelty to captives,— respect for female chastity, and an
eternal remembrance both of benefits and injuries seem to
have been common to all. — Yet notwithstanding their
general resemblance, there were between the different
tribes some striking differences both physical and moral : — •
some were tall, straight, and slender; — others short, com
pact, and muscular. The physiognominical expression of
some was always ferocious, of others mild. — Amongst
some, the practice of adoption prevailed, and enemies
were frequently admitted as sons of the tribe ; — others
were never known to spare an enemy. Some were in
trepid ; — others timid : — some detested falsehood ; —
others practiced it eternally : — some were haughty, inso
lent, and untractable ; — others humble, civil, and docile.
The Indians of New England were , less advanced in
civilization than the Iroquois or the Delawares* The Pe-
quots and Narragansetts appear to have acquired the
greatest consideration amongst the first, perhaps in con
sequence of having learned the value of wampum or
wampumpeag.* Amongst the Indians this article was the substitute for
the precious metals, and supplied their only circulating
medium. The tribes which used it, became wealthy and
powerful. At the time of the commencement of the
English settlement, the Pequots and Narragansetts
amongst whom it abounded, were growing comparatively
* Small beads manufactured from the shells of the quahag, a species of
clam, polished, colored, and generally strung together on strips of cloth called
belts.— Those which were made from the blue part of the shell were esteemed
the most valuable.

38 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
into great power, while other tribes who were unacquaint
ed with the uses to which it could be applied, fell into
decay and poverty.
Unless stimulated to industry by artificial excitement,
by the creation of new wants, and the desire of comforts
beyond the gratification of animal appetites only, man
would never emerge from the savage state, he would roam
the forest a naked, solitary being seeking his food by vio
lence, and his shelter in a cave or a tree. It seems to be a
disposition of Providence, that at some period of his social
existence, propitious to the developement of his powers
and capacities, his acquired tastes should rouse him to
laborious action. Had America remained forever a ' seal
ed country' to Europe, the desire of wampum alone might
have elevated the Indians into merchants and navigators.
Civilization would have followed the accumulation of
property, and laws would have been established for its
regulation and protection. Whether the great objects of
man's pursuit be wampum or gold, the desire of either, or
in other words, the passion for the acquisition of property
would have taught him the mode to secure it when ac
quired. The hospitality of the Indians was of the most generous
and kindly character ; — they would share their food even
to the last morsel with their guests, and their wigwams
were always open to receive and shelter the stranger.
They discovered considerable ingenuity in the simple
manufacture of baskets and mats, and much skill in secur
ing their game. — Their arms were bows and arrows, and
stone hatchets or tomahawks ; of the use of iron and the
metals generally, they were ignorant. — Their agriculture
was confined to the culture of a species of maize, (denom
inated by the English, Indian corn) beans, squashes, and
pumpkins, and in the south tobacco was cultivated in large

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

39

quantities. They had no beasts of draught and had
acquired none of that knowledge which has imparted such
prodigious productive power to the agriculture of civilized
man. They were often in want of food, and sometimes
underwent the sufferings of famine. They generally
avoided hills and mountains, and were commonly found
seated on the waters connected with the ocean, the
bays, and tide rivers. Some, allured by the facility of
obtaining fish, and wild fowl, dwelt in the vicinity
of those small lakes (usually called ponds) with which
New England abounds. Wild turkies and deer abounded
in the forests, and these, with fish and vegetables, were
their common food.
Amongst the Indian tribes of New England there was
so little cohesion, that it is almost impossible to define
with precision their territorial limits, or to understand to
what degree they were connected with, or inciependent of
each other, or the degree or extent of their dependence.
The enterprise and ability of the chief might occasionally
elevate a small tribe into consequence and power, and on
the other hand his imbecility and vices might degrade a
powerful tribe into a feeble one.
The tribes which, previously to the arrival of the Eng
lish, inhabited the region bounded by the Connecticut
river on the west, the ocean and its waters on the south
and the east, and the Merrimack on the north, are said*
to have been the Pequots, Narragansetts, Pokanokets,
Massachusetts, and Pawtuckets ; — of these the Pequots
were the most powerful ; they had not suffered from pesti
lence, and had learned the use of wampum. Their num
bers are said (by Roger Williams,) to have amounted to
thirty thousand souls, and Gookin estimates their warriors
* By Gookin.

40 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
at four thousand. (They must however have included the
Mohegans with the Pequots.) . The seat of their chief
sachem was at Groton, [near New London] and he was
acknowledged as chief by the Sagamores of that part of
Long Island opposite the Connecticut river, by the Mohe
gans, and by a part of the Nipmucks. On the continent
his dominion extended from a place called Weckapage,
about four miles to the eastward of Pawcatuck river, which
bounds Rhode Island on the southwest; north to the Nip-
muck country, (if the Mohegans are to be considered as
within their limits.) Although the historians generally
speak of the Mohegans as distinct from the Pequots, yet
Dr. Trumbull, the modern historian of Connecticut, sup
poses they were a part of the Pequot nation, deriving their
distinctive appellation from the territory on which they
dwelt. They were certainly of the Pequot race. Their
sachem Uncas was of the royal family of the Pequots, and
his wife was the daughter of Tatobam, a Pequot sachem.
If then the Pequots and Mohegans are to be considered as
one nation, the boundary was the north line of Connecti
cut, for all the Nipmucks south of that line were tributary
to the Mohegans and their dominion comprised the present
counties of New London, Windham and Tolland, and a
small part of Rhode Island.
Proud, revengeful, and cruel, this tribe was feared and
detested by all their neighbors, and particularly by the
Narragansetts, with whom they. often waged war. Over the
kindred Mohegans they domineered with great insolence.
The Pequot was the only tribe in New England which ex
ercised those horrid cruelties on their captives which so
often shock us in Indian history.
When the English settled on Connecticut river, Uncas
was in rebellion against Sassacus, the chief sachem t>f the
I'equots, to whom he had been tributary. This proud and

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

41

powerful sachem held twentysix other sachems in sub
jection and dependence, and the western Niantics who in
habited a part of Lyme on the eastern side of Connecti
cut river were his confederates. His immediate and
undisputed dominion extended over New London, Groton
and Stonington, and a part of Westerley in Rhode Island.
The harbor of New London bore the name of the tribe,
and they had another harbor at the mouth of Mystic
river. On a commanding eminence in Groton, which pre
sents one of the most magnificent views in North Ameri
ca, they had constructed a large fortress," and surrounded
it with a palisade. Here Sassacus resided. Another for
tress of considerable strength had been erected on Mys
tic river.
It was the fortune of the English to encounter this tribe
early, and their power and haughtiness occasioned their
overthrow. They had incurred the deadly hatred of
those whom Uncas governed, and the unconquerable
jealousy of the Narragansetts, and when the English, pro
voked to hostilities by their insolence and cruelties, re
solved to exterminate them, they found the Mohegans and
Narragansetts willing and useful allies. The war with
the English terminated in their utter overthrow, and the
Pequot nation became extinct. A remnant under Sassa
cus fled to the west and threw themselves on the mercy
of the Mohawks, but they found no mercy there, and
Sassacus was beheaded. The remainder mingled with the
Mohegans and Narragansetts, and lost their distinctive
character. The Narragansetts were a powerful tribe, who inhabit
ed nearly all that territory which afterwards formed the
colony of Rhode Island. They were bounded by the
Pequots on the west, the Pokanokets on the east and north
east, the Nipmucks on the north, and the ocean on the
6

42 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
south. Their dominion extended over all the islands in
the Narragansett Bay, and the sagamores of a part of Long
Island, Manisses, (now Block Island) Cawesit, Niantick,
and some others were their tributaries. Their boundary
commencing at Weckapage on the southwest, ran north
erly about the distance of five miles from the present line
of Connecticut, until it reached the Nipmuck country, a
little south of the present north line of Rhode Island, and
then turning east reached the Narragansett river (now
called Seekonk and Providence river,) and was bounded
by that river until it joined the Bay, and extended across
the bay including the islands. The Pokanokets however
laid some claim to Aquedneck (Rhode Island.)
The principal seats of the chief sachem of the Narra
gansett tribes were on the bay, and the island of Conan-
icut. The tribes of Narragansett could raise five thousand
warriors, and being situated between the Pequots and Po^
kanokets, were engaged in frequent and deadly hostilities
wi*h both, as well as with the Massachusetts.
The Narragansetts were a noble race. Caunonicus,
their chief sachem, was princely in his donations. He
gave to Roger Williams the whole county of Providence
and the island of Prudence ; and at his intercession, to
the followers of Mrs Hutchinson the island of Rhode Is
land. Miantonimo, his nephew, was a hero. To their friends
their kindness and generosity had no limits, and although
they utterly rejected the christian religion, their extraor
dinary attachment to Mr Williams induced them to endure
his monthly preaching.
This tribe had suffered but little from the pestilence,
and they would have subdued both the Pokanokets and the

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

43

Massachusetts had it not been for their fears of the Pequots
at first, and then of the English.
The Narragansetts inhabited a country peculiarly adapt
ed to their wants, abounding in fish and fowl and streams
and lakes, and in the vicinity of the salt water and of a
sea shore abounding in shell fish, on which during certain
seasons they lived, and on a soil favorable to the culture
of all the vegetables known in their simple agriculture.
They seldom suffered from the want of food, and the
plenteoushess of their living enabled them to shew more
hospitality than any of the pther tribes of New England.
In their huts the stranger had the place of 'honor and the
best of their fare.
When the English arrived, Caunonicus exercised the
chief authority of the country, but it is supposed that he
acted in the capacity of regent during the minority of his
nephew Myantonimo, but when Myantonimo came of age,
they seemed to exercise a concurrent power and never
differed with each other.
The Pequots and Narragansetts lived more compactly
than the other tribes. Their principal sachems were more
absolute, and the authority of the sagamores or petty
sachems was less, and they seldom suffered from the depre
dations of the Mohawks or Maquas, who were the terror
of all the other Indians of New England, and who were
no less hostile to them than the others, but their excur
sions seldom extended so far as the country of the Narra
gansetts. AH the tribes who inhabited that region comprised
within the jurisdiction of New Plymouth as well as Cape-
wack or Nope (Martha's Vineyard,) and Nantucket were
known by the general name of Pokanokets, and under this
term many small tribes were included. The Wampanoags
inhabited the county now called Bristol in Rhode Island ;

44 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
these were the particular tribe of Massasoiet, and after
wards of his son Metacomet (or Philip ;) the number of
their warriors did not exceed sixty when the English ar
rived. The Pocassetts inhabited Swanzey, Somerset, part
of Rehoboth and Tiverton ; the sagamore of this tribe
was Corbitant, who was succeeded by a female, the unfor
tunate Weetamore. The Saconets were the aboriginals
of Little Compton; they also in Philip's war were govern
ed by a female sachem, Awashonks. The Namaskets were
seated at Middleborough ; the Nausites at Eastham on
Cape Cod; the Mattachees at Barnstable ; the Monamoys
at Chatham ; the Saukatucketts at Mashpee ; the Nob-
squassetts at Yarmouth.
All these tribes were subordinate to Massasoiet ; his do
minion also extended into the Nipmuck country, and most
of the small tribes in that region acknowledged him as a
superior : after the ravages of the deadly pestilence of
1612, by which the Massachusetts were nearly destroyed,
the remainder acknowledged their dependence on him.
Obtakiest a sachem within whose territory Boston was
situated, informed the English that Massasoiet was his su
perior. The desolation of the pestilence was horrible in the
country of Pokanoket. Nearly the whole of the present
counties of Plymouth and Bristol were depopulated ; a few
of the Namasketts, Santuckets and Pocassetts escaped.
Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantucket, suffered
less. Previous to the pestilence, the Pokanokets had been a
powerful people, and could raise three thousand warriors.
They were generally confederated with the Massachusetts,
and by this union they were able to resist the Narragan
setts. At the period of the English settlement, however,
the number of their warriors had been reduced to five
hundred, so much had the country been depopulated.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 45
They seemed" to have exercised a powerful influence
over the Nipmucks, and in Philip's war he frequently fled
there, when hard pressed by the English in his own
country. The Massachusetts dwelt chiefly about the bay from
which they took their name. Once a powerful tribe and"
able to raise three thousand warriors, so much had the
pestilence reduced them, that it is doubtful whether in
1630 they could have raised an hundred. Their sachem
was acknowledged as chief by the tribes of Wessagussett,*
Punkapaog,f Nonantam,f Nashua,^ and Neponsit,[| and a
part of the Nipmucks. The Massachusetts were nearly
exterminated by the pestilence. Their territory was
bounded by that of Massasoiet on the south, the Nipmucks
on the west, by the bay on the east, and by the Pawtuck-
ets on the north and northeast. With their northern neigh
bors the Pawtuckets, as well as their southern the Pokano
kets, they maintained a steady peace, and after the desola
tion of the pestilence, by acknowledging the superiority
of Massasoiet, wisely united themselves by closer ties
with the last. Notwithstanding this union, had not the
Narragansetts been apprehensive of the Pequots, they
could scarcely have maintained their independence.
The territory of the Pawtuckets extended from Salem
on the south, to the north of the river Merrimack, as far
as Piscataway, (Portsmouth) and to the Nipmuck country
on the west, being bounded by the ocean on the east,
comprising the county of Essex, a part of Middlesex, and
a part of New Hampshire, and including the Penacooks,1T
Agawams,** Naumkeags,f f Piscataways,f J Accomintas,§§
and others. — These tribes once could have raised for war
* Weymouth. t Stoughton. t Newton. § Lancaster. ||rQuincy.
IT On the Merrimack in New Hampshire. ** At Ipswich. tt At Salem.
tt At Portsmouth. § § In Maine.

46 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
three thousand men but the pestilence fell upon them and
they were nearly exterminated. ||||
West of the Massachusetts and Pawtuckets, and north
of the Pokanokets, Narragansetts, and Mohegans over that
part of the territory of the state of Massachusetts which
includes the west part of the county of Middlesex, and
the whole of the county of Worcester extending north
into New Hampshire, and south into Connecticut and
Rhode Island were thinly scattered several hordes or tribes
called Nipmucks. Whether they received this general
name by reason of a common origin, from the use of a
common dialect, or from the country which they occupied
is uncertain. They do not appear from any accounts
which have reached us to have been in any degree subject
to the control of a common sachem ; but all were under
a certain degree of subjection, and paid tribute to the
Narragansetts, Pokanokets, and Mohegans. While the
Massachusetts flourished they were principally under their
control. They were collected in small settlements one of
which was at Manchage,* another at Quaboag,f another
at Chabakongkomen,f another at Maanexit,§ another at
Quantisset,|| another at Wabquusset.1T
The Nipmucks were collected in families rather than
tribes, and were constantly exposed to the alternate and
fluctuating dominion of their more powerful neighbors.
No principle of unity, or sense of common dangers, or
common advantages had as yet combined them, and
in all probability had not the English arrived, they
would eventually have been incorporated with the most
|||| Godkin estimates the whole number at 250.
* At Oxford in 1674, about 60 souls. t Brookficld. t Dudley in 1674,
about 45 souls. § In Woodstock containing in 1674, 100 souls, || Also
in Woodstock. IT Also in Woodstock, souls 150.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 47
powerful of the surrounding tribes, and to such a union
they would have been the more easily induced, being
constantly subjected to the hostile incursions of the
Mohawks, a powerful and warlike tribe, the terror of the
New England Indians. The Mohawks were seated on
the Mohawk river, in the State of New York, and all
the tribes between the Connecticut and the Hudson,
were their tributaries. All the Nipmucks in Connecti
cut were finally subjected by Uncas, and annexed to
his sachemdom. The whole number of the Nipmucks was
small, perhaps but little more than a thousand.
On Connecticut river at the places now called Hadley
and Springfield, there were two small tribes probably of
the same race, for the sachem of the Springfield tribe at
the period of Philip's war, was the father of the sachem
of the Hadley tribe.
That part of Massachusetts west of the Connecticut
river was so near the Mohawks, that it was avoided by all
the tribes of New England, and almost uninhabited : —
in the present county of Berkshire, there was not a set
tlement. On the lower part of the Connecticut river, besides the
Nehanticks already mentioned, the Indians were numerous,
but they were all divided into petty tribes, and had not
acquired much power or consideration. They were
numerous in Windsor, Hartford, Weathersfield, and Mid-
dletown. Within the limits of Windsor there were ten
distinct tribes. In East Hartford, east of the Connecticut,
the Podunks could muster two hundred warriors.
Sowheag a sachem of some reputation resided at Matta-
besick, (now Middletown,) where he had constructed a
strong fortress. His domain embraced both sides of the
river, and on the north included Pyquag (now Wethers-
field) which was held under him by the sagamore Sequin.

48 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The Wongungs inhabited Chatham.
There was a considerable tribe at Machemoodus (East
Haddan.) The Nehanticks as already stated inhabited Lyme.
At some distance from the river on the west, the tribes
were numerous, but not powerful. They were found at
Sunsbury, and New Hartford, Tunxis, (Farmington) a
small tribe a Menunkatuck (Guilford) under a squaw
sachem ; at Branford and East Haven, there was another,
at Wopowage (Milford) they were in great numbers and
had constructed a fortress to resist the Mohawks. In
Derby were two tribes, one at Paugesset, and one at Nau-
gatuck. At Stratford they were numerous, and although
they had suffered severely from the Mohawks, they could at
the time the English settled Quinipiack (New Haven) bring
out three hundred warriors. Two or three tribes inhabited
Stamford, and there were many in Greenwich. In Nor-
walk were two small tribes. In Woodbury they were nu
merous. Dr Trumbull estimates these various tribes at
five thousand souls, and allows them a thousand warriors,
and he thinks their whole numbers within the limits of
Connecticut at the time the English commenced their
settlements were not less than sixteen thousand, and prob
ably twenty thousand, and this is certainly far under the
truth, if the estimate of the numbers of the Pequots be
correct. At any rate Connecticut was more densely pop
ulated with Indians than any other territory of the same
extent in North America, north of Mexico.
All the Indians in Connecticut with the exception of the
Pequots and Mohegans, were tributary to the Mohawks.
' Two old Mohawks (says Dr Trumbull,) every year or two,
might be seen issuing their orders and collecting their
tribute, with as much authority and haughtiness as a
Roman Dictator.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 49
If the payment of. the tribute was neglected or refused,
the country inhabited by these unfortunate tribes was
ravaged and laid waste, and they were forced into captiv
ity, or put to death. The ferocious Mohawks would pur
sue their timid victims even into the houses of the English,
where they fled for protection, yelling out ' we are come,
we are come to suck your blood,' and oftentimes were the
hearths of the English covered with the blood of their
Indian neighbors butchered in their presence. The
Mohawks however were never known to molest the Eng
lish, and they religiously abstained from forcing their
doors, even if they had been closed for the , protection of
their tributaries.
From the Indians on Connecticut river, the English ex
perienced bu,t little trouble, for so great was their terror
of the Mohawks, who were their unrelenting and dreaded
enemies, that they sought the friendship of the English
as their only hope.
The Mohawks were as much dreaded by all the tribes
of the Massachusetts, the Pawtuckets and the Nipmucks,
as they were by the Indians of Connecticut river. Four
or five Mohawks would frighten whole bodies of them
from their habitations and cornfields, into their fortresses,
from whence they.durst not come out to their labors.
Nothing saved them from famine frequently, but the pro
visions of the English. They were afraid to visit their
usual places of fishing and hunting, or even to go into the
woods to gather nuts and roots ; and to subsist themselves
they were obliged to labor for the English.
The Mohawks like the Romans made war the business
of their lives. In the Spring of each year, parties of fifty
would collect and march forth in different directions each
under its own leader. When near the places which
they intended to despoil, they established a secret ren-
7

50 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
dezvous in the woods, and then leaving some of their
number at the rendezvous, the remainder would divide
into small parties of four or five, and place themselves in
ambush near the paths which led by the habitations of
their enemies, from those secret places they would shoot
down, and rushing from their concealment, strip and scalp
them and rifle their habitations. In some of their ec
centric moods, emotions of kindness would steal into
their hearts, and they would preserve the younger cap
tives, treat them humanely, and adopt them into the
tribe ; but in general they spared none except the praying
Indians, whom they seemed to consider as under the
qualified protection of the English. They were never
known to injure an Englishman either in person or pro
perty. The English frequently met them in the woods
when they were defenceless, and the Indians armed, but
never received from them the slightest insult.
Such was the situation, and such the circumstances of
the Indian tribes which inhabited the territory now
comprised within the limits of the states of Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and a part of New Hampshire,
when the English commenced the settlement of Plymouth.
The country which they first occupied was sandy and
barren, but fortunate was it for them that fate had thrown
them upon a spot so little inviting : — depopulated by the
pestilence, no enemies contended with them for its pos
session. The neighboring tribes of the Pokanoketts
and Massachusetts, weakened as they were by the most
dreadful of all calamities, and fearful of their more
powerful Indian neighbors, were anxious to maintain a
firm peace with the English.
The pious would say that the hand of Heaven was visi
ble in all the circumstances which preceded and attended
the introduction of the arts, sciences, knowledge, learning,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 51
and religion of Europe into this part of the western wilder
ness, first by inflicting a desolating and deadly disease on
the Indians, and then by guiding the English to the very
spot which had been the theatre of its ravages, and to the
vicinage of a people who from unavoidable calamities
were so circumstanced as to be compelled to court their
friendship, and to deprecate their hostility.

( 52 )

CHAPTER V.

John Carver elected the first Governor. — Expedition into the Country.— A Party
sail up the Bay. — Birth of Peregrine White, the first born of New England. —
Pilgrims Deliberate respecting their Place of Settlement. — Expedition sent
out again to Explore the Coast. — First Encounter with the Natives. — Reach
Plymouth Harbor, and Explore the Country. — Resolve to Lay out a Town
at Patuxet or Apaum.— Pilgrims Land and call the place Plymouth, and erect
Houses. — Miles Standish chosen Commander of the Military Force. — Visit
of Samoset. — Visit of Squanto. — Massasoiet, the Chief Sachem of the Coun
try, and his Warriors, visit them. — A treaty of Peace and Amity concluded
with Massasoiet. — Carver confirmed as Governor for a year. — Billington's
offence and punishment. — Death and character of Gov. Carver. — State of the
Colony. After the pilgrims had signed the compact and had
submitted themselves to a government, they proceeded to
their first political act and unanimously elected John Car
ver, governor, who was to hold the office one year.
The legislative and judicial power was in the whole
body, and the governor was the sole executive officer ; no
oath of office was required, and he entered upon his offi
cial duties without ceremony or parade.
No change was made in the government, regulation and
discipline of the church, which remained as it had been
when under the immediate superintendence and instruction
of Robinson.
The master of the ship and the crew, continuing their
importunities, the pilgrims resolved to commence their
settlement without delay. Sixteen men offered to go on
shore, and after procuring wood to examine the country.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 53
They found it to be sandy, but well wooded, the growth
being oak, pine, sassafras, juniper, birch, holly, ash and
walnut ; sea-fowl and fish abounded in the waters, but
they could find neither houses, fresh water, nor inhabit
ants. On the 13th, the women were sent on shore, attended
by a guard, to wash the clothes ; the weather was exces
sively cold, and the men being compelled to wade in the
water, laid the foundation of diseases, which afterwards
proved mortal to many. Their shallop needing consider
able repairs, they resolved on an excursion into the coun
try. For this purpose sixteen men completely armed, were
placed under the command of Captain Miles Standish,
with William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward
Tilly for a council of war, who after being instructed, were
reluctantly permitted to go forth, (Nov. 15.) After march
ing about a mile in a southern direction, they saw five
Indians, who fled with precipitation. Night overtaking the
English, they discontinued the pursuit, and rested. On
the next morning they followed the trace about ten miles,
but being fatigued with the weight of their armor, and
laboring under deDility arising from scurvy, consequent
to their long voyage, they halted near a spring from which
they quaffed the first refreshing draught of American
water. Continuing their journey, they discovered an In
dian burial-place, and in one of the graves they found a
mortar, an earthen pot, a bow, with arrows and other arti
cles which they replaced with great care ; they also dis
covered what they supposed to be the remains of a fortifi
cation. Finding a hole in the ground, covered with sand,
and lined with bark, containing some maize or Indian
corn in ears, — after a discussion on the morality of the
act, they resolved to take the corn. Had the company
been perishing with hunger, this appropriation of the
property of others might have been justified. As

54 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
it was, it was inexcusable ; the corn was not a waif; every
necessary precaution had been taken by the savage owner
to secure it. The excuse which some of their fanatical
brethren would have made ' that the Lord had given them
the heathen for an inheritance, and a spoil,' was wanting
to them, for they compromised with their consciences by
resolving upon the spot that they would make compensa
tion to the owners whenever they should discover them,
and fortunately for their moral reputation, six months
afterwards they carried that resolution into effect, and
fully satisfied the owners for this and same" other corn which
they had taken. The next day, with much difficulty
they reached the ship, and delivered the corn into the
common store ; this act, however, was probably the means
of saving the colony from starvation, for the grain was all
saved for planting, and from its product they derived at
one time their sole support. Seventeen days elapsed be
fore the shallop could be prepared for sea, and they then
undertook further discoveries. Jones the captain, with
ten of the crew, and twentyfour of the company, sailed
up the bay during a high wind and a rough sea. The
shallop soon anchored and landed part of the company,
who were anxious to proceed. The weather was exces
sively cold, and it snowed, yet these hardy men braved the
inclemency of the elements unsheltered. The next day
they went on board, and soon discovered a, harbor, fit
only, however, for boats, which they called Cold Harbor,
(the mouth of Paomet Creek, between Truro and Well-
fleet.) They shot some sea-fowl, which they devoured
with ' soldiers' stomachs,' and again went in pursuit of
corn, which, although the ground was covered with snow,
they fortunately discovered, as sand was heaped over the
holes where it was concealed ; they opened the frozen
ground with their swords, and obtained about ten bushels

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

55

and some beans. These pious men referred everything to
Providence, and they never doubted but that it was the
special interposition of the Almighty which furnished them
with this additional supply, without which, they supposed
they could not have subsisted.
The captain returned to the ship with the shallop, tak
ing the corn. Fifteen of the men went with him — the
others remained.
Those who remained marched into the woods, and dis
covered a grave covered with boards, and upon opening
it, they found mats and Indian ornaments, and between
the mats, bowls, trays, and dishes ; under a new mat they
found two bundles, one of which contained a, great quan
tity of fine red powder, covering the bones and skull of a
man. The skull was covered with fine yellow hair. In
this bundle were a knife, p'ackneedle, a sailor's canvass
frock, and a pair of cloth breeches, and some iron arti
cles.* The other bundle contained the bones and head of
a little child, surrounded with the same kind of red pow
der, and bound round with strings of wampum, and a small
bow. Two of the sailors discovered for the first time two
Indian houses, (or wigwams.) They were formed by plac
ing one end of young saplings in the ground and bending
them over, and securing the other ends, and covering them
with mats; — in shape resembling a cone, a hole being
left open at the top (for the smoke to escape,) which was
occasionally covered with a mat ; mats also served for
doors and beds. These wigwams were matted within and
without. The furniture of the wigwams consisted of wooden
bowls, trays and dishes, earthen pots, and hand baskets
* These remains were probably those of a European sailor ; — the yellow
hair, knife, needle, frock, &c, seem to prove it.

56 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
made of crab shells wrought together. The ornaments
were deer's feet and horns, and eagle's claws.
They found in some of the baskets parched acorns and
peices of fish, and some venison in a hollow tree.
The material of these manufactures, such as flag, sedge,
and bulrushes lay scattered about the wigwams. Some of
the best things they took ! The shallop arriving, they re
turned in her to the ship. While they were absent, the
wife of William White had borne a son, who received the
name of Peregrine,* the first child which was born in
New England. f
At this time the pilgrims held a solemn consultation
respecting their final settlement. Some were favorable
to a settlement at Cold Harbor, because the ground was
prepared for the cultivation of Indian corn, and although
the harbor would admit nothing but boats, yet it seemed
to offer some advantages both for whale and cod fishing.
* William AVhite died in the course of the ensuing spring. His widow,
Susanna, married the celebrated Edward Winslow, who was the third Governor
of the Colony. (This marriage was solemnized May 12, 1621, being the first
in the Colony.) Peregrine White died at Marshfield near Plymouth, July 20th,
1704, having outlived the existence of the colony as a separate government.
The following account taken from the ' Boston News-Letter,' being the 15th
number of the first newspaper that was printed in North America, is given en
tire. < Marshfield, July 22d. Capt. Peregrine White, of this town, aged eighty-
three years and eight months, died here the 20th inst. He was vigorous, and
of a comely aspect to the last ; was the son of William White and Susanna his
wife, born on board the May Flower, captain Jones, commander, in Cape Cod
Harbor, 1620, the first Englishman born in New England. Although he was,
in the former part of his life, extravagant, yet he was much reformed in his last
years, and died hopefully.'
¦f Edward Thompson, a servant of Mr White, died on the 4th of December,
being the first death since the arrival of the Pilgrims. On the 6th, Jasper Car
ver, a son of the governor, died. On the 7th, Mrs Dorothy Bradford, wife of
Mr Bradford, accidentally fell overboard and was drowned ; and on the 8th
James Chilton died.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

57

The place was healthful, secure, and defensible. But the
reasons which were mainly urged in favor of this measure,
were the inclemency of the season, the bad health of the
company, (most of them being afflicted with defluxions
and coughs,) and the danger of exploring the other parts
of the coast in a season so inclement.
Some insisted that they should proceed about twenty
leagues further, to a place called Agawam, (now Ipswich
in Massachusetts) a harbor which was known to fishermen
who had been on the coast, but upon the suggestion of
Robin Coppin who informed them that there was a large
navigable river and a good harbor across the bay to the
westward over against Cape Cod, and not more than eight
leagues distant, they were induced once more to send out
the shallop for the purpose of exploring the coast around
the bay.
On the 6th day of December, Governor Carver, Mr
Bradford, Mr Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr Howland,
Mr Warren, Mr Hopkins, Mr Edward Tilly, Mr John Tilly,
Mr Clarke, John AUerto'n, Thomas English, and Edward
Dotey, together with Coppin the pilot, the master gunner
of the ship, and three of the common seamen, embarked
in the shallop, in weather of such intense coldness,' that
the spray which fell upon their clothes instantly congealed
into ice.
They sailed six or seven leagues without finding either
river or creek, until they came to a sandy point of land
stretching some distance into the sea, (Billingsgate point,
part of Welfleet,) after doubling the point they found a
harbor of a league in width, in the narrowest part; they
proceeded to the opposite 'part of this harbor, where they
discovered a number of Indians engaged in cutting up a
grampus, who immediately fled. The harbor being full
of shoals they landed with some difficulty. And after
' ' 8

58

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

building a slight barricade and placing their sentinels,
rested for the night in sight of the smoke of the Indian
fires at the distance of four or five miles.
The next morning leaving eight men in the shallop to
coast along the shore, the remainder were landed, and
following the Indian tracks discovered a path which led
them some way into the woods to a great burying place
surrounded with a palisade and full of graves, some being
enclosed, and some covered with frames, and many were
without the enclosure. They soon returned to the water,
and finding their boat in a creek, they erected a barricade
of logs, and lay down to rest. At midnight they were alarm
ed by a great noise, but after discharging a couple of mus
kets it ceased. At dawn of day (December 8) while at their
devotions, (part of their arms having been deposited in the
boat and covered with clothes) they first heard the terrific
war yell of the savages ; after they had made an ineffect
ual discharge of their arrows, those .of the English who
had retained their arms, seized them immediately and
stood on the defensive ; two muskets were discharged, and
the other men who were armed were ordered not to shoot
until they could take sure aim, there being but four who
had retained their muskets. The Indians seeing the others
run to the shallop, attacked them violently, but being
secured by armor, and armed with curtel axes they sus
tained themselves until they obtained their muskets from
the boat, and after making a general discharge, the In
dians were intimidated ; — one of them, however, keeping
within musket shot, continued to discharge his arrows from
behind a tree but a bullet having struck the tree and
scattered the bark arid splinters about his ears, he took to
his heels, and they all fled. The English pursued them a
short distance with shouts, to show that they were not
intimidated, and then returned to their shallop. Thus

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 5g
terminated the first encounter between the English and
aboriginals without bloodshed on either side, and they
named the place First Encounter.* The English gathered
the arrows, and sent them to England as presents to their
friends. After devoutly returning their thanks to God for this
deliverance, they reimbarked in the shallop, but it being
near night, a Storm approaching, and having broken their
rudder they put before the wind steering with oars. To
complete their misfortunes, the mast broke ; — they reach
ed the harbor however, but being uncertain where they
were, the pilot and master's mate would have run the boat
ashore in a rocky cave, but by the resolution of one of the
seamen they were induced to put it about, and by hard
rowing they ran under a small island where they sheltered
themselves for the night. Compelled by the severity of
the cold,* they went on shore and kindled a fire; they
found the island uninhabited, and named it Clarke's
Island, f A spacious harbor lay before them which, they
explored and sounded, and found it of sufficient capacity
to" receive shipping, and full of fish and sea-fowl. After
completing their examination of this harbor, they landed
and discovered many fields where the Indian corn had
been cultivated, and fine water. They again set sail and
returned to Cape Cod Harbor. Induced by the favorable
report of the adventurers, the company resolved to com
mence their settlement at this place.
* The place were this encounter happened was supposed by Morton and
others to have been Namskeket, ata creek between Eastham and Harwich.
Others suppose it to have been at Great Meadow creek, a place situated further
down the Cape. The attack was made by the Nauset Indians whose chief seat
was but a few miles from Namskeket.
1 At the entrance of Plymouth Harbor.

60 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The ship with all the company sailed on the 15th and
anchored in Plymouth harbor on the 16th. Four had died
at Cape Cod.
On the 18th a party explored that part of the country
which immediately surrounded the harbor, and were well
pleasedwith the quality of the soil, and with the native
growth of the woods, but they discovered neither inhabit
ants nor houses.
On the 19th* after another superficial examination of
the country, finding a place where much land had been
cleared, in the neighborhood of a small but pleasant
stream which they supposed to be well stored with fish,
and of many springs of sweet water, and of a high hill
which could be fortified in a manner so as to command the
surrounding country, they resolved to lay out a town. A
storm arising, they were unable for two days to go off to
the ship, but remained unsheltered on shore. f
On the 22d the company left the vessel and landed on
a rock near the shore, which now bears a consecrated
character, to which pilgrimages are made, and to which
the posterity of the pilgrims delight to throng, to call up
the sublime associations with which its history is connect
ed, and to view the spot which received their forefathers.
The honor of having first placed the foot on this immor
tal rock his been pertinaciously claimed for John Alden
and Mary Chilton. It is now impossible to settle this
question of precedence — neither is it of any importance
for the illustration of human character to know which it
was, — for ,such a purpose it is far more important to
ascertain who it was that first embarked in the ship which
was to bear the pilgrims forever from the civilized world,
* Mourt. Prince says the 20th.
t On the 21st Richard Butteridge died which was the first death at Plymouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 61
to commence an undertaking full of danger, and pregnant
with events.
On the 23d, the settlers began to cut the timber for their
houses and to drag it to the place where they intended to
build. Nineteen families were made up, the single men
joining themselves to some of the families. This arrange
ment lessened the labor of building. To the largest
'families the largest portions of land were alloted, and to
every person half a pole in breadth, and three poles in
length ; lots were cast to ascertain the owners, and the
separate parcels were designated by stakes. This small
quantity of land was deemed sufficient for all their wants,
and as much as could be cultivated.
With as much despatch as the feeble health of the com
pany would permit, they erected a store house of twenty
feet square, with a thatched roof where their goods were
deposited under the care of a guard.
On the 3Lst of December, they named their settlement
Plymouth, because this place had been so called by Capt.
Smith, who had previously surveyed the harbor, and
they remembered the kindness which they had experi
enced from the people of Plymouth in England. And on
this day, (it being Sunday) they worshipped for the first
time, at this place.
Soon after, Capt. Standish, with some of the company,
went out to ¦ search for the natives, but could find none.
In this excursion an eagle was shot, and so "grateful was
the flesh of this nauseous bird to these famished men, that
they compared it to mutton.
Qn the 8th of January, Francis Billington discovered
a body of water which he supposed to be a large sea, but
.it proved to be two small lakes which bear the name of
Billington's sea to this day.

62 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
On the 9th they began to erect their habitations on both
sides of a street which they had previously laid out.*
Every man built his own house. As soon as a building
was completed a family left the ship and occupied it, but
the weather was so stormy that they could seldom work
more than three days in a week. During this time a part
of the people slept in the vessel, and part on shore. ,
On the 14th of January the common house took fire.
All their ammunition, and a part of their arms were de
posited in the house. Governor Carver and Mr Bradford
were confined to their beds within, by illness, but by great
exertion, the fire was extinguished, and the lower part of
the building was saved. The people in the ship being
unable to reach the shore, were excessively, alarmed,
supposing that the Indians had attacked them. A suc
cession of fine days soon following, they were enabled to
repair the common house, and to proceed rapidly with the
other buildings.
On the 16th of February one of the settlers who was out
in pursuit of game, discovered twelve Indians, and giving
the alarm, the people went out but could not discover
them. Alarmed by the appearance of these Indians, a
general meeting of the company was called. Military
orders were established, and Miles Standish was chosen
Captain, with full authority to order all the military
concerns. During the meeting, two savages shewed themselves on
the hill, and by signs invited the people to come to them.
Standish and Hopkins went out to meet them, but they
fled. * The street which runs from the meeting house to the water, now called
Leyden street.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. gg
So great was the sickness, during this month, that seven
teen died. Eight had died in the preceding, month.*
The voyage from England had been long, and the
scurvy commenced its ravages. Few and miserable
were the comforts which this poor people could obtain ;
at one time there were not more .than six or seven who
were in sufficient health to go out, (amongst whom
were Standish and Brewster.) These attended the sick
with unwearied assiduity, sparing no labor, and shunning
no sort of service. Governor Carver recovered early in
March. The Indians had hitherto kept aloof from the settlers,
but on the 16th of March, one came in alone, and with
great boldness addressed them by saying ' welcome Eng
lishmen.' He was perfectly free in his deportment, and'
very communicative. He informed them that he was a
sagamore, f and that he lived at some distance, but had
been for some time in the vicinity of the- settlement, and
that his name was Samoset. He appeared to possess a
thorough knowledge of the neighboring country and its
inhabitants. He informed them that the place where they
were was called Patuxet,J and that a few years previous
to their landing all its inhabitants died of a plague, of
such a deadly nature' that it spared neither man, woman
nor child, and that no one could make ahy claim to the
land, or rightfully molest them. He also informed them
that their next neighbors were the' Wampanoags, (the
English supposed he called them Massasoits, but that was
* Jan. 29 — Mrs Rose Standish, wife of Capt. Standish, died.
Feb. 21 — Mr William White, Mr William Mulllns, and two more, died.
" 25— Mrs Mary Allerton, wife of Mr Isaac Allerton, died.
t A petty chief.
t The Indians did not name places arbitrarily, but from its peculiarities ; the
name of Patuxet was attached to many places in New England.

64 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the name of their chief sachem,) that they had sixty war
riors, and that the Nausites, to the southeast, could raise
an hundred.
The savages who had encountered them were Nausites.
They were hostile to the English, having killed three of
sir Ferdinand Gorges' men a feW months before. The
Nausites were justly suspicious of the English. An Eng
lish ship-captain whose name was Hunt, a few years be
fore, had trepanned twenty of the Patuxet Indians and
seven Nausites, (who unsuspiciously went on board his
ship,) and perfidiously sold them for slaves.
The next day the English dismissed Samoset with pres
ents, after requiring him to cause the restoration of some
tools which had been stolen in the woods, and after he had
promised to return with some of Massasoit's men to bring
beaver-skins for traffic. He soon returned in company with
five Nausites dressed and painted in all the extravagance
of the Indian fashion, and bringing back the tools which
had been lost ; they were received with much hospitality by
the English, and made many demonstrations of friendship,
feeding heartily upon the food which was set before them,
and singing and dancing after their manner. They
brought some skins, but the English would enter into no
traffic on the Lord's day. They departed, extremely grati
fied with their reception,- and promised to return and bring
more skins.
Samoset feigning himself sick, remained a day or two
longer ; he was then despatched to find the other Indians.
While he was absent, two or three Indians appeared on
the hill, using threatening gestures, but Standish and an
other approaching them armed, they fled, after making a
show of. defiance. On the next day, (March 22) Samoset
returned in company with four others, amongst whom was

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 65
Squanto or Tisquantum,* who was the sole remaining na
tive of Patuxet. Squanto was one of those who had been
decoyed by Hunt ; he had resided for some time in Lon
don with one Slany, a merchant, and had learned a little
English. They brought some skins and a few fish to
sell, and informed the English that the great sagamore
Massasoiet, with Quadequina his brother, and all his force
were near.
Massasoiet soon appeared on the hill with sixty men.
The English were unwilling that the governor should go
to them, and they were apprehensive of approaching the
English; Squanto was despatched to ascertain their de
signs, and they signified through him that they were desi
rous that some one should be sent to hold a parley. Ed
ward Winslow was sent with presents for the chief, which
were willingly accepted, and Winslow's address was heard
with great attention, although the interpreters did not
succeed very well in explaining it.
He told the sachem that ' king James saluted him with
the words of love and peace, and did accept of him as his
friend and ally, and that the governor desired to see him,
and to trade with him, and to live on friendly terms with
his near neighbor.' The sword and armor of Winslow
caught the attention of the sachem, and he expressed a
wish to buy them, but the sword and armor of Edward
Winslow were not for sale : leaving Winslow in the cus
tody of his brother, and followed by twenty men, who left
their bows and arrows behind, he crossed a brook which
ran between him and the English.
Capt. Standish and Mr Williamson, with six men armed
with muskets, met the sachem at the brook, and after
salutations had been exchanged, attended him to the
* He was called by both names.

66 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
house, and placed a green rug and three or four cushions
on the floor for his accommodation. The governor, pre
ceded with a flourish of a drum and trumpet (the sound of
which excessively delighted the Indians,) and followed by
several soldiers, entered the house. The governor and
sachem', after saluting each other, sat down together and
regaled themselves with meat and drink ; and then the
following Treaty was proposed by the governor and agreed
to by Massasoiet.
1. ' That neither he, nor any of his, should injure or do
hurt to any of their people.'
2. ' That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he
should send the offender, that they might punish him.'
3. ' That if anything were taken away from any of theirs,
he should cause it to be restored ; and they should do the
like to his.'
4. ' That if any did unjustly war against him, they would
aid him ; and if any did war against them, he should aid
them.' 5. ' That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to
inform them of this, that they might not wrong them, but
might likewise be comprised in these conditions of peace.'
6. ' That when his men came to them upon any occasion,
they should leave their arms, (which were bows and arrows)
behind them.'
' Lastly. That so doing, their sovereign lord, king James,
would esteem him as his friend and ally.'
All which he liked well, and withal at the same time
' acknowledged himself content to become the subject of
our sovereign lord the king aforesaid, his heirs and suc
cessors ; and gave unto them all the lands a,djaqent, to
them and their heirs forever.'*
* Morton's New England Memorial..

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

67

Thus was concluded the first treaty between the English
and the Indians of New Plymouth ; — a treaty, though sim
ple in, its terms, important in its consequences, for it was a
treaty of peace, and of alliance offensive and defensive,
and its conditions were faithfully observed for a period of
fiftyfive years, exhibiting an instance of unexampled good
faith, fidelity, and honesty, in both parties. The verbal
acknowledgment, if coupled with the treaty, involved con
sequences more important, for it contained a grant of land
and a consent to the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the
English king over it.
Although Massasoiet was pleased with the result of the
conference, yet he was under great alarm, which was man
ifested from his trembling. He was a large and good look
ing man, but very grave and taciturn in his deportment.
The sachem and his followers, after leaving six or seven
hostages for Mr Winslow, retired with their wives and
children into the woods where they slept during the night.
Quadequina and those who were with him, were well
received by the English, and were conveyed back together
with the hostages, and Winslow returned.
These Indians promised to plant their corn, and to dwell
near the English during the approaching summer. During
the night the English kept strict watch. The next morn
ing the Indians visited them again and informed them that
the sachem wished to see some of them. Captain Stan
dish and Isaac Allerton immediately ventured to go amongst
them, and were kindly received. There was not the slight
est indication of hostility on the part of the Indians. The
English pursued their usual occupations in the woods, and
were not molested.
The sachem was the more induced to cultivate the
friendship of the English, inasmuch, as he was very
apprehensive of the Narragansetts, a powerful and hostile
tribe in his vicinity.

68 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
On the next day the Indians returned to Sowams,* their
head quarters.
i* Samoset and Squanto, who had contracted a strong
affection for the English remained with them, and in
structed them in the manner of taking fish, and in the
simple agriculture of their countrymen, shewing them how
the corn should be planted, and how the ground should
be manured with alewives, (of which, immense quantities
came into the brook,) and rendered them many kind offi
ces. Squanto also acted as their pilot, conducting them
to all the places where any traffic could be had, and never
left them during his life. They planted twenty acres to
corn, and six to barley and peas. The corn produced well,
but the barley and peas failed. On the 25th of March,
the company met and passed some laws and military
orders, and confirmed Carver in the government for another
year.f On the next day the whole company was convened for
the purpose of judging ol the offence of John Billington,
which was the first that had been committed amongst them.
He had insulted the captain with opprobrious language,
for which they adjudged him to have his neck and heels
tied together ; but after humbling himself and craving
pardon, he was forgiven. Billington was not one of the
Leyden congregation, but was shipped at London. The
settlers lost by death during the month of March, thirteen
more of their number, and more than half the sailors died
during their residence here.
On the 5th of April, the May Flower sailed for England,
where she arrived on the 6th of May.
On the same day, the colony met with a great loss by
the death of the governor. He had been working in the -
* In the ancient Swansey, near the present town of Warren in Rhode
Island. t Mrs Elizabeth Winslow wife of Mr Edward Winslow died.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

69

field, but left it at noon, complaining of a severe pain in
his head which was caused as he supposed by the sun, he
soon became senseless, and in a few days died. The grief
of the colonists was almost inconsolable. They buried
him with the honors of war. His wife, who was strongly
attached to him, overcome with sorrow, survived him but
six weeks.
His biographer* says, ' that he was a man of great pru
dence, integrity, and firmness of mind. He had a good
estate in England, which he spent in the emigration to
Holland and America. ¦ He was one of the foremost in
action, and bore a large share of sufferings in the service
of the colony, who confided in him as their friend and
father. Piety, humility, and benevolence, were eminent
traits in his character, and it is particularly remarked, that
in the time of general sickness, which befel the colony,
and with which he was affected, after he had himself re
covered, he was assiduous in attending the sick, and per
forming the most humiliating services for them without
any distinction of persons or characters.'f
* Dr Belknap.
t Death had made great havoc in this little community at the time of the
death of Governor Carver, of the signers of the compact there then only re
mained
. Died.

Mr William Bradford,

1657

Francis Cook,

Mr Edward Winslow,

1655

Francis Eaton,

Mr William Brewster,

1644

John Billington, Executed 1630

Mr Isaac Allerton,

' ?t/>

' Gilbert Winslow,

Capt. Miles Standish,

1656

Peter Brown,

John Alden,

1686

George Soule, (of Edward Winslow's

Mr Samuel Fuller,

1633

Family,)

Mr Richard Warren,

1628

Richard Gardiner,

John Howland (of Carver's

Edward Dotey, ) Both servants of
Edward Leister, > Stephen Hopkins.

family,) aged 80 Feb. 22

1672

Mr Stephen Hopkins,

70 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Less is known of the private life of Governor Carver
than of any other of the early pilgrims of note. The
place and time of his birth are not known, neither is it

And there remained of women, children and servants,
excluding Gov. Carver's wife,

Being 19 in all.

3655 souls in all.

5

THOSK WHO DIED WERE
Gov. Carver, James Chilton,
Mr Christopher Martin, John Crackston,
Mr William Mullins, Moses Flelc'ier,
Mr William White, John Goodman,
Edward Tilly, Degory Priest,
John Tilly, Thomas Williams,
Thomas Rogers, Edmund Margeson,
Thomas Tinker, Richard Butteridge,
John Ridgdale, Richard Clarke,
Edward Fuller, John Allerton,
John Turner, Thomas English,
Subscribers to the compact, 22
Also, the wives of Carver, Bradford, Standish, Isaac
Allerton, and Edward Winslow.
Also, Edward Thompson, a servant of Mr White, -\
and Jasper Carver, a son of the governor, and Solo- y 3'
mon Martin, *
Other women, children, and servants, whose names )
are not known, $ 46
Half of the ship's crew also died. Before the second arrival of recruits in
November, 1621, four more died, making the whole number of deaths 50, and
leaving the total number of the survivors 51. Of those not named among the
survivors, being young men, women, children1, and servants, there were 32.
Amongst whom, from a document inserted by Judge Davis in his Appendix to
Morton's Memorial, appears the names of Joseph Rogers, probably a son of Thom
as Rogers who died, Mary Chilton, Henry Sampson, and Humility Cooper.
Exclusive of Governor Carver, the most distinguished amongst those who died,
were Mr Christopher Martin, Mr William Mullins, and Mr William White. They
all had families. Edward Thompson, a servant of Mr White, was the first who
died in the colony. Fletcher, Goodman, Priest, Williams, Margeson, Britteridge,
Clarke, John Allerton, and English, were single men. Ridgdale left no children.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 71
known except by inference and strong probability, that he
was one of Robinson's church who emigrated from Eng
land to Holland. He first appears as the agent of the
church to treat with the Virginia company, of which church
he is said to have been one of the deacons, and it is also
said that he had once possessed a large property, which
had been impaired during his exile. The same uncertainty
seems to rest upon his family. At the time of signing the
compact, (including John Howland,) it was eight in num
ber. Afterwards, on the sixth of December, his son Jasper
died, and his wife, overcome with grief for the loss of her
husband and son, soon followed them to the grave. Yet
there were children remaining, but their names are no
where mentioned, neither in the instrument relating to the
assignment of the lands, nor in that relating to the divi
sion of the cattle ; neither do they appear at any subse
quent time in the annals of the colony ; they attained no
civil honors; they rose to no distinction ; but less fortu
nate than the children of the other governors, they re
mained in obscurity and were unnoticed by the people. A
grandson of Governor Carver who lived at Marshfield, ac
quired some notoriety in consequence of his extreme age,
having lived until he was 102. This grandson was alive as
late as 1755, for in that year he was seen laboring in the
same field with his son, grandson, and great grandson, while
an infant of the fifth generation was in his house. It is also
said that the celebrated traveller was descended from the
governor. From the account which is given of his death,
it would seem to have been occasioned by a stroke of the
sun, and yet it is not a little remarkable that such an effect
should have been produced in this climate on the fifth of
April. His posterity are numerous. From all that ap
pears, he was nearly perfect in all the moral and christian
virtues.

( 72 )

CHAPTER VI.

William Bradford elected Governor, and Isaac Allerton an assistant, or Deputy
Governor. — Duel. — Edward Winslow, and Stephen Hopkins, visit Massasoiet
at Sowams. — A boy lost and recovered. — Hobbomock comes to Plymouth to-
reside. — Corbitant's quarrel with Squanto and Hobbomock. — Standish's expe
dition to rescue Squanto, and his attack upon Corbitant's hut. — Submission of
several native Chiefs. — Prediction of a Frenchman. — Colonists explore Massa
chusetts Bay. — Arrival of the Fortune, bringing Mr Cushman and thirtyfive
passengers. — Hostility of the Narragansetts. — Town enclosed. — Military dis
cipline eatablished. — Standish sets out in the Shallop on a trading voyage to
the Massachusetts. — Alarm at Plymouth. — Squanto's duplicity, and Massa-
soief s resentment. — Arrival of the Sparrow. — EdwardlWinslow despatched to
purchase provisions of the Fishermen. — Distress of the Colonists for food. —
Threats of the natives. — Colonists erect a Fort. — Arrival of the Charity and
the Swan with Weston's Company. — They settle at Wessagusset (Weymouth)
Their profligate conduct. — Arrival of the Discovery and the Swallow. — Tra
ding Expeditions to procure food. — The miserable situation of the plantation at
Wessagusset.
fi21 Shortly after the death of Carver, William Brad
ford was elected his successor, but being in indif-
erent health, at his request an assistant or deputy Governor
was chosen. The choice fell on Isaac Allerton.
Bradford was a native of A^sterfield in the north of
England where he was born in 1588. He had been edu
cated to husbandry which was the occupation of his
kinsfolk. His inheritance was considerable, but his
education was indifferent. At the early age of twelve he
spent all his leisure time in reading the Scriptures, and
became seriously impressed. He firmly maintained his
religious -opinions notwithstanding the opposition of his

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 73
relatives and the pdium which followed the character of
a separatist. He was a constant attendant upon the preaching of
Clifton, and connected himself with Robinson's church.
At the age of eighteen, he attempted to emigrate to
Holland, but was apprehended and imprisoned at Boston
in England, but being very young, he was soon liberated.
After many difficulties and disappointments he finally
succeeded in reaching Holland.
At Leyden he learned the art of dying silk. When he
came of age he sold his estate in England, and entered
upon commerce.
He was one of the most zealous advocates for the re
moval of Robinson's church to America.
His zeal, his devotion to the society, his enterprising
spirit, and his industry, all conspired to give him such a
degree of consideration,, that upon the death of Carver,
(although he was then very ill,) all eyes were turned upon
him as his successor, the company postponed the election
until he had partially recovered, and then elected him
governor at the early age of thirtytwo
On the eighteenth of June, (1621,) the whole company
were convened to adjudge upon the second offence which'
had been committed in the colony ; this, was a duel fought
with sword and dagger between Edward Doty and Ed
ward Leister, the servants of Stephen Hopkins, in which
both were wounded. The company sentenced them
to have their heads and feet tied together, and so to
remain for a day without meat or drink, but within an
hour, upon their solicitations and promises, and the request
of their master, they were released by the Governor.
The slight punishment bestowed upon this offence, seems
surprising even in these days, but it did not accord with
the martial spirit of that age to punish such offences
10 ,

74 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
rigorously. Indulgence in sensual pleasures found but
little favor with the austere pilgrims, but a hostile re-
counter of this sort, although deemed an offence worthy
of punishment, was viewed with less displeasure.
In July (1621) Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins
were despatched by the Governor to visit Massasoiet. The
object of this measure was to gain a better knowledge of
the country, to ascertain the strength and power of the
sachem, ' to apologise for some misbehavior, to establish
and regulate an intercourse, to procure corn, and to
strengthen their mutual good understanding.' Squanto
went with them as a guide.
They carried a horseman's laced coat of red cotton,
and a chain, for presents.
This was the first attempt of the English to explore the
interior. The first Indian town which they reached was Nam-
asket,* distant about fifteen miles from Plymouth, and
under the rule of Massasoiet. The messengers were well
known to these Indians (who resorted to Plymouth almost
daily for the purpose of fishing,) and were received with
great joy, and regaled with bread called Mazium, made of
the Indian corn, and also with the roes of shad which
were boiled with acorns.
They then went about eight miles farther, where they
reached a river called by the natives Titicut,f where they
found many of the Namasket Indians fishing at a weir,J
where they caught bass in great plenty ; here, an inter
change of hospitable offices took place between Winslow
* In Middleborough. t Now called Taunton river.
t This weir is supposed to have been at or near a village now called Titticut,
partly in Bridgewater, and partly in Middleborough.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 75
and Hopkins and the natives, each partaking of the others'
provisions. They lodged that night in the open fields, the Indians
having no 'wigwams, although they spent much of the
summer there.
The land on both sides of the river was cleared and well
adapted to cultivation. , They were #inforrtied by the na
tives that there once had been many settlements on. its
banks, but that the whole country in the neighborhood of
the river had been depopulated by a pestilence, so fatal,
that the living were unable to bury the dead. The
account of the Indians was corroborated by the sight of
many skeletons which lay bleaching on the ground as
they passed.
The next morning the ambassadors continued their
journey accompanied by six of the natives. Having trav
elled six miles they reached a fording place,* 'and prepar
ed to cross the river. Here they were encountered on the
opposite bank by two aged men, being the only individuals
in this part of the country who had survived the pestilence,
who prepared with great resolution to resist their passage,
but understanding they were friends, they received them
with much kindness and gave them food, which was recip
rocated by the present of a bracelet of beads. Here they
ascertained the ebb and flow of the tide. Notwithstand
ing the extreme heat of the weather they continued their
journey, quenching their thirst with the fine water of the
springs which they found in great abundance. Their
savage companions deported themselves with great civility,
and showed them many kind attentions, bearing them
through the waters of the small rivers, and offering to
carry their clothes and their guns ; but they proportioned
their civilities between the two Englishmen as they
* Near the new forge on Taunton River, about three miles from the green.

76 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
themselves had experienced kindness from the one, or the
other. In passing along by the river, they discovered but few
places which had not been once inhabited ; the ground was
cleared, but the signs of the ravages of the plague were
apparent everywhere. The weeds overtopped their heads,
denoting the fertility of the soil, but silence and deso
lation reigned throughout this depopulated region. The
wood was oak, walnut, fir, beech, and gigantic chesnuts.
They reachedavillage of Massasoiet's and after satisfying
their hunger with a meal of fish and oysters, proceeded to
Pokanoket,* the residence of the chief, who was absent.
One of them attempting to charge his gun, the women
and children fled, and would not be, pacified until he de
sisted, and their friendly dispositions made known by the
interpreters. Upon the arrival of Massasoiet, they saluted him by
discharging their muskets, and he received them with
much joy. They made known the purport of their em
bassy, and presented the chief with the coat and the
chain which they had brought as presents, with which
both he and his people were much delighted.
The chief gave them assurances of the continuance of
his friendship, and of his desire of a lasting peace, and
promised to prevent any further molestation on the part
of his people, and to send seed corn to Patuxet as re
quested. "After he had addressed the messengers, he
addressed his own people, setting forth his authority over
at least thirty places, and directing them to carry their
furs to the English. This speech was received with great
applause by the Indians.
* This name was applied to a large territory.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 77
After smoking, he entered into conversation with the
messengers, and entreated them to use their influence with
the company to prevent the French from trading at Nar
ragansett, whither it seems they had sometimes resorted,
saying, ' it was King James's country, and he was King
James's man.' He informed them that the Narragansetts
were a strong people, lived compactly, and had suffered
nothing from the plague.
The chief having been absent for some time previous
to their arrival, no provisions were collected. His sleep
ing place was on a platform of plank raised a little above
the ground, and covered with a thin mat ; on this, the
messengers, the chief and his wife, and two others, laid
down, but the Englishmen unaccustomed to such rough
lodgings, andto such companions, and annoyed by insects,
gained but little repose.
On the next day many of the petty sachems came in
accompanied by their men, who played at some of their
games for skins and knives.
The only provisions of Massasoiet were two fish, which
he caught after their arrival, and his guests amounted in
number to forty, nevertheless, he importuned the messen
gers to tarry longer, but they being anxious to keep the
sabbath at home, and being unable to sleep amidst the
filth of the Indian cabins, and suffering from the want of
food, made their excuses and departed, leaving the chief
both grieved and ashamed that he could entertain them no
better. Squanto remained to collect articles for traffic, and
Massasoiet despatched Tokaniahamon to guide them to
Plymouth, where they arrived in two days by the same
route which they had already travelled.

78 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In this favorable manner terminated the first embassy
of the English to the natives.
The simple and unsophisticated aboriginals received the
strangers into the bosom of their country, little apprehen
sive of the mighty consequences which would follow their
establishment there, the loss of that country, and the
extermination of their posterity.
As little did the colonists apprehend that they were to be
amongst the founders of a mighty empire ; destined in two
centuries, to become one of the greatest on earth ; that
their dominion would be extended from the Atlantic to the
Pacific ocean ; that their posterity would become as nume
rous as the sands on the sea-shore ; that they were about to
extend their laws, language, and religion, over a country
almost equalling in extent the whole of Europe ; but ' the
wisdom of the Almighty is past finding out.'
John Billington, a boy, having been lost in the woods,
an inquiry was instituted amongst the natives, and Massa
soiet sent word to the English that he was at Nauset. He
had wandered about for five days, subsisting on berries,
and then reached an Indian plantation, twenty miles south
of Plymouth, called Manomet,* and from thence had
been conveyed to the Nausites. The governor sent ten
men in a shallop with Squanto and Tokamahamon to re
cover him.
Having anchored their shallop in the bay near the har
bor of Cummaquid,f the Indians invited them on shore,
and four of them remained in the boat as hostages for the
safety of the English. Here they had an interview with
the young sachem of the country, Iyanough,J who they
* In Sandwich. t Barnstable Harbor.
t Sometimes called the sachem of Cummaquid, and sometimes of Mattakiest.
This country being between the Harbors of Barnstable and Yarmouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

79

found to be ' very personable, gentle, courteous, fair con
ditioned,' and hospitable, with little of, the savage in his
deportment or manners. Taking him with two of his fol
lowers into the shallop, they proceeded on their voyage
to Nauset. Squanto was despatched to Aspinet, the1
sachem of Nauset, to demand the boy. Aspinet, accom
panied with an hundred of his men, came down to the
sea-side, and sending one of them to bear the boy through
the water to the shallop, delivered him to the English
decorated with beads, with which, in their kindness, they
had almost covered him.
The sachem made his peace with the English, and the
English performed an act of justice by making ample sat
isfaction for the corn which they had taken during the
preceding year. They also presented the sachem and the
Indian who had protected the boy with knives.
On their return they landed Iyanough at Cummaquid,
and established a firm peace with the Indians of that re
gion. The women sung and danced before their shallop,
the men shewed them much kindness, and Iyanough, tak
ing a bracelet from his arm, presented it to the English.
During this voyage, they learned news which gave them
great uneasiness. The Nausites informed them that the
Narragansetts had attacked Massasoiet, killed some of his
men, and had taken him. The English at this time were
much gratified by receiving another proof of attachment
from the natives. Hobbomock, one of Massasoiet's chief
captains, called in the Indian language Pinese, a man of
great valor, came to dwell with them, and continued faith
fully devoted to their interests during his life, and render
ed them many services.
Shortly after the return of the expedition from Nauset,
the colonists learned that Corbitant, a petty sachem, with-

80 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
in the jurisdiction of Massasoiet,* who was suspected of
an undue attachment to the Narragansetts, and of enmity
to the English, was at Namasket, striving to disaffect the
subjects of Massasoiet, and to incite them against the colo
nists ; speaking with great disdain of their power, and
reviling Squanto for the part he took in establishing a
peace between them and the sachems of Cummaquid and
Nauset, and abusing Tokamahamon and Hobbomock
because of their friendship for the strangers.
Anxious for the fate of their chief, Squanto and Hob-
bomok set out privately from Plymouth to ascertain his
situation, and lodging at Namasket, they were discovered
by Corbitant. He beset the hut where they were lodged,
and threatened to put them to death. He seized Squanto
and held a knife at his breast, but Hobbomock, being a
man of great strength, escaped, and flying to Plymouth,
informed governor Bradford that Squanto was killed. Up
on hearing this, the governor assembled the whole
company, (Aug. 13). After consultation in which the
justice and necessity of protecting those natives who-,
were friends to the colony, and on whom they relied -\
altogether for intelligence, and the danger of a timid
policy as it would invite attacks, was strongly urged,
the company resolved to send out ten men to seize
their foes in the night, and they directed, them in case
Squanto had been killed, to seize Corbitant and put him to
death, and to bring his head to Plymouth, but to offer no
injury to any unless they had been concerned in the mur
der of Squanto.
On the fourteenth of August, Capt. Standish, accompa
nied by Hobbomock and fourteen of the English, set out
on this expedition, and after experiencing much incon-
* He resided in the ancient town of Swanzey, near Slades' ferry.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. gj
venience from rain, and losing their way, reached Corbi
tant's hut in the dead of the night, and attacked it. Three
Indians, attempting to escape, were badly wounded. It
was ascertained that Tokamahamon and Squanto had
received no injury.
In the morning Standish marched into the middle of the
village, and Hobbomock announced his intentions to the
Indians ; he breakfasted at Squanto's, where all those who
were not hostile to the English, assembled, but Corbitant's
faction fled.
The English declared that if Massasoiet was not return
ed unharmed from Narragansett, or if Corbitant should
incite any insurrection against him, or should offer any
violence to Squanto, Hobbomock, or any of the subjects
of Massasoiet, they would pursue him to his utter ruin.
Taking the three wounded Indians and accompanied by
a great concourse of their friends, the English returned
; home. The Indians were cured of their wounds, and sent home
in safety.
A deputation was sent from the Island of Capawack*
to solicit, and many sachems sought the friendship of the
colonists. The resolute conduct of the English intimidated the na
tives. Corbitant solicited- the good offices of Massasoiet,
(the report of whose captivity was a mistake,) to reconcile
him to the English ; and he, together with several other
chiefs, came to Plymouth and subscribed the following
paper. 'September 13, Anno. Dom. 1621.
' Know all men by these presents, that we, whose names
are underwritten, acknowledge ourselves to be the loyal
* Martha's Vineyajd,
u

82 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
subjects of King James, king of Great Britain, France
and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness whereof
and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our
names or marks, as followeth.'
OcQUAMEHUD, NaTTAWAHUNT, O.UADEO.U1NA.
caunacome, corbitant, huttamoiden,
Obbatinua, Chikkatabak, Apannow.
Even Caunonicus, the great sachem of the Narragan
setts, despatched a messenger to the English for the pur
pose of establishing a peace.
The friendship of Massasoiet, and his influence over the
petty sachems in his Vicinity, contributed much to the se
curity and peace of the settlers.
Massasoiet had signed an instrument, which he gave to
Standish, in which he also acknowledged himself to be the
subject of King James.
But there was another cause which lay deep in human,/'
nature, which saved the English. The Indians were over
awed by a prediction which induced them to believe
that the English were protected by a power with whom;
they were unable to contend, and many remarkable and
striking coincidences, and an almost literal fulfilment
of the prediction had intimidated them, and abated their
native fierceness. They deemed it important to conciliate
those who were the special favorites of a being who was
mighty to save or to destroy, that they might prevent,
or at least delay their impending ruin.
A French ship had been wrecked on Cape Cod ; the
Crew escaped, and saved their provisions and cargo. They
were watched by the Indians until a favorable opportunity
occurred, when they fell upon the Frenchmen and slaugh-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 33
tered all except three, whom they preserved, but treated
with extreme cruelty. Two of these Frenchmen were
ransomed by Mr Dermer, one of the company of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges.
The other Frenchman lived amongst them until he had ac
quired their language. He told them ' that God was angry
with them for their wickedness, and would destroy them, and
give their country to another people, that they should not
live like beasts as they did, but should be clothed, &c.'
But they derided him, saying ' that they were so many that
God could not kill them.' His answer was ' that though
they were never so many, God had many ways to destroy
them that they knew not.'
Shortly after the death of this Frenchman, the pesti
lence depopulated their country, the arrival of the Eng
lish soon following, they remembered the words of the
Frenchman, and believed them to have been dictated by
divine influence. Of this prediction the planters were
informed by many aged Indians.
To avert the calamities with which they were threaten
ed, the Indians assembled in a dark swamp, and their
powaws or priests continued their incantations for three
days, during which the English were solemnly cursed and
devoted to destruction, but the tide of fate rolled on, and
the existence of the prophecy was one of the causes of
its fulfilment.
Although the colonists had heard much of the threats
of the Massachusetts, yet the governor and the company
determined that the bay on which the Massachusetts dwelt
should be explored, the situation and circumstances of
the country ascertained, and a friendly intercourse and
trade established with the natives if practicable.

84 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
For this purpose, on the eighteenth of September, thd
governor despatched ten men. in the shallop, together
with Squanto and two other Indians. On the next day,
the shallop came to anchor under a cliff,* at the bottom
of the bay, and twenty leagues distant from Plymouth.
The sachem of this place was Obatinewa, one of those
who had subscribed *the submission a few days previous.
Although he dwelt out of the country, which is supposed
to have been the peculiar domain of Massasoiet, yet he
acknowledged him as his superior chief. Obatinewa
treated the English with much kindness, but he was in
such great alarm that he dared not remain long in any
place, being in constant fear of the Tarratines, a nation of
Indians who dwelt far east, and whose usage it was to
attack the Indians living around the bay at the time of
the harvest and to despoil them of their corn. He was
also in much apprehension of the squaw sachem or chief-
tainess of the Massachusetts.
He renewed his submission to the English, and he was
assured of protection.
After crossing this bay which was filled with delightful
islands, all without inhabitants, but with the vestiges of
former habitations, the English landed on the continent,
and ventured a few miles into the country. This was in
the neighborhood of a place where Nanepashemet, a chief
of much note, had formerly lived ; he had been slain in a
predatory incursion of the Tarratines. In a small vale
he had built a fort, which he had surrounded with a pali
sade of the height of thirty or forty feet, encircled with
a trench, breast deep. In the midst of this enclosure was
a frame under which he was buried. A similar frame was
* Supposed by Dr Belknap to be Copp's Hill in the north part of Boston.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. gg
placed as a monument on the highest part of the hill where
he was killed.
The natives, although fearful at first, soon became fa
miliar with the English, and entertained them hospitably.
A traffic was commenced and finished satisfactorily, and
the shallop, with a considerable number of beaver skins,
returned in safety to Plymouth.
The report of the shallop's crew was so favorable re*
specting the country of the Massachusetts, that the colo
nists regretted that they had not been seated there, al
though there had been no want of provisions through the
summer, and a successful traffic had been opened- with the
natives; — fishing was good both for cod and bass; the
harvest was gathered ; water-fowl abounded ; the forest
was filled with deer and wild turkeys; the houses were
well prepared to resist the inclemency of the winter, and
the people were in perfect health, and under no appre
hensions of want.
On the 9th of November a vessel arrived at Cape Cod,
which the colonists mistook at first for a Frenchman, but
were much relieved on finding it was the Fortune of fifty-
five tons burthen, bringing Mr Cushman and thirtyfive
more passengers,* who intended to remain at the plan
tation. * The following persons came in the Fortune.
Robert Cushman, Robert Hickes,
William Hilton, Thomas Prence, (Prince, afterwards
John Winslow, Governor,)
William Coner, • Stephen Dean,
John Adams, Moses Simonson (Simmons,)
William Tench, Philip De La Noye (Delano,) '
John Cannon, Edward Bompasse(Bumpus and Bump,)
William Wright, Clement Briggcs (Briggs,)
William Pitt, James Steward (Stewart,)

86 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
This vessel had sailed from London early in July, but
did not clear the English channel before the end Of August.
Nearly all the provisions had been consumed in this long
voyage, and the colonists were obliged to provision her
for the homeward voyage, which they did, much to their
own inconvenience.
The Fortune sailed on the thirteenth of December with
a full cargo of beaver, boards, &c. Mr Cushman returned
to give the adventurers full information as to the state of
the colony, but the vessel was unfortunately captured and
plundered by the French on her homeward passage.
After her departure, the governor and his assistant
distributed the new comers amongst the several families,
and having ascertained that all the provisions would
barely subsist them for three months on full allowance,
the whole company were reduced to half allowance,
and to this privation they submitted with the greatest
cheerfulness. Mr Cushman was the bearer of a letter from Weston to
Governor Carver, in which he wrote, ' we have procured
a charter the best we could, better than your former, and
with less limitations.' At this time they had built seven
dwelling houses, (four, for the use of the plantation,) and
had gathered the materials for several others.
Early in the following year, (1622) the Narragansetts
learning that the vessel which had lately departed had
brought neither provision nor arms, began to threaten the
William Palmer, (probably two in his Thomas Cushman,
family,) Austin Nicolas (Nicholas,)
Jonathan Brewster, Widow Foord (probably four in her
Bennet Morgan, family,)
Thomas Flavell and his Son, Thomas Morton,
Hugh Statie (Stacy,) William Bassite (Bassett, two probably
William Beale, in his family.)

, MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. g7
colonists with hostilities, so open were they in their boasts
that the English received from the neighboring Indians
constant intelligence of their threats and preparations.
At length their chief sachem, Caunonicus, sent a herald,
who, after inquiring for Squanto, (who was absent,) left a
bundle of arrows, enclosed in a rattlesnake's skin. When
Squanto returned he explained the meaning of the em
blematic message. It imported enmity, and was in fact
a challenge. The governor after consulting the settlers despatched
an Indian with an emblematic answerof equal significance,
for he stuffed the skin with gunpowder and bullets, and re
turned it to Caunonicus, assuring him also by the mouth of
his interpreter, that if he had shipping he would not trou
ble him to come so far as Plymouth to gratify his wish
for fighting, but would have sought him in his own
country ; and he further assured him that whenever he did
come he should be prepared to receive him.
This resolute message intimidated the sachem. Fearful
of injury, he refused to touch the skin, neither would he
suffer it to remain in his house. It passed about through
several handsi, and at length was returned to the English
unopened. Apprehensive of hostilities, the settlers resolved to
impale the town ; this was effected, during the month of
February. — They also enclosed a part of the hill, and
made four bulwarks or jetties without the pale. In three
of these bulwarks there were gates which were kept
locked at night, and watch and ward was kept through
the day. The ground which they enclosed was enough
to supply a garden for each family.
The governor and captain then divided the whole
force into four squadrons, and appointed a commander to

88 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
each, assigned their posts, at which they directed each
squadron, (in case of alarm) to station itself. During
the absence of the captain, the captains of the squadrons
were to command.
After completing the arrangement, each commander
drew off his command to the post which had been as
signed to him, and after a salute, the commanders were
escorted by their several companies to their respective
houses, where they were again saluted in a military
manner. One of the companies was directed to attend particu
larly to fires, to surround any building which should be on
fire, and facing outwards repel any treacherous attempt
with their arms, while others who were designated for the
purpose, should extinguish the fires.
In making these arrangements, Standish had the prin
cipal share. Every precaution was taken by this wise and
valiant commander, (who had been a soldier by pro
fession, and had served in the wars of the Low Coun
tries,) to preserve the safety and existence of this feeble
colony. He made these pious and austere pilgrims attentive
even to the forms of military etiquette, for he well knew
that the cultivation of a martial spirit was their only safe
guard against the dangers with which they were sur
rounded. All the colonists had followed peaceful occupations.
Standish was the only soldier amongst them ; — the task
therefore fell upon him, to form them to habits of disci
pline and watchfulness, and to teach them to rely in some
degree upon human means for their preservation.
Another expedition being about to proceed on another
trading voyage to the Massachusetts, Hobbomock endea-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

89

vored to excite their apprehensions respecting a confed
eracy between the Massachusetts and the Narragansetts,
and represented to them that by dividing their force all
might be in danger of being destroyed, — that Standish,
who had the charge of the trading expedition and his
company, might be destroyed by the Massachusetts ; and
that the Narragansetts might, in his absence, attack the
town with superior numbers, and destroy it ; and he inti
mated that Squanto was in the plot, and would endeavor
to entice Standish's men from the shallop to the Indian
huts, where they could be destroyed with more ease.
Notwithstanding this alarming information, Standish
resolved to proceed, and taking Hobbomock and Squanto
and ten others, he set sail.
After they had weathered the point of the harbor called
the Gurnet's nose, being becalmed, they anchored ; while
at anchor, an Indian of Squanto's family, with his face
covered with blood, ran into the town in apparent alarm,
(frequently looking behind him as though he was pursued,
and calling upon the people who were in the fields to re
turn home,) and informed the governor that there were many
Narragansetts, together with Massasoiet and Corbitant
and many others at Namasket, who were determined to
assault the town in the absence of Standish, and that he
had been wounded for speaking in behalf of the English,
and escaped death by flight.
This information induced the governer to order the
ordnance, which consisted of three pieces, to be dis
charged ; the report being heard by Standish and the
crew of the shallop, they immediately returned.
As soon as Hobbomock had ascertained the cause of the
alarm, he positively denied Massasoiet's participation in the
design, and assured the English that he would never have
12

90 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
undertaken an enterprise of such importance without con
sulting his captains, of whom he was one.
The governor prevailed upon Hobbomock to send his
wife privately to Pokanoket, and without discovering her
errand to Massasoiet or any one else, to ascertain the truth.
Finding all things tranquil, she informed Massasoiet of the
alarm at Plymouth, and he was excessively incensed
against Squanto, but he sent his thanks to the governor
when he learned that his good opinion of him had not been
shaken, and he directed the Squaw to assure the governor
that he should faithfully adhere to the termsof the treaty,
and would give him instant information of any plot which
should come to his knowledge. The English suspected that
Squanto's main object was to magnify himself in the eyes
of his countrymen, by inducing them to believe that he
had a controlling influence in their councils, and that he
held, in his own hand the power of war, or of peace, and
they heard of his practices to obtain gifts by giving pri
vate information to the natives that they intended to kill
them but that he could prevent it, in consequence of
which he deluded many. Some held him in more estima
tion than their own sachems, and even the followers of
Massasoiet began to fall off, and to rely on Squanto for
protection. It was, perhaps, after all, but natural for
Squanto who does not seem to have possessed much in
fluence with the natives at the time of the arrival of the
English, to endeavor to make the most of their favor. His
knowledge of the English language gave, him a decided
advantage over all others. His own small tribe had been
exterminated by the plague. He was a solitary man, un
aided by the influence or favor of kindred, and he only
used the means which fortune had placed in his hands to
acquire wealth, consideration and influence. Another of
his devices to magnify the power of the English, and,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

91

consequently, his own, was to persuade the natives that
the English had buried the plague in their storehouse, and
that they could . loose it at will and ravage the whole
country. The apprehension of this kept the Indians in great
fear. The ground being broken in the store house in the
presence both of Hobbomock and Squanto, and some bar
rels containing gunpowder being disclosed, Hobbomock
naturally inquired of Squanto what they were ? He answer
ed without hesitation that this was the place where the
plague was buried, of which, he had formerly told him
and others. Hobbomock inquired of an Englishman if it
was so, but he undeceived him, informing him at the
same time that the God of the English possessed it, and
could use it for the destruction of his own enemies and
the enemies of the English.
The Indians were also undeceived as to the extent of
Squanto's influence, the English assuring them of their
friendly disposition, and that such reports could only ori
ginate with those who were liars, and who meant to excite
disturbances. They were pacified by these assurances,
but Squanto's duplicity was resented so much, particu
larly by Massasoiet, that after his departure from Plymouth,
whither he had gone to justify himself, a messenger
was sent to the governor to entreat him to put Squanto
to death ; the governor admitted that he deserved death,
yet he was anxious that his life should be spared for the
sake both of the English and the Indians, for without him
they could scarcely hold any intercourse, as no other per
son had a knowledge of both languages.
Massasoiet was not satisfied, but sent several messengers
to demand that Squanto should be given up, as he was
his subject, according to the terms of the treaty.
So anxious was he to get Squanto into his hands, that
lie offered the governor - many beaver skins. With his

92 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
messengers the chief sent his own knife for the avowed
purpose of cutting off Squanto's head and hands, but the
governor disdaining to sell his life, refused the present,
although he assured the messengers that Squanto had
justly forfeited it by his falsehood and deceit.
He however sent for Squanto, who readily yielded him
self, and submitted his life without the least apparent
reluctance to the will of the governor, but he charged
Hobbomock with being the author of his ruin.
The governor with much reluctance at length deter
mined to yield him to the executioners of Massasoiet, but
at the moment, a boat appearing in the bay, and an alarm
being given that the French were approaching, and the
governor being uncertain as to the extent of the connec
tion between the French and the Indians, refused to de
liver Squanto into the hands of the messengers until he
had ascertained the character of the crew who were in the
boat ; and they being angered at his reluctance and delay,
departed in a great rage.
The boat however proved to be the shallop belonging
to a ship of Thomas Weston's, called the Sparrow, who
had been fishing near Munhiggon,* and they learned that
there were forty sail of English vessels engaged in fishing.
The governor despatched Edward Winslow to purchase
provisions of these fishermen, who being poorly supplied,
refused to sell any, but generously gave them enough for
their immediate necessity, but not sufficient for all their
wants. Captain John Huddlestone deserves to be men
tioned on this occasion for his great generosity. The
supply was opportune ; the colony was entirely destitute
of bread, and they obtained sufficient to supply each per
son with a quarter of a pound daily until the harvest.
* Near Penobscot.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 93
The sea-fowl frequented their waters during the winter,
the latter part of autumn, and the early part of the spring
only, and it was now summer.
The colonists were unprovided with fishing gear.
They had been compelled to live upon clams and other
shell fish, which they found in the sands, and they were
excessively debilitated from the want of food. The
Indians discovered their weakness, and meditated their
destruction, and boasted how easily they could effect it.
Their designs came to the knowledge of the settlers,
and their fears were heightened by news which they
learned from captain Huddlestoip, of a horrible massa
cre which had been perpetrated by the natives upon the
English, in Virginia.
Induced by these circumstances, they set about the
erection of a fortification, which was placed on a hill
back of the town, and although they were obliged to ne
glect their agriculture, they completed the fort, building it
strongly of timber, with a flat roof and battlements ; on
this roof they mounted the ordnance and kept constant
watch. The lower part served them for a meeting house
or place of worship.
Such was the character of these times, and of these
men. The temple of the Lord was defended by cannon,
and his worshippers were armed men ; they held the sword
in one hand and the bible in the other.
Previous to this time, they had made another trading
voyage to the Massachusetts, and met with good success.
They planted sixty acres to corn, and their gardens
were filled with vegetables ; their numbers amounted to
an hundred, free from sickness, but much debilitated.
About midsummer two ships arrived called the Charity
and the Swan, which were sent out by Weston (who had
obtained a patent from the adventurers,) to commence a

94 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
plantation ; and he had sent over at his own charge fifty
or sixty idle and profligate persons to undertake an enter
prise which could only succeed under the management of
men who were adventurous, industrious, sober, sagacious,
and hardy ; and who were willing to submit to every pri
vation. This rabble were treated kindly and courteously by the
colonists, and to requite them, they wasted their pro
visions, and committed numberless thefts, taking in the
night, their green and growing corn, and assisting them
but little in its culture.
The Charity soon saifcd for Virginia.
Weston's company sent out an exploring party, who
soon returned and reported in favor of a place called
Wessagusset* or Wessaguscus, on the Massachusetts Bay.
To this place they soon repaired, (much to the joy of the
Plymouth people,) leaving their sick behind, who were
soon cured without charge by Mr Fuller, the physician
and surgeon of the settlement, and they joined the com
pany at Wessagusset.
The settlers at Wessagusset soon excited the enmity
of the neighboring Indians by the profligacy of their car
riage, and their frequent thefts.
Complaint was made of their outrages to the governor
of Plymouth, who endeavored to prevent the evil by fre
quent admonitions, but without much effect.
About the latter part of the month of August, two other
ships came into the harbor, one of which was called the
Discovery, and was commanded by Capt. Jones, the for
mer commander of the May Flower. The other was
Weston's vessel, the Sparrow, which had completed her
fishing voyage. * Now Weymouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 95
Captain Jones supplied the settlers with some articles,
such as they could exchange with the natives for pro
visions. Their crop of corn proved so scanty, partly i in
consequence of their inability through weakness from the
want of food to attend to its culture, and the pressure of
other business, and partly from the depredations of Wes
ton's company, that they were in danger of famine.
Jones took an ungenerous advantage of their necessities,
and compelled them to pay the most exorbitant prices;
John Porey, who had been secretary of the Virginia
Colony, and was . about to return home, was a passenger
in the Charity, and from personal observation he was in
duced to represent the colony so favorably in England,
that it acquired new and powerful friends.
The Charity returned to England about the end of
September, but the Sparrow was retained at Wessagusset.
The planters at Wessagusset having wasted their pro
visions ; fearful of approaching want, and hearing that
the Plymouth people had purchased many articles' of
Jones for the purpose of traffic, desired to enter into co
partnership with them and offered their' small vessel for
that service. Their object was to purchase corn from the
Indians. An agreement was made between them and the
governor of Plymouth and his assistant, but they were
delayed by the death of Richard Green, the brother-in-law
of Weston, who had charge of the colony at Wessagus
set, and who died suddenly at Plymouth. They intended
to visit the south side of Cape Cod, and took Squanto,
(who had now reconciled himself to Massasoiet,) for a pilot,
he, pretending that he could pilot them within the shoals.
Captain Standish was to have commanded the expedition,
but being driven back twice by violent winds, and falling
ill of a fever, governor Bradford took the command him
self, and after encountering some hazard from the shoajs,

g6 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
he made for a harbor at a place called Mannamoyckj*
and after sounding through a narrow and intricate chan
nel, anchored. The governor, attended by Squanto,
went on shore, but the natives were shy of intercourse, for
some time, at length, understanding his intentions, they
threw off their reserve, and welcomed him with much
apparent joy, feasting him and his company on venison
and other food, — yet so jealous were they when they as
certained that the governor intended to remain on shore
during the night, that they carefully removed their pro
perty from their habitations. Squanto having succeeded
in persuading them that the intentions of the English
were good, they were at length induced to sell them eight
hogsheads of corn and beans.
They intended to have proceeded farther down the Cape,
being assured both by Squanto and the Indians of Man-
namoyck that there was a safe passage, but their design
was frustrated by the sudden sickness of Squanto, who
was seized with a fever so violent, that it soon occasioned
his death, to the great grief of the Governor.
Although Squanto had discovered some traits of du
plicity, yet his loss was justly deemed a public misfor
tune, as he had rendered the English much service. A
short time previous to his death, he requested the gov
ernor to pray that he might go to the Englishman's
God in heaven, and he bequeathed his little property to his
English friends as remembrances of his love.
The Indians of Massachusetts having promised the
English to plant corn abundantly for the purpose of traffic 5
when the wind came fair, the governor sailed down the bay,
and reaching the place of his destination, he had the
* Now Chatham,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

97

misfortune to find most of the Indians afflicted with a
deadly disorder, not unlike the plague.
Such had been the folly and improvidence of Weston's
people in trafficking with them, that a quart of corn was
estimated as high as a beaver skin, and so imprudent and
vicious had been their conduct, that the affections of the
natives were totally alienated.
Finding no prospect of trading to any advantage, they
sailed for Nauset, where they were received with much
kindness, and purchased eight or ten hogsheads of corn
-and beans, and proceeding to Mattachiest, obtained
more. During this expedition they suffered much from violent
storms. The ship was in danger and the shallop was cast
away ; they had no means of getting the corn on board
the ship, as she could not ride in much less distance than
two leagues from the shore, and the ship's boat was too
small and leaky for that purpose.
The governor caused the corn to- be stacked, covered it
with mats and sedge, and entrusted it to the keeping of
the natives, promising a reward to him who dwelt nearest
to it for attending to its safety. The Indian undertook
the trust, and the sachem assured his fidelity. The shallop
being found almost buried in the Sand, but containing
articles of little value for present purposes, was put under
the care of the sachem. ,
The governor then procured a guide, and set out on
foot for Plymouth. He was treated with much respect by
all the natives whom he met in his journey, and arrived
in safety, after travelling fifty miles. The vessel arrived a
few days after. The corn being divided, Weston's com
pany went to their own plantation, promising to return
soon with their carpenter, (whose services were wanted at
13

98 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Plymouth,) to bring away the corn which had been
stacked, and to recover the shallop.
At their return, Captain Standish having recovered his
health, took the command of another shallop and went
with them to Nauset, where the corn was found, undis
turbed. Having repaired the shallop which had been
wrecked, they got all the corn on board.
While at Nauset an Indian having stolen a few beads
and other trifles from one of the shallops, complaint was
made to the sachem, accompanied by many threats if the
stolen articles were not returned. The sachem soon
restored the articles, and informed the captain that he had
severely beaten the thief. He grieved much that such an
act should have been committed, and the women were
required to make bread and to carry it to the English to
pacify them.
They then returned to Plymouth, and the corn was
equally divided. After this the governor with some
attendants went to Namasket to secure another supply, in
which he succeeded.
The governor then visited Manomet,* a place which was
governed'by Canaucum, one of the subscribers to the act of
submission, by whom he was kindly received. While he was
there an incident occurred which not only served to show
the respect and consideration in which Canaucum was
holden, but is peculiarly illustrative of the Indian charac
ter. Two Indians of Monamoyck came into the sachem's
wigwam in a night of excessive coldness. Having laid
aside their bows and quivers, they sat down at the fire
without uttering a word, and began to smoke ; their
pipes being finished, one of them addressed Canaucum
in a short speech, and presented him with a basket of
* The part of Sandwich which lies on Manomet river.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

99

tobacco, and some beads. He then delivered a long
speech, which Hobbomock, who attended the govern
or, interpreted to him.
The Indians are almost without exception desperate gam
blers, staking (when pushed) the clothes on their backs,
and even their wives' clothes, and literally stripping them
selves naked to satisfy the winner. This desperate spirit of
gambling, was sometimes productive of fatal conse
quences. Two of the tribe to which the messengers belonged,
quarrelled, while gaming, and one killed the other. The
murderer was a powaw or priest, a man of great dis
tinction and of much use in his own community, but
another tribe of great power had threatened them with
war, unless they would put the offender to death. He
had been imprisoned and the sachem was in great doubt
as to the course which it was proper for him to pursue,
and anxiously desired the advice of Canaucum. After
a long silence, the opinions of those who were present
were taken, and Canaucum also requested the advice of
Hobbomock, who answered ' that he was a stranger to them,
but thought it better that one should die than many, since
he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent.' Canau
cum then directed the messengers to tell their sachem, that
in his opinion the murderer should be put to death.
In February (1623) an Indian came to Plymouth with a
letter from John Sanders, (who had the charge of Weston's
plantation,) representing the great distress into which the
planters had fallen. They had exhausted their provisions
and could borrow no corn from the natives, and were near
starving, and he requested the governor to advise him
whether he might take the corn from the Indians by force
to relieve his starving men, but the governor strongly dis
suaded him from such a course ; he advised him of the

100 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
danger to which both plantations might be exposed in
consequence of the just exasperation of the natives, that
the constant depredations upon their corn had already in
censed them, and that the people of Wessagusset could
subsist themselves as the Plymouth people had frequently
done on shell fish, and ground nuts.
So totally destitute of good faith were these wretched
men to each other, that some of them informed the Indians
that their corn was about to be taken from them by force.
This information was the cause of a conspiracy which
came near being general amongst the Indians against both
settlements. Upon the reception of the governor's letter, Sanders
went to Plymouth, and the governor spared him a small
quantity of corn from the small stock of the colony. He
then set sail in a shallop for Monhiggon,* to procure far
ther supplies, being wholly ignorant of the conspiracy of
the Indians.
His company in the meantime fell into great straits ;
many sold their bed coverings and even their clothes ;
some were so debased, that for the sake of a little food,
they became servants to the Indians, cutting their wood,
and carrying their water. — Some subsisted altogether by
stealing from them. — 'Some died of hunger, and one, in
consequence of his extreme weakness, was unable to ex
tricate himself from the mud where he was gathering
clams, and perished. Most of them abandoned their
dwellings, and wandered up and down by the sea-shore,
and in the woods, gathering clams and ground nuts. — One
became a savage, abandoned his company and joined
himself to the natives. So miserable and contemptible
had they become, that when their food was prepared
* A plantation of Sir Ferdinand Gorges in Maine, near Penobscot.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

101.,

the Indians would take it from them and eat it before
their eyes : — they would seize their blankets when they
had lain dow^ to rest, and leave them to encounter the
cold air naked. They even hung one of the company to
satisfy the Indians on account of some thefts.*
One of them by the name of Phineas Pratt, became
so much alarmed for the probable fate of the whole,
that he abandoned them, and without any knowledge
of the way, wandered through the woods until he reached
the plantation at Plymouth in safety, although his : ab
sence was noticed, and he was pursued by two Indians,
* See Hudibras.

( 102 y

CHAPTER VII.
Expedition of Standish against the Indians of Wessagusset. — Its success. — Wes
ton's Plantation broken up and abandoned. — Proofs of the Conspiracy of the
Indians. — Journey of Edward Winslow and John Hampden to Visit Massa
soiet. — Distress of the Indians, and their submission. — Weston comes over. —
His misfortunes. — Quarrels with Gorges. — His injustice to Plymouth.
On the day preceding the arrival of Pratt, the yearly
court had been convened.
The governor, unwilling to make war on his own res
ponsibility, laid before the whole assembled company the
circumstances which induced him to suppose that the In
dians contemplated hostilities.
It was resolved by the company, that Captain Stan
dish should take with him as many men as he deemed
to be necessary for encountering all the Indians in the
Massachusetts Bay: — that he should conceal his in
tentions and pretend to trade as usual, but should dis
close his design to Weston's people, and secure Wat-
tawamut, a bold and bloody warrior, and bring home
his head, (his hostile intentions being well known.)
Such were the instructions to Standish ; whereupon he
made choice of eight men, refusing to take more, although
many more were willing to go ; — but he thought this
small force would excite no jealousy.
The information brought by Pratt was of such a nature,
that Standish was induced to proceed to Wessagusset
without delay. On his arrival, he found the ship empty,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

103

but upon discharging a musket, the captain and some
, others, who had been gathering ground-nuts, shewed
themselves. Standish reproved them severely for their carelessness,
but they seemed to be under no apprehensions of the In
dians, informing him that they lived and'lodged with them
without arms. Upon ascertaining that the men to whom
Sanders had committed the charge of the colony, and who
were most in his confidence were at the plantation, he
went thither and disclosed his design, laying before them
the proofs of the conspiracy, but telling them that if they
could devise any other mode to secure their own safety,
he would assist them with all his force.
Upon comparing his intelligence with circumstances
which came within their own knowledge, they were con
vinced, and wondered much that they had escaped de
struction so long. Standish enjoining strict secresy, caused
them to call all the company into the town, and ordered
a pint of corn to be issued to each man daily, although
it was taken from the seed-corn of the Plymouth people.
An Indian soon came to him with furs, under pretence
of trading, but although the captain maintained a calm
demeanor, the Indian was not deceived. On his return
to his own people, he reported of Standish that ' he saw
by his eyes, that he was angry in his heart.' The Indians
then began to suspect that they were discovered.
Pecksuot, a paniese or warrior, a man of great courage,
told Hobbomock * that he understood the captain was
come to kill him and the rest of the Indians there.' ' Tell
him, (said he,) we know it, but fear him not, neither will
we shun him, but let him begin when he dare, he will not
take us unawares,' Many of the Indians would sharpen
their knives before the captain's face, and insult him both
in speech and gesture. Wittawamut boasted of the excel-

104 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
lence of his knife. ' On the end of the handle there was
pictured a woman's face ; but, said he, I have another at
home, wherewith I have killed both French and English,
and that hath a man's face on it ; and by and by these two
must marry.' Further he said of his knife, ' by and by it
should see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak.'
Standish was small of stature; Pecksuot, who was very
large, told him ' though he were a great captain yet he
was but a little man ; and, (said he,) though I be no sa
chem, yet I am a man of great strength and courage.'
The temper of Standish was fiery, but he bore these in
sults with much patience. On the next day, Pecksuot,
Wittawamut, another Indian, and Wittawamut's brother,
a youth of eighteen, whose deportment had been in
sulting in the extreme, being together, Standish having
an equal number of his own men in the same room, gave
the signal. The door being fastened, he snatched the
knife which Pecksuot wore about his neck, and after a
horrible struggle, succeeded in despatching him by plung
ing it into his bosom. Wittawamut and the other Indian
were killed. The brother of Wittawamut was taken, and
afterwards hanged. The Indians died with great courage,
scarcely uttering a sound, and defending themselves to
the last.
During the contest, Hobbomock stood by without inter
fering, apparently observing the conduct of the English.
After it had terminated, he addressed Standish ; ' yester
day, Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and stature,
said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but
a little man ; but to day I see you are big enough to lay
him on the ground.'
Two more Indians were killed by the others. Another
was killed at another place by the Plymouth party, and
one escaped to his countrymen with the news.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

105

The captured Indian women were placed in the custody
of Weston's people.
Standish taking one half of his men, and one or two of
Weston's, went out in pursuit of the Indians. He soon
discovered a company of them advancing in single file.
A small hill lay between them and the English, which
both parties strove to obtain. Standish succeeded. The
Indians retreated, and sheltering themselves behind trees,
began to shoot arrows, aiming principally at Hobbo
mock and the commander. Hobbomock instantly cast
off his coat and ran towards them. His prowess being
well known, they fled from him, and the English could
scarcely keep pace with him in the pursuit. One of the
Indians aiming at Standish, he, and one of his men firing
at the same time, broke his arm, and the natives then
fled into a swamp. The English attempted to parley, but
received nothing but abuse. Standish challenged the
sachem to a single combat, but he refused and fled : —
Standish and his party then returned to the plantation, and
released the women, refusing to take their beaver coats,
and offering them no insult.
Weston's people came to the determination to abandon
their plantation, and to go to Munhiggon which was the
resort of the fishing ships, in which, they expected to ob
tain a passage to England.
Standish told them that he should have no fear in resid
ing there with less men than they had ; yet if they chose
to go, he was ordered by the governor and people of Ply
mouth to supply them with sufficient corn for their sub
sistence until they could reach the fishing ships, and he
gave them nearly his whole store. Some of them who
were unwilling to go to Munhiggon he took with him to
Plymouth, and after seeing the others under sail, and clear
14

106 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of the bay, he returned, bearing the head of Wittawamut,
which he placed on the Fort.
Such was the miserable termination of the second at
tempt of the English to colonize New England. The
cause of the disasters of the Wessagusset and the suc
cess of the Plymouth plantation, may be traced to the
different characters of the settlers of each.
The first had no object but to gain subsistence with
little trouble, and were destitute alike of morals and re
ligion. The last were animated by higher motives,,
motives which taught them self-denial, patience, justice,
fortitude, and all the hardier virtues. The first sought
only to gratify their animal wants, and animal pleasures;
the object of the last was to rear the church of Christ
in the wilderness, and to maintain the freedom of their
religious opinions at all hazards.
Much obloquy has been thrown on the characters
of the Pilgrims for this attack upon the Indians. The
existence of the conspiracy is said to have been ideal,
and it is confidently asserted in modern times that the In
dians were dispose'd to friendship when they were as
sailed by Standish, and that the conspiracy was a- mere
pretence on the part of the English to rid themselves of
troublesome neighbors, and to acquire their country ; but
any one who examines the proofs with impartiality will be
convinced of its existence, and that the colonists were
actuated neither by interest nor revenge, but only endea
vored to secure their own safety by attacking those, who,
when their projects were matured, would have destroyed
them. To shew this more clearly, it will be necessary to recur
to a period anterior to the expedition of Captain Standish
to Wessagusset.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 1Q7
In the month of February, (1623,) Standish had been
despatched with a shallop to Mattachiest ; the Indians
received him with apparent kindness, and promised him
a considerable quantity of corn. A storm came on, and
the harbor was filled with ice, and he was compelled to
remain on shore through the night. The number of the
savages who were assembled at the place where he staid
was so great, that he suspected their intentions to be
hostile, and ordered his men to keep an alternate watch.
An Indian stole some beads. Standish, who had
but six men, invested lyanough's hut, (in which nearly
all the Indians were collected,) threatening to attack them
if the beads were not restored. The sachem, discovering
the thief, sent him secretly to the shallop with them ;—
he laid them on the cuddy ; Standish was then desired
to search the boat where he found them.
The resolute conduct of Standish intimidated the In
dians so much, that they were fearful of attempting any
thing against him at that time, but endeavored to appease
him by bringing more corn for traffic than had been pro
mised. From this time, however, the Indians were watched
and suspected.
In the following month of March, Standish went to Ma
nomet to bring away some corn which governor Bradford
had previously purchased. He was coldly received. He
was at Canaucum's hut at some distance from his boat,
and only two or three of his own men with him. Two
Massachusetts Indians came into the hut, one of whom
was Wittawamut, whose fate has been already related,
who boasted of his having killed both French and Eng
lish, ' and derided their weakness, especially because, as
he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like
children than men.'

10!S MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Taking a dagger from his neck, he presented it to Caj
naucum, and addressed him in a long speech, in which he
informed him that ' the Massachusetts formerly concluded
to ruinate Master Weston's colony ; and thought them
selves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to
execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such
time as they had gathered more strength to themselves,
to make their party good against Plymouth ; and although
he had no other arguments to use against the Plymouth
people, yet they would never leave the death of their
countrymen unrevenged ; and therefore their safety could
not be without the overthrow of both plantations. To
this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as also
the other called Iyanough, at Mattachiest, and many others
to assist them ; and now again came to prosecute the
same ; and since there was so fair an opportunity offered
by the Captain's presence, they thought best to make sure
of him and his company.'
After Wittawamut had made this speech, he received
much more consideration and attention than Standish ; so
great was the difference, that Standish was excessively
indignant, (although he had not understood the purport of
Wittawamut's speech, which was explained to him after
wards.) The savages then endeavored to persuade him to send
for the remainder of his boat's crew, which he refused, and
engaged the Indian women to take his corn down to the
boat. An Indian of Paomet was present who had formerly pro
fessed great friendship for the English : he besought Stan
dish with great importunity to lodge at his hut, making
many professions and offering to assist in carrying the
corn to the boat, a kind of labor which he said he had
never performed for any one.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

109

The weather was so excessively cold that Standish
could not sleep but kept before the fire. The Indian
urged him to sleep, but his anxiety kept him awake. It
was afterwards discovered that this Indian intended to
have killed him while he slept.
On the next day this Indian (of whom Standish had no
suspicions) embarked With him, and urged him with much
importunity to go to Paomet, promising to sell him his own
corn and to procure other corn for him. Standish at
length yielded to his solicitations, and put his boat about,
but was forced back by a contrary wind, and returned to
Plymouth, (fortunately for him) for had he reached Paomet,
in all probability, he would have been taken off.
After the fight at Wessagusset, an Indian youth, (who
had always appeared to be attached to the English,) not
withstanding the injuries which Standish had done his
countrymen came to him without fear and confessed that
it was the intention of the natives to have killed all
Weston's people, and they waited merely for the fin
ishing of a couple of canoes which they were building
for them at that time.
Their Indian prisoner after viewing the head of Witta
wamut with much emotion, confessed his knowledge of
the plot, an"d informed them that the sachem Obtakiest had
been drawn into it with much reluctance, having yielded
to the importunity of bis people against his own inclina
tion. He also informed them that there were five who
were mainly instrumental in devising the plot, amongst
whom were Wittawamut and Pecksuot, the other three
were powaws or priests, one of whom was wounded. He
denied any personal participation in the conspiracy and
affirmed that he was a stranger, and not one of the tribe.
Hobbomock interceding for him he was released and

HO MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
despatched with a message to Obtakiest of the following
tenor; — 'that it neve-r entered the hearts of the English
to adopt such measures as they had pursued towards them
until they were compelled thereto by.their own treachery,
and that if he persisted in his courses, they would drive
him from his country, and utterly exterminate his people.
They also required him to send to Pawtuxet, (Plymouth)
three Englishmen whom he had taken, (being some of
Weston's company,) that he should do no injury to the
paling or buildings at Wessagusset, and that the messenger
should forthwith be sent back with the English, and with
a satisfactory answer.'
But another circumstance proves the existence of the
plot still more conclusively. News came to Plymouth that
Massasoiet was sick, and would probably die, and that a
Dutch ship had been stranded near his residence. As the
Indians when sick expect visits from their friends, it was
thought right by the governor to despatch Mr Winslow
to visit Massasoiet once more, and to have a conference
with the Dutch. He was selected for this service because
he had once before been to Sowams, and had some' know
ledge of the Dutch language. Having provided himself
with some cordials, and attended by Hobbomock for a
guide, and the celebrated John Hampden for a companion,
(who was then sojourning at Plymouth, and who felt an
anxious desire to see the country,) he set forth on his
journey.* The first night they lodged with their Indian friends at
Namasket. The next day they came to a ferry in Corbi-
* When wandering about the woods of Pokanoket, or along the banks of
Taunton river, or sleeping in Indian huts, little did Hampden dream of the
fate which awaited him, little did he think that it was reserved for him to
commence the overthrow of the British monarchy, and to shed his blood in
the first daring attempt for a free constitution in England.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

Ill

tant's country,* where they found many Indians and were
informed that Massasoiet was dead, and was to be buried
that day, and that the Dutch had hove their ship off,
and were just about to sail.
Winslow was disconcerted at this news, and Hobbomock ,
was anxious to return, but Winslow apprehending that
Corbitant would probably succeed Massasoiet, and that he
dwelt but about three miles off,f deemed it a duty to en
deavor to propitiate him, although he was well aware of
his hostility to the English. Yet he thought at that
time he was interested to keep on good terms. Hampden
and Hobbomock willingly consented to go although Hob
bomock had reason to apprehend injury from the resent
ment of Corbitant.
On the way, Hobbomock vented his grief in speeches,
exclaiming often, ' JVeen womasu sagimus, neen womasu
sagimus.'' My loving sachem, my loving sachem.
' Many have I known (said he,) but never any like thee.
Whilst I live I shall never see his like amongst the Indians ;
he was no liar ; he was not bloody and cruel, like other
Indians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed;
easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ;
ruled by, reason in such measure as he would not scorn the
advice of mean men ; and that he governed his men better
with few strokes than others did with many ; truly loving
where he loved ; yea he feared we had not a faithful friend
left among the Indians ; and that he oftentimes restrained
their malice.'
He continued to grieve and lament until they reached
Corbitant's house ; Corbitant was not there but had gone
* Now Slade's ferry in Somerset.
t At Mettapuyst, or Mettapoiset, a neck of land in Swansey, now called
Gardner's neck.

112 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to'visit Massasoiet. Corbitant's wife entertained them with
much kindness, and informed them that there was no cer
tain news of Massasoiet's death, although it was supposed
he was dead. Winslow hired an Indian to go to Po-
kanoket and to ascertain whether Massasoiet was dead or
not, and to inform Corbitant that he was at his house.
The messenger soon returned, bringing news that Mas
sasoiet was not dead, but there were no hopes of his
recovery. When Winslow and his companions reached the resi
dence of Massasoiet they ascertained that the Dutch had
sailed, and they found Massasoiet's hut surrounded with
people, so that they had some difficulty to reach him.
The powaws were in- the midst of their incantations, and
six or eight women were chafing him.
Massasoiet was apparently at his last extremity, his sight
had failed, but when he learned that Winslow was present
he desired him to come to him, exclaiming, ' Matta neen
wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! ' Oh Winslow I shall never
see you again !
Winslow then desired Hobbomock to inform him that
the governor was grieved at his sickness, and being unable
to come himself, had despatched him with some things
which would be serviceable, and taking some conserve on
the point of a knife, he gave it to him : — it dissolved in his
mouth, and he swallowed it, at which his attendants were
greatly rejoiced inasmuch as he had not swallowed for two
days. Winslow then washed his mouth which was exces
sively furred, and dissolving some of the conserve in wa
ter, the sachem drank it. A great alteration was soon
wrought, and his sight returned. Winslow then prepared
some broth from corn-meal, and mixing it with strawberry
leaves, and sassafras root, gave it to him to drink ; every
thing which was administered produced a favorable effect,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. U3
and these simple remedies left him free from the disorder
which had brought him so near to death. He then re
quested Winslow to administer the like remedies to all the
sick. Many had come to visit him who lived an hundred
miles from his residence.
The gratitude of this simple hearted and honest sachem
was unbounded. ' Now (said he) I see the English are
my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, I will never
forget this kindness.' During their stay they were treated
with the utmost kindness and attention. When they were
about to depart, the sachem privately informed Hobbomock
of the existence of the plot against Weston's colony ; that
the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,* Mattachiest, Ma
nomet, Agawam, and the Isle of Capawack, were in con
federacy with the Massachusetts ; that during his sickness
he had been earnestly solicited to join them but he had
refused, neither would he suffer any of his own tribe to
engage in this conspiracy ; that there was no way to
avert the threatened danger unless the Massachusetts were
attacked ; that if the English regarded their own safety,
they had better strike the first blow, for after the settlers
at Wessagusset had been killed, it would be difficult for
the Plymouth people to sustain themselves against so many
enemies. He earnestly counselled Hobbomock that the principals
should be taken off without delay, and then the affair
would be terminated. And he charged him to acquaint
Winslow of the designs of these hostile Indians immedi
ately, so that the governor might have early information
thereof, which was done.
Winslow and Hampden departed from Sowams followed
by the blessings of Massasoiet and all his people. Corbi-
* Falmouth.
15

114 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tant urged them to remain with him one night at Metta-
poiset, to which they consented, and he treated them with
the most generous hospitality. They found him a shrewd
politician, and a merry companion, delighting both to give
jokes, and to take them, and extremely inquisitive as to the
customs of the English. Among other things he inquired
of Winslow whether if he should be sick the governor of
Plymouth would send him maskiet, (physic) and whether
he would come to see him ; upon Winslow's answer in the
affirmative, he expressed great joy, and gave him many
thanks. He inquired of Winslow how he dared to come with
only one Englishman so far into the country ; Winslow told
him that as he was conscious of his own uprightness, he
had no fear. He complained of the strict guard which
was kept at Plymouth when the Indians visited there, and
would not believe Winslow when he endeavored to per
suade him that it was for his honor. Corbitant inquired
into the reason of asking grace, and returning thanks,
bef6re and after eating ; Winslow endeavored to impress
his mind with the importance of gratitude to God for his
goodness, and instructed him in the commandments. —
Corbitant said the Indians believed almost the same things,
and that the being which the English called God, the
Indians called Kichtan.
In the morning the Englishmen departed highly pleased
with Corbitant's treatment. The next night they lodged
at Namasket, and then returned to Plymouth.
Here they found the Paomet Indian who had come with
Standish still urging him to go to his country ; but suspi
cion being now awakened, no credit was given to his pro
fessions, but he was sent away unharmed.
A reply was received from Obtakiest through a woman.
He professed himself to be sorry that he could not restore

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 115
the Englishmen according to the demand of the govr
ernor, but they were killed previous to the reception of his
message. That he was desirous of making peace with the
English, but that neither he nor any of his men durst come
near them to treat, but were daily wandering about frpm
place to place, having from fear abandoned their dwel
lings. Athough the English never molested the other trjbes
which were believed to have conspired with the Massachu
setts, yet intimidated by the prompt vengeance which they
exercised on them, they also abandoned their dwellings,
and concealed themselves in the swamps and other hiding
places, and by living in this miserable manner contracted
disorders which soon carried, them off in great numbers.
They planted but little corn, and famine was added to their
other distresses.
Canaucum the sachem of Manomet, Aspinet the sachem
of Nauset, and Iyanough the sachem of Mattachiest, soon
died. Iyanough said ' that the God of the English was
offended with them and would destroy them in his anger.'
To propitiate the governor and to obtain peace, a boat
was despatched from one of these places with presents,
but it was cast away, and three of the crew were drowned.
The spirit of the neighboring Indians was completely
subdued, and no more attempts were made by them against
the Plymouth colonists for more than fifty years.
The severity of their misfortunes was unquestionably
caused originally by the vile and foolish conduct of Wes
ton's company, who by provoking the Massachusetts to a
just resentment, were the occasion of those wide spreading
jealousies, which finally were nearly productive of a gen
eral combination amongst the tribes.
At the time of the expedition of Standish to Massachu
setts, the enmity of the tribes to the English had not reached

116 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the point of open hostility. Many were willing and ready
to undertake a general enterprise for the extermination of
the whites. Some doubted. Success or misfortune would
probably have decided others. The English, however,
could not have counted on the assistance of more than three
or four tribes. — Had they not by this prompt proceeding
destroyed the seeds of this combination in its germ, they
would in all probability have been destroyed ; the colo
nization ol New England would have been delayed for
many years, aad the next attempt would probably have
been made on the banks of the Hudson, but ' the fulness of
time had come,' and the design of providence was fulfilled;
When the venerable .and pious Robinson heard of these
transactions, it grieved him to the heart, and in his letter
to the governor he says, ' Oh that you had converted some
before you had killed any.'
' Shortly after the departure of Weston's company to the
eastward, he came over himself in one of the fishing vessels
in the disguise of a blacksmith ;- hearing of the ruin of his
plantation, he was anxious to ascertain the actual situation
of his property, but being wrecked, he barely escaped
with his life, and falling into the hands of the Indians, was
stripped of everything, even of his clothes and shirt. At
length he reached Piscataqua,* where he borrowed some
clothes, and went to Plymouth. Out of the small stock
of the settlers, he borrowed one hundred and seventy
pounds of beaver, he then reached his small vessel and
began to build up his broken fortunes anew by traffic.
He revisited Plymouth while Captain Robert Gorges, the
son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was there, with whom he had
a violent quarrel. — Gorges having called him to account
* Now Portsmouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

117

for some abuses. With much difficulty Gov. Bradford
reconciled them. Weston after going to the eastward
again, revisited Plymouth, and soon sailed for Virginia.
He never paid his debt to the Plymouth people, but ma
ligned, and misrepresented them everywhere, and did them
all the injury in his power.

( 118 )

CHAPTER VIII.
First Attempts to Settle New Hampshire. — John Peirce obtains an enlarged-
patent. — His Designs. — Sells his Patent to the Plymouth Company. — Arrival
of Admiral West. — Division of Labor and the Abolition of a Community of
Goods. — Colony threatened with famine. — Distress. — Drought. — Arrival of
the Anne and Little James with passengers and supplies. — The Anne sails
for England. — Edward Winslow goes out as Agent. — Arrival of Capt. Robert
Gorges, and the Rev. Mr Morrell at Wessagusset. — Fire at Plymouth. —
Governor Gorges returns to England, and the second attempt to settle Massa
chusetts fails. — Renewed by emigrants from Weymouth in England, and suc
ceeds. — Wessagusset receives the name of Weymouth. — Settlement at
Cape Anne. — Governor Bradford reelected against his inclination. — Return
of Winslow. — First importation of Cattle. — John Lyford arrives. — Intrigues
in England to prevent the removal of the remainder of Robinson's Church
from Leyden. — An acre of land assigned to each settler in fee. — Intrigues of
Lyford and Oldham discovered and punished. — Turbulence of Oldham. — Ly
ford and Oldham banished. — Roger Conant goes with them. — Apart of the
Company in England resent the conduct of the Colonists which is satisfac
torily explained by Edward Winslow.
Captain John Mason, who had been governor of New
foundland, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and several other gen
tlemen in the West of England, obtained patents from
the New England Council, which embraced several parts
of North America. In the spring of 1623, they sent out
David Thompson a Scotchman, Edward Hilton, and
William Hilton, for the purpose of commencing a settle
ment. Thompson built a house on the west side of Pis-
cataqua river, at a place called Piscataquack,* which he
* Now Portsmouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

119

called Mason Hall. The Hiltons went up the river to
Cocheco.* Some attempts were made this year to es
tablish a settlement at Munhiggon. f
John Peirce, in whose name the first patent of Plymouth
was taken, in trust, for the Company, finding that the
settlement at New Plymouth was like to become per
manent, obtained another patent of greater extent, which
he intended to have reserved for himself, and to have com
pelled the settlers to hold of him as tenants, ' and to sue in
his courts as chief lord.' On the 16th of October, 1622,
he despatched the ship Paragon from London for New
Plymouth with sixtyseven passengers, but the weather
was so tempestuous and the ship so leaky, that in fourteen
days she was compelled to return, after which she was de
layed some time for repairs. She sailed again, (Dec. 22)
with one hundred and nine passengers, amongst whom
was Peirce himself; but the weather continuing unfavor
able, and the ship being in great danger, there was a
general determination to give over the voyage, and the
ship arrived at Portsmouth, (England) about the middle
of February, (1623.)
Discouraged by his losses and disappointments, Peirce.
was induced, for the sum of £500 to relinquish his patent,
which had cost him but fifty. The goods, and the expense
of the passengers amounted to £640. Another ship,
called the Anne, was hired to transport the passengers,
in which sixty embarked.
In the month of June, 1623, a ship commanded by
Capt. Francis West, who had been appointed Admiral of
New England, arrived at Plymouth. Capt. West had au
thority under his commission to prevent the officers and
crews of all ships from trading or fishing without license,
* Now Dover. t Near the Penobscot river.

120 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the council for New England having determined that the
privilege should be paid for, but he found the fishermen
intractable to persuasion and fearless of force, and he
sailed for "Virginia. The owners of the fishing vessels
complained to the Parliament, and obtained an order that
the fishery should be made free.
Hitherto the colonists had held their property in com
mon, and had cultivated the land without regard to any
particular ownership, and the product was deposited in
the common storehouse ; but the overseers having nothing
to bestow as a remuneration for labor, and some declining
to work, as they were sure of support, the system was
changed, and at a general meeting of the settlers in April,
1623, it was ordered that the land should be cultivated in
severalty, and that the cultivator should have the product;
all the young single men were assigned to some fami
ly ; each family were to plant their own corn and de
pend on themselves for food ; at the harvest a certain por
tion was to be set apart for those who were engaged in
public business, and for the fishermen. Particular parcels
of land were assigned to each family in proportion to its
numbers, but for cultivation only ; the land itself was not
considered as private property, and could not be inherit- '
ed. Stimulated by the prospect of enjoying the fruits of
their own labors, the spirit of industry was excited amongst
the settlers ; the women and children wrought in the
fields, and much more corn was planted than had been
anticipated. A people amongst whom a community of property ex
ists, seldom become wealthy. The people of Plymouth
soon realized the benefit of a system which put each indi- I
vidual on his own resources, and which, by increasing the f
individual, increased the general wealth. The character* *
of man is such, that although under the excitement of

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 121
enthusiasm, he may for a time be induced to labor for the
public, yet the labor which is followed by no personal
benefit soon becomes irksome, and his exertions relax, but
self-love remains after enthusiasm has been chilled into
indifference, or frozen into apathy.*
- When the settlers had finished their planting, the
store of provision was completely exhausted, and they
were obliged to rely on the chance of a day for their daily
food, but they sustained themselves under this new afflic
tion with astonishing fortitude. They resorted to fishing,
and were generally successful. When this resource failed
they explored the woods for groundnuts, and the sea-shore
for clams. Brewster, the ruling elder, lived for many
months together without bread, and frequently on fish
alone. With nothing but oysters and clams before him,
he, with his family, would give thanks that they could
' suck of the abundance of the seas and of the treasures
hid in the sands.' Whenever a deer was taken, it was
divided amongst the whole company. It is said that they
were once reduced to a pint of corn, which being equally
divided, gave to each a proportion of five kernels, which
was parched and eaten.f To complete their distresses a
* Two remarkable exceptions to these remarks exist in the United States,
the Shakers and the Harmonists, who have established a community of goods.
The shakers possess peculiarities so extraordinary, that ordinary maxims cannot
with propriety be applied to them, and whenever the Harmonists shall cease
to consider their pastor as a prophet, they will adopt the common usages of
society. f At the centennial feast at Plymouth, Dec. 22, 1820, much of the beauty,
fashion, wealth, and talent of Massachusetts, had congregated at Plymouth.
Orators spoke, and poets sang, the praises of their pilgrim fathers. The richest
viands gratified the most fastidious epicure to satiety. Beside each plate five
grains of parched corn were placed, a simple hut interesting and affecting me
morial of the distresses of those heroic and pious men Who won this fair land of
plenty, and freedom, and happiness, and yet at times were literally in want of
a morsel of bread. 16

122 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
drought set in, of unexampled duration, having continued
from the third week in May until the middle of July. The
face of the earth was as ashes, and the corn was withering.
Hobbomock was much afflicted at the situation of the
English, fearing that the drought would bring starvation
on the colony. ' As for the Indians, (said he) they can
shift better than the English, for they can get fish to help
themselves.' According to their custom, the colonists
ordered a day of humiliation, fasting, and prayer, in which
the aid of the Lord to send them rain was most sincerely
and fervently invoked. The morning of the day was clear
and unclouded, and the heat was intense, but before night
the clouds began to gather, and the rain descended in co
pious and gentle showers, refreshing the whole face of
the earth.
The Indians who knew of their design to invoke the
divine favor, were in utter astonishment, and Hobbomock
said, ' now I see the Englishman's God is a good God, for
he hath heard you and sent you rain, and that without
storms, and tempests, and thunder, which usually we have
with our rains, which breaks down our corn, but yours
stands whole and good still ; — surely your God is a good
God.' Many remarkable, and apparently providential interpo
sitions, oftentimes, seeming direct and favorable answers
to the prayers of the supplicants, impressed the Indians
with the belief that the English were under the immediate
protection of a Being, who always regarded the supplica
tions of his worshippers, and their reverence was increased
in proportion as they saw his hand operating directly in
the affairs of his people.
Standish, who had been despatched by the governor to
obtain provisions, returned with some, and with him came
David Thompson, the settler of Piscataquack.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ] 23
Late in July and early in August, (1623,) two ships ar
rived .with supplies, bringing sixty passengers, amongst
.whom were Mr Timothy Hatherly, Mr George Morton,
and Mr John Jenny, and the wives and children of some
who had already arrived. Some of the new comers proved
so bad that they were sent back. The ships were called
the Anne and the Little James.
Cushman wrote' to them — ' Some few of your old
friends are come ; they come dropping to you ; and by
degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all.'
Others wrote, — ' Let it. not be grievous to you, that you
have been the instruments to break the ice for others who
come after you with less difficulty ; the honor shall be
yours to the world's end ; we bear you always in our
breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are
the hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces,
who doubtless pray for your safety as their own.'
When the passengers saw the lowly condition of the
colonists, they were sorely dismayed, excepting their old
friends who appeared to be rejoiced to be with them, and
to find that their condition was not worse. The best fare
which could be provided were lobsters and cold water.
Of bread the settlers were ., destitute, but devotion filled
their hearts with gratitude to the giver of all good, and a
- day was set apart for thanksgiving and praise.
On the tenth of September, (1623,) the Anne sailed for
England, laden with clapboards and furs, and Mr Wins
low again went out to England as the agent of the colony.
The Little James had been built for the company. She
was fitted for trade and discovery to the south of Cape
Cod. The harvest came in plentifully, and their apprehen
sions of famine were removed.

124 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONV
In the course of this month, Captain Robert Gorges, the
son of Sir Ferdinando, accompanied by Mr Morell an
Episcopalian minister, and many other passengers and
their families, arrived in the bay to commence another
settlement. He selected the spot at Wessagusset which
had been abandoned by Weston's company.
He acted under a commission from the council of New
England, by which he was constitued lieutenant general
or general governor of the country. Admiral West, Chris
topher Levit, Esq. and the governor of Plymouth for the
time being, were constituted his council, and authority
was given him to appoint other counsellors. Full power
was granted to him and his assistants, or any three of
them, (whereof he was to be one,) in all cases, capital,
criminal or civil. Having notified the governor of Ply
mouth of his arrival, before he could visit him, he sailed
for the eastward, but was compelled by stress of weather
to put into Plymouth, where he was treated with great
distinction and remained there fourteen days. It was
during this stay that he met with Weston, as has been
before related. Governor Gorges, (who was much pleased
with his reception at Plymouth,) set out by land for Mas
sachusetts, leaving his ship at Plymouth. During her
stay some of the seamen, by making a great fire in a house
on shore caught the chimney, and the fire being commu
nicated consumed that and three or four other houses,
with all their goods and provisions. This accident indu
ced some of those who had been burnt out to take passage
in the ship for Virginia. Some others also embraced this
opportunity to return, among whom was Mr Hatherly,
who disliked the country.
The Little James the pinnace which had been sent out
to trade with the Narragansetts returned with some corn
and beaver, and made but a poor voyage as the Dutch
supplied that country with better goods.

Memoir of Plymouth colony. 125
In the early part of the year 1624, Capt. Gorges return^
ed to England, whither some of his people also went ;
others went to Virginia ; but few remained, and they were
supplied with provisions by the people of Plymouth.
Gorges was a man of rank accustomed to the ease
and luxury of high life, and could little brook the toils,
and hardships, and privations incident to an attempt to
people a wilderness.
Mr Morell remained about a year and then returned.
He was created a superintendent over all the churches,
but very wisely never attempted to execute his commis
sion, and he did not think it worth his while even to ex
hibit it. Thus terminated the second attempt to establish
a plantation in Massachusetts. A very few, however, re
mained, and they were joined in the course of the year
by some families from Weymouth in England, from whom
this plantation afterwards received the name of Wey
mouth. About this time at the instigation of Mr White, a cele
brated puritan minister at Dorchester in England, a settle
ment was commenced at Cape Anne in Massachusetts,
and John Tilly was employed as the overseer.
When the day of the annual election arrived, (1624)
Governor Bradford was very anxious to be relieved from
the toils of office, representing to the people that whether
the office were honorable or burthensome, others ought to
share it, but notwithstanding his remonstrances they
elected him, but to lessen' his labor they increased the
number of assistants from one to five, giving the governor
however, a double voice in the court of assistants. Hith
erto he had been annually chosen from the time of his
first election, and Allerton had also been chosen his
assistant or deputy governor, to which office he was re-
chosen. Edward Winslow and three others were chosen
assistants.

126 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY
The pinnace was sent to Damarin's cove to fish, but
being driven on the rocks, she sunk with her lading, and
the master and one man were drowned, but by the assist
ance of the fishermen who resorted there, she was after
wards raised and repaired.
In the month of March, (1624) Winslow returned in the
ship Charity, bringing a supply of clothing, and a bull
and three heifers being the first neat cattle which were
imported into New England.
The colonists learned from him that a strong party had
been raised up against them amongst the adventurers, who
were extremely anxious to prevent Robinson and the re
mainder of his church from emigrating to America. He
brought letters from Robinson and Cushman. A carpen
ter came over for the purpose of building two ketches, a
lighter, and six or seven shallops, and a person also to make
salt. The carpenter built his craft faithfully and speedily,
but soon died. The other was ignorant and did not bring
his undertaking to any successful issue.
John Lyford a preacher who afterwards occasioned much
trouble to the colony also came with Winslow, not Iiowt
ever by his solicitation, for his reputation was low, but he
was forced upon him by the company in England.
A patent for Cape Anne was taken out by the adven
turers. The people becoming dissatisfied about the uncertain
tenure of their lands, prevailed upon the governor to
assign to each one an acre in fee. The land was lo
cated as near the town as practicable, the object of the
governor being to prevent the people from scattering, and
to keep the town as compact as possible, both for safety
and defence, and it was then understood that no more land
should be assigned in severalty for seven years.
The Charity was discharged and sent to Cape Anne to

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

127

fish, but through the drunkenness >of the master, she met
with no success.*
At first, the deportment of Lyford to the colonists was
humble even to servility ; making many professions of love
ahd blessing God that he had been permitted to see their
faces. The governor on important occasions had been accus
tomed to consult* with Brewster the ruling elder, he now
also admitted Lyford to his consultations, and he received
from the public stock a greater allowance than any one
else. In a short time he made a confession of faith lamenting
his errors with great grief and humility, and desired to be
admitted to the fellowship of the church, and he was re
ceived without hesitation.
He formed a close intimacy with John Oldham, a violent
and turbulent man who was supposed to be in the interest
of that part of the adventurers who were inimical to the
colony, and in fact no better than a spy of theirs.
They succeeded in exciting the more vicious and pro
fane part of the populace against the church, and although
they endeavored to keep their designs secret until they
were matured, yet they were soon suspected, and closely
observed. By the aid of the enemies of the colony in the
' company of adventurers they expected on some day to
overthrow the government and the church, and to take the
lead in affairs themselves.
When the ship in which Winslow returned was about to
depart for England, it was observed that Lyford had been
much engaged in writing, and he was so indiscreet as to
* On the seventeenth of June Governor Bradford's son William, afterwards
deputy governor of the colony, was born, and in the course of that month,
George Morton, a man of eminent piety and worth, died,

128 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
promulgate some things which were in his correspondence
to some of his favorites, and they being still more indis
creet, made no secret of his communication to them, but
boasted openly of their expectations of a change in affairs
at Plymouth. The suspicion of the governor was excited.
Fearful of the effect which Lyford's representations might
produce in England, he followed the ship after she had
sailed in a boat, and representing the affair truly to Peirce
the captain, who was attached to the colonists, and who
was aware of the machinations which where engendering
against them, he permitted him to open the letters of
Lyford and Oldham. — They were filled with slanders
and falsehoods. Had these accusations been heeded in
England, many evil consequences might have fallowed,
involving even the existence of the colony.
Most of the letters were copied and resealed, but the
most important were retained, and copies supplied.
Amongst other letters, one was found directed to John
Pemberton a minister, and a violent enemy to the colo
ny ; in this letter, copies of a letter written by a gen
tleman in England to Mr Brewster, and also of another
letter which Winslow had written to Mr Robinson, were
enclosed. These letters had been lying in the cabin
of the ship in which Lyford embarked for America, and
while she was lying at Gravesend, he opened and copied
them. Opening confidential letters was an act which hardly
comported with the high and honorable character which
Bradford always sustained, but he knew his adversary, and
his suspicions were justified by his discoveries. He
sought only the good of the colony, with whose safety he
was especially entrusted, and he furnished himself with
the means of destroying a turbulent faction before they
could endanger its peace.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

129

The conspirators were somewhat disconcerted . when
they discovered that Bradford had visited the ship, but as'
nothing was said which could indicate that he was in any
wise acquainted with the contents of their letters, they
soon resumed their machinations. r
Bradford in the meantime was silent but watched their
conduct closely, with a view to ascertain their designs
more fully, and to discover their adherents.
Oldham soon began to be refractory, and refused to do
military duty, abused his captain in the most opprobrious
terms, and attacked him with a knife. For this offence he
was imprisoned, but acknowledging his error, he was
soon released. Soon after this, the plot came to its
crisis. Without consulting the governor, the elders, or the
church, Lyford thinking his adherents sufficiently numerous
to bid defiance to the authority of the colony, withdrew
himself from the church and worshipped apart, and at
tempted to administer the sacrament by virtue of his
episcopal ordination.
The governor then called a court and summoned the
whole company, and there preferred his charges against
Lyford and Oldham. They denied his accusations with
great boldness and defied him to the proof.
The governor spoke. at some length as to the principal
objects and views of the colonists, — their desire to enjoy
the ordinances of God unmolested, the toils and dangers
which they had encountered in effecting those objects,
(and in which these men had not participated,) and he
reproached Lyford with his perfidy in plotting against men
who had received him with kindness, and had supported
him at much expense. Persisting in their denial, he pro
duced their letters, and they were utterly confounded.
Oldham however, rallying his courage, called on his
1?

1 30 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
adherents to resist, but they were all silent, being wholly
incapacitated to act, through fear.
The Governor then enlarged upon the additional proofs
which the letters supplied of the hypocrisy and wicked"
ness of Lyford. His early treachery in opening the let
ters to Brewster and Robinson. His deceitfulness in ma
king such professions of regard, and his wicked enmity to
those to whom he had made these professions. His con
fessions when he was admitted to the church 'that he did
not hold himself a minister till he had a new calling,' and
his endeavors to distract the colony by building up a
separate church, and administering the sacrament by
virtue of his former calling.
Feebly indeed did Lyford defend himself by saying that
many had complained to him, and informed him of abuses;
but those whom he named, denied his assertions.
At length he confessed ' that he feared he was a rep
robate, his sins were so great that God would not pardon
them, he was unsavory salt, and that he had so wronged
them that he could never make them amends ;' confessing
' all he had written against them was false and nought
both for matter and manner.' During this confession his
eyes were streaming with tears, and his deportment was
so humble as to excite compassion notwithstanding his
offences. Both were convicted, and sentenced to banishment
from the colony, Oldham to depart forthwith, his wife and
children, however, were permitted to remain through the
winter. Lyford was permitted to remain six months. The gov
ernor intended to remit his sentence, if his deportment
evidenced the sincerity of his repentance : — Lyford ac
knowledged its justice, he acknowledged that he had
slandered the church, and that he had flattered himself

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 131
with the hope of being able to draw off the greater part
of the people to himself, and he blessed God that his
designs were frustrated. — He charged himself with pride,
vainglory, and self-love, saying, that he was liable con
stantly to evil, and shut his eyes and ears to all good. —
He even said that if ' God should make him a vagabond
in the earth, as was Cain, it was but just.'
Such an appearance of deep contrition did he exhibit,
that many took compassion on him, and he was again
permitted to teach, nay some were willing ' to fall upon
their knees,' to have his sentence remitted.
But his professions of repentance were all false and
hollow ; in less than three months after his trial and before
his probation had expired, he wrote another slanderous
letter to the adventurers, which he entrusted to one who
had taken passage in the Pinnace which was about to sail
for London, but this person gave the letter to the governor,
and his perfidy again was discovered.*
Oldham departed forthwith to Nantasket, where the
Plymouth people had erected a building for the con
venience of their trade with the Indians- of Massachusetts,
and thither went Mr Roger Conant and some others with
their families, where they remained over a year. Mr Co
nant was a pious and prudent man, and it seemed unac
countable that he should have imbibed so great a dislike
to the people of Plymonth as to have abandoned them.
and consorted with Oldham and Lyfdrd.
Mr Conant was afterwards employed by the people of
Dorchester to oversee both the planting and fishing at
Cape Anne, and Mr Humphrey was appointed their treas
urer. Lyford was invited to be their minister, and Oldham
* On the fifth of August, Mr Thomas Prince who was afterwards governor,
was married to Mrs Patience Brewster, being the ninth marriage which had
been solemnized in the colony.

132 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to oversee their trade with the natives, which invitation
Oldham did not accept, but at the annual election in
March, 1625, he returned to Plymouth in violation of his
sentence, by which he was required to obtain leave of the
governor before he came into the colony. So violent and
intractable was his conduct, that his own associates were
ashamed, and reproved him. So loud was he in discourse,
and so abusive in his language, that to keep the peace
they were compelled to confine him.
After he became calm, they conducted him through two
ranks of armed men to his boat, which lay at the water
side. The men were all ordered to give him a blow with
their muskets, saying at the same time, ' go, and mend
your manners.'
While the peace of the colony was thus disturbed at
home, Winslow met with much difficulty in England from
the adventurers, many of whom took occasion to indulge
their enmity to the colonists, by upholding Lyford.
A meeting was called in which this case was to be heard
and decided. My White a counsellor of law, and Mr
Hooker, were chosen moderators.
Winslow disclosed some facts touching the character of
Lyford while he was a minister in Ireland, and for which
he had been compelled to leave that kingdom, which con
founded his friends, and the moderators decided that the
colonists were justified in all their proceedings against
him for his conduct at Plymouth, without referring to his
previous misconduct. Some disclosures of his profligacy
while he lived in Ireland having been made by his wife,
who was a sober and pious woman, and who lived in con
stant apprehensions lest the judgment of heaven should
overtake him, together with the news which had been
brought by Winslow, induced him forthwith to remove to
Nantasket. Afterwards upon the invitation of the Dor-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

133

Chester people, he went with Mr Conant to Cape Anne,
from whence he went to Naumkeag,* and afterwards tov
Virginia, where he died.
Oldham remained at Nantasket and engaged in trade
with great industry and success. On a voyage to Virginia.
while in danger of immediate shipwreck, he confessed the
wrongs which he had done to the church and people of
Plymouth, and he told the. passengers ' that as he had
sought their ruin, so God had now met with him, and
. might destroy him ; yea, he feared that they all fared the
worse for his sake ; he prayed God to forgive him, and
made vows, that if the Lord spared his life, he would
become otherwise.'
Whether he was. brought to a sense of his errors by his
dangers, or his reflections, he deported himself so respect
fully afterwards to the people of Plymouth, that they
permitted him to come into the colony, whenever his con
venience required. Some time after, while on a trading
voyage to Manisses,f he was killed in a quarrel with the
Indians, which act was one of the causes of the Pequot
war. Oldham was a man of talent, enterprise, and cou
rage, but very illiterate, and cursed with a furious and
ungovernable temper. J >
* Now Salem. t Block Island.
t It cannot now be doubted that the faults of Oldham have been much ex.
aggerated by the friends of Plymouth.
After the settlement of Massachusetts, Oldham removed to Watertown, and
was till his death, held in high respect by a people whose standard of morals.
was graduated by a more rigid rule than that of their Plymouth neighbors, and
who subjected the characters of men to severer tests than were practised in the
elder colony. Oldham was the deputy from Watertown in 1632, in the first
general court of Massachusetts to which deputies from the towns were sum
moned. He was a daring trader amongst the Indians, and so great was the
attachment of the Narragansetts to him, that they gave him an island in the
bay, (now called Prudence) to induce him to settle near them.

( 134 )

CHAPTER IX.
Death of King James I. — Settlement at Mount Wollaston in Quincy, by Capt,
Wollaston. — Rebellious and riotous proceedings of Thomas Morton. — Check
ed by Capt. Endicott, and suppresssed by Capt. Standish, who sends Morton
to England as => prisoner. — Returns, and is again sent back. — Dissolution of
the Company of Merchant Adventurers. — Standish goesjto England as the
agent of the Colony. — Returns. — Death of Robinson at Leyden. — Death of
Cushman. — Settlers engage deeply in trade and in fishing. — Allerton goes to
England as agent. — Shipwreck of a Virginia ship. — The Dutch governor at
Fort Amsterdam, (New York,) sends a deputation to Plymouth. — Commer
cial intercourse between the Dutch and the people of- Plymouth. — Re
turn of Allerton. — Purchase by the colonists of the whole trading stock. — It8
division amongst the settlers. — Twenty acres of tillage land in addition to the
acre lot, assigned to each share. — Commercial enterprise Of the colonists.'—
The privilege purchased by Governor Bradford, Winslow, Standish, Brews
ter, Alden, Howland, and Allerton. — Allerton goes again to England as
agent. — Returns. — Obtains a patent for Kennebeck. — John Rodgers, a young
minister, comes with Allerton ; proving insane, he is sent back. — Erect a
trading house at Kennebeck. — Great success in selling wampum. — King's
proclamation, forbidding the sale of arms and ammunition to the Indians. —
Allerton, the agent, again visits England. — Settlement at Naumkeag, (Sa
lem.) — Sickness there. — Ralph Smith settled as the first pastor of Plymouth,
Thirtyfive families arrive from Leyden. — Allerton returns, and is sent back
immediately. — Another company arrive from Leyden. — Join Shirley and
Hatherly in the Penobscot Patent. — Their trading house robbed by the crew
of a French ship. — Plots of the Narragansetts and other Indians. — Settlements
about Massachusetts Bay. — Charlestown, Dorchester, Boston. — William
Blackstone. — View of the laws and government of the colony. — Great Pa
tent of New England. — The two Patents to John Peirce. — The patent to
William Bradford and his associates, 1629. — Surrendered by Governor Brad
ford to the body of the freemen, 1640. — Declaration of the General Court'
setting forth their rights and titles.
On the twentyseventh day of March, (1625,) died
King James I, and he was succeeded by his son the un
fortunate Charles.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

135

During this year, (1625,) Captain W°Maston and thirty
others, (most of whom were servants, but some men of
eminence,) commenced a plantation at a place, which
they named Mount Wollaston.* Wollaston remained
until the next year, (1626,) and then becoming discon
tented, removed to Virginia, taking with him many of the
servants, and disposed of them there. He wrote to Ras-
dall, his chief partner, directing him to come to Virginia,
with more of the servants, intending to dispose of them
also. He appointed Mr Pitcher to command until either
he or Rasdall should return. After Rasdall's departure,
one Thomas Morton, who is said to have been ' a petti
fogging attorney of Furnival's Inn,' a man of low habits,
and who was held in contempt by the company, urged
those who were left, and who were principally servants and
low men, to depose Fitcher, and to live without any govern
ment or law whatever, leaving every man at perfect liberty
to do as he pleased, unrestrained by any regulation, pro
mising to make them his equal associates and partners,
that they should not be compelled to do service for
any one, and representing to them that on Rasdall's re
turn, they also would be carried away and sold for slaves.
Alarmed and excited by such representations, and being
intoxicated at a great feast which Morton made for them,
they drove Fitcher from the plantation.
Morton and his fellows commenced a trade with the
natives, and acquired much profit. Most of their time,
however, was spent in rioting and drunkenness.
They erected a May-pole, round which they would
dance with the Indian women, and Morton, who had some
poetic talent, , after writing obscene and scandalous sa
tires, would affix them to the pole
" In the northerly part of Braintree, (now Quincy,) in Massachusetts.

136 MEMOIR F PLYMOUTH COLONY.
They fell into all kinds of licentiousness and profanity,
and changed the name of their residence from Mount
Wollaston to Merry Mount.
In this dissolute and idle manner they lived until the
autumn of 1628; — they then received 'a check' from
Captain Endicott, the governor of Naumkeag,* who
coming to Mount Wollaston, reproved them with great
severity, cut down their May-pole, and admonished them
to change their courses, and he again changed the name
of their Mount, calling it Mount Dagon.
Heedless of his reproofs, they soon commenced a traffic
which endangered the existence of all the settlements.
Hitherto the English had scrupulously refrained from
selling arms and ammunition to the Indians. Notwith
standing the great profits which might have been gained
in such a traffic, they were wise enough to refrain from it;
but Morton having obtained some guns and ammunition,
taught the Indians how to use them. He employed them
to hunt for him, and purchased their furs.
They soon became more expert than the English in the
use of firearms, and passionately devoted themselves to
hunting. Their bows and arrows were rejected as worth
less, and they would purchase muskets at any price. They
were also taught the use of the pistol and rapier, and the
art of repairing defective arms.
Encouraged by the success of this traffic, Morton sent
to England for a new supply.
The English, well knowing that it was the ignorance of
the natives in the use of arms to which they owed their
safety, and now frequently meeting them in the woods,
armed, became alarmed. * Now Salem.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

137

Merry Mount was also an asylum for all the idle and
vicious servants of the settlers, all such being welcomed
by Morton, and admitted into his company on terms of
perfect equality. Fearful of the effect which these evil
communications might produce, the settlers in a}l the
scattered plantations took measures to break up Morton's
establishment. At a meeting of the principal persons from the settle
ments at Piscataway, Naumkeag, Winisimit, Wessagus-
sett, Nantaske and other places, it was resolved to solicit
the assistance of Plymouth to suppress this dangerous com
bination before it grew to greater strength.
After receiving their messages and letters, the govern
ment of Plymouth resolved to comply with their request,
but with the moderation which characterized all their pro
ceedings, they first despatched a messenger to Morton, to
advise 'him, in the spirit of friendship, to refrain from his
practices, but he received the advice with scorn, asking
' who had to do with him ? ' and declaring that he would
sell arms to the Indians in despite of any one.
Still unwilling to come to extremities, they despatched
another messenger, who represented to him that the safety
of the country, and the king's proclamation which ex
pressly forbade the sale of munitions of war to the Indians,
imperiously required him to desist. Morton replied that
' the king's proclamation was no law, and had no penalty
but his displeasure, and that being dead his displeasure
died with him,' and threatened that if he were molested,
he would resist, representing also that for resistance he
was well prepared.
Finding him to be utterly refractory, they were con
vinced that nothing but force could succeed. The gov
ernor despatched Captain Standish with a few men, to
seize Morton. 18

138 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
When Standish arrived at Merry Mount, Morton col
lected and armed his companions, and after heating them
with liquor, put his powder and bullets on the table, and
barred his door.
Standish summoned him to capitulate, but he only
scoffed and defied him. At length, fearful that his house
might be attacked, he came out with some of his follow
ers with a great show of courage to attack Standish, who
instantly walking up to him with a resolute countenance,
so intimidatedhim, that he suffered his musket to be taken,
and scarcely resisted. He then submitted quietly, and
the affair was terminated without bloodshed.
Standish then entered the house, and dispersed the
more turbulent part of the company, and leaving the others
returned to Plymouth, conducting Morton a prisoner.
This affair happened in the latter part of the year 1628.*
Morton remained at Plymouth until a ship was ready to
sail from the Isle of Shoals, in which, he was sent home
with a messenger and a letter to the Council of New Eng
land, setting forth his offences ; but so utterly regardless
were the council of the interests, the safety, and the com
plaints of the peopld of New England, that they did not
even reprove him, and the next year (1629,) he returned
* The following account of the expense of this expedition was submitted to
the council of New England, which shews the ability of the plantations in
1628. Plymouth contributed
Naumkeag (Salem)
PiscatawayMr Jeffrey and Mr Burslem -
Nantasket
Mr Thompson (Squantum neck)
Mr Blackstone (Shawmut, Boston)
Mr Edward Hilton, (Cocheco, Dover) £12 7 0

£2

10

0

1

10

0

2

10

0

2

00

0

1

10

0

15

0

12

0

1

00

0

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 139
to Plymouth in the capacity of secretary to Mr Allerton,
who had gone out as the agent of the colony ; for this,
the people of Plymouth were deeply offended with Aller
ton. , Morton was obliged to leave Plymouth, and he
again went to Merry Mount.
Having been suspected in England of the murder of
one who had entrusted him with money, a warrant was
issued by the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend and bring
him back, which warrant the governor of Massachusetts
caused to be executed, after the court of assistants of that
colony had sentenced him ' to be set in the bilbowes,' and
had ordered that his goods should be seized to defray the
expense of his transportation, and for the 'payment ofhis
debts, and to satisfy the Indians for a canoe which he had
unjustly taken from them. For the many wrongs. he had
done the Indians, they directed that his house should be
burned to the ground in their sight.' He was imprisoned
for a long time at the city of Exeter in England. After
his release he wrote a book, in which he defamed many
of the first characters in New England, and for which,
(many years afterwards,) he was imprisoned at Boston after
his third return. He asserted, however, that many things
in the book were interpolated. He died at Piscataway.
1 fi2. After the decision of Lyford and Oldham's case,
the company of Merchant Adventurers, with whom
the Plymouth people had been so long connected, was
dissolved. Some of them still cherishing their enmity, despatched
a ship with orders to take a stage and other erections, for
the purpose of fishing, which had been made during the
preceding year at Cape Ann. Having reached the
place before the Plymouth people arrived, they gained
the possession of them.

140 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Upon hearing of this outrage, the governor despatched
Captain Standish to retake them. He demanded their in
stant surrender. The.demand being refused, Standish re
solved to recover them by force ; but Mr Conant who dwelt
there, and who was a man of a mild and conciliatory dis
position, and Captain Peirce, a fast friend of the Plymouth
people, also happening to be there with his • ship, interpo
sing their good offices, the dispute was compromised, the
ship's crew having promised to build another stage.
Some of the Merchant Adventurers still adhered to the
colony, and they wrote by Mr Winslow who returned this
year — ' We cannot forget you, nor disown friendship and
fellowship we have had some years, — our hearty affec
tions towards you, (unknown by face,) have been no less
than to our nearest friends, yea to ourselves. As there
has been a faction among us, (at London,) more than two
years ; so now there is an utter breach and sequestration.
The company's debts are not less than £1400, and we
hope you will do your best to free them. We are still
persuaded that you are the people that must make a plan
tation in these remote places when all others fail. We
have sent some cattle, clothes, hoes, shoe leather, &c,
but in another nature than formerly, having committed
them to the charge of Mr Allerton and Winslow, to sell
as our factors.'
The goods were ordered to be sold at seventy per cent.
advance, which was thought by the settlers to be unrea
sonable and oppressive.
They sent out two ships to fish on their own account,
The large ship made a great fare. The small one was la
den with fish and eight hundred pounds of beaver. The
captain of the large ship, fearful of a war with France,
instead of going to Spain to sell his fish, put into Ports
mouth, towing in the other ship. An Algerine corsair at-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ,,*
tacked and captured the small ship in sight of Plymouth
in England, and carried the captain and crew to Sallee,
where they were sold for .slaves.
Standish, who went out this yearas agent, escaped pro
videntially ; for he had first embarked in the small ship,
and afterwards left her and took passage in the large
one. By this undertaking the adventurers sustained a
great loss.
Standish arrived in London at a most unfortunate time.
The plague was then raging with such violence, that no
business could be transacted. He however had a satisfac
tory interview with the council. In the month of April
(1626,) he returned, having taken up £150 at fifty per
cent, which he laid out in goods, and he commenced a
negotiation with the company for the sale of their invest
ed property in the Plymouth concern.
He was the bearer of sorrowful tidings. Many of their
friends in England had died of the plague. Robinson
had died at Leyden. Mr Roger White in a letter to Elder
Brewster dated at Leyden, gives this account of his death.
' It has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears,
your and our loving and faithful pastor, Mr Robinson ; he
fell sick Saturday morning, February 22, 1625. Next day
taught us twice, on the week grew weaker every day feel
ing little or no pain. Sensible to the last, departed this
life first of March. Had a continual inward ague. All
his friends came freely to him, and if prayers, tears, or
means, would have saved his life, he had not gone hence.
We still hold close together in peace, wishing that yon and
we were again together.'
Mr Robinson was born in England, in 1575. It is(be-
lieved, although, it is not certainly known, that he was
educated at Cambridge. He had a benefice, near Yarmouth,
in the county of Norfolk, but his puritan principles were

142 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
so strict that he submitted to no compromises, and in con
sequence, suffered much from persecution.
About the year 1602, he became the pastor of the church
which fled to Holland in 1608. He was but fifty when he
died. Much may be learned of his history and character
from the preceding pages.
Secretary Morton says ' he was a man of a learned,
polished, and moderate spirit ; pious and studious of the
truth ; largely accomplished with gifts and qualifications
suitable to be a shepherd over this flock of Christ.'
The following masterly delineation of his character is
the work of a modern writer.* ' Mr Robinson was a man of
good genius, quick penetration, ready wit, great modesty,
integrity, and candor. His classic literature and acuteness
in disputation, were acknowledged by his adversaries.
His manners were easy, courteous, and obliging. His
preaching was instructive and affecting. Though in his
younger years he was rigid in his separation from the
Episcopal Church, by whose governors he and his friends
were treated with unrelenting severity, yet when convinc
ed of his error,( he openly acknowledged it, and by expe
rience and conversation with good men, became moderate
and charitable, without abating his zeal for strict and real
religion. It is always a sign of a good heart, when a man
becomes mild and candid as he grows in years. This was
eminently true of Mr Robinson. He learned to esteem all
good men of every religious persuasion, and charged his
flock to maintain the like candid and benevolent conduct.
His sentiments respecting the reformers as expressed in
his valedictory discourse, will entail immortal honor to his
memory ; evidencing his accurate discernment, his inflex
ible honesty, and his fervent zeal for truth and a good
* Dr Belknap.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 14g
conscience. He was also possessed in an eminent degree,
of the talent of peace making, and was happy in composing
differences among neighbors and in families ; so that peace
and union were preserved in his congregation.' — Besides
his singular abilities in moral and theological matters, he^
was very discerning and prudent in civil affairs, and able
to give them good advice in regard to their secular and
political conduct. He was highly esteemed, not only by
his own flock, but by the magistracy" and clergy of Leyden,
who gave him the use of one of their churches, in the
chancel of which he was buried. Mr Prince who visited
that city in 1714, says that the most ancient people then
living told him from their parents, that the whole city and
university regarded him as a great and good man, whose
death they sincerely lamented.*
The letters which were received from Leyden were full
of lamentations, and the writers seemed to despair of
reaching America.
Standish also brought news of the death of Mr Cush
man, who had been the principal agent in a}l the early
transactions with the Virginia company. Cushman went
over to Holland with Mr Robinson. He embarked at
South Hampton for America in the summer of 1620, but
after the ship was compelled to return to England, he was
unwilling at that time to attempt the voyage again, but
remained with his family. In November, 1621, he came
over in the Fortune, but returned in the same ship accord
ing to the orders of the merchant adventurers, who wished
* After the death of Mr Robinson, his widow and children came to America.
His son Isaac was much respected, he resided at Barnstable, of which town he
was occasionally a deputy in the general court, but he fell into discredit about
the time that severe measures were adopted against the Quakers, as his princi
ples were tolerant, and he was not disposed to molest any for their conscientious
belief. He lived until he was ninety. His posterity are numerous.

144 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to learn from him the exact and true situation, and pros
pects of the colony. On his return he was captured by
the French, but was soon released. He never returned to
Plymouth, but was constantly engaged in the service of
the Colony. He died in 1626. Cushman was a learned,
acute, sagacious, and enterprising person. He had great
knowledge of human nature, and was a sincere and pious
Christian. While at Plymouth, he delivered a discourse
on the ' sin and danger of self-love,' which is a perform
ance of uncommon merit.*
So favorable had been the harvest of the preceding
year, that the product was more than sufficient for the
wants of the people. A large shallop laden with corn
was despatched to the Kennebeck river under the direction
of Mr Winslow. He succeeded in his enterprise, and
returned with 700 pounds of beaver, besides other furs.
Animated by their success, the settlers planted largely,
and engaged deeply in trade.
Hearing that the establishment at Munhiggon was about
to be relinquished, the governor and Mr Winslow went
there to purchase the goods, and meeting with David
Thompson, who had again returned to Piscataway, and
who was there on the same design, they joined in the ad
venture, and purchased goods to the amount of £500 and
several goats, for which they paid in beaver and other
commodities. After the harvest, they were able from the proceeds of
these goods, and of their corn, to pay the money which'
had been taken up by Standish, and the remnants of their
old debts, and to obtain some clothing and other articles.
* After the death of Mr Cushman, his family came to Plymouth. His son
Thomas Cushman succeeded Mr Brewster as the ruling elder of the church in
1649, and continued in that office until his death, at the age of eightyfour in 1691.
Elder Cushman was a man of great piety and worth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

145

In the autumn, Mr Allerton went out to England as
agent, designing to effect a final settlement with the
adventurers, to take up more money, and to purchase
goods. The Dorchester adventurers at Cape Anne becoming
dissatisfied with their situation, and being about to aban
don the place, Mr Conant together with John Woodberry,
John Balch, and Peter Palfrey, by the persuasions of Mr
White, who was extremely anxious to preserve a colony in
the neighborhood, were induced to go to Naumkeag in the
autumn of 1626. Lyford went with them. Mr White
promised to procure a patent, and to send men, provisions,
and a stock of merchandise.
A ship bound to Virginia, having been cast away on the
south side of Cape Cod, the captain sent two of his men
with Indian guides to Plythouth, to solicit the governor to
send him a supply of pitch, oakum, spikes, and corn.
The governor taking a supply of these articles, sailed
up a creek on the north side of the Cape called Naum-
skaket, from whence the land transportation across, to the
sea was only two miles.
The Indians conveyed his stores. After supplying the
ship, he purchased a boat load of corn, and returned home,
but the ship being repaired was again driven on shore
in a great storm, and rendered completely unseaworthy.
The crew and passengers were anxious to go to Plymouth.
The people of Plymouth being informed of their disaster,
assisted them in the transportation of their goods, and
received them into their houses. The principal men
amongst them were Messrs Fells and Silsby.
Despairing of reaching Virginia before the end of the
next year, they solicited the use of some land, which their
servants cleared and planted, and raised a great quantity
of corn. At the latter end of the summer, (1627) they
19

146 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
sailed for Virginia in two barques, having sold their corn
at Plymouth. Many times after, they took occasion to
express their thankfulness for the kindness which they had
experienced. lfi2_ In the month of March, a deputation from the
Dutch governor at Fort Amsterdam, bearing a let
ter written both in Dutch, and in French, (dated March 9th
1627, and subscribed by Isaac De Rasier secretary,) ar
rived at Plymouth.
The Dutch had just commenced their settlement at
Manhattan or Manhadoes,* where they had been accus
tomed to trade for several years.
They congratulated the people -of Plymouth on the
success of their praiseworthy undertaking, and proffered
their good will and service ' in all friendly kindness and
good neighborhood,' and they concluded by offering ' any
of their goods that might be serviceable,' declaring ' that
they should take themselves bound to accommodate and
help their Plymouth neighbors with any wares that they
should be pleased to deal for.'
Governor Bradford in his answer to the Dutch governor
expressed his sense of the kindness which the people of
Plymouth had received from the Dutch in their own coun
try, and their ' grateful acceptance of their offered friend
ship.' Early in the next year, De Rasier came to Manomet in
a vessel which was laden with sugar, linen, stuffs, &c.
Being desirous to visit Plymouth, a boat was despatched
by the governor to Manonscusset to receive him and his-
company ; he arrived at Plymouth attended according to
the fashion of the Dutch by trumpeters.
* Now New York.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

147

Here he and his company were kindly entertained for
several days, and when they returned to Manomet, several
of the Plymouth people accompanied them and purchased
many of their goods. After this, the Dutch often came
to Manomet and exchanged their linen and stuffs for to
bacco, which trade was extremely advantageous to the
people of Plymouth until the Virginians found out the
Dutch colony, and drove them from this market by under
selling. The first intercourse between these two infant settle
ments of neighboring European nations, was conducted
in the very spirit of amity, but their friendship suffered
some interruption afterwards.
In the spring of this year, Mr Allerton returned, having
taken' up £200 for the colony, at thirty per cent, which
was invested in goods.
Having been assisted by many true friends of the colony,
he succeeded after much trouble in purchasing all the
interest of the company of adventurers.
The agreement was signed on the 15th of November,
(1626) subject to the acceptance of the people of Ply
mouth. The company sold to the colony all their shares, stocks,
merchandise, lands, and chattels, in consideration of
£1800, to be paid at the Royal Exchange in London,
every Michaelmas, in nine annual and equal payments, the
first of which was to be made in 1628. This agreement
was approved. Yet the settlers were ^distrustful of their
ability to provide for the annual payments, and their own
wants ; and the rate of interest was at that time exorbi
tant. Yet despair formed no part of their character, they
always lived in hope, and trusted to God. Allerton's
agreement was unanimously sanctioned, and seven or eight
of the principal men became jointly bound in behalf of

148 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the others for the true payment of this sum, but it was
done at much risk.
To identify the interest, and to give satisfaction to the
whole, every head of a family and every prudent young
man who was of age, both of the first and later comers,
were admitted into a general partnership, and all agreed
that the trade should be managed as usual, devoting all its
profits to the payment of the debt, — that every single
freeman should have a single share, and that every father
of a family should have leave to purchase a share for
himself, another for his wife, and one for each of his chil
dren who lived with him, and that every one should pay
his share of the debts according to his number of shares.
One cow and two goats were_ divided by lot to every six
shares, and the swine in proportion. And to every share
in addition to the acre lots which they already held, and
the gardens and homestead of which they were possessed,
twenty acres of tillage land was assigned by lot, which
were to be five acres broad on the water, and four acres
deep. No meadows were laid out at this time, because
the quantity of meadow land being small, they were fearful
that some might be prevented from settling with them, if
the meadows were all taken up and holden in severalty.
Mowing places were assigned as the seasons came round
to all the families according to their number of cattle.
The settlers now began to make vigorous efforts to free
themselves from debt, and for this purpose engaged more
extensively in trade.
They built a small pinnace at Manomet, a place on the
sea, on the south side of Cape Cod, distant twenty miles
from Plymouth, and by navigating a creek on the north
side, they were enabled to transport their goods thither,
with only four or five miles of land transportation ; in
this way they avoided the dangerous navigation around

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 149
the Cape. For the safety of their vessel and goods^ they
built a house, and kept a few servants there, who attend
ed to agriculture, and navigated the vessel. In this en
terprise they met with much success.
The remainder of Robinson's church at Leyden, after
the death of their pastor, were anxious to come to Ame
rica, and the people of Plymouth were equally anxious to
see them. To effect their removal, the governor, together
with Edward Winslow, Miles Standish, William Brewster,
John Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton, ventured
to hire the whole trade of the colony for six years from the
last day of September, (1627,) and for this and the shallop,
and pinnace, and stock at Manomet, they agreed to pay
all the debts of the colony, including the large one to
the adventurers, in all amounting to £2400, and to sup
ply the people every year with shoes and hoes to the
amount of £50, to sell them what corn they should want
at 6s the bushel, and at the expiration of the six years to
restore the trade to the colony.
In one of the fishing vessels which returned in the au
tumn of this year, Allerton, who was again appointed
agent, took passage.
Upon presenting nine bonds to the adventurers, of
£200 each, they executed and delivered a conveyance of
their whole interest in New Plymouth.!
Allerton carried out some beaver, wherewith to pay some
of the engagements of the preceding year, as the settlers
were very anxious to relieve themselves from the exorbitant
interest with which they were charged. He was instructed
to obtain a patent for a trading place on the Kennebeck
river, as the Piscataway planters threatened to exclude
those of Plymouth from that trade, and he was also in
structed to endeavor to obtain the assistance of some of
their London friends to enable them to discharge their
debts and to bring their friends over from Leyden.

150 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Mr James Shirley, an eminent London merchant, and' a
zealous friend of the colony, wrote to the people of Ply
mouth that ' the sole cause why the greater part of the
adventurers maligned him was because he would not side
with them against the people of Plymouth, and the com
ing over of the Leyden people ;' — and, (says he) ' as
suredly unless the Lord be merciful to us, and the whole
land in general, our condition is far worse than yours ;
wherefore if the Lord send persecution here, which is
much to be feared, and should put into our minds to fly
for refuge, I know no place safer than to come to you.'
From this it would seem that the English Puritans had it
early in their contemplations to fly to America, an(J had
they not succeeded in their contest with King Charles,
the American wilderness would have been peopled with
great rapidity.
Early in the next year, (1628,) Allerton returned, hav
ing succeeded in all his objects. He paid the first £200
to the adventurers, and all their other debts excepting
those which were due to Shirley, Beauchamp and An
drews. These gentlemen offered to become partners on
equal terms with the governor and his associates in the
trade of the colony, and engaged to send out some, if not
all, their Leyden friends. He also brought out the neces
sary goods, and succeeded in obtaining a patent for
Kennebeck, but its boundaries were so loose arid unde
fined, that another was applied for, more definite and
precise in its descriptions, which was obtained in the suc
ceeding year.
With Allerton came a young minister of the name of
Rodgers. The settlers had been in constant expecta
tion of the arrival of Robinson, and they therefore had
never ordained a pastor or teaching elder, which was the

MEMOIR OF. PLYMOUTH COLONY. 151
less to be regretted, as their ruling elder, Brewster, was
so eminently qualified, but in consequence of the death
of Robinson they were induced to seek one.
It was, however, unfortunate for the colony that Rodgers
came, as he became insane, and was sent home the next
year at their charge.
On the river Kennebeck, a trading house was erected,
and was constantly supplied with corn and goods. Having
learned from the Dutch the great advantages which were
to be derived in the Indian trade from wampum or wampum-
peag, the settlers were induced to purchase of the arti
cle to the amount of £50, and to send it to Kennebeck : —
Here it remained on hand for two years, but the in
terior Indians having heard of it, were so anxious to obtain
it, that it became almost impossible to supply the demand.
By the monopoly of this article alone, they engrossed the
whole trade on that river, to the exclusion both of the
fishermen, and other planters.
The king of England by proclamation had forbidden
his subjects to sell arms or ammunition to the Indians, but
they soon began to obtain them, and were taught the use
of them by the French, who traded in the eastern parts
of New England, and sometimes by the English fishermen,
in defiance of the king's order.
In the autumn of this year, (1628) Allerton again went
to England to obtain the enlargement and correction of
the Kennebeck patent, and also another patent for
Plymouth, and to facilitate the removal of the church at
Leyden.* Maiiy of the servants who had been sent out by the
patentees of Massachusetts, fell sick, Mr Endicot wrote
* Richard Warren, a man who had been extremely useful in the affairs of
the colony, and who was highly respected by the people! died this yew.

152 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to Governor Bradford beseeching him- to send Dr Fuller to
Naumkeag, which he did.
Fuller being a deacon of the church at Plymouth, and
well versed in its rules and discipline, gave much valuable
information to Endicot respecting the formation of a
church at Naumkeag. Endicot gratefully acknowledged
the services of Fuller, when he again wrote to Governor
Bradford.* Some of the Plymouth people having found Mr Smith
at Nantasket, at his request, conveyed him to Plymouth,
where he was kindly received and urged to remain. His
servants, and his goods being conveyed to Plymouth, he
settled there, and was afterwards chosen their first pastor,
and remained there several years.
* Endicot's letter to Governor Bradford.
' Right worshipful Sir,
' It is a thing not usual, that servants to one master, and of the' same house
hold, should be strangers': — I assure you I desire it not. Nay, to speak more
plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's people are all marked with one and the
same mark, and have for the main, one, and the same heart, guided by one
and the same spirit of truth ; and where this is, there can be no discord, nay
here must needs be a sweet harmony ; and the same request with you, I make
unto the Lord, that we, as Christian brethren, be united by an heavenly and
unfeigned love, bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond
our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening our eyes always on Him that
is only able to direct and prosper all our ways. I acknowledge myself much
bound to you for your kind love and care, in sending Mr Fuller amongst us,
and rejoice much that I am by him satisfied touching your judgment of the out
ward form of God's worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no more than is
warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have professed and
maintained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto me, being far
from the common report that hath been spread of you, touching that particu
lar ; but God's children must now look for less here below ; and it is a great
mercy of God that he strengthened them to go through it. I shall not need, at
this time, to enlarge unto you, for (God willing,) I purpose to see your face
shortly ; in the meantime, I humbly take my leave of you, committing you to
the Lord's blessing, and protection, and rest.
Your assured loving friend, ,
Naumkeag, May 11th 1629. John Endicot.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

153

In the month of August, (1629) thirtyfive families ar
rived from Leyden, at Plymouth. They were received
with great joy. The expenses of their transportation were
paid gratuitously by the undertakers. Houses were as
signed to them. Grounds were prepared for their use, and
they were subsisted out of the public stores for more than
a year. Mr Allerton returned without effecting bis design, but
being sent back immediately had better success. On
the eighth of March, in the succeeding year, another com
pany arrived from Leyden, Who were equally well received.
Their transportation was also paid gratuitously by the un
dertakers, although it amounted to £550. *,
The generosity of the chiefs of the colony to their Ley
den brethren is unparalleled. They almost deprived them
selves of the common necessaries of life to get them over,
and to suppqrt them until they were able to support them
selves, laboring at the same time under heavy debts, for
which they paid exorbitant interest; but their necessities
seemed only to stimulate them to greater exertions. Shir
ley arid Hatherly, having taken out a patent to.trade with
the Indians at Penobscot, they requested the Plymouth
undertakers to join them in this enterprise, which' they dicl
with much reluctance. Edward Ashley had been des
patched JfrOm England, to superintend the trade. The
undertakers sent Thomas Willet, who had lately arrived
from Leyden, a discreet and faithful young man, in whom
they had confidence, with a store of wampum, and corn,
and united him with Ashley, in the superintendency.
The next year1, (1631) Ashley having sold ammunition in
violation of his bond, was sent as a prisoner to England.
In 1632, Willet and the greater part of his company being
absentsat Plymouth, (whither they had gone to obtain a
supply of goods,) a small French ship went into the har-
20

154 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
bor under the pretence of distress, and finding- but three or
four servants, who were ignorant and simple men, by a
stratagem, obtained possession of their arms, and robbed
them of all their goods to the amount of £500, and leaving
a taunting message for the master, departed.
During the spring, (1630) John Sagamore a friendly
Indian, revealed to the English at Charlestown, a conspi
racy amongst many of the tribes, of whom the Narragan
setts were the chief, to destroy the English. For this pur
pose the Indians besought the governor of Plymouth for
leave to 'have some sport there,' but he having refused them,
they said ' if they might not come with leave, they would
without;' but the English making preparations everywhere
to receive them, they abandoned their designs.
Having reached this stage in our history, it seems pro
per to review the civil, ecclesiastical, and military policy
of the pilgrims. <
They acknowledged an obligation to obey the laws of
England generally, and in their instrument of government,
recognise King James as their sovereign, but otherwise they
were a voluntary association, governed by the majority,
a pure, unmixed, and perfect democracy, where all power
was exercised by the whole people.
The power of the governor seems to have been but little
superior to that of any other individual, and was aerived
not from any constitutional authority delegated to him,
but merely from a degree of influence arising in some
measure from his station, but principally from his personal
qualifications and character.
It does not seem that any judicial, executive, or legis
lative power was attached to his office, all that power
being exercised by the whole body of the freemen or
associates. Before them, trials for offences were holden,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

155

and punishments were inflicted by their order. The gov
ernor in some cases previous to the establishment of juries,
remitted punishments ; he remitted that of the duellists
Doty and Leister, after it had been partially administered.
This usage did not prevail for more than four years.
The pilgrims although they had been domiciliated in
Holland, retained all their predilections for the English
law, and they soon adopted its noblest provision by estab
lishing the right of trial by jury, which was secured in the
following ordinance.
' It is ordained 17th day of December, anno domini 1623,"
by this court, then held, that all criminal facts, and also
all matters of trespass and debts between man and man,
should be tried by the verdict of twelve honest men,'to be
impannelled by authority, in form of a jury upon their
oaths.' Their military orders and arrangements were decided
by a majority, and the officers were elected. Standish to
•whom the military power was given, possessed more than
the governor.
In ecclesiastical affairs, the governor did not interfere
more than any other individual.
In 1*621, one assistant was given to the governor. His
office was nominal, and he was considered rather as one
designated to fulfil the functions of the executive office
during the absence, sickness, or inability of the governor,
and to preside after his death until a successor could be
supplied by election.
In 1624, the number of assistants was increased to five,
and the one first named was considered as the deputy
governor. The governor at this time was allowed a double voice.
But still the power both of the governor and assistants
may be considered as advisory and influential, and not

156 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
actual, and humble as it was, arising from necessity, and
not from grant. It is said in the account of Lyford's trial,
that the governor called a court. It would therefore ap
pear that the power to convene the company was in him.
In weighty matters he usually invited the pastor and
ruling elder to assist in council.
The first offence was committed by John Billington, a
turbulent and malignant man who afterwards was tried
and executed for murder. His offence was ' contempt of
the captain's lawful command, with opprobrious speeches;'
For this offence, ' he was convented before the whole
company, and adjudged to have his neck and heels tied
together ; but after humbling himself and craving pardon,
he was forgiven.'
One of the punishments was banishment, which was
inflicted upon Lyford and Oldham, who were both by vote
expelled from the colony.
This was for plotting and writing against the colony,
and attempting to excite a sedition. This punishment was'
ordered by the people, and before them, the trial was
holden. After this, the church prevented Lyford from teaching,
until upon his contrite behavior, they forgave him and
permitted him to teach.
Upon Oldham's return without leave, the company
ordered him to be punished with blows inflicted by mus
kets. It cannot be ascertained that they had during this pe
riod any written code of laws, descriptive of offences, and
defining the limits of punishment, but the people took
upon themselves the execution of justice, and inflicted
punishment at discretion, until the establishment of juries.
In their intercourse with the Indian nations, they as
sumed sovereign power, engaging in war, making peace,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 157
»
forming treaties, and receiving (in behalf of the king of
England, however,) the allegiance of the natives.
In their proceedings against Morton, who could not be
considered according to the notions of the present day in
anywise amenable to them, they acted upon the para
mount principle of self-preservation. — That Morton had
as much right to sell arms and ammunition to the Indians,
as they had to forbid him would scarcely be controverted
at the present day, and the jurists of this age would
agree that the king's proclamation, he being dead,
was invalid. A proclamation is a personal act of the
reigning king, and has not the enduring and immutable
character of a law. — But if by the sale of arms and am
munition, their existence was endangered, they had the
unquestionable right to adopt such measures as should
secure their safety.
The act of Endicot in cutting down the May-pole was
far more reprehensible than the violence of Standish in
breaking up the establishment, and taking Morton captive.
The May-pole was the rallying point of the orgies of Merry
Mount it is true, but Endicot had no more right to inter
fere with the amusements of Morton, than Morton had to
interrupt the prayers or the worship of Endicot and his
followers. On the third of November 1620 the Great Patent of
New England under the King's hand was issued to the
Council, which by that instrument was established at Ply
mouth in the County of Devon to enable them to ' plant,
rule, and govern, New England.' Of this the pilgrims
at the time they subscribed their instrument of govern
ment in Cape Cod harbor, were ignorant, they were then
without the limits of the patent which had been obtained
from the Virginia company.

158 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
A patent for trade was subsequently taken out by John
Peirce as has been before related, under which, he contem
plated a considerable change in the government. — That
patent was purchased by the Merchant Adventurers.
Before the year 1630 when Allerton obtained the en
larged patent from the Council, the settlers were not in
law a body politic. The legislative and judicial powers
which they exercised were derived from no other source
than common consent.
They were in fact a trading company without political
power. The English branch of their company regarded
profit only. The great object of the New England part
of the company was the maintenance of religious freedom,
and to this object commerce was subordinate. Necessity
however, made, them commercial, and when the interest of
the London partners was purchased, the colony presents
the novel and interesting spectacle of a whole community
forming one great partnership, in the success of which
all were interested.
The lands were originally cultivated in common, and
the corn was raised for the common benefit ; no one was
possessed of an exclusive title.
In a short time it was found beneficial to grant the use
of the homestead and gardens in severalty. Afterwards
the separate use of acre lots, was given to each family, but
at the time of assigning this use any estate of inheritance
or in fee until the seven years to which the partnership
had been limited should have expired, was denied. After
the purchase, the use of twenty acre tillage lots to each
share in the partnership, (still refusing any estate of in
heritance or in. fee,) was assigned. The mowing lands
were held in common, and the use was not assigned in
severalty, except by the season.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 159
Thrown together in a remote wilderness with no power
to restrain, and no laws to govern, on the footing of the
most perfect equality, it is surprising indeed, that this
voluntary government should have endured even for ten
years. It was nothing but their sober habits and that strong
moral sense growing out of a pure religious feeling, that
kept this little society together.
Upon the whole, they exhibit a spectacle by which the
most civilized and best regulated nations with their con
stitutions of government, and their codes of established
laws may be benefited and instructed.
It is not known that they had any written law during
this period. Their right to the soil was founded on occu
pation. They found it desolate, destitute of inhabitants,
and uncultivated, and they occupied it. To lands in a
wilderness, the title by occupation is the strongest. In
addition to this, they had the full and free consent of the
savage chief in their vicinity for its occupation, and cul
tivation. They interfered with no native right, the right
to fish and to hunt remained as free to the natives as it was
before their arrival, and there was enough for both Indians
and English, each might have said to the other as Abraham
said to Lot, : Is not the whole land before us?'
As the great patent of New England is the foundation
of the English title to the lands comprised within its lim
its, it is inserted for the purpose of shewing the extent of
that title.

160 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

THE GREAT PATENT OF NEW ENGLAND.
JAMES, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, &c.
To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : —
Whereas, upon the humble petition of divers of our well
disposed subjects, that intended to make several planta
tions in the parts of America, between the degrees of
thirtyfour and fortyfive, We, according to our princely in
clination, favoring much their worthy disposition, in hope
thereby to advance the enlargement of the christian re
ligion, to the glory of God Almighty, as also by that
means to stretch out the bounds of our dominions, and to
replenish those deserts with people, governed by laws and
magistrates, for the more peaceable commerce of all that
in time to come shall have occasion to traffic into those
territories, granted unto Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George
Summers, knights, Thomas Hamon, and Raleigh Gilbert,
Esquires, and others their associates, for the more speedy
accomplishment thereof, by our letters patent, bearing
date the 10th day of April, in the fourth year of our reign
of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the
fortieth, free liberty to divide themselves into two several
colonies : the one called the first colony, to be underta
ken and advanced by certain knights, gentlemen, and
merchants, in and about our city of London ; the other,
called the second colony, to be undertaken and advanced
by certain knights, gentlemen, merchants, and their assor
ciates, in or about our citips of Bristol, Exon, and our
town of Plymouth, and other places, as in and by our said
letters patents, amongst other things more at large, it doth
and may appear.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

161

Arid whereas, since that time, upon the humble petition
of the said adventurers and planters of the said first colo
ny, we have been graciously pleased to make them one
distinct and entire body by themselves, giving unto thefti
their distinct limits and bounds :
And have, upon their like humble request, granted unto
them divers liberties, privileges, enlargements, and immu
nities, as in and by our several letters patents, it doth and
may more at large appear.
Now forasmuch as we have been, in like manner, hum
bly petitioned unto by our trusty and well beloved ser
vant, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, knight, captain of our fort
and island, by Plymouth, and by certain the principal
knights and gentlemen adventurers of the said second
colony, and by divers other persons of quality, Who. now
intend to be their associates, divers of which have been
at great and extraordinary charges, and sustained many
losses, in seeking and discovering a place fit and conve
nient to lay the foundation of a hopeful plantation, and
have, divers years past, by God's assistance, and their own
endeavors, taken actual possession of the continent here
after mentioned, in our name, and to our use, as sovereign
lord thereof, and have settled already some of our people
in places agreeable to their desires in those parts, and in
confidence of prosperous success therein, by the continu
ance of God's divine blessing, and our royal permission,
have resolved, in a more plentiful and effectual manner,
to prosecute the same ; and to that purpose and intent,
have desired of us, for their better encouragement and
satisfaction therein, and that they may avoid all confusion,
questions, or differences between themselves and those of
the said first colony, that we would likewise be graciously
pleased to make certain adventurers, intending to erect
and establish fishery, trade, and plantation, within the
21

162 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
territories, precincts, and limits of the said second colony,
and their successors, one several distinct and entire body,
and to grant unto them such estate, liberties, privileges,
enlargements, and immunities there, as are in those, our
letters patents, hereafter particularly expressed and de
clared. And forasmuch as we have been certainly given to un
derstand, by divers of our good subjects, that have, for
these many years past, frequented those coasts and terri
tories between the degrees of forty and fortyeight, that
there is no other the subjects of any christian king or
state, by any authority from their sovereign lords or princes,
actually in possession of any of the said lands or pre
cincts, whereby any right, claim, interest, or title, may,
mighj, or ought, by that means accrue, belong, or apper
tain unto them, or any of them.
And also, for that we have been further given certainly
to know, that within these late years, there hath, by God's
visitation, reigned a wonderful plague, together with many
horrible slaughters and murders, committed amongst the
savages and British people there heretofore inhabiting, in
a manner to the utter destruction, devastation, and depo
pulation of that whole territory, so as there is not left, for
many leagues together, in a manner, any that dp claim or
challenge any kind of interest therein, nor any other su
perior lord or sovereign, to make claim thereunto, where
by we, in our judgment, are persuaded and satisfied, that
the appointed time is come in which Almighty God, in his
great goodness and bounty towards us, and our people,
hath thought fit and determined, that those large and
goodly territories, deserted as it were by their natural in
habitants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of our
subjects and people, as heretofore have, and hereafter
shall, by his mercy and favor, and by his powerful arm,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

163

be directed and conducted thither; in the contemplation
and serious consideration whereof, we have thought it fit,
according to our kingly duty, so much as in us lieth, to
second and follow God's sacred will, rendering reverend
thanks to his Divine Majesty, for his gracious favor in lay
ing open and revealing the same unto us, before any other
christian prince or state ; by which means, without of
fence, and, as we trust, to his glory, we may with bold
ness go on to the settling of so hopeful a work, which
tendeth to the reducing and conversion of such savages
as remain wandering in desolation and distress, to civil
society and christian religion, to the enlargement of our
own dominions, and the advancement of the fortunes of
such of our good subjects as shall willingly interest them
selves in the said employment, to whom we cannot but
give singular commendations for their so worthy intention
and enterprise.
We, therefore, of our special grace, mere motion, and
certain knowledge, by the advice of the lords and others
of our privy council, have, for us, our heirs, and succes
sors, granted, ordained, and established, and, in and by
these presents, do, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant,
ordain, and establish, that all that circuit, continent, pre
cincts, and limits, in America, lying and being in breadth
from forty degrees of northerly latitude from the equi
noctial line, to fortyeight degrees of the said northerly
latitude, and in length by all the breadth aforesaid,
throughout the main - land, from sea to sea, with all the
seas, rivers, islands, creeks, inlets, ports, and havens,
within the degrees, precincts, and limits of the said latitude
and longitude, shall be the limits, and bounds, and pre
cincts of the said second colony.
And to the end that the said territories may forever
hereafter be more particularly and certainly known and
distinguished, our will and pleasure is, that the same shall.

164

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

from henceforth, be nominated, termed, and called by the
name of New England, in America, and by that name
of New England, in America, the said circuit, pre
cinct, limit, continent, islands, and places in America
aforesaid, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and
successors, name, call, erect, found, and establish, and by
that name to have continuance forever.
And for the better plantation, ruling, and governing of
the aforesaid New England, in America, we will, ordain,
constitute, assign, limit, and appoint, and for us, our
heirs, and successors, we, by the advice of the lords, and
others of the said privy council, do, by these presents, or
dain, constitute, limit, and appoint, that from henceforth
there shall be forever hereafter, in our town of Plymouth,
in the county of Devon, one body politic and corporate,
which shall have perpetual succession ; which shall consist
of the number of forty persons, and no more; which shall
be, and shall be called and known by the name of the coun
cil established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for
the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New Eng
land, in America, and for that purpose, we have, at and by
the nomination and request of the said petitioners, granted,
ordained, established, and confirmed, and, by these presents,
for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant, ordain, estab
lish, and confirm our right trusty and right well beloved
cousins and counsellors, Lodowick, duke of Lenox, lord
steward of our household ; George, lord marquis Buck
ingham, our high admiral of England ; James, marquis
Hamilton ; William, earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain
of our household ; Thomas, earl of Arundel ; and our
right trusty and right well beloved cousin, William, earl
of Bath ; and our right trusty and right well beloved
cousin and counsellor, Henry, earl of Southampton ; and
our right trusty and right well beloved cousins, William,
earl of Salisbury, and Robert, earl of Warwick ; and our

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

165

right trusty and right well beloved John, viscount Had
dington; and our right trusty and well beloved counsel
lor, Edward, Lord Zouch, lord warden of our cinque ports ;
and our trusty and well beloved Edmond, lord Sheffield,
Edward, lord Gorges ; and our well beloved Sir Edward
Seymor, knight and baronet ; Sir Robert Mansel ; Sir
Edward Zouch, our knight marshal ; Sir Dudley Diggs,
Sir Thomas Roe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis
Popham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard
Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir
Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourg-
chier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles
Mompesson, Sir Thomas Worth, knights ; and our well
beloved Matthew Sutcliff, dean of Exeter; Robert'Heath,
Esq. recorder of our city of London ; Henry Bourgchier,
John Drake, Raleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas
Hamon, and John Argall, Esquires, to be, and in and by
these presents, we do appoint them to be, the first modern
and present council, established at Plymouth, in the county
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and govern
ing of New England, in America ; and that they, and the
survivors of them, and such as the survivors and survivor
of them shall, from time to time, elect and choose to make
up the aforesaid number of forty persons, when and as often
as any of them, or any of their successors, shall happen
to decease, or to be removed from being of the said coun
cil, shall be, in and by these presents, incorporated, to
have a perpetual succession forever, in deed, fact, and
name, and shall be one body corporate and politic ; and
that those, and such said persons, and their successors,
and such as shall be elected and chosen to succeed them,
as aforesaid, shall be, and, by these presents, are and be
incorporated, named, and called by the name of the coun
cil established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for
the planting, ruling, and governing of New England, in

166 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
America ; and them, the said duke of Lenox, marquis
Buckingham, marquis Hamilton, earl of Pembroke, earl of
Arundel, earl of Bath, earl of Southampton, earl of Salis
bury, earl of Warwick, viscount Haddington, lord Zouch,
lord Sheffield, lord Gorges, Sir Edward Seymor, Sir Rob
ert Mansel, Sir Edward Zouch, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir
Thomas Roe, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Pop-
ham, Sir John Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard
Hawkins, Sir Richard Edgecomb, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir
Warwick Heale, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourg-
chier, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles
Mompesson, Sir Thomas Worth, knights ; Matthew Sut-
cliff, Robert Heath, Henry Bourgchier, John Drake,
Raleigh Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hamon, and
John Argall, Esquires, and their successors, one body
corporate and politic, in deed and in name, by the name
of the council established at Plymouth, in the county of
Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing of New
England, in America.
We do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and succes
sors, really and fully incorporate, erect, ordain, name,
constitute, and establish, and that, by the same name of
the said council, they, and their successors, forever here
after be incorporated, named, and called, and shall, by
the same name, have perpetual succession.
And further, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and suc
cessors, grant unto the said council established at Ply
mouth, that they, and their successors, by the same name,
be, and shall be, and shall continue persons able and ca
pable in the law, from time to time, and shall, by that
name of council aforesaid, have full power and authority,
and lawful capacity and ability, as well to purchase, take,
hold, receive, enjoy, and to have to them and their suc
cessors, forever, any manors, lands, tenements, rents,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 167
royalties, privileges, immunities, reversions, annuities,
hereditaments, goods, and chattels whatsoever, of, or from
us, our heirs, and successors, and of, or from any other
person or persons whatsoever, as well in and within this
our realm of England, as in and within any other place or
places whatsover or wheresoever ; and the same manors,
lands, tenements, and hereditaments, goods, or chattels,
or any of them, by the same name, to alien and sell, or to
do, execute, or ordain and perform all other matters and
things whatsoever, to the said incorporation and plantation
concerning and belonging.
And further, our will and pleasure is, that the said coun
cil, for the time being, and their successors, shall have
full power and lawful authority, by the name aforesaid, to
sue and to be sued, implead and to be impleaded, answer
and to be answered unto, in all manner of courts and
places that now are, or hereafter shall be, within this our
realm, and elsewhere, as well temporal as spiritual, in all
manner of suits and matters whatsover, and of what na
ture or kind soever such suits or actions be or shall be.
And our will and pleasure is, thg-the said forty per
sons, or the greater number of them, shall, and may, from
time to time, and at any time hereafter, at their own will
and pleasure, according to the laws, ordinances, and or
ders of, or by them, or by the greater part of them here
after, in manner and form in these presents mentioned to
be agreed upon, to elect and choose, amongst themselves,
one o( the said forty persons, for the time being, to be
president of the said council, which president, so elected
and chosen, we will shall continue and be president of
the said council, for so long time as by the orders of the
said council, from time to time to be made, as hereafter
is mentioned, shall be thought fit, and no longer; urito
which president, or,, in his absence, to any such person as,

168 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
by the orders of the said council, shall be thereunto ap
pointed, we do give authority to give order for the warn
ing of the said council, and summoning the company to
their meetings.
And our will and pleasure is, that, from time to time,
when, and so often as any of the said council shall hap
pen to decease, or to be removed from being of the said
council, that then, and so often, the survivors of them of
the said council, and no other, or the greater number of
them, who then shall be, from time to time, left and re
maining, and who shall, or the greater number of which
that shall be assembled at a public court, or meeting, to
be held for the said company, shall elect and choose one
or more other person or persons, to be of the said coun
cil, and which, from time to time, shall be of the said
council, so that the number of forty persons of the said
council may, from time to time, be supplied.
Provided always, that as well the persons herein named
to be of the said council, as every other counsellor here
after to be elected, shall be presented to the lord chan
cellor of England, Iff to the lord high treasurer of Eng
land, or to the lord chamberlain of the household, of us,
our heirs, and successors, for the time being, to take his
and their oath and oaths, of a counsellor and counsellors,
to us, our heirs, and successors, for the said company and
colony in New England.
And further, we will and grant, by these presents, for
us, our heirs, and successors, unto the said council, and
their successors, that they, and their successors, shall
have and enjoy forever, a common seal, to be engraven
according to their discretions.
And that it shall be lawful for them to appoint what
other seal, or seals, they shall think most meet and neces
sary, either for their use, as they are one united body, in-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 169
corporate here, or for the public use of their government
and ministers in New England aforesaid, whereby the said
incorporation rhay or shall seal any manner of instru
ment, touching the same corporation, and the manors,
lands, tenements, rents, reversions, annuities, heredita
ments, goods, chattels, affairs, and any other things, be
longing unto, or in any wise appertaining, touching or
concerning the said council, and their successors, or con
cerning the said corporation and plantation, in and by
these our letters patents, as aforesaid, founded, erected,
and established..
And we do further, by these presents, for us, our heirs,
and successors, grant unto the said council, andtheir suc
cessors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for trie said
council, and their successors, for the time being, in their
discretions, from time to time, to admit such and so many
person and persons to be made free, and enabled to trade
and traffic unto, within, and in New England, aforesaid,
and unto every part and parcel thereof, or to have, pos
sess,. and enjoy any lands or hereditaments in New Eng
land, aforesaid, as they shall think fit, according to the
laws, orders, constitutions, and ordinances, by the said
council, and their successors, from time to time, to be
made and established, by virtue of, and according to the
true' intent of these presents, and under such conditions,
reservations, and agreements, as the said council shall set
down, order, and direct, and not otherwise.
And further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge,
and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, we do,
by these presents, give and grant full power and author
ity to the said council, and their successors, that the said
council, for the time being, or the greater part of them,
shall and may, from time to time, nominate, make, con
stitute, ordain, and confirm, by such name or names, style.
22

170 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
or styles, as to them shall seem good, and, likewise, to
revoke and discharge, change and alter, as well all and
singular, governors, officers, and ministers, which hereafter
shall be by them thought fit and needful to be made or
used, as well to attend the business of the said company
here, as for the government of the said colony and plan
tation. And also, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of
orders, laws, directions, instructions, forms, and ceremo
nies of government and magistracy, fit and necessary for
and concerning the government of the said colony and
plantation, so always as the same be not contrary to the
laws and statutes of this our realm of England, and the
same a't all times hereafter, to abrogate, revoke, or change,
not only within the precincts of the said colony, but also
upon the seas, in going and coming to and from the said
colony, as they, in their good discretion, shall think to be
fittest for the good of the adventurers and inhabitants
there. And we do further, of our special grace, certain know
ledge, and mere motion, grant, declare, and ordain, that
such principal governor as, from time to time, shall be
authorized and appointed, in manner and form in these
presents heretofore expressed, shall have full power and
authority to use and exercise martial laws, in cases of re
bellion, insurrection, and mutiny, in as large and ample
manner, as our lieutenants in our counties within our
realm of England, have, or ought to have, by force of
their commission of lieutenancy.
And forasmuch as it shall be necessary for all such our
loving subjects as shall inhabit within the said precincts of
New England aforesaid, to determine to live together, in
the fear and true worship of Almighty God, christian
peace, and civil quietness, each with the other, whereby

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

171

every one may, with more safety, pleasure, and profit,
enjoy that, whereunto they shall attain with great pain
and peril.
We, for us, our heirs, and successors, are likewise pleas
ed and contented, and, by these presents, do give and
grant unto the said council, and their successors, and to
such governors, officers, and ministers, as shall be, by the
said council, constituted and appointed according to the
natures and limits of their offices and places respectively,
that they shall and may, from time to time, forever here
after, within the said precincts of New England, or in the
way by the seas thither and from thence, have full and abso
lute power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, gov
ern, and rule all such the subjects of us, our heirs, and
successors, as shall, from time to time, adventure them
selves in any voyage thither, or that shall, at any time
hereafter, inhabit in the precincts and territories of the
said colony as aforesaid, according to such laws, orders,
ordinances, directions, and instructions, as by the said
council aforesaid, shall be established ; /and, in defect
thereof, in cases of necessity, according to the good dis
cretions of the said governors and officers respectively, as
well in cases capital and criminal as civil, both marine
and others ; so always as the said statutes, ordinances,
and proceedings, as near as conveniently may be agreea
ble to the laws, statutes, government, and policy of this
our realm of England.
And furthermpre, if any person, or persons, adventu
rers, or planters, of the said colony, or any other, at any
time or times hereafter, shall transport any monies, goods,
or merchandizes, out of any our kingdoms, with a pre
tence and purpose to land, set, or otherwise to dispose the
same, within the limits and bounds of the said colony, and
yet, nevertheless, being at sea, or after he hath landed

172 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
within any part of the said colony, shall carry the same
into any other foreign country, with a purpose there to
set and dispose thereof, that then all the goods a d chat
tels of the said person, or persons, so offending, and
transported, together with the ship or vessel wherein such
transportation was made, shall be forfeited to us, our
heirs, and successors.
And we do further, of our special grace, certain know
ledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors,
for, and in respect of the considerations aforesaid, and
for divers other good causes and considerations, us there
unto especially moving, and by the advice of the lords
and others of our said privy council, have absolutely
given, granted, and confirmed, and, by these presents, do
absolutely give, grant, and confirm, unto the said council,
called the. council established at Plymouth, in the county
of Devon, for the planting, ruling, and governing of Nev/
England, in America, and unto their successors, forever,
all the aforesaid lands and grounds, continent, precincts,
place, places, and territories, (viz.) the aforesaid part of
America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of
northerly latitude from the equinoctial line, to forty-
eight degrees of the said northerly latitude inclusively,
and in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid,
throughout the main land, from sea to sea, together,
also with all the firm land, soils, grounds, havens, ports,
rivers, waters, fishings, mines, and minerals, as well
royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines and min
erals, precious stones, quarries, and all and singular
other commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges,
franchises, and pre-eminences, both within the said tract
of land, upon the main, and also within the said island
and seas adjoining.
Provided always, that the said islands, or any of the
premises herein before mentioned, and, by these presents,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY- 173
intended and meant to be granted, be not actually pos
sessed, or inhabited by any other christian prince or state,
nor be within the bounds, limits, or territories of that
southern colony, heretofore, by us, granted to be planted
by divers of our loving subjects in the south parts.
To have and to hold, possess, and enjoy all and singu
lar the aforesaid continent, lands, territories, islands, he
reditaments, and precincts, sea waters, fishings, with all
and all manner their commodities, royalties, liberties, pre
eminences, and profits, that shall arise from thence, with
all and singular their appurtenances, and every part and
parcel thereof, and of them to, and unto the said coun
cil, and their successors, and assigns, forever, to the sole,
only and proper use, benefit, and behoof of them, the
said council, and their successors, and assigns, forever, to
be holden of us, our heirs, and successors, as of our. ma;
nor of East Greenwich, in our county of Kent, in free
and common socage, and not in capite, nor by knights'
services. Yielding and paying, therefore, to lis, our heirs, and
successors, the fifth part of the ores of gold and silver
which, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall
happen to be found, gotten and obtained in, at, or within
any the said lands, limits, territories, and precincts, or in,
or within any part, or parcels thereof, for, or in respect of
all and all manner of duties, demands, and services what
soever, to be done, made, or paid to us, our heirs, and
successors. And we do further, of our especial grace, certain know
ledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors,
give and grant to the said council, and their successors,
forever, by these presents, that it shall be lawful and free
for them, and their assigns, at all and every time and
times hereafter, out of any our realms or dominions what-

j 74 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
sover, to take, lead, carry, and transport, in and into their
voyages, and for and towards the said plantation in New
England, all such and so many of our loving subjects, or
any other strangers that will become our loving subjects,
and live under our allegiance, or shall willingly accom
pany them in the said voyages and plantation, with
shipping, armor, weapons, ordnances, munition pow
der, shot, victuals, and all manner of clothing, imple
ments, furniture, beasts, cattle, horses, mares, and all other
things necessary for the said plantation, and for their use
and defence, and for trade with the people there, and in
passing and returning to and fro, without paying or yield
ing any custom or subsidy, either inwards or outwards, to
us, our heirs, or successors, for the same, for the space of
seven years from the day of the date of these presents.
Provided, that none of the said persons be such las shall
be hereafter, by special name, restrained by us, our heirs,
or successors. '
And, for their further encouragement, of our special
grace and favor, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs,
and successors, yield and grant to, and with the said coun
cil, and their successors, and every of them, their factors
and assigns, that they, and every of them, shall be free
and quiet from all subsidies and customs, in New Eng
land, for the space of seven years, and from all taxes and
impositions for the space of twenty and one years, upon
all goods or merchandize, at any time or times hereafter,
either upon importation thither, or exportation from thence,
into our realm of England, or- into any other our dominions,
by the said council, and their successors, their deputies,
factors, and assigns, or any of them, except only the five
pounds per cent, due for custom upon all such goods and
merchandizes as shall be brought or imported into our
realm of England, or any other of our dominions, accord-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

175

ing to the ancient trade of merchants ; which five pounds
per centum only being paid, it shall be thenceforth law
ful and free for the said adventurers, the same goods and
merchandize, to export and carry out of our said domin
ions into foreign parts, without any custom, tax, or other
duty, to be paid to us, our heirs, or successors, or to any
other officers or ministers of us, our heirs and successors.
Provided, that the said" goods and merchandizes be ship
ped out within ^thirteen months after their first landing,
within any part of those dominions.
And further, our will and pleasure is, and we do, by
these presents, charge, command, warrant, and authorize
the said council, and their successors, or the major part'
of them, which shall be present and assembled for that
purpose, shall, from time to time, under their common
seal, distribute, convey, assign, and set over such particu
lar portions of lands, tenements, and hereditaments, as
are, by these presents, formerly granted unto each our
loving subjects, naturally born, or denizens, or others, as
well adventurers as planters, as, by the said company,
upon a commission of survey and distribution, executed
and returned for that purpose, shall be named, appointed,
and allowed, wherein our will and pleasure is, that res
pect be had, as well to the proportion of the adventurers,
as to the special service, hazard, exploit, or merit, of any
person so to be recompensed, advanced, or rewarded.
And we do also, for us, our heirs, and successors, grant
to the said council, and their successors, and to all and
every such governors, or other officers, or ministers, as,
by the said council, shall be appointed, to have power and
authority of government and command, in or over the
said colony and plantation, that they, and every of them,
shall, and lawfully may, from time to time, and at all
times hereafter, forever, for their several defence and

176 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
safety, encounter, expulse, repel, and resist, by force of
arms, as well by sea as by land, and all ways and means
whatsoever, all such person and persons as, without the
special license of the said council, and their successors,
or the greater part of them, shall attempt to inhabit with
in the said several precincts and limits of the said colony
and plantation.
And also, all and every such person and persons what
soever, as shall enterprise or attempt, at any time hereaf
ter, destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance to the
said colony and plantation. s
And that it shall be lawful for the said council, and
their successors, and every of them, from time to time,
and at all times hereafter, and they shall have full power
and authority to take and surprise, by all ways and means
whatsoever, all and every such person or persons whatso
ever, with their ships, goods, and other furniture, traffick
ing in any harbor, creek, or place, within the limits and
precincts of the said colony and plantation, and not being
allowed by the said council to be adventurers or planters
of the said colony.
And of our further royal favor, we have granted, and
for us, our heirs, and successors, we do grant unto the
said council, and their successors, that the said territo
ries, lands, rivers, and places aforesaid, or any of them,
shall not be visited, frequented, or traded unto by any
other of our subjects, or the subjects of us, our heirs, or
successors, either from any of the ports and havens, be
longing, or appertaining, or which shall belong or apper
tain unto us, our heirs, or successors, or to any foreign
prince, state, or potentate whatsoever.
And therefore, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and suc
cessors, charge, command, prohibit, and forbid all the
subjects of us, our heirs, and successors, of what degree

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

177

or quality soever they be, that none of them, directly or
indirectly presume to visit, frequent, trade, or adventure
to traffic into; or from the said territories, lands, rivers,
and places aforesaid, or any of them, other than the said
council, and their successors, factors, deputies, and as
signs, unless it be with the license and consent of the
said council and company, first had and obtained in wri
ting, under their common seal, upon pain of our indigna
tion, and imprisonment of their bodies, during the plea
sure of us, our heirs, or successors, and the forfeiture and
loss, both of their ship and goods, wheresoever they shall
be found, either within any of our kingdoms or dominions,
or any the place or places out of our dominions, and for
the better effecting of our said pleasure herein, we do
hereby, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and grant
full power and authority unto the said council, and their
successors, for the time being, that they, by themselves,
their factors, deputies, or assigns, shall and may, from
time to time, and at all times hereafter, attach, arrest,
take, and seize all and all manner of ship and ships, goods,
wares, and merchandizes whatsoever, which shall be
brought from, or carried to the places before mentioned,
or any of them, contrary to our will and pleasure, before
in these presents expressed, the moiety, or one half of all
which forfeitures, we do hereby, for us, our heirs, and suc
cessors, give and grant unto the said council, and their
successors, to their own proper use, without accompt, and
the other moiety, or half part thereof, we will shall be
and remain to the use of us, our heirs, and successors.
And we, likewise, have condescended and granted, and,
by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do
condescend, and grant to, and with the said council, and
their successors, that we, our heirs, or successors, shall
not, or will not, give and grant any liberty, license, or
23

173 MEMOIit OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
authority to any person or persons whatsoever, to sail,
trade, or traffic unto the aforesaid plantations of New
England, without the good will and liking of the said
council, or the greater part of ihem, for the time being,
at any their courts to be assembled.
And we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and
grant unto the said council, and their successors, that
whensoever, or so often as any custom or subsidy shall
grow due or payable, unto us, our heirs, or successors,
according to the limitation and appointment aforesaid,
by reason of any goods, wares, or merchandize, to be
shipped out, or any return to be made, of any goods,
wares, or merchandize, unto, or from New England,
or any the lands or territories aforesaid, that then, so ¦
often, and in such case, the farmers, customers, and
officers of our customs of England and Ireland, and
every of them, for the time being, upon request made un
to them by the said council, their successors, factors, or
assigns, and upon convenient security to be given in lhat
behalf, shall give and allow unto the said council, and
their successors, and to all person and persons free of
the said company as aforesaid, six months time, for the
payment of the one half of all such customs and subsidy,
as shall be due and payable unto us, our heirs, and succes- ':
sors, for the same ; for which these, our letters patents, or
the duplicate, or the enrolment thereof, shall be, unto our
said officers, a sufficient warrant and discharge.
Nevertheless, our will and pleasure is, lhat, if any of
the said goods, wares, and merchandizes, which be, or
shall be, at any time hereafter, landed and exported out
of any our realms aforesaid, and shall be shipped with a
purpose not to be carried to New England aforesaid, that
then such payment, duty, custom, imposition, or forfeiture,
shall be paid and belong to us, our heirs, and successors,
for the said goods, wares, and merchandizes, so fraudu-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 279
lently sought, to be transported, as if this our granthad
not been made nor granted.
And we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, give and
grant unto the said council, and their successors, forever,
by these presents, that the said president of the said com
pany, or his deputy, for the time being, or any two others
of the said council, for the said colony in New England.
for the time being, shall and may, at all times hereafter,
and from time to time, have full power and authority to
minister, and give the oath and oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, or cither of them, to all and every person and
persons, which shall, at any time and times hereafter, go
and pass to the said colony in New England.
And further, that it shall be, likewise, lawful for the
said president, or his deputy, for the time being, or any
two others of the said council, for the said colony in New
England, for the time being, from time to time, and at all
times hereafter, to minister such a formal oath, as by their
discretions shall be reasonably devised, as well unto any
person or persons employed, or to be employed in, for, or
touching the said plantation, for their honest, faithful,
and just discharge of their service, in all such matters as
shall be committed unto them, for the good and benefit of
the said company, colony, and plantation, as aho unto
such other person or persons as the said president, or his
deputy, with two others of the said council, shall think
meet, for the examination or clearing of the truth, in
any cause whatsoever concerning the said plantation, or
any business from thence proceeding, or thereunto be
longing. And to the end that no lewd or ill disposed persons,
sailors, soldiers, artificers, husbandmen, laborers, or others
which shall receive wares, apparel, or other entertainment
from the said council, or contract and agree with the said
council, to go, and to serve, and to be employed in the

180 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
said plantation, in the colony in New England, do after
wards withdraw, hide, and conceal themselves, or refuse
to go thither, after they have been so entertained and
agreed withal, and that no persons which shall be sent
and employed in the said plantation of the said colony in
New England, upon the charge of the said council, do
misbehave themselves by mutinous, seditious, or other no
torious misdemeanors, or which shall be employed, or sent
abroad by the governor of New England, or his deputy,
with any ship or pinnace, for provision of the said colony,
or for some discovery, or other business and affairs con
cerning the same, do, from thence, treacherously either
come back again, or return into the realm of England, by
stealth, or without license of the governor of the said
colony in New England, for the time being, or be sent
hither as misdoers or offenders, and that none of those
persons, after their return from thence, being questioned
by the said council here for such their misbehaviors and
offences, do, by insolent and contemptuous carriage, in
the presence of the said council, shew little respect and
reverence, either to the place or authority in which we
have placed and appointed them, and others, for the clear
ing of their lewdness and misdemeanors, committed in
New England, divulge vile and slanderous reports of the
country of New England, or of the government or estate
of the said plantation and colony, to bring the said voy
ages and plantation into disgrace and contempt, by
means whereof, not only the adventurers and planters
already engaged in the said plantation, may be exceed
ingly abused, and hindered, and a great number of our
loving and well disposed subjects, otherwise well affect
ed, and inclined to join and adventure in so noble a chris
tian and worthy an action, may be discouraged from the
same, but also the enterprise itself, may be overthrown,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

181

which cannot miscarry, without some dishonor to us and
our kingdom.
We, therefore, for preventing of so great and enormous
abuses and misdemeanors, do, by these presents, for us,
our heirs, and successors, give and grant unto the said
president, or his deputy, or such other person, or persons,
as, by the orders of the said council, shall be appointed,
by warrant, under his or their hand or hands, to send for,
or cause to be apprehended, all and every such person
and persons, who shall be noted, or accused, or found, at
any time or times hereafter, to offend, or misbehave them
selves, in any the affairs before mentioned and expressed ;
and, upon the examination of any such offender or offen- ¦
ders, and just proof, made by oath* taken before the said
council, of any such notorious misdemeanors, by them
to be committed, as aforesaid, and also, upon any inso
lent, contemptuous, or unreverent carriage, or misbeha
vior, to, or against the said council, to be shewed or used,
by any such person or persons, so called, convinced, and
appearing before them, as aforesaid, that, in all such
cases, our said council, or any two, or more of them, for
the time being, shall, and may have full power and au
thority, either here to bind them over with good securities
for their good behavior, and further therein to proceed,
to all intents and purposes, as it is used in other like cases
within our realm of England, or else, at their discretions,
to remand and send back the said offenders, or any of
therin, to the said colony of New England, there to be
proceeded against and punished, as the governors, depu
ty; or council there, for the time being, shall think meet,
or otherwise, according to such laws and ordinances, as
are, and shall be in use there, for the well ordering and
good government of the said colony.
And our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare,
to all christian kings, princes, and states, that, if any

182 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
person or persons, which shall hereafter be of the said
colony or plantation, or any oilier, by license or appoint
ment of the said council, or their successors, or other
wise, shall, at any time or times hereafter, rob, or spoil,
by sea or by land, or do any hurt, violence, or unlawful
hostility, to any of the subjects of us, our heirs, or suc
cessors, or any of the subjects of any king, prince, ruler,
or governor, or state, being then in league and amily with
us, our heirs, and successors ; and that, upon such injury,
or upon just complaint of such piince, ruler, governor, or
state, or their subjects, we, our heirs, or successors, shall
make open proclamation, within any of the parts of our
realm of England commodious for that purpose, that the
person or persons having committed any such robbery or
spoil, shall, within the time limited by such a proclama
tion, make full restitution or satisfaction of all such inju
ries done, so as the said princes, or others so complain
ing, may hold themselves fully satisfied and contented;
and if that the said person or persons, having committed
such robbery or spoil, shall not make, or cause to be
made, satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to be
limited, that then it shall be lawful for us, our heirs, and
successors, to put the said person or persons out of our
allegiance and protection, and that it shall be lawful and
free for all princes to prosecute with hostility the said
offenders, and every of them, their and every of their pro
curers, aiders, abettors, and comforters in that behalf.
Also, we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, declare,
by these presents, that all and every the persons being
our subjects, which shall go and inhabit within the said
colony and plantation, and every of their children and
posterity, which shall happen to be born within the limits
thereof, shall have and enjoy all liberties, and franchises,
and immunities of free denizens and natural subjects, with
any of our other dominions, to all intents and purposes,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

183

as if they had been abiding, and born within this our
kingdom of England, or any other our dominions.
And lastly, because the principal effect which we can
desire, <;r expect of this action, is the conversion of, and
reduction of the people in those parts, unto the true wor
ship of God and christian religion,' in which respect we'
would be loath that any person should be permitted to
pass, that we suspected to affect the superstition of the
church of Rome, we do hereby declare, that it is our will
and pleasure, that none be permitted to pass in any voy
age, from time to time to be made into the said country,
but such as shall first have taken the oath of supremacy ;
for which purpose, we do, by these presents, give full
power and authority to the president of the said council,
to tender and exhibit the said oath to all such persons
as shall, at any time, be sent and employed in the said
voyage. And we also, for us, our heirs, and successors, do cove
nant and grant to, and with the council, and their suc
cessors, by these presents, that if the council, for the time
being, and their successors, or any of them, shall, at any
time or times hereafter, upon any doubt which they shall
conceive, concerning the strength or validity in law, of
this our present grant, or be desirous to have the same
renewed and confirmed by us, our heirs, and successors,
with amendments of such imperfections and defects, as
shall appear fit and necessary to the said council, or their
successors, to be reformed and amended, on the behalf of
us, our heirs, and successors, and for the furthering of the
plantation and government, or the increase, continuing,
and flourishing thereof, that then, upon the humble peti
tion of the said council, for the time being, and their suc
cessors, to us, our heirs, and successors, we, our heirs, and
successors, shall and will, forthwith, make and pass, under

1 S4 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the great seal of England, to the said council, and their
successors, such further and better assurance of all and
singular the lands, grounds, royalties, privileges, and pre
mises aforesaid, granted, or intended to be granted, ac
cording to our true intent and meaning, in these our
letters patents, signified, declared, or mentioned, as by
the learned council of us, our heirs, and successors, and
of the said company, and their successors, shall, in lhat
behalf, be reasonably devised or advised.
And further, our will and pleasure is, that, in all ques
tions and doubts, that shall arise upon any difficulty of
construction or interpretation of anything contained in
these our letters patents, the same shall be taken and
interpreted, in most ample and beneficial manner, for the
said council, and their successors, and every member
thereof. And we do further, for us, our heirs, and successors,
charge and command all and singular admirals, vice ad
mirals, generals, commanders, captains, justices of peace,
mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, customers, comptrol
lers, waiters, searchers, and all the officers of us, our
heirs, and successors whatsoever, to be, from time to time,
and at all times hereafter, in all things aiding, helping,
and assisting unto the said council, and their successors,
and unto every of them, upon request and requests, by
them to be made, in all matters and things, for the further
ance and accomplishment of all or any the matters and
things by us, in, and by these our letters patents, given,
granted, and provided, or by us meant or intended to be
given, granted, and provided, as they, our said officer, and
the officers of us, our heirs, and successors, do tender our
pleasure, and will avoid the contrary, at their perils.
And also, we do, by these presents, ratify and confirm
unto the said council, and their successors, all privileges,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. J85
franchises, liberties, arid immunities, granted in our said
former letters patents, and not in these our letters patents,
revoked, altered, changed, or abridged, although expres
sed, mentioned, &c. — In witness, &c, witness ourself at
Westminster, the third day of November, in the eighteenth
year of our reign over England, &c.

It will be perceived that by this patent of November 3d,
1620, King James I. undertook to grant to the council
established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, England,
all the territory in North America included between the
40th and 48th degrees of north latitude. This grant in
cluded within its limits all that territory which now forms
the provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Upper
and Lower Canada ; and within the United States, the
New England States, New York, the largest part of New
Jersey, nearly the whole of Pennsylvania, and of the new
Western States, the greater part of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
a small part of Missouri, the whole territory of Michigan,
and a large tract of the wilderness extending to the Pa
cific ocean. Excepting therefrom however, such a part as
should be ' actually possessed, or inhabited by any other
christian prince, or state.'
A patent was granted by the council for trade, and for
lands, in 1621, to John Peirce in trust for the use of the
colony, as has been before related, which was signed by
the duke of Lenox, the marquis of Hamilton, Sir Ferdi
nando Gorges, and another.*
* Judge Davis in his valuable edition of Morton's memorial, has set forth at
large, the terms and conditions of this patent, which were as follows :
¦ It grants to the patentee and his associates, who are recited to have under
taken a plantation in New England, 100 acres of land for each person, if they
should continue there three years ; either at one or several times, or die in the
24

186 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
By this patent no territorial limits were defined, and it
does not appear that any proceedings whatever were had
on the part of the settlers under its authority.
Peirce afterwards in 1622, without their knowledge or
consent, obtained a more ample patent in his own name,
for which he paid £50, and under which he intended
to establish a manorial court, and compel all the settlers
to hold of him as lord of the manor, and with a view
to enforce the privileges of his patent, he embarked
for the colony in December, 1622, but disasters pursued
him, and having been compelled to return twice, and being
mean season, after they should be shipped, with intent there to inhabit'; the
land to be taken and chosen in any place or places not inhabited or settled by
any English, or by order of the council made choice of; and with the further
allowance of 100 acres for every person sent by the undertakers, at their own
expense, to the intended plantation, within the term of seven years, reserving
a quit rent of 2*. for each 100 acres, to be paid to the president and council of
New England, after the expiration of seven years. Fifteen hundred acres for
every undertaker, are granted for the erection of churches, schools, hospitals,
town houses, &.c, and for the maintenance of magistrates, and officers. Free
liberty of fishing on the coast, and in the bays, harbors, &c, of New England,
is granted, and freedom of trade with England, or elsewhere, paying such du
ties, as the council were holden to pay : also privilege of trading with the sav
ages, and to " hunt, hawk, fish, or fowl, in any place not inhabited by any
English." There is covenant for further assurance, and after due survey of the
lands located, within seven years, for enfeoffment and confirmation of the ter
ritory, by letters of incorporation, with authority to make laws, ordinances, and
constitutions, for the rule and government of all persons belonging to the plan
tation. Authority is also given to defend the possessions and privileges granted,
by force of arms, against all invaders and intruders, and when the lands granted
should be planted, it is agreed that there shall be a further allowance and grant
of 50 acres for each person transported and settled in the plantation. The
patentees agree to cause a particular account to be rendered of all persons con
veyed to the plantation, and " that they shall apply themselves and their labors,
in a large and competent manner, to the planting, selling, making, and procuring
of good and staple commodities, in and upon the said land granted unto them, as
corn, and silk grass, hemp, flax, pitch, and tar, soap, ashes, and pot ashes, iron, <
clapboards, and other like materials.'"

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

187

both times in imminent danger of shipwreck, he beeame
discouraged and relinquished his undertaking, and in con
sideration of £500, assigned his patent to the company.
Still the settlers were anxious to obtain a charter con
ferring more ample political powers, defining their limits,
and placing them on the footing of the most favored En1-
glish subjects. A patent was issued to William Bradford
then the governor of Plymouth, and his associates, Janu
ary 30th 1629, in the first year of the reign of King
Charles, by which those powers and privileges were be
stowed. To this patent the settlers were anxious to
obtain the royal sanction, which the king promised to give,
but delayed and finally refused to affix his signature
to the instrument, and after waiting some years, probably
to 1635 or 1636, they proceeded to settle the foundation
of their government on a permanent basis, and defined
particularly the powers of the governor and the assistants.
In 1638 they transferred the power which was in the whole
body of the freemen, to committees or deputies from the
several towns in the colony, who assembled for the first
time, June, 1639. On the 2d of March, 1640, Governor
Bradford surrendered to the freemen the patent of the
colony, ' which had been taken in his name, reserving
three tracts, described in the instrument of assignment,
for the ' purchasers or old comers.' The tracts reserved
were the following : ' First from the bounds of Yarmouth,
three miles to the eastward of Naemsketkitt, and from sea
to sea, cross the neck of land ; the second place of a
place called Acconquesse, (alias Acokus) which lyeth in
the bottom of the bay adjoining to the west side of Poynt
Perill, and two miles to the western side of the said river,
to another place called Acqussent river, which entereth
at the western end of Nickatay, and two miles to the east
ward thereof, and to extend eight miles up into the county :

188 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the third place from Sowamsett river to Patuckquett river,
with Cansumpsett neck, which is the cheefe habitation of
the Indians, and reserved for them to dwell upon, extend
ing into the land eight miles through the whole breadth
thereof.' *
In this patent a tract of land was included on the Ken
nebeck river.
The general court at this time (probably) thought it
expedient, (perhaps in consequence of the imperfection of
their patent, which had never received the sanction of the
crown,) to set forth their rights in a formal declaration, in
which they carefully enumerated all their claims of title,
and recited every circumstance which could be brought
to strengthen it. As this declaration not only set forth
the whole patent which was issued to Governor Bradford
in 1629, but all the grounds on which they afterwards
proceeded to act as an independent colony, and to grant
the lands within its limits, its insertion in this work is not
only proper but necessary for a right explanation of the
manner in which titles to lands were derived in this ter
ritory.
A Declaration demonstrating the warrantable grounds and proceedings of the
first associates of the Government of New Plymouth, in laying the first foun
dation of the Government in this jurisdiction, for making of laws and dispos
ing of lands, and all such things as may conduce to the well being of this
" Corporation of New England.
Whereas John Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins
low, William Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and divers others,
* ' The first tract (says Judge Davis) is on Cape Cod, comprehending East-
ham, Orleans, Brewster, and it is believed, Harwich and Chatham.
' The second tract is the present towns of Dartmouth, and New Bedford.'
The third tract the ' cheefe ' residence of the Indians and reserved for then
embraces Swansey and Rehoboth in Massachusetts, Barsington and Warren us
Rhode Island, and perhaps Bristol.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. jgg
the subjects of our late sovereign lord King James by the
grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and
Ireland, defender of the faith, who did in the eighteenth
year of his reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of
Scotland the fiftyfourth, which was in the year of our Lord
God one thousand six hundred and twenty, undertake a
voyage into that part of America called Virginia, or New
England, thereunto adjoining, there to erect a plantation
or colony of English, intending the glory of God, the
enlargement of his Majesty's dominions, and the general
good of the English nation.
And whereas, by the good providence of God, the said
John Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, W'illiam
Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and their associates arrived in
New England aforesaid, in the harbor of Cape Cod, or
Paomett, situate and being in New England aforesaid,
where all the first persons entered into a civil combination
being the eleventh day of November, in the year afore
mentioned, as the subjects of our said sovereign lord the
King to become a body politic, binding ourselves to ob
serve such laws and ordinances, and obey such officers
as from time to time should be made and chosen ; for the
well ordering and guidance ; and thereupon by the favor
of the Alrhighty began the first colony in New England,
there being then no other within the said continent, at a
place called by the natives Apaum, alias Patuxett, and by
the English New Plymouth, all which lands being void of
inhabitants, we the said John Carver, William Bradford,
Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and
the rest of our associates entering into a league of peace
with Massasoiet, since called Woosamequin, Prince or
Sachem of these parts, he the said Massasoiet freely gave
them all the lands adjacent to them, and their heirs forever,
acknowledging himself content to become the subject of

190 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
our lord the King aforesaid, his heirs and successors, and
taking protection of us the said John Carver, William
Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac Al
lerton, and their associates the natural subjects of our
sovereign lord the King aforesaid : but having no special
letters patents for the said parts of New England, but
only the general law and liberty of our consciences in the
public worship of God wherever we should settle ; being
therefore now settled and requiring special license and.
commission from his majesty for the ordering of our affairs,
under his gracious protection, had sundry commissions
made and confirmed by his said majesty's council for New
England, to John Peirce and his associates whose names
we only made use of, and whose associates we were in the
late happy and memorable reign of our sovereign lord
King James : — But finding ourselves still straightened,
and a willingness in the honorable council aforesaid to
enlarge us, partly in regard of the many difficulties we
had undergone, and partly in regard of the good service
we had done, as well in relieving his majesty's subjects as
otherwise, we procured a further enlargement under the
name of William Bradford aforesaid and his associates,
whose names we likewise used, and whose associates as
formerly we still are, by virtue of which said letters pa
tents liberty is given to us derivatory from our sovereign
lord King Charles, bearing date the thirtieth of January
1629, being the first year of his reign of England, and
Scotland, France and Ireland, &c, and signed by the right
honorable Robert, earl of Warwick, in the behalf of his
majesty's council for New England, and sealed with their
common seal to frame and make orders, ordinances, and
constitutions for the ordering, disposing, and governing of
our persons, and distributing of our lands within the said
limits.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 191
To be holden of his majesty, his heirs and successors,
as of his manor of East Greenwich in the county of Kent,
in free and common socage, and not in capite, nor by
knights service : viz. — all that part of America and tract
and tracts of land that lyeth within or between a certain
rivolett or rundelett commonly called Coahasset alias
Conahassett towards the north, and the river called Nar
ragansett river, towards the south, and the great western
ocean towards the east, and within and betweeti a straight
line directly extending into the maine towards the west
from the mouth of the said river called Narragansett river,
to the utmost bounds and limits of a country or place in
New , England called Pocanaukett, alias Puckanakick,,
alias Sowamsett, westwards; and another like straight line
extending itself directly from the mouth of the said river
called Coahasset, alias Conahassett towards the west, so
far up into the maine land westwards, to the utmost limits
¦ of the said place or country called Pocanaukett, alias Po-
canaukick, alias Sowamsett, doth extend : together with
the one half of the said river called Narragansett, and
,the said rivolett or rundelett, called Coahasset, alias Co
nahassett, and all lands, rivers, waters, havens, creeks,
ports, fishings, fowlings, and all hereditaments, profits,
commodities, and emoluments, whatsoever, situate, lying
and being or arising within or between the said limits or
bounds, or any of them : —
Furthermore, all that tract or part of land in New En
gland, or part of America aforesaid, which lyeth within or
between, and extending itself from the utmost limits of
Cobbisecontee, alias Comaccecontee, which adjoins to the
river of Kennebeck, alias Kenebekick, towards the western
ocean, and a place called the falls at Nekaumkick, in
America aforesaid ; and the space of fifteen English miles
on each side of the river commonly called Kennebeck river,

] 92 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
that lyeth within the aforesaid bounds eastwards, west
wards, and northwards, and southwards, last abovemen-
tioned, and alLlands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishings,
hereditaments, and profits, whatsoever situate lying and
being, arising, happening, or accruing within the said
limits or bounds, or either of them, together with free
ingiess, egress, and regress, with ships, boats, shallops,
and other vessels from the sea called the western ocean,
to the river" called Kennebeck, and from the said river to
the same western ocean, together with all prerogatives,
rights, royalties, and jurisdictions, privileges, franchises,
liberties, and immunities, and also marine liberties,
escheats, and casualties, (the admiralty jurisdiction ex
cepted,) with all the interest, right, title, claim, and
demand whatsoever, where the said council and their
successors now have, or ought to have, or may have, or
require hereafter, in or to any of the said tract or portion
of lands hereby mentioned to be granted, or any the
premises in as free, large, ample, and beneficial manner
to all intents and constructions whatever, as the said
council by virtue of his majesty's said letters patent may
or can grant.
To have and to hold the said tract or tracts of land, and
all and singular the premises abovementioned, to be grant
ed with their and every of their appurtenances to the said
William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and assigns forever,
to the only proper use and absolute behoofe of the said
William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and assigns forever,
yielding and paying unto our sovereign lord the king, his
heirs, and successors forever, one fifth part of the ore of the
mines of gold and silver, and one other fifth thereof to the
president and council, which shall be had, possessed and
obtained within the precincts aforesaid for all services and
demands whatsoever ; allowing the said William Bradford,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 193
his associates, and assigns, and every of them, his and
their agents, tenants and servants, and all such as he or
they shall send or' employ about the said particular plan
tation ; shall and may from time to time freely, lawfully
go and return, trade or traffic as well with the English as
any the -natives within the precincts aforesaid, with liberty
of fishing upon any part of the sea coast, and sea shores
of any of the seas or islands adjacent, and not being in
habited and otherwise disposed of by order of said presi
dent and council, forbidding all others to traffic with the
natives or inhabitants in any of the said limits without the
special leave of the said William Bradford, his heirs, and
associates, and allowing the said William Bradford, his
heirs and associates to take, apprehend, seize, and make
prize of all such their ships and goods, as shall attempt
to inhabit, or trade with the salvage people as aforesaid.
Moreover, whereas in the first beginning of this colony
divers merchants and others of the city of London, and
elsewhere, adventured divers sums of money with the said
John Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, William
Brewster and the rest of their associates, on certain terms
of partnership, to continue for the term of seven years,
the said term being; expired, the said plantation by reason
of manifold losses, and crosses by sea and land, in the
beginning of so great a work, being largely indebted, and
no means to pay the said debts but by the sale of the
whole, and the same being put upon sale, the said William
Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac Al
lerton and others our associates, the inhabitants of New
Plymouth, and elsewhere, being loath to be deprived of our
labor ; bought the same for and in consideration of eigh
teen hundred pounds sterling, viz. all and singular the
privileges, lands, goods, chattels, ordinance, ammunition,
or whatsoever appertained to the said plantation, or the
25

194 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
adventurers, with all and singular the privileges thereunto
belonging as appears by a deed between the said Isaac
Allerton then agent for the said William Bradford and his
associates on the one part, and John Pocock, Robert Keine,
Edward Basse, James Shirley, and John BeauChamp on
the other part, being thereunto requested by the said
merchants, and the rest adventuring as aforesaid, as ap-i
pears by a deed bearing date the sixth of November, in
the third year of the reign of our sovereign lord, Charles,
by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, et Anno Dom. 1627.
Be it known unto all men by these presents, that accord
ing to our first intents, and for the better effecting the
glory of God, — the enlargement of the dominions of our
said sovereign lord the king, and the special good of his
subjects, by virtue as well of our combination aforesaid,
as also the several grants by us procured in the name of
John Peirce, and William Bradford, their heirs, 'and
associates, together with our lawful right, in respect of
our donation and purchase of the natives, and our full
purchase of the adventurers before expressed, having
given unto and allotted and assigned and granted to all
and every them and theirs, whose name or names shall
follow upon this public record such proportion or propor
tions of lands with all and singular the privileges thereunto '
belonging as aforesaid ; to him or them, his or their heirs,
or assigns successively forever : — to be holden as of his
majesty, "his manor of East Greenwich, in the county of
Kent, in free and common socage, and not in capite nor
by knight's service : — yielding and paying unto our said
sovereign lord the king, his heirs, and successors forever,
one fifth part of the ore of _the mines of the gold and sil
ver, and one other fifth part to the president and council,
which shall be possessed and obtained as aforesaid.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. jgg
And whatsoever lands are granted to any by the said
William Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster,
Isaac Allerton, or their heirs, or associates, as aforesaid
being acknowledged in public court, and brought to this
book of records of the several inheritances of the subjects
of our sovereign lord the king within this government. —
It shall be lawful for the governor of New Plymouth (from
time to time successively) to give under his hand and the
common seal of the government, a copy of the said grant
so recorded, confirming the said lands to him or them ;
his or their heirs, or assigns, forever, with the several
bounds and limits of the same, which shall be sufficient
evidence in law from time to time, and at all times for all
intents and purposes, the said party or parties, his or their
assigns forever. ,
To have and to hold the said portion of lands, so granted,
bounded, and recorded, as aforesaid, with all and singular
the appurtenances belonging thereunto ; to the only proper
and absolute use and behoof of the said party or parties,
his or their heirs, or assigns forever.
It is unaccountable that the general court after this
careful enumeration of the several titles to the lands and
sovereignty of New Plymouth, namely, their original com
bination for civil government November 11th, 1620; the
donation of Massasoiet, of Patuxet, and the lands adja
cent ; the two patents of Peirce ; the final patent to Wil
liam Bradford ; the purchase from Pocock, Keine, Bass,
Shirley, and Beauchamp, acting on the part of the adven
turers, of all the trade and common property of the colony,
should have omitted the mention of the great patent
of New England to the council established at Plymouth,
(England,) although they recite the very words of that
patent so. far as respects the grants of lands, which were

196 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
unquestionably copied from the great patent when the
patent of 1629 was issued.
This great patent is the foundation of all the titles to
land in New England. Under a patent derivatory from
this, Massachusetts afterwards claimed a tract of land
equal in breadth to the length of the western line of that
state in the western territory of New York, which claim
was compromised to the satisfaction of Massachusetts.
Connecticut on similar grounds, claimed a part of the
territory called the Susquehannah country, and obtained
the Connecticut Reserve in the state of Ohio.

( 197 ,)

CHAPTER X.
Settlement of Massachusetts. — First public execution in Plymouth. — Kindness
of the Indians. — Mr Allerton becomes dissatisfied and leaves the colony. —
Dispute with Massachusetts. — Narragansetts threaten Massasoiet. — AUer->
ton's enmity. — Sir Christopher Gardner arrested, and Massachusetts and
Plymouth brought into difficulty, but finally satisfy King Charles. — Edward
Winslow elected Governor. — A trading house on Connecticut river erected.^
Disputes with the Dutch and with Massachusetts. — Infectious fever. — Mr
Collier arrives. — Thomas Prince elected Governor. — Capt Stone seizes
a Plymouth bark in Connecticut river .-'- Hocking killed at Kennebpck,
and John Alden arrested at Boston and released. — Trade of Plymouth. —
William Bradford again elected Governor. — Trading house at Penobscot cap
tured by the French, and negotiation with Massachusetts for their dislodge
ment. — First Settlements in Connecticut. '
t -„0 The failure of Weston's attempt to settle Wessa
gusset in the summer of 1622, and the ill success
of Gorges who renewed the attempt in September 1623,
have been already related. Two of Gorges' company it
is probable remained at Wessagusset, namely, Mr Jeffrey
and Mr Burslem, (or Burseley) where they were joined by
some families from Weymouth, (in England) in 1629, who
gave to Wessagusset the name of Weymouth. Wollaston's
settlement at Mount Wollaston, (afterwards Braintree
now Quincy) shared the ill fortune of the two first, and
was evacuated in 1628.
In 1624, John Oldham expelled from Plymouth, settled
at Nantasket, (since called Hull) where Roger Conant and
some others who were displeased with the proceedings at
Plymouth, joined him. Oldham probably remained at

198 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Nantasket until 1630, when he was at Watertown. Conant
and some of the others in 1625 went to Cape Anne, and
afterwards removed to Naumkeag, (of which he, together
with John Woodbury, John Balch, and Peter Palfreys,
were the first settlers in 1626.) About that time William
Blackstone an Episcopalian Clergyman was the sole
occupant of Shawmut, (Boston) where he had erected
a cottageand planted an orchard. David Thompson
who had removed from Piscataqua, occupied Thompson's
Island in Boston Harbor, and Samuel Maverick who is
represented by the ancient writers as a gentleman of the
kindest and most courteous disposition, occupied Noddle's
Island which he had fortified. Thomas Walford* a smith,
was at Mishawum (Charlestown). Previous to 1628 thpse
were all the settlers of Massachusetts, as far as can be
ascertained. On the 19th of March, 1627, the council for New Eng
land granted a patent for trade, soil, and planting, &c. to
Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat,
John Humphrey, John Endicot, Simon Whetcomb, and
their associates. This association was formed through
the influence and exertions of Mr White, a puritan min
ister of Dorchester, (England,) whose object was to es
tablish a religious colony of a faith pure and undefiled in
New England.
- A royal charter was obtained March 4, 1628, by the
patentees and their associates. f
* The name of Thomas Walford appears in 1640, at Portsmouth, as a church
warden. t The associates were Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Alder-
sey, John Ven, Matthew Cradock, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, Rich
ard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassall, Tbeophi-
lus Eaton, Thomas Goff, Thomas Adams, John Brown, Samuel Brown, Thomas
Hutchins, William Vassall, William Pynchon, and George Foxcraft.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

199

In September, 1628, John Endicot, one of the- asso
ciates, with several others, amongst whom were Mr Gott,
Mr Brackenbury, Capt. Trask, and three brothers of the
name of Sprague, (Ralph, Richard, and William,) arrived
at Naumkeag. Theirs was the first successful attempt to
establish a permanent settlement in Massachusetts, and
Endicot, although he was afterwards overshadowed by
the high character of John Winthrop, may be considered
the real founder of the colony.
At a meeting of the associates in the city of London,
(April 30, 1629,) Endicot was elected governor of the
plantation, and Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and
Francis Bright, three Puritan ministers, John Brown, Sam
uel Brown, Thomas Graves, and Samuel Sharp, were
chosen a council. On the 24th of June, they, (with the
exception of Endicot, who was already there,) and many
others arrived at Naumkeag, which place they imme
diately called Salem. Shortly after, Thomas Graves and
Mr Bright, went to Mishawum, and several joining them,
they laid out and settled a town, which they called, in
honor of the king, Charlestown. Ralph Smith, the other
minister, who was sent to Salem, left that place and went
to Nantasket, and afterwards to Plymouth, of which he
became the first pastor, in 1629.
, On the thirtieth of May, 1630, Warham, Maverick,
Rossiter, and Ludlow, arrived at Nantasket.. Taking a
boat, they went up Charles river, and sat down at a place
sincf called Watertown, but in a few days they were or
dered to remove to Mattapan, (now Dorchester,) and there
they commenced a settlement.
Between the twelfth of June and the thirtieth of July,
(1630,) a fleet of eleven ships arrived from England,
bringing over a great number of passengers ; with them
came the governor, the eminent John Winthrop. They

200 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
first settled at Charlestown, where Mr Bright, Mr Graves,
and several others, had previously seated themselves, but
not finding good water, Sir Richard Saltonstall and some
others were induced to go up the river, and they settled
Watertown. The only person residing on the peninsula then called
Shawmut, (now Boston,) was William Blackstone. The
English at Charlestown, learning from him, that there
was a spring of fine water there, and being cordially in
vited to come, Mr Johnson and some others went over and
settled ; the governor and most of the others soon followed;
and the accidental advantage of a spring of good water
transferred the metropolitan honors of New England from
Charlestown to Boston.
Blackstone had been an Episcopalian clergyman in
England, but disliking ' the power of the lords Bishops,'
to escape from it, he abandoned his country. In 1634,
his right and title to the peninsula of Shawmut, ' he hav
ing been the first European occupant,' was purchased by
the inhabitants of Boston, each of them paying him 6s.
and some of them more. In 1635, ' becoming discontented
with the power of the Lord's brethren here,' he removed
from Boston, to a place on Pawtucket river, (to which
river his name has been transferred,) tohich afterwards
fell within the corporate limits of the ancient Rehoboth,
a part of the territory of Plymouth.
Before the end of the year, five other vessels arrived
with passengers. The whole number who came over
during this year, (1630,) was estimated at fifteen hun
dred.. Mr Pynchon settled beyond the neck, and founded the
town of Roxbury, and in the same year, Cambridge, (at
first called New Town,) and Medford, (then called Mystic,)
were settled.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 201
John Winthrop had been elected governor in England ;
John Humphry deputy governor, who being at that time
unable to come, his place was supplied by Thomas Dud
ley ; Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, John Endi
cot, Increase Nowell, William Vassall, William Pynchon,
Roger Ludlow, Edward Rossiter, Thomas Sharp, John
Revell, Matthew Cradock, Simon Bradstreet, Samuel
Aldersy, John Venn, Sir Brian Jansen, William Codding-
ton, and Thomas Adams, were elected assistants.
Mr Cradock, an eminent. London merchant, Col. Venn,
afterwards a member of the Long Parliament for the
city of London, and Sir Brian Jansen, never came over.
The rank and circumstances of this second band of
New England pilgrims were strikingly contrasted with
those of the first. From the time of the emigration of
Robinson's church to Holland, in 1608, a period of twen-
tyone years had elapsed, during which the Puritans had
been elevated from an humble sect, few in numbers, and
alike destitute of- wealth and learning, into a powerful
party, already excited by the strongest impulses of politi
cal ambition, inflamed with controversy, and beginning to
see in the prospective a throne in the dust, and a monarch
in chains. The circle, originally so narrow, had enlarged *
itself to such an extent, that it threatened, at no distant
period, to embrace three powerful kingdoms. The puri
tans were persecuted and oppressed, and the crown as
sumed all the terrors of the prerogative, but they never
qUailed from the contest, and so successful had they been,
that they already began to feel that rancour of political
rivalry, which springs from an equality of political power,
and to look forward without dread to the time when their
' swords would be measured with their antagonists' in the
field. Their characters were more elevated, but their
dispositions were less kindly, and their tempers more aus-
26

202 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tere, sour, and domineering, than those of their Plymouth
brethren. They had brought themselves to a positive con
viction of their own evangelical purity and perfect god
liness, and therefore they tolerated not even the slightest
difference in theological opinions. They had almost
reached that degree of enthusiasm, when, without regret,
they would have dragged a ' malignant' to the scaffold,
or have gone to it themselves, without fear. The flowers
of literature had begun to bloom amongst the thorns of
polemic divinity, and rank and wealth were embraced in
their connection. Governor Winthrop was a gentleman
of fortune, and was descended from a lawyer, eminent in
the reign of Henry VIII. Humphry and Johnson, also
men of fortune, had married two sisters, daughters of the
Earl of Lincoln, the root of the present ducal house of
Newcastle. Dudley had been a captain of the English
Auxiliaries which served with the armies of Henry IV. of
France. Sir Richard Saltonstall was the son of Sir
Richard Saltonstall, lord-mayor of London, in 1597, who
was descended from an ancient and honorable family in
Yorkshire. Nowell was the nephew of Alexander Nowell,
Dean of St Paul's in the time of Queen Elizabeth. Vas
sall, who still remained an Episcopalian, and Coddington,
afterwards a large proprietor of Barbadoes and of Barbu
da, in the West Indies, were men of family and fortune.
Bradstreet had been educated at Cambridge university.
Pynchon, the founder of Roxbury, and afterwards of
Springfield, was a gentleman of extensive learning and
acquirements. Many of the ministers were of no less
consideration. Bulkley, the minister of Concord, was of
an honorable family in Bedfordshire. Whiting, the min
ister of Lynn, married a daughter of Oliver St John, and
Sherman, minister of. Watertown, married a grand
daughter of the Earl of Rivers. Many of them possessed

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 203
large estates, and were accustomed to all the refinements
of. polished society. Many gentlemen of rank and for
tune followed the first emigrants. Sir Henry Vane first
displayed his wily and subtle disposition, and his profound
genius for politics in the controversies of Massachusetts,
and nothing but that disastrous fate which seemed to in
fluence all the acts of Charles I. prevented this humble
colony from being the theatre to which the prodigious
energies of Hampden, Cromwell, Hazelrig, and Pym
would have been confined, for they had actually embark
ed, but were compelled to return by a royal order.
The Plymouth Colonists of humbler rank, and less ex
cited, from having been so long removed from the scene
of controversy in England, were more tolerant and mild;
and although much swayed by the influence of their
domineering neighbors, to whom, on all great occasions,
they seemed to defer, were never led into these horrible
excesses of fanaticism which disgrace the early annals of
Massachusetts. The subsequent conduct of the colonies in their inter
course with each other, — the arrogance of Massachusetts,
andthie profound respect with which she was always treated
by Plymouth, may, in some degree, be traced to the dif
ference of the colonists of each in rank, and wealth.
Massachusetts- at times assuming a superiority, was, how
ever, except on one or two occasions, just to Plymouth,
and frequently generous.
In October, the colonists of Plymouth were compelled
to endure the grievous sight of a public execution.
One John Billington, a Londoner, a profane and profli
gate young man, who had been accidentally admitted into
the company, waylaid and shot John Newcomen, in re
venge for some injury or insult.

204 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The trial was conducted with great care and caution.
Billington was found guilty both by the grand and petit
jury, but the court for some time doubted their authority
to inflict the punishment of death, inasmuch as the coun
cil from whom their authority was derived, had no such
power themselves.
The advice of governor Winthrop, and of the ablest men
of Massachusetts Bay, was sought, and it was the univer
sal opinion that the murderer ' ought to die, and the land
be purged of blood.' This was the first execution in the
colony. An accident happened, which served to shew the ex
treme kindness of feeling which at this time prevailed
amongst the Indians towards the English. Richard Gar
rett and several others frOm Boston were shipwrecked on
Cape Cod. Some of them died of their hardships. The
Indians buried the dead with much difficulty, the ground
being hard frozen, and literally nursed the survivors back
to life ; and after curing and strengthening them, secured
the remains of their dead companions against wild beasts,
and then guided them fifty miles through the woods to1
Plymouth. lfi„. Mr Hatherly and Mr Allerton went as passengers
in the White Angel, which sailed for England,
September 6.
Mr Allerton having lost the confidence of the colony,
was no longer employed as their agent. The cause of
their dissatisfaction does not fully appear. The Ley
den people had taken up some prejudices against him;
the colony complained that too much money had been
lavished by him and Mr Shirley to obtain a royal charter.
As an agent, he appears to have been indefatigable in his
attempts to promote the interests of his employers. He

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 205
Was a person of uncommon activity, address, and enter
prise. He left the colony, and it is supposed that after
attempting some commercial enterprises at the eastward,
he resided for a time at the Dutch colony of New Nether
lands, and afterwards at New Haven, where it is supposed
he was in 1653. Governor Hutchinson says that he finally
returned to England, and that his male posterity settled in
Maryland. On the 17th of November, Governor Bradford visited
Boston : — previous to this visit, Plymouth and Massachu
setts had been on the eve of a quarrel respecting the
traffic which was carried on by the latter for corn with
the Indians on Cape Cod. The governor of Plymouth
finding the Salem pinnace driven into Plymouth harbor
by distress, and laden with corn which had been purchas
ed of the natives, forbade the traffic, which he declared
he was determined to interrupt by force, if they persisted.
A correspondence took place between the Governors, and
after this visit to Boston, the dispute subsided.
. fi„2 In April, Massasoiet who was now called Ossame-
quin,* having been assaulted by the Narragansetts,
fled for refuge to an English house at Sowams. Intelli
gence of this having been received at Plymouth, Standish
was immediately despatched thither. There being but
three Englishmen in the house, Standish sent a messenger
to Plymouth to urge the governor to send a force instantly,
and ammunition and provisions sufficient to enable them
to hold out, as they were apprehensive that Caunonicus
the great sachem of the Narragansetts, would attack them
with all his force. There being no ammunition at that
time at Plymouth, application was made to Governor Win
throp, who sent a messenger on foot, (there being then
* The Indians frequently changed their names.

206 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
but few horses in New England) who carried 27 pounds
taken from the governor's own store. — But the Narragan
setts having learned that the Pequots had attacked their
country, retired from Sowams without doing any injury.
It is not a little surprising that this act of Governor Win
throp was afterwards urged against him as an offence by
Dudley, the deputy governor of Massachusetts. During
the year suspicions were again excited respecting a con
spiracy amongst the Indians, but they soon died away.
On the 5th of June, Edward Winslow arrived at Boston
from England. Mr Hatherly also arrived in the course of
the month with a view to remain in the country.
Allerton now inimical to Plymouth, formed a trading
company, hired the White Angel of Mr Shirley, and at
tempted to establish a rival house on the Kennebeck river.
He also attempted to deprive Plymouth of the trade at
Penobscot, by establishing another house there, but the
French in 1633 attacked the house at Penobscot, killed
two of his men, despoiled them of all their goods and
sent the remainder prisoners to France.
This year the colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth
fell into some trouble by reason of a petition to the King
and council, from Sir Christopher Gardner, Thomas Mor
ton, and Philip Ratcliff,* who were instigated as it was
supposed, by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain Mason,
who were desirous of having a general government estab
lished over New England.
Gardner was a man of rank, (he had been created a
knight of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem,) allied to the
celebrated Gardner, bishop of Winchester, and a con
cealed papist.
* Ratcliff had been a servant of Mr Cradock,. and had suffered punishment
at Boston ; whipping, loss of ears, and banishment, for his invectives against
the churches and government. — Winthrop' g Journal,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

207

He came, first into the colony of Massachusetts attended
by one or two servants, and pretended that he had for
saken the world, and desired to lead a godly life in privacy
and retirement, and disdained no employment however
humble. He made application to several churches to be
admitted as a member, but having with him a ' comely
young woman,' whom he called his cousin, but who was
suspected to be his mistress, they refused him.
Having been accused of having two wives in England,
the government of Massachusetts endeavored to appre
hend him, but hearing of the accusation, he escaped into
the jurisdiction of Plymouth, and there lived awhile
amongst the Indians. The Namasket Indians with whom
he lived, gave information of his residence to Governor
Bradford, and he authorised them to take him and to con
vey him. to Plymouth, but expressly forbade them to do him
any injury. They finding a favorable opportunity, seized
and bound, him and conducted him to the governor, by
whom he was kindly used.* Governor Winthrop was
informed of his apprehension, and he, caused him to be
brought to Boston as a prisoner; and immediately sent
him to England, but directed that he should be treated
respectfully on account of his quality.
In the petition both colonies were charged with intended
rebellion. It was alleged that they had cast off their al
legiance, ' and meant to be wholly separate from the
. church and laws of England, and that their ministers and
* The Indians discovering him near a river, set upon him ; but reaching, a
canoe which lay in the stream, he stood on the defensive, and being armed with
a muskettand rapier, kept them at bay ; the current however, dashing his canoe
against a rock it was upset, and he lost both gun and rapier in the water. He
then drew a small dagger, and the Indians unwilling to injure him, or to receive
injury from him, would not close with him, but seizing some long poles beat hii
dagger out of his hands, and he yielded.

20S MEMOIR OF PLYMOUEH COLONY.
people did continually rail against the state, the church,
and the bishops.'
Mr Cradock, together with Sir Richard Saltonstall, and
Mr Humphrey, who were then in England, were called
before the council to answer the accusation, which they
did in writing. So satisfactory was their defence, that
the committee of the council reported bath to the lords
and the king so much in commendation of the colonies,
that King Charles was pleased to say, ' that he would have
them severely punished who did abuse his government and
plantation.' The defendants were dismissed with a favor
able order for their encouragement.* — And they were also
* At the court at Whitehall, January 19, 1632.
Sigillum Crescent Lord Cottington
Lord Privy Seal Mr Treasurer
Earl of Dorset Mr Vice Chamberlain
Lord Viscount Falkland Mr Secretary Cook
Lord Bishop of London Mr Secretary Windebank.
- Whereas his majesty hath lately been informed of great distraction and much
disorder in the plantations in the parts of America called New England, which ,,
if they be true, and suffered to run on, would tend to the dishonor of this king«;(
dom, and utter ruin of that plantation ; for prevention whereof, and for the or
derly settling of government, according to the intention of those patents which
have been granted by his Majesty, and from his late royal father King James ;
it hath pleased his majesty that the lords and others of his most honorable privy
council should take the same into consideration ; their lordships in the first place>
thought fit to make a committee of this board, to take examination of the matters
informed ; which committee having called divers of the principal adventurers
in that plantation, and heard those that are complainants against them ; most of
the things informed being denied, and resting to be proved by parties that must
be called from that place, which required along expense of time, and at present
their lordships finding they were upon despatch of men, victuals, and merchan
dize for that place, all which would be at a stand if the adventurers should have
discouragement, or take suspicion that the state here had no good opinionpf that
plantation ; their lordships not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some
particular men upon the general government or principal adventurers, which
in due time is to be inquired into ; have thought fit, in the mean time, to declare
that the appearances were so fair, and hopes so great, that the country would
prove both beneficial to the kingdom, and profitable to the particulars, as thattba

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 209
assured by some of the council that his majesty ' did not
intend to impose the' ceremonies of the church of England
upon them,' for it was considered that the freedom of
religion was one of the principal causes of emigration to
New England, and that it was a favorite object of the
government to strengthen New England, because if the
Baltic was closed against England, their masts and cordage
must come from New England.
1633 ^ *ne annual election, Governor Bradford, having
now been chosen to the office of governor twelve
years in succession, desirous of being relieved from its
cares, importuned the people with so much earnestness,
that they consented to release him, and Edward Winslow
was chosen his successor.
Bradford was chosen the first assistant or deputy gover
nor, and the number of assistants was increased from five
to seven. Capt. Standish, John Howland, John Alden,
John Doane, Stephen Hopkins, and William Gilson, were
also elected assistants.
A singular law had been enacted in the preceding year,
(1632.) Any person chosen to the office of governor,
and refusing it, was to be fined £20 ; a counsellor or
magistrate chosen, and refusing the office, was to be
fined £10.
This year was remarkable for an invasion of locusts,
(probably grasshoppers,) who, emerging from the earth,
destroyed every green thing before them.
adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with their undertakings, and rest as
sured, if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were granted,
and accordingly as by the patents it is appointed, his majesty would not only
maintain the liberties and privileges heretofore' granted, but supply anything
further that might tend to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of his
people there of that place, &c.
William Tbumball.
27

210 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
About this time, the disputes with the Dutch respect
ing the trade of Connecticut river, commenced.
The Dutch, in their trading intercourse with Plymouth,
had communicated some information of a fine river, which
extended far into the country, to which they had given
the name of Fresh river, but which was called by the
natives, Quonektacut. They represented the lands which
lay upon the river as well adapted to planting, and the
river as convenient for trade, and they urged the people
of Plymouth, with much earnestness, to commence a
trading intercourse with the natives ; but not being will
ing, at that time, to extend the sphere of their commer
cial operations, they neglected the advice.
The Dutch then being feeble in strength and few in
numbers, probably reckoned upon the assistance of the
English, should they become involved in any serious diffi
culties with the natives.
Some Indians who dwelled upon this river, being driven
from their homes by the Pequots, who usurped their lands,
solicited the English with much entreaty, to establish a
trading house there, in the hope that through their inter
vention they might be restored to their homes.
The people of Plymouth were induced to fit and send
out some trading expeditions to this place, and they found
the representations of the Dutch and the Indians to be
true. They had great success in their traffic, but still
were unwilling to venture upon the establishment of a
trading house.
The Indians who had been expelled, anxious to be
restored, then solicited the government of Massachusetts
to undertake the same enterprise, but their solicitations
were not heeded by the governor. Some of the principal
individuals of Massachusetts, however, having some in-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 211.
clination to engage in this enterprise, proposed to the
people of Plymouth a conference at Boston, to agree upon
the terms of a copartnership.
A distinct proposition having been submitted at this
meeting, that a trading house should be established on
this river to anticipate the Dutch, — to shew that this
proposition was inexpedient, it was urged that the country
was inhabited by three or four thousand warlike Indians ;
that the mouth of the river was made difficult of access
by a bar ; and that for seven months in a year it was not
free from ice. Discouraged by these representations, the
agents on the part of Massachusetts became indifferent,
and declared themselves unwilling to engage in the pro
ject. Upon hearing this, Governor Winslow and Governor
Bradford expressed a determination to persevere, and at
the same time a hope, that inasmuch as they were un
willing to adventure without their approbation, they should'
not incur the displeasure of their brethren of Massachu
setts, if they attempted the enterprise with their own
means, and received from the agents of Massachusetts
the strongest assurances of consent and approbation.
The Dutch> upon learning this determination of the
people of Plymouth, repented of their previous invitations,
and now thinking themselves sufficiently strong for self-
defence, resolved to anticipate and to prevent them from
pursuing this undertaking. For this purpose, they forth
with despatched an expedition, which reached the mouth
of the river a short time previous to the . arrival of the
English, and going up the river, their troops were disem
barked at the place afterwards called Hartford. A house
was hastily erected, and fortified with two pieces of ord
nance, and the Dutch gave out that they intended to
dispute the passage of the English up the river.

212 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The English adventurers having been ordered to seat
themselves on the river above the Dutch, prepared the
frame of a house, and putting it on board their bark with
the necessary materials to put it together, and taking with
them the Indians who had been expelled from Nattawa-
nute,* (at which place they intended to establish them
selves,) proceeded up the river, in despite both of the
Dutch and the hostile Indians. The expedition was com
manded by Lieutenant Holmes.
When they reached the spot where the Dutch had
raised their national flag, they were hailed and questioned
as to their intentions and destination. They replied that
their destination was up the river, where they intended
to trade. They were ordered to stop or to strike, and
were threatened in case of disobedience with an attack,
to which they replied that they acted by the direction of
the governor of Plymouth, and that his order should be
obeyed at every risk,; — they had no intention to molest
the Dutch, but they ' would go on.' The Dutch did not
think proper to come to extremities, but suffered them to
pass. They proceeded about a mile and then disem
barked, erected their house, which they fortified, landed
their provisions, and sent their bark home.
Intelligence of this affair was immediately sent to Man
hattan.! A company of seventy men, well armed, was
despatched forthwith to dispossess the English. They
proceeded against the fort at Nattawanute in hostile array,
with their colors flying, but apprehending the strength of
the English to be greater than it really was, they came to
a parley, and returned without committing hostilities.
The Dutch had no rightful claim to the lands at Natta-
* Afterwards called Windsor. f New York-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

213

wanute, for the English, at the solicitation of the original
native owners, had purchased them at a fair price. Never
theless, their conduct was not, by any means, marked
with that degree of violence and injustice towards the
people of Plymouth, as was the subsequent conduct of
their puritan brethren of Massachusetts.
In the summer of 1635, some of the people of Dorches
ter in that colony, emigrated to the Connecticut river,
and seated themselves on the lands claimed by Ply
mouth, near the fort. Governor Bradford complained of
their injustice, as the lands there had been obtained by
fair purchase, which was followed by occupancy and pos
session, and their claim had been strengthened by their
resistance to the pretensions of the Dutch ; but notwith
standing they had been more injuriously treated by their
Massachusetts brethren than by the Indians or Dutch,
by whom, they had never been molested after they had
made their establisment permanent. After repeated un
successful remonstrances, Governor Winslow visited Boston
in person to claim redress. Plymouth, averse to a quarrel,
offered to accept a sixteenth part of the lands and £100
as a full compensation, but such was the encroaching and
domineering spirit of Massachusetts, that even this imper
fect justice was refused ; but the equity of the Plymouth
claim was so apparent, that Massachusetts was afterwards
induced to give them £50, Plymouth retaining forty acres
of meadow or interval land and a large tract of upland,
with which this large and just claim was finally quieted.
Massachusetts, sensible of her own injustice, could offer
no reasonable objection to'the claim of Plymouth, yet for
a long time was it resisted, and was not finally compro
mised until many years had elapsed.

214 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
During this year, Plymouth was attacked with an infec
tious fever, of which twenty men and women, (besides
children,) died. Amongst them was Samuel Fuller, their
physician and surgeon, and a deacon of the church,
a man of great practical usefulness. Thomas Blossom,
one of the Leyden church, died.
William Collier, one of the adventurers and a great
benefactor to the colony, came over, and was immediately
employed in affairs of trust.
163- Thomas Prince was chosen governor, Bradford
was elected first assistant or deputy governor. Mr
Doane and Mr Gilson were not re-elected assistants. Mr
Doane supplied the place of Dr Fuller as deacon of the
church. Governor Winslow and Mr Collier succeeded
them as assistants ; the other assistants were re-elected.
The Indians during this year were sorely afflicted with the
small pox, of which great numbers died.
One Captain Stone, a West Indian of St Christopher's,
by intoxicating the governor of the Dutch fort on Con
necticut river, obtained his leave to take a Plymouth
bark which was lying there at anchor. The merchant
and most of the men being on shore, he succeeded, and
after weighing her anchor, set sail for Virginia, but some
Dutch sailors who had received kind treatment at Ply
mouth discovering his design, pursued him with two ves
sels, and recaptured the bark.
Stone afterwards going to Massachusetts, was served
with a process, and for the purpose of a compromise, he
went to Plymouth. In a dispute with the governor he was
so transported with rage, that he attempted to stab him,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 215
but was prevented by the vigilance ' of the governor's at
tendants.* Another act of violence was perpetrated at Kennebeck,
within the limits of the Plymouth patent. A pinnace
belonging to Lord Say and Sele, and commanded by one
Hocking, sailed from Piscataqua into the Kennebeck, and
he attempted to pass up the river for the purpose of tra
ding with the natives. Two of the magistrates of Plymouth
being there, forbade him ; he persisted, and declaring that
he would go up and trade with the natives in despite of
them, and ' lye there as long as he pleased,' went on.
The Plymouth men pursued him in a boat, and after
entreating him to depart, and receiving nothing but ' ill
words' and positive refusals, finding his pinnace at anchor,
two of them went in a canoe, cut one of the cables and'
attempted to cut the other ; Hocking threatened to shoot
them ; they defied him, and persisted ; he fired, and killed
one. The pinnace having come up with five or six men
on board, they fired on Hocking and killed him.
At the general court at Boston, (May 15,) upon com
plaint of a kinsman of Hocking, John Alden, one of the
Plymouth magistrates present at this transaction, (then in
Boston,) was arrested and held to bail, ' and withal (says
Governor Winthrop,) we wrote to Plymouth to certify
them what we had done, and to know whether they would
dojustice in the cause, (as belonging to their jurisdiction)
* Some time after the commission of this outrage, while lying in Connecticut
river, in his vessel, asleep in the cabin, he together with one Capt. Norton were
assailed by the Indians, and both were killed. Norton defended himself with
great resolution, but having set out some powder on a table, it accidentally took
fire and exploded, by which he was blinded and fell a prey to his. assailants, who
then succeeded in plundering the vessel. The murderers escaping, were
harbored by the Pequot Indians, and this was one of the causes of the subse
quent war with that tribe.

216 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and to have a speedy answer,' &c. ' This we did, (con
tinues the governor,) that notice might be taken, that
we did disavow the said action, which was much con
demned of all men, and which was feared would give
occasion to the king to send a general governor over ;
and besides had brought us all and the gospel under a
common reproach of cutting one another's throats for
beaver.' Governor Bradford, Governor Winslow, and Mr Smith,
the pastor of Plymouth, held a conference at Boston with
some of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts
(amongst whom were Governor Winthrop, Mr Cotton, and
Mr Wilson,) concerning this transaction. After they ' had
sought the Lord,' they commenced the discussion. The
cause of Plymouth was defended with much ability. —
The question involved their right of exclusive trade. — The
Plymouth conferees contended that for this, they not only
had the king's grant, ' but they had taken up this place as
vacuum domicilium, and so had continued without inter
ruption or claim of any of the natives for divers years.'
They also strongly urged that the trade to the Kennebeck
had been created by them, inasmuch, as they had intro
duced ivampumpeage as an article of traffic, the use of
which in commerce, they had been the first to discover
and improve. Admitting that their servant did kill
Hocking, it was done in self defence, and to save the
lives of others whom he would have killed, ' yet, they
acknowledged, that they did hold themselves under guilt
of the breach of the sixth commandment, in that they did
hazard man's life for such a cause, and did not rather wait
to preserve their rights by other means, which they rather
acknowledged, because they wished it were not done ;
and hereafter they would be careful to prevent the like.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

217

Governor Dudley, and Governor Winthrop both inter
ested themselves in the exculpation of Plymouth, and to
effect it, wrote friendly and interceding letters to England.
Afterwards Governor Bradford and Mr Collier visited
Boston on this affair, and wrote an ample account of it to
Mr Wiggin, the overseer at Piscataqua.
Lord Say and Sele, and Lord Brook, who were inter
ested in the plantation at Piscataqua, at first were much
exasperated with Plymouth, but learning the exact truth
were pacified.
It is not a little remarkable, that the arrogant spirit of
Massachusetts should have displayed itself in such early
infancy. Endicot indeed had deported himself somewhat
arbitrarily at its very birth, by attacking Morton at Merry
Mount, but Morton was considered as an outlaw. — But
that a magistrate of the colony of Plymouth should be
arrested while at Boston on his own concerns, and held to
bail, for an offence committed within the jurisdiction of
Plymouth, and that two conspicuous characters (both hav
ing been governors of the colony) and the minister, should
have been obliged to visit Boston to defend their people
against a charge, of which, Massachusetts then a govern
ment of scarcely four years standing, had no more juris
diction than Virginia, almost 'passes comprehension.'
The governor of Massachusetts, however, appears to have
conducted equitably, and no other injustice was done to
Plymouth, than to arrest one of their magistrates without
the authority of law. The government of Plymouth
generally sensitive as to their rights and dignity, appear
always to have succumbed to Massachusetts, through fear
perhaps of the strong influence which Massachusetts could
make in England through the instrumentality of her
leading men, who, were connected in England with per
sons of high rank. 28

218 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Plymouth now transacted a large trade with the Dutch
at New Netherlands, and with the natives of Kennebeck,
and Connecticut river. At Kennebeck they exchanged
the wampum which they obtained at Connecticut, for
beaver, of which they shipped to England twenty hogs
heads.* 1635 William Bradford was again called to the chair,
and Edward Winslow was elected first assistant, or
deputy governor. Governor Prince was chosen an assis
tant, and the other assistants were all reelected.
Winslow again visited England as the agent of the
colony, and rendered good service to Massachusetts,.
against whom, complaints had been exhibited.
A trading house belonging to Plymouth at Penobscot
was captured by the French, who took the goods, andigave
bills on France for the payment. The governor des
patched a vessel under the command of Mr Girling, to
dispossess the French', but the latter having notice of
the intended attack, prepared for defence, and refused to
surrender. Application was then made to Massachusetts
for assistance ; their general court agreed to assist Plym
outh both with men and munitions, but required that one
duly authorized should be sent to treat with them as to the
terms on which their assistance was to be rendered.
1 Resolving (says Governor Winthrop) to drive them out,
whatsoever it should cost, (yet first to put them to bear
* Governor Winslow while on a trading excursion from Connecticut to Nar
ragansett, left his bark at the latter place, meaning to go to Plymouth by land.
Ossamequin (Massasoiet) offered to be his guide, but he despatched a messenger
to Plymouth to inform the people that the governor was dead. This intelli
gence occasioned much grief and alarm. The next day appearing with the
governor at Plymouth, he excused himself for the falsehood by saying that he
knew that the belief of his death would make him more welcome when it was
ascertained that he was alive,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

219

the chargeif it might be ;) for we saw their neighborhood
would be very dangerous to us.'
Governor Prince and Captain Standish on the part of
Plymouth, meeting the commissioners of Massachusetts,
insisted that the dislodgment of the French was an
affair of as much interest to the latter colony as to Ply
mouth, and that it was but just that the expense of the ex
pedition should be equally borne by the two oolonies.
The Massachusetts commissioners insisting that the whole
expense should be borne by Plymouth, the negotiation
terminated. In the summer of this year, a settlement was made, on
Connecticut river by people wbo emigrated from Dor
chester in Massachusetts, as has already been related.
Tradition says that some "from Watertown had settled at
Pyquag, (Wethersfield) the winter before. Mr Warham
the minister of Dorchester followed.
Mr Hooker the minister of Cambridge, who had pro
jected the settlement, Mr Stone, and about one hundred
men, women, and children, settled at Newtown, (after
wards Hartford) the succeeding year 1636.
The fathers of Connecticut were JohnHaynes, who had.
been governor of Massachusetts, Roger Ludlow, Mr
Hooker, and Mr Warham, the ministers of Cambridge and
Dorchester, Mr Henry Wolcot, and Mr Thomas Wells,
also ministers, Edward Hopkins, George Wyllys, 
Whiting, William Phelps, Thomas Webster, Captain John
Mason, William Swain, John Talcott, John Steel, 
Mitchel, Thurston Rayner, Henry Smith, Andrew Ward,
and John Deming.
About the time that the settlements commenced up the
river, John Winthrop, junior, son of the governor of Mas
sachusetts, under a commission from Lord Say and Sele,
and Lord Brook, commenced a settlement at its mouth,

220 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
which, from the names of the patrons, was called Say-
brook. David Gardner, and John Davenport, actively
engaged in this project.*
* On the 15th of August, Plymouth was visited by a tremendous storm or
hurricane, unparalleled until that of September, 1815. Morton says ' It began
in the morning a little before day, and grew not by degrees, but came with
great violence from the beginning, to the great amazement of many ; It blew
down sundry houses, and uncovered divers others .- divers vessels were lost at
sea in it, and many more were in extreme danger. It caused the sea to swell
in some places to the southward of Plymouth, as that it rose to twenty feet right
up and down, and made many of the Indians to climb into the trees for safety.
It threw down all the corn to the ground, which never rose more, and the which
through the mercy of God, it being near the harvest time, was not lost, though
much the worse ; and had the wind continued without stifling, in likelihood it
Would have drowned some part of the country. It blew down many hundreds
thousands of trees, turning up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the high
pine trees and such like, in the midst, and the tall young oaks, and walnut trees
of good bigness, were wound as withes by it, very strange and fearful to behold.
It began in the southeast, and veered sundry ways, but the greatest force of it
at Plymouth, was from the former quarter, it continued not in extremity above
five or six hours before the violence of it began to abate ; the marks of it will
remain this many years, in those parts where it was forest. The moon suffered
a great eclipse two nights after it.'

( 221 )

CHAPTER XI.
Edward Winslow again elected governor  Settlement of Providence, Ports >
mouth, and Newport, in Rhode Island, who receive a Charter from the Par
liament of England.— Review Of the Laws and Usages of the Plymouth
Colony. — The fundamental Laws of that Colony established in 1636.
.g3„ Mr Winslow having returned from England, was
again elected governor, and Bradford first assistant
or deputy governor. The other assistants were Governor
Prince, William Collier, John Alden, Timothy Hatherly,
John Brown, and Stephen Hopkins.
In the latter part of the preceding year, Roger Wil
liams, driven from Salem by the intolerance and persecu
tions of the government of Massachusetts, fled toSeekonk,*
but this place being within the limits of the Plymouth
jurisdiction, and the people of that colony being unwilling
to embroil themselves with Massachusetts, governor Wins
low informed him with much friendliness of the difficulty
which was apprehended, and advised him to occupy a
spot on .the opposite side of the river, which was without
the limits of either jurisdiction. Williams thus driven
both from Plymouth and Massachusetts, and ' utterly for
lorn,' crossed the river, and threw himself upon the mercy
of Caunonicus, the ruling sachem of the Narragansetts.
From this savage chief, that generosity and kindness
which was denied him by his countrymen, he received.
* Afterwards Rehoboth, but now, by a division of the town, the ancient
name is restored.

222 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Caunonicus not only permitted Williams and the wretched
wanderers who had followed him from Salem to have a
resting place in his domain, but he gave them all ' the
neck of land lying between the mouths of Pawtucket and
Moshasuck rivers, that they might set down in peace upon
it, and enjoy it forever.' Here, with John Throckmorton,
William Arnold, William Harris, Stukley Wescot, John
Greene, Thomas Olney, Richard Waterman, Thomas
James, Robert Cole, William Carpenter, Francis Weston,
and Ezekiel Holliman, who had accompanied him in his
flight from Salem, he founded, in the early part of 1636,
another New England colony, and called it Providence.
Here he formed his associates into a church, and divided
the lands with which he had been endowed by Caunonicus
equally amongst them, and now, although independent,
still pursuing his principles of universal toleration, he at
tracted the discontented of the neighboring colonies of
Plymouth and Massachusetts, and many were added to his
church.* Soon after his settlement, he purchased of Caunonicus,
almost the whole of the territory now comprised within
the limits of the county of Providence, excepting Cum
berland, and a few years after, a settlement was established
at Patuxet, near Providence, by William Arnold, William
Carpenter, Zachariah Rhodes, and William Harris, who
went there from Providence. Although the order of time
may be anticipated by a few months, yet the settlement
of Providence was followed so soon by that of Rhode
Island, so intimately were they connected, having been
united under the same government shortly after the set
tlement, that it will be no violation of historical propriety
to place the accounts of both in juxta-position.
* Particularly Robert Williams, John Smith, Hugh Bewit, William Wicken-
den, John Field, Thomas Hopkins, and William Hawkins.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

223

In 1637, the celebrated Mrs Hutchinson, who had, by
her enthusiasm, eloquence and talents, excited great dis
turbances at Boston, shared the fate of Mr Williams, and
was banished for entertaining the Antinomian heresy, as
in the language of the day it was called, although many
of the most considerable persons in Boston were partial
to her doctrines, particularly Sir Henry Vane the gover
nor, and Mr Cotton. She was accompanied in her exile
by her husband, William Hutchinson, William Codding-
ton, Esq., an assistant of Massachusetts, John Clark, John
Coggesshall, William Aspinwall, Samuel Wilbore, John
Porter, John Sandford, Edward Hutchinson, Thomas Sav
age, William Dyer, William Freeborn, Philip Shearman,
John Walker, Richard Carder, William Baulston, Edward
Hutchinson, jr., and Henry Bull. Mr Clark and one
other went to Providence to advise with Mr Williams,
who recommended either the purchase of Sowams, (about
Warren,) or Aquedneck, (Rho.de Island.) Fearful of in
truding on the Plymouth colony, they went to Plymouth
to ascertain the extent of their claim. Sowams was con
sidered by that government ' as the garden of their colo
ny,' but they informed Mr Clark and Mr Williams that
they had no claim to Aquedneck, and advised that Mrs
Hutchinson's followers should settle there, ' where they
should be esteemed as friends and neighbors.'
By the good offices of Williams, Miantonimo the young
sachem of the Narragansetts, (who had now assumed the
government,) Aquedneck, or Aquetneck was granted to
Mr Coddington, Mr Clark, and their associates, by deed,
dated March 24, 1637,-8 old style. Mr Williams in his
account of this transaction, said, ' it was not price or
money that could have purchased Rhode Island, but 'twas
obtained by love, that love and favor which that honored
gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, and myself, had with the

224 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
great sachem Miantonimo, about the league which I pro
cured between the Massachusetts English, and the Narra
gansetts, in the Pequod war,' — ' for the Indians were very
shy and jealous of selling lands to any, and chose rather
to make a grant (gift) of them to such as they affected.'
The associates settled on the island at a place opposite
to Mount Hope, which they called Portsmouth, and elect
ed Mr Coddington governor. Their numbers were soon
increased, and in a short time several of them separating
from the others in 1639, founded the town of Newport.
The government established by Williams was a pure
democracy, all laws being made, trials had, offenders
sentenced to punishment in the town meetings, and there
all proceedings touching the welfare of the settlement,
were voted.
The government of Rhode Island was of the same char
acter. An inhabitant of Newport, of great note, was
tried for a capital crime in town meeting, sentenced,
and in pursuance of the sentence of the meeting, exe
cuted !
This similarity in the practice of government induced
them to seek a union, and Mr Williams was sent over to
England as their joint agent to obtain a common charter
for both. For this purpose he left America in 1642, and
found his countrymen there in the midst of a furious civil
war ; but the Parliament being masters of the fleet could
control the plantations. By the influence of Sir Henry
Vane, with whom he had an intimate friendship, he ob
tained an instrument in 1643, by which the towns of
Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport were granted ' a
free and absolute charter of incorporation, to be known
by the name of the Incorporation of Providence Planta
tions, in the Narragansett Bay, in New England.' By
this charter, the form of the government was left to the

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 225
choice of the people. A chief magistrate was constituted,
who was called a president, and Mr Williams became the
first political president ever known in America.
It has been already related that a patent had been
issued to William Bradford, and such as he should asso
ciate with him in 1629, which remained for some time in
one of the public offices of England in the vain hope of
obtaining the sanction of the king.
The pilgrims had adopted no consti tution or instrument
of government except the simple compact which was
signed by all the company in the cabin of the Mayflower,
(Nov. 1620^) and Which recognized no principle but that
of allegiance to the king, and the controlling power of
the majority of the people in the transactions of the
colony. No laws were made for the general Organization
of the government ; the limits of political rights and po
litical powers were not defined ; the governor and assist
ants maintained their small portion of authority rather by
common consent, than by a lawful delegation of power.
The rOyal authority Was recognized, and the laws of
England were considered as having force in the colony,
unless altered or repealed by colonial statutes ; but it was
very difficult to ascertain the character, authority, and
force of those laws ; — with the subtle logic of construc
tion, and the system of artificial reasoning, growing out
of the practice of special pleading, this people were
entirely unacquainted ; none amongst them understood
the science of the law, and their long absence from Eng
land had deprived them of any practical knowledge.
The clergy only understood its elementary principles,
but they were more disposed to follow the laws of Moses
than the laws of England.
Crimes and punishments were neither declared nor de
fined ; even in a plain case of murder, the advice of
29

226 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Governor Winthrop,(who had been educated to the law,)
was sought, and he advised them to inflict the punishment
of death, not because the punishment was required by
the law of England, but ' that the land might be purged
of blood.' The only magistrates were the governor and
assistants. The office of justice of the peace was
unknown. Trials were had in the general court before
juries selected from the whole body of the freemen of
the colony, and until 1634, the governor and assistants
were not by law considered a judicial court. The magis
trates had no jurisdiction of civil actions, and in criminal
offences their jurisdiction was confined to the power of
' binding over7 the accused to appear at the general court.
The rule as to the descent of estates and the law of con
tracts was unsettled. The duties, powers, and obligations
of husband and wife, parent and child, guardian and
ward, master and servant, &c, were controlled and influ
enced by usages, which had been varied from the usages
of England founded on the laws, by a residence in Hol
land, and in a wilderness, where in a manner men were
put upon the elementary principles of society. The
ecclesiastical law, which, in England, regulates marriages,
divorces, the probate of wills, administrations, &c, was
but little understood and but little regarded. Marriage
was deemed a civil contract, and was solemnized by the
civil magistrate, and not by the pastor or elder.
An imperfect attempt had been made in 1633, in case
of an insufficiency of the goods and chattels of a deceased
person to pay his debts, to charge them upon his lands,
but as a portion was to be set apart for his family, it did
not give much chance to the creditor.
With respect to the natives of the country, the situation
of the English was peculiar, anomalous, and difficult ; and
no precedents existed to guide them. How far the laws in

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 337
force in the colony were applicable to the Indians; how
far their penal power, and the power to enforce contracts
extended, were questions which perplexed the wisest. In
some instances a qualified, in others an absolute title was
admitted in the Indians to the lands within the jurisdic
tion. Sometimes a verbal donation was deemed sufficient
to pass the title, and sometimes deeds were executed with
all the formality and precision of legal instruments. The
sachems, however, appear to have been considered as the
only natives having authority to convey lands.
With respect to political objects, previous to the year
1636, the Plymouth colony may be considered to have
been but a voluntary association, ruled by the majority, and
not by fixed laws. It does not appear, (except in a very few
instances,) that they had availed themselves of their dele
gated powers under their patent to enact laws until 1 633. A
few laws only, and such as were of the most urgent neces
sity were then established, such as declaring every person
within the jurisdiction liable to the performance of military
duty ; giving the jurisdiction of the probate of wills, and
of granting administrations to the governor and assist
ants ; regulating fishing and fowling ; authorizing consta
bles and persons trespassed upon to impound cattle taken
in damage , feasant. Penalties were directed to be in
flicted on such as fired the woods. Lands of deceased
persons were made liable for their debts in case of the
insufficiency of personal property. No provision was
made for the support of schools or the clergy ; the attach
ment of the people, then, ensured the maintenance of the
clergy without the coercion of the law, and no Oaths of
office were administered or required: The power of the
church, in effect, was superior to the civil power, but in
terms; was confined to the infliction of censure only.

228 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
A people like the members of Robinson's church, of
pure morals, austere manners and enthusiastic piety, if
confined to a small space, where the conduct of each
would daily fall under the observation of the pastor, elder,
and all such as they had been taught to venerate, and
accustomed to respect, might be preserved for a time
from the commission of any gross offences or any despe
rate crimes. But as the settlements expanded, as trade
increased, as strangers came in in pursuit of gain without
any reference to the ordinances of religion, and who,
regardless of their spiritual good, pursued their temporal
interest, — the authority, founded on the dread of censure
alone, became impaired, and the selfish principles of man
inwoven in his system, became predominant in his con
duct. Codes of ethics, or the precepts of the gospel,
could not prevent the occurrence of disputes, or the ex
istence of wrongs.
Civilians arguing upon the theoretic principles of gov
ernment without considering the actual state of the people,
have deemed the colonists to have been a trading corpo
ration with confined and limited powers, not having the
authority to enact laws or to perform any act of sovereign
ty : they did in fact exercise sovereign power during the
whole period of their colonial existence, but the essentia^
laws on which the rule and government rested, may be
dated from this year.
After the imperfect commencement in 1633, the years
1634 and 1635 were suffered to pass without any further
progress, but the period had now arrived when all per
ceived the necessity of defining the limits of the power,
and of prescribing the actual duties of the magistrates
and people ; of securing civil privileges ; of establishing
fundamental and organic laws, both civil and criminal,
and to provide for their execution ; of changing the legal

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 229
condition of the associates by making them a body po
litic, ruled by law and not by opinion ; of placing their
government on a stable foundation, and advancing an
other stage in the progress of social life.
On the 15th of November, at a court of Associates, the
following declaration was ordered :
' We the associates of New Plymouth, coming hither
as freeborn subjects of the State of England, and endowed
with all and singular the privileges belonging to such,
being assembled, do ordain that no act, imposition, law, or
ordinance be made or imposed upon us at the present or
to come, but such as shall be made and imposed by con
sent of the body of the associates, or their representatives
legally assembled, which is according to the liberties of
the state of England.'
This order is of no ordinary character ; whether the
laws of England which preceded this order were re
nounced, is equivocal ; the authority of English laws, ' at
present or to come,' was renounced, and Parliament were
denied the right of legislating for New Plymouth by the
whole body ,of the associates. This order is the first
declaration of rights if not of independence, and the laws
which followed became absolutely necessary for the
preservation of the government.
The courts were all to be holden at Plymouth unless
otherwise ordered by the governor and assistants, who
were authorised upon reasonable cause ' to keep some
courts of assistants elsewhere.'
It was enacted that on the first Tuesday of June, a
governor and seven assistants should be chosen ' to rule
and govern the plantation within the limits of this corpo-

230 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ration,' and the election was confined to the freemen.*
The qualifications required to constitute a freeman were,
twentyone years of age, ' sober and peaceable conversa
tion, orthodox in the fundamentals of religion,' and a
rateable estate of the value of twenty pounds. All these
were prerequistes before they could be admitted to the oath
prescribed to be taken by freemen.
Some of the best men in the colony were precluded.
William Vassal Esq. of Scituate, who had been an assis
tant in Massachusetts, and was one of the wealthiest as
well as worthiest and most intelligent gentlemen of whom
the colony could boast, was disqualified for office, for
although a puritan, he continued an Episcopalian.
It was also enacted that the governor in due season, by
warrant directed to the several constables in the name of
his majesty should give notice to the freemen either to
make their personal appearance at the courts of election,
or to send their votes by proxy for the choice of officers,
and that all warrants, summons, and commands, ' be all
done, directed, and made in the name of our sovereign
lord the king.'

* The following oath was prescribed for the freoraen at this court.
( You shall be truly loyal to our dread lord King Charles, his heirs and suc
cessors, you shall not do, n&r speak, devise or advise anything or things, act or
acts, directly or indirectly by land or water that shall or may tend to the de
struction or overthrow of the present plantations or township of the corporation
of New Plymouth ; neither shall you suffer the same to be spoken or done, but
shall hinder, oppose, and discover the same to the governor and assistants of the
said colony for the time being, or some one of them ; you shall faithfully sub
mit unto such good and wholesome laws and ordinances as either are or shall
he made for the ordering and government of the same, and shall endeavor to ad
vance the good and growth of the several townships and plantations within the
limits of this corporation by all due means and courses, all which you promise
and swear by the name of the great God of heaven, and earth, firmly, truly,
and faithfully to perform, as you hope for help from God, who is the God of
truth, and punisher of falsehood.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

231

The vote by proxy would appear somewhat strange at
this day, and although in the simple days of our fore
fathers the agent might honestly vote as his principal
directed, yet in the fury of modern contests, it would at
certain periods have been considered an act of sturdy
honesty in one entrusted with this power, to use it for the
discomfiture of his party, although such had been his
instruction. The jurisdiction of all causes under 40s. was given to
the governor and any two of the assistants, ' to try at any
time, and also in offences of small nature to do as God
shall direct them.' The power of trying the larger offen
ces and suits, still abided in the whole body of the freemen,
by their juries.
This law although it may be evidence of the piety of
our forefather^, seems to be too general in its terms — ' to
do as God shall direct,' might have produced contradictory
decisions. For men interpret the will of God so vari
ously, that no uniformity in decisions could have been
established under a power so undefined. It would seem
as though the decision of the governor and assistants
in small cases was final, and this certainly when consid
ered in one way, was not an unwise law ; it prevented the
ruinous prosecution of small suits, which is generally to
the injury of both contending parties. Yet the trial by
jury would be yielded at this period with great reluctance,
even in disputes of the most trifling character.
The duties and power of the governor were thus defined
by law.
' The office of governor for the time being, consisting
in the execution of such laws and ordinances as are or
shall be made and established for the good of the corpo
ration according to the bounds and limits thereof, namely,
in calling together and advising with the assistants in

232 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
council of the said corporation, upon such material causes
or so seeming to him, as time shall bring forth. In which
assembly and all others, the governor to propound the
occasion of the assembly, and have a double vote therein ;
if the assistants judge the cause too great to be decided
by them, and refer it to the general court, then the gov
ernor to summon a court by warnihg all the freemen that
are then extant, as also in case the majority of the freemen
seeing weighty cause for the whole body of freemen to
come together, and in an orderly way acquaint the gov
ernor with their desires thereof; then he shall summon
the whole body of freemen together with all convenient
speed, and there also to propound causes, and go before
the assistants in the examination of particulars, and to
propound such sentence as shall be determined. Further
it shall be lawful for him to arrest and commit to ward any
offender, provided that with all convenient speed he bring
the case to hearing either of the assistants or general
court, according to the nature of the offence ; also it shall
be lawful for him to examine any suspicions persons for
evil against the colony, as also to interrupt or oppose such
letters as he conveniently may send to the overthrow of
the same, and that his office continue one year, and no
more, namely, until another be elected.' *
* Previous to entering on the duties of his office, the following oath was to be
taken by the governor.
' You shall be truly loyal to our sovereign lord, King Charles, his heirs and
successors ; also, according to that measure of understanding and discerning
given unto you, shall faithfully, equally, and indifferently, without respect of
persons administer justice in all cases coming before you as the governor of
New Plymouth. You shall in like manner faithfully, duly, and truly, execute
the laws and ordinances of the same, and shall labor to advance the good of the
townships and plantations within the limits thereof, to the uttermost of your
power, and oppose anything that shall seem to hinder the same. So help you
God, who is the God of truth and the puhisher of falsehood.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 233
The office of governor seems to have given to the incum
bent but little more than the privilege of acting as chair
man of the oourts of assistants, or of the general court ; — >
the honorary station of being the official head of political
society. He was destitute of the power of appointing
the officers of the government, or even of nominating
them, of course he had no patronage, or any mode of
securing influence, excepting what arose from the weight
of his personal character. He could call the assistants to
gether for the purpose of advising with them in council,
and in voting his voice was double, but the assistants
could refer all matters to the general court, which the
governor was obliged to summon if they required it, and
his duty in that court was confined, to the statement of the
questions upOn which they were to act. The power of
arrest was given to him, but no further than to restrain the
offender until his offence could be investigated either by
the court of assistants or the general court. The power
of examining suspicious persons, and of ' interrupting let
ters,' was given probably in consequence of the miscon
duct of Lyford. It cannot well be conceived how a gov
ernment could be administered with such limited authority
in the executive. The personal influence of the governor
must have supplied the want of legal power.
The assistants were required to appear at the governor's
summons, and to give their best advice both in public
court and private council with the governor for the welfare
of the several plantations within the government, « and
not to disclose such things as. concerned the public good,
and shall be thought most to be considered by the governor
and councilbf assistants. To have a hand in examining of
public offenders, and in contriving the affairs of the colony,
and a voice in censuring such offenders as shall be brought
to public court.' In the absence of the governor the
30

234 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
government was to be administered by an assistant of his
nomination with the consent of the other assistants, and
also to examine and commit offenders to ward,' the hearing
of the offender however to be before the governor and the
other assistants. Assistants were also authorized in his
majesty's name to direct their warrants to constables who
were required to execute them, and to ' bind out persons
for matter of crime to answer at the next ensuing court of
his majesty after the fact committed, or person appre
hended.'* The want of power in the governor was not supplied by
the greater powers of the assistants. They were to advise
the governor, and were restrained from ' betraying council.'
They presided in the examination of offenders in public
court, ' and had a voice in censuring.' One of them by
the consent of the others on the nomination of the gov
ernor could discharge the executive duties in his absence,
and their power to arrest was similar to that of the gov
ernor. Within this narrow circle were confined the powers of
the assistants. In a factious society, this power would
have been constantly defied and contemned, but the colo
nists, Were sober, moral, reflecting, and religious, in fact
* The following oath was prescribed to the assistants.
' You shall all swear to be truly loyal to our sovereign lord King Charles, his
heirs and successors : — You shall faithfully, truly, and justly, according to the
measure of discerning and discretion God hath given you, be assistant to the
governor for this present year, for the execution of justice in all cases, and
towards all persons coming before you without partiality, — according to the na
ture of the office of an assistant read unto you : — Moreover, you shall diligently
duly, and truly, see that the laws and ordinances of this colony be duly exe
cuted, and shall labor to advance the good of the several plantations within the
limits thereof, and oppose anything that shall seem to annoy the same, by all
due means and courses. So help you God, who is the God of truth, and pun-
isherof falsehood.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 235
a well regulated family, loving and obeying their magis
trates with an affection and reverence like that which
children render their parents, and the influence of the
clergy was a powerful support to this paternal government
which depended so little on physical strength, and so much
on the moral force of opinion. But yet a most extraor
dinary power was given to the governor and any two of
the assistants by a law of 1636, which forbid any person
to ' live and inhabit within this government of New Ply
mouth without their leave and liking.'* i
At every election court it was provided ' that some one
of the assistants, or some other sufficient man be chosen
treasurer who was to remain in office a year, who was au
thorized to demand and receive whatever accrued from
fines, amercements, or otherwise,' and he was directed
* to improve the same for the public benefit of this cor
poration.' For this office neither oath nor bond were
required. The responsibility of the treasurer could not have been
great, his. receipts being confined to fines and amerce
ments, and it was from this circumstance probably, that
the precautions which in times more modern have been
used to secure the faithful performance of this high trust
* The following oath was prescribed to be taken by any residing in the gov
ernment.
, ' You shall be truly loyal to our sovoreign lord King Charles, his heirs and
successors, and whereas you choose at present to reside within the government
of New Plymouth, you shall not do or cause to be done any act or acts directly1
or indirectly, by land or water, that shall or may tend to the destruction or over
throw of the whole or any the several plantations or townships within the said
government that are or shall be orderly erected or established, but shall contra-
wise hinder, oppose, and discover the same, and such intents and purposes as tend
thereunto, to the governor for the time being, or some one of the assistants with
all convenient speed. You shall also submit unto and obey all such good and
wholesome laws, ordinances, and offices as are or shall be established within
Ihe limits thereof. So help you God !' .

236 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
were omitted, and not from an overweening confidence in
the honesty of the individual to whom its duties were then
entrusted. The office of sheriff was not recognized. The office
of marshal of the colony was established subsequently.
At this period no other civil executive office (that of gover
nor and assistants excepted) existed, except that of consta
ble, which was then of much more consideration than now.
This office appears to have been established very early, and
is recognized as existing. The constables seem to have
been entrusted with all the executive processes of the law,*
and they had the .power to apprehend ' suspicious per
sons' without precept.
At the present period, the power to arrest on suspicion
' without precept,' is scarcely allowed even to the chief
magistrate of the nation or of a State.
CRIMINAL LAWS.
The offences which were made capital, and ordered to
be punished with death, were —
* The following was the official oath prescribed to be taken by constables,
and as it seems a pregnant oath and to contain a compendium of his- duties, it is
inserted. « You shall swear to be truly loyal to our sovereign lord King Charles, his heirs
and successors. You shall faithfully serve in the office of constable for the
ward of  for this present year, according to that measure of wisdom, un- A
derstanding, and discretion God hath given you : in which time you shall dili
gently see that his majesty's peace commanded, be not broken, but shall carry
the person or persons before the governor of this corporation, or some one of his1
assistants, and there attend the hearing of the case, and such order as shall be
given you : — You shall apprehend all suspicious persons and bring them before
the said governor or some one of his assistants as aforesaid : You shall duly and
truly serve such warrants, and give such summons as shall be directed to you
from the governor or assistants before mentioned, and shall tabor to advance the
peace and happiness of this corporation, and to oppose anything that shall seem
to annoy the same, by all due means and couTses. So help you God, who. is the-
God of truth and punisher of falsehood.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 237
1. Treason or rebellion against the person of our sov
ereign lord the king, the State or Commonwealth of Eng
land, or this corporation.
2. Wilful murder.
3. Diabolical conversation, or conversing with the
Devil, by way of witchcraft, conjuration, or the like.
4. Wilful or purposed burning of ships or houses.
5. Rape, and the crimes against nature.
In the enumeration of capital offences, burglary and
highway robbery are omitted. Witchcraft is made
capital, as it then was in England, and probably through
out Christendom. The belief in its existence was a delu
sion common to all, and the punishment was warranted
by the general belief. We may lament the ignorance and
fanaticism of the age which cherished such belief, but we
cannot with justice impugn the motives of those who
provided this punishment. However, in the Plymouth
Colony the law was a dead letter, or at least no convictions
were had, and no punishment inflicted.
The wilful burning of ships or houses, without discrim
inating between the night and the day, was made capital ;
the more lenient and wiser legislation of modern times
inflicts capital punishment only on such as wilfully and
maliciously burn dwelling houses in the night, time. The
law in modern times has also been wisely relaxed as to the
punishment of the crimes against nature, although such
were punished capitally in Massachusetts, until 1806.
Whether the laws of England would have been recognised
in the punishment of highway robbery, and burglary, can
not be known as those crimes never became the subject of
judicial investigation during the existence of the colony*
neither was any capital punishment inflicted in the colony
except for the crime of murder.

238 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Stocks and whipping-posts were ordered to be placed
in each town.
Drunkenness was punished by a fine, ' or like other mis
demeanors.' With respect to juries, it was enacted ' that it shall be
lawful for the governor to impanell such of his majesty's
subjects as are of good report and freeholders, upon juries,
although no freemen do appear therein, as well as such
as have taken their freedom,' and ' that all tryals whether
capital or between man and man be tried by juries ac
cording to the precedents of the laws of England as near
as may be.' Each town was to choose one juror, except
the remote towns.
The grand inquest was to be empannelled by the gov
ernor and assistants out of all the townships, ' and warned
to serve his majesty by inquiring into abuses, breaches of
the peace, wholesome laws and ordinances as tend to the
preservation of the peace and the good of the subject,
and that they shall present such to the court as are guilty,
that they may be prosecuted by the court by all means.'
They were also to inquire into all such misdemeanors as
tended ' to the hurt and detriment of society, civility,
peace, and neighborhood,' and to make presentment
thereof. It does not appear that the grand jury were to be under
oath, or that complaints made to them should be made on
oath, and probably this was not the fact, for subsequently
laws were enacted requiring both.
The whole militia law was contained substantially in
these words :
Every person both for himself and every man servant
able to bear arms, was required to provide ' a piece, pow
der, and shot, with bandaleers, sword, and other appur
tenances, and to be at all times furnished with a pound of

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 239
powder, and four pounds of bullets, and four fathoms of
match for every matchlock musket.'
Every person by a previous law had been made liable
to perform military duty, but no penalty appears to have
been provided for non-performance, either then, or at this
time. In 1636, it was provided that no servant coming out of
his time, or single person, ' be suffered to keep house for
themselves,' until they were completely provided with
arms and ammunition, and were not allowed tp be house
keepers or ' to build any cottage or dwelling, till such
time as they be allowed by the governor and council of
assistants or some one or more of them.'
It was enacted that inheritances should ' desce'nd ac
cording to the commendable custom of England and as
they hold of East Greenwich.' This was the highest title
known in English law, unincumbered with any of the
complicated provisions of the feudal age, knight's service,
&c. the ancient Saxon law as preserved in the county of
Kent, free from all the trappings and forms of the
Norman law.
Mortgages, leases, or other conveyances of houses and
lands, were to be acknowledged before the governor or an
assistant, and ' committed to public record.'
A preference was given to the natives of the colony in
one respect, as it was enacted that ' children born here,
and next unto them, such as are here,' and brought up
under their parents, of age, wanting land for their accom
modation, to be, provided for in preference to any coming
from England and elsewhere.' And persons covenanting
to give lands to their servants after service, were to do it
out of their own proper lands.
None were allowed to marry who were under ' the
covert of parents,' without their consent and approbation,

240 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' except in case of refusal, the governor or an assistant, it
being fit, and their approbation published three several
times in public before solemnization,' and a master refus
ing to permit his servant to marry, the magistrate was
authorized to permit the marriage. If the consent of
parents, masters, or guardians, could not be obtained
• through any sinister or covetous desire,' the magistrates
upon complaint and examination, might order that which
was ' most equal and best.'
The paternal character of the governor and assistants,
is strongly recognised in this law; — an express authority
is given to them to interfere in a reasonable, but in an
effectual manner, in matters respecting which all nations
and people have rejected and prohibited all interference
beyond the domestic roof.
The origin of town-governments in New England, is
involved in some obscurity. The system does not prevail
in England. Nothing analogous to it is known in the
southern states, and although the system of internal gov
ernment in the middle states bears a partial resemblance
to that of New England, it is in many respects dissimilar.
Those who are strangers to our customs, are surprised to ~
find the whole of New England divided into a vast number
of little democratic republics, which have full power to
do all those things which most essentially concern the
comforts, happiness, and morals of the people.
The revenue expended for town purposes, far exceeds
the amount which is expended for the support of the state
governments. The tax gatherer of the national govern
ment is not known except to the importing merchants, who
are few in number, and are residents of the cities on the
seaboard. The whole expense of supporting paupers, maintaining
schools, and repairing public roads, is paid by the inhab-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 241
itants of the towns in their corporate capacity. The sup
plies for these and other incidental purposes, are voted in
the town meetings, the inhabitants determine the amount,
and direct the mode of expenditure. The chief executive
power is in the hands of the selectmen, who have a gen
eral oversight and supervision of the affairs of the towns,
but the power of local legislation is in the hands of the
townsmen. Under the government of these little republics, .society
is trained in habits of order, and the whole people acquire
a practical knowledge of legislation within their own
sphere. To this mode of government may be attributed
that sober and reflecting character, ajmost peculiar to the
people of New England, and their general knowledge of
politics and legislation. Many distinguished orators and
statesmen have made their first essays in town meetings.
In the popular branch of the state legislature the mem
bers are not now the representatives of the whole people
but of town corporations.
To return to the question of the origin of these govern
ments. It will be recollected that at the time of the first
settlement of Plymouth and for many years after, all mat
ters of general interest were decided at general meetings
of the whole people called courts. Plymouth was settled
by a church, and at first the ecclesiastical government was
most respected. The settlements extended. A new church
was formed at Duxbury, one afterwards at Marshfield, an
other at Scituate. It became inconvenient to legislate on
matters of local interest at Plymouth, and constablericks
were allowed in these distant places. During this period,
the lands for the most part were held by occupancy, and
not by any title founded on English law. — The people
soon began to purchase from the Indians. The practice
becoming common, the court thought proper to restrict
31

242 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
it, and to pass a law that no title should be good unless
confirmed by them. Hence originated the practice of
forming companies of proprietors generally called pro
prietaries — A purchase of territory was made from the
Indians, which was allowed by the court, who upon ap
plication, issued a charter, and the company became a
body corporate. Settlements were made, and an act of
incorporation by which the territory was created a town
followed. Instead of being settled by the church only, min
isters were settled by the towns in town meetings, the
salary established and annually voted, and in some towns
this practice continues to this day. In consequence of
the increase of such as were called sectarians, at first
Quakers, then Baptists, and occasionally Episcopalians,
the practice of settling ministers in tbwn meeting and sup
porting them by the town's funds has fallen into disuse.
At first there were no paupers, there Were poor people who
received partial support from the liberality of individ
uals, and in the first years of the Plymouth colony there
was no provision made by law for the support of schools,
The roads then as now, were kept in repair by tthe
common and personal labor of the people.
As circumstances changed, the laws were changed, and
at last the present perfect system came into operation,
having been gradually accommodated to the progress of
society„and the condition of the people. Another change
is now demanded. The system of town representation
cannot endure ; the increase of rateable polls, on which
that representation is founded has been such, that the
numbers of one of the legislatives bodies in this state
is so great, as to obstruct the course of public business
and almost paralyze legislation.
To the independent churches, we may trace the origi
nal notion of independent communities, which afterwards

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 243
assumed the name of towns, and which after having
passed through an ecclesiastical state, and after the pro
prietaries became extinct from the special appropriation
of all the lands within the bounds of their charter, as
sumed the shape of political corporations, with muni
cipal and in fact legislative powers within their own limits.

( 244 )

CHAPTER -XII.
William Bradford again elected Governor. — Pequot War. — Thomas Prince
elected Governor. — Earthquake. — Murder of an Indian by four Englishmen. —
Three of them executed. — Controversy with Gorton. — Gorton's doctrines. —
Settlement of New Haven.
1fi„_ Mr Bradford was again chosen Governor, and
Mr Winslow first assistant. Five other assistants /
only are named by Secretary Morton as having been
elected, who were Timothy Hatherly, William Collier,
Gov. Prince, Capt. Standish, and John Jenny for the first
time. The war with the Pequots commenced and terminated
this year in their utter overthrow and extermination.
Plymouth was a party in the war, and fiftysix men march
ed under the command of Capt. Standish, but before he .
reached the scene of action, the war was terminated, and
Standish returned. The history of this war belongs to
Connecticut. .._„ Thomas Prince was elected Governor ; William
Bradford first assistant. The other assistants were
Edward Winslow, Capt. Standish, John Alden, John
Jenny, John Atwood, John Brown.
The people during this year were alarmed by a great
earthquake which however did but little injury.
Four young men of Plymouth, who were servants, ab
sconding from their masters, attacked a solitary Indian at

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 245
Pawtucket, near Providence, but within the limits of Ply
mouth, and after inflicting upon him a mortal wound,
robbed him of a quantity of wampum, and fled to Provi
dence. The Indian escaped to his countrymen. The
Englishmen discovering that he had escaped, continued
their flight to Aquedneck, (Rhode Island,) where they
were apprehended. Mr Williams informed the Governor
of Massachusetts of the transaction; and requested his
advice. He was advised to notify the government of
Plymouth, and upon their requisition to surrender the
criminals, ' otherwise seeing no English had jurisdiction
in the place where the murder was committed, neither
had they at the island any government established, it
would be safest to deliver the principal, who was certainly
known to have killed the party, to the Indians his friends,
with caution that they should not put him to torture, and to
keep the other three for further consideration.' Wil
liams pursued the advice, and notified the government of
Plymouth, who thereupon required the offenders, and
three were surrendered, the other having escaped. The
governor of Plymouth Understanding that the prisoners
intended to appeal to England, also solicited the advice
of Governor Winthrop, who replied that the whole country
was interested, and urged the Plymouth government to
have •' justice done' here, and it was, as they were all put
upon trial. They confessed that they murdered the In
dian in order to possess themselves of his wampum. Some
difficulty occurred at the trial, inasmuch as no witness
could swear positively that the Indian was dead ; but Mr
Williams and Mr James of Providence testifying that his
wound was mortal,' and two Indians (notwithstanding the
general panic which prevailed amongst them in conse
quence of this event) having been persuaded to appear
and swearing that if he were not dead of the wound, they

246 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
themselves would suffer death, the prisoners were all con
demned and executed. Two died penitents especially Ar
thur Peach an Irishman, ' a young man (says Governor Win
throp,) of good parentage and fair conditioned, and who
had done very good service against the Pequots.' John
Barnes was another. The name of the third is not men
tioned. The one who escaped fled to Piscataqua, where
he was protected even by force, and finally escaped out
of the country.* Roger Williams and many of the na
tives were present at the execution.
* The following account of this transaction is contained in a letter from
Roger Williams to Governor Winthrop.
' Sir, there hath been a great hubbub in all these parts, as a general per
suasion that time was come of a general slaughter of natives, by reason of a
murther committed upon a native within twelve miles of us by four desperate
Ijnglish. I presume particulars have scarce as yet been presented to your
hand. The last 5th day, towards evening, a native, passing through us,
brought me word, that at Pawtuckqut, a river four miles from us towards the
bay, four Englishmen were almost famished. I instantly sent provisions and
strong water, with invitations, &c. The messengers brought word that they
were one Arthur Peach of Plymouth an Irishman, John Barnes, his man,
and two others come from Pascataquack, travelling to Qunnihticut ; and that
they had been lost five days, and fell into our path but six miles, whereas they
were importuned to come home, &c. They pleaded soreness in travelling,
and therefore their desire to rest there.
¦ The next morning they came to me by break of day, relating that the old
man at Pawatuckqut had put them forth the last night, because some Indians
said that they had hurt an Englishman, and. therefore that they lay between
us and Pawatuckqut.
' I was busy in writing letters and getting them a guide to Qunnihticut, and
inquired no more, they having told me that they came from Plymouth on the
last of the week in the evening, and lay still in the woods the Lord's day, and
then lost their way to Weymouth, from whence they lost their way again to
wards us, and came in again six miles off Pawatuckqut.
• After they were gone, an old native comes to me, and tells me that the
natives round about us were fled, relating that those four had slain a native,
who had carried three beaver skins and beads for Caunonicus' son, and came
home with five fathom and three coats ; that three natives which came after
him found him groaning in the path ; that he told them that four Englishmen
had slain him. They came to Pawatuckqut, and Inquired after the English,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 247
This execution is an undeniable proof of that stern
sense of duty which was cherished by the Pilgrims. To
which when Arthur and his company heard, they got on hose and shoes, and
departed in the night.
' I sent after them to Nanhiggantick, and went myself with two or threemore to
the wounded in the woods. The natives at first were shy of us, conceiving a gen
eral slaughter, but (through the Lord's mercy,) I assured them that Mr Governor
knew nothing, &c, and that I had sent to apprehend the men. So we found
that he had been run through the leg and belly with one thrust. We dressed
him and got him to town the next day, where Mr James and Mr Greene en
deavored all they could, his life ; but the wound in the belly, and blood lost,.
and fever following, cut his life's thread.
' Before he died, he told me that the four English had slain him, and that
(being faint and not able to speak,) he had related the truth to the natives who
first came to him, viz. that they, viz. the English, saw him in the bay and his
beads ; that sitting in the side of a swamp a little way out of the path, (I went
to see the place, fit for an evil purpose,) Arthur called him to drink tobacco,
who coming and taking the pipe of Arthur, he run him through the leg into-i
the belly, when, springing back, Arthur made a second thrust, but mist him ;
that another of them struck at him, but mist him, and his weapon run into the
ground ; that getting from them a little way into the swamp, they pursued him
till he fell down, when they mist him, and getting up again, when he heard
themdose by him, he run to and again in the swamp, till he fell down again,
when they lost him quite ; afterwards, towards night, he came and lay in the
path, that some passenger might help him as aforesaid.
' Whereas they said, they wandered Plymouth way ; Arthur knew the path,
having gone it twice ; and beside, Mr Throckmorton met them about Naponset
river, in the path, who, riding roundly upon a sudden by them, was glad he
had passed them, suspecting them. They denied that they met Mr Throck
morton. ' The messenger that I sent to Nanhiggontick, pursuing after them, returned
the next day, declaring that they showed Miantunomu letters to Aquedneck,
(which were mine to Qunnihtiqut,) and so to Aquedenick they past, whither I
sent information of them, and so they were taken. Their sudden examination
they sent, me, a copy of which I am hold to send to your worship enclosed. _
' The Islanders, (Mr Coddington being absent,) resolved to send them to us,
some thought, by us to Plymouth, from whence they came. ¦ Sir, I shall hum
bly crave your judgment whether they ought not to be tried where they are
taken .' If they be sent any way, whether not to Plymouth ? In case Ply
mouth refuse, and the Islanders send them to us, what answers we may give
if others unjustly shift them unto us. I know that every man, quatenus man,
and son of Adam, is his brother's keeper or avenger ; but I desire to do bonum

24 S MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
put three Englishmen to death for the murder of one In
dian, without compulsion, or without any apprehension of
consequences, (for it does not appear that any application
was made on the part of the Indians for the punishment
of the murderers, and they might have been pacified by
the death of one, and probably even without that,) denotes
a degree of moral culture unequalled in new settlements.
It stands in our annals without a parallel instance; the
truth of the fact is avouched by all our early historians, and
¦it stands an eternal and imperishable monument of stern,
unsparing, inflexible justice, and in all probability it was
not without its earthly reward, for the Indians, convinced
of the justice of the English, abstained from all attempts
to avenge their wrongs, by their own acts for many years.
Samuel Gorton, a native of the city of London, after
visiting Boston in 1636, went to Plymouth, where he ad
vanced opinions touching religion extremely offensive to
the church, and productive of much controversy amongst
the people, some of whom embraced his doctrines. Enga
ging in a controversy with Mr Smith, the pastor, whose
capacity was small, and who probably was foiled in the
dispute by Gorton, Smith sought his revenge by citing
Gorton to appear at a court to be holden at Plymouth, in
bene. Thus beseeching the God of heaven, most holy and only wise, to make
the . interpretation of his holy meaning in all occurrences, to bring us by all
these bloody passages to an higher price of the blood of the Son of God, yea of
God, by which the chosen are redeemed, with all due respects to your dear
self and dear companion, I cease. Your worship's most unworthy,
'Roger Williams.'
In another letter he says —
' Sir,— At Plymouth it pleased the Lord to force the prisoners to confess, that
they all complotted and intended murder ; and they were, three of them, (the
fourth having escaped by a pinnace, from Aquednick,) executed in the pre
sence of the natives, who went with me.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 249
December, 1638. Gorton maintaining his principles not
only with firmness but with insolence, the court sentenced
him to find security for his good behaviour during his stay
in Plymouth, which was limited to fourteen days, and
amerced him in a large fine. He went from Plymouth to
Rhode Island, and although the settlers there had just
been expelled from Massachusetts for heresy, they,could
not endure the intrusion of Gorton's opinions amongst
them, and he was sentenced to be whipped, and then
banished. From Rhode Island he went to Providence,
and so riotous was his conduct, that even the mild and
tolerant Williams found himself constrained to solicit the
aid of Massachusetts to expel him. He retired amongst
the Indians of Narragansett, and purchased of two of the
petty sachems a tract of land called Sha-o-met, of four
miles in width, and extending back twenty miles. The
sachems afterwards denied the sale, but Miantonimo, the
chief sachem of the Narragansetts, confirmed it. The
petty sachems having conveyed their title to Massachu
setts, that colony claimed jurisdiction of the territory, and
cited Gorton and his followers, who were settled on the
lands, to appear at Boston. Gorton denied their jurisdic
tion and refused to go. Capt. George Cook and forty
men were then despatched from Boston to apprehend
Gorton and his company. They seized their cattle, des
troyed and carried away their goods, and guarded all the
men, being ten in number, besides Gorton, viz. Randall
Holden, John Wickes, John Greene, Francis Weston,
Richard Waterman, John Warner, Richard Carder, Samp
son Shotton, Robert Potter, and William Woodale, as
prisoners to Boston, leaving their families at the mercy of
the Indians.
It would seem that some of the followers both of Roger
Williams and Mrs Hutchinson, had been seduced frorn
32

250 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
their fidelity by Gorton. Greene, Waterman, and Wes
ton had accompanied Williams in his flight from Salem.
Carder had been a follower of Mrs Hutchinson. Wickes
followed Gorton from Plymouth.
They were brought to trial in Massachusetts, not for
contumacy or defrauding the Indians, but for blasphemy
and heresy, and the trial was for life or death. Gorton's
writings were produced in proof, but so satisfactory was
his explanation, that Governor Winthrop declared in court
that he could agree with them, yot such was the horrible
bigotry of the age, that these eleven men escaped a sen
tence of death by a majority of two voices only. Their
punishment, however, was as cruel as it was unjust ; each
was compelled to wear an iron chain fast bolted round
the leg, and in this manner to labor. If they spoke to any
except an officer of church or state, they were to suffer
death. If they spoke on the subject of religion, or com
plained of their usage, they were to suffer death. They
were kept at labor through the winter, and then banished
the jurisdiction, 'not to return on pain of death.'
Gorton, Greene and Holden went to England. They
obtained an order from the earl of Warwick and the other
commissioners of the plantations, dated August 19, 1644,
directed to the Massachusetts colony, of the following
tenor. After ' expostulating with them for their want of
charity,' they were required not again to molest the set
tlers of Shaomet, (now Warwick,) on account of their
religion or lands, ' and to permit them to pass peaceably
through their government.' Massachusetts yielded to this
order with great reluctance, and an agent was sent to
England to answer to the charges of Gorton, who, assumed
in this early stage of their political existence this bold
position, ' that the doings of the Massachusetts colony
were not subject to any re-examination in England !'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 251
After this, Gorton and his followers enjoyed their lands
in quiet. Gorton was again in Boston in 1648, but being
threatened he went away. He afterwards lived in tran
quillity to a great age.
Gorton was one of those daring spirits which this en
thusiastic age brought forth. He appeared at a period
when men, relieved from the thraldom of long established
creeds, pursue without restraint the phantasies of their
excited imaginations, as well as the sober truths of the
gospel. The vaunted independence of opinion, is pro
ductive of error as well as of good, and the crudities of
fanatics will disturb the world, as long as the shouts of
the multitude shall proclaim the triumph either of the
coxcomb or the martyr. It has remained for the present
age to achieve the consummation of that divine toleration
which Roger Williams preached two centuries ago, but
yet the toleration of opinion has not succeeded the tolera
tion of law, and men are not yet willing to believe that
in the house of the common Father ' there are many man
sions.' We may glorify ourselves for our superior intelligence,
but we can feel but little pride when we contrast our
wisdom with that of our ancestors. We have fanatics as
wild, as insane, as ignorant, and as blasphemous as James
Naylor or George Fox. The Shakers, Jemima, Wilkinson,
Joanna Southcott, and Richard Brothers b»#ng home to
our minds, the mortifying truth that if we are more tole
rant than our ancestors, we are still liable to witness the
excesses of folly and fanaticism under the name of reli
gion. Even now a sect are increasing in numbers and
respectability, who hold to the practicability of conversing
while on earth, with the beings of the invisible world, and
of ascending while in the flesh, to the heaven of the
saints ; and this sect are for the most part men of learn-

252 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ing, intellect, and great purity, both in principles and
conduct. However, the improvement of society is pro
gressive, the march of man is onward. Who could have
believed that the successors of the early Baptists would
have been spirited and generous patrons of learning, or
that the greatest donation ever made in America for the
purposes of education, would have been from the hands
of a Quaker !
There has been much diversity of opinion as to the
doctrines of Gorton. Whatever they might have been in
reality, he always had the ingenuity so to explain them, as
to satisfy the candid. He was supercilious, self-sufficient,
insolent, stubborn, and intractable, but ingenious, plausi
ble, and eloquent ; and although he might not have
preached any doctrines which would offend the expanded
liberality of the present age, yet in that, he experienced
all the ire which is engendered in bigoted minds from
resistance to those opinions and lights which they are
well persuaded are from heaven, and therefore infallible.
Secretary Morton represents him as ? a proud and pes
tilent seducer, and leavened with blasphemous and fam-
alistical opinions, and as an Atheist ; that he and his
followers " blasphemed the Lord Jesus himself, his words
and ordinances in such a manner, as scarce in any age
any heretics or apostates have done the like ; not only
abandoning and rejecting all civil power and authority,
except moulded according to their own fancies, but belch
ing out errors in their famalistical allegories. If, (says
he,) I may so call them, as, to speak with holy reverence,
they rendered the Lord Christ no more than an imagina
tion ; shunning not blasphemously to say, that Christ was
but a shadow, and resemblance of what is done in every
christian ; that Christ was incarnate in Adam, and was
the image of God wherein Adam was created ; and that

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 253
his being born afterwards of the Virgin Mary, and suffer
ing, was but a manifestation of his suffering in Adam ;
that man losing God's image, was the death of Christ ;
that Christ is the covenant properly, and that Faith and
Christ are all one. They call the holy word, and sermons
of salvation, tales ; the Lord's supper an abomination,
and a spell ; Baptism vanity and abomination ; the min
isters of the word necromancers, &c."'
' He was (says the secretary,) a subtle deceiver, courteous
in his carriage to all, at some times for his own ends, but
soon moved with passion, and so lost that which he gained
on the simple.? He calls him a sordid man, and one that
denies a future existence.
To these charges Gorton replied, — ' In that,' says he,
you declare I have spoken words, (or to that effect,) that
there is no state nor condition of mankind after this
life. I do verily believe that there is not a man, woman
or child upon the face of the earth, that will come forth
and say, that ever they heard any such words come from
my mouth, and I appeal to God, the judge of all secrets,
that there was never such a thought entertained in my
heart.' ' And whereas you say I am become a sordid man in my
life ; I dare be so bold as to lay my conversation among
men to the rules of humanity, with any minister among
you, in all the passages of my life, which God hath
brought me through, from my youth unto this day, that it
hath been as comely and innocent as his. Whose ox or
whose ass have I taken, or when or where have I lived
upon other men's labors, and not wrought with my own
hands for things honest in the sight of man, and to eat
my own bread.
' For the rest of the expressions you charge upon us,
you falsely apply them.- We never called sermons of sal-

254 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
vation tales; nor any ordinances of the Lord an abomina*
tion or vanity ; nor holy ministers necromancers. We
honor, reverence, and practice these things. And how
ever you term me a belcher out of errors, I would have
you know, that I hold my call to preach the gospel of
Christ, not inferior to any minister in this country, though
I was not bred up in the schools of human learning, and
I bless God that I never was ; least I had been drowned
in pride and ignorance, through Aristotle's principles, and
other heathen philosophers, as millions are, and have been,
and ground their preaching of the gospel upon human
principles, to the falsifying of the word of God, in the
ruin of men's souls. Yet this I doubt not of, that there
has been as much true use made of the languages within
this twenty years past, in the place where I live, as hath
been in any church in New England : I know the manner
of your preaching very well.'
He then alludes to the manner in which his preaching
was received in England, — the great favor he there
enjoyed, &c.
It is probable that his intolerable insolence excited more
irritation and prejudice than his preaching, and incited
his enemies in many cases to pervert his allegories into
blasphemies, for Letchmere, (who was in New England
about the time that Gorton was driven from Newport,)
a lawyer, and not partial to the religion or the churches of
New England, says, ' there (Newport) they lately whipt
one Master Gorton, a grave man, for denying their power
and abusing some of the magistrates in uncivil terms :
the governor, Master Coddington, saying in court, " you
that are for the king, lay hold on Gorton," and he again
on the other side called fort.h, " all you that are for the
king, lay hold on Coddington ; whereupon Gorton was
banished the island, so with his wife and children he

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 255
went to Providence. They began about a small tres
pass of swine, but it is thought some other matter was
ingredient.' During this year, (1638*) Quinnipiack which had been
explored in the preceding year, was settled and called
New Haven, and it existed until 1665, as a separate colo
ny. It was then united to Connecticut.
The principal founders were Theophilus Eaton, Esq.,
an eminent London merchant who had been deputy
governor of the East India Company, and minister to
Denmark. He was elected the first governor. John
Davenport, a celebrated minister, their first pastor, Sam
uel Eaton, Thomas Gregson, Robert Newman, Matthew
Gilbert, Nathaniel Turner, Thomas Fugill, Francis New
man, Stephen Goodyear, and Joshua Atwater. Mr Peter
Prudden was also an early adventurer at New Haven.
* In the month of April.

( 256 )

CHAPTER XIII.
Progress of the Settlements, and the local and ecclesiastical History of the
town of Plymouth, and of the towns of Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, Sand
wich, Barnstable, and Yarmouth. — Governor Bradford re-elected. — First
meeting of the Committees or Deputies from the several towns in General
Court. — Renewal of the treaty with Massasoiet and his son. — Marshfield
incorporated. — Governor Bradford surrenders the Patent. — Extent of the
towns. — Indian Territory. — Literature. — Conclusion of the first part of the
History. To present a clear view of the circumstances and situa
tion of the Plymouth colony at this period, when a great
change in the government was about commencing, which
had become necessary from the increase of population,
and the remoteness of some of the settlements from the
seat of government ; — the local and ecclesiastical history
of the several towns, and the history of their commence
ment and progress is indispensable. PLYMOUTH.
For twelve years after the commencement of the
settlement of Plymouth, that town constituted the whole
colony, and in their various departments, exercised all
those functions of government which are now perform
ed in towns, counties, and commonwealths : — but lo
cal, municipal, and political regulations were esteemed
of little consequence when compared with ecclesias
tical rule. The doctrines and discipline of the church
wpw far more inmortant in the eves of the rjilgrims

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

257

by a free constitution, and their code of laws. The good
of the church was with them the supreme law of the land,
but being a trading community they yielded a reluctant
toleration to such as were so unfortunate or so unwise as
to keep without its pale, hence some civil regulations be
came necessary to restrain the ungpdly, but the censures
of the church were held to be sufficient for the restraint
of its members, although they could not be excepted from
the provisions and penalties, of a general law.
The Plymouth church was formed from the minority of,
the Leyden church and the two churches were like a family
separated for a time, but expecting a reunion.
The state of the colony in March, 1621, has been al
ready related : — at that time, of the original company
consisting of one hundred and one but fiftyfive were left
alive, and before the arrival of the second vessel the For
tune, in November, 1621, four more had died, leaving the
number of survivors 51. The Fortune brought over thir
ty five passengers who have been named. In July, 1623,
arrived the Anne, and the James.
In 1623 the lands were assigned in severalty, to be cul
tivated by families as has been related. In the old colony
records, the situation of the lands, and the number of
acres to each is particularly mentioned, viz.
' The fall's of their grounds which came first over in the
Mayflower, according as their lots were cast, 1623.
The number of acres to each one. The number of acres to each one.
Robert Cushman,* 1 Isaac Allerton, 7
Mr William Brewster, 6 John Billington, 3
* Mr Cushman embarked in the Mayflower ; but after she put back, he re
mained, but it seems heis considered as having been one of the company in the
Mayflower.
33

258 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
William Bradford, 3 Peter Brown, 1
Richard Gardiner, 1 Samuel Fuller, 2
Francis Cooke, 2 Joseph Rogers,* 2
George Soule, 1
These lye on the south side of the brook, to the bay-
Wards. These contain twentynine acres.
John Howland, 4 Edward Leister, 1
Stephen Hopkins, 6 Gilbert Winslow, ¦ 1
Edward Doten, 1 Samuel Fuller, jr. 3
These lye on the south side of the brook, to the wood
ward, opposite to the former.
These contain sixteen acres, besides Hobbomock's
ground, which lieth between Jo. Howland's and Hopkins'.
William White, 5
This five acres lyeth behind the fort to the little pond.
Edward Winslow, ] 4 Marie Hilton,t (probably Chilton,)
Richard Warren, 2 Capt. Miles Standish, 2
John Goodman, Francis Eaton, 4
John Crackston, Henry Samson, 1
John Alden, Humility Cooper, 1
These lye on the north side of the town next adjoining
their gardens who came in the Fortune.
The fall's of theif grounds who came in the Fortune
according as their lots were cast, (1623).
William Hilton ,t 1 John Adams, 1
* Supposed by Judge Davis to have been a son of Thomas Rogers, who died
the first winter.
't Supposed to have been the daughter of James Chilton, married John
Winslow. •?
t In Purchas' Pilgrims, part iv. 1640, (says Judge Davis,) we find the follow
ing letter from William Hilton to a kinsman in England.
' Loving Cousin,— At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, wee

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

259

John Winslow, 1 William Tench, \
William Coner, 1 John Cannon, 1
These lie to the sea, eastward.
The following lye beyond the second brook
Hugh Stacy, 1 Austin Nicolas, 1
William Beale, > Widow Foord, 4
Thomas Cushman, J Fourteen acres.

William Wright, )

2

Clement Briggs,

1

William Pitt, \

James Stewart,

1

Robert Hickes,

1

William Palmer, '

2

Thomas Prence,

1
Jonathan Brewster,
1
Stephen Dean,
1
Bennet Morgan,
1
Moses Simonson (Simmons,)
1
Thomas Flavell and his Son,
2
Philip De La Noye (Delano,)
2
Thomas Morton,
1
Edward Bomiasse,
1
William Bassett,
2
Nineteen acres.
These lye beyond the first brook to the westward.
found our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sick and
weak, with very small means ; the Indians round about us are peaceable and
friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally of itself
great store of fruits, as vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is,
likewise, walnuts, chestnuts, smallnuts, and plums, with much variety of flow
ers, roots and herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place
hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better ; timber, of all sorts you
have in England, doth cover the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and
great flocks of turkies, quails, pigeons and partridges; many great lakes,
abounding with fish, fowl, beaver and otters. The sea affords us great plenty
of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of wild
fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the
goodnesnor quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, if
we will plant it upon as a good ground as a man need desire. We are all free
holders ; the rent day doth not trouble us, and all those good blessings we have,
of which and what we list for taking.
Our company are, for the most part, very religious, honest people ; the wor
of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath ; so that I know not anything a con
tented mind can here wa.nt. I. desire your friendly care to send my wife and
children to me, where I wish all the friends I have in England, and so I rest
your loving kinsman, William Hilton.
260 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The fall's of their grounds which came over in the ship
called the Anne, according as their lots were cast, (1623.
James Rand, 1
These following lie beyond the brook to Shawberry Hill.
Edmund Flood, 1 Francis Cooke, 4
Christopher Conant, 1
George Morton, > Thomas Morton, jr. 1
Experience Mitchell, ) William Hilton's wife and two chil-
Christian Penn, 1 dren, S
These butt against the swamp and reed ponds.
Francis Sprague, 3 Goodwife Flavell, 1
Edward Burcher, 2 Manasseh and John Faunce, 2
John Jennings, 5
These to the sea, eastward.
Alice Bradford, 1 Patience and Fear Brewster, with
Robert Hickes, his wife and children, 4 Robert Long, 3
Bridget Fuller, 1 William Heard, 1
Ellen Newton, 1 Miles Standish, 1
This goeth in with a corner by the pond.
These following lye on the other side of the town to
ward Eele river.
Marie Bucket, adjoining to Joseph Cuthbert Cuthbertson, 0
Rogers, 1 Anthony Anable, 4
Mr Oldham and those joined with Thomas Tilden, 3
him, , 10 Richard Warren, 6

Robert RadcUfife, beyond the swamp and stony ground,
Nicholas Snow, 1 Mr Perres, two servants,
Anthony Dixe, Ralph Walen,
These butt against Hobb's hole.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 261
North side. South side.
Edward Holinan, one acre, 1 Stephen Tracy, three acres, 3
Frances, wife to William Palmer, 1 Thomas Clarke, one acre, 1
Josiah Pratt, > „ Robert Bartlett, one acre, 1
Phineas Pratt, S
At the close of the year 1624, the number of souls in
the colony was one hundred and eighty, who were then
all dwelling within the town, The planters had some
cattle and goats, and much swine and poultry. Thirtytwo
dwelling houses had been erected. The town was impaled
for half a mile in circumference. A well built fort was '
on the hill, surmounted by a watch tower. For the last
three years the health of the colony had been remarkable,
and not one of the first planters had died. A ship of one
hundred and eighty tons had been freighted. The gen
eral stock employed by the adventurers to Plymouth
amounted £7000. At Cape Anne, a plantation had been
commenced by people from Dorchester in England which
they held of the Plymouth people, and a fishing stage was
erected there.
On the 22d of May, 1627, it is believed that every family
and person in the town, (and the town was at that time
the colony) can be ascertained from a record of the divis
ion of the cattle.

THE FAMILIES WERE
Francis Cooke, Isaac Allerton,
Hester, Cooke, his wife, Fear Allerton, his wife,
John Cooke, Bartholomew Allerton,
Jacob Cooke* • Mary Allerton,
Jane Cooke, Sarah Allerton.
Hester Cooke,
Mary Cooke.

262

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

Cuthbert Cuthbertson,
Sarah Cuthbertson,
Samuel Cuthbertson.

John Adams,
Eleanor A^ams,
James Adams.

Mary Priest,
Sarah Priest.
Miles Standish,
Barbara Standish, his wife,
Charles Standish,
Alexander Standish,
John Standish.
Edward Winslow,
Susannah Winslow, his wife,
John Winslow,
Edward Winslow,
Resolved White,
Peregrine White.
John Howland,
Elizabeth Howland, his wife,
John Howland, jr.
Desire Howland.

John Winslow,
Mary Winslow.
William Bassett,
Elizabeth Bassett,
William Bassett, jr.
Elizabeth Bassett, jr.
Francis Sprague,
Anna Sprague,
Mercy Sprague.
Stephen Hopkins,
Elizabeth Hopkins, his wife,
Giles HopkinSj
Caleb Hopkins,
Deborah Hopkins.
Nicholas Snow,
Constance Snow.

John Alden,
Priscilla Alden,
Elizabeth Alden,
John Alden.
William Brewster,
Love Brewster,
Wrestling Brewster,
Jonathan Brewster,
Lucretia Brewster,
William Brewster,
Mary Brewster,
Thomas Prince,
Patience Prince,
Rebecca Prince,
Humilitie Cooper,
Henri Samson,

William Palmer,
Frances Palmer, his wife,
William Palmer, jr.
John Billington,
Helen Billington,
Francis Billington.
Samuel Fuller,
Bridget Fuller,
Samuel Fuller, jr.
Peter Browne,
Marth.a Browne,
Mary Browne.
John Ford,
Martha Ford.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

263

Anthony Anable,
Jane Anable, .
Sarah Anable,
Hannah Anable,
Damaris Hopkins.
Richard Warren,
Elizabeth Warren, his wife,
Nathaniel Warren,
Joseph Warren,
Mary Warren,
Ann Warren,
Sarah Warren,
Elizabeth Warren,
Abigail Warren,
John Billington.
George Sowle,
Mary Sowle,
Zacchartoh Sowle.
Francis Eaton,
Christian Eaton, his wife,
Samuel Eaton,
Rahell Eaton.
Stephen Tracy,
Triphosa Tracy,
Sarah Tracy,
Rebecca Tracy.
Ralph Wallen,
Joyce Wallen,
Sarah Morton.
William Bradford, the Governor,
Alice Bradford, his wife,
William Bradford, jr.
Mercy Bradford.
Manasses Kempton,
Julian Kempton.

Nathaniel Morton,
John Morton,
Ephraim Morton,
Patience Morton.
John Jenne,
Sarah Jenne, his wife,
Samuel Jenne,
Abigail Jenne,
Sarah Jenne.
Robert Hicks,
Margaret Hicks,
Samuel Hicks,
Ephraim Hicks,
Lydia Hicks,
Phebe Hicks.
Moses Simonson, (Simmons,)
Philip De La Noye, (Delano.)
Experience Mitchell,
John Faunce,
Joshua Pratt,
Phineas Pratt,
Edward Bompassee, (Bumpus,
Bump,)
John Crackstone,
Abraham Peirce,
Thomas Cla'rke,
Clement Briggs,
Edward Doten, (Dotey.)
Edward Holdman, (Holman.)
Richard More,
John Shaw,
Robert Bartlett,
Thomas Prence;
Joseph Rogers,
Thomas Cushman,
William Latham,
Stephen Deane,
Edward Bangs.

264

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

It evidently appears that between the last part of the
year 1624, and the 22d of May 1627, there had been a
decrease of numbers. This may be partially accounted
for, from the expulsiqn of Oldham and Lyford, and their
followers, and the removal of Mr Conant and some of his
friends, and probably a few had begun to settle in the
surrounding wilderness who took no share in the cattle.
It is somewhat singular that the name of Carver does not
appear in this list. The family of Governor Carver were
numerous, and this name is frequent now, and is supposed
to be borne by none except by the descendants of the
governor. Gilbert Winslow a brother of Governor Win-
slow is not mentioned.*

* A catalogue is subjoined of the names then extant in the colony, and the
numbers which bore them, male and female,

Male.

Female.

Male.

Female.

Adams,

2

1

Fuller,

2

1

Anable,

1

3

Faunce,

1

Allerton,

2

3

Ford,

1

1

Alden,

2

2

Howland,

2

2

Basset,

2

2

Hopkins,

3

3

Brewster,

4

3

Hickes,

3

3

Billington,

3

1

Holdman,

1

Browne,
1
2
Jenney,
2
3
Bradford,
2
2
Kempton,
1
1
Bompassee,
1
Latham,
1
Briggs,
1
Mitchell,
1
Bartlett,
1
Morton,
3
2
Bangs,
1
More,
1
Cooper,
1
Priest,
2
Cooke,
3
4
Prence,
2
2
Cuthbertson,
2
1
Pratt,
2
Crackstone,
1
Palmer,
2
1
Clarke,
1
Standish,
4
1
Cushman,
1
Sowle,
2
1
De La Noye,
1
Simonson,
1
Deane,
1
Sampson,
1
Doten,
1
Peirce,
1
Eaton,
2
2
Shaw,
1
MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 265
It has been already related that the emigrants from
Holland in the constant expectation of Robinson's arrival,
omitted to ordain a pastor or teaching elder. Robinson
although in Holland, was in fact the pastor of the Ply
mouth church and would have administered his office had
he arrived, without any new ordination, consecration, or
ceremony. His absence was the less regretted inasmuch
as Brewster the ruling elder was eminently qualified not
only for his own, but for the pastoral office.
After the death of Robinson, (in March, 1625) it was
the universal wish of the church that Brewster should
succeed him, but he steadily refused an ordination as pas
tor, but did in fact perform the duties of both offices.
The arrival of Lyford in 1624, and his expulsion from
Plymouth, and the miserable termination of his career
have already been noticed. He preached occasionally at
Plymouth, but was called to no ecclesiastical office.
In 1628 the company in England as has also already
been related, sent over one Rogers, intending that he should
officiate as pastor, but his utter unfitness, and his eventual
insanity, induced the Plymouth church to send him back
to England at their own charge.

Sprague,

1

2

Warren,

3

6

Snow,

1

1

Wallen,

1

1

Rogers,.

1

White,

2

Tracy,

1

3

Winslow,

4

2

The names of Allerton, Cuthbertson, Priest, and Wallen are believed to be
extinct. Holdman is changed into Holman, and Simonson into Simmons.
The names of Bompasse, De La.Noye, and Doten, are unquestionably of
French origin. The persons who originally bore them were probably admitted
into the Plymouth company from amongst the French Protestants resident at
Leyden. They have been changed by English pronunciation and usage into Bumpus and
Bump, Delano and Doty.
Many of the other names have not been unknown to fame, and have extend
ed far beyond the limits of the colony.
34

266 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1629, Ralph Smith arrived at Naumkeag. He was
one of four puritan ministers sent out by the Massachusetts
company. Another, (Mr Bright) accompanied Thomas
Graves to Charlestown, and became the first pastor of that
ancient Church. Higginson and Skelton as pastor and
teaching elder, remained at Salem. Smith who was held in
slight estimation, finding his services were not required at
Salem, retired to Nantasket, where a settlement had been
made by Oldham. Finding himself in a wretched situa
tion there, he besought some Plymouth people who cas
ually visited Nantasket, to take him to Plymouth, which
they did. Being a man of piety and good intentions, his
want of capacity was overlooked, and he was ordained
(probably in 1630) the first pastor of the ancient church
of Plymouth, and remained there five or six years.
His controversy with Gorton has already been noticed.
In 1635 as he was a person of ' low gifts and parts,' he
was induced by his own sense of his incapacity and the
persuasions of the people to resign his pastoral office,
and after residing some time at Plymouth was invited in
1645 to preach to a new church which had been formed
at Manchester in Massachusetts.
The want of qualifications in Smith was less regarded,
as Plymouth was peculiarly fortunate for a long period in
having some of the most eminent of the puritan preachers
as sojourners with them, who taught and labored with as
much assiduity, vigilance, and zeal, as though they had
been regularly inducted into the higher ecclesiastical
offices. . ¦
In the summer of 1631, the celebrated Roger Williams
who afterwards founded Providence came to Plymouth.
He arrived at Boston in the preceding year, and was soon
called to the office of teacher by the church at Salem,
but becoming discontented in consequence of some differ-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 267
, i
ence of opinion between him and Mr Skelton the pastor,
removed to Plymouth.
Of his life in England but little is known, only that he
was by birth a Welshman, liberally educated, and had
been for a time a pupil of Sir Edward Coke, the illustrious
lawyer. He resided at Plymouth about three years, and his tal
ents were greatly admired. At length he discovered some
eccentricity in his opinions and doctrines, and being un
successful in converting many to his sentiments, in 1634
he requested the Plymouth church to dismiss him to the
church at Salem.
Many who. admired his genius were unwilling to lose
him, but the calm and sagacious Brewster foreseeing the-
difficulties and divisions which might grow up in the
church if he remained, and having witnessed the course
of John Smith at Amsterdam, in becoming at first a rigid
separatist, and finally an Anabaptist, he predicted that the
opinions of Williams would bring him to the like result,
and by his persuasions the church at Plymouth were
induced to dismiss him ; but so great was the attachment
which was cherished for Williams, that many followed him
to Salem.*
* The following extract from Governor Winthrop's Journal, describes the
mode of conducting public worship while Williams was at Plymouth.
¦ On the 25th of October, 1632, Governor Winthrop and Mr Wilson, the pastor
of the church at Boston, and the two captains, went by water tp Wessagusset,
and then set forth on foot through the woods for Plymouth. Governor Brad
ford and Mr Brewster, and several others, went out of the town to meet them,
and they were entertained at Governor Bradford's house. On the Lord's day
they partook of the sacrament together, and in 'the afternoon, Mr Roger Wil
liams, according to the custom, proposes a question, to which the pastor, Mr
Smith, speaks briefly ; then Mr Williams prophecies, (or explains,) and after
the Governor of Plymouth, (who had studied the Hebrew language and an
tiquities,) speak3 to the question ; after him the elder (a man of learning ;) then
two or three more of the congregation ; then the elder, (agreeably to Acts

268 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
He arrived there just previous to the death of Mr Skel
ton, and again assisted him in the work of the ministry.
Mr Skelton died, and in a short time after, Williams was
called by the church at Salem to supply his place.
The government of Massachusetts took the alarm and
endeavored to prevent his settlement, but their efforts were
vain. Williams soon began to preach doctrines which at that
time were considered ' abominable,' and ' heretical.'
He held that it was unlawful for an unregenerate man
to pray, or to take an oath even of fidelity to the govern
ment, and that it was unlawful ' for a godly man to have
communion either in family prayer or in an oath with such
as they judged unregenerate,' refusing to take an oath
himself, and advising others to do the same, ' and that
it was not lawful to hear the godly ministers of England.'
— But he brought forth one truth, which broke through
the gloom of the age like a sunbeam, — like the dawn of
the morning light, after a night of thick darkness, and
which taken in connexion with the circumstances under
which it was proclaimed, the times in which he lived, the
notions of those with whom he consorted, and even his
own fanaticism seems but little less than the inspiration
which in ' olden time,' filled the bosoms of those holy
men who were* selected to proclaim the eternal truths of
the Almighty to . those who were hard of heart, and des
perate in unbelief. ' He affirmed that the magistrates had
nothing to do in matters of the first table, but only the
xiii. 14, 15, &c.) desires Governor Winthrop and Mr Wilson to speak to' it,
which they do : when this is ended, the deacon, Mr Fuller, puts the congrega
tion in mind of their duty of contribution ; whereupon the governor and all the
rest go down to the deacon's seat, and put it in the bag, and then return,' This
was the practice of Robinson's church at Leyden, and was founded on the
practice of the primitive church of Corinth, as described and regulated by the
Apostle Paul, but it was afterwards abandoned. After remaining five days at
Plymouth, Governor Winthrop and his companions departed for Boston.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 269
second ; and that there should be a general and unlimited
toleration of all religions, and for any man to be punished
for matters of his conscience was persecution .''
He possessed sufficient influence with his own church to
obtain their consent to send letters of admonition to the
churches of Boston, Charlestown, and Newtown. .
The government of Massachusetts became more alarmed.
Cotton, Hooker, and all the most eminent ministers at
tempted to reason him but of his errors, but opposition
made him inexorable. At last, he caused a letter to be
. delivered to his own church,, in which he threatened in
absolute terms that if the church of Salem would not
separate from the churches not only of ' Old England,'
but of ' New England,' he would separate from them.
Hitherto he had been sustained by his own church, but
they now began to be alarmed, and most of them aban
doned him, whereupon he denounced them as anti-chris-
tian; and refused any longer to commune with them : —
neither would he pray, nor give thanks with his wife and
family because they still attended the meetings of the
church. He kept a meeting in his own house, where
many of his adherents resorted to worship. Their num
bers continuing to augment, the magistrates fearful of
distractions amongst the people, after attempting with
much earnestness to reclaim him, proceeded at length to
banish him from the colony ' as a disturber of the peace
both in the church and commonwealth.'
The civil authority were the more alarmed as Williams
had asserted that ' the king of England had no right to
take the lands in America from the Indians and give them
to his own subjects,' and had induced Endicot the military'
commander to cut the cross of St George from the flag of
the colony.
Williams submitted quietly to his sentence, and attend
ed by a few followers who adhered to him in every fortune,

270 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
went forth into the wilderness and seated himself at See-
konk, and then passed the river into the Indian country,
and founded Providence as has been already related.
He verified Brewster's prediction, and from a rigid sep
aratist became an Anabaptist, renouncing the baptism
which he had received in his infancy. His adherents
changed with him, but he soon became dissatisfied, and
told them ' that he was out of the way himself and had
misled them, for he did not find that there was any upon
earth that could administer baptism, and therefore their
last baptism was a nullity as well as their first ; and there
fore they must lay down all and wait for the coming of
the apostles.' In consequence of this new exposition of
Williams, his church was dissolved and its members be
came seekers.
It is easy to conceive that one like Williams, with an
ardent and sanguine temper, an honest zeal for the truth,
an acute and metaphysical mind, and a bold imagination,
might pass through these various changes of opinion
without justly incurring the imputation of vanity or in
sincerity; In all his changes he steadily adhered to his
principles of toleration, and this alone is enough to re
deem his memory with the wise and humane.
His colony became the asylum of the persecuted, and
all were received with the like humanity, and many had
reason to bless the kindness and charity of this illustrious
exile. The Indians reverenced him for his justice and
philanthropy.* At the commencement of the difficulties with the Pe-
* Although Williams was perfectly disinterested and humane, it would
nevertheless seem that he experienced both selfishness and ingratitude from his
own followers. The lands of the Providence plantations were bought by Mr
Williams himself, and then generously divided amongst his followers without
any consideration from them. In 1654, he preferred a remonstrance to the
town of Providence, ' in which he expostulates with the people for their disor-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 27 1
quots, the services of Williams were inestimable. By his
personal influence with the Narragansetts he prevented
them from joining the Pequots. In the management of
this dangerous business he discovered uncommon address,
and the most intrepid courage. When the Narragansetts
were strongly suspected of being inclined to hostilities,
he repaired to their quarters and found them undecided,
and the Pequot ambassadors urged them to put him to
death, and thus provoke, the war, but undismayed by the
perils which surrounded him, he persisted at the hazard
of his own life in persuading the Narragansetts to the
English alliance and finally succeeded.
The junction of the Pequots and Narragansetts would
probably have terminated in the destruction of all the
English settlements, and the extermination of the English
race, and this great service did he perform for Massachu
setts and Plymouth,' immediately after he had been ban
ished from the jurisdictions of one, and denied a resting
place in the other.
ders and great animosities ; and upbraids them with their great ingratitude to
heaven, and to himself.' 'I am (says he,) like a man in a fog ; I know not well
how to steer ; I fear to run upon rocks at home, after having had many trials
abroad ; I fear to run quite backwards, and to undo all that I have been this
long time undoing myself to do : to wit, to keep up the name of a people, a
free people ; not enslaved in body or soul, to the bondages and iron yokes of
oppression, both of the English and barbarians about us ; nor to the divisions
and disorders within ourselves. Since I set the first step of any English foot
in these Wild parts, and have maintained a chargeable and hazardous Corres
pondence with the barbarians, and spent almost five years' time with the State
of England to keep off the rage of the English against us, what have I reaped
of being the root, of being the stepping stone to so many families and towns
about us, but grief, and sorrow, and bitterness .' I have been charged with
folly, for that freedom and liberty I have always stood for ; I say liberty and
equality, both in land and government. I have been blamed for parting with
¦Moshasuck, and afterwards Pawtucket, which were mine, own as truly as any
man's coat upon his back, without reserving to myself one foot of land, or one
inch of voice, more than to my servants, or strangers. It hath been told me
that I have labored for a licentious and contentious people, — that I have foolishly
parted with many advantages, &c.'

272 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
His principles of toleration were not of that licentious
character which made no distinction between vice and
virtue; and tolerated evil as well as good, but were sound,
practical, and wise. He explains them in his communi
cation to the town of Providence.
' Loving friends and neighbors, — It pleaseth God yet to
continue this great liberty of our town meetings, for
which we ought to be humbly thankful, and to improve
these liberties to the praise of the Giver, and to the peace
and welfare of the town and colony, without our own
private ends. I thought it my duty to present you with
this my impartial testimony, and answer to a paper sent
you the other day from my brother,* that it is blood-guilt
iness, and against the rule of the gospel, to execute judg
ment upon transgressors, against the private or public
weal. That ever I should speak, or write a tittle that
tends to such an infinite liberty of conscience, is a mis
take ; and which I have ever disclaimed and abhorred.
To prevent such mistakes, I at present shall only propose
this case. There goes many a ship to sea, with many a
hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is com
mon ; and is a true picture of a commonwealth, or an
human combination, or society. It hath fallen out some
times, that both Papists and Protestants, Jews and Turks,
may be embarked into one ship; upon which supposal, I
do affirm, that all the liberty of conscience that ever I
pleaded for, turns upon these two hinges, that none of the
Papists, Protestants, Jews, or Turks, be forced to come to
the ship's prayers or worship ; nor, secondly, compelled
from their own particular prayers or worship, if they prac
tise any. I further add, that I never denied that, not-
* Quere. Does he mean his christian brother or his natural brother ? If
his natural brother, was it Richard Williams of Taunton.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 273
withstanding this liberty, the commander of this ship
ought to command the ship's course ; yea, and also to
command that justice, peace, and sobriety, be kept and
practised, both among the seamen and all the passengers.
If any seamen refuse to perform their service, or passen
gers to pay their freight ; or if any refuse to help in per
son or purse, towards the common charges, or defence ; if
any refuse to obey the common laws and orders of the
ship, concerning their common peace and preservation ;
if any shall mutiny and rise up against their commanders
and officers ; if any shall preach or write, that there ought
to be no commanders nor officers, because all are equal
in Christ, therefore no masters, -nor officers, no laws, nor
orders, no corrections, nor punishments, — I say, I never
denied, but in such cases, whatever is pretended, the
commander or commanders may judge, resist, compel, and
punish such transgressors, according to their deserts, and
merits. This, if seriously and honestly minded, may, if
it so please the Father of Lights, let in some light, to
such as willingly shut not their eyes.
' I remain, studious of our common peace and liberty.
' Roger Williams.'
In a government so free as that of Rhode Island, pro
ductive of many goodly fruits, it was impossible to avoid
some weeds. The licentiousness of faction is ever a con
comitant of perfect freedom. Mr Williams did not es
cape the tongue of slander. ' However, (says the Author
of the Account of Providence,) in imitation of a noble
Greek, he thanks God that he had been the author of that
very liberty, by which they dared to abuse him ; and ex
postulates with the people in these words, — ' I am told
that I am a traitor, and as good as banished by yourselves,
that both sides wished I might have never landed here
again, that so, the fire of contention might have had no
35

274 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
stop in burning ; I, at last, was forced to say, they might
well silence all complaints, if I once began to complain,
who was importunately drawn from my employment, and
sent so vast a distance from my family, to do your work
of a costly and high nature, for so long a time ; and there
left to starve, or steal, or beg, or borrow. But blessed be
God, who gave me favor to borrow one while, and to work
another, and thereby to pay your debts, and to come over
with your credit and honor, as your agent ; yet I may say,
you seem to have provided a sponge to wipe off all your
scores and debts. But gentlemen, blessed be God, who
faileth not, and blessed be his name for his wonderful
providence, by which alone this town and colony, and the
grand cause of truth and freedom of conscience, hath been
upheld to this day, &c."' The great principle of tolera
tion, however, still continued to prevail in the government
of Rhode Island ; for upon the first appearance of the
Quakers in 1656, the other colonies of New England in
vited this to join in taking measures to prevent the spread
of their doctrines. The assembly replied, ' we shall
strictly adhere to the foundation principle on which this
colony was first settled : to wit, that every man who sub
mits peaceably to the civil authority, may peaceably
worship God according to the dictates of his own con
science, without molestation.' And again, in 1659, in an
address to Richard Cromwell, they say, ' we being an out
cast people, formerly from our mother nation, in the Bish
op's days, and since from the rest of the New English over
zealous colonies ; our frame being much like the present
frame and constitution of our dearest mother England ;
bearing with the several judgments and consciences, each
of other in all the towns of our colony, to which our neigh
bor colonies do not, which is the only cause of their great
offence against us.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 275
The life of this venerable divine, i lawgiver, statesman,
and philosopher, was protracted until 1682, having reach
ed an age exceeding 80. He passed through the subse
quent Indian war without injury. The Indians reverenced
and loved him. Once in each month he preached to the
Narragansetts, Whose language he had acquired ; they
listened with respect out of regard to the man. His doc
trines they steadily rejected.
Edward Winslow, while on the business of his agency
at London, invited Mr Glover to undertake the office of
teaching elder in conjunction with Mr Smith, then pastor,
who engaged to come, but died at London, before the
ship sailed in which his passage had been engaged.
Glover was a man of great eminence among the puritans.
Winslow then engaged John Norton, afterwards the cele
brated minister of Boston, who arrived in 1635, and
preached one season so much to the satisfaction of the
people, that they used many entreaties to induce him to
remain and Mr Smith voluntarily offered to relinquish
his office, but Norton persisted in his refusal, and was soon
after settled at Ipswich, and finally at Boston, after the
death of Mr Cotton.
Shortly after the dismission of Mr Smith in 1636, the
Rev. John Reyner who had been a settled clergyman in
England, and who was the brother of Mrs Southworth,
the second wife of Governor Bradford, was ordained as the
successor of Mr Smith. He was a person of great humil
ity, worth, and piety, and withal of great ability. In
1638, the celebrated Charles Chauncy, afterwards the
minister of Scituate, and president of Harvard College,
was strongly urged to undertake the office either of teach
er or pastor over the Plymouth church, in conjunction
with Mr Reyner. Mr Chauncy preached at Plymouth

276 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
three years, but as his sentiments touching baptism wete
not in conformity to those of the people generally, (his
tenets in that particular being similar to those of the Ana
baptists of the present day,) he declined a settlement, al
though the people, enamored with his high qualities (even
in that day when little was yielded to the tenderness of
conscientious scruples,) were sufficiently liberal and en
lightened to consent that he might practise the rite of
baptism by immersion to such as desired to be admitted to
the church in that mode, provided Mr Reyner should be
permitted to baptize in the usual mode. Mr Chauncy
succeeded Mr Lothrop as pastor of Scituate.
The further account both of Mr Reyner and Mr Chaun
cy, belongs to a subsequent part of this history.
Governor Carver, and the surgeon, Samuel Fuller, had
been chosen the deacons of this church in Holland ; after
their deaths, their places were supplied by Richard Mas-
terson and Thomas Blossom, both of whom died about the
year 1630. After that the deacons were John Doane,
William Paddy, and John Cook. Cook was excommuni
cated for creating dissensions in the church, and became
an Anabaptist. He was succeeded by John Dunham.
During all this period, Brewster remained in his office
of ruling elder. DUXBURY.
The extensive pine forest, the certain evidence of a
sandy and barren soil, which even now almost skirts the
ancient town of Plymouth on the south and the west pre
vented any extension of population in that direction, and
on the east the ocean was its boundary. So unconquera
ble is the barrenness of this region, that even now the
wild deer makes his lair in the same place where deer

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 27T
Were hunted by our forefathers two centuries ago, and a
few wretched. Indians inhabit the primeval woods in which
their ancestors disdained to dwell.
The settlers of Plymouth, apprehensive of the natives,
felt but little inclination to extend their settlements inland,
but they found themselves as their numbers increased, with
in limits too narrow for comfort, they therefore sought to
continue the settlements along the ocean. The territory
comprised within the limitsof Duxbury was contiguous, now
was healthy, and, in comparison with that of Plymouth,
fertile, and probably as early as 1627 or 1628, settlers
went in, amongst whom were some of the principal men of
the colony, Captain Standish, William Collier, John Alden,
and Jonathan Brewster. William Bassett, Love Brewster,
Francis Eaton, Experience Mitchel, Philip De La Noye,
Henry Sampson, Stephen Tracy, George Soule, Edmund
Chandler, Edward Bompassee, Henry Howland, Moses
Simonson, (Simmons,) Francis West, Edmund Freeman,
Thomas Bisbee, Edmund Hunt, and Edmund Weston,
were early settlers.*
The strong settlements which were formed around the
bay of Massachusetts and on its rivers, were additional
inducements for the Plymouth people to spread themselves
in that direction, and probably in consequence of the
settlement of Massachusetts, so many were induced to
go there, that they soon found themselves competent in
numbers for a church. The inconvenience of attending
public worship at a place so distant as Plymouth, induced
them to seek a dismission from that church, and the es-
* To these may be added Richard Church, who probably came from Boston,
as his name appears in the list of the freemen of Massachusetts, October 19,
1630. He was the father of the celebrated Indian warrior.
Daniel Pryor "another early settler, probably came from Plymouth, although
bis name is not found amongst those who were at Plymouth, May, 1697.

278 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tablishment of another. With some reluctance their re
quest was granted, and the second church within the
colony was established in 1632.
As a pastor was not ordained over this church until
1637, it seems not improbable that elder Brewster might
have administered in the same manner as he did over that
of Plymouth while destitute of a pastor, and this suppo^
sition is corroborated by this circumstance, that both his
sons went there, and when he died, some years afterwards,
his residence was there. ,
Ralph Partridge, a clergyman of the established church
in England, educated at the University of Cambridge, a
distinguished scholar and a man of eminent ability, hav
ing been persecuted at home, and, (to use his own words)
' being hunted like a partridge on the mountains,' fled to
New England, and in 1637, was settled over the church at
Duxbury as pastor.
Although the second church in the colony was estab
lished at Duxbury, it was posterior in its incorporation as
a town to Scituate. Duxbury was incorporated in 1637,
and within its limits were included the present towns of
Pembroke and Hanson, the greater part of Marshfield,
part of Kingston, and part of Bridgewater.
Amongst the earlier settlers after the incorporation, were
Constant Southworth, Samuel Nash, Francis Sprague,
William Paybody, Christopher Wadsworth and Joseph
Rogers. In 1638, an annual fair was allowed in this town.
The third church was also gathered here. A settlement
nearly contemporaneous with that of Duxbury, was com
menced at a place called Green Harbor, still farther north,
on the sea. Amongst the early settlers here, was the
third governor, Edward Winslow, who built a handsome
seat, and acquired an extensive tract of land. His place
he called Careswell.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 270
SCITUATE.
Scituate, a corruption from the Indian word Seteuat or
Satuit, (in English Cold Brook) received its incorporation
in 1636. On the 5th of October in that year, ' it was
allowed to be a township provided they have in case of
justice, recourse to Plymouth as before.' It was therefore
the second town in the old colony which became invested
with municipal powers, although no church was gath
ered here previous to those of Duxbury and that part of
Duxbury afterwards called Rexham and now Marshfield.
This town included the territory on the bay north of
that part of Duxbury afterwards called Marshfield, and the
line of Massachusetts. Settlers were here early. Na
thaniel Tilden,* and his sons, Henry Merritt, and Thomas
Bird, as early as 1628. In 1633 it was a constablerick.
It has been already related that Mr Hatherly after resi
ding in Plymouth for a time had returned to England. In
1632 he returned and settled at Scituate, of which town
he may be considered the father and founder.
In 1633 the court ordered that ' the whole tract of land
between the brook at Scituate on the northwest side, and
Conahasset be left undisposed of till we know the resolu
tion of Mr James Shirley, Mr John Beauchamp, Mr Rich
ard Andrews, f and Mr Timothy Hatherly, as also that
portion of 'land lately made choice of by Mr Hatherly.
They belonged to the company of merchant adventurers.
In 1633 the settlers of Scituate who were freemen of
the colony were
* Mr Tilden died in 1641, and left a numerous posterity. He came from
Tenterden in Kent, England. He was the son of Joseph Tilden, one of the
merchant adventurers. t Afterwards Lord Mayor of London,

280 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Anthony Annable, who came to Plymouth in the Fortune, in 1621, died 1673.
Henry Cobb. Elder Cobb died in 1679.
Isaac Robinson, the son of the Leyden pastor.
William Gilson, an assistant, died in 1639, without children.
Humphrey Turner, a deputy to the court, died 1673, leaving a numerous
posterity.
William Hatch, an elder, died in 1672.
Samuel House.
Besides these there were many who took the oath of
• fidelity only.
In 1634. James Cudworth, afterwards In 1636. George Lewis,
commander in Philip's war, was ad- Benjamin Lombard.
mitted a freeman. In 1637. Rev. John Lothrop,
Samuel Fuller, Henry Bourne,
John Cooper, Samuel Hinckley,
Henry Rowley. Mr Thomas Besbidge,
In 1635. Mr Timothy Hatherly, John Lewis.
George Kenrick, In 1638. Edward Fitzrandle.
Edward Foster. Richard Gillis.
Those who did not take the freemen's oath were
Henry Ewell, George Willard,
William Crocker, Thomas Hyland,
Robert Shelley, Thomas Pinehin,
Isaac Welles, Thomas Prior,
Robert Linnet, William Holmes, sen.
Edward Casely, Thomas Chittenden,
Mr William Vassall, William Perry,
John Crocker, Joseph Checkett,
Joseph Coleman, John Stockbridge.
Nichoas Wade,
Besides Henry Merritt, already mentioned as one of the earliest settlers.
Others who were admitted to take this oath, but the
time not exactly ascertained, were
Daniel Standlake, Hercules Hills,
Samuel Jackson, Lt James Torrey,
William Willis, Thomas Wey borne,
George Moore, Joseph Wermall,
Robert Studson, (Stetson,)  Beamont,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 281
Mr Thomas King, William Barstow,
John Vassall, John Hollet,
John Turner, sen. and sons, William Brooks,
James Cushman, Gilbert Brooks,
Resolved White, Richard Curtis,
Cearge Russell, William Curtis,
Stephen Vinall, Walter Hatch,
Abraham Preble, William Peakes,
Thomas Lapham, John Sutton, '
Rhodolphus Elmes, John Hanmore,
Jereminh Hatch, Ephraim Kempton,
Henry Mason, Matthew Gannett,
Isaac Buck, Peter Colamore,
Walter Briggs, Michael Peirce,
Humphrey Johnson, William Randall.
In October, 1637, the land already mentioned as having
been reserved for Messrs Hatherly, Andrews, Shirley, and
Beauchamp, was granted to them by the court ' extending
three miles up into the woods from the high water mark in
the brook provided it do not too much prejudice the town
of Scituate.'
Three fourths of this tract were afterwards sold, Mr
Hatherly reserving his fourth.
' This tract was bounded by Conahasset neck north, the
sea east, the brook south, and the commons west.
In January, 1637, a committee of fifteen planters,
amongst whom were Mr Hatherly and Mr Lothrop, ' com
plained to the colony court that they had such a small
proportion of lands allotted them that they cannot subsist
upon them.' The court granted them ' all the lands be
tween the north and south rivers, provided they make a
township there, inhabit upon them, compose their differ
ences with Mr William Vassal, and others, before the next
court, and establish and support a ferry at North river,
which Mr Vassal was willing to do, that so the removal
from Scituate may be without offence.'
36

282 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
This tract as late as 1773, was ceded to Marshfield.
In December, 1638, the lands at Seipican (now Roch
ester) were granted to Mr Thomas Besbeech (Bisbee)
James Cudworth, William Gilson, Anthony Annable, Henry
Cobb, Henry Rowley, Edward Foster, and Robert Linriett,
as a committee of Scituate. This grant was not accepted,
as the Scituate people had determined to remove to
Barnstable. ' A further grant two miles by one, up the north river,
was made in 1640. To this the Indian title was extin
guished in 1652 by the payment of £14 to Josiah Wampa-
tuck, the sachem of Mattakeeset ; but the court who had
then forbidden the purchase of lands by individuals from
the Indians, say ' Forasmuch as they have bought nothing
but what was formerly granted, the court have remitted
what might be a breach of order therein.'
In 1638, the population was freemen 22, townsmen
19 — 41.
Many of the early settlers came from the county of
Kent, in England.
Anthony Annable, Henry Cobb, George Kenrick, George
Lewis and others, were dismissed November 23d, 1634,
from the church at Plymouth, and on the 18th of January,
1635, a church was established at Scituate which was the
fourth in the colony, and on that day the Rev. John Lo-
throp was installed as pastor, and remained until lf>39)
when he and most of the church removed to Barn
stable. A Mr Saxton, and Adam Blackman, (afterwards settled
at Guilford, Connecticut,) occasionally preached to the
people who remained, until the settlement of Dr Chauncy.
In 1639 and 1640, the great emigration from Scituate
to Barnstable took place.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 283
TAUNTON.
Edward Winslow, and Stephen Hopkins, were the first
Englishmen who in journeying to visit Massasoiet, (July,
1621) traversed the soil of this ancient town : — they found
it depopulated and desolate ; the ravages of the great
plague in 1612 were everywhere discernible : — two In
dians disputed their passage over the river, but it docs not
appear that they were inhabitants. At Tetiquet and Na
masket there were Indian villages ; the territory of Taun
ton proper, (namely, what is now included within the
present town of Taunton, and the towns of Berkley, and
Raynham,) was claimed by the sachem of Tetiquet.
Within this territory there were no Indian settlements
except in a small part of Raynham, but the whole country
which was traversed by the river had been thickly popu
lated, for Winslow and Hopkins found that the land, had
been cleared on both sides of the river for some distance,
and they discovered many unburied remains of those who
had died (probably in the great sickness,) and some ruined
wigwams, and they were informed by the Namaskets, that
upon the river, ' were and had been many towns.'
There is a traditional account that settlers were here as
early as 1626, but they must have been like Blackstone
at Boston, Walford at Mishawum (Charlestown) and Ma
verick at Noddle's Island, insulated and solitary men who
sought the wild independence of the forest, held by occu
pancy, and suffered not their native independence to be
' curtailed of its fair proportions,' by the usages and re
straints of society. At the head of the list of purchasers
stands the name of Henry Uxley, without the respectable
prefix of Mr ; none now. can tell who he was, whence he
came, or whither he went. His name is extinct, not a
vestige remains, not a memorial exists to tell us what kind

284 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of a man he was, or at what period he sought the Tndian
Cohannet. His house and Tot were sold to Richard
Williams, and about him much is known, for he may in
some measure be considered as the father, although not
the founder of Taunton. He certainly was in Taunton
before the purchase by Miss Pool. Tradition says he was1
accompanied by a brother, and it also says that he came
from Scituate. None of the name appear on the cata
logue of the first purchasers.
He might have come immediately from Scituate, but there
is a strong probability that he was one of those who ac
companied Endicot to Salem, for his wife Frances Digh
ton was the sister of Endicot's first wife. He might have
gone from Salem to Scituate, and from there to Taunton.
Williams was a Welshman, and it is not improbable that
he was a relation of Roger Williams. A tradition has
always existed amongst his descendants, that he was rela
ted by blood to Oliver Cromwell, the original name of
whose family it is well known was Williams, (which name
was changed for an estate) and one of Cromwell's ances
tors bore the name of Richard Williams.*
The local situation of Taunton being so far inland,
prevented for some time any great accession of numbers ;
none but men fearless of danger had as yet sought this
wilderness. All the settlements in the colony were con-
" This venerable man was horn as early as 1599. He was a deputy from
Taunton to the General Court at Plymouth in 1646, 1648, 1650, 1651, and sev
eral subsequent years.
His name appears at the head of the fist both of those who made the South
purchase, (Dighton,) and of those who made the north purchase, viz. Norton,
Easton, Mansfield, and a part of Attleborough. He outlived the Plymouth
government, having died in 1692. He was a rigid puritan. When blind and
deaf, from age, he was accustomed to attend public worship, saying, ' that al
though he could neither see nor hear, yet it was consoling to his feelings to
know that he was present while the people of God were at their worship.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 285
fined to the sea-side, and in Massachusetts, no settlement
had been made excepting round the bay, and on Chales
river ; the fear of the natives who inhabited the whole of
the interior, confined the English to the sea-shore. At
this time, Elizabeth Pool, a lady of family and fortune,
from Taunton in Somersetshire, England, who had at first
settled at Dorchester, conceived the bold design of occu
pying the territory of Cohannet. This spot was at the
distance of twentysix miles from Plymouth, the nearest
settlement. The lands now embraced in the extensive
towns of Middleborough and the ancient town of Bridge-
water, were unoccupied by any excepting natives, and
..between Cohannet and Plymouth, were the Namaskets
and Tetiquets governed by their own sachems. On the
south no English settlement intervened, and the great
sachem Massasoiet had his residence at the distance of
little more than twenty miles. On the west the infant
settlement of Roger Williams could offer no protection
against the encroachments of the powerful Narragansetts,
and on the north between Cohannet and Dorchester, were
the Punkapogues and Neponsits : — yet, of what is not
the female mind capable when stimulated by religion,
love, or revenge ! It was the ardent love of religion, an
enthusiastic desire of planting another church in the
American wilderness which impelled this pious puritan
lady to encounter all the dangers, and all the hardships of
forming a settlement in the midst of the Indians.
Under such appalling circumstances, surrounded on all
sides by savages, and liable to be cut off by their hostility
from all connexion with the stronger English settlements
was this insulated settlement commenced, ' dux fmmina
facti.' Elizabeth Pool died in 1664, and the veneration of a

2S6

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

kinsman placed over her grave a stone with an inscrip
tion* which happily commemorates hes virtues.
The first and ancient purchasers stand in the following
order.

Henry Uxley,

8

William Phillips,.

8

Richard Williams,

12

William Hailstone,

8

JosepH Wilson,

8

William Parker,

12

Benjamin Wilson,

8

John Parker,

8

William Coy,

8

John Richmond,

6

George Hall,

12

William Holloway,

12

David Corwithy,

. 12

T,.e widow Randall,

6

Mr William Pool,

12

Francis Doty,

12

George Macy,

8

William Dunn,

8

William Harvey,

8

William Scadding,

12

Hezekiah Hoar,

8

John Bryant,

6

Walter Dean,

12

Anthony Slocum,

8

John Dean,

12

John Gengille,

8

John Stron-T,

12

Francis Street,

8

Henry Andrews,

12

Hugh Rossiter,

8

Thomas Cooke,

6

John Gilbert,

12

John Smith,

12

Thomas Gilbert,

12

Mr Thomas Farwell,

12

Robert Hobell,

6

Edward Case,

8

Richard Burt,

8

John Kingsley,

12

John Crossman,

6

Richard Paull,

6

John Luther,

S

Richard Smith,

12

John Drake,

12

Mr John Gilbert,

12

Mr John Brown,

* " Here rest the remains
of Miss Elizabeth Pool,
a native of Old'England,
of good Family, Friends,, and Prospects,
All which she left, in the Prime of her Life,
to enjoy the Religion of her Conscience
in this distant Wilderness ;
A great Proprietor in the Township
of Taunton ;
A chief promoter of its Settlement,
and its Incorporation, 1639-40,
about which time she Settled near this spot j
And, having employed the opportunity
of her Virgin state,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

287,

Notwithstanding the deep enthusiasm which was cher-,
ished by Elizabeth Pool, religion and justice were in her
code of ethics inseparable, and she had not yet admitted the
positive lawfulness of ' despoiling the heathen.' She was
the first of the English who practically admitted the force
of that moral obligation which requires the consent of the
owner before property can be taken from his possession,
and appropriated to the use of another, and she purchased
her lands by giving a fair equivalent before occupation.
The settlers of Plymouth did indeed eventually extin
guish the Indian title by purchase from the owner and by
taking his grant, but this was long after the actual oc
cupation, and they could have found no justification
for their original occupation except on the ground that
they held by the permission and by the gift of Massasoiet,
in Piety, Liberality,
and Sanctity of Manners,
Died, May 21, A. D 1654, aged lxv.
To whose Memory
this Monument is gratefully erected
by her next of kin,
John Borland, Esquire,
A. D. 1771
This Inscription was written by the Hon. Robert Treat Paine, one of the
signers of the declaration of independence.
Her brother Captain William Pool was her principal devisee. His eon Colo
nel John Pool removed to Boston, and was subsequently distinguished as a
partisan officer in the great Indian war. He succeeded to the possessions of
his aunt, and from him they descended eventually to the family of Borland.
The wife of Colonel Pool was the daughter of William Brenton, Esq. who r3si-
ded in Taunton lor many years ; from him is descended the gallant Sir Jahleel
Brenton, now an admiral in the British navy, and (he Hon. Brenton Halliburton,
now a judge of the supreme court of Nova Scotia.
George Macy Esq. died August 17, 1693, leaving no sons but several daughters.
Jolin Strong removed to Northampton shortly after the Indian war.
Edward Case removed and sold his lands to Samuel Wilbore, one of the fol
lowers of Mrs Hutchinson, from whom are descended all of that name in
Taunton, Raynham, Rhode Island, and Somersat.

288 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH CQLONY.
or that the lands, were vacant ; unless they had resorted
to that refinement in the law which does not admit any
title in the aboriginals.
The first purchase was made in 1637, and confirmed
afterwards, this was called the Tetiquet purchase. Teti
quet was the Indian name of the great river of Taunton.
When Philip confirmed the lands which had been
granted by his father Ossamequin in 1663, he refers to
Capt. William Pool, and Mr John Gilbert, and their asso
ciates in 1638; on which occasion ' the meadows upon
the great river downwards so far as Storehouse point, so
called with all the meadows of Assonet and Broad cove,
with a small tract of land bought of Ishben, lying betwixt
the marked tree at the pond, and the mouth of Nistoqua-
hanock, or Three Mile river are enumerated and in
cluded.'* Although the first purchase of Taunton was made of
the Tetiquet Indians, and confirmed by another deed from
the descendants of the Tetiquet sachems, f yet it would
seem that Ossamequin and Philip both, claimed the right
of soil in some of the subsequent purchases either as actual
owners or as paramount lords.
According to Indian usage, the general title to lands
was in the sachems, yet on some occasions they recognised
a right in individuals. Ishben probably had placed his
* This is supposed by Mr Samuel Davis, the indefatigable antiquarian of Ply
mouth, to have been only a grant of the temporary privileges of meadows.
Storehouse Point, where a trading house had been early erected by the people
of Plymouth, is in Somerset, part of ancient Swansey, and Broad Cove was
afterwards included in the south purchase, afterwards part of ancient Dighton.
The river called Nistequahanock, he says, was also called Nenestecomeck,
and suggests whether Cohannet might not have been an abbreviation of the
first word.
t This word is spelled Titticut, Tetiquet, Tittiquht, and there are some other
variations.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 289
solitary wigwam on the domain of the ancient Taunton.
In a Subsequent grant of the ancient Freetown in 1659, a
reservation was made to a solitary Indian resident, Taba-
catason, of the lands which he then had in ' present use-
On the 4th of December, 1638, Mr William Pool,
Mr John Gilbert, sen., Mr Henry Andrews, John Strong,
John Dean, Walter Dean,/and Edward Case, were made
freemen of the Plymouth colony. On the 3d, Mr Richard
Smith took the oath of allegiance and fidelity. He was
made a freeman in 1640, and previous to 1640, William
Parker, John Smith, Mr Thomas Farwell, Mr David Cor-
withy, Mr Holloway, Mr Nicholas Street, Thomas Gilbert,
Thomas Cooke, John Richmond, Hezekiah Hoar, Richard
Paull, Hugh Rossiter, Francis Street, John Gingell, and
William Scadding were freemen.
On the 3d of March, 1639, the plantation of Cohannet
was incorporated by the name of Taunton.
In the catalogue of the ' ancient purchasers ' of Taun
ton, appears the name of Francis Doaty (Doty and
Doughty.) Whether he was there previous to the arrival
of Elizabeth Pool is not absolutely certain, although it is
highly probable. He was a minister. It is also probable
that Henry Uxley, Richard Williams, Joseph Wilson,
Benjamin Wilson, William Coy, George Hall, George
Macy, and some others were in Taunton previous to that
period. Elizabeth Pool, and her brother William Pool,
and most of the other ancient purchasers, came imme
diately from Dorchester ; Mr John Brown came from Ply
mouth. In a pamphlet entitled ' Plain Dealing or Newes from
New England' written by Thomas Lechford, of Clements
Inn, Jan. 17, 1641, and published in London, 1642, the
writer, speaking of Taunton, says, ' Cohannet,'alias Taun-
37

290 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ton, is in Plymouth patent. There is a church gathered
of late, and some ten or twenty of the church, the rest
excluded, master Hooke, pastor, master Street, teacher.
Master Hooke received ordination from the hands of one
master Bishop, a school-master, and one Parker a hus
bandman, and then master Hooke joyned in ordaining
master Street. One master Doughty, a' minister, opposed
the gathering of the church there, alleging that accord
ing to the covenant of Abraham, all men's children that
were of baptised parents, and so Abraham's children,
ought to be baptised ; and spoke so in publique, or to
that effect, which was held a disturbance, and the minis
ters spake to the magistrate to order him ; the magistrate
commanded the constable, who dragged master Doughty
out of the assembly. He was forced to go away from
thence with his wife and children.'*
Letchford resided in America four years, from July,
1637, to July, 1641, and in that time he personally visited
' New Taunton' as he styles it, and his information as to
facts, (although he was of the English church, and there
fore somewhat prejudiced against the Puritans,) may be
relied on.
From his account, it is made certain that Mr Hooke and
Mr Street were both resident at Taunton at the same
time, — one as pastor, the other as teacher, the ministerial
office being divided. It is also probable that both Hooke
and Street, and William Pool, came with Elizabeth Pool
from England. William Pool was her brother, and Mr
Street had married her sister.
The ordination took place either during Letchford's
residence in the country or shortly before, as he speaks of
* Doughty is supposed to have been at Long Island about 1653.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 291
the transactions which happened there, as of recent oc
currence. In 1641, Hooke had left Taunton, and was
settled at New Haven, and Street was probably the sole
teacher in 1641, for Cohannet, alias Taunton, was then
granted to Elizabeth Pool, Nicholas Street, and their as
sociates, (Hooke not being named.) This ordination pro
bably took place in 1637, or early in 1638.
It is not unlikely that Doty might have assisted in re
ligious exercises amongst the few original settlers of Taun
ton. But William Hooke must be considered the first
pastor of this ancient church. Of the regularity of his
ordination there can be no doubt, as Wilson of Boston,
and Richard Mather of Dorcbester, both illustrious, men
and lights of the church, assisted. Hooke was born about
the year 1600. — He married the sister of Edward Whalley,
one of the Parliamentary major-generals, and who, by
sitting as one of the judges of King Charles I, obtained
the unhappy distinction of a regicide.
Mr Hooke left Taunton (probably in 1640,) and removed
to New Haven ; in 1641, (according to Cotton Mather,)
he was ordained to the same office which Street had held
at Taunton, the famous John Davenport being the pastor.
He succeeded Samuel Eaton, (the brother of Theophilus
Eaton, the founder and first governor of New Haven,) who
had differed with Davenport touching some points of.
church discipline ; the governor advised this removal
of his brother, and he returned to England.*
In 1656, Hooke left New Haven and returned to Eng
land. He was for a time minister at Exmouth, Devon
shire, and then master of the Savoy. He then was received
* Trumbull in his History of Connecticut, says that Hooke was ordained at
New Haven in 1644, which, if true, would give him a longer residence at
Taunton i

292 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
into the family of the lord-protector, Oliver Cromwell, as
domestic chaplain. He was highly esteemed by the pro
tector, who provided for him liberally, and designed to
have gathered a separate church from his family and
household, of which Hooke was to have been the pastor.*
* In one of the recent volumes of the collections of the Historical Society
of Massachusetts, there is a letter from Mr Hooke to John Winthrop, afterwards
governor of Connecticut, written after his arrival in England. It is inserted
entire. ' Honored Sir, — I humbly salute you, together with Mrs Winthrop, and your
son and daughters, with the remembrance of my entire respects to you and
yours. I received the letter which you sent aboard to me newly after my.
departure from Boston, it being no less a trouble to me than to yourself, that I
was so hurried away that I could not see you once again, and solemnly take my
leave of you, to whom I reckon myself very much engaged for your love and
care of me and mine. The Lord was pleased to afford us a very comfortable
and speedy passage from land to land in the space of five weeks, our sea exer.
cises being no more than ordinary. After our landing we were all held with
colds and coughs, and I am scarce free to this day. — We found the Parliament
sitting when we came, whose greatest work hath been, to raise the present
government to that which is kingly, this of kingly being now voted by the far
¦major part, though not the melior, as I understand, yet some godly persons
joining therein. It is apprehended that settlement is not obtainable in the
present way. The churches throughout the land that are congregational, and
likewise particular godly persons, are mostly averse to this change, and sundry
churches, from several counties, have petitioned to the protector against it, In
his first meeting with the parliament, he desired time of consideration ; in his
second he expressed himself negatively ; • in his third he did not speak, as it is
said, so perspicuousjy and expressly ; in his fourth the parliament delivered
their reasons for this change ; and now the fifth hasting, it is expected that he
should deliver his reasons for refusal, or accept what is tendered. I suppose
his spirit inclineth to refusal, as the case is circumstanced ; but he is put upon
straights through the importunities of such as urge the necessity of this change,
knowing also that the parliament may, and perhaps will, disown him in the
Spanish wars, and withdraw their help, and also in many other things relin
quish or oppose him, and render the present arbitrary sword power odious and
tyrannical, and when he shall die, choose a king, whose little finger may be
very heavy upon the people of God ; whereas now (if he accept of the present
offer) he shall have the power of nominating his successor, &c. But on the
other side a design is feared, the promoters being not men (for the most part)

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 293
After the restoration of Charles II he was silenced, (May
24, 1662,) for non-conformity, and died in London, March
of a desirable gang, many of them not very good well willers, perhaps, to the
better party ; and the hand of the lawyers is chief in these things, to settle
their forms (it is thought) no less than the state of the land. Likewise, former
professions and protestations against kingly power are alleged and much insisted
upon, as made sometimes by the army, godly men, and not of mean rank, ut
terly denying any such engagements or protestations. Some fear also lest
things should revert to their first principles, in the issue, and our gains by all
those bloody wars, lie at last in a narrow compass, etc.
' The protector is urged utrinque and (I am ready to think) willing enough to
betake himself to a private life, if it might be. He is a goodly man, much in
prayer and good discourses, delighting in good men, and good ministers, self-
denying, and ready to promote any good work for Christ.
• As touching myself, I am not as yet settled, the protector having engaged me
to him not long after my landing, who hitherto hath well provided for me. His
desire is, that a church may be gathered in his family, to which purpose I have
had speech with him several times ; but though the thing be most desirable,
yet I foresee great difficulties in sundry respects. I think to proceed as far as
I may, by any rule of God, and am altogether unwilling that this motion should
fall in his heart. But my own weakness is discouragement enough, were there
nothing else.
' Your letters were delivered, Mr Peter [Hugh Peters] undertaking for two
of them. For Sir Kenelme Digby is in France, and when he will return I hear
not. Mr Peter is not yet thoroughly recovered out of his late eclipse ; but I
hear better of his preaching than was formerly spoken of it. He hath been
loving to me, and hath (I hope) received benefit by the things which have
lately befallen him. The steward of the house and I speak often of you. His
name is Mr Maydestone, who (as he saith) sucked the same milk with you. He
is a godly wise man, and one to whom I am much bound for his love. The land
is as full of wickedness as ever it was, excepting that there is a remnant pro
fessing the pure ways of God with more clearness, liberty, and boldness, than
heretofore ; and here are many good churches in city and country, tar and near,
and many able ministeis.
' There have been two conspiracies discovered since my arrival — one of the
levellers, many of whom were engaged by some great enemy to take away the
life of the protector, and scarce three or four of them known one to another,
that if any of them should be discovered, they might not discover very many
others, but the plot still go on in the hands of other men. One Sundercombe
was a chief man in this design, a very stout man, who, with one Cecill, was
apprehended, and he condemned to die, who, the night before the time appointed
for his execution, poisoned himself. He was a very atheist, not holding the

294 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
21, 1677, and was buried on the north side of the new
artillery garden.
immortality of the soul. One of the life-guards had his hand also in the con
spiracy, and had received a reward to act in it, who, fearing a discovery, to save
his life detected Sundercombe, made known the business, and prevented the
burning of Whitehall, when the match in the basket full of the most combusti
ble and furious materials was lighted and placed in the midst of the chapel in a
seat, etc. — The other conspiracy was discovered the last week. It was carried
on by tumultuous, outrageous, discontented men, pretending to fifth monarchy,
but discovering in their declaration (which is in print) a bloody spirit, though
under a specious shew. Some of them were lately apprehended as they were
praying, ready to set forward in a hostile manner, together in a body, having
accordingly furnished themselves. In this design one Vernour, not long since
dwelling in your Boston, a wine cooper, is a principal actor, who being brought
before the Protector, spoke and behaved himself with as great impudence, in
solence, pride, and railing, as (I think) you ever heard of. It is thought also
that Major General Harrison, Colonel Rich, Carey, Danvers, Colonel Okey, Sir
Henry Vane, are engaged in this plot. I suppose some of them are secured,
or sent for so to be. We hang here upon ticklish points, and scarce know what
to think, only the people of God are still looking up to him. Mr Hopkins and
Mr Tenwick have gone to God, within two or three days one of the other, in a
time wherein we have very great need of the presence and prayers of such
men. ' Sir, I would not tire you : I have very great need of the help of your pray
ers ; I am still also valetudinarious, and should rejoice to do God any acceptable
service before my great change cometh. I have spoken again and again to
Mr Peter to remember your sister Lake ; what he will do I know not ; I pray
remember my respects to her also, and to Mr Blinrrian. The father of our
Lord Jesus Christ be with you and all yours, prospering your endeavors to his
glory and the good of many. To his grace I heartily commend you, and rest.
' Yours very much bound to you,
'¦ April 13, 1657. ' William Hooke.
For the much honored Mr John Winthrop
at his house in Pequot, in New England.'
An adept in art so consummate as Cromwell, might have easily deceived the
simplicity of the Taunton minister. Mr Hooke might in sincerity have be
lieved that this ' godly man' was anxious for private life ! Although he could
not fathom the depths of Oliver's policy, yet he gives the true reasons, (and
they are by no means without force) why he should have assumed the crown.
— Never did the fires of ambition burn with more fury in any breast than in
that of the Lord Protector. That he had contemplated the possibility of rearing
the throne which he had prostrated, and of filling that lofty seat which had

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

295

Trumbull speaking both of him and Eaton, says ' they
were men of great learning and piety,and possessed of
excellent pulpit talents.'
Cotton Mather says he was ' a learned, holy, and hum
ble man.' ,r
He was the author of a treatise entitled ' The Privileges
of the Saints on Earth above those in Heaven,' and of
another entitled 'The Slaughter of the Witnesses.'
'^NJcJjqlas^Street, the teacher, after the removal of Mr
JJfeoke to New Haven, became the sole pastor of the
church, and remained in Taunton, probably to 1658, or
1659. In 1659, he succeeded Hooke at New Haven, (a coinci
dence somewhat singular,) and remained there as the
coadjutor of Davenport until the removal of the latter to
Boston in 1667, where he was called as the -successor of
Wilson. Street then remained the sole minister of New
Haven until his death, April 22, 1674.
He maintained a high standing amongst the ministers of
New England, both in the colonics of Plymouth and Con
necticut, and is mentioned in terms of respect by several
of the early writers on New England affairs.*
been vacated by his prowess in battle, and by the audacity of his policy in
council, cannot be questioned. In his familiar discourse with his chaplain while
disclaiming all personal views, he disclosed the arguments by anticipation, to
which, circumstances might eventually have compelled him to resort in self
defence. — In fact, there never was in a human bosom such a conflict between
the aspirations of a usurping ambition, and the convictions of sound wisdom.
At length that unerring sagacity whether of instinct, or of inspiration, by, which
he was always directed, saved him from the great mistake of exchanging the
actual possession of a power far transcending the constitutional powers of the
crown, for the barren emblems of royalty. His name alone was his crown and
sceptre. * None of his posterity remain in Taunton. Samuel Street appears in the
Harvard catalogue as a graduate, In 1664, and if he was the son of the minis
ter, he must have been bom in Taunton. He was ordained pastor of Walling-

296 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
SANDWICH.
In 1637, a settlement was commenced at Sandwich by
emigrants from Lynn in Massachusetts, the Indian Sau-
gus. It was not incorporated until 1639. It was grant
ed originally to Mr Edmund Freeman, Henry Feake,
Thomas Dexter, and others.
In the order of court by which Sandwich was incorpo
rated, it is described as ' beginning westerly by the dividing
line between the town of Plymouth and the said town of
Sandwich, and on the east by the line which divides the
town last mentioned from the town of Barnstable, which
runs northeast to the sea; and southwest into the woods;
and is bounded northerly by the sea ; southerly, partly by
the dividing line between them and Suckanusset, and
partly by the Indians' land, according to the known and
accustomed boundaries.'
The first minister of Sandwich was William Leveridge.
He arrived at Salem from England, October 10, 1633. It
was intended that he should officiate at Wiggin's planta
tion, (Dover, N. H.) then a plantation of lord Say and
Sele, but his support being insufficient, he came to Bos
ton, and on the 9th of August, 1635, was admitted a
member of that church. He assisted Mr Partridge at
Duxbury a short time, and then removed to Sandwich.
The precise period of his removal is not known, but he
was there in 1640. He had been in the ministry in Eng
land. He introduced some novelties in the celebration
of the Eucharist, as to which, he had adopted the notions
of Dr Chauncy, and was much engaged in instructing the
ford in Connecticut, in 1674, and remained there until January, 1717. Nicho
las Street was ordained minister of East Haven in 1754, and died a few years
since at an age exceeding ajyundredj^ears. The posterity of Mr Street are
to be sought in Connecticut, and probably some in Canada.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 297
Indians, who were numerous in the vicinity of Sand-wich.*
Hitherto the law-making power had been exercised by
the whole body of the freemen when assembled in a gen
eral court. The extension of the settlements created a
necessity for delegating this power, inasmuch as the
distance of some from the place of assembly was so
great, that a general and constant attendance was not
only inconvenient, but often impossible. Induced by
these considerations, the whole court at a session in 1638,
passed an act in these words. ' Whereas, complaint is
made that the freemen are put to many inconveniences,
and great expenses, by their continual attendance at the
courts; it is therefore enacted by the court, and the au
thority thereof, for the ease of the several towns of tins
government, that each town shall make choice of two of
their freemen, and the town of Plymouth, of four, to be
committees or deputies to join with the bench, to enact
and make all such laws and ordinances, as shall be. judged
to, be good and wholesome for the whole, provided that
the laws they do enact shall be propounded, one court to
be considered of till the next, and then to be confirmed
if they shall be approved of, except the case require pres
ent confirmation ; and if any act shall be confirmed by
the court and committees, which upon further delibera
tion shall prove prejudicial to the whole, that the freemen
at the next election court, after meeting together, may re
peal the same and enact any other useful for the whole^
and that every township shall bear their committee's
* The precise time when Mr Leveredge 'left Sandwich is not ascertained.
He resided there some time. In 1657, he was employed by the commissioners
of the United Colonies as a missionary. In 1674, he resided at Nantucket,
within the jurisdiction of the Province of New York, where he was sta
tioned probably as an Indian missionary.
38

298 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
charges, which is two shillings and sixpence a day, and"
that such as are not freemen but have taken the oath of
fidelity, and are masters of families, and inhabitants of
the said town, as they are to bear part in the charges of
the committees, are to have a vote in the choice of them,
provided they choose them only of the freemen of the
said town whereof they are ; but if such committees shall
be insufficient or troublesome, that then the bench and
the other committees may dismiss them, and the town to
choose other freemen in their places.'
By this act, the government which heretofore very nearly
approached a pure, was changed to a representative de
mocracy, and the whole community acquiesced in the
change without complaint, so clearly were they convinced
of its necessity. The popular power was still guarded,'
and the people, at their will, could resume the power of
repealing obnoxious laws and of enacting substitutes,
although they did not retain the general power of legis
lation. Popular opinion seemed to be recognised as the
real foundation of all legislative proceedings. A great
power however, was given to the assistants and committee
or deputies, which was the right of expelling from their
body any that should be ' insufficient and troublesome,' two
words to which such a latitudinarian construction might
have been given, that the law might have been perverted
into an engine of arbitrary power, and an instrument to
get rid of members who had the industry and sagacity to-
discover abuses and the boldness to proclaim them. A
people very jealous^of their liberties would not have con
sented to such a provision. ?
At the time of the passage of this law there were only
three towns in this little commonwealth, viz. Plymouth,
Scituate, and Duxbury. Rcxharn or Marshfield, was yet
a part of Duxbury, and Cohannet or Taunton although

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 399
fettled and a church either gathered or about to be gath
ered was unincorporated. After the passage of the law,
and before the next meeting of the court, three important
settlements were established on Cape Cod, viz. one at
Mattacheest, or Cummaquid, called Barnstable, one at
Pocasset called Sandwich which has already been men
tioned, and one at Mattacheest called Yarmouth,
BARNSTABLE.
A large proportion of the settlers of Scituate became
dissatisfied with their situation and desirous of a change ;
amongst the most zealous of those who were for removing
was Mr Lothrop the pastor. At first they designed to
remove to Sepeican, (now Rochester) and in 1638, the
lands there were granted by the general court to Thomas
Besbeech, (Bisbee) James Cudworth, William Gilson,
Anthony Annable, Henry Cobb, Henry Rowley, Edward
Foster, and Robert Linnett, a committee of Scituate, ' for
the seating of a township for a congregation.' This grant
was not accepted, and the Sepeican lands were not settled
until after Philip's war.
In 1639, Mr Lothrop, and a majority of his church re
moved from Scituate and settled Barnstable. Those
who went to Barnstable were
Anthony Annable, came to Plymouth in the Fortune, 1621, died in 1673, a free
man 1633. f
Henry Cobb, died in 1679, ruling elder, a freeman 1633.
Isaac Robinson, the son of the pastor of the Leyden church, a freeman 1633.
James Cudworth, afterwards general in Philip's war, an assistant, returned to
Scituate, a freeman in 1634. ^^^
Samuel Fuller, son of the physician of t^reolony, came with his father 1620,
a freeman 1634.
John Cooper, he gave by will one half of his large estate to the church, a free
man 1634.
Henry Rowley, a freeman in 1634.
George Lewis, a freeman in 1636.

300 . MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Benjamin Lombard, a freeman in 1636.
Rev. John Lothrop, a freeman in 1637.
Henry Bourne, a freeman in 1637.
Samuel Hinckley, a freeman in 1637, father of Thomas Hinckley the last
governor.
Edward Fitzrandle, a freeman in 1638.
Wilham Casely, a freeman in 1639.
Robert Linnett, a freeman in 1639.
Mr Thomas Dimmack, a freeman in 1639.
Henry Ewell, \
William Crocker, [
Robert Shelley, J. these admitted to the oath of fidelity,
Isaac Wells, j
Edward Caseley, J
In 1640, William Parker, and ) ^ ^m from g^^
in 1649, John Allen, $
Mr Lothrop the first pastor both of Scituate and Barn
stable was according to Neal, ' a man of learning and of
a meek and quiet spirit.' Morton says, ' he was a man of
an humble and broken heart and spirit. Lively in dis
pensation of the word of God, studious of peace, furnished
with godly contentment, willing to spend and to be spent
for the> cause and church of Christ.' He remained the
pastor of this church until he died, November 8th, 1653.*
" Mr Lothrop is mentionedby Anthony Wood as having been celebrated.
He held the living of Egerton in Kent where he resided ; but embracing the
sentiments of the puritans, he renounced his orders, and, going to London, suc
ceeded Henry Jacob. Jacob fled from the persecution of Archbishop Bancroft
and went to Leyden, and Neal says that after a conference with Mr Robinson,
he embraced his views, and in 1610 published a treatise at Leyden entitled
' the divine beginning and institution of Christ's true, visible, and material
church.' Sometime after he returned to England, and having imparted to the
most learned puritans of those times his design of setting up a separate congre
gation, it was not condemned as unlawful, considering there was no prospect of
a national reformation. Mr JacoW'having summoned several of his friends to
gether, and obtained their consent to unite in church fellowship for enjoying
the ordinances of Christ in the purest manner, they laid the foundation of the
first independent or Congregational Church in England after the following
manner : having observed a day of solemn fasting and prayer for a blessing
upon their undertaking, towards the close of their solemnity, each of them

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 301

YARMOUTH.
The people of Lynn in Massachusetts having estab
lished a settlement at Sandwich, in 1638 another attempt
made open confession of their faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, and then standing
up together they joined hands, and solemnly covenanted with each other in
the presence of Almighty God, to walk together in all God's ways and ordinan
ces, according as he had already revealed, or should further make known to
them. ' Mr Jacob was then chosen pastor by the suffrages of the brotherhood,
and otheis were appointed to the office of deacons with fasting and prayer, and
imposition of hands,' — this was in 1616. In 1624, Jacob went to Virginia, and
soon after died. Mr Lothrop was chosen to succeed him, and so became the
second Independent or Congregational minister in England. He continued the
pastor of this little church until April 29, 1632, ' at which time his congregation
was discovered by Tomlinson, the bishop's pursuevant, at the house of Mr Hum
phrey Barnet, a brewer's clerk in. Blackfryars, where fortytwO of them were
apprehended, and only eighteen escaped ; of those that were taken, some were
confined in the Clink, others in the new prison and the gate house, where they
continued about two years, and were then released upon bail, except Mr Lo
throp, for whom no favor could be obtained ; he therefore petitioned the king,
(Charles I, archbishop Laud having refused every favor,)- for liberty to depart
the kingdom, which being granted, he went in 1634 to New England with
about thirty of his followers.' During his imprisonment his wife died ; he
obtained liberty from the Bishop to visit her once. Morton says, '.the children
after the death of their mother, repaired to the bishop at Lambeth, and made
known to him their great distress, and he shewed them compassion, and con
sented their father should be released from prison.' ' It is worthy of note that
the first Baptist society in England sprung up in Mr Lothrop's. ' One of his
people carrying his child to be rebaptised, some of the congregation insisting
that it should be baptised, because th*e other administration was not valid ; but
when the question was put, it was carried in the negative, and resolved by the
majority not to make any declaration at present, whether'or not, parish churches
were true churches. Upon this some of the- more rigid, ahd others who
were dissatisfied about the lawfulness of infant baptism, desired their dismis
sion, which was granted them.' Mr Jacie, a man of respectability and learn
ing, was chosen the minister of the seceders, and the two- churches continued
to commune together.
Four sons came with Mr Lothrop from England, two more were born in
America. Thomas settled at Barnstable; from him descended the respectable
family of this name, in the county of Plymouth. Samuel settled &X/~iji orviich.
in Connecticut; from him descended the numerous families of Lothrops' in
Connecticut, New York, Vermont, and in the county of Hampden in Massa-

302 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
was made from the same quarter to establish another set
tlement at Mattakeese, (now Yarmouth.) Foremost in
this enterprise was the Rev. Stephen Batchelor, the late
pastor of Lynn, who at the advanced age- of seventysix, at
an inclement season of the year traversed the whole coun
try between Lynn and Mattakeese, (being more than a
hundred miles) on foot.
The company with whom Batchelor was associated
being extremely poor, and encountering many difficulties,
abandoned the undertaking, which was afterwards resumed
by others.
Mr Batchelor arrived at Boston, June 5th, 1632, then
being seventyone. He was soon established as the pastor
of Saugus (since Lynn.) His life in America was one
constant scene of turbulence, dispute, and accusation.
As early as October, 1632, he was required by the court,
' to forbear exercising his gifts as a pastor or teacher pub
licly in our patent, unless it be to those he brought with
him, for his contempt of authority, and until some scan
dals be removed,' but the court March 4th, 1633, removed
this inhibition.
Governor Winthrop says ' he was convented before the
magistrates. The cause was for that, coming out of En
gland with a small body of six or seven- persons, and
having since received in many more at Saugus, and con
tention growing between him and the greater part of his
church, (who had with the rest received Kim for their pas
tor,) he desired dismission for himself and his first mem-
chusetts, of which last was the late venerable divine, Dr Lothrop of West
Springfield, father of the Hon. Samuel Lothrop, now president of. the senate.
From Joseph, Barnabas, and John, are descended the Lothrops of Barnslable
county, and from Benjamin one of the sons born in England, the family in Es
sex county is. descended* amongst whom was the gallant soldier, who. fell.in
Philip's war..

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 393
bers, which being granted, upon supposition that he would
leave the town, (as he had given out) he with the said six
or seven persons presently renewed theif old covenant,
intending to raise another church in Saugus, whereat the
most and chief of the town being offended, for that it
would cross their intentions of calling Mr Peter or some
other minister, they complained to the magistrates, who
foreseeing the distraction which was like to come by this
course, had forbidden him to proceed in any such church
way, until the cause were considered by the other minis
ters, &c. But he refused to desist. Whereupon they
sent for him, and after his delay, day after day, the marshal
was sent to fetch him. Upon his appearance and sub
mission, and promise to remove out of the town within
three months, he was discharged.'
After he left Mattakeese he was at Newbury.
In 1641 he was pastor of the church at Hampton and
then at the age. of eighty attempted the chastity of a
woman, for which he was repentant, and then says Gov.
Winthrop, would repent of his repentance. He was exr
communicated ; after two years the excommunication
was removed, but he was forbidden to exercise the office
of pastor. In Hampton, until 1644, there was nothing
but contentions between Batchelor and Dalton the elder,
both having strong parties. This continued until Batch
elor was called to Exeter in 1644. His settlement there
was prevented by the express interference of the court.
This fiery and quarrelsome old man finished his turbu
lent life after it had been protracted beyond ninety years.
In the summer of 1639, the permanent settlement, of
Yarmouth was commsnced by another company from Lynn,
and it was soon after incorporated as a town. Its northern
part had been called by the Indians Mattakees, or Matta-
keeset, its northeastern part Hockanom, and it comprised
originally the present towns of Yarmouth and Dennis.

304 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
According to Mr Savage, (unquestionable authority on
such subjects) the Rev. Marmaduke Matthews was the
first pastor of Yarmouth. He arrived at Boston in the
summer of 1638, and is styled by Governor Winthrop a
' godly minister.' He remained at Yarmouth but a short
,time, and was gone (probably) in 1642. He preached for
a time at Nantasket (Hull) about the year 1650, and was
finally settled at Maiden. While at Hull, Johnson the au
thor of 'the Wonder Working Providence, &c,' says ' he lost
the approbation of some able understanding men, among
both magistrates and ministers, by weak and unsafe ex
pressions in his teaching.' This led to a serious investi
gation on the part of the magistrates, and Messrs Brad
street, Hathorne, Browne, Johnson, Glover, Lusher, Ather-
ton, and Symonds, were appointed to investigate the
charges against Matthews. The result was unfavorable
to the pastor, but he was nevertheless called to Maiden.*
1fi£,q This year is distinguished for the meeting of the
first representative legislative assembly in gen
eral court.
*~ He preferred the following petition to the general court.!
' Tothe honored court. — Marmaduke Matthews humbly sheweth, that through
mercy I am in some measure sensible of my great insufficiency to declare the
counsel of God unto his people, (as I ought to do) and how (through the dark
ness and ignorance that is in me) I am very apt to let fall some expressions that
are weak and inconvenient ; 'and I do acknowledge, that in several of those
expressions referred to the examination of the honored committee, I might (had
the Lord seen it so good) have expressed and delivered myself in terms more
free from exception; and it is my desire (the Lord strengthening) as much as
in me lieth, to avoid all appearances of evil therein for time to come, as in all
other respects whatsoever ; which, that I may do, I humbly desire your hearty
prayers to God for me, and in special, that I may take heed to the ministry com
mitted to me, that I may fulfil it to the praise of God and profit of his people.
' Your humble servant in any service of Christ,
28. 8. 1651. ' Mahmaduke Matthews.
' To my much honored friend, Mr Edward
Rawson, at his house in Boston, these present.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 305
Governor Bradford was again called to the chief magis
tracy, Governor Prince was elected first assistant. The
other assistants were Captain Standish, John Alden, John
Brown, William Collier, Timothy Hatherly, John Jenny.
The committees or deputies chosen in the several towns,
were as follows.
From Plymouth, William Paddy, Manasseh Kempton, Jr,
John Cooke, Jr, John Dunham.
From Duxbury, Jonathan Brewster, Edmund Chandler.
From Scituate, Anthony Annable, Edward Foster.
Taunton or Cohannet, Mr John Gilbert, Henry An
drews. Sandwich, Richard Bourne, John Vincent.
Yarmouth, Thomas Payne, Philip Tabor.
Barnstable was not represented in this court until De
cember, and then Mr Joseph Hull, and Mr Thomas Dim-
mack, appeared as deputies.
William Gilson who had been an assistant, died this
year at Scituate.*
Massasoiet or Woosamequin, (which last name he had
latterly assumed according to the custom of the Indians)
and his son Moananam, ( Wamsutta, afterwards called Alex
ander) coming into open court at Plymouth on the 25th of
September, desired that the ancient treaty which had been
made in 1621 might remain inviolable, to which they
promised that they would faithfully adhere. ' And the
said Woosamequin or Massasoiet, and Moanam, otherwise
called Wamsiitta,' did also promise to the court ' that he
nor they shall or will needlessly and unjustly raise any
quarrels, or do any wrongs to other natives, to provoke
them to war against him; and that he or they shall not
give, sell, or convey, any of his or their lands, territories,
* Mr Gilson left no children ; his wife survived him. , ,
39

306 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
or possessions whatsoever, to any person or persons whom
soever, without the privity and consent of the government
of Plymouth aforesaid, other than such as the said gov
ernment shall send or appoint, on which conditions the
said Woosamequin, or Moanam his son, for themselves and
their. successors did then faithfully promise to observe and
keep; and the whole court in the name of the whole gov
ernment for each town respectively, did then likewise
ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient league and con
federacy : and did also further promise to the said Woo
samequin, and Moanam his son, and his successors, that
they shall and will from time to time defend the said
Woosamequin, and Moanam his son, and their successors,
when need and occasion shall require against all such as
shall unjustly rise up against them to wrong or oppress
them unjustly.'
In this treaty, the government of Plymouth seem to
have taken a proper precaution- to prevent the Indians
from selling their lands to individuals; a practice which
would have been attended with pernicious consequences,
and with endless lawsuits, and although it has beensneer-
ingly said that their precautions only prevented individuals
from cheating the Indians so that they might do it them
selves under color of law ; yet the intrigues and de
ceptions of individuals would soon have stripped the
Indians of all their lands, if the government had not
declared all such sales invalid, and if they had not induced
the chiefs, father and son, to stipulate that none such
should be made.
Massasoiet appears to have been extremely anxious to
preserve a firm peace with the English, and his care ex
tended to posterity, first by causing his eldest son to enter
into the same engagements which he himself had contract
ed with the English, and afterwards, when his other unfor-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 307
tunate and celebrated son grew up to manhood, he took
care that he also should engage himself to pursue the
same policy. This kind-hearted but sagacious chief took
every mode which human wisdom could devise to preserve
his people from the ruinous consequences of English hos
tility, not only during his life, but to bind his successors
to the same engagements after his death, but the tide of
fate rolled on in its accustomed channel, and human
nature remained the same : the savage yielded to the
social man, and the children of the forest fled as usual
from the children of civil society.
lfi40 Mr Bradford was again elected governor, and Mr
Prince first assistant. Captain Standish, Mr Brown,
Mr Collier, and Mr Hatherly, were reelected assistants, to
which office Edmund Freeman of Sandwich was also
chosen for the first time.
The deputies from Plymouth were reelected.
Duxbury elected William Bassett.
Scituate reelected Edward Foster, and elected Hum
phrey Turner in the place of Mr Annable, who had re
moved to Barnstable.
Taunton elected Edward Case, and Walter Dean.
Sandwich reelected Mr Bourne, and elected George
Allen. Yarmouth reelected Philip Tabor.
During this year that part of Duxbury at Green Harbor
and the territory adjacent on the ocean called Rexham,
where a church had already been gathered, was incorpo
rated into a town and called Marshfield. There was
however no regular pastor ordained over this church until
1642. In 1637, lands were granted at Green's Harbor to
Edward Winslow and others : — ' to prevent any further
scattering from this place, of the town of Plymouth, and

308 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
weakening of the same, it was thought best to give oat
some good farms to special persons, who would promise
to live at Plymouth, and likely to be helpful to the church
or commonwealth, and so to tye the lands to Plymouth, as
farms for' the same, and there they might keep their cattle
and tillage by some servants, and retain their dwellings
here ; and so some special lands were granted at a place
called Green's Harbor, where no allotments had been
made in the former division.' This arrangement wa3 soon
found to be impracticable, and Governor Winslow and sev
eral others soon established themselves there as permanent
settlers. Governor Winslow erected a handsome house
and called his place Careswell.
1640 Governor Bradford on the 2d of March having
surrendered to the freemen, the patent of the colony,
which had been taken in his name, (reserving three tracts,
described in the instrument of assignment, for the pur
chasers or old comers,'*) charters to some if not all the
* Judge Davis in his Edition of Morton's Memorial, says the purchasers
or old comers are thus described in the assignment of the patent : — ' The said
William Bradford and those first Instruments, termed and called in sundry or
ders upon public record the purchasers or old comers, witness two in especial!,
the one bearing date the third of March, 1639, the other in December the first,
1640, whereby they are distinguished from other the freemen and inhabitants
of said corporation.' He then subjoins the names as follows.
William Bradford, the Governor, Joseph Rogers,
Thomas, Prence, John Faunce,
William Brewster, Stephen Deane,
Edward Winslow, Thomas Cushman,
John Alden, Robert Hicks,
John Jenney, Thomas Morton,
Isaac Allerton, Anthony Annable,
Capt. Miles Standish, Samuel Fuller,
William Collyare, (Collier,) Francis Eaton,
John Howland, Francis Cooke,
Manasseh Kempton, Edwara Doten, (Dotey.)

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 309
towns were issued, and the rights of the whole derived
through the patent were imparted to the several corpora
tions so far as their limits extended. These limits were
now established and defined. Plymouth now a town,
included the territory of the present town, and also that
which is now embraced by the towns of Plympton — (Wen-
atukset) — Kingston, (Weteketuket) — Wareham, (Agawam
and Weweantic)— ?Carver, (Wankinquag,) and part of Hali
fax, (Monponset.)
Scituate was afterwards enlarged, part of the town as
it then existed has been annexed to Marshfield.
Duxbury then included part of Pembroke.
Cuthhert Cuthbertson, Abraham Pearse,
William Bassett, Stephen Tracy,
Francis Sprague, Jonathan Brewster,
The heirs of John Crackston, Edward-Bangs.
Edward Bumpus, Nicholas Snow,
William Palmer, Stephen Hopkins,
Peter Browne, Thomas Clarke,
Henry Samson. Ralph Wallen,
Experience Mitchell, William Wright,
Philip Delanoy. Elizabeth Warren, (widow.)
John Winslow, Moyses Simonson, (Moses Simmons,)
John Shaw, George Sowle,
Josiah Pratt, Edward Holdinan, /
John Adams, Mr James Shirley,
John Billington, Mr Beauchamp,
Phineas Pratt, Mr Andrews,
Samuel Fuller, Mr Hatherly,
Clement Brigges, Mr William Thomas,— -in all 58.
The five last names were those of merchants in England, who were united
in the trade of the colony. Mr Hatherly and Mr Thomas came over.
'All the names excepting the five last, and that of William Collier will be
found in the list relative to the division of cattle. ' Messrs Collier, Shirley,
Beauchamp, Andrews, Hatherly, and Thomas, were friends in England, who
united with Governor Bradford and his associates in hiring the trade of the colo
ny for six years. Those engaged in the contract were called purchasers.'

3]0 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Marshfield was not at this time so extensive as it was
afterwards made.
Taunton included the present town, Raynham, and
Berkley. The limits both of Sandwich and Barnstable have been
unaltered. Yarmouth comprised the present town, and Dennis.
All the territory on Cape Cod below the town of Dennis
was yet in possession of the natives.
In the present county of Plymouth, the several towns
now called Middleborough, Rochester, East, North, and
West Bridgewater, Bridgewater, Abington, part of Hali
fax, part of Pembroke, were covered by no grants. And
all the ancient county of Bristol, including the several
towns formerly belonging to that county and now in
Rhode Island, (excepting the grant to Taunton, as above
mentioned) was held by the Indians, and they remained on
some of the granted lands, particularly at Agawam, (Ware-
ham,) and Sandwich.
Between 1636 and 1640, but few additional laws were
made. In 1638, the court say, ' whereas divers persons unfit
for marriage, both in regard of their young years, and also
in regard of their weak estate, some practising the inveig
ling of men's daughters and maids under guardianship con
trary to their parents' and guardians' liking, and of maid
servants without leave and liberty of their masters. They
therefore enacted that if any such ' should make any mo
tion of marriage to any such females without leave and
consent of parents, masters, and guardians, they should be
punished by a fine not exceeding £5, or corporal punish
ment at the discretion of the bench, and according to the
nature of the offence.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 311
Servants coming from England and elsewhere, " and'
engaged to serve a master for some time," were not to be
permitted " to be for themselves until they had served out
the time, although they should buy it out, except they
have been housekeepers or masters of families, or meet or
fit so to be." '
In 1639, a most extraordinary law was passed for ' pre
venting idleness and other evils.' The grand jurors in
each town were authorised ' to take a special view and
notice of all persons, married or single, that have small
means to maintain themselves and are supposed to live
idly and loosely, and to require an account of them how
they live, and finding some delinquent,, to order a consta
ble to carry them before a magistrate or the selectmen,
' to deal with them as they saw fit.' The inquisitorial and
dictatorial authority given to grand jurors by this law, (if
now in force,) would convulse society with perpetual dis
putes, and Would lead to a violent resistance of the law.
In 1640, however, by an additional law, it was provided
that every complaint should be made on oath.
In 1639, towns were allowed to make such orders ' as
should be needful for the maintenance of good neighbor
hood, and to set penalties on delinquents,' not contrary to
public acts, and were empowered to raise taxes.
In 1640, it was provided that the military companies
should each be trained six times in the year, and the chief
offices were authorised to fine absentees.
In 1639, profane swearing was punished by putting
the offender in the stocks three hours, or by imprisonment,
' according to the nature and quality of the person.'
In the same year, the stealing or attempting to steal
ships' boats, ammunition, or other things, was made felony
and so to be punished.
The laws which the colonists established respecting the
Indians (although liable to objections) upon the whole seem

312 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to have been wise, just, and humane, and although it could
scarcely have been expected that these heathens should
have felt any reverence for the sabbath day, yet their
pious neighbors who did it, cannot be blamed for their
efforts to prevent its violation : — the good intentions of
the pilgrims cannot be doubted, yet the policy of too
zealous efforts to enforce the observance of the sabbath
on such as were not sensible of its sanctity, may be ques
tioned, — of this hereafter.
In 1639, all trading with the Indians was forbidden
other than with such as were servants to the English, (by
which gold or silver was to be given or paid,) under a pen
alty of £24 ; and in the same year the sale of strong
liquors was forbidden to all except such as were sick or
faint, and then not without the consent of a magistrate
or in case there was none in the town, the committee or
grand jury of the township, under a penalty of £5. .
It is certainly a proof of a kindly and just disposition
on the part of the colonists towards the Indians, that they
should have endeavored thus early to protect them from
the arts of such as should endeavor in their traffic to im
pose upon their simplicity and ignorance, and they endea
vored to keep them by every legal precaution from the in
dulgence of their passion for spirituous liquors, which
elsewhere has proved their bane and ruin.
In 1639, a prison was erected at Plymouth.

LITERATURE AND LITERARY MEN.
The early literature of New England has been unjustly
depreciated. The notion has been too common that the
puritans although pious, sober, and moral, were illiterate
and ignorant. It is true their circumstances were un
favorable to the cultivation of learning : — they were

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 313
compelled to work on the lands for their daily subsistence,
and not only to cultivate, but to reclaim them: — to be
watchful, as well as industrious, for they were surrounded
on all sides by savages. Before 1638, there was not a
printing press in the American colonies : — One was then
introduced and one Daye was employed as a printer, who
confined his labors however to the printing of the free
man's oath, an almanack, and an edition of the New Eng
land Psalms. In 1639, this press passed into the hands of
Samuel Green, who was the fifst permanent printer in
America. At this period, (1639) the College at Cambridge (which
has since assumed the respectable, and now venerated
name of Harvard, was founded.) This beginning, was
made within nine years from the settlement of Massachu
setts. The first degrees were conferred in 1642.
The two first presidents of this College were Henry
Dunster, and Charles Chauncy, who both resided at Scit
uate in the colony of Plymouth. Mr Dunster (having
embraced the principles of the Anabaptists,) although a
man of learning, was dismissed, and Mr Chauncy, to whom
the same objection existed, yet being a man of transcend-
ant literary attainments, was appointe'd his successor.
It is believed however, that the peculiar notions of Dr
Chauncy on this subject were confined to the mode of ad
mission to the church only, and did not extend to the
withholding of the rite of baptism to infants.
Mr Smith the first pastor of Plymouth, is not represented
as having made much proficiency in literature, but his
deficiencies being discovered, he was rejected both at
Salem and Plymouth ; but it must he recollected that
during his stay at Plymouth the people were constant ,
attendants on the preaching of Roger Williams, John
Norton, and Dr Chauncy.
40

314 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Roger Williams had been educated at the university
of Oxford, and was for a time a pupil of the illustrious
Coke, and a minister of the established church in Eng
land. John Lothrop, (Lathrop and Laythorp) the first minister
both of Scituate and Barnstable, was distinguished for his
learning. He too was educated at Oxford, and is men
tioned by Anthony Wood. Neal also represents him as a
man of great learning. He held the living of Egerton, in
Kent, which he abandoned and became the second pastor
of the first independent or congregational church in
England. President Chauncy, thesecond pastor of Scituate, was
eminently distinguished in England. He was educated
in the school of Westminster, and in the university of
Cambridge, and was the intimate friend of archbishop
Usher the first scholar in Europe. — From his great know
ledge of Hebrew he had been chosen its professor at the
English university of Cambridge, and such was his accu
rate and critical knowledge of the' Greek, that after be
had relinquished the Hebrew professorship, he was chosen
Greek professor at the same University. He was settled
in the church at Ware, in England, and fell (jike Lothrop)
under the persecution of Archbishop Laud. In Latin he
expressed himself familiarly, with great fluency, ease, and
elegance. John Norton who also preached at Plymouth, was edu
cated at Cambridge, (England,) and was one of the first
scholars of that University. He was afterwards the cu
rate of Starford, (Hertfordshire,) his native place. He was
urged to accept a fellowship at the University, which he
declined. He left Plymouth and. was settled at Ipswich,
and afterwards succeeded Cotton at Boston. He wrote
(according to Dr Eliot, ' in pure elegant Latin,') an answer

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 315
to the questions propounded by Apollonius (at the request
of the divines of Zealand,) to the divines of New England
touching church government ; — Fuller, in his church his
tory, says of this, ' of all the authors I have perused, none
to me was more informative than Mr John Norton, one of
no less learning than modesty.' Mr Norton was concerned
in the revision of the Cambridge Platform. He wrote
the ' Meritorious Price of Man's Redemption,' and also a
work of great celebrity, entitled, ' The Orthodox Evan
gelist.' His life of Cotton was republished in England.
He also wrote a controversial tract against the Quakers,
and a letter in Latin to Mr Drury who had undertaken the
pacification of the reformed churches.
Ralph Partridge,- the first minister of Duxbury also
received a University education in England, and was a
minister of the established church there.
Hooke, the minister of Taunton, as a writer, was far
above mediocrity. He is spoken of by all his contempo
raries as a learned man. His two works were entitled
'¦ The Privileges of the Saints on Earth,' and ' The Slaugh
ter of the Witnesses.' His letter to Governor Winthrop
is written in a style by no means inelegant.
Street, the second minister of Taunton, is always men
tioned with respect as a man of learning.
Marmaduke Matthews, the first minister of Yarmouth,
had some learning but was weak and eccentric.
Governor Bradford, and Governor Edward Winslow,
although not liberally educated, were authors.
Governor Bradford was educated to husbandry, and
afterwards (while at Leyden) learned the trade of a silk
dyer : yet he well understood the Greek, Latin, and
Hebrew languages, particularly £he last. His prose wri
tings are above mediocrity, and the antiquarian will never
cease to regret the loss of his precious manuscript history

316 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of the Plymouth colony from its commencement to the
year 1646. He attempted poetry, but the muses were
woo'd in vain : — his verses are prosaic, rough, and inelegant.
Governor Winslow was one of the best writers in New
England, and his book entitled ' Good News from New
England,' is still read with satisfaction.
Samuel Fuller was an eminent and skilful physician.
The ' New England's Memorial,' by Secretary Morton,
although principally a compilation from Bradford's history,
is still a standard work, and has passed through four or
five editions.
In the enumeration of the writers and men of learning
in the Plymouth colony, the Rev. Samuel Newman the
first minister of Rehoboth deserves a place, although he
did not come into the colony until after the termination
of this period of its history. He arrived in New England
in 1638, and after remaining some time at Dorchester,
removed to Weymouth, of which place he was an early
minister, and from there he removed with many of his
society to Seekonk, which place he called Rehoboth. He
was educated at the university of Oxford and had been a
minister of the established church in England. He was
a man of great learning and an indefatigable student.
His great work the concordance of the Bible, (the basis of
the celebrated Cambridge concordance, printed in Eng
land,) was completed at Rehoboth, and so intent was this
learned and pious man upon this work, that being destitute
of other lights, he wrote in the evenings by the light of
pine knots.
William Morell, the Episcopalian clergyman of Gorges'
settlement at Wessagusset, (afterwards Weymouth,) as
early as 1623, wrote a poj m on New England, in classical
and elegant Latin.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 3^
Mr Cushman's essay or sermon on Divine Love, is a
work of uncommon merit. Although Mr Robinson never
came to America, yet he deserves mention amongst the
writers of the Plymouth colony. He was a man of un
common argumentative powers, and maintained a contro
versy on doctrines with great ability against c-ne of the
most distinguished and learned professors of the university
of Leyden. His farewell sermon is an evidence not only
of his ability, but of a liberality far transcending the
bigotry of the age and would do no discredit to these times.
Brewster, a man of no pretentions, but a good scholar,
was well versed in the ancient languages, and was edu
cated at one of the English Universities.
Governor Prence, although illiterate himself, cherished a
deep respect for learning and learned men.
In Massachusetts, Wilson, the grand nephew of Grindal,
archbishop of Canterbury, and first pastor of the Boston
church ; — Cotton, the first teacher of the same church ; —
Higginson, the first teacher at Salem ; — Hugh Peters, the
second pastor of Salem ; — John Eliot, the first teacher of
the church at Roxbury ; — Hooker, the first pastor of the
churches at Cambridge and Hartford in Connecticut, and
the founder of Hartford ; — Sherman, an early minister at
Watertown ; — Bulkley, the first minister of Concord ; —
Allen, an early minister of Charlestown ; — Nathaniel Ro
gers, the first pastor of the church at Ipswich ; — Symmes,
another pastor of Charlestown ; — Nathaniel Ward, author
of the Simple Cobbler of Agawam and a pastor of the
church at Ipswich, had all been educated at the English
university at Cambridge, Some of them had been fellows
and professors, and nearly all, ministers of the established
church. Richard Mather an early minister of Dorchester,
Thomas Cobbet another pastor of the church in Ipswich,

318 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and John Davenport the first minister of New Haven, and
afterwards the successor of Norton at Boston, had all been
educated at the University of Oxford.
Skelton, the first pastor of the Salem church, had been
a clergyman of the established church in Lincolnshire.
Mr Weld of Roxbury, and George Phillips the first pastor
of the church at Watertown, had also been clergymen of
the established church in England.
Thomas Parker the first pastor of the Newbury church,
had been educated at Dublin under the care of Archbishop
Usher. He spoke Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, as familiar
ly as English. James Noyes, the first teacher of that
church; — John Allen the first minister of Dedham, and
William Thompson the minister of Braintree, were all
excellent scholars. Ezekiel Rogers the first pastor of
the church at Rowley, was a man of considerable learning.
Ezekiel Cheever a schoolmaster in Boston, was a dis
tinguished Latin scholar.
Theophilus Eaton the first governor of New Haven, al
though a merchant, was a good scholar.
Giles Firmin the ejected minister of Stratford, (in Eng
land,) was educated at Cambridge, and was eminent for his
learning. In New England, he was known as a consum
mate physician, but held no ministerial office.
John Fisk also, a physician and a preacher, was edu
cated at Emanuel College, (Cambridge,) and ejected
from his living in England.
Edward Norris, who preceded Hugh Peters at Salem,
was a political writer of great celebrity.
William Torrey of Weymouth, was a distinguished
scholar and an author.
William Pynchon the founder both of Roxbury and
Springfield, was a man of extraordinary learning.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 319
To these may be added John Winthrop the governor
of Massachusetts, an able lawyer and jurist, and as a wri
ter far above mediocrity. Sir Henry Vane, although a
fanatic, was a man of learning, and fond of learning.
John Winthrop, jun. an early governor of Connecticut,
was one of the founders of the Royal Society, and one of
the first philosophers of the age : — he was the friend and
correspondent of Boyle and Bishop Wilkins.
To this catalogue may be added the names of several
others. The period during which these illustrious men flourish
ed, extends from 1620 to 1640. Plymouth had been set
tled twenty years, Massachusetts eleven, and .New Haven
and Connecticut two or three. The whole population of
these colonies in 1640, probably did not exceed 6 or 8000
souls. Yet, where in ah equal promiscuous population, at
that period, could have been found so many men, distin
guished for literature and of learned educations? It is true
that their writings and teachings were generally on subjects
of polemic divinity, but amongst them were those who had
attended to the sciences, sound mathematicians, astrono
mers and learned physicians. Their poetry partook of the
faults of the age, the faults of Cowley and all that class of
poets denominated by Dr Johnson, metaphysical ; it was
harsh, quaint, full of conceits, allegorical and pedantic; but
it must be recollected that this was at a period long before
the era of Dryden and Pope, who, first taught their coun
trymen the art of harmonizing English verse. Dramatic
poetry which alone redeems the taste of the English na
tion at that period, was held in utter abomination by the
puritans; and that delightful department which fictitious
works in prose have now naturalized in English literature,
had not been explored or even dreamed of. The style
of historical writing was equal to the home standard.

320 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
As classical scholars, our pilgrim fathers have found no
rivals amongst us, even in modern times : — they were fa
miliar with the Latin and Greek, and all the clergy wrote
those languages with ease and elegance and spoke them
fluently, and in the Hebrew they were profound critics.
In controversial divinity, logic, and metaphysics, they
were unrivalled, and it is to be lamented that such pro
digious intellectual powers were wasted in the discussion
of some mystic point in theology, now uninteresting, and
always unimportant.
Upon the whole, when we compare our classical
acquirements with those of our forefathers, we have no
reason to be proud. Few can be found at this day in this
great nation, who are the equals of Chauncy, Wilson,
Cotton, Hooker, Bulkley, Parker, Lothrop, Norton, or
Rogers. Devoted as these great men were to the cause of learn
ing, there was one benefactor to that cause deserving of
more gratitude than either, and he was John Harvard an
early minister of Charlestown, who by bequeathing in his
will nearly £800 to found a college, established that ven
erable university which now perpetuates his name.
CONCLUSION.
At this period it seems proper to terminate the first part
of the history of Plymouth. It had now been a colony
twenty years. The settlers had overcome the first difficul
ties ; — their disputes with the natives had been settled,
and the relations of peace permanently established by the
renewal of the treaty with Massasoiet and his son ; — they
had acquired considerable territory without exciting the
jealousy of their Indian neighbors, as there was yet enough
for both races. Eight churches had been gathered, and

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 3gj
eight towns had been incorporated. The settlement of
the interior had been commenced. More fortunate than
Massachusetts, they had been undisturbed with sectarian
disputes, and wiser, they exercised a liberal toleration,
which increased their numbers, while the sterner temper
of their neighbors could only be soothed by the banish
ment of their antagonists. Their fundamental or consti
tutional laws had been established, and their government
defined. Their morals were pure. Their ministers and
teachers learned and pious. The climate had been proved
to be good by a succession of healthful years. The qual
ities of the soil were understood, and the peculiarities of the
seasons having been ascertained, they knew when to plant,
and when to gather. Attachments were formed by long
residence, and many were growing to manhood who knew
no other country. They were industrious, active, enterpri
sing, and successful. They cultivated their commercial
capacities with assiduity, and were acquiring competence
if not wealth. To add to their security, the colonies of
Massachusetts, Providence, Rhode Island, Connecticut,'
and New Haven, surrounding them in all directions, were
permanently established, and were increasing in numbers
and strength.

THE END OF THE FIRST PART.

NOTICE.
The author living at some distance from the printer, was frequently obliged
to correct the proof sheets of this work very hastily, and some errors have
crept into the text, the most important of which are contained in the following
list of
ERRATA.
Page 11, 4th line from the bottom, after ' however,' in the parenthesis insert he.
" 19, 3d line from the bottom, prayer instead of ' prayers,' followed by a
colon.
" 25, line 12th from bottom, adventurous instead of « adventurers.'
" (A name). Briteridge instead of ' Butteridge,' and in other places.
" 48, 7th line from top, for ' a ' read at.
" 58, 17th, 18th, and 19th lines from top, instead of ' after they had made an
ineffectual discharge of their arrows, those of the English who had,' read
which was followed by an ineffectual discharge of arrows .- such of the Engli&h
as had.
Same page, line 24th, after 'but,' insert the English; line 25th dele they.
Page 61, line 12th from the bottom, dele and.
" 63, Note at the bottom, instead of 'its,' read their.
" 101, line 4th from the top, instead of ' They,' read These English.
" 223, line 9th from bottom, after ' Williams,' insert with.
" 267, top line, dele ' between him and,' and insert with.
" 271, last line of the text but one, instead of 'jurisdictions,' read juris
diction.
" 277, lines 9th and 10th, dele ' now was.'

HISTORICAL MEMOIR

OF THE COLONV OF

NEW PLYMOUTH PART II. ).
- f
FROM 1641 TO 1675.
BY FRANCIS BAYLIES.

PREFACE.

That period in the history of New Plymouth commencing
with the year 1641, and terminating with the commencement of
the great Indian war in June 1675, embracing more than thirty-
four years, although not entirely barren of incident, presents
but few events of any extraordinary interest.
It was a period of profound peace. The form and the prin
ciples of the government were settled. The laws of immediate
and pressing necessity had been established. The turbulent
and factious had been driven from the colony, or had voluntarily
left it. Fanaticism and intolerance, which hung like a dark
cloud over Massachusetts, scarcely shaded Plymouth. The
it-
Quakers, it is true, disturbed the tranquillity of the latter colony
in some degree, for although, in modern times, they are peace-
is '
ful, patient, and quiet, they then felt the zeal of new converts
for new creeds, and they were determined that their light ' should
be comprehended by the darkness,' and their instructions were
more often given in the language of reproach and denunciation,
than in the milder language of persuasion : this led to some
^severe laws, and some of the best men in the colony lost the
popular confidence, because their wisdom was in advance of the
wisdom of the age, and they had become sufficiently enlightened

vi PREFACE.
to perceive that persecution was not the most effectual mode of
combating and correcting erroneous opinions. The Baptists
have made some complaints of the intolerance which prevailed
at this period, yet the candid of that sect must admit that the
proceedings against Obadiah Holmes were induced rather by
his manners, deportment, and riotous conduct, than from any
design on the part of the court to compel a renunciation of
obnoxious opinions. Mr Myles, the respectable Anabaptist min
ister of Swansey, was scarcely molested, and the Anabaptist
principles of Dr Chauncy, the second president of Harvard
College, were no obstacle to his settlement as the pastor of the
church of Scituate, and would have been none to his settlement
at Plymouth, for which the people were anxious.
During this period, the settlements already established con
tinued to thrive, and new settlements were commenced. The
court was sparing in legislation, but new laws were made when
the necessity which required them, was apparent. A new
political relation was effected with the sister colonies of Massa
chusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven in 1643, by the estab
lishment of a confederation, whose principal objects were, the
satisfactory adjustment of such disputes as should arise between
the colonies, and a provision for the common defence propor
tionate to the ability of each colony. The embryo congress of
America, consisting of eight members, assembled annually and
alternately in each colony.
For greater convenience, the history of this period has been
consolidated in four general chapters.
The first comprises the miscellaneous transactions of the
colony. The second, a brief abstract of the general laws.

PREFACE. ^i
The third, a narrative of the more important proceedings of
the commissioners of the confederated colonies, particularly such
as especially relate to the colony of Plymouth.
The fourth, a general, and in some instances a particular his
tory of the towns.
For the history of this period but few authorities have been
consulted, as but few exist : the work of Secretary Morton ter
minates in 1668. . > v
The collections of the Historical Society oPMassachusetts
have been consulted, with a view more particularly to the history
of some of the ancient towns, and also the ancient records of the
-*
towns, and of the colony, and Hazard's collection of state papers.
With respect to the memoirs of the t&Wns, different objections
may be taken. Some may be supposed to be too meagre ;
others, too redundant and minute, containing much matter of
little interest. As to the first, the author can only say that he
used such materials^as he had, and regretted that no more could
be obtained. As to the last, — it appeared to him that a minute
and faithful relation of the transactions of those small and almost
independent communities was indispensable, to enable the reader
truly to understand the character of the people whose history
he was compiling, as each, in some degree, impressed its own
peculiar traits upon the general mass until that mass became
homogeneous, and this individual delineation was therefore im
portant to the principal end of the work. There was certainly
a wide difference between the humble Brownists of Leyden, ex
pelled like felons from the mansion of a proud and angry parent,
bearing the infliction with meekness and continuing to feel as
children feel, and the stern Puritans of England defying the
crown and scorning the mitre ; or between the shipwrights of

viii PREFACE.
Kent and the Baptists of Wales ; or between the merchants of
London and Boston, and the native English of the country, born
in its forests, whose characters, modified by the circumstances
of situation and nativity, presented new and peculiar traits. A
remark of Governor Hutchinson is not unapplicable ; after a brief
account of the Pilgrims, he says, ' These were the founders of
New Plymouth.- The settlement of this colony occasioned the
settlement of Massachusetts, which was the source of the other
colonies of New England. Virginia was in a dying state, and
seemed to revive and flourish from the example of New England.
I am not preserving from oblivion the names of heroes,!* whose
chief merit is the overthrow of cities, provinces, and empires,
but the names of the founders of a flourishing town and colony,
if not of the whole British empire in America.'
Lightly should we estimate the curiosity, or the enterprise,
ofi the understanding of that traveller, who,, within reach of the
fountains, which originate the Nile, the Niger, the Ganges, or the
Mississippi, should fail to visit them, or to learn and describe
their peculiarities ; — however different their qualities, when their
waters are blended, they impart to their mighty offspring an
eternal individuality of character. >
An objection may, with more propriety, be made against the
insertion of the laws, as it is contrary to usage. If the historian
of Massachusetts, living at a time when the history of Plymouth
was fresh in the memories of the aged, and being himself the
chief justice of the province in which that colony was included,
whose duty it was to trace the streams of provincial law to their
colonial fountains, and withal a jurist of great industry and re
search, could assert that ' Plymouth never established any distinct
code or body of laws,' as Governor Hutchinson distinctly does,

PREFACE. „ ix
it is certainly the duty of the historian of Plymouth to correct
the error. It is not very surprising that Hutchinson fell into this
mistake, as there was not a single copy' of the printed laws
extant, even in his time. These laws will occupy but a small
space in the volume, and the author trusts he may be excused
for attempting, in this way, to preserve some invaluable relics of
a former age, existing now only in manuscript, subject to all the
accidents, which time brings forth, and liable every day to de
struction. ft
Another objection may, perhaps, be made, as to the amplifi
cation of the history of the churches and the biography of the
ministers. It must be recollected that Plymouth, as well as
Massachusetts, was settled by churches*; as such, and in such
communities the minister or pastor is, qf course, the chief per
sonage. H

HISTORICAL MEMOIR
or
PLYMOUTH COLONY.
 .  «
PART II.

CHAP. I.
MISCELLANEOUS TRANSACTIONS OF THE COLONY
FKOM 1641 TO JUNE, 1675.
In each of the years 1641, 1642, and 1643, William
Bradford was elected governor. In the same years,
Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, William Collier,
Timothy Hatherly, John »Brown, and Edmund Freeman,
were elected Assistants. In 1641, Capt. Miles Standish
was an assistant, and in 1642 and 1643, his place was
supplied by William Thomas.
During' these years, John Atwood and William Paddy
were deputies from Plymouth. In 1641, John Jenney and
John Howland, whose places in 1642 and 1643, were
supplied by John Doane and John Cooke.
In 1641 and 1642, Jonathan Brewster and John Alden
were deputies from Duxbury.
In 1643, Thomas Besbeech and William Basset.
PART II. 1

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In these years, Edward Eddendon was a deputy from
Scituate. In 1641, Humphrey Turner; in 1642, George Ken-
rick ; and in 1643, Thomas Chambers.
John Strong represented Taunton in each year.
In 1641, Capt. William Poole; in 1642, John Parker;
and in 1643, Henry Andrews.
Sandwich in 1641, was represented by Richard Bourne
and George Allen.
In June, 1642, Mr Bourne was again a deputy, and
William IjjTewland.
In December, 1642, Thomas Burgess and John Allen.
In 1643, Mr Newland again, and Henry Feake.
In 1641 and 1642, Thomas Dimmack represented Barn
stable. In 1641, William Thomas, who was elected an assist
ant in 1642, and his place in that year was supplied by
Anthony Annable, who was re-elected in 1643, with John
Cooper. Yarmouth sent during these three years, John Crow.
In 1641 and 1642, Richard Hoar ; and in 1643, Anthony
Thacher. In 1642, Marshfield was represented for the first time
by Thomas Bourne and Kenelm Winslow ; and in 1643
by Josias Winslow.
In 1641, some controversy arose between Plymouth and
Massachusetts respecting the territory of Seekonk, (after
wards Rehoboth,) where some of the people of Massa
chusetts had commenced a settlement, and a copy of the
Plymouth patent was required by Massachusetts, which
being produced, pacified Massachusetts, although it was
not entirely satisfactory.
In consequence of an apprehension of Indian hostility, a
certain proportion of the people were required to attend
public worship on each Lord's day complete in arms.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. J
The courts of election had at first been holden in
the month of January, annually ; afterwards in
March ;-but--the roads being frequently obstructed, it was
enacted that the court of election be holden on the first
Tuesday of June annually, and the other General Courts
on the first Tuesday of October and March, and the
Court of Assistants on the first Tuesday of August, De
cember, February, and May.
In 1643, thirty men were raised with a view to an ex
pedition against the natives, from whom hostilities were
apprehended.* In 1644, Edward Winslow was elected governor, and
Governor Bradford supplied his place at the board of
assistants ; the other assistants .were all re-elected, as
were the deputies from Plymouth, Sancfwich, and Taun
ton. Duxbury elected William Bassett again, and Edmund
Chandler. Scituate, George Kenrick, and John Williams.
Barnstable, Henry Hawley and Henry Bourne. Yarmouth,
William Palmer and Thomas Falland. Marshfield, Ken-
elm Winslow and Robert Waterman.
John Atwood, a man of exemplary piety, who had been Death of
one of the assistants, and also a deputy from Plymouth, ^"w^od
died in the course of this year. He came into the colony
subsequent to 1633.
About this time a serious design was entertained amongst
many of the settlers of the town of Plymouth, of abandon
ing that settlement. The soil was s° barren that it
scarcely repaid the expense of cultivation, and the com
mercial capacities of the place had not as yet been fully
developed, but by a singular mistake they purchased a
tract of land of the Nauset Indians, and established a
* This force was raised in the following proportions, which shews the relative
strength of the towns at that time. — Plymouth, 7; Duxbury, 5; Scituate, 5;
Taunton, 3; Sandwich, 3; Barnstable, 3 ; Yarmouth, 2; Marshfield, 2.

4 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
town on the easterly part of Cape Cod, to which they gave
the name of Eastham, where they would have been sub
jected to similar but greater inconveniences than those
which they underwent at Plymouth. This injudicious
location saved Plymouth from desertion. The settlers of
Plymouth would have been seated in the midst of Indians,
on a soil more barren than that which they left, with a
worse harbor, fewer conveniences for commerce, and more
exposed to the attacks of European enemies ; farther from
their resources, and at some distance from the other set
tlements, with a wilderness intervening. The project was
eventually abandoned by the body, but adopted by indi
viduals to whom the church relinquished their rights.
Deathand On the 16th of Apiil, 1644, at the advanced age of
of Brew- eightyfouf, died William Brewster, the ruling elder. The
ster. place of his birth is not ascertained. He was born in
the year 1560, and was educated at the University of Cam
bridge. Remarkable for his devotion and piety while at
the university, he was one of the first to feel the new
impulse of that mighty spirit, which, having already
effected one religious revolution in England, was sweep
ing on, with accelerated force, to produce another.
He left the university to engage in the service of Da
vison, a celebrated statesman of Elizabeth's reign, and
her ambassador both at Scotland and Holland. With
Davison he lived on terms of the most intimate and familiar
friendship, and through his influence he was appointed in
behalf of the queen to receive the possession of Flushing
when it was surrendered to her ; so acceptable was his
conduct on this occasion, that the States of Holland pre
sented him with a gold chain.
When Davison was disgraced and reduced to poverty,
the conduct of Brewster forms a remarkable exception,
and exhibits a striking contrast to the ordinary course of

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
4 practised politicians.' He did not desert his benefactor,
but his fidelity to the powerless statesman remained un
shaken, as firm and as efficient in the wane of his fortune
as it had been in the noontide of his prosperity.
Brewster afterwards retired to the north of England
and devoted himself to the study of the scriptures and
the practises of religion. Becoming dissatisfied with the
existing ecclesiastical establishment, he was one of the
first who withdrew from the national and formed a sepa
rate church, of which Mr Clifton and Mr Robinson were
the pastors. Possessed of a large estate, his house was
always open to his religious friends, and there they held
their worship. His purse and his services were equally
at their command. He shared their imprisonment at
Boston when they were arrested for attempting to escape
to Holland, and was fined more heavily than the others by
reason of his superior estate.
After his removal to Holland he soon began to expe
rience the same distress from which he had been so instru
mental in relieving others ; his fortune was exhausted,, and
his education having been altogether literary and political,
he was not qualified for mechanical or laborious, employ
ments ; his family was large, and dependants numerous ;
he felt the ills of poverty and dreaded the approach of
want. Under these circumstances he became a teacher
of the English language, and by means of the Latin with
which he was perfectly familiar, he was able to converse
with his pupils. He also set up a printing office, and
published many theological tracts.
He was chosen the ruling elder of the Leyden Church,
and when that church was separated, he went with the
minority to America.
His diffidence of his qualifications induced him steadily
to refuse to take upon himself the pastoral office which

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the people were anxious he should assume, but in all the
duties which his new situation in America imposed upon
him, he was prompt and energetic, always ready to assist in
the political councils, and in the conferences of the
church, and to share the common dangers.
With the most submissive patience he bore the novel and
trying hardships to which his old age was subjected, lived
abstemiously, and after having been in his youth the com
panion of ministers of state, the representative of his
sovereign, familiar with the magnificence of courts, and
the possessor of a fortune sufficient not only for the com
forts but the elegancies, of life, this humble puritan labored
steadily with his own hands in the fields for daily sub
sistence. Yet he possessed that happy elasticity of mind
which could accommodate itself with cheerfulness to all
circumstances : — destitute of meat, of fish, and of bread,
over his simple meal of clams, would he return thanks to
the Lord that ' he could suck of the abundance of the
seas, and of the treasures hid in the sands.'
His preaching was sensible, practical, and devout. His
manners were ' social and pleasant.' His cheerfulnes was
habitual and enduring, and when the occasion required,
he could call up from their depths, those lofty and heroic
qualities which sustain the martyr in the hour of peril and
trial.* * Elder Brewster left a ' considerable' library, many volumes of which
were in the learned languages. He had eight children, two of whom were
born in America. His two eldest daughters, Patience and Fear, did not arrive
until 1623. The first married Isaac Allerton, one of the most distinguished
amongst the Pilgrims. The last married Governor Prince.
His other daughters bore the names of Lucretia and Mary.
His sons were Love, Wrestling, Jonathan, and William.
Jonathan Brewster was frequently a, deputy from Duxborough, and a man
much respected. Wrestling and William died before their father.
There are new many descendants from this venerable pilgrim.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1645, Governor Bradford and Governor Winslow
again changed places, the first being elected Governor,
The following character of Brewster, written (as Judge Davis supposes,) by
secretary Morton, appears in the records of the first church in Plymouth.
'After he had attained some learning, viz. the knowledge of the Latin
tongue, with some insight in the Greek, and spent some small time 'at Cam
bridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue, he
went to the court, and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr Davison,
divers years when he was Secretary of State ; who found him so discreet and
faithful, as he trusted him above all others that were about him, and only em
ployed him in matters of greatest trust and secresy. He esteemed him rather
as a son than a servant ; and for his wisdom and godliness he would converse
with him in private more like a familiar than a master. He attended his master
when he was sent in embassage by the queen into the Low Countries, (in the
Earl of Leicester's time,) as for other weighty affairs of State, so as to receive pos
session of the cautionary towns; and in token thereof, the keys of Flushing being
delivered to him in her majesty's name ; he kept them-some time, and commit
ted them to his servant, who kept them under his pillow on which he slept, the
first night, and at his return the states honored him with a gold chain ; which
his master committed to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived
in England, as they rode through the country, until they came'to the court.
He afterwards remained with him until his troubles, when he was put from
his place, about the death of the queen of Scots, and some good time after ;
doing him many offices of service in the time of his troubles. Afterwards, he
went and lived in the country, in good esteem among his friends and the good
gentlemen of those parts, especially the godly and religious. He did much
good in the country where he lived, in promoting and furthering religion, not
only by his practice and example, and provoking and encouraging others, but
by procuring good preachers for the places thereabouts, and drawing on others
to assist and help to forward in such a work, he himself most commonly deepest
in the charge, and sometimes above his abilities. In this stale he continued
many years, doing the best good he could, and walking according to the light
he saw, until the Lord revealed further unto him. And, in the end by the
tyranny of the Bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the
one, and persecuting the other, he, with many more of those times, began to
look further into particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their callings,
and the burthen of many antichristian corruptions, which both he and they
¦ endeavored to cast off, as they also did.
'After they were joined into communion, he was a special stay and help to
them. They ordinarily met at his house on the Lord's day, which was within
a manor of the Bishop's. With great love he entertained them when they
came, making provision for them to his great charge ; and continued so to do

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and the last first assistant. From this time Bradford was
annually elected governor until his death in 1657. The
while they should stay in England. And when they were to remove out of
the country, he was one of the first in all adventures, and most forward in
any. He was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, in Lincolnshire, and
suffered the greatest loss; and one of the seven that were kept longest in
prison, and after, bound over to the assizes.
' After he came into Holland, he suffered much hardship, after he had spent
the most of his means, having a great charge and many children. And, in
regard to his former breeding and course, not so fit for many employments as
others were, especially such as were toilsome and laborious. Yea, he ever
bore his condition with much cheerfulness and content. Towards the latter
part of those twelve years spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended,
and he lived well and plentiful ; for he fell into a way, by reason he had the
Latin tongue, to teach many students, who had a desire to learn the English
tongue, to teach them English ; and by his method they quickly attained it, with
great facility : for he' drew'rules to learn it by, after the Latin manner; and many
gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time, from
their other studies, some of them being great men's sons. He also had means
to set up printing, (by the help of some friends,) and so had employment
enough ; arid by reason of many books, which would not be allowed to be
printed in England, they might have had more than they could do.
? ' But now removing into this country, all these things were laid aside again,
and a, new course of living must be framed unto ; in which he was no way
unwilling to take his part, and to bear hi3 burden with the rest; living many
times without bread or com, many months together ; having many times noth
ing but fish, and often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water fo> many
years together, until five or six years of his death ; and yet he lived, by the
blessing of God, in health, until very old age. And besides that, he would
labor with his hands in the fields as long as he was able. Yet when the church
had no other minister, he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both powerfully
and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable
edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his ministry. He did more in
this behalf in a year, than many who have their hundreds a year do in all their
lives. For his personal abilities he was qualified above many. He was wise
and discreet, and well spoken, having a grave, deliberate utterance ; of a very
cheerful spirit ; very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends ; of an humble
and modest mind ; of a peaceable disposition ; undervaluing himself and his
own abilities ; and sometimes overvaluing others ; inoffensive and innocent in
his life and conversation;, which gained him the love of those without as well
as those within. Yet he would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both
publicly and privately, but in such a manner as usually was well taken from

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
assistants were all reelected with the exception of Mr
Thomas, who was succeeded by Capt. Standish.
Mr Paddy and Mr Cooke were reelected deputies from
Plymouth, with Manasseh Kempton and John Dunham
sen. ; John Alden and George Soule from Duxbury ; Hum
phrey Turner and John Hewes from Scituate; William
Cleveland and James Skiff 'from Sandwich ; Henry Cobb
and Thomas Hinckley from Barnstable ; Anthony Thacher
and Edmund Hawes from Yarmouth ; Mr Waterman and
Josias Winslow from Marshfield. Taunton does not
appear to have been represented.
It is said by Governor Winthrop that the government
during this year, sent Mr John Brown one of the Magis
trates, to Aquiday, (Aquidneck, Rhode Island,) to forbid
him. He was tender hearted, and compassionate of such as were in misery,
but especially of such as had been of good estate and rank, and were fallen
into want and poverty, either for goodness and religion's sake, or by the injury
and oppression of others. He would say of all men, these deserved to be most
pitied. And none did more offend and displease him, than such as would
haughtily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from nothing,'
and having little else in them but a few fine clothes, or a little riches more
than others.
' In teaching he was very stirring, moving the affections : also very plain
and distinct in what he taught ; by which means he became the more profita
ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in prayer, both public and
private, in bringing up the heart and conscience before God, in the confession
of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ, for the pardon thereof. He
always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their
prayers, than to be long and tedious in the same, except upon solemn and
special occasions, as on days of humiliation, and the like. His reason was,
that the heart and spirits of all, especially the weak, could not stand and con
tinue bent, as it were, so long towards God as they ought to do, in that duty,
without flagging and falling off.
' For the government of the church, which was most proper to his office, he
was careful to preserve good order in the same ; and to preserve purity both in
the doctrine and communion in the same ; and to suppress any error or conten
tion that might begin to arise among them. And God accordingly gave good
success to his endeavors herein all his days, and saw the fruit of his labors in
that behalf.'
. PART II. 2

10 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Mr Williams from exercising any authority there, and
laying claim to the island.
After their cordial consent that Mrs Hutchinson should
make her settlement there, and their express disclaimer of
any jurisdiction, it seems not a little marvellous that such
a claim should have been set up. At this time the colony
on Rhode Island was distracted with divisions and dissen
sions, and it is not unlikely that one of the parties might
have secretly instigated the government of Plymouth to
advance this unfounded pretension.
In 1646, the assistants were all reelected, as well as
the deputies from Duxbury and Yarmouth. In Plymouth,
John' Howland supplied the place of Mr Paddy, the other
deputies being reelected ; Taunton sent William Parker
and Richard Williams ; Sandwich, Richard Bourne and
Thomas Burgess ; Barnstable, Anthony Annable and Isaac
Robinson; Marshfield, William Thomas and Thomas
Bourne ; and Rehoboth was represented for the first time
by Walter Palmer. No names appear from Scituate.
Captain Thomas Cromwell came into the harbor of Ply
mouth with several rich prizes, which he had taken from
the Spaniards. His men were very riotous and intempe
rate. One of them having insulted him, Cromwell wrested
his rapier from him, and struck him on the head with the
hilt so forcibly, that it occasioned his death. Cromwell
was tried by a court martial or council of war, and ac
quitted. Complaints having been made in England against the
colony, by Gorton, and more serious ones against Massa
chusetts, Edward Winslow went over again as agent, and
defended the colonies with much ability. Hymouth fell
under no censure, but a letter of reproof was sent to
Massachusetts.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. J 1
Governor Winslow, late a victim to the power of Arch
bishop Laud, had now the satisfaction to find his party
in power, and triumphant over the king and the church.
Being holden in great estimation by the ruling statesmen,
he accepted employment there, and died before he re
turned. In 1647, no change was made in the Board of As
sistants e.xcep.t by the election of William Thomas in
the place of Edmund Freeman. The deputies from Yar
mouth were reelected ; Howland and Dunham were re
elected from Plymouth, with Mr Paddy and John Hust ;
John Alden was reelected from Duxbury, with Constant
Southworth ; Humphrey Turner and John Williams were
elected in Scituate ; Mr Annable was reelected, and
Mr Cobb elected in Barnstable ; Henry Andrews and
Edward Case were elected in Taunton ; Josias Winslow
and Robert Waterman in Marshfield; William Newland
and Thomas Tupper in Sandwich ; Walter Palmer was
reelected and Stephen Paine elected in Rehoboth ; and
Nauset, (Eastham,) for the first time sent ¦, Josias Cooke
and Richard Higginson.
In 164S, the assistants were reelected. Howland, Dun
ham, and Paddy, were reelected in Plymouth, and Ma-
nasseh Kempton was elected in the place of John Hust.
Alden was reelected from Duxbury with William Bassett ;
Tupper was reelected from Sandwich with Thomas Bur
gess ; Edward Case was reelected in Taunton with Rich
ard" Williams ; Thomas Dimmack and Thomas Hinckley
were reelected from Barnstable; Robert Waterman and
Thomas Chillingworth were chosen in Marshfield; in
Rehoboth, Robert Titus and John Doggett ; in Eastham,
Nicholas Snow and Samuel Hickes. From Scituate none
were chosen, but John Williams and Thomas Chambers
acted, and Lieutenant Palmer and Edward Hawes acted
for Yarmouth.

12 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1649, it was enacted, 'that at courts of election,
after the choice and swearing of magistrates, and other
officers of government, the general occasions of the court
wherein deputies are requisite, be attended, except extra
ordinary occasion come in the way.'
The assistants were reelected, and the deputies from
Plymouth, Duxbury, and Barnstable ; James Cudworth
and Thomas Clap were elected in Scituate ; John Vin
cent and William Newland in Sandwich ; Case was re
elected in Taunton with Henry Andrews; Lieutenant
Palmer and Edward Hawes were chosen in Yarmouth ;
Waterman was reelected in Marshfield with Kenelm Wins
low ; Robert Titus in Rehoboth with Stephen Paine;
Samuel Hickes in Eastham with John Doane.
The death of Governor Winthrop threw a gloom over
all the New England settlements. So high was the esti
mation in which this excellent gentleman was holden in
Plymouth, that his advice in all dubious and difficult
questions was sought, received with deference, and gene
rally adopted. The government of Plymouth felt the
bereavement. Through the instrumentality of Governor Winslow, the
English Parliament passed an act for promoting and
propagating the gospel amongst the Indians in New
England, and a society was incorporated for the purpose
of receiving donations, which the commissioners of the
United Colonies were authorized to appropriate as they
saw fit.
In this year, the first real schism in religion took place
in Rehoboth, in the congregation of Mr Newman. The
schismatics finally became Baptists ; some particulars of
this schism are given in the ecclesiastical history of Re
hoboth. In 1650, the assistants were again elected, and the
deputies from Marshfield and Rehoboth. Plymouth re-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 13
elected only three, being the former deputies, with the
exception of Mr Paddy; Duxbury reelected Constant
Southworth and elected George Soule ; Scituate re
elected Mr Cudworth, and elected Humphrey Turner ;
John Vincent was reelected, and Thomas Tupper elected
in Sandwich ; in Yarmouth, Lieutenant Palmer was re
elected and Mr Hoar elected ; Richard Williams and
Oliver Purchase were chosen in Taunton ; Thomas Dim-
mack was reelected in Barnstable, and Anthony Annable
was elected ; in Eastham John Doane was reelected, and
Nicholas Snow was elected.
Thomas Prince, William Colyer, Thomas  , James
Cudworth, Josias Winslow, John Dunham, sen., George
Soule, and Constant Southworth, having been previously
appointed a committee ' to consider the proposition pro
pounded by the deputies to the court held at Plymouth in
October, 1650, concerning the right of the majority to
order adjournments and dissolutions of the general court,
and the making and repealing of laws,' reported, that
no alteration should be made in that matter, and that the
magistrates and deputies be considered one body.
» Mr William Thomas one of the assistants, died in 1651. Death and
Secretary Morton says of him, 'that he was a well ap- ofwu-
proved and well grounded Christian, well read in the holy Thomas.
scriptures, and other approved authors, and a good lover
and approver of godly ministers and good Christians, and
one that had a sincere desire to promote the common good
both of church and state ; he died of consumption, and
was honorably buried at Marshfield.'
Mr Thomas was an English merchant, and one of the
adventurers. He arrived in the colony about the year
1630. He was a deputy from Barnstable in 1641, and
afterwards from Marshfield, and an assistant.*
* His son Nathaniel, served in Philip's war. One of his descendants, Gen.
John Thomas, commanded the American forces at Roxbury, at the commence-

14 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1651, the assistants were reelected with the exception
of Edward Winslow, who was in England, and Mr Thomas
who had died. Their places were supplied with John
Alden and Captain Thomas Willet.
The deputies were reelected in Taunton, Duxbury,
Scituate, Sandwich ; Stephen Paine in Rehoboth, with
Richard Bowen ; in Plymouth, Mr Howland and Mr
Kempton were reelected, and Thomas Southworth and
Thomas Clark elected ; Anthony Thacher and Edmund
Hawes were chosen in Yarmouth ; Mr Annable was re
elected, and Isaac Robinson elected in Barnstable ; John
Doane and Josiah Cook were chosen in Eastham; In
Marshfield, Kenelm Winslow and Josias Winslow, were
chosen. In 1652, all the assistants were reelected excepting Mr
Collier, who was succeeded by Captain Thomas South-
worth; John Howland, John Winslow, John Dunham, and
Thomas Southworth were elected deputies in Plymouth;
in Duxbury, Constant Southworth and John Bradford;
in Scituate, James Cudworth and Humphrey Turner ; in
Taunton, Thomas Gilbert and James Wyat ; in Sandwich,
Richard Bourne and Thomas Tupper ; in Barnstable,
Henry 'Cobb and Nathaniel Bacon ; in Yarmouth, Anthony
Thacher and Thomas Hawes ; in Marshfield, Kenelm
Winslow and Thomas Chillingworth ; in Rehoboth,
Thomas Cooper and Stephen Paine ; in Eastham, Nicho
las Snow and Daniel Cole.
In December, the court passed the following order,
' Whereas we have intelligence out of our native country,
of arrangements that may be towards us in regard of
the great variances, between the two nations of Holland
ment of the revolutionary war, and after the death of Gen. Montgomery, suc
ceeded him in the command of the army in Canada ; the late Hon. Joshua
Thomas of Plymouth another descendant, was one of his aids.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 15
and England, the court have ordered warrants to be- di
rected to every town within the government' — ' to send
deputies to meet with the magistrates, April 1st, 1653,' —
' and with them to treat and conclude on such military
affairs as, through God's blessing, may probably tend to
our present and future safety. Plymouth chose John
Cook and Thomas Southworth ; Duxbury, Constant South-
worth and Lieutenant  Nash ; Scituate, James Cud
worth and Sergeant  Johnson ; Taunton, Ensign Oliver
Purchase ; Sandwich, James Skiff; Yarmouth, Sergeant
 Rider, John Goram ; Barnstable, Lieutenant 
Fuller, Sergeant Thomas Hinckley ; Marshfield, Josias
Winslow John Bradford; Eastham, John Doane, Richard
Sparrow ; Rehoboth, John Allen, Peter Hunt.
In June, 1653, all the assistants were reelected; John
Howland, Lieutenant Southworth, John Dunham, senior,
and John Cooke, were elected deputies from Plymouth ;
George Soule and Constant Southworth from Duxbury ;
Humphrey Turner and Thomas Byrd from Scituate ;
James Skiff and Thomas Tupper from Sandwich; James
Wyat and Richard Williams from Taunton ; Thomas
Hawes and Edmund Hawes from Yarmouth ; Anthony
Annabte and Nathaniel Bacon from Barnstable ; Kenelm
Winslow and Anthony Eames from Marshfield ; Stephen
Paine and Thomas Cooper from Rehoboth ; John Doane
and "Richard Higgins from Eastham.
A special court was called in March, 1654, to which
there was another election of deputies. The deputies
from Duxbury, Sandwich, Taunton, Rehoboth, and East
ham, were reelected ; in Plymouth, Mr Howland, South-
worth, Cook, and John Winslow, in the place of Mr Dun-1
ham ; James Cudworth and Robert Studson (Stetson) were
elected in Scituate ; Anthony Thacher and Edmund
Hawes in Yarmouth; Thomas Hinckley and Nathaniel

16 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Bacon in Barnstable ; Josias Winslow and Anthony Eames,
in Marshfield.
Mr Lothrop the distinguished pastor of Scituate and
Barnstable died. He has already been mentioned.
In 1654, Mr Collier succeeded Captain Southworth.
The other assistants were reelected, and the deputies
from Duxbury, Scituate, Barnstable, arid Marshfield. In
Plymouth, all the deputies were reelected excepting Mr
Southworth, who was succeeded by John Dunham, sen. ;
in Sandwich, James Skiff was reelected, with Thomas
Burgess ; in Taunton, Richard Williams was reelected
with James Walker; in Yarmouth, Edmund Hawes with
Samuel Arnold ; in Rehoboth, Stephen Paine with Peter
Hunt : in Eastham, Josiah Cooke and Daniel Cole were
elected. The treasurer was authorized to call for all the debts
' due the country,' and payment to be made at such places"
as he should direct.
Mr Thomas Prince was sent by the court to the Kenne
beck patent, to settle a government, for which purpose
he had full authority both from Plymouth, and from the
English parliament. He called a meeting of the inhabit
ants. ' Sixteen attended and took the oath of fidelity to
the state of England, and to the governor of Plymouth.'
Thomas Southworth was appointed the agent or gov
ernor, and ' several laws and orders were promulgated.'
At the court in August, new deputies were summoned.
The deputies from Plymouth, Scituate, Barnstable,
Marshfield, and Rehoboth, were reelected. In Duxbury
Christopher Wadsworth and William Paybody were elect
ed ; Mr Burgess was reelected in Sandwich, with Thomas
Tupper; Mr Williams was reelected in Taunton, with
Oliver Purchase ; Mr Edmund Hawes was reelected in
Yarmouth with Anthony Thacher ; Mr Cole was reelected
in Eastham with John Freeman.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 17
In June, 1655, all the assistants were re-elected. John
Howland, John Dunham, senior, John Cooke, and Thomas
Clarke, were elected deputies from Plymouth ; Constant
Southworth and William Paybody from Duxbury ; James
Cudworth and Robert Studson from Scituate ; John
Vincent and James Skiff from Sandwich ; James Wyat and
Richard Williams from Taunton ; Edmund Hawes and Wil
liam Nickerson from Yarmouth ; Thomas Hinckley and
Nathaniel Bacon from Barnstable ; Anthony Eames and
Josias Winslow from Marshfield ; Stephen Paine and Pe
ter Hunt from Rehoboth ; Richard Sparrow and Richard
Higgens from Eastham.
On the Sth of May died Edward Winslow. He was Deathand
born at Droitwich, Worcestershire, (England) in 1594, character
and was the son of Edward Winslow. While travelling ward "^V inslo w,
on the continent he (accidentally as it would appear) was
led to Leyden. This was at a period when the minds of
many were inclined to serious thinking, and another re
ligious revolution was on the eve of commencement. He
embraced the principles of the Puritans, and joined Rob
inson's church. Amongst them he remained and married.
At that time he must have been very young. He resolved
to share their fortunes and went out in the first ship
which came to America. Either on account of the
respectability of his family, or the qualities of his mind,
he was viewed with more than ordinary respect by the
pilgrims. His name appears third on the list of those
who signed the compact, being preceded only by Carver
and Bradford, and the precedence of age was laid a-side to
give him the third place. His wife died soon after his
arrival, and he then married Mrs Susanna White the
widow of William White, one of the most respectable of
the pilgrims. This marriage was the first in the colony,
and of course in New England ; it took place on the J 2th
PART- II. 3

18 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of May, 1621. It is a singular coincidence that Mrs
White should have been the mother of the first born in
New England, (Peregrine White ;) to have been the first
mother and the first bride in a country which has produced
a race so distinguished as the New Englanders, would
have been cited by the ancients as an instance of rare
and happy fortune, if we add to that the peculiar happi
ness of having been the wife of a distinguished governor
of her own colony, and the mother of another equally
distinguished, who to his other, added the high and soli
tary honor of having been the commander in chief of the
forces of the confederate colonies in a war involving their
existence, her fortune must be regarded as transcendantly
prosperous. The unwearied activity of Winslow in meeting and
vanquishing the earlier difficulties of the colony ; his
visits to Massasoiet, and his almost miraculous cure of
that good Indian when afflicted with a sickness supposed
to be mortal ; his capacity for trade, and his perseverance
and enterprise in the prosecution of commercial under
takings, have been already related.
In 1623, he went to England as the agent of the colony,
and while there published a narrative of the transactions
in New England, containing much information respecting
the Indians, &c. This work being written in a style far
superior to the ordinary productions of that day, still re
tains its interest. It is entitled ' Good News from New
England, or a relation of things remarkable in that plan
tation, by E. Winslow.' ,
He returned to Plymouth in the spring, (1624,) and
brought over the first neat cattle which were imported into
the English colonies.
In the same year he again visited England, and was
instrumental in vindicating the colony against the asper-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH. COLONY. J 9
sions of Lyford, &c. In that year he was elected an as
sistant, and in 1633, governor of the colony.
In 1635, he went out again as the agent of Plymouth
and Massachusetts, to make the proper representations of
the encroachments of the French and the Dutch, and to
defend the colonies against the accusations of Morton.
He proposed and submitted a general plan for the govern-.
ment and defence of the North American colonies, in
which he manifested his high sense of their capacity for
self defence and*elf government ; but his plan interfer
ing with a design of Archbishop Laud, Mason, and
Gorges, to establish a general government over-New Eng
land, he was arrested on some frivolous pretence, charged
with the crime of separating from the National Church,
and thrown into the Fleet prison, where he lay seventeen
weeks. On his return to Plymouth in 1636, he was again elected
governor, to which office he was again elected in 1644.
When not the chief, he was always the second magistrate.
In 1643, he was one of the first commissioners on the part
of the confederated colonies on the part of Plymouth. In
1646, he went again to England as the agent of Massa
chusetts to answer to the complaints of Gorton. In this
affair he conducted with great address, for the conduct of
Massachusetts had been such as deserved severe censure.
Winslow was a zealous advocate for the civilization of
the Indians, and of their conversion to Christianity, and
by his zeal and influence the Society for Propagating
the Gospel in New England, was formed in England in
1649. When the puritans attained political power, the talents
of Winslow were appreciated, and his prospects of dis-,
tinction at home became so flattering, that he remained,
and never after returned to America.

20 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
When Cromwell sent out the expedition under Penn
and Venables for the reduction of St Domingo, which
terminated in the capture of Jamaica, Winslow was ap
pointed chief commissioner, to superintend and direct their
operations, and died of a fever incidental to the climate
of the West Indies, while on ship-board, May 8, 16.05,
aged sixtyone.
Edward Winslowwas a gentleman of consummate ad
dress, strictly virtuous principles, and fervent piety.
Although his intercourse with the world, and with the
best society of England, had worn off lhat austerity and
simplicity of manners so characteristic of the puritans,
his devotion was not the less sincere, because his man
ners were cheerful. Cromwell well understood the fidelity
of his principles when he placed him at the head of the
commission for superintending the expedition against St
Domingo, for both commanders and many of the officers
employed on that expedition, were strongly suspected of
cherishing a loyal attachment to the exiled monarch, and
of looking with deep dislike on his usurping enemy ; he
therefore placed one in this responsible station whom he
could trust. The colony owed to Winslow a debt of gra
titude, for in devotion and zeal for her interests he was
not excelled by any one. He was the father and founder
of Marshfield, and the large estate which he called Cares-
well, still remains in the possession of his descendants.
His son, Josias Winslow, was afterwards governor of the
colony, but of him hereafter.
In 1656, all the assistants were reelected with the ex
ception of Mr Brown, who was succeeded by Capt. James
Cudworth of Scituate. The deputies from Plymouth, Dux
bury, Scituate, and Taunton, were reelected and also Mr
Skiff from Sandwich, Edmund Hawes from Yarmouth, An
thony Eames from Marshfield, Stephen Paine from Reho-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 21
both, and Richard Sparrow from Eastham, Anthony An
able and John Smith were chosen in Barnstable, Thomas
Tupper in Sandwich, Samuel Arnold in Yarmouth, An
thony Snow in Marshfield, William Carpenter in Rehoboth,
and John Freeman in Eastham.
Scarcely had the. grief which had been created by the Death and
loss of Winslow subsided, before the people were again ofstand-
called to mourn the departure of another ancient and faith
ful servant. In the course of the year, Miles Standish
died at a very advanced age at his residence in Duxbury.
Standish was born in Lancashire, (England) of a family of
note (amongst which were numbered knights and bishops,)
and it is said to a large inheritance which was ( surrepti
tiously detained from him.' He served in the low countries
as an officer in the armies of Queen Elizabeth when com
manded by her favorite the Earl of Leicester. What in
duced him to connect himself with the pilgrims does not
appear. He took up his residence amongst them at Ley
den but never joined their church. He arrived in the May
Flower, and lost his wife soon after his arrival; he however
married again. In 1621 he was elected the first military
commander of the colony. His achievements have been
related in the course of this work. He went out as the
agent of the colony in 1625 to England, and resided in
London at the very period when the pride of this queen
of cities was laid in the dust, and nought was heard in her
streets but wailing and lamentation. It was the period of
the last and most deadly plague.
Being an accurate surveyor, he was generally on the
committees for laying out new towns. He was always
the military commander, always one of the council of war,
generally an assistant ; sometimes first assistant or deputy
governor and treasurer. Standish was a man of small
stature, of a quick and fiery temper, and never did a hu-

22 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
man form enclose a more intrepid spirit. Dangers from
which almost all men would have shrunk, were with him
only an incentive to enterprise. He asked only eight men
to subdue all the Indians of Massachusetts. Alone he
took from the trembling hands of the profligate and tur
bulent Morton, his loaded musket and compelled him to
yield when he was surrounded by his whole company, and
had boasted that he never would be taken alive. He did
not stand aside to command others to do the work of death,
but engaged in deadly personal conflicts, the fate of which
rested on the prowess of the contending individuals.
Some of the early writers have censured Standish for
his violence, but he never exceeded his orders, obeying
the civil authority to the very letter of the command, and
at every hazard. In the Pequot war he commanded the
Plymouth quota and had commenced his march, when the
news was received of the total overthrow of the Pequots,
and as late as 1653 when he was very old, ' when hostili
ties with the Dutch at Manhatton were apprehended,' the
command of the coloriy forces was entrusted to him. How
this fierce and terrible soldier, never cherishing any strong
impressions of religion, should have formed an attachment
so lasting, and bound himself to the pious and holy mem
bers of Robinson's church, (who almost resembled the
primitive Christians) by every tie except that which bound
them to each other; and should have fought their battles,
cheerfully shared their toils, their hardships, and their
poverty ; their councils in peace, and their dangers in war ;
is one of those anomalies in human nature which may per
haps find its parallel in the love which was cherished by
the Roman soldiers for the early Christians.
Standish was the father and founder of Duxbury, which
he named from the seat of his family in Lancashire, and

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 03
which as late as 1707, was the residence of sir Thomas
Standish.* ' The shaft flew thrice.' The people of the colony had Death and
scarcely covered the remains of their veteran warrior with of Gov'"
the earth, when they were summoned to perform the same Bradford- ,
duty for one who might with propriety be called the father
of the colony; for the care of Gov. Bradford over this in
fant settlement had been truly paternal ; he had guided
its councils almost from its commencement, as Gov. Car
ver lived but a few months after his arrival.
William Bradford was born in England in 15jf8. Both i $*%9„
his parents dying while he was in early youth, he was left to
the protection of his grand parents, and after them, of his
uncles. His patrimony was large, but his station in life
was amongst the yeomanry, and he was bred to agricul
ture. The early loss of his parents, probably gave a se
rious cast to his mind and he devoted all his leisure time
to the reading of the scriptures, and notwithstanding the
opposition and angry remonstrances of all his relatives,
this unfledged youth embraced the doctrines which were
taught by the venerable Clifton, and afterwards by Robin
son, and became one of their most devoted followers. At
the early age of eighteen he suffered imprisonment at
Boston in Lincolnshire, for attempting to escape to Hol
land, but in pity to his youth he was released. He was
afterwards arrested but finally succeeded in escaping. In
Holland he learned the art of dying silk, and engaged a
little in commerce.
He was a zealous advocate for the removal of the com
pany to America, and came over in the May Flower amongst
* He left three sons, Miles, Alexander, and Josiah. Alexander married the
daughter of John Alden ; from him are descended two gentlemen of distinguish
ed literary talents. Dr Wheelock late president of Dartmouth college, and Dr
Kirkland late president of Harvard college. Gen. Rijpley late of the United
Stales army, is also of this descent. Hia other descendants are numerous.

24 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the first. His wife was drowned while that vessel lay in
Cape Cod harbor. He afterwards married Mrs Alice South-
worth a lady of extraordinary capacity and worth.
On the death of Gov. Carver, although he was confined
at the time with sickness and was only thirtytwo years old,
he was unanimously elected his successor; he conducted
the affairs of the colony for the greater part of the time
as chief, and two or three years as second magistrate, with
consummate prudence and ability for a period of thirty-
seven years.
In his transactions with the Indians he was strictly just
and after those unavoidable sparklings which the neighbor
hood of two distinct races of men like the collision of
flint and steel, arc sure to strike out at first, the animosities
which vicinage engendered were allayed, and he preserved
the relations of peace unbroken. His mingled system
of mildness and energy conciliated their affections and
extorted their respect. When necessary he alarmed their
fears. When the emblematic defiance of the sachem of the
Narragansetts was conveyed in the shape of a bundle of
arrows bound together by the skin of a serpent, he an
swered it promptly by sending back the skin filled with
powder and bullets ; and the Indians were taught to believe
that the plague was buried under the store house at Ply
mouth. He soon understood all the peculiarities of their
simple characters. His sagacity in detecting and his en
ergy in overcoming the designs of the factionists who dis
turbed his government have been already described.
Although his early pursuits were unfavorable to the
cultivation of learning, yet he applied himself with great
diligence to the study of the ancient languages both
Greek and Latin which he mastered. Of the Hebrew his
knowledge was intimate. The French and Dutch lan
guages he spoke with ease. He read much on subjects

MEMOIR .OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 25
of history and philosophy. In theology he was deeply
versed, and few there were who could contend with him
successfully in a polemical dispute. He wrote consider
ably ; the loss of his invaluable manuscript history of the
colony to 1646, can never, be supplied. He attempted
poetry but the muses were unpropitipus.
As chief magistrate he was compelled, to deal.with many
turbulent spirits, yet he seldom failed to enforce respect
both to the laws and the magistrates, rather by appealing
to the .sense of shame and fear of self-degradation, than
by the exercise of the penal authority of the'government.
His faith endured to the last, and he died full of hope.
Conversing with his friends on the day of his death, he
spoke with the cheerfulness of a saint. ' God (said he)
has given me a pledge of my happiness in another world,
and the first fruits of eternal glory.' He died ^larch 9,
1657, at the age of 69.*
Previous to the death of Gov. Bradford, the people be- Indiffer-
1 ' ence of
gan to manifest an alarming indifference as to the support the people
of their ministers ; many doubted the benefit of stated clergy.
preaching, and chose to exercise their own spiritual gifts.
So miserable was the support, that many left the colony.
Mr Reyner left Plymouth in 1654. Mr Partridge re
mained at Duxbury, but died in 1658. Dr Chauncy left
Scituate 1656. Mr Street left Taunton for New Haven.
Mr Leveredge, Sandwich for Long Island* Mr Bulkley
* He left three sons and a daughter. His son William obtained high dis
tinctions in the colony, 'being elected an assistant soon after the death of his
father, and chief military commander. When the colonial government termi
nated, he was deputy governor, and afterwards was chosen a councillor of Mas
sachusetts. His other sons were John and Joseph.
His more remote posterity have been distinguished and honored, and are to
this day. One of them was in the senate of the United States from Rhode
Island. ,
PART II. 4

26

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH -COLONY.

First ap
pearance of the
Quakers
and the
proceed ings
against them.

Marshfield, for Concord. Mr Lothrop of Barnstable died
in 1653.
The places of these distinguished men were not sup
plied, and in the younger settlements of Eastham, Bridge-
water, &c, no ministers had been settled. Yarmouth also
was destitute.
The religious zeal of Massachusetts had not been cool-
ed, and they viewed the destitute situation of their neigh- .
boring colony with sorrow and alarm ; their fears were
heightened from the intrusion Of the Quakers into the
colonies, a sect which they abhorred.
The following communication was addressed by their
General Court to the commissioners of the colonies who
met at Plymouth in September 1656.
' Honored Gentlemen.' — The remembrance of the so
lemn covenants and promise the United Colonies (in the
beginning of their combination) made one with another,
not only to strengthen the hearts and hands of each other
in the propagating and maintaining religion in its purity,
but also to be assisting to each other where any deficiency
in such respects may appear, hath put us upon the pursu
ance of our endeavors to discharge our duties, in desiring
you to consider of some such meet way and ex as where
any defect appears in any colony ; in the right improve
ment of such means and ordinances as the Lord hath ap
pointed all his to use and improve for the edification of
the body whereof Christ is the head till his second com
ing. Having heard sometime since that our neighbor
colony of Plymouth, our beloved brethren, in a great part
seem to be wanting to themselves in a due acknowledgment
of, and encouragement to the ministers of the gospel, so as
many pious ministers of the gospel have (how justly we
know not) deserted their stations, callings, and relations,
our desire is that some such course might be taken, as

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 27
that, a pious orthodox ministry may be reinstated amongst
them, that so. the flood of error and principles of anarchy
which will not long be kept out where Sathan and his in
struments are so prevalent as to prevail to the crying down
of ministry* and ministers may be prevented. ' Here hath
arrived amongst us several persons professing themselves
Quakers, fit instruments to- propagate the kingdom of Sa
than. For the aacmring. of ourselves and. our neighbors
from such^rjes-ts^wa-haxfi.. imprisoned them, till they be
despatched away to the placefrpm whence they came,
one of which, Richard Smith, we have let out of prison to
return to his family at Southampton, whence we hope and
doubt not, our neighbors of Connecticut will be careful so
to order it, as he may not do the least prejudice. As also
that some general rules may be commended to the several
jurisdictions for the settling of government amongst the
Indians, &tc.'
'And that some general rules may be also commended
to each General Court to prevent the coming in amongst ¦
us from foreign places such notorious heretics as Quakers, ' «
ranters, &c, and that strong waters to the Indians in all
the jurisdictions may. be forbidden, that the name of God
be not dishonored, &c.'
To this the Commissioners reply. ' The Commissioners
having considered the premises, cannot but acknowledge
the godly care and zeal of the gentlemen of Massachusetts
to uphold and maintain jhose professed ends of corning
into these parts of the combination of the united colonies,'
which if not attended in the particulars aforesaid, will be
rendered wholly frustrate, the profession miserably scan
dalized, ourselves become a reproach in the eyes of those
that (cannot without admiration) behold our sudden de
fection from our fiist principles. We cannot therefore but
with all earnestness, commend it to the wisdom and jus-

28 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tice of the several jurisdictions to take effectual care, and
make answerable provision that religion and the ordinan
ces of Christ professed, may be upheld and maintained;
which cannot be but by a due encouragement of an able
and orthodox ministry, and a discountenancing of that
which is heterodox, and an effectual course to keep out
heretics, the great engine of Sathan, in these times to over
throw the truth, and because the business is of such high
concernment to all, we shall more particularly impart our
thoughts to serious consideration.
' 1. We cannot without breach of charity but take it for
a thing granted generally by the inhabitants of the United
Colonies, that an able orthodox ministry is a precious fruit
of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, and neces
sary for the spiritual good of his people, and to be duly
sought after in every society or township within the sev-
eral.jurisdictions. ' 2'. And secondly, that a competent maintenance pro-
. portionable to the ability of the place and necessity of the
minister, is a debt of justice and charity.
'3. Hence, thirdly, the ministermay justly expect it from
the society and township wherein he labors. ^
'4. The reference or relation of a minister being to the
whole society jointly, whether in church or not, his expec
tation of maintenance and the debt of justice is from the
whole society jointly.
' 5. Although the society may, according to their dis
cretion, use divers ways to raise his maintenance, yet if
the ways be ineffectual, though the defect may be by some
particular person, yet the society cannot be discharged,
but is the debtor.
' 6. The engagement being upon the society, and that
according to religion and right reason, it necessarily
followeth that the society be enabled with sufficient power
to discharge itself.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 29
'7. Therefore the General Courts shall declare such a
power to be in such societies, that there may be no pre
tence in them for want thereof; and if any society or
township shall be wanting either out of neglect or opinion
to procure and maintain as abovesaid an orthodox ministry
according to the gospel, we conceive by the rules of scrip
ture and practice of not only christian governments, but
even of heathen, who not only held their sacra in venera
tion, but took care of those that had the keeping of them,
and the charge of making known their mysteries. The
several General Courts stand charged with the care that the
people professing Christianity, own and live according to
the rules and ordinances of their profession, and that the
dispensers thereof be encouraged as aforesaid. The
maintenance of the ministers being a debt of justice from
the society, and the society being empowered to discharge
it. If any particular person shall be- defective to the
society, they ought to be ordered by the ordinary course
of justice.
'These generals we thought good to propose from whence
we leave it to the wisdom of the General Courts to draw
up such conclusions and orders, as may attain the end
desired ; and if any of the members of the said courts
shall not concur (at present,) with our apprehensions, we
do earnestly desire that by all means they would labor to
inform and satisfy themselves of the truth of the particu
lars abovesaid, whereof we for our parts have no doubt.
We do further propose to the several General Courts that
. all Quakers, ranters, and other notorious heretics be pro
hibited coming into the United Colonies, and if any shall
hereafter come or arise amongst us, that they be forthwith
secured or removed out of all the jurisdictions.
'That some safe provision.be made against selling or
giving strong liquors to the Indians, without particular

30 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
express license from some magistrate or other officer
thereunto deputed, and that upon some weighty occasion
or exigent.
Thomas Prence was chosen governor in 1657, as the
successor of Bradford. There seemed to be an obvious
propriety in this election. Mr Prence had held that office
'as early as 1634, and occasionally afterwards. None
stood before him in public estimation but Bradford and
Edward Winslow, and with them he shared the confidence
of the people, and the highest offices of the government.
As both these respectable men were now removed, there
could have been but little hesitation in giving him the
station of which he was not deemed unworthy when they
were eligible. To this office he was annually elected until
his death in 1673.
William Collier succeeded him as first assistant. The
other assistants now elected were Timothy Hatherly, John
Alden, Thomas Willet, James Cudworth, Josias Winslow,
Thomas Southworth.
The deputies from Plymouth were William Bradford,
Robert Finney, and Ephraim Morton ; Duxbury, William
Paybody, John Rogers ; Scituate, Edward Jenkins, John
Bryant ; Taunton, Richard Williams, James Wyat ; Sand
wich, Thomas Tupper, James Skiff; Barnstable, Anthony
Annable, John Smith ; Yarmouth, Edmund Hawes, Thomas
Fallard ; Marshfield, Anthony Eames ; Eastham, Nicholas
Snow, Richard Higgins ; Rehoboth, Stephen Paine,
William Sabin ; Bridgewater, for the first time, John
Willis. It was in the year 1657, that the first legal proceedings
against Quakers were instituted. This sect had just ap
peared in England. The extravagancies of James Naylor
and the enthusiasm of George Fox, had attracted the
public attention there. When the Quakers appeared in

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 31
New England, it was during their first effervescence ; the
materials were still fermenting, and had not as yet worked
off the scum and the dregs which all new religious sects
are sure to bring up. This happened a few years after
wards, and under the wise guidance of the illustrious and
enlightened William Penn, those of Pennsylvania appear
to have formed one of the wisest, the most virtuoos, most
tolerant, and perfect political societies that ever existed.
In Plymouth, the riotous and turbulent conduct of Gor
ton was yet remembered, and the Quakers, whose tenets
and practices bore some resemblance to his, were in their
minds associated and almost identified with that insolent
fanatic, and the government and people were thus pre
disposed to view them with dislike, and it was ordered by
the Court ' that in case any shall bring irf any Quaker,
ranter, or other notorious heretic, either by land or water,
into any part of this government, shall forthwith, upon
order of any one magistrate, return them to the place from
whence they came, or clear the government of them, on
the penalty of paying a fine of 20s. for every week that
theyshall stay in the government after warning.'
The Court subsequently passed a more severe law, with
a preamble setting forth the causes of the law. ' Where
as, there hath several persons come into this government
called Quakers, whose doctrines and practices manifestly
tend to the subversion of the fundamentals of christian
religion, church order, and the civil peace of this govern
ment, as appears by the testimonies given in sundry depo
sitions and otherwise. It is therefore enacted by the
Court and the authority thereof, that no Quaker or person
commonly so called, be entertained by any person or per
sons within this government under the penalty of five
pounds for every such default, or be whipped. "And in
case any one shall entertain any such pjerson ignorantly,

32 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
if he shall testify on his oath that he knew not them to be
such, he shall be freed of the aforesaid penalty, provided
he upon his first discerning them to be such, do discover
them to the constable or his deputy.'
On the 6th of October, 1657, Humphrey Norton was
summoned to appear at the Court, and was examined ' and
found guilty (according to the Court record,) of divers
horrid errors.' He was sentenced ' speedily to depart the
government,' and the under marshal was required to take
him into custody, and to conduct him to Assonet, near
Rhode Island.
The spirit of Norton was not subdued, and he returned
again into the Plymouth jurisdic-tion accompanied by one
John Rouse. These Quakers appeared at the Court in
June 1658, and were apprehended and committed to
prison. When they were examined before the Court, Nor
ton said sundry times to the Governor, ' thou lyest ;'
'Thomas, thou art a malicious man.' The conduct of
Rouse was equally turbulent. They were remanded, but
in a short time were again brought before the Court, as a
paper had been presented to the Court by one Christopher
Winter, which contained an account of many objectiona
ble expressions on the subject of religion, which had been
¦uttered by Norton. Norton was furnished with a copy,
and was confronted with Winter, and they varied but
little in their respective statements. Norton again abusedj
the governor with much foul language, saying ' thy cla
morous tongue I regard no more than the dust under my
feet, and thou art like a scolding woman, and thoupratest,
and daridest me,' &c.
Norton "and Rouse were severally required, ' that as
they professed themselves to be subjects to the State of
England that they would take an oath of fidelity to be
true to that State, which they refused to do, saying they

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

33

would take no oath at all.' On this refusal they were
sentenced to a whipping. This punishment was inflicted,
for which the under marshal required a fee ! They refused
to pay, and were again committed to prison, where they
remained until the 10th of June, when they compromised
with the marshal, and left the jurisdiction.
Norton had offered a written paper to the governor,
which he refused to receive. Smarting with the sense of
the severity and cruelty with which he had been treated,
he addressed a letter to Governor Prince and another to
Mr Alden, one of the assistants, in which he vented hi's
resentment in strains approaching to eloquence, and
claimed to be a prophet, a delusion which he probably^
cherished in sincerity. '
1 Thomas Prence, thou who hast bent thy heart to work
wickedness, and with thy tongue hast set forth deceit ;
thou imaginest mischief upon thy bed, and hatchest thy
hatred in thy secret chamber ; the strength of darkness
is over thee, and a malicious mouth hast thou opened
against God and his anointed, and with thy tongue and
lips hast thou uttered perverse things ; thou hast slandered -
the innocent by railing, lying, and false accusations, and
with thy barbarous heart hast thou caused their blood to
be shed. Thou hast through these things broken and
transgressed the laws and ways of God, and equity is not
before thy eyes ; the curse causeless cannot come upon
thee, nor the vengeance of God unjustly cannot fetch thee
fup; thou makest thyself merry with thy secret malice, and
when thou actest or executest it, it is in derision and
scorn. The deadly drink of the cup of indignation thou
cannot escape, and the grief and cause of travail will
not be greater than thine. Since first I saw thee, and
before, thy false and lying tongue hath been forged against
me. I shall not write nor speak this without ground, as
part n. 5

34 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
thpu hast done by me, but plainly shall present thy doings
before thy face ; as firstly, thy former warrant was forged
upon a filthy lie, and therein thou titlest me an extrava
gant person ; thy second had helping hand in causing me
to be recorded for several errors, and like a shameless
man would neither acknowledge nor deny; thy third that
John Rouse and I were inordinate fellows, and never in
the least made it appear wherein ; thy fourth that I in
tended within two days after the time thou spake it, to
make a preachment, as thou in thy derision called it there-
aways ; thy fifth, thy promise that I should have the law,
and afterwards went about to deny it, so that as from thee
I never had it yet; thy sixth, popish and Jesuitical names,
withal thy lying slanders and false aspersions cast upon
us from thy clamorous tongue ; thy seventh, acting con
trary to law, equity and justice, and judgment, according
to the evil of thine own heart, — all these art thou guilty
t>f, besides the denying of my paper which was presented
to thee,, containing part of my grounds of my coming;
thy eighth, thy striving to dash my words back upon me,
and to hinder me to speak in the peoples' hearing, striving
what thou could to stain the truth of God with thy envious
tongue, all which things is charged upon thy head, and
as a peal of hailstones will pelt upon thy heart ; thou
hast perverted justice and true judgment, and hast de-^
frauded the poor and needy ; thou hast caused to defraud
the righteous owner of his goods, and is heaping it up as .
upon a hill, wherewith thou wilt purchase to thyself and^
others a field of blood, wherein to bury your dead. John
Alden is to thee like unto a packhorse, whereupon thou
layest thy beastly bag ; cursed are all they that have a
hand therein ; the cry of vengeance will pursue thee day
and night, for other mens' goods, hard speeches, un
righteous actions, which thou hast done and spoken against

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 35
others and us, without and contrary to the righteous law ;
so shall rest upon thee as frontlets upon thy head, and as
we have suffered without law, so shalt thou perish without
law if thou repent not. The days of thy wailing will
be like unto that of a woman that murthers the fruit of
her womb ; the anguish and pain that will enter thy reins
will be like gnawing worms lodging betwixt thy heart and
liver. When these things come upon thee, and thy back
bowed down with pain, in that day and hour thou shalt
know to thy grief that prophets of the Lord God we are,
and the God of vengeance is our God.'
' Humphrey Norton.'
' P. S. I have sent thee here enclosed a reply to C.
Winter's deposition ; also I have sent already a true rela
tion of part of thy proceedings towards London, with a
copy of the fines laid on and levied of the people of God,
with a copy of thy late laws.'
To Alden, Norton wrote as follows.
' John Alden, I have weighed thy ways, and thou art
like one fallen from thy first love ; a tenderness once I
did see in thee, and moderation to act like a sober man,
which through evil counsel and self-love thou art drawn
aside from. If there be in thee any expectation of mercy,
do thou follow the example of Timothy Hatherly and
{Withdraw thy body for ever appearing at that beastly
bench, where the law of God is cast behind your backs,
and from whence God hath withdrawn himself until he
have overturned it, and settled such as shall act according
to his law and contrary to the will of man ; also, account
thou must for that wicked act in sending forth thy warrant
to force away other men's goods for keeping the law of
Christ; again, let the cursed purse be cast out of thy
house wherein rs held the goods of other men, lest through

36 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
it a moth enter into thy house, and a mildew upon thy
estate, for in keeping of it, and acting for it thou art no
other than packhorse to Thomas Prence, which if the
council of God thou stand, his present flattery to thee
will be turned into enmity and wrath against thee, and
then would thou see that thou art set in the midst of a
company that's like a hedge of vipers ; the best of them
is not worthy to hew wood in the house of our God. —
Receive my instruction into thy heart as oil, and depart
from amongst them, and thou wilt see that it is better to
live of thine own, like a poor wise man, and at peace with
God and his people, than like a self-conceited fool puffed
up with the pride of his heart, because he hath gotten the
name of a magistrate as some of them is. In love this is
written, to dishearten thee in time before the evil day
overtake thee ; let it be so received from thy friend.
' Humphrey Norton.'
' Consider how corruptly thou dealt concerning the
paper presented to Thomas Prence, and thee, and others.'
'Rhode Island, the 16th, 4th month, 58.'
During the year 1658, several disfranchising laws were
passed against the Quakers. ' No Quaker, Ranter, or
any such corrupt person,' was permitted to be a freeman
of the corporation.
' All such as were opposers of the good and wholesome*
laws of the colony, or manifest opposers of the true wor
ship of God, or such as refuse to do the country service,
being called thereunto ' on conviction, were denied the
privileges of freemen.
Any freemen of the corporation being Quakers, ' or
such as are manifest encouragers of them, and so judged
by the court'; and such as spoke contemptuously of the
court and the laws ; and such as were adjudged by the

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
court grossly scandalous, as lyers, drunkards, swearers,
&c, were to lose the freedom of the corporation.'
All such as refused to take the oath of fidelity, as Qua
kers, and their abettors, were denied a vote in the choice
of public officers, and were restricted from holding offices
of trust.
The court also passed another law with this pregnant
preamble : ' Whereas sundry persons both Quakers and
others, wander up and down in this jurisdiction, and follow
no lawful calling to earn their own bread, and also use all
endeavors to subvert civil state, ahd pull down all churches
and ordinances of God to thrust us out of the ways of God,
notwithstanding all former laws provided for the contrary.'
The court therefore directed that a workhouse or house
of correction should be erected for the restraint of all
such vagabonds ' as wander up and down without any
lawful calling, and also all idle persons, or rebellious
children, or servants that are stubborn and wjll not work
to earn their own bread, and yet have not wherewith
to maintain themselves,' who should be compelled to earn
their subsistence by their work, under the direction of an
overseer appointed by the government.
On the 11th of May, 1659, Lawrence Southwick, Cas
sandra his wife, Samuel Shattock, Nicholas Phelps,
Joshua Baffam, and Josiah Southwick, were sentenced
according to a previous order of court, to banishment, to
depart out of the jurisdiction by the 8th day of June, on
pain of death ; delaying, they were to be imprisoned,
tried, and if found guilty ' of the breach of this law,'
were to be put to death.
Much censure has been thrown on the government of
Plymouth for the severity of these laws, and the cruelty
of the punishments which were inflicted on the Quakers.
Although "persecution and intolerance are odious in them-

37

38 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
selves, yet the task of palliation at least, in this case is
not difficult, although that of justification might not be so
easy. The Quakers who first appeared in the colony of Ply
mouth, were not inhabitants, but came from abroad,
originally from England, and immediately from Barbadoes.
Although they professed the principles of peace and be
nevolence, yet they waged a furious war against a religion
which was much endeared to the people whom they were
endeavoring to proselyte ; for which that people had suf
fered much, and were impressed with a strong conviction
of its truth. Their laws, their government, their forms of
worship, all which they had been taught to venerate, and
accustomed to love, were denounced in no very civil terms
by strangers. Their magistrates and ministers were re
viled in terms of insolent abuse ; it is not surprising
therefore, that they should have attempted to check
(what appeared to them to be) blasphemy and impiety.
Although these new expounders of the scriptures styled
themselves the prophets of God, yet it was not an un
natural or strange belief in that day, that they should
have been regarded as men ' possessed with demons.'
To check their disorders, banishment was deemed the
mildest punishment. Norton was sent beyond the settle
ments, but on the next year he returned in defiance of the
government. It is not unlikely that the deportment of
Governor Prince to Norton was domineering and arrogant,
for he detested schismatics, and hated those who despised
and derided ' human learning.' Yet one far more indulgent
than the governor, in the same station must have been pos
sessed of uncommon self-command, if he could have tolera
ted personal insults, and tamely have suffered himself to have
been called ' a liar,' and ' a malicious man,' whije in the
very exercise of his high authority on the judgment seat,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and presiding in the court. Even in these times under
the system of toleration, and with a mitigated penal code,
'contempt of, court,' is deemed a high offence, and is
punished accordingly. Still it is best that the hand of
power should fall gently on all those who pretend (even
if it be nothing but pretence) to act under the impulse of
religious feeling ; and the Pope of Rome when he dis
missed the Quaker without injury, who even within the
walls of the Vatican denounced him as the man of sin,
and as the Antichrist, acted wisely by choosing to con
sider this effusion of zeal, as an outpouring of insanity,
and intolerant as he was to religious heresy, he could be
charged with no want of indulgence to human infirmity.
The errors of honest and sincere zealots are to be
excused, not punished, unless the order and peace of
society are disturbed to such a degree that the restraint
of the offender becomes an act of necessity.
The temper of the age must also be considered ; stern,
severe, inexorable, and on all subjects connected with
what was considered religious heresy, inflexible and
vindictive ; the feelings of the puritans may be imag
ined, when a fanaticism more phrenzied than their own,
suddenly blazed out amongst them, pertinaciously and in
solently defying the magistrates and the clergy, the power
and the penalties of the law. The fierce spirit of Massachu
setts was goaded to madness; melancholy and disastrous
were the effects. The deeper fanaticism of that colony
could not be assuaged short of human victims, and the peo
ple of Plymouth yielding to the impulse, caught the spirit
of their neighbors, for a moment. — Fortunately in their
phrenzy they did not thirst for blood ; they soon relented,
and the laws respecting the Quakers which were passed
at the session of the court commencing in June, 1659,
were of a milder character. It is true, they author-

39

40 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ized the executive officers to seize all the books and
writings in which the doctrines and creeds of the Qua
kers were contained, for persecution had already done
a part of its work, by turning the attention of the people
to doctrines attractive from novelty at least; and the
court say ' Many persons are greatly corrupted with the
Quakers' doctrines, by reading their books, writings, or
epistles,' which it seems were industriously distributed
throughout the jurisdiction.
As some of the* inhabitants of the colony itself, had
embraced these odious doctrines, the court were unwilling
to visit them with the whole vengeance of the law, and it
was enacted that a proposition should be made to such,
that if they would promise and engage ' to remove their
dwellings out of this government within six months after
this present court, and perform it,' that no fine should be
enacted of them ; and those who from poverty were unable
to remove were to be assisted at the public charge.
The object of the laws now seemed not so much to
punish schismatics, as to prevent schism. For the purpose
of bringing the Quakers to a sense of their mistakes, the
laws were so far relaxed as to permit certain persons to
attend their meetings, ' to endeavor to reduce them from
the error of their ways;' this permission was given to
John Smith of Barnstable, Isaac Robinson, John Chipman,
and John Cooke of Plymouth, ' or any two of them to at
tend the said meetings for the ends aforesaid at any time
betwixt this court (June) and the next October court.'
The government were not aware of the danger. The
fanaticism of a new sect is always an overmatch for that
which has been cooled and tempered by time. Those
who feel the pride of having discovered new truths in
religion, cherish a conviction of their infallibility too
strong to be shaken by the sober arguments of men more

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
dispassionate and less violent ; and where the contest is
between artificial reasoning and excited feeling, the en
thusiasm which attends the last is too powerful for the
mere deductions of logic, or the subtilties of metaphysics.
Strong religious feeling is in. the moral, what the magnet
is in the physical world, it finds corresponding sympathies
and attractions in every heart, and to every heart it can
impart a kindred influence. Of what consequence then,
is all the technical learning of scholastic theology, when
this .powerful agent is exerting its all-.pervading influence,
and verifying the words of the scriptures, ' the race is not
alyvays to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.'
Isaac Robinson,, a son of the Leyden pastor, an ex
cellent and sensible man, who had received the permission
of the court to attend .these* meetings, instead of .convin
cing the Quakers of their errors, became self-convicted,
embraced many of their doctrines, and consequently ren
dered himself so obnoxious, that he was dismissed from
civil employment, and exposed to much censure and some
indignity. The government of Rhode Island discovered on this un
pleasant occasion, far more wisdom, good sense, modera
tion, enlightened philanthropy ; a deeper insight into
the workings of the heart, and a more profound knowledge
of the nature of man than either of the colonial govern
ments of New England.
The commissioners of the united colonies at their an
nual meeting in Boston in September 1657, having been
informed that ' divers Quakers are arrived this summer at
Rhode Island, and entertained there, which may prove
dangerous to the colonies, thought meet to manifest their
minds to the governor there as follows.'
Gent. ' We suppose that you have understood that the
last year a company of Quakers arrived at Boston, upon
PART n. 6 «

41 t

42 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
no other account than to disperse their pernicious opin
ions, had they not been prevented by the prudent care of
that government, who by that experience they had of them,
being sensible of the danger that might befall the christian
religion here professed, by suffering such to be received
• or continued in the country, presented the same unto the
commissioners at their meeting at Plymouth, who upon
that' occasion commended it to the general courts of the
united colonies, that all Quakers, ranters, and such noto
rious heretics might.be prohibited coming among us,. and
that if such arise from amongst ourselves, speedy care
might be taken to remove them (and as we are informed)
the several jurisdictions have made provision according
ly ; but it is by experience found that means will fall short
without further care, by reason of your admission and re
ceiving of such from whence they may have opportunity
to. creep in amongst us, or means to infuse and spread
their accursed tenets to the great trouble of the colonies,
if not to the subversion. of the professed in them.
Notwithstanding any care that hath been hitherto taken
to prevent the same, whereof we cannot but be very sen
sible, and think no care too great to preserve us from such
a pest, the contagion whereof (if received) within your
colony, were dangerous &c. to be diffused to the other
by means of the intercourse, especially to the places of
trade amongst us which we desire may be with safety con
tinued between us. We therefore make it our request,
that you, as the rest of the colonies take such order herein
that your neighbors may be freed from that danger, that
you remove those Quakers that have been received, and
for the future prohibit their coming amongst you, where-
unto the rule of charity to yourselves and us, (we conceive)
doth oblige you, wherein if you should, we hQpe you will
not be wanting ; yet we could not but signify this our de-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 43
sire, and furtherdeclare that we apprehend that it will be
our duty .seriously to consider what further provision God
may caU us to make to prevent the aforesaid mischief, and
for our further "guidance and direction" herein, we desire
you- to- impart your mind and resolution to the general
court of the Massachusetts, which assembleth the four
teenth of October next. We have not further to trouble
you at present, but to assure you we desire to continue
your loving friends and neighbors, the commissioners of
the united colonies. 1 Simon Bradstreet, President.
Daniel Denison,
Thomas Prence,
John Mason,
John Talcott,
Theophilus Eaton,
' Boston September 12, 1657. William Leete.'
Mr Cudworth one of the commissioners from Plymouth
dissented, and refused to affix his signature.
For people making much profession of .christian humil
ity, this communication was sufficiently domineering and
arrogant. Rhode Island was an independent colony, and
not a member of the confederacy, under no obligations of
obedience or loyalty, yet their course was prescribed, un
der a threat. The government of that colony however,
deported themselves with moderation and good temper,
and presented their views in the following temperate an
swer, addressed to the general court of Massachusetts.
Much Honored Gentlemen. — ' Please you to under
stand that there hath come to our view, a letter subscribed
by the honored gentlemen commissioners of the united
colonies, the contents whereof are a request concerning
certain people called Quakers, come among us lately, &c.
' Our desires are, in all things possible to pursue after
and keep fair and loving correspondence and intercourse
with all the colonies, and with all our countrymen in New

44 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
England ; and to that purpose we have endeavored (and
shall still endeavor) to answer the desires and requests
from all parts of the country coming unto us, in all just
and equal returns, to which end the colony have made
seasonable provision to preserve a just and equal inter
course between the colonies and us, by giving justice
to any that demand it among us, and by returning such
as make escapes from you or from other colonies, being
such as fly from the hands of justice, for matters of crime,
done or committed amongst you, &c.
' And as concerning these Quakers (so called) which are
now among us, we have no law among us whereby to pun
ish any for only declaring by words, &c. their minds and
understandings concerning the things and ways of God,
as to salvation and an eternal condition. And we more
over find, that in those places where these people, afore
said in this colony, are most of all suffered to declare
themselves freely and are only opposed by arguments in
discourse, there they least of all desire to come, and we
are informed that they begin to loathe this place, for that
they are not opposed by the civil authority, but with all pa
tience and meekness'are suffered to say over their pretended
revelations and admonitions, nor are they like or able to
gain many here to their way ; surely we find that they de
light to be persecuted by civil power, and when they are
so, they are like to gain more adherents by the conceit of
their patient sufferings, than by consent to their* perni
cious sayings. And yet we conceive that their doctrines
tend to very absolute cutting down and overturning rela
tions and civil government among men, if generally re
ceived. But as to the damage that may in likelihood ac
crue to the neighbor colonies by their being'here enter
tained, we conceive it will not prove, so dangerous (as
else it might) in regard of the course taken by you to
send them away out of the country as they comeamong

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
you. But however, at present, we judge it requisite (and
do intend) to commend the consideration of their extrava
gant outgoings unto the general assembly of our colony in
March next, where we hope there will be such order taken
as may in all honest and conscientious manner, prevent the
bad effects of their doctrines and endeavors, and so in all
courteous and loving respects, and with a desire of all
honest and fair commerce with you and the rest of our
honored and beloved countrymen, we rest,
' Yours in all loving respects to serve you.
' From Providence, at ' Benedict Arnold, President,
the court of trials William Batjlston,
held for the colony, Randall Howlden,
October 13, 1657. Arthur Fenner,
William Field.'
' To the much honored, the General Court sitting at
Boston, for the colony of Massachusetts.' *
The commissioners exasperated by the obstinacy and
pertinacity of the Quakers at their annual meeting at Bos
ton in September, 1658, issued to the several general
courts of the respective colonies the following horrible
recommendation. ' Whereas there, is an accursed and pernicious sect of
heretics lately risen, up injhe world who are commonly'
called Quakers, who take upon them to be immediately
sent of God and infallibly assisted ; who do speak and write
blasphemous things, 'despising government and the order
of God in church and commonwealth, speaking evil of dig
nities, reproaching and reviling magistrates and ministers
of the gospel ; seeking tojurn the people from the faith,
and to g«in proselytes Jn their pernicious ways; and
whereas the several jurisdictions have made divers laws to
prohibit and restrain the aforesaid cursed heretics from
coming amongst them, yet, notwithstanding they are not
deterred thereby, but arrogantly and presumptuously do

45

46 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
press into several of the jurisdictions, and there vent their
perfiicibus and devilish opinions, which being permitted
tends manifestly to the disturbance of our peace; — the
.^withdrawing of the hearts of the people from their subjec
tion to government, and so in issue to cause division and
ruin if not timely prevented. It is therefore propounded
and seriously commended to the several general courts
upon the considerations aforesaid, to make a law, that all
such Quakers formerly convicted and punished as such,
shall (if they return again) be imprisoned forthwith, ban
ished or expelled out of the said jurisdiction under pain
of death; and if afterwards they presume to come again
into that jurisdiction, then, to be put to death as presump
tuously incorrigible, unless they shall plainly and publicly
renounce their cursed opinions ; and for such Quakers as
shall come into any jurisdiction from any foreign parts^
or such as shall arise within the same, after due conviction
that either he or she is of that cursed sect of heretics, they
be banished under pain of severe corporal punishment, and
if they return again, then to be punished accordingly and
banished under pain of death ; and if afterwards they shall
yet presume to come again, then to be put to death as
aforesaid, except they do then and there plainly and pub
licly renounce their said cursed opinions and devilish
tenets. ' These foregoing conclusions were agreed and sub-
scribed by the commissioners, 23d September, 1658.
' John Endicot, President.
. Simon Bradstreet,
Thomas Prence,
John Winthrop, looking at
, the last as a query and not an
act, I subscribe,
John Talcott,
Francis Newman,
William Leete.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. •
Mr Winslow one of the commissioners from Plymouth
refused to subscribe. Mr Cudworth had been displaced
for refusing to sanction this system of persecution in the
preceding year, but Mr Winslow was still continued in his
offices and eventually became the governor of Plymouth.
In that colony there seemed after a few years to be a re
vulsion in',the popular feeling, and Mr Cudworth, Mr
Brown and Isaac Robinson, were restored to favor. The
tragedy at Boston, produced a deep sympathy for the suf
ferers, and when the people. saw the Quakers die for their
faith, they could not resist the belief that they were sin
cere ; but as yet, the public mind was diseased, although
there werei-jidications of returning health.
The court of Plymouth again took the alarm, and in
1660 passed two new laws against the Quakers. By a
former law all persons had been required to give notice to
the several constables of foreign Quakers. All persons
were now authorized to apprehend sucK QuBkers, and to
deliver them to the constables, that they might be carried
before the governor or some magistrate. And to prevent
their speedy passage from place to place, ' to poison the
inhabitants with their cursed tenets.' All persons were
prohibited from supplying them with horses, on pain of
forfeiture, and their own horses were also made liable to
forfeiture. It was also enacted at this court, (June 10th, 1660,)
' that any one that shall bring in any Quaker or ranter by
land or water into this government, viz. by being a guide
to them or any otherwise, shall be fined to the use of the
government the sum of £10 for every such default.'
It was also enacted that if the Quakers ' or such like
vagabonds shall' come into any town of this government,
the marshal of constable shall apprehend him or them,
and upon examination so appearing, he shall whip them

47

4S ' MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
or cause them to be whipped with rods, so it exceed not
fifteen stripes.' After the punishment had been inflicted
they were to depart from the jurisdiction immediately,
being furnished with a passport, for without such protec
tion they would have been liable to the same maltreatment
from every individual who chose to inflict it.
But a provision of this law indicates very clearly that
the Quakers began to be viewed by the people wittTsenti-
ments more favorable and indulgent, and that a feeling of
disgust against the conduct of the magistrates . was very
prevalent. Even the executive officers began to flinch
from their duty, and refused to become even the innocent
instruments of legal cruelty. This provision was in these
words, ' in case any constable of this jurisdiction shall be
unwilling, or cannot procure any to inflict the punishment
aforesaid, that then they shall bring such persons to Ply
mouth to the under marshal, and he shall inflict it.'
It was also enacted that all persons permitting the
Quakers to hold meetings in their houses on conviction,
before the general court, ' should be publicly whipt, or
pay £5.'
The following order of the court discovers that the
Quakers had become numerous, and were not only perse
vering, but rather courted persecution, and were ambitious
of the fame of martyrs, and willing to endure much suf
fering to obtain it.
' Whereas there is a constant monthly meeting together
of the Quakers -from divers places in great numbers,
which is very offensive, and may prove greatly prejudicial
to this government, and inasmuch as the most constant
place for such meetings is at Duxburrow, this court have
desired and appointed Mr Constant Southworth and
William Paybody to repair to such their meetings together
with the marshal or constable of the town, and to use

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 49
their best endeavors by argument and discourse to con
vince or hinder them ; and in case the place of their meet
ing should be changed, the court desires the above-
named or any other meet persons to attend there also.'
During the fierce disputes which, were engendered in
this controversy, Mr Hatherly and Mr Cudworth were
both left out of the magistracy. The bigotry of the times
would not tolerate the most moderate toleration, and the
places of these wise and philanthropic assistants were
supplied at the election in June, 1658, by William Brad
ford, the son of the late governor, and Thomas Hinckley
Of Barnstable, afterwards governor. Their selection at
this time indicates with sufficient precision the temper
and character of their religious opinions.
William Collier, John Alden, Thomas Willett, Josias
Winslow, and Thomas Southworth, the other assistants,
Were reelected.
In that year the deputies from Sandwich and Bridge-
water were reelected, and also Mr Finney from Plymouth,
Mr Paybody from Duxbury, Mr Edmund Hawes from Yar
mouth, Mr Eames from Marshfield, Mr Paine from Reho
both, and Mr Higgins from Eastham.
John Howland and Nathaniel Warren were chosen in
Plymouth, Constant Southworth in Duxbury, Robert Stud-
son and Isaac Chettenden in Scituate, William Parker
and James Walker in Taunton, Thomas Hawes in Yar
mouth, Nathaniel Bacon in Barnstable, Anthony Snow in
Marshfield, Thomas Cooper in Rehoboth, and Josias Cooke
in Eastham.
In 1659, all the assistants were reelected, and were
continued without change to 1665.
Robert Finney and Nathaniel Warren were reelected,
and John Dunham, sen., and' Ephraim Morton were re
elected in Plymouth. The deputies from Duxbury were
part n. "7

50 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
reelected ; Robert Studson was reelected from Scituate,
and Capt. James Cudworth. [The bigotry of the court
would not tolerate even a popular election, and Mr Cud
worth was set aside without ceremony, and refused a seat,
as well as James Skiff elected from Sandwich. John
Vincent was the other member from Sandwich.] James
Walker. was reelected, and Richard Williams elected in
Taunton ; in Yarmouth, Thomas Hawes reelected, An
thony Thatcher elected ; in Barnstable, Nathaniel Bacon
was reelected, and Henry Cobb elected ; in Marshfield,
Anthony Snow was reelected and Josias Winslow elected;
in Rehoboth, Stephen Paine was reelected and William
Sabin elected ; in Eastham, Josias Cooke was reelected,
and John Doane elected ; John Willis was reelected in
Bridgewater. Henry Dunster, the first president of Harvard College,
died this year at Scituate. His successor in the presidency
was Charles Chauncy, the second pastor of Scituate.
President Dunster was a man of learning and of good in
tentions, but violent and intolerant, although a victim
himself to intolerance, (having been dismissed from 'his
office for entertaining anabaptist principles,) his bigotry
was not cured, and his dislike and hatred of the Quakers
was unrelenting and vindictive.
In 1660, the deputies from Duxbury, Marshfield, Bridge-
water and Barnstable, were reelected. Mr Dunham, Mr
Finney, and Ephraim Morton, were reelected, and Ma-
nasseh Kempton elected in Plymouth ; in Scituate,
Robert Studson was reelected and James Torry elect
ed ; in Taunton, James Walker was reelected, and James
Wyat elected ; in Sandwich, Thomas Tupper and Thomas
Burgess were elected ; in Eastham, Richard Higgins and
Nathaniel Mayo were elected ; in Rehoboth, William
Sabin was reelected and Peter Hunt elected.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
A' special court having been called in October, all. the
deputies were reelected excepting Mr Mayo, of Eastham,
whose place was supplied by Josias Cooke.
In 1661, the deputies from Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton,
Yarmouth, Barnstable, and Rehoboth, were reelected ; Mr
Dunham and Ephraim Morton were reelected, and John
Howland and Nathaniel Warren elected in Plymouth ; in
Sandwich, Mr Burgess was reelected and John Vincent
elected ; in Marshfield, Mr Snow was reelected and, An
thony Eames elected; in Eastham, Mr Cooke was reelected
and John Freeman elected ; in Bridgewater, William
Brett was elected.
At the court which assembled in June, a loyal declara
tion was made in favor of King Charles II, who had been
restored to the throne of his ancestors. ' Whereas we are
certainly informed that it hath pleased God to establish our
sovereign lord king Charles the Second in the enjoyment
of his undoubted right to the crowns of England, Scot
land, France, and Ireland, and is so declared and owned
by his good subjects of these kingdoms,
' We, therefore, his majesty's loyal subjects, the inhabit
ants of the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, do hereby de
clare our free and ready concurrence with such other of
his majesty's subjects, and to his said majesty, his heirs,
and successors, we do most humbly and faithfully submit
and oblige ourselves forever. God save the king.'
This humble and loyal declaration was followed by a
mandamus directed to the several governors of New Eng
land, which conveys a severe reproof, virtual but not
literal, on the part of the king, in which Plymouth was
included as well as the others.
Whatever might have been the demerits of king
-Charles, the Quakers have no cause to reprobate his mem
ory. For them he always cherished, the most kindly feel-

51

52 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ings, and his power was often exerted for their relief. He
could overlook and neglect many of his own most faithful
adherents, but his patronage of William Penn was not
only generous but magnificent.
The mandamus was directed, ' to our trusty and well
beloved John Endicot, Esq. and to all and every other
the governor or governors of our plantations of New-
England, and of all the colonies thereunto belonging,
that now are, or hereafter shall be, and to all and every
the ministers and officers of our said plantations and
colonies whatsoever, within the continent of New England,'
'and was in these words : —
' Charles R.
' Trusty and well beloved, — We greet you well. Hav
ing been informed that several of our subjects amongst
you called Quakers, have been, and are imprisoned by you,
whereof some of them have been executed, and others,
(as hath been represented unto us,) are in danger to un
dergo the like ; we have thought fit to signify our pleasure'
in that behalf, for the future ; and do hereby require that
if there be any of those people called Quakers amongst
you now already condemned to suffer death, or other cor
poral punishment, or that are imprisoned, and obnoxious
to the like condemnation, you are to forbear to proceed
any farther therein ; but that you forthwith send the said
persons (whether condemned or imprisoned,) over to this
our kingdom of England, together with the respective
crimes or offences laid to their charge, to the end that
such course may be taken with them here, as shall be
agreeable to our laws, and their demerits ; and for so
doing, these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant
and discharge. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 9th
day of September, 1661, in the thirteenth year of our
reign. By his majesty's command,
' William Morris.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 53
The royal interference probably mitigated the proceed
ings against the Quakers. In Plymouth the most obnox
ious laws were repealed, and there appears no trace of
any subsequent persecution. Public prejudice for some
time prevailed so much, as to continue the exclusion of
those from the public councils who had been so bold as
to encounter it ; but on the accession of Governor Josias
Winslow, they were restored to the public honors, and
continued long to receive the strongest proofs of public
confidence. t
So terminated in Plymouth colony the persecution of
the Quakers, who, when unmolested by penal laws, became
the most peaceful, industrious, and moral, of all the re
ligious sects.*
The colony during this year sold for £400 sterling their Kenne-
lands on Kennebeck river to Antipas Boyes, Edward sgTdkl!Ulds
Tyng, Thomas Brattle, and John Winslow, and they
originated the celebrated Plymouth company. In subse
quent times this grant from being ill defined in its terms,
was the occasion of much difficulty, which almost termi
nated in a serious rebellion.
Mr John Brown who had -frequently been an assistant j662
in the government, having been elected in 1636, and con- Death of '
tinued by successive elections to 1656, died this year at Brown
his residence in Rehoboth, (afterwards Swansey.) While
travelling in Holland he had formed a strong attachment
to Robinson and the Leyden church, and after their emi-
* Mr William Paddy, who had been a distinguished person in the colony,
whose name stood at the head of the first list of deputies from the town of
Plymouth chosen in 1639, and who was also a deacon of the church, a man of
courteous manners and great wealth, died at Boston in 1653, to which place he
had removed jn 1651.
Ralph Partridge, the learned and excellent minister of Duxbury, also died
at a mature age in the same year.

54 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
gration to America he resolved to join them. He settled
at Taunton, and was an early proprietor of that ancient
town. He afterwards removed to that part of Swan-
sey called Wannamoiset, near Rehoboth, and within its
jurisdiction, of which he was an early proprietor. He
was a man of great piety, highly esteemed in the colony,
and being so near the Indians, by whom he was greatly
regarded, his death was a serious loss.* He had also been
a commissioner of the United Colonies from 1644 to 1655.
The deputies of this year from Plymouth were John
Dunham, Ephraim Morton, Robert Finney and John Mor
ton ; Duxbury, Constant Southworth, William Paybody;
Scituate, James Torrey, Robert Studson ; Sandwich,
Thomas Burgess, William Bassett ; Taunton, James Wyat,
James Walker ; Barnstable, Henry Cobb, Nathaniel
Bacon; Yarmouth, Thomas Hawes, Richard Sears; East
ham, John Freeman, Josias Cooke ; Marshfield, Peregrine'
White, Mark Eames ; Rehoboth, Peter Hunt, Henry
Smith ; Bridgewater, William Brett.
- 1663 Samuel Newman the learned minister of Rehoboth, died
at his residence at Seekonk.
The deputies from Duxbury, Eastham, and Bridgewater,
were reelected. In Plymouth, Mr Finney and Ephraim
Morton were reelected, and John Howland and Nathaniel
Warren elected ; Mr Torrey was reelected in Scituate,
and Isaac Buck elected ; in Taunton, Mr Wyat and Mr
Walker were both elected, but Mr Walker was set aside, ,
as was Peregrine White in Marshfield ; Mr Eames was
* Dorothy, wife of the first John Brown, died in 1674. His eldest son John
Brown, died before him in the same year. His other son James Brown, was
afterwards in the magistracy. His grandson, John Brown, became useful and
eminent. In 1685, he was one of the first associate justices of the Common
Pleas in the county of Bristol. In 1699, during the administration of Lord
Bellamont, under a new arrangement of that court he was again appointed to
that office with John Saffin, Thomas Leonard, and Nicholas Peck.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 55
reelected ; Mr Bacon was reelected in Barnstable, and
John Chipman was elected ; in Rehoboth, Mr Hunt was
reelected, and Stephen Paine elected ; in Sandwich,
Thomas Tupper and James Skiff, and in Yarmouth, An
thony Thacher and Yelverton Crow were elected.
The deputies from Scituate, Barnstable, Rehoboth, and 1664
Eastham, were reelected. The deputies from Plymouth
were reelected, excepting Mr Howland, who was replaced ,
by John Dunham. Mr Southworth was reelected alone
from Duxbury, and Mr Brett was reelected, and John
Willis elected from Bridgewater ; Mr Skiff was reelected
in Sandwich with Richard Bourne ; Mr Eames was re
elected, . and Anthony Snow elected in Marshfield; in
Taunton, William Harvey and Richard Williams were
elected, and in Yarmouth, Edward Sturges and James
Matthewes. Colonel Richard Nicholls, Sir Robert Carr, George
Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., royal com
missioners, arrived at Boston. They were designated to
receive the surrender of New Amsterdam, (now New
York) from the Dutch, of which province Nicholls was
appointed the first English governor.- They were also
empowered to settle and define the boundaries between
the different provinces, particularly between Plymouth
and Rhode Island, as much dispute had arisen.
King Charles II., eaused the following letter to be ad
dressed to the government of New Plymouth.
'To our trusty and well beloved, our governor and
council of New Plymouth, greeting. — Charles Rex.
' Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well ; we need
not enlarge upon our care of, and affection to that oiir
plantation of New Plymouth, when we give you such a
testimony and manifestation of it, in the sending of those
.gentlemen, persons well known unto us, and deserving

56 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
from us, our trusty and well beloved Colonel Richard
Nicholls, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright,
Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., our commissioners to
visit you, and others our plantations in those parts of New
England, and to give us a full and particular information
and account of your present state and condition, and how
the same may be advanced and improved by any further
acts of grace and favor from us toward you ; and that both
you and all the world may know and take notice, that we
take you into our immediate protection, and will no more
suffer you to be oppressed or injured by any foreign pow
er, or ill neighbors, than we would suffer our other sub
jects that live upon the same continent with us, to be so
injured and oppressed. And/ as our care and protection
will we doubt not, be sufficient with God's blessing to
defend you from foreign force, so our care and circum
spection is, no less, that you may live in peace amongst
yourselves, and with those our other subjects who have
planted themselves in your neighbor colonies, with that
justice, affection, and brotherly love, which becomes sub
jects born under the same prince, and in the same country,
and of the same faith and hope in the mercies of our
Lord Jesus Christ. And to the end there may be no con
tentions and differences between you, in respect of the
bounds and jurisdiction of your several .colonies ; the
hearing and determining whereof, we have referred to our
commissioners, as the right appears by clear evidence and
testimony before them, or that they can settle it by your
mutual consent and agreement ; otherwise, in cases of
difficulty, they shall present the same to us, who will de
termine according to our own wisdom and justice. The
address you formerly made to us, gave us so good satis
faction of your duty, loyalty, and affection to us, that we
have not the least doubt that you will receive those com-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 57
missioners in such manner as becomes you, and as may
manifest your respect and affection towards us, from
whom they are sent. They will let you know the resolu
tion we have to preserve all your liberties and privileges,
both ecclesiastical and civil, without the least violation ;
which we presume will dispose you to manifest by all ways
in your power, loyalty and affection to us, that all the
world may know that you do look upon yourselves as
being as much our subjects, and living under the same
obedience under us, as if you continued in your natural
country. And so we bid you farewell.
'Given at our court, at Whitehall, April 23d, 1664,-in
the sixteenth year of our reign-
' By his Majesty's special command,
' Henry Bennet.'
' The commissioners were empowered to visit the seve
ral colonies of New England, -to hear and determine
complaints and appeals, in matters civil, military, and
criminal ; and to provide for the peace and security of the
country, according to their good and sound discretion,
and to such instructions as they shouid receive from the
king.' After they had received the submission of New Am
sterdam, (now New York) on the 27th of August, and of
Fort Orange, (now Albany) on the 24th of September, the
forts in both places having been surrendered by Governor
Stuyvesant, they proceeded to execute their wide' com
mission in the colonies ; and executed it in such a manner
that the ire of ' the Massachusetts' was excited, and they
not only contended for their chartered rights manfully and
patriotically, but with too little deference to the commis
sioners to whom the royal authority had been delegated ;
in short, they were pugnacious, and they were maligned
and perhaps misrepresented, by two of the commissioners,
, part 11. '8

58 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Cartwright and Maverick, who cherished a bitter dislike to
them. Plymouth received more favor. The commission
ers say in the report which they made to the king of their
proceedings, that but 'one plaint' was made to them at
Plymouth, ' the governor would not let a man enjoy a
farm of four miles square, which he had bought of an
Indian.' That within this colony no complaint should
have been preferred except one against the governor for
exercising his power to prevent a great abuse is almost
incredible, and discovers a confidence in the local
government of this little jurisdiction, which has never
been yielded to any government before or since, and
clearly indicates the high moral culture and pure dis
interestedness of all the inhabitants, who had not yet
began to deteriorate from that high and virtuous character
for which the founders of the colony were so much dis
tinguished. So favorable was the impression which was made on
the royal mind by this report, that some time after,
namely, in 1666, the king addressed the following letter to
the colony.
'Charles R.
'Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Having
received so full and satisfactory account from our com
missioners, both of the good reception you have given
them, and also of your dutifulness and obedience to us,
we cannot but let you know how much we are pleased
therewith ; judging that respect of yours towards our offi
cers, to be true and natural fruit, which demonstrates what
fidelity and affection towards us is rooted in your hearts.
And although your carriage of itself most justly deserve
our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with
more lustre, by the contrary deportment of the colony of
Massachusetts, as if, by their refractoriness they had de-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
signed to recommend and heighten the merit of your com
pliance with our directions, for the peaceable and good
government of our subjects in those parts. You may
therefore assure yourselves, that We shall never be un
mindful of this your loyal and dutiful behavior, but shall
upon all occasions take notice of it to your advantage ;
promising you our constant protection and royal favor, in
all things that may concern your safety, peace, and wel
fare. And so we bid you farewell.
' Given at our court at Whitehall, the 10th day of April,
1666, in the eighteenth year of our reign.
' By his Majesty's command,
' William Morris.'
Such was the kindly intercourse between the ' merry
monarch' and his loving subjects of New Plymouth.
Addresses on one side filled with professions of loyalty
and submission, on the other, letters filled with promises of
protection and favor. The loyalty of the colonists would
never have led them to endure martyrdom to sustain the
crown, and the protection which was promised was never
received ; the colonists wisely relied on themselves ; and
their humble interest at court was never sufficient to
obtain the only favor they sought, a royal charter. Des
titute of a charter, they were left a prey in a succeeding
reign to the ambition of Massachusetts, under whose
dominion their identity was lost, and that independence
which by their own arms they had won, and sustained by
their prowess, was taken from them without ceremony,
reluctant as they were to yield it. However it would be
as idle now to complain of this, as it would be in an in
habitant of the ancient colony of New Haven to complain
of its junction with Connecticut, and perhaps the only
legitimate caUse of regret is, that the same charter which
placed Plymouth under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.

59

60 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
had not included Connecticut and Rhode Island. The
commissioners in their report represent the colony as con
taining twelve small towns, one saw mill for boards, one
bloomery for iron, neither good river nor good harbor, nor
any place of strength.'
1665. A single change was made this year in the magistracy,
which was by electing James Brown of Swansey, the son
of the late assistant John Brown, in the place of Thomas
Willet of Swansey. Thomas Clark, and John Pynchon
had been deputed by the General Court of Massachusetts
to attend the royal commissioners in their expedition to
New York ; Governor Winthrop and several other magis
trates and gentlemen went from Connecticut, and Captain
Thomas Willet from Plymouth, and ' greatly recommended
himself to the commissioners by his activity and intelli
gence ;' Colonel Nichols (says Judge Davis in a note to
the memorial) in a letter to Governor Prince written from
New York, the spring after the reduction of the Dutch
settlements, requests that Captain Willet may have such
dispensation from his official engagements in Plymouth
colony, as to be at liberty to assist in the modelling and
reducing the affairs, in those settlements, into good Eng
lish. He remarks that Mr Willet was more acquainted
with the manners and customs of the Dutch, than any
gentleman in the country, and that his conversation was
very acceptable to them.'
Willet was one of the last of the Leyden company, and
arrived at Plymouth about the year 1630. He was then a
very young man, and probably almost all his life had been
spent amongst the Dutch, which circumstance -gave him
his peculiar knowledge of their habits, usages, and the use
of their language, and made him 'so acceptable' to them.
After the English government was established, he was
elected the first mayor of the city of New York, and

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. - gi
probably continued to reside there. He did not dispose
of his plantation in Swansey until many years after, and
in the subsequent Indian war he still owned it ; it was the
scene of the tragical death of his son Hezekiah Willet
which will be related hereafter. The absence of Mr
Willet induced the colonists to supply the vacancy in the,
bench of assistants with Mr Brown.
The deputies from Scituate, Taunton, Sandwich, Barn
stable, Marshfield, and Rehoboth, were reelected. Ply
mouth was restricted to two, and reelected Nathaniel
Warren and Ephraim Morton ; Duxbury reelected Mr
Southworth and elected Josias Standish ; Yarmouth
elected Anthony Thacher and Edmund Hawes ; John Free
man was reelected and Richard Higgins elected in East
ham ; Bridgewater sent Mr Brett alone, and Dartmouth
for the first time was represented by John Russell.
At the general court of magistrates and deputies assem
bled at Plymouth in October, Governor Prence having
resided at Eastham, and it being so distant, ' the country
saw reason to desire and request his removal into the town
of Plymouth, for the more convenient administration of
justice, and that by God's providence he is now removed
to his great inconvenience and detriment.' The court
therefore ordered that his salary should be £50 per annum.
And as he resided in a place which had been purchased
by the colony ' for that end,' it was further ordered in
case of his decease, his family should be permitted to
remain in the place for a year ; or if he should not be
reelected, he should be at liberty to remain in the govern
ment house a year.
With respect to the assistants, it was enacted that the
old magistrates should be allowed £10 per annum, and
that 'the charge of their table, should be defrayed ;' and
that those who were newly elected should be allowed the

62 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
charge of their table only. It would seem that heretofore
the assistants had been allowed no salary.
In July, 1667, £50 annual salary was allowed to all the
assistants, and the charge of their table.
It was also enacted that such as were chosen to this
office and should refuse to serve, should be fined £5 for
the use of the colony.
The royal commissioners having made a special request
to the court that a grant of land might be made to Pere
grine White, ' in respect that he was the first of the Eng
lish born in these parts,' the court granted him two
hundred acres in Bridgewater adjoining Massachusetts.
The court recalled the commissions which they had
granted the year before for the purchase of lands for the
country, and declared them ' of no effect as to future im
provement ;' and in the next year they ordered ' that from
henceforth no more lands be granted to persons without
particular townships for the term of seven years ; ' and
further ordered that the boundaries between the lands of
the English should be ascertained and determined by
mutual agreement.
John Freeman was elected an assistant in the place of
Mr Collier, and John Alden was the first assistant or dep
uty governor. The other assistants were reelected. Barn
stable reelected the deputies of the preceding year. In
Plymouth, Ephraim Morton was reelected, and John How
land elected deputies ; in Duxborough Mr Southworth was
reelected with Christopher Wadsworth ; Robert Studson
and Isaac Chettenden, were elected in Scituate ; Mr Skiff
was reelected, and Richard Bourne elected, in Sandwich ; in
Taunton William Harvey was reelected, and James Walker
elected ; in Yarmouth, Edward Sturges and Yelverton
Crow were elected ; in Marshfield, Mr Eames was reelect
ed and John Bourne elected ; in Rehoboth, Stephen Paine

1666.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 53
was reelected, and James Brown elected ; John Free
man was reelected, and Josias Cooke elected in Eastham ;
John Willis was elected in Bridgewater, -and John Cooke
in Dartmouth.
.Timothy Hatherly the fou.nder of Scituate, died there Death of
this year. Mr Hatherly was an eminent English merchant,' eriy.
and had been one of the most zealous of the adventurers
in forwarding the colony. He came over in the Anne, in
1623, but disliking the country and suffering some loss
from fire he returned to England. He however became
interested in a large tract of land at Scituate, to which
place-he sent his agent and several servants, and came
over again in 1632, and settled at Scituate of which place
he may be considered the founder. He was elected an
assistant in 1636, and was continued in that office by suc
cessive elections until 1658, when the people under the
Influence of infatuated bigotry left him out of the govern
ment, as his principles were tolerant. In 1639 he was the
treasurer of the colony and was sometimes a commissioner
of the United Colonies. Mr Hatherly was' a gentleman
of great integrity, intelligence and piety, and extremely
useful in all the transactions of the colony. His estate
was large, and his means of doing good ample.*
Nathaniel Bacon was elected an assistant in the place i667
of James Brown. No other change was made in the
magistracy. Mr Brown was opposed to the adoption of
rigorous measures against the Quakers, cherishing prin
ciples similar to his father's, and the popular indignation
which had not spared his father or Mr Hatherly, Mr Cud
worth and Mr Collier, now reached him.
The deputies from Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, Taun
ton, Yarmouth, Marshfield, Bridgewater, and Dartmouth,
were reelected. In Sandwich, Richard Bourne was re-
w He married the widow of Nathaniel Tilden, but left no children.

64 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. '
elected, and Thomas Tupper elected ; in Barnstable,
Joseph Lathrop was elected ; in Rehoboth, Peter Hunt
and Henry Smith ; and in Eastham, Daniel Cole was
elected.
1668. The assistants were all reelected, as well as the depu
ties from Scituate, Sandwich, Taunton, Rehoboth, Bridge-
water, and Dartmouth. In Plymouth, Ephraim Morton
was reelected and Samuel Dunham elected ; in Duxbury,
Mr Southworth was reelected and Josias Standish elected;
in Yarmouth, Thomas Hawes and John Thacher were
elected ; Mr Joseph Lathrop was reelected and John
Chipman elected in Barnstable ; Mr Eames was reelected
in Marshfield, and Anthony Snow elected ; Mr Daniel
Cole was reelected in Eastham and Jonathan Sparrow
was elected ; Swansey for the first time was represented
by John Allin.
The colonists had been much annoyed and interrupted
in their fishing by the fishermen of Massachusetts. The
General Court at their session, June, 1668, ordered ' that
something be directed from the Court to the Court of
Massachusetts, to request them to take some effectual
care for the restraint of this abuse, as much as may be.'
All persons were now forbidden, whether inhabitants
of the colony or not, even if they had received liberty
from the court, to purchase lands of the Indians, ' and in
case any should so possess themselves without the appro
bation and leave of, the Court, and no fine could be ob
tained, the land so purchased should be seized for the
country's use,' and that none upon any pretence whatso
ever should be suffered to buy or receive in any yvay from
the Indians any of those lands that appertain unto Mount
Hope or Sawsumsit neck, or any other such necks or tracts
of lands as where is a body of Indians upon, and the
Court shall judge they cannot live without.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 65
The assistants were all reelected. In Plymouth, 1669.
Ephraim Morton and Robert Finney were elected depu
ties ; in Duxbury, Constant Southworth ; in Scituate,
Robert Studson and Isaac Chettenden ; in Taunton,
William Harvey, James W'alker ; in Sandwich, Edward
Freeman, jr. ; in Barnstable, John Chipman, Thomas Hus-
kins; in Yarmouth, Thomas Hawes, John Thacher; in
Marshfield, Mark Eames, Anthony Snow ; in Eastham,
Daniel Cole, Jonathan Sparrow; in Rehoboth, Philip
Walker, Nicholas Peck ; in Bridgewater, John Willis ; in
Dartmouth, John Russell ; in Swansey, James Brown.
On the 8th of December died Capt. Thomas South- Death of
worth, one of the assistants, at the age of fiftythree. He Souih-
attracted the attention and respect of the people very
early, and was selected to succeed Mr Brewster in his
office of ruling elder, but Governor Bradford deeming him
to be well adapted to civil office, the design was aban
doned, and Mr Cushman was elected. Mr Southworth
was elected an assistant in 1652, and continued in the
government with but few interruptions until his death.
He was one of the commissioners of the United Colonies
in 1659, and three years after; again in 1664. In 1654,
he was appointed governor of the colony's territory on
the Kennebeck river in Maine. He was a man eminent
for the soundness of his mind and the piety of his heart.*
The court voted that the confederation with two colo
nies, viz. Massachusetts and Connecticut, ' should stand
and remain as it formerly did with them,' when New
Haven was included.
* This gentleman was the stepson of Governor Bradford, being the son of
the celebrated Alice Southworth, his second wife. His wife was his cousin
Elizabeth Reyner, a daughter of the Rev. John Reyner, the minister of Ply
mouth. His only child, Elizabeth, married Joseph Howland, a son of John
Howland, one of the pilgrims of the May Flower.
PART II. 9

66 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
1670. Constant Southworth was elected an assistant to supply
the place of his deceased brother. The other assistants
were reelected, as well as the deputies from Scituate,
Taunton, Yarmouth, Marshfield, Eastham, Bridgowater,
and Swansey ; in Plymouth, Ephraim Morton was re
elected and John Howland elected ; Thomas Huskins was
reelected in Barnstable, and William Crocker was elected;
Duxbury elected William Paybody ; Sandwich Richard
Bourne; Rehoboth Stephen Paine and William Sabin;
and Middleborough was represented for the first time by
John Morton.
1671. The assistants were all reelected. The deputies from
Scituate, Barnstable, Marshfield, Rehoboth, and Bridge-
water, were reelected ; Mr Ephraim Morton was reelected
and Mr Robert Finney elected from Plymouth ; William
Paybody was reelected and Josias Standish elected from
Duxbury ; Mr Harvey was reelected, and William Weth-
erell elected from Taunton ; Mr Thacher was reelected
and John Miller elected from Yarmouth ; Edward Free
man, jr. was elected in Sandwich ; Josias Cooke and
Thomas Paine in Eastham; John Russell in Dartmouth;
and James Brown in Swansey.
1672 John Howland, one of the pilgrims of the May Flower,
John01 °f wno belonged to Governor Carver's family died this year,
Howland. February 22, at the age of eighty. Mr Howland was an
assistant in the government as early as 1633, and several'
years after.*
War was apprehended with the Dutch. 'The court
having reason upon intelligence received, to fear trouble
from the States General of the United Belgic Provinces,
or others, before the revolution of a year,' issued an order
* He left several daughters and four sons, viz. John, who settled at Barn
stable ; Joseph at Plymouth ; Isaac at Middleborough ; and Jabez, after the
conquest of Mount Hope, at Bristol.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 67
to each of the military officers to examine the arms and
ammunition, and the ' town stock,' and to 'gather' the
military fines, ' and in case of sudden assault they were
to be guided by the orders -of the council of war, which
sat at Plymouth, April 2, 1667, until more particular or
ders were received from the governor, major, or council
of war.
. The assistants were all reelected, and the deputies from
Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, Bridgewater, Dartmouth,
and Swansey ; Mr Harvey was reelected and George Macy
elected in Taunton ; Mr Huskins was reelected and John
Thompson elected in Barnstable ; Mr Eames was reelected
and Nathaniel Thomas elected in Marshfield ; Mr Thomas
Paine was reelected in Eastham, 'and Daniel Cole elected ;
Thomas Tupper was elected in Sandwich ; Thomas Hawes
and Edward Sturges in Yarmouth; Peter Hunt and
Daniel Smith in Rehoboth, and John Morton in Middle
borough. The court sat in September and issued the following 1673-
declaration : ' the court having considered this information ,
concerning the Dutch actings at New York and places
adjacent, do judge it our duty incumbent on us, to take
care in the best way we can for the preservation of his
majesty's interest and our own in the colonies, but duly
considering all circumstances attending that affair, do not
as yet see satisfactory grounds to attempt a war upon
them, without express command from his majesty, or the
necessary defence or preservation of the colonies from
their invasion or injuries done to any of the members
thereof, in which case happening, this court ordereth that
the governor or deputy governor having, intelligence
thereof, do summon the General Court to confer about it,
and meanwhile do adjourn till such cause of appearance.'
' And for the speedy relief of any of our confederates

Governor
Prence.

68 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
that may be assaulted by the enemy, it is ordered that
the governor and council of war be empowered and be
trusted to manage that affair according to the articles of
confederation in such case provided.'
' It was also ordered for the relief of such towns as
should be in distress from the assault of an enemy, that
the chief military officer or officers in the next towns,
with the advice of their council or so many of them as
might be had, should have power to send forth such a
number of soldiers with a commander, as by them shall
be judged necessary for the present relief of the distressed
and to press horses for their better expedition if they see
cause.'
Death of This year was made memorable by the death of Gover
nor Prence. This distinguished gentleman was probably
a native of Lechdale, in the county of Gloucester, Eng
land, at which place his father and grandfather both "re
sided. He was born about the year 1600, and was one of
the Leyden company. He arrived at Plymouth in the
Fortune in 1621. He was soon chosen one of the assist
ants, and was extremely active in all the concerns of the
colony, both civil and military. In 1634 he was chosen
governor, and in 1635, he removed to Duxbury. In 163S,
with much reluctance he again accepted the office of
governor, on condition that he should be permitted to
reside at Duxbury. If he did not originate, he was the
most zealous advocate of the project for removing the
seat of government to Eastham in 1643. He went there
himself, and he may be considered as the founder of that
ancient town, the common mother of all the towns on
Cape Cod below the ancient Yarmouth.
From 1657, he remained governor until his death, hav-'
ing been elected to that office at sixteen annual and suc
cessive elections. The laws required that the governor

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 69
should reside at Plymouth, but this provision was dispensed
with to favor him. In 1665 he removed to Plymouth and
resided there until his death, at a house which had been
built expressly for the accommodation of the governor for
the time being.
Governor Prence was not altogether happy in his admin
istration of the government. The severe proceedings
against the Quakers were favored by him, and the dispo
sition which he displayed in religious affairs was intole
rant and overbearing, and it certainly was unjust to pro
cure the removal of Mr Hatherly, Mr Cudworth, and Mr
Brown from the government, merely because they were
in advance of the age. What was then condemned as
criminal weakness, would now be lauded as enlightened
wisdom. Nevertheless, the fault of Governor Prence was
the common fault of the age, and rather indicates a feel
ing common to all, than any peculiar severity and intole
rance in him as an individual.
He was unfortunate in. other affairs. The first serious
disputes with the Indians commenced during his admin
istration. He was annoyed too by the investigations of
the royal commissioners,, although they found, but little to
condemn in Plymouth.
His administration is rendered illustrious from his zealous
and incessant efforts to introduce a regular system of
school education, and although they were unsuccessful,
except in establishing a school at Plymouth, which was
supported by the profits of the fishery at Cape Cod, yet
previous to his death that system fraught with such incal
culable benefits to posterity was commenced through his
agency,* and was afterwards sustained at the public, ex-
* Judge Davis in his account of Governor Prence, speaks of his having se
cured public support for schools at Taunlon and Reheboih. No trace of this
can be-found in the records, and only a law which appropriated the profits of
the Cape fishery tor that purpose, and that only for the school at Plymouth.

70 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLON*".
pense. His exertions to establish this system were the
more meritorious, inasmuch as he had not like his prede
cessors, Bradford and Winslow, pretensions to literature
himself. He was also zealously engaged in securing a regular
and certain support for the ministers of the gospel. His
strong attachment to literature sharpened his dislike to
those sectarians who professed to disdain all human
learning. His whole attention was given to public affairs,
in which he was industrious, patient, and enterprising.
His personal appearance was noble, and his deportment
dignified and commanding ; so much so, that it is even
noticed in the records of the church. ' He had, (says
the record,) a countenance full of majesty.'*
He died on the 8th of April, 1673. At the ensuing
court in June, Josias Winslow, the eldest son of the late'
governor Edward Winslow, was elected as the successor
of Governor Prence. John Alden still remained the first
assistant. The other assistants chosen at the annual
election were- William Bradford, Thomas Hinckley, John
* Governor Prence had but one son. His name was Thomas. He went to
England young, married there, and soon after died, leaving an only daughter,
whose name was Susanna. The governor was anxious that she should come
to America, but this was prevented by the fondness of her mother. His eldest
daughter Rebecca, was married to Edmund Freeman, jr. of Sandwich. These
were the children of Patience Brewster, a daughter of the venerable William
Brewster, to whom Governor Prence was married in 1624. By his second
wife, Mary, who was the daughter of William Collier, one of the assistants,
formerly a London merchant, and to whom he was married in 1635, he was
the father of seven daughters, viz. Mary, married to  Tracy of Duxbury,
Elizabeth, to Arthur Howland of Duxbury ; Judith to Isaac Barker of Dux
bury; Hannah to Nathaniel Mayo of Eastham ; Jane to Mark Snow of East
ham ; Sarah to Jeremiah Howes of Yarmouth ; Mercy to John Freeman of
Eastham. This notice of Governor Prence has been condensed from the more copious
sketch of Judge Davis in his edition of the New England Memorial.

MEMOIR OF -PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Freeman, Nathaniel Bacon, Constant Southworth, James
Brown. The deputies from Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, Sand
wich, and Bridgewater, were reelected; Mr Morton was
reelected in Plymouth, and M. S. Crow ; Mr Hawes in
Yarmouth, and John Thacher; Mr Thompson in Barn
stable, and Joseph-Lathrop ; Mr Eames in Marshfield, and
Anthony Snow'; Mr Hunt in Rehoboth, and Anthony
Perry; Mr Paine in Eastham, and Jonathan Sparrow;
John Cooke in Dartmouth ; .Hugh Cole was elected in
Swansey in the place of James Brown chosen an assist
ant ; John Morton was reelected in Middleborough.
On a new summons for a court to be holden in Septem-v
ber, 1673, the 'deputies from Duxbury, Scituate, Taun
ton, Yarmouth, Bridgewater, and Dartmouth, were re-
chosen ; in Plymouth, Sergeant William Harlow in the
place of Mr Crow; in Sandwich, Edmund Freeman, jr.
and William Swift ; in Marshfield, Lieutenant Peregrine
White arid Anthony Snow ; Rehoboth, Lieutenant Peter
Hunt and Ensign Henry Smith ; in Eastham, Jonathan
Sparrow and Daniel Cole; in Swansey, Nathaniel Peck;
in Middleboreugh, Jonathan Dunham.
By the active friendship and powerful influence of gov- 1674.
ernor Winslow, James Cudworth was restored to the
magistracy, from which he had been excluded on account
of his tolerating principles. Mr Cudworth supplied the
place at the board of assistants of Nathaniel Bacon.
The deputies from Duxbury, Scituate, Sandwich, Bridge-
water, and Dartmouth, were rechosen. In Plymouth,
Ephraim Morton was reelected, and William Clarke was
elected.' In Taunton, Mr Macy was reelected and John
Tisdill was elected ; in Yarmouth, John Thacher was re
elected, and Edmund Hawes was elected ; in Barnstable,
Thomas Huskins and William Crocker were elected ; in

71

72 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Marshfield, Anthony Snow was reelected, and Mark Estmes"
elected ; in Rehoboth, Ensign Henry Smith was reelected,
and Daniel Smith elected ; in Eastham, Mr Sparrow was
reelected and Jonathan Bangs elected ; Hugh Cole was
elected in Swansey, and John Thompson in Middlebo
rough.
June. The court having ordered Mannamoiett, Paomet, and
Satucket to be included in the town of Eastham ;¦ it was
further ordered ' that all other places in like capacity
should belong unto particular townships, as the court
should see meete.'
1675. Governor Winslow was reelected governor, and John
Alden first assistant ; the other assistants were William
Bradford, Thomas Hinckley, John Freeman, Constant
Southworth, James Brown, and James Cudworth.- The
deputies from Plymouth were Lieutenant Ephraim Mor
ton, Sergeant William Harlow; Duxbury, William Pay-
body, Josias Standish ; Scituate, John Damon, Jeremiah
Hatch ; Taunton, Lieutenant George Macy, William Har
vey ; Sandwich, Thomas Tupper; Barnstable, Thomas
Huskins, Barnabas Lathrop; Yarmouth, Edmund Hawes,
Capt. Thomas Hawes,; Marshfield, Ensign- Mark Eames,
Anthony Snow ; Eastham, Jonathan Sparrow, Mark Snow ;
Rehoboth, Ensign Henry Smith, Daniel Smith'; Bridge-
water, John Willis; Swansey, Hugh Cole; Dartmouth,
John Cooke ; Middleborough, John Thompson.-
June. A departure was made at this court from the plain and
simple habits of the early pilgrims. Four halberts were
ordered to attend the governor and assistants on election
days, and two during the continuance of the court.
The court ordered Mr Constant Southworth and William
Paybody, ' with such persons as should be designated by
the towns, to ascertain their several boundaries, and to
place monuments on the boundary lines.'

73

CHAPTER II.
ABSTRACT OF THE LAWS OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH
FROM 1641 TO JUNE, 1675.
In September, 1658, the General Court for the first time
ordered the laws which before had been unpublished to
be revised and published. This order was executed by
the secretary, who prepared a number of books in manu
script equal to the number of the towns, and in this mode
were they published without printing ; as new laws were
made, they were added to those already in the book.
The laws were revised first in 1636, then in 1658, as
abovementioned. In 1671, the governor, the major, Mr
Hinckley, and Mr Walley, were chosen a committee to
peruse the laws, and gather up from them or any other
they can get, and compose therefrom a body of laws which
they were required to present at the next court ; this was
done, and in 1671, there was a third revision. In 1672,
they were for the first time printed, with this title : 'The
Book of the General Laws of the Inhabitants of the Juris
diction of New Plymouth ;'* and in June, 1673, the court
* The laws were printed by Samuel Green of Cambridge. It is worthy of
- note that not 5. single copy of the printed laws is now extant ; and Governor
Hutchinson the historian of Massachusetts, careful and accurate as he was
generally, was induced to believe that the government of Plymouth ' never
established any distinct code or body of laws.'
In the office of the town clerk of Taunton, there is a manuscript volume of
PART II. 10

74 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ordered that nothing shall stand in force in our written
book of laws but what the printed laws refer unto; and
in September, 1673, the governor, and Mr Thomas Hinck
ley, and the treasurer, were ordered to review and collect
into one such laws and orders in the written book as were
of use.
The edition in manuscript which was ordered by the
court in 1653, was prefaced with the following address :
' The Book of the General Laws and Liberties of the
inhabitants of the jurisdiction' of New Plymouth, out of
the records of the General Court, and lately revised and
established, and disposed into an alphabetical order, and
published by the authority of the General Court held at
New Plymouth, the twentyninth day of September, Anno
Domini, 1658.

Be subject to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake. 1 Peter, ii. 13.

'To our beloved brethren and neighbors the inhabi
tants of the jurisdiction of New Plymouth : the governor,
assistnnts, and deputies, assembled at the General Court
of the jurisdiction held at the town of Plymouth, the
twentyninth day of September, Anno Domini 1658, wisli-
eth grace and peace in our Lord Jesus Christ. It was the
great privilege of Israel of old, and so was acknowledged
by them, Nehemiah, ix, 13, that God gave them right
judgment and true laws, for God being the God of order
the laws of the colony in perfect preservation and continued to the termination
of the government, the last entry being in 1689.
Tradition says that the latter part of this manuscript volume was written out
by Shadrach Wilbore the town clerk of Taunton, who was imprisoned at Ply
mouth during the usurpation of Sir Edmund Andros, by his order, for refusing
to surrender the town records. To relieve the tedium of his solitary hours, he
amused himself by copying the laws, and the handwriting of the latter part of
the book seems to render the traditionary account probable.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 75
and not of confusion, hath commanded in his word, and
put man in a capacity in some measure to observe and be
guided by good and wholesome laws, which are so far
good and wholesome as by how much they are derived
from, and agreeable to the ancient platform of God's law ;
for although sundry things which was in the judicial law
which was of old enjoined to the Jews, did more especially
(at least in some circumstances) befit their condition ;
yet are they for the maine so exemplary, being grounded
on principles of moral equity, as that all men, Christians
especially, ought always to have an eye thereunto, in the
framing of their laws and constitutions ; and although
several of the heathen nations who were ignorant of the
true God and his Son, have been famous in their times
for the enacting and execution of such laws as have
proved profitable for the government of their common
wealths in the times wherein they lived, yet notwithstand
ing their excellency appeared so far as they were founded
upon grounds of moral equity, which has its original from
the law of God ; and accordingly we who have been actors
in the framing of this small body of laws, together with
other useful instruments who have gone to their rest, can
safely say both for ourselves and them, that we have had
an eye primarily and principally unto the aforesaid plat
form and secondarily unto the right improvement of
liberties granted to us by our superiors the State of
England, at the first beginning of this infant plantation
was to enact such laws as should most befit a state in the
nonage thereof, noi. rejecting or omitting to observe such
of the laws of our native country as would conduce unto
the good and growth of so weak a beginning] as ours in
this wilderness; as any impartial eye not forestalled with
prejudice may exactly discern in the perusal of this small
book of the laws of our colony : the premises duly

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
considered might work every conscientious spirit to
faithful obedience; and although we hold and do affirm
that both courts of justice and magistrates who are
the ministers of the law, are essentially civil ; notwith
standing we consider that as the magistrate hath* his
power from God, so undoubtedly he is to improve it for
the honor of God, and that in the upholding of his
worship and service and against the contrary ; with due
respect also to be had unto those that are really consci
entious, although differing and dissenting in some smaller
matters; but if any really, or in pretence of conscience
doeth that which eminently leadeth to the destruction of
civil, and violation of natural bonds, or the overthrow of
the churches of God or of his worship, that prudence is
to be improved in a special manner in the drafting and
execution of laws. It hath been our endeavor in framing
our laws that nothing should be found amongst them but
that which will fall under the same particulars ; we have
likewise reduced them to such order as they may most con
duce to our utility ; possibly it may be that weakness may
appear in the composure of sundry of them for want of
such plenty of able instruments as others are furnished
withal : However let this suffice the gentle reader, that
our endeavor to the utmost of our powers in these our
endeavors to promote both church and state, buth at pre
sent and for the future, and therefore so far as we have
aimed at the glory of God and common good, and acted
according to God, be not found a resister, but obedient,
least thereby thou resist the ordinance of God, and so
incur the displeasure of God unto damnation. Romans,
xiii, 2. By order of the General Court,
' Nathaniel Morton, Clerk.'
From this address it plainly appears, that our forefathers
attempted to establish the laws which were prescribed to
the Jews, as the basis of their own.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 77
Laws Relating to the Powers, Duties, Qualifica
tions, of Freemen, &c.
1646. ' Whereas the several towns in this jurisdiction
were before their deputies, which must arise out of the
freemen to attend the General Courts of the year : now upon •.
the special eomplaint of the deputies of the towns present,
professing themselves to be oppressed thereby, it was
enacted that the whole body of freemen shall appear at
the Election Courts, and then to make or repeal such
laws, orders, and ordinances, as shall be found meet and
wholesome for the ordering of the government, and they
shall also present such deputies as have been chosen in
their towns according to order formerly established, who
are to attend the same and the several adjournments
thereof; and whatsoever laws, orders, and ordinances,
shall be made or repealed, be at that Court and the ad
journments thereof only done, except the governor and
assistants see cause to call a special court, and other
courts to attend to matters of judicature, and the magis
trates only to attend to the same.'
The power of legislation would seem by this law to
have been not only restored to the freemen at the request
of the deputies, but the attendance of the freemen to pass
upon laws was commanded ; the judiciary was specially
separated from the legislative department.
n* In 1651, the following law as to the right and practice
of voting was passed ; ' Whereas in regard of age, disa
bility of body, and other inconveniences that do accrue,
sundry of the freemen are hindered that they cannot ap
pear at courts of election, in consideration whereof it is
enacted by the court and the authority thereof, that any
freemen of this corporation shall have liberty to send
their vote by proxy for the choice of governor, assistants '

78 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
commissioners, and treasurer, and the deputies of the sev
eral towns chosen to attend the courts of election, and
the several adjournments thereof, shall in the town-meet
ing in which they are chosen, they or either of them give
notice unto the freemen that those that intend not to make
their personal appearance at the court of election, are
now to give in their votes polled up for the choosing of
governor, assistants, commissioners, and treasurer, and the
said deputies to observe by a list of their names, who had
voted and who had not, which votes be brought in, to be
immediately polled up, and brought unto, and delivered
in the open court by said deputies.'
In 1658, it was ordered that the votes of freemen pre
sent at the courts of election should be first read, ' after
which the deputies were orderly to present the proxies of
their own towns.'
From this provision it would appear that the tickets on
which the names were written were transmitted to the
courts, and were, there examined, and although in these
times much fraud might, and probably would be practised
if proxies were permitted, yet in the more simple and un
sophisticated times of our forefathers, the practice was
attended with no danger.
In fact the colonydoes not appear to have been much '
troubled with an evil extremely prevalent in modern times,
— contested elections; for in 1660, the Court 'noticing
that many of the freemen of the corporation did not ap
pear at the courts of election, nor send their votes by
proxy for the choice of magistrates,' enacted ' that all
such should be fined, unless some unavoidable impedi
ment hinder their appearance.'
Voting was then considered among civil duties, and was
enjoined under penalties.
In 1658, it was enacted ' that all such as are the oppo-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
sers of the good and wholesome laws of the colony, or
manifest opposers of the true worship of God, or such as
refuse to do * the country, shall not be
, admitted freemen of this corporation, being duly convicted
thereof;' and also 'such as shall speak contemptuously
of the laws, or such as are judged by the court grossly
scandalous, as lyars, drunkards or sodomites, shall lose the
freedom- of this corporation.'
This law being passed shortly after the appearance of
the Quakers, was evidently intended to prevent the growth
of schism, and perhaps the practice of free inquiry, and
for this purpose the magistracy were armed with additional
powers, and had in some degree the supervision of the
manners and morals of the people. In furtherance of
''this policy it was enacted in the same year 'that all per
sons freemen of the corporation, shall be propounded one
year to the court, and then admitted if the court see no
cause to the contrary.
In June, 1674, it was enacted ' that the names of the
freemen in each town be kept upon the town records.
None to be presented to the court to take up their free
dom unless they have the approbation of the major part of
the freemen at home, and the same to be furnished to the
court under the clerk's hand by the deputies.'
The Privileges, Duties, Qualifications, &c, of Resi
dents not Freemen.
In 1658, the court in their zeal to exclude Quakers from
all civil privileges, enacted ' that all refusing to take the
oath of fidelity, and such as are manifest encouragers of
such, shall have no voice in the choice of public officers
in the place where they dwell, nor shall bs employed in
any place of trust while they continue such.'
* Illegible.

79

80 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1662, it was enacted ' that all persons who are at
their own disposal, and have not taken the oath of fidelity
shall repair unto some one of the magistrates, to take
said oath ; neglecting, to be summoned to any election
court, and there refusing or neglecting to take the oath,
to be fined £5. t>
The Powers, Duties, Privileges, Pat, &c, of the
Civil Officers.
In 1644, it was made lawful for the governor or either
of the magistrates to direct a summons to any person
within the government, ' and that should be as strong as
a warrant to attach.' •
1658, the governor and assistants were authorized ' to
press arlizans, to build prisons, stocks, or whipping posts,
allowing suitable pay.' '
In 1614, the treasurer was required to settle his accounts
annually. 1657, fines in the remote towns might be levied by a
constable under the treasurer's warrai.t. The remote
towns were Taunton, Rehoboth, Eastham, and Bridge-
water. In 1658, the treasurer was authorized a month after
judgment, to issue his warrant for fines.
When a town was fined, the court were to appoint to
make a rate, three men. If they neglected to make the
rate, they were to pay the fine themselves.
In 1659, an oath w;,s required of the treasurer, and also
of the clerk of the court.
In 164 1, the clerk of the court was allowed £20 in ad-
dition to fees.
In 1645, executions issuing out of the General Court
or Court of Assistants, were directed to be served by the
marshal alone.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 81
- In 1 652, the court of magistrates and deputies were
authorized to compensate any person in public place ' for
loss of time or damage.'
It was required that the chief marshaland under mar
shals should be under oath.
In 1655, contempts cast upon the under marshals were
to be punished.
In 1658, the chief marshal was authorized to require
the aid and assistance of all the people, and his power
was declared to extend over the whole government.
, In 1659, three persons were ordered to be nominated
as commissioners, one of the first failing, the last to
serve. In 1660, the under marshals were denied any fees for
keeping a prisoner only, for commitment and release.
In 1658, a law was passed equally indicative of the
poverty and simplicity of this little commonwealth. . The
public officers were to be paid in corn for their services,
' and all corn delivered in to pay the current expenses of
the country, to bear one price.'
In 1666, it was enacted that ' the magistrates be not
freed from bearing their proportion in country rates or
charges.
•* In 1658, the next magistrates were authorized to exe
cute the functions of a coroner, ' according to the custom
of England.'
'0 In 1(668, constables, in case of the inability of coroners,
were to call inquests on dead bodies.
In reference to such as come to untimely deaths, it was
enacted, July, 1673, that there should be no burial without
information to a coroner or a constable, (where there was
no coroner,) under a penalty of £5. The nearest rela
tions to the deceased to give notice ; if none, any person
,having knowledge of the fact> was bound to communicate
part n. H

82 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
it, for which he was to be paid from the estate of the de
ceased, and where there was no estate, by the treasurer.
Judiciary Department, Jurors, Witnesses, Evidence,
Processes, &c.
In 1666, it was enacted that only three courts in the
year should be holden for the trial of causes by jury, viz.
on the first Tuesdays of March and July, and the last
Tuesday of October, 'but that it should be lawful on
special occasions, for any citizen of the colony or others,
to purchase a cou'rt in the interim to be composed of the
governor and three of the magistrates at least,' ' and that
henceforth there should be no court of assistants unless
the governor on special occasion should see cause to
summon such a court.' • Strangers or foreigners had been
permitted by a law passed in 1658, in suits of considera
ble value, ' to purchase a court for speedy trial, putting
in security to defray the charge.' The court to consist of
not less than three magistrates.
In 1 669, the governor and two assistants were empowered
to authorize the purchase of a court in the interim between
the courts, to be holden by the governor and three as
sistants at least, and to be at the expense of the appli
cants. By a law of 1662, no summons was to be issued out -.'
before the action be entered, and the charges defrayed.
By a law of 1668, circumstantial error in a summons or ''{
warrant was declared to be no ground for nonsuit.
One witness was declared to be sufficient to ground a
presentment on, but two were required for conviction.
No evidence of any crime less than capital was to be re- ¦
ceived after two years.
In 1673, the deputies were allowed to have a vote with
the magistrates ' in the purging of the court.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUUH COLONY.
By a law passed in 1646, grand jurors were required
once in each year, ' to view all the weights, measures, and
toll dishes in their several towns, and to see that every
householder have sufficient ladders, and to present the
defects.' In 1654, the towns were required to choose none for
grand jurors but such as were ' capable and fit, and to pay
them.' By a law of 1658, they were to be fined for ne
glecting to appear at court. By a law of 1656, they were
to be notified to appear at the court of election to take
the oaih, which by a law of 1659 was required to be in
the following form : ' You shall true presentment make of
all things given you in charge ; you shall present nothing
of malice or ill will. Your own councils and your fel
lows, in reference to this oath you shall well and truly
keep. So help you God.'
In 1657, inferior officers, such as constables, grand
jurors, surveyors of highways, were to be confirmed if
approved by the court. In 1659, each constable was or
dered to provide himself with a staff, which, if not re
elected, he was to deliver to his successor. Any one
refusing the office was to be fined £4.
In 1655, a law was passed, by which executions were to
be granted within one month after verdict and not before,
»unless the debtor was about to leave the jurisdiction.
The plaintiff or his deputy Was required to go with the
marshal, ' to price the goods.' The defendant had the
liberty of choosing another man, and the marshal and
those two were to appraise the goods. If the defendant
neglected, the marshal was to choose in his behalf. After
the goods were appraised, they were to be delivered to
the plaintiff or his deputy. If the goods exceeded debt
and charges, the plaintiff was required to pay back the
overplus in six days in country pay : if he lived out of the

83

84 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
government, to return the overplus forthwith, or to gfve
security to the defendant that he would do it in six days.
> By a law of 1673, goods levied on by distress or execu
tion, were to be appraised by ' two meet men of good
judgment, one to be chosen by the constable, and the
other by the debtor. Upon refusal of the debtor, ' to set
forth suitable goods as to the nearness of the sum,' the
constable was authorized to seize such goods ' as should
best suit, to be equally and indifferently appraised accord
ing to the special due, and not overprized. Appraisers re
fusing to serve, to forfeit 5s. to the country's use.'
In 1668, all debts were required to be paid in specie,
'for which a man doth agree, and all damages recovered
for debts, defamation, or trespass,' were to be paid in any
good current pay at price current.
In 1668, an act was passed ' for the prevention of the
diversion of the execution of justice by fraud or cozin.'
By this act it was provided that where estate could not
be found ' to satisfy any fine or mulct due the country, or
to answer a judgment obtained against any persons at the
particular suit of any, the person of any so fined or cast
in law shall be secured to be responsible thereunto.'
This is believed to have been the first colonial law which
authorized imprisonment for debt.
Laws Relating to Towns. — Their Powers, Penalties,
and Liabilities. — Raters or Assessors. — Deputies.
— Qualifications of Voters. — Town Clerks. — The
Office of Selectman. — Provision for the Support
of the Poor. — Schools. — The Support of Public
Worship and the Maintenance of Ministers. — Li
censed Houses, &,c.
In 1643, each town was required to choose three or four
men by ballot, to rate all the inhabitants according to

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. - - 05,
their estates or faculties, that is according to goods,
lands improved, faculties and personal abilities, whether
the rates be for the town in particular, or for general
charges.' Constables were to summon the townsmen
to meet together when required, under penalty of 20s.
If the townsmen did not meet, the constables were to
choose raters. The raters neglecting to make and tran
scribe, and deliver the rates to the constables in two
days or sooner, each to forfeit 10s. for each default, and
the constables neglecting to collect the rates within forty
days to pay them themselves, but they had power to dis
train. The fines to be paid to the government.
Personal ability and faculty, if the term be applied to
intellectual capacity was a difficult subject for taxation.
The judgment which could have graduated a scale of
rates in any just or accurate proportion on the human- un
derstanding, must have possessed more than human saga
city. This source of revenue could not have well been
brought within the compass of an estimate. If the desire
to avoid taxation was as strong under the colonial govern
ment as it is now, many would have been willing to have,
yielded a reputation for talents and genius, if by so doing
they could have escaped a tax.
In 1646, it was required that a town clerk should be
'appointed and ordained,' to keep in each town a register
of the day and year of the marriage, birth, and, burial of
every man, woman, or child, within the township. Every
father, mother, or next in relation, was required to certify
to the register keeper or town clerk, the name and the
day of the birth of every child so born within his house
within a month next after the birth, under penalty of 3s.
for such neglect, or for neglecting to inform of marriages.
Every master or mistress of a family to furnish the names
of all those' who die in their houses, and the day of burial

86 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
under like penalty, and the clerk was required to furnish
to the court annually in the month of March, a true and
correct copy of his register. The town clerk was also
required to pXiWlish all contracts of marriage.
In 1654, the town clerk was required to be under oath.
Accurate registers of deaths, births, and marriages,
have often been found to perform the part of silent but
indisputable witnesses in the courts of justice. By the
production of such records, estates have been frequently
wrested from such as held without right, and have been re
stored to the right heirs. To antiquaries they are a source
of harmless pleasure, by enabling them to trace descents.
They sometimes render important aid to the historian, by
enabling him to fix his dates with the precision which is
sometimes necessary to prove the accuracy of his narrative.
It is a matter of curious, and even of philosophical, but
sometimes of painful interest, to trace the vicissitudes of
American families. One generation surrounded with
splendor, station, and wealth. The next perhaps in mean
employments, and in poor houses. The next emerging
from poverty, and again encompassing the high places of
society, sometimes depressed without fault, sometimes
elevated without worth or wisdom.
From these ancient records of times long past, it is
now in the power of almost every son of New England
to trace his ancestors, to know who they were, and what
they did. These interesting memorials of an age already
sacred, are rapidly disappearing, but while the traces
remain let them be preserved.
In 1646, towns neglecting to choose deputies were fined
40s. and deputies neglecting to attend Court without suffi
cient reason, were fined 20s.
In 1658, it was enacted that as in many towns the num
ber of freemen was less than the number of inhabitants,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 87
and as all had an equal right to vote, ' it may come to
pass that very unfit and unworthy persons may be chosen,
that cannot answer the court's trust in such a place ; that
as all such as magistrates and deputies, are to act in mak
ing of laws, and being assembled, the court in the first
place take notice of their members, and if they find any
unfit for such a trust, that they and the reason thereof be
returned to the town from whence they were sent, that
they may make such choice of more fit and able persons
to send in their stead as the tims will permit.'
The right of expulsion was now emphatically asserted,
in consequence of the differences of opinion as to the
measures expedient to be pursued with respect to the
Quakers. Those who were against the severe measures
proposed by the majority were expelled, or in the language
of the day ' set aside,' such as Mr Cudworth of Scituate,
Mr Skiff of Sandwich, &c.
In 1668, none were permitted to vote in town meeting*
' but freemen and freeholders, of £20 rateable estate
and of good conversation, having taken the oath of fidel
ity.' The Office of Selectman.
In 1665, the court enacted that in every town there
should be ' three or five selectmen chosen by the towns
men out of the freemen, such as shall be approved by the
court, for the better managing the affairs of the respective
townships, and they were empowered ' to hear and deter
mine all debts and differences arising betwixt person and
person, not exceeding thirty shillings,' and also to hear
and determine all differences arising betwixt any Indians
and English of their respective townships, abqut damage
done by the cows, swine, or other beasts of the English ;'
and in case their award was not satisfactory, a magis-

88 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
trate's warrant was to issue, by which distraint might be
made. It was further enacted ' that the selectmen irt
every township approved by the court or any of them,
should have power to give forth summons in his majesty's
name, to require any persons complained of, to attend the
hearing of the case,' and also to summon witnesses, ' and
to determine controversies according to legal evidence,'
the complainants were required to serve the summons upon
those complained of, and in case of non-appearance, the
selectmen were nevertheless to proceed and determine
the controversy.
In 1666, their powers were enlarged, the jurisdiction
was "so far extended as to embrace cases where the dam
ages were laid at 40s. the right of appeal being preserved.
They were also empowered to administer oaths and to
issue executions. The party appealing were required to
give security for the prosecution of the appeal, and also
to state the reason.
They were required to take the following oath. ' You
shall, according to. that measure of wisdom and discretion
God hath given you, faithfully and impartially try all
such cases between party and party brought before you,
as also give such summons respecting your trust ac
cording to order of court, as a Selectman for the town of
¦  for this present year. So help you God.'
They were also required to take notice of all who came
into the government without the approbation of the gov
ernor or two assistants, and to warn them to apply for
such approbation, and upon their refusal or neglect, they
were to require them to appear at the next court at Ply
mouth, and to require security for their appearance. If
they refused or neglected to give security, the constable,
upon the information of the selectmen, was required to
apprehend and carry them before the governor and assist
ants.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 89
The court noticing the great neglect in frequenting
public worship, ordered the selectmen to require an ac
count of all whom they should suppose to have neglected
public worship from profanity or slothfulness, and if they
were not satisfied, to return their names to -the court.
In 1669, the selectmen ' were authorized to issue war
rants of capias and attachment in his majesty's name.
Single persons were forbidden to live by themselves, or in
any family excepting such as should be approved by the
selectmen, and in case they refused obedience to the order
of the selectmen, they were to be summoned to court and
proceeded against.
By a law of 1670, any one refusing to serve in the office
of selectman was to be fined. In the same year the court
enacted ' that no attachment should; be granted by select
men against any freeman or other inhabitant, and that
there should be three courts of selectmen in a year.
The selectmen were this year empowered to try all
questions between the English and the Indians excepting
capital and land titles. They were authorized to take a
constable and ' repair to any house or place where they
might suspect that any slothful did lurk at home or get
together in companies to neglect the public worship of
God, or profane the Lord's day and finding any disorder
to return the names of the offenders to the next court,
and also to give notice of any particular miscarriage.'
The powers and duties of selectmen appear to have
been of a high character. They were not only the
chief executive and police officers of the several towns,
charged with a general superintendence of town affairs,
and with a general oversight of the morals and manners of
the inhabitants, but they were judicial officers, and were
constituted a court. They united the functions of the mod-
part ii. 12

90 ' MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ern justice of the peace, and partially those of the old coun
ty courts of common pleas, with a jurisdiction limited to
the towns. This judicial power was conferred upon them
in consequence of the great inconvenience which the
people of the remote towns suffered from being obliged to
attend the courts at Plymouth in small cases.
They exercised a supervisory power upon all who came
into the colony without the approbation of the governor
and two assistants, and they could compel them to obtain
such approbation, or to appear before the governor and
assistants for further dealing.
They united the functions of the Pvoman censor with
those of the modern police officer. By a law of 1666,
they were required to interrogate such as they supposed
neglected to attend public worship from ' profanity or
slothfulness,' and to return their names to the assistants,
an.d by a law of 1670 they , were further empowered to
break into the haunts of the slothful and profane who
neglected the Lord's day and the public worship of God,
,to employ the assistance of a constable, and to notify the
court of the offenders.
They were empowered to compel single persons to live
in such families as they should direct, and were authorized
to prevent them from 'living by themselves' and in case
these orders were neglected or opposed, they could issue
processes to compel a compliance.
The possession of power too often leads to its abuse.
The power of the selectmen was not so clearly defined
as to prevent doubts as to its extent, and some uneasiness
arising probably from partial abuses, the court in June,
1675, found it necessary to pass a law, by which their
power was defined with more precision, and in some mea
sure restricted.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The reason of the law is stated in the preamble.
' Whereas through the variety of interpretations of sun
dry orders respecting the selectmen's courts, there may
arise such actings as may be cross to the maine end of
that constitution,' the court therefore order that the courts
of selectmen shall not have power to send forth any pre
cept to seize any estate without their respective town
ships, or to compel any person that is not found within
their respective towns unto their obedience. Nor shall
they have power to try any of the king's officers respect
ing the execution of their office, for any damage to any
persons, nor to try an action of defamation, battery, or
that respects title of lands, nor to make allowances for
more witnesses than is necessary, nor to allow more than
18d. a day for one witness, nor to allow any cost for
any attorneys, nor to hold more than two courts in a year,
viz. on the last Tuesday of September and the first Tues
day in February ; nor to adjourp any of their courts
longer than until the next day immediately following,
saving their liberty only to call a special court in case they
see urgent cause thereof, only on the account of a stran
ger being concerned in a case, which without much dam
age cannot well be deferred to one of the colony courts.
The inhabitant of another town neglecting to prosecute
or, to signify to the defendant, and to one of the select
men his letting fall his action, then appearing the defend
ant to have cost, which being certified, the magistrate
shall issue his warrant to a constable for. a levy of the cost
on the said offending plaintiff.' „
Such were the powers and such the duties of selectmen.
In the ordinary transactions of the towns, their functions
were of the most useful character. At one period of the
subsequent Indian war, the duty of providing means of
defence was devolved almost wholly upon them.

91

92 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The office still exists, curtailed indeed of much of its
power, but now it is generally united with another which
has no small influence upon the comforts and happiness
of individuals : — the selectmen are now almost invariably
overseers of the poor ; that office is distinct from the
* other, but not incompatible.
The establishment of this office proves that our fore
fathers knew well what institutions to create, and what
were best adapted to the state of that society which they
were to guard and protect. And it is by no means cer
tain that the rights of citizens are better preserved by
transferring the jurisdiction of cases civil and criminal to
justices of the peace.
Provision for the Support of the Poor.
By a law passed in 1642, each township was required
to make competent provision for the support of their poor,
' as they shall find most convenient and suitable for them
selves, by an order and general agreement in a public
town-meeting.' Any person brought in or received by an inhabitant of
any town, ' and apparently likely to be chargeable to the
township without the consent of the townsmen, such per
sons as brought them shall discharge the town of them.'
Any person coming out of England or elsewhere, ' and
bringing any who by disease, impotency or otherwise, is
likely to become chargeable, was required to discharge
the township of them.' If any so brought should fall
sick or become diseased, being indentured as servants,
the master was required to support them ' during the time
of the covenant, and after that to be relieved by the town
ship where he is.'
Children or elder persons sent out of. the town ' to be
nursed, educated, or doctored,' and falling into want,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 93
were to receive their relief from the towns from which
they were sent.
Any person living and quietly settled in any township,
and not excepted against within three months after his
coming, was to be reputed an inhabitant of that town.
This provision by a law of 1644, was ordered to be so
construed, that it should apply only to poor persons, and
should not impart any political rights. The children of
those who received relief from the town were to be put to
Work in fitting employments.' By a subsequent law in
1659, three men in each town were authorized ' to put
them out, and to provide for their comfortable mainte
nance.' Schools.
The expense of the school being £33 per annum, was
charged upon the profits of the cape fishery, ' until such
time as the minds of the freemen be known concerning
it, which will be returned to the next courfof election.'
This order was passed in June, 1673. At the next court
:. of election in June, 1674, the opinions of a majority of
the freemen having appeared to have been favorable to
the above order, and to its continuance, ' if a competent
number of scholars shall appear to be devoted thereunto,'
the court decided the competent number to be ' eight dr
ten,' and confirmed the profits of the cape fishery to the
school, ' and that there be no further demands besides the
said profits of the cape fishery, demanded of the country
for the maintenance of sa,id school.'
Previous to June, 1674, it does not appear that any
other provision than this was made for the support of
schools. Only one public school had been established
in the colony, which was at Plymouth.

94 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The Support of Public Worship and the Maintenance
of Ministers.
In 1655, the first Legislative proceedings were had
with respect to the maintenance of minsters.
'Whereas, (say the court in a preamble,) there hath
been many complaints for want of due maintenance for
ministers, (as some have reported.) It is therefore enacted
by the court, that no pastor or teacher of any congrega
tion shall remove before his complaint hath been tendered
to the magistrates, and they have heard both sides. That
upon such complaint, if there appears to be a real defect
in the hearers of the ministers so complaining, the magis
trates shall use all gentle means to upbraid them to do
their duty therein, but if any of them shall not be thereby
reclaimed, but shall resist through plain obstinacy against
an ordinance of God, then it shall be in the power of the
magistrates to use such other means as may put them upon
their duty.'
For a long period the disinterested zeal of the minis
ters, and the fervent piety of the people, prevented the
necessity of legal contracts between them. The engage
ment between the minister and his congregation was held
to be of a spiritual and not a civil character. But zeal
alone could not furnish bread, and the wants of the min
ister did not diminish in the same ratio with the attach
ment of the people. A wild spirit (engendered perhaps
in England,) had gone forth, which proclaimed war upon
carnal learning, and relied for religious instruction upon
the miserable crudities of gifted men,' upon whose minds
it was fondly hoped a divine influence was operating,
which superseded the necessity of ' book learning,' and
that the word of the Lord might as well proceed from the
lips of such rude, unlettered expounders, as from such as

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
had by their midnight lamps and painful watches, mas
tered all the intricacies of the primeval languages of the
scriptures, and expounded the holy writings after a critical.
investigation of their analogies, and a careful comparison
of the evidence. Still the court were unwilling to pro
ceed further than to upbraid ; a poor resource when en
countered by overweening spiritual pride operating upon
ignorance, and envy, and avarice ; and displayed in rail
ing and abuse, and so the court found it; for in 1657 they
were constrained to pass the following law.
' Whereas the General Court taking into their serious
consideration the great defect that either is, or like to be
in the several townships of this jurisdiction for want of an
able godly teaching ministry and the great prejudice to
the souls of many like to ensue ; and being desirous ac
cording to our duty that such defects shall not be for want
of due encouragement to such as should be employed in
so good a work of the Lord, for his honor and the good
of souls, and in consideration that inasmuch as the several
townships granted by the government was that such a
company might be received as should maintain the public
worship of God among them, do therefore judge that the
whole, both church and town, are mutually engaged to
support the same, and do therefore order and agree that
in whatsoever township there is or shall be an able, godly
teaching ministry which is approved by this government,
that then some men be chosen by the inhabitants, or in
case of their neglect, chosen by any three or more of the
magistrates to make a just and equal proportion upon the
estates of the inhabitants, according to their abilities to
make any such convenient * maintenance for his
comfortable attendance on his work, as shall be agreed
* Illegible.

95

96 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
upon by the church in such township where any is, with
the consent of the rest of the inhabitants if it may be had,
or by the magistrates aforesaid in case of their apparent
neglect, and that distress according as in other just cases
be made upon such as refuse to pay his or their proportion
which is in justice due, but in case there be any other
way which any township do or shall agree that may effect
the end aforesaid, this law not to be binding to them. To
be explained, those that only such person or persons as
refuse to clear their part with the rest of the church or
town in the due maintenance and support of the ministry,
this law to be in force only to them, but not unto others
that do their duty.'
This was the first attempt in this colony to enforce the
support of ministers by law ; this law or order is so ob
scurely worded that it is difficult of interpretation. It is
very questionable whether it is ever expedient to exercise
the coercive power of law to secure the support of minis
ters. True indeed it is in ethics and religion that the
' laborer is worthy of his hire,' and that justice is to be
done to the minister as well as to others, and the neglect
so to do is a breach of positive moral obligation. Never
theless the disputes which originate from such causes have
a powerful effect in destroying, the influence of the order,
and money for such purposes forced from a reluctant hand,
carries with it ill will, hatred, and a sense of oppression;
such compulsion not only excites a strong dislike to the
system which tolerates it, but by association to religion
itself, the very purposes for which a ministry is instituted
are defeated, and a religious congregation frequently
exhibits all the ferocious and angry passions of a political
faction. The empire of evil instead of being narrowed,
is enlarged, and there is a wider departure amongst pro-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 97
•essed Christians from the real spirit of Christianity, than
there is amongst those ' Who see God in clouds,
' Or hear him in the winds.'
In 1657, public meetings were forbidden to be ' set up
in the government,' only such as the court shall approve.
In July, 1667, it was enacted 'that such townships
where occasions ariseth for the disturbing upon the estates
of any for the ministry,' the property distressed should be
delivered by the constable to some appointed by tne town,
and in case of no appointment to such as should be ap
pointed by two magistrates ' to dispose of it as they shall
see cause.'
The support of ministers having been provided for by
taxes or rates in 1657, and the party neglecting to pay
made liable to distress, &c, ' yet for preventing offence
and it may be distress,' the Court ordered- in June, 1669,
that the magistrates and selectmen being notified of a
default, should be empowered to summon such defaulter
tp the next court, and amerce him double for the colony's
use. Hifherto the ministers had gathered the rates; this in
judicious and unpleasant system was abolished in 1670.
The Court say, ' Forasmuch as it appeareth to be
greatly inconvenient that the ministers should be troubled
to gather in their rates for maintenance, and to be an
occasion to prejudice some persons against them and their
ministry,' two meet persons were to be appointed to collect
the rates. ' Inciting the people to do their duty in that
respect, demanding it when due, and if need be by pro
curing distraint upon the estates of such as shall neglect
or refuse to pay the same,' provided any minister shall
scruple to receive what is so raised, it shall nevertheless
part 11. . 13

98 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY,
be gathered as abovesaid, and disposed, of as the court
shall order or advise for the good of the place.'
The people in some places still continuing to neglect
to provide an adequate support for ministers and to erect
meeting-houses, the Court in 1670, passed the following
law and preamble.
' Whereas it hath been and is the pious care and true
interest of this court, that all such plantations or town
ships as are by them granted, should maintain the public
Sabbath worship of God and the preaching of the word,
and do to that end afford them such due proportions of
laws as may accommodate such a society as may be able
to maintain the same, and through the corruptions or sin
ful neglect of many, or most of the inhabitants of some
plantations they content themselves to live without the
ministry of the word, to the great dishonor of God, and
danger of their souls, there being great reason to fear that
many may be actuated therein by worldly or vicious prin
ciples.' The Court therefore enacted that in townships where
no ministers resided, ' especially if it should appear that
the generality of the inhabitants are remiss in the obtain
ing of one,' the General Court might impose upon them
a certain sum, ' which should be collected as rates, and
be kept as a stock for building a meeting-house, or for
encouragement for a minister to labor amongst them, or
other such pious uses as the Court may improve it for
their good.'
Dartmouth was assessed £15, to be in readiness when
collected, ' towards the uses above expressed.'
In June, 1675, it was enacted that a meeting-house
should be erected in every town in the jurisdiction, and
any town refusing or neglecting so to do, the governor or
magistrates were empowered to appoint some person or

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 99
person? to build it, ' according to the necessity and ability
of the people,' the charge to be defrayed by the inhabit
ants and proprietors of the town.
Licensed Houses, &c.
In 1668, it was enacted that none should sell liquors
unless licensed, and they were to pay for their license
4 according to the capacity of the place where they live.'
. Plymouth, - £10 00 00 Barnstable, - £2 00. 00
Duxbury, - - 1 10 00 Yarmouth, - - 1 10 00
Scituate, - - 2 10 00 . Bridgewater, - - 1 00 00
Taunton, - - 2 00 00 Rehoboth, - 1 10 00
The licensed taverners were forbidden ' to allow pro
fane singing, dancing, or revelling, under penalty.'
In 1668, all unlicensed persons were forbidden to bring
more than six gallons of strong liquors into the colony at
once, except ' it appear that any man of quality whose
condition calleth for further expenses in his family,' should
not come within the operation of the law, unless he tran
scended in his quantity the limits of ordinary house
keeping. In June, 1674, innkeepers were forbidden to sell liquor
on the Sabbath, and were required to clear their houses of
all town-dwellers apd strangers drinking there, except
_ lodgers, ' by the shutting in of the daylight, under pen
alty of 5s.' Military Laws.
In 1645, the officers in each town were required to see
that the arms were proper, and ' to present those which
were defective.'
In the same year it was ordered by the council of war
that the soldiers maimed in the service should be supported
through life at the public expense.

100 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The government or any three of the assistants were
authorized to ' press horses,' and in 1644, it was ordered
that compensation should be made for horses lost in the
service. In 1642, the chief officer in each town was required to
appoint the days of training, and in 1644, the rate of fines
was established by law.
In 1641, each town was required to provide a barrel of
powder, and lead bullets answerable.
In 1642, it was enacted that in time of fear and danger,
or sudden assault of an enemy, the chief military officer
in each town should be empowered to call the soldiers of
the town together, and put them in a posture of defence.
The soldiers were required to obey and follow their di
rections in keeping watch and ward, ' provided that the
ordinary watch be set and appointed with the magistrate's
approbation of that town,' and the smiths were ordered by
the council of war under compulsion, to amend and repair
all deficient arms brought to them speedily, ' to be paid in
wheat or butter, and smiths refusing, to answer it at their
peril.' It 1646, it was enacted that captains, lieutenants, and
ensigns, being established in their places by the authority
and approbation of the Court, ' should not resign without
their consent, under penalties,' and if such officer ne
glected to train his men, ' or otherwise neglected, he
should be fined 10s. for each default.' And it was also
enacted ' in case any chief officer was wanted in any
town, such was required to present two or three persons
the fittest they had for the place, and such chief officer
should be appointed by the Court, and such chief officers
their under officers, with the consent of that body.'
In the same law, towns were required to provide ' some
firelocks, and two swords for every thirty men, and some
proportion for a greater or less number.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In the early years of the eolonial government, the office
of captain was the highest military office, but in 1653, the
military force was placed under a major's command, and
so it continued until the Indian war in 1675.
The council of war existing by, usage previously, in
1653, was established by law. The Court in assigning
their reasons for this measure say, ' In regard to the many
appearances of danger to the country by enemies, and the
great necessity of counsel and advice, in which respect
the Court thought meet to make choice of a council of
war consisting of eleven persons, whose names are extant
in the records of the Court, which said eleven or any five
of them being orderly called together, their acts to be
accounted in force, and they to be continued in their
places until others be elected. To be orderly called is
meant to be summoned by the governor, or major, or the
president of the Council, or his deputy, or in case of their
absence, any two magistrates of the Council of war.'
In 1659, they were authorized ' to issue out warrants in
his majesty's name to press such a number of men and
horses in each town as by proportion the said town is to
set forth ;.' and also to issue the like warrants for arms
and provisions, and all things necessary. Charges to be
paid proportionably by the towns by rates ; ' and to give
commission to any chief officer under charge, either in
time of peace or War.'
These were important laws. The civil government
transferred the whole power of military legislation, as well
as the executive power, so far as it applied to military
appointments and regulations, to the Council of War, who
in the military department of the. government were made
dictatorial. The major was appointed by the Council of War and his
commission was signed by its president. He was consti-

101

£02 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tuted chief officer over the military companies of th6
jurisdiction, and was required to obey the instructions of
the Council. All captains and subordinate officers and all
others were required to obey him. He was instructed to
take the command of all the military companies in his
jurisdiction, ' and to see that they were orderly trained in
the use of arms.' To inspect the arms. To appoint the
guards and watches necessary for the honor and safety of
the government. With the advice of the Council he was
to appoint the general musters of such companies as could
conveniently meet together. In case of insurrection or
invasion, with the advice of the Council, he was to place
the companies in the best posture of defence. In all
matters relating to discipline, he was to follow the in
structions of the Council, and advise with them on all
occasions. In the same year (1653) the Council of War ordered
that drums and halberds should be provided by the towns,
and also half pikes, in the proportion of twenty for eighty
men. They further ordered that the clerks of the com
panies should be sworn, and prescribed the form of the
oath, and afterwards, in 1660, they directed that the towns
should furnish the pikes, but that every soldier 'should
provide at his own expense, a musket and a fix.'
In 1655, they ordered 'that all the Scots and Irish
should bear arms and train as the other inhabitants, ex
cepting such as are servants from month to month.'
In 1658, they established a colonial troop of horse, 'to
be well appointed and furnished,' which was to be raised
at large, and maintained by the government. Plymouth
was required to furnish 3 men ; Duxbury 2 ; Scituate 4;
Sandwich 3; Taunton 3; Yarmouth 3; Barnstable 3;
Marshfield 3 ; Rehoboth 4 ; Eastham 3 ; Bridgewater, 2 —
in all 33. This troop was exempted from infantry ser-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
vice, and in 1660 the major was authorized to admit volun
teers^ so as to increase the number of the company to
fortyeight. All such were to serve three years at least.
In 1668, the Council of War were authorized to release
any father having two sons doing military duty.
In 1668, a general training both of horse and foot was
ordered on the second week of October, 1669, and to be
held in succession in each year on that week, first at Ply
mouth, then at Yarmouth, and then at Taunton ; every
soldier to be provided with powder, ' to be improved in
the said expedition, and exercised at their own charge.'
,In June, 1672, the troop of horse was divided into three
squadrons, each to be under the command of the three
officers,, who were to exercise each squadron ' in the year.'
They were required to keep lists of their several squad
rons, ' and see that they keep horses, arms, ammunition,
and accoutrements for the service.' Each trooper was
required to provide himself with a ' fix, carbine, or other
horseman's piece, betwixt this and the next election court,
or return into the foot company where he dwells.' And
in July, 1673, it was enacted that the commissioned offi
cers in each town as often as they should see cause, should
make search and take notice of the defects in arms. and
ammunition, ' which defects being, delivered to the con-;
stable,' the constables with the clerks of each company
were authorized to levy the fines by distress for the com
pany's use ; the law was alsomade applicable to ancient
persons and absentees not of the train-band, their fines to
be for the use' of the poor of their respective towns.
In September, 1673, it was ordered that the troop of
horse ' be sixty,' who were required to have ' horse-pistols,
carbines, with other accoutrements fit for service,' and
for the better raising thereof, it shall be propounded in
each town-meeting to see who will voluntarily tender

103

104 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
their service therein, and the names of such volunteers
shall be returned to October court, who are empowered
to certify or accept the numbers of each town respectively
as they shall see cause.
In June, 1674, it was enacted ' that it be signified to
the towns that the Court expects that the troopers in each
town be as many in number as before, and that they be
provided with arms and accoutrements fit for that service,
and that their names be sent in to the July court.'
In June, 1676, the troopers or dragoniers generally de
clining to arm themselves according to the last order, the
Court required that they should return to the foot com
panies and do service therein ;' and so the troop was
dissolved. Laws relating to the Indians.
In 1643, it was enacted that it should beholden 'un
lawful and of dangerous consequence, and it hath been
our constant custom from our very first beginning, that
no person should purchase, rent, or hire any lands, her
bage, wood, or timber, of the Indians, but by the magis
trate's consent.' For every transgression £5 was forfeited
for every acre so purchased, rented or hired, and five times
the value of the wood and the timber to the colony's use.
In 1660, it was enacted that this law should be so inter
preted, as to prevent any from taking Indian land as a gift.
By these laws every practicable precaution was taken
to secure the rights of the Indians, and to prevent the
improper and deceptive practices of individuals.
To secure the peace and safety of the colony, all per
sons were forbidden either to give or sell arms and the
munitions of war to the Indians, or boats, ' excepting to
such as had been servants for some years, and in a good
measure civilized, and unless the sale to such should be

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. X-05
approved by the governor and assistants.' In 1652, the
sale of casks to the Indians was prohibited, and in 1656,
that of barques, boats, and horses, under the penalty of
the value of each tenfold.
In 1652, the Court undertook to prohibit the Indians
from working, fishing, fowling, planting? killing, or carry
ing burthens on the Lord's day, and in case of transgression
they were ordered to appear before the Court; in 1656,
they were prohibited from discharging guns in the night
time or on the Lord's day.
The policy of a law which should have inflicted any
severe penalties for a violation of the Sabbath upon a
people who did not acknowledge its sanctity, may well be
questioned. Had its execution occasioned any serious
disasters to the colony by exciting the ire or the revenge
of the Indians, the government could hardly have justified
their overzeal to their own consciences. But they did
not for this offen.ce provide a specific punishment, but
wisely left themselves a discretion which might be regu
lated by circumstances. .
In 1660, the Court assumed a power of a character yet
more arrogant than the last ; but this was a measure of
sound policy, and a precaution in their -circumstances
dictated by that all controlling law, self-preservation.
They say, ' Inasmuch as complaint' is made that many
Indians press into divers • places of this jurisdiction,
whereby some of the plantations begin to be Oppressed
by them, they therefore enact that no strange or foreign
Indians shall be permitted to come into any places of this
jurisdiction so as to make their residence there, and that
notice be given to the several sagamores to prevent the
same.'

part II.

14

1 06 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1665, the law prohibiting the sale of powder and
shot to the Indians was repealed, but in July, 1667, it was
reenacted. In 1665, another law was passed restricting the sale of
strong liquors to the Indians. By a law of this year they
were required to fence their lands.
In 1669, the order prohibiting the sale of powder and
shot to the Indians was repealed.
In July, 1673, the Court ordered that the Indians espe
cially young men, running in debt to the English for ne
cessary articles should be compelled ' to work it out at
reasonable rates, if they have not else to discharge their
just debts.'
Pledges taken of the Indians for silver or drink, were
upon complaint of the Indians to be forfeited. All per
sons were forbidden to sell beer to the Indians under a
penalty of 5s. ' And if any Indian be found distempered
with drink, and be brought before the Court in court time,
or before any magistrate, or in towns where no magistrate
is, before any of the selectmen, and if capable will not
declare of whom he had his drink, he shall be forthwith
whipt, and his accusation of any person shall be proof
against them, except they shall clear themselves by their
oath, as in case of liquors is provided, and if it manifestly
appears that such Indians do wrongfully accuse any person,
they shall be severely whipt for their drunkenness and
false accusation.'
In June, 1674, it was enacted by the Court 'that
whereas controversies do arise between the English and
the Indians that are brought to the trial of the several
courts of this government, and it is observed that the In
dians would be greatly disadvantaged if no testimony in
such case should be excepted but on oath, this Court '
orders that any court of this jurisdiction before whom

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
such tryal may come, shall not be strictly tyed up to such
testimonies on oath as the common law requireth, but may
therein act and determine in a way of charity, valuing
testimony not-sworn on both sides according to their judg
ments and consciences.'
Indians living idly and refusing to pay their just debts
after conviction, were required to serve theif creditors or
some one else until the debt was paid, at the rate of 12d.
each day in summer, and Qd. in winter with their diet;
running away, by order from two magistrates or the select
men, of the town, they might be sold for the satisfaction
of the debt and charges. The selectmen or constable in
each town upon complaint were authorised ' to put put'
young Indians living idly, ' to some persons as shall keep
them to work and not to abuse them ; running away, to
forfeit double for the time they are absent.' Stealing
from the English, they were to restore fourfold either by
service or sale, at the discretion of two of the magis
trates. Crimes and Punishments.
In 1645, a law was passed to punish the crime of forging
deeds and writings, ' touching the property and title of
lands,' by which, the offender was to be punished with
'double damages,' and fine, and in .case of inability to
pay the fine, whipping and burning in the face with a
Roman F was substituted.
The keepers of records being public officers who
should wilfully ' steal, embezzle, or make way with such
records, or who should alter by erasures or additions,
except trivial ones,' were to be disfranchised and burnt
in the face.
And any one attempting to corrupt such officer for such
purposes, was liable to be punished by a fine of £40, or
by whipping.

107

108 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1658, the crime of adultery appears to be first no
ticed in the laws. The punishment of this offence was
' two whippings, once while the court before whom the
offending party was convicted should be in session, and
once at any other time which they should direct; and
the party so convicted was to wear two capital letters, A
D cut in cloth and sewed on their uppermost garment, on
their arm or back, and if they removed the letters, they
were again to be publicly whipped.'
The court had previously enacted in 1645, ' that fornica
tion should be punished with whipping, a fine of £10, or
three days imprisonment, at the pleasure of .the court. If
however the offending parties are or will be married,' then
the fine of £10 for both only, and three days' imprison
ment, ' and by a lawful contract the mutual consent of
parents or guardians being obtained, and a solemn con
tract of marriage in due time before two competent wit
nesses, if after such contract such offence should follow,
50s. fine to each, and if the court plead imprisonment for
three days, in case of inability or refusal to pay the fine,
or whipping.'
In 1645, a law was passed to punish apprentices for
stealing or embezzling their masters' goods. For the first
offence, to make double satisfaction either by payment or
servitude. For the second to make double satisfaction,
and either to find sureties for good behavior, or to receive
a whipping. In 1663, four pence a day was allowed for the support
of each prisoner confined for felony or misdemeanor.
Trespasses, &c.
The damage arising from the wilful burning of fence
was to be paid, and the offender bound to his good be
haviour.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 109
The damages from breaking down fences or gates, or a
common gate or bridge, 'was to be made good,' and the
offender fined 50s. for the first offence, and for the second
£5, and binding for good behaviour.
The offence of ' wilfully defacing and removing land
marks or bounds,' was made punishable by fines from 20s.
to £5, according to the nature of the offence.'
June, 1674, heat cattle, horse kind, sheep, or swine,
being impounded for trespass or damage done, if the
owner give to the pound keeper security to satisfy the
damage^ viz. engage before two witnesses, or give under
his hand to the keeper a promise of satisfaction for the
damages; the keeper being paid his fees, might release
them, and in June, 1675, cattle, swine, &c. doing damage
a mile from the pound, might be impounded by the indi
viduals damaged in their own enclosures for twentyfour
hours, giving notice to the owner in six hours, and he fail
ing to make satisfaction, they were to be driven to the
town pound, the one who impounded to make oath as to
the particular cattle, &c. that did the damage before a
magistrate or selectman, (if required,) and that ' shall be
taken as sufficient proof- without other proof.
Fences for securing corn were required to be- four feet
high, ' or otherwise sufficient by the judgment of indiffer
ent men.' Slander and Spreading False News.
In 1660 It was enacted ' that any person of the years
of discretion, (sixteen,) who shall wilfully make or publish
any lie which may be injurious to the public weal, or
tending to the damage or hurt of any particular person,
or with intent to deceive or abuse the people with any
false news or reports,' shall be fined 10s. and in default of
payment set in the stocks.

110 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1669, any publishing scandalous matter to any but a
magistrate or grand juror, it should be accounted defama
tion.
Sports, Offences against Religion, Public Morals,
Violation of the Sabbath, &c.
In 1645, a law was passed to punish masquerading, and
strange to say, the preamble to this law discloses that such
a practice existed amongst the austere puritans of Ply
mouth, the fact being positively asserted.
' Whereas, (says the preamble,) some abuse hath for
merly broken out amongst us by disguising, wearing visors,
and strange apparel, to lascivious and evil purposes.' The
punishment was a fine of 50s. for ' first default;' for the
second a public whipping, or binding to good behaviour,
at the discretion of the court.
In 1655, card playing was punished by a fine of 60s.
Servants or children playing at cards, dice, or other un
lawful games, for the first offence to be corrected by
their parents or masters, ' for the second to be ' publicly
whipped.' In the same year a law was passed, by which a magis
trate at his discretion was authorized to inflict corporal
punishment, ' so it extend not to life or limb,' on all ' who
denied the scriptures to be a rule of life.'
Villifying any church or ordinance was punished by a
fine of 10s. Profaning the Lord's day by a fine of 10s.
or a public whipping. Neglecting to attend public wor
ship on each Lord's day by a fine of 10s.
la 1658, ' whereas complaint is made of great abuses of
profaning the Lord's day by travelling, both horse and
foot, by bearing of burthens and carrying of packs, to the
great offence of the godly and well affected amongst us ;
enacted therefore, that such offenders shall be appre-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 1 1 ]
hended by the constable and fined 20s. or set in the stocks
four hours, unless they can give a sufficient reason for so
doing. In 1665, persons ' who behaved themselves profanely
by being without doors at the meeting-houses on the Lord's
days in time of exercise, and there misdemeaning them
selves by jestings, sleepings, or the like,' were to be ad
monished1 by the constables; if they persisted they were
to be set in the stocks, and if still unreclaimed, their names
were to be returned to the court.
In the same year the magistrates were authorized to
take cognizance of misdemeanors without presentment by
the "grand inquest, and were empowered to ' proceed and
determine them' by fine or otherwise ; and as no house of
correction was provided, any two magistrates were author
ized after examination to sentence to the stocks or whip
ping 'such as not only live idly and unprofitably, but are
otherwise vicious and wicked in their carriage to their
parents or otherwise.'
' In 1665, the constables were ordered to return the names
of those who should play, or sleep, or smoke tobacco
about the meeting-house c-n the Lord's day.
In 1669, all who had committed uncleanness in another
colony, flying to Plymouth, were ordered to be sent back
to the colony from which they escaped, for punishment.
June, 1674, horse racing was ordered to be punished by
the stocks, or by a fine of 5s.
In 1646, the smoking of tobacco ' in the streets or about
haystacks, or barns, or public places,' was prohibited.
Laws Relating to Lands.
In 1643, it was enacted 'that persons holding as joint
ienants with others, and dying, their heirs and assigns not
to be deprived, but to have their proportions equally.'

1 12 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1646, the assistants were required to keep a book to
record conveyances with all convenient speed, and that
the wife come and consent and acknowledge thereto, 'but
all sales made before the law, to be good without the
wife's acknowledgment.'
In 1649, it was required that surveyors of lands and
measurers should be sworn.
In 1654, every town was required to provide a book for
recording such lands as are possessed, but no written evi
dence of title upon the testimony of witnesses before such
as the town shall appoint to hear such evidence, which
shall be five in number of the same town, and what the
said five or any three of them being met together, shall
conclude of, they shall cause the town clerk to enter the
same in the tenure book, and to be published that, if any
within two years can make better claim, they shall come
in, and in case none do, it may be brought to the court
recorded and entered, and so shall be reputed sufficient
evidence in future.'
In 1658, towns were required to ascertain the bounds
of every inhabitant's lands, and the owners to put up
monuments before April 15, 1659, — neglecting, to be
fined. In 1666, it was enacted that henceforth nothing be en
tered on the records of the court respecting lands in
reference to exchanges, mortgages, leases or other con
veyances, but such as shall be under hand and seal before
witness, and that all such deeds be exhibited to a magis
trate according to order, and that the said magistrate
endorse thereon, and the same also be entered, and no
other.' It was also enacted that all conveyances of land
should be null unless acknowledged before the governor
or one of the assistants within six months from the time
in which it was made, but the law not to be construed to
affect wills or testamentary devises.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. H3
In 1668, lands belonging to non-residents out of the
colony, and situated out of the bounds of the townships,
were to be taxed like other lands.
In June, 1679, it was enacted that evidence of land
brought from any townrbook to be placed on the court re
cords, ' shall be shewed in open court before it be entered.'
In July, 1669, ' for quieting men's estates, and avoiding
suits at law,' the -court enacted that all persons havino-
had for the space of ten years 'any right or title of entry
or cause of action for any lands, tenements, or heredita
ments,' now detained from him, should bring his suit within
five years from the termination of the session of that court,
or be barred. And none should commence such suit or make
such entry, ' but within fifteen years next after the right
and title should have descended or accrued, and failing
to do that, should be barred, saving to minors, feme cov
erts non-composes, prisoners, or persons beyond the seas
and their heirs, their rights at any time within five years
after they come of age, ' discouverture,'' coming of sound
mind, enlargement out of prison, or coming into the coun-
. try five years after the expiration of the fifteen.'
And it was further enacted that all persons who had
right, title, or cause of action for any lands, tenements,
or hereditaments hitherto detained for the space of twenty
years, and shall have neglected to commence a suit or to
make an entry, or having had sure right, title, Sic, shall
have neglected, &c, for eighteen years, ' and shall neglect
to make such entry into, or suit within two years from
the termination of the session of the court, should in
either case be barred and excluded from his remedy, ex
cepting as in the above cases of infancy, &c, according
to the statute of England, made Anno 21, Jacobi Regis.
chap. 16.' ' It having been the usual manner and custom of
this court to have recurred as much as might be to the lawg
part ii. 15

1 14 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of England in such case, wherein there is no other law
provided by the court more suitable to our condition.'
In June, 1674, it was enacted that Indian claims to
lands in possession of the English should be prosecuted
within a year after the claimant should come of age, and
that the Indians should be notified of the pendency of the
suit.
Commons, &c.
By a law of 1673, none were permitted to keep above
three horses on the commons. One having £20 rateable
estate was permitted to keep one, £40 two, £60 three.
Any keeping more, ' it was made lawful for any one tres
passed upon by such horses to kill them ;' and also to do
it in case of trespass ' on their corn, or other enclosed
lands or meadows after warning given.'
Laws Respecting Commerce, the Fisheries, &c.
In 1666, No horses were allowed to be carried out'of
any township in the government witliout the consent of
the governor, under a penalty of £5.
In 1668, the exportation of bark and timber was for
bidden, and the prire of boards was fixed at 45s., and the
importation of boards was forbidden.
In 1670, the exportation of timber ' unless sawn into
boards, wrought out into shingles, or wrought up into
casks, boats, barques, or other vessels of burthen,' was
forbidden under penally of forfeiture. The reason of this
law is stated in the preamble. 'Forasmuch as several
towns in this colony are very much straitened for build
ing timber, and through God's providence, some other
towns are well accommodated and able to afford them a
supply, that towns so straitened be not necessitated to
fetch their supplies from another jurisdiction, whilst we
have of our own.' In 1673, this law was repealed.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The exportation of bark was subjected to like forfeit
ure, but'in June, 1673, this law was in part repealed, so
far as to permit persons to export timber growing on their
own lands ' provided they make it appear to any one of
the selectmen or constables of their respective towns by
the testimony of one person uninterested.'
It was further enacted that the ship carpenter should be
under the same restraint as others. Any officer neglect
ing to notice transgressions of the law was to be presented
to'the grand inquest.
, The shipment of fish caught at Cape Cod, was forbid
den unless an account thereof should be rendered to the
water bailiff under penalty of -forfeiture. In June, 1673,
the excise on Cape Cod mackerel was lessened to citizens
from I2d. to 6d., and to foreigners from 2s. to Is. per
barrel, ' unless any shall come in by the next court, and
rent the privilege of the cape fishing.'

115

( 116 )

CHAPTER III.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE CONFEDERATED
COLONIES, AND THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.
Plymouth had been settled seventeen years, Massachu
setts seven, Connecticut one or two, and New Haven was
scarcely settled, when these colonies began seriously to
consider the benefit of a union for the common defence.
The utility of such a union was not doubted. Articles
had been drawn up as early as 163S, but werejK>tj}doj>ted.
In 1639, Governor Haynes and Mr Hooker of Connecticut,
who were exceedingly solicitous to effect this object, visited
Massachusetts for the express purpose of inducing the
General Court to adopt the project, and remained at
Boston several weeks to urge its expediency and necessity.
Connecticut was fully sensible of the important benefits
of such a union to them : — their settlements were on the
river, which was a frontier both against the Dutch and the
western Indians, and were then feeble and defenceless: —
A wilderness was interposed between them and the other
English settlements : — the people of Provi.dsn.ce, -their
nearest English neighbors, possessed not that congeniality
of sentiment which would have made their alliance de
sirable ; but with Massachusetts and Plymouth their feel
ings, sympathies, and principles, were common. A
union so desirable on every account to them they were
exceedingly anxious to accomplish. The other colonies

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY
were (S22rafe!S, to. the project, for although they did not
fear $S: Dutch, yet, after the overthrow_of the Pequots,
the Narragansetts being the strongest, wenTmore dread-
ed lilS5^a11 th§ .P.ther Indian tribes', and it was in the
power of the Connecticut settlements feeble as they were,
in a time of war to make a strong diversion. The Narra
gansetts and a considerable part of the Pokanokets, were
in faet surrounded on three sides by these three colonies,
and the local situation of each was such that it afforded
maJ?y Iacil'l'es f°r. mutual aid in all'wars in which ihey
should be jointly engaged with the Indians; yet it was so
difficult to settle the terms of the compact on a basis of
equality and reciprocity, that no agreement could be
effected until 1643. Commissioners then met at Boston,
on the part of each colony, in the month of May. The
General Court of Massachusetts being then in session,
elected their commissioners on the spot. John Winthrop,
Thomas Dudley, and Simon Bradstreet, were chosen by
the magistrates, and William Hathorne, Edward Gibbons,
and William Tyng on the part of the deputies of Massa
chusetts. Edward Winslow and William Collier repre
sented Plymouth. John Haynes and Edward Hopkins
Connecticut. Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson
New Haven, and Saybrook, an independent settlement at
the mouth of the river, which had been founded by Lord
Say and Sele, and Lord Brook, and of which John Win
throp, Jr, the son of the governor of Massachusetts, was
the first governor, was represented by George Fenvvick.
The Commissioners had several meetings before they
could agree, onthe terms of confederation, and the project
came near to failing, but they were all so sensible of its
general benefits, that the following articles were signed
at last by all the commissioners excepting those from Ply
mouth, who had not been so far authorized by their Gen-

117

118 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
eral Court ; but being transmitted to the General Courts of
the several rninnias., t,hey_jye.re .ratified a.nd..r.on firmed by
all, and signed by the Commissioners of Plymouth at the
next meeting.
Articles of confederation between the plantations under
the government of the Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth,
Connecticut, New Haven in New England, with the plan
tations in combination with them.
' Whereas, all came into these parts of America with
one and the same end and aim, namely, to advance the
kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the lib
erties of the gospel in purity with peace ; and whereas
in our settling, (by the wise providence of God,) we are
further dispersed from the sea coast and rivers, than
was at first intended, so that we cannot according to our
desire, with convenience communicate in one government
and jurisdiction ; and whereas we live encompassed with
people of several nations and strange languages, which
hereafter may prove injurious to us and our posterity ; and
forasmuch as the natives have committed sundry insolen
ces and outrages upon several plantations of the English,
and have of late combined themselves against us, and
seeing by reason of the sad distractions in England,
(which they have heard of, or by which they know,) we
are hindered, both from the humble way of seeking ad
vice, and reaping those comfortable fruits of protection,
which at other times we might well expect ; we therefore
do conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter
into a present consociation amongst ourselves, for mutual
help and strength, in all future concernments ; that as a
nation and relation, so in other respects we be, and con
tinue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the
ensuing articles.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' 1. Wherefore, it is fully agreed and concluded between
the parties and jurisdictions abovenamed, and they jointly
and severally do by these presents agree, and conclude
that they all be, and henceforth be called by the name of
the United Colonies of New England.
'2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their
•posterities, do jointly and severally, hereby enter into a
firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for
offence and defence, mutual advice and succor, upon all
just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the
truths and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mu
tual safety and welfare.
' 3. It is further agreed, that the plantations which at
present are, or hereafter shall be, settled within the limits
of the Massachusetts, shall be forever under the govern
ment of the Massachusetts, and shall have peculiar juris
diction amongst themselves, in all cases, as entire body,
and that Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, shall
each of them, in all respects, have peculiar jurisdiction
and government, within their limits ; and in reference to
the plantations which are already settled, or shall here
after be erected ; and shall settle within any of their limits
respectively, provided that no other jurisdiction shall be
taken in, as a distinct head or member of this confedera
tion, nor shall any other, either plantation or jurisdiction
in present being, and not already in combination, or under
the jurisdiction of any of their confederates, be received
by any of them, nor shall any two of these confederates,
join in one jurisdiction without consent of the rest, which
consent to be interpreted, as in the sixth ensuing article is
expressed. ' 4. It is also by these confederates agreed, that the
charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive,
(upon what part or member of this confederation soever

119

120 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
they shall fall,) shall both in men and provisions, and
all other disbursements, be borne by all the parts of
this confederation, in different proportions, according
to their different abilities, in manner following, namely,
that the commissioners for each jurisdiction, from time
to time, as there shall be occasion, bring account and
number of all the males in each plantation, or any way
belonging to or under their several jurisdictions, of
what quality or condition soever they be, from sixteen
years, old to sixty, being inhabitants there; and that
according to the different numbers, which from time to
time shall be found in each jurisdiction, upon a true
and just account, the service of men, and all charges
of the war be borne by the poll. Each jurisdiction or
plantation being left to their own just, course or custom
of rating themselves and people, according to their differ
ent estates, with due respect to their qualities and ex
emptions among themselves ; though the confederates
take no notice of any such privilege, and that according
to the different charge of each jurisdiction and plantation,
the whole advantage of the war, (if it pleased God to bless .
their endeavors,) whether it be in land, goods, or persons,
shall be proportionally divided amongst the said con
federates. '
' 5. It is further agreed, that if any of these jurisdictions,
or any plantation under, or in combination with them, be
invaded by any enemy whatsoever, upon notice and
request of any three magistrates of that jurisdiction
so invaded, the rest of the confederates, without any
further notice or expostulation, shall forthwith send aid to
confederates in danger, but in different proportions :
namely, the Massachusetts, an hundred men, sufficiently
armed and provided for such a service and journey ; and
each of the rest fortyfive men, so armed and provided, or
any less number, if less be required, according to this

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 121
proportion. But if such a confederate in danger, may be
supplied by the next confederate, not exceeding the num
ber hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and seek
no further for the present ; the charge to be borne, as
in this article is expressed ; but at their return, to be
victualled and supplied with powder and shot, (if there
be need) for their journey, by that jurisdiction which
employed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions
to exceed those numbers, till by a meeting of the com
missioners for this confederation, a greater aid appear
necessary ; and this proportion to continue, till upon
knowledge of the numbers of each jurisdiction, which
shall be brought to the next meeting, some other propor
tion be ordered ; but in any such case of sending men for
present aid, (whether before or after such order or altera
tions,) it is agreed that at the meeting of the commission
ers for this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion
be duly considered. And if it appear that the fault lay
in the party invaded, that then the jurisdiction or planta
tion make just satisfaction, both to the invaders whom
they have injured, and bear all the charge of the war
themselves, without requiring any allowance from the rest
of the confederates, towards the same. And further, that
if any jurisdiction see danger of an invasion approaching,
and there be time for a meeting, that in such case three
magistrates of that jurisdiction may summon a meeting at
such convenient place, as themselves think meet, to con
sider and provide against the threatened danger, provided,
when they are met, they may remove to what place they
please ; only when any of these four confederates have
but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, a request or
summons from any two of them shall be accounted of
equal force with the three mentioned in both the clauses
part ii. 16

122 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of this article, till there be an increase of magistrates
there. ' 6. It is also agreed and concluded, that for the man
aging of all affairs, proper to and concerning the whole
confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen by and
out of each of those jurisdictions, namely, two for the
Massachusetts, and so for the other three, (all in church
fellowship with us,) which shall bring full power from
their several general courts respectively, to hear ancL^i
examine, weigh and determine, all affairs of war or peace,
leagues, aid, charges, numbers of men of war, division of
spoils, or whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving of
more confederates or plantations into combination with
any of these confederates, and all things of like nature,
which are the proper concomitants and consequents of such
a confederation, for amity, offence, and defence, (not in
termeddling with the government of any of the jurisdic
tions, which by the third article is preserved entirely by
them;) but if these eight commissioners, when they meet,
shall not agree, yet it is concluded that any six of the eight
agreeing shall have power to determine and settle the busi
ness in question. But if six do not agree, that then such
propositions with their reasons, (so far as they have been
debated,) be sent and referred to the four general courts,
namely, the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and
New Haven, and if at all the said general courts the
business so referred be concluded, then to be prosecuted
by the confederates and all their members. It is further
agreed that these eight commissioners shall meet every
year, (besides extraordinary meetings, according to the
fifth article,) to consider, treat, and conclude of all af
fairs, belonging to this confederation ; , which meeting
shall ever be the first Tuesday in September, and that the
next meeting after the date of these presents, (which shall

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
be accounted the second meeting,) shall be at Boston in
the Massachusetts ; the third, at Hartford ; the fourth, at
New Haven ; the fifth, at Plymouth ; the sixth and seventh,
at Boston ; and then at Hartfurd, New Haven, and Ply
mouth, and so in course successively ; if, in the meantime,
some middle place be not found out, and agreed upon,
which may be commodious for all the jurisdiction.
' 7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these
eight commissioners, (whether ordinary or extraordinary,)
they all, or any six of them, agreeing as before, may choose
their president, out of themselves, whose office and work
shall be, to take care and direct for order, and a comely
carrying on of all proceedings in their present meeting.
But he shall be invested with no such power or respect,
as by which he shall hinder the propounding or progress
of any business, or any way cast the scales otherwise,
than in the preceding article, is agreed.
' 8. It is also agreed, that the commissioners for this con
federation hereafter, at their meetings, (whether ordinary
or extraordinary,) as they may have commission or oppor--*
tunity, do endeavor to fame and establish agreements and
orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the
plantations are interested for preserving peace 'among
themselves, and preventing (as much as may be,) all occa
sions of war or differences with others; as about free and
speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction, to all the
confederates equally as to their own ; receiving those that
remove from one plantation to another without due cer
tificates ; how all the jurisdictions may carry it towards
the Indians, that they neither grow insolent, nor be injured
without due satisfaction, lest war break in upon the con
federates through miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if
any servant run away from his master, into any of the
confederate jurisdictions, that in such case, (upon certifi-

123

124 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
cate from one magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which
the said servant fled, or upon other due proof,) the said
servant shall be either delivered to his master, or any
other that pursues, and brings such certificate and proof.
And that upon the escape of any prisoner, or fugitive,
for any criminal cause, whether breaking prison or get
ting from the officer, or otherwise escaping; upon the
certificate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of
which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner or such
an offender at the time of the escape, the magistrate, or
some of them of that jurisdiction, where for the present
the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant
such a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehending
of any such person, and the delivery of him into the hand
of the officer or other person who pursueth him. And if
there be help required, for the safe returning of any such
offender, then it shall be granted unto him that craves the
same, he paying the charges thereof.
' 9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous
consequence, (especially to the smaller plantations in
these United Colonies,) it is agreed, that neither the Mas
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven, nor
any of the members of any of them, shall at any time
hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this
confederation, or any part thereof, in any war whatsoever,
(sudden exigences, with the necessary consequences
thereof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much
as the case will permit,) without the conscnt_and agree
ment of the forenamed eight commissioners, or at least
six of them, as in the sixth article is provided. And that
no charge be required of any of the confederates, in case
of a defensive war, till the said commissioners have met,
and approved the justice of the war, and have agreed
upon the sums of money to be levied ; which sum is then

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
to be paid by the several confederates, in proportion ac
cording to the fourth article.
' 10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are
summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or
two, as in the fifth article, if any of the commissioners
come not, (due warning being given or sent,) it is agreed
that four of the commissioners shall have power to direct
a war which cannot be delayed, and to send for due pro
portions of men, out of each jurisdiction, as well as six
might have done, if all had met; but not less than six
shall determine the justice of war, or allow the demands"
or bill of charges, or cause any levies to be made for the
same. '11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates
shall hereafter break any of these present articles, or be
any other way injurious to any of the other jurisdictions,
such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly consid-
:; ered and ordered by the commissioners of the other juris
dictions, that both peace and this present confederation
may be entirely preserved without violation.
' 12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation, and the several
articles and agreements thereof being read and seriously
considered, both by the General Court for the Massachu
setts, and the Commissioners for the other three, were
subscribed presently by the commissioners, (all save those
of Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient commission from
their General Court, deferred their subscription till the
next meeting, and then they subscribed also,) and were to
be allowed by the General Courts of the several jurisdic
tions, which accordingly was done, and certified at the
next meeting, held at Boston, September 7, 1643.
'Boston, May 29,1643.'

125

126 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The preamble recites the inducements to union, which
were principally the dangers of Indian wars, as from the
distractions in England the prospect of assistance from
home was dubious, and therefore it became necessary for
the colonies to unite their strength.
The United Colonies of New England was the style
assumed. A perpetual league was established of friend
ship and amity for offence and defence, mutual advice,
and succor upon all just occasions, ' both for preserving
and propagating the truths and liberties of the gospel, and
for their own mutual safety and welfare.'
No plantation to be received into the, jurisdiction of
either colony unless within their chartered limits, and no
colonies to unite in one jurisdiction unless by consent of
the others.
The charges of wars to be borne, and the spoil whether
'in land or goods,' to be divided in proportion. The
mode of requiring aid from each, and of ascertaining the
proportions of the burthens, were prescribed.
In case of the invasion of either colony, the other par
ties of the confederacy were to raise a military force in equal
proportions excepting Massachusetts, who was to raise in
the proportion of one hundred, to fortyfive from each of
the others. The justice of war was to be decided by the
commissioners, and in case of injury to others, satisfaction
was to be awarded to the injured party.
The last article was intended to prevent either colony
from practising wanton depredations on the Indians, and
from doing them wrong.
Each jurisdiction was to be represented by two com
missioners, (' all in church fellowship.') Six of the eight
to decide on all questions of peace or war, (with some
exceptions.)

^

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In case six of the eight did not agree, the propositions
were to be referred to the General Courts of all the Colo
nies who were all to agree.
The place of meeting after the first seven years to be
at Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth alternately, unless
a permanent ' middle spot,' should be adopted.
The president was to be chosen by six votes out of eight.'
He had no other powers than such as are ordinarily at
tached to the chair.
The commissioners were authorized ' to frame and es
tablish agreements and orders in general cases of a civil
nature,' to prevent differences, to cause such to be received
as should remove from one jurisdiction to another without
certificates, to regulate the intercourse with the Indians,
to provide for the restoration of runaway servants and
criminals escaping from one jurisdiction to another.
. No war, offensive or defensive, was to be made without
| the consent of six of the eight commissioners.
Any violation of the articles of confederation was to
be ' duly considered and ordered' by the commissioners,
except those of the offending colony.
. The articles were not precise in their terms, and were
liable to a latitudinarian construction, but as there were
no political dissensions at the period of their adoption
nor for many years subsequent, dissensions being then
confined altogether to religion, they were construed on
sound principles, and madeefficient by the force of opin
ion for a period of thirty years, and were not altered until
1672. The first meeting of the Commissioners after the arti
cles of confederation had been ratified, was at Boston,
Sept. 7, 1643. The Commissioners were — from Ply
mouth, Edward Winslow, William Collier; from Massa
chusetts, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley; from Con-

127

128 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
necticu,t, George Fenwick, Edward Hopkins; from New
Haven, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Gregson.
John Winthrop of Massachusetts was elected President.
On motion of the Commissioners of New Haven, it was
ordered that the town of Milford may be received into
combination and as a member of the jurisdiction of New
Haven, if New Haven and Milford agree upon the terms
and conditions among themselves. The like liberty was
also granted in regard of the town of Southampton.
The Winchester was establised as the common measure
of the confederated colonies, eight gallons to the bushel.
The several General Courts were advised to attend par
ticularly to the arms and equipments of the citizens of
their colopies, their ammunition, stores, &c, and to report
annually to the Commissioners, and six annual trainings,
(at -least,) in the several colonies, were ordered.
The proportion of men to be raised in the different
colonies in case of war or imminent danger, was fixed by
the Commissioners as follows.
Massachusetts, - - 150
Plymouth, - - - 30
Connecticut, - - 30
New Haven, - - - 25
Total, - - 235
This apportionment was to remain until the second
annual meeting of the Commissioners.
Samuel Gorton having again disturbed the tranquillity
of the good people of Massachusetts by various writings
and controversies, which they deemed not only blasphe
mous but subversive of civil order, complaint was made
to the Commissioners. Gorton and his company had
been summoned to appear before the General Court of

memoir of Plymouth colony. 129
Massachusetts, and a safe conduct offered. If they should
stubbornly refuse to appear, the commissioners ' thought
fit that the magistrates in the Massachusetts proceed
against them according to what they shall find just: and
the rest of the jurisdictions will approve and concur in
¦ what shall be so warrantably done, as if their commission
ers had been present at the conclusions, provided that this
conclusion do not prejudice the government of Plymouth
in any right they can justly claim unto any tract or tracts
of land besides that possessed by the English and Indians
who have submitted themselves to the government of Mas
sachusetts.' Massachusetts, it would seem, still continued to claim
Gorton's purchase and jurisdiction also, on the ground of
cession fn;m the Indians. Plymouth also claimed juris
diction ; and although both colonies were willing to join
in the persecution of this bold, insolent, obnoxious fanatic,
yet they could not as yet agree which should take the
spoil. 6
* The Commissioners of New Haven complained of sun
dry injuries and outrages which the people of that colony
had received from the Dutch and Swedes in Delaware
#bay, and exhibited their proofs. Governor Winthrop, the
president, was instructed to require explanation and satis
faction of the Swedish governor.
The Dutch governor at Manhattan had written to the
governor and General Court of Massachusetts, 'complain
ing against Hartford.' He was referred to the Commis
sioners. At this meeting the subject was taken into con
sideration, and Governor Winthrop was instructed to an
swer. ' It was thought fit, that in that answer the wrongs
done both to Hartford and New Haven be expressed,
requiring answer to the particulars that as we will not
PART II. 17

130 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
wrong others, so we may not desert our confederates in
any just cause.'
One of the most important subjects committed to the
Commissioners was the regulation of their common rela
tions with the Indians. With some of the sachems, spe
cial alliances had been formed, and it became their duty
to interfere between the different tribes oftentimes, so that
peace should be maintained, for a war between the larger
tribes could hardly fail to involve the English eventually.
The christian or piaying Indians they were bound to pro
tect. These were considered in the light of subjects, and
so well was the relation understood, that even the Mo
hawks, the unrelenting enemies of all the tribes east «f
Connecticut river, in their incursions generally spared such
Indians through fear or respect of the English.
The history of the disputes, negotiations, and treaties,
and the measures pursued by the Commissioners when
- interfering to preserve the peace of the colonies, and
peace also between the different tribes of Indians being
confined, (until the general war) to the Narragansetts,
Pequots, and Moheagans, belongs properly to Connecticut;
and the history of the disputes, quarrels, and negotia
tions, with the Dutch and Swedes, to Connecticut and
New Haven ; and the history of the correspondence and
intercourse of the Commissioners with the English Society
for propagating the gospel in New England, to Massa
chusetts. The legislation of the Commissioners on. general sub
jects, and particularly in all things specially relating to
Plymouth, may with propriety be inserted in the history of
that colony.
Transactions of a miscellaneous character will be no
ticed in the order of the time in which they occurred.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 131
The second meeting of the Commissioners was at Hart
ford, September 5th, 1644 ; present from Massachusetts,
Simon Bradstreet, William Hawthorne ; Plymouth, Ed
ward Winslow, John Brown; Connecticut, Mr Hopkins,
Mr Fenwick ; New Haven, Mr Eaton, Mr Gregson. Ed
ward Hopkins was chosen president.
The Commissioners of Massachusetts claimed prece
dence of right, as being *first named in the articles of
confederation : this claim the Commissioners rejected,
' yet out of their respects to the government of Massa
chusetts, they did willingly grant that their Commissioners
should first subscribe after the president in this and all
future meetings. And the Commissioners for the other
colonies in such order as they are named in the articles,
namely, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven.'
Massachusetts also claimed a part of the lands conquered ,
from the Pequots, as that colony had been associated in
the war.
v ' Mr Fenwick for himself and some noble personages
by patent interested in the lands in question, desired that
I nothing might be concluded against their right and title
in their absence, and professeth that Pecoat harbor, and
t- the lands adjoining were of great concernment to those
% interested in Connecticut river, and that they had special
i aim and respect to it when first they consulted about
i planting in these parts.'
This subject was interesting to the proprietors of Say-
i. brook, and the Commissioners decided that they should
i have time to be heard.
gjs The Commissioners took into consideration the subject
of supporting the ministers, and recommended to ea;h
I General Court, ' that those that are taught in the word in
the several* plantations be called together, that every man
voluntarily set down what he is willing to allow to that

132 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
end and use ; and if any man refuse to pay mete propor
tion, that then he be rated by authority in some just and
equal way, and if after this, any man withhold or delay
due payment, the civil power to be exercised as in other
just debts.'
A communication from Mr Shepard, pastor of the church
in Cambridge, was read, and approved, and recommended
to the several general courts ' as a matter worthy of due
consideration and entertainment for advance of learning
and which we hope (say the Commissioners) will be cheer
fully embraced.' The communication was in these words.
' To the honored Commissioners,
' Those whom God hath called to attend the welfare of
religious commonweals, have been prompt to extend their
care for the good of public schools, by means of which
the commonwealth may be furnished with knowing and
understanding men in all callings; the churches with an
able ministry; in all places, and without which it is easy
to see how both these estates may decline and degenerate
into gross ignorance, and consequently into great and
universal profanehess. May it please you therefore among
other things of common concernment, and public benefit,
to take into your consideration some way of comfortable
maintenance for that school of the prophets that now is;
for although hitherto God hath carried on that work by a
special hand, and that not without some evident fruit and
success, yet it is found by too sad experience, that for
want of some external supplies many are discouraged
from sending their children, (though pregnant and fit to
take the best impression,) thereunto, others that are sent,
their parents enforced to take them away too soon, or to
Iheir own houses too oft, as not able to minister any com
fortable and seasonable maintenance to them therein, and
those who are continued not without much pressure gene
rally to the feeble abilities of their parents or other pri-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 133
vate friends who bear the burthen therein alone ; if there
fore, it were commended by you at least to the freedom
of every family, (which is able and willing to give,)
throughout the plantations to give yearly but the fourth
part of a bushel of corn,. or something equivalent there
unto : and for this end if every minister were desired to
stir up the hearts of the people once in the fittest season
in the year to be freely enlarged therein, and one or two
faithful and fit men appointed in each town to receive and
seasonably to send in what shall be thus given by them.
Ii is conceived, as no man would feel any grievance here
by, so it would be a blessed means of comfortable pro
vision for the diet of divers such students as may stand in
need of some support, and be thought mete and worthy
to be continued a fit season therein. And because it may
seem an unmete thing for this one to suck and draw away
all that nourishment which the lyke schools "may need in
after times in other colonies, your wisdoms therefore may
set down what limitations you please, or choose any other
way you shall think more mete for this desired supply,
your religious care hereof as it cannot but be pleasing to
him whose you are, and whom now you serve, so the fruit
hereof may hereafter abundantly testify that your labor
herein hath not been in vain.'
The government of Massachusetts were permitted to
receive Martin's* Vineyard into their jurisdiction ; and
the jurisdiction of Connecticut South Hampton, on Long
Island. . .
WToranoake was determined to be within the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts, but the purchasers, Mr Hopkins and Mr
* Martha's Vineyard, then called Martin's, from Martin Pring, one of the
early navigators to America, as is supposed. The name of Martha's Vineyard
was given by Capt. Gosnold to No-man's-land, and transferred afterwards to
the larger island.

134 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Whiting, who had built a trading house, were confirmed
in their title to one thousand acres of land.
All voluntary expeditions against the Dutch, French,
and Swedes, were forbidden.
'Some of the inhabitants of Rhode Island having inti
mated a willingness to be received into and under the
government of one of the colonies, the Commissioners
considering by an utter refusal they may by the discords
and divisions among themselves be exposed to some great
inconveniences, and hoping many of them may be reduced
to a better frame of government, thought fit, if the major
part and such as have most interest in the island, will ab
solutely and without reservation submit, either the Massa
chusetts or Plymouth may receive them.'
All general charges were to be proportioned according
to the list of males between sixteen and sixty in each
colony. It was recommended to the several general courts that
every verdict or sentence rendered in one colony, should
be made by law presumptive evidence in any other colony
of the confederacy.
It was ordered that the repairs of the road from
Massachusetts to Connecticut' should be made at the gen
eral expense.
The Commissioners also took measures to prevent the
people of Massachusetts from engaging in the controver
sies between La Tour and D'Aulney at St Johns. The
Commissioners of Plymouth having laid before them the
complaints of the people of that colony for the injuries
which they had received at their establishment at Matthe-
biquatus in Penobscot, the affair was postponed to await
the D'Aulneys' decision as to the explanatory letter which
had been sent to him by the General Court of Massachu
setts.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 135
The Governor of Massachusetts having written to the
Commissioners proposing for their consideration ' how the
spreading course of error might be stayed, and the truths
wherein the churches of New England walk, set upon
their own firm and clear foundations, the Commissioners
propounded to, and received from the elders now present
at Hartford, as followeth.'
' Quest. Whether the elders may not be intreated
seriously to consider of some confession of doctrine and
discipline, with solid ground to.be approved by the
churches, and published by consent, (till further light) for
the confirming the weak among ourselves, and stopping
the mouths of adversaries abroad.'
' Ans. We who are here present, in all thankfulness
acknowledge your christian and religious care, to further
the good of our churches and posterity, and do readily
entertain the motion", and shall use our best diligence and
endeavor to acquaint the rest of our brethren with it, and
shall study to answer your desires and expectations as soon
as God shall give fit season.'
A difference arising between Massachusetts and Ply
mouth respecting the jurisdiction of a ' plantation called
Seacunk,' it was referred to the Commissioners, and the
Plymouth patent was produced. It appeared that a place
called Poccan.okick, alias Sewamsett, was granted to
Plymouth. The Commissioners inquired of- the deputies
of the Narragansett Indians who were then present, as to
the extent of the country to which these names were ap
plied, and determined that Seacunk was within the limits
of Plymouth.
An extraordinary meeting ef the Commissioners was
holden at Boston, on the 28th of June, 1645. Present,
John Winthrop and Herbert Pelham from Massachusetts;
Thomas Prince and Mr Brbwn from Plymouth ; Mr Hop-

136 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
kins and Mr Fenwick from Connecticut ; Mr Eaton and
Stephen Goodyere from New Haven. John Winthrop was
chosen president.
The difficulties between La Tour and D'Aulney were
again considered, and an agreement or treaty for peace
between the governor of Massachusetts and M. Marie the
agent for D'Aulney, was produced, which was concluded,
August, 1644.
This agreement was confirmed by the Commissioners,
' being desirous that a firm and general peace be main
tained between the English and all their neighbors, that
every one might pursue the common intention of subduing
this wilderness for the use of man, in that way for which
the earth was first given to the sons of Adam, and for
bringing those barbarous people to civility, and so by
divine assistance to the knowledge of the true God and
our Lord Jesus Christ,' &c.
The Commissioners met at New Haven, September 7th,
1646. John Endicolt from Massachusetts ; Timothy Hath
erly from Plymouth ; John Haynes from Connecticut.
The other Commissioners were reelected. Theophilus
Eaton of New Haven, was chosen president.
John Winthrop, Jr, having commenced a plantation at
Pequot, (afterwards New London,) a question arose as to
the jurisdiction. Massachusetts claimed the plantation
by right of conquest. Connecticut by patent, purchase,
and conquest.
The Commissioners agreed that the jurisdiction was in
Connecticut. The general account of the expenses heretofore in
curred in the general cause of the colonies was adjusted.
'And upon consideration of soldier's diet, and other ex
penses in wine, hot waters, powder and shot, wherein
either of the colonies may be provident or remiss to their

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
own or neighbor's damage, the expense of each private
soldier was restricled to 6s. a week, corporal Ss., Serjeant
10s., ensign 15s., lieutenant 2Cs., captain 30s.'
The following declaration and recommendation to the
several general courts, was adopted by the commissioners.*
' Upon serious consideration of the spreading nature of-
error, the dangerous growth and effects thereof in other
places, and particularly how the purity and power both of
religion and civil order is already much complayned, if
s not wholly lost in a part of New England, by a licentious
liberty granted and settled, whereby many casting off the,
rule of the word, profess and practise what is good in their
own eyes; and upon information of what petitions have
been lately put up in some of the colonies, against the
good and strait ways of Christ, both in the churches and
in the commonwealth, the Commissioners- remembering
that those colonies for themselves and their posterity did
I enter into this firm and perpetual league, as for other re-
. spects, so for mutual advice that the truth and liberties of
the gospel might be preserved, propagated : thought it
their duty seriously to commend it to the care and con
sideration of each General Court within these' United
Colonies, that as they have laid their foundations and
measured the temple of God, the worship and worshippers,
by that straight reed God hath put into their hands, so
they would walk on and build up (all discouragements
and difficulties notwithstanding,) with an undaunted heart
and unweaiied hand, according to the same rules and pat
terns. That a due watch be kept and continued at the
doors of God's house, that none.be admitted as members
of, the body of Christ, but such as hold forth effectual
«£ajjing, and thereby union with Christ the head, and those
whom Christ hath received, and enter by an express cove
nant to attend and observe the laws and duties of that
PART II. 18

137

138 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
spiritual corporation, that baptism the seal of the covenant
be administered only to such members and theiFTmrnfidTate
seed, that Anabaptism, Familism, Antinomianism, gene
rally all errors of like nature which oppose, undermine and
?slight either the scriptures, the Sabbath or other ordi
nances of God, and bring in and cry up unwarrantable
revelations, inventions of men, or any carnal liberty, under
a deceitful color of liberty of conscience, may be season
ably and duly suppressed, though they wish as much'for-
bear-ance and respect may be had of tender consciences
seeking light, as may stand with the purity of religion
and peace of the churches. (The Commissioners of Ply
mouth desire further consideration concerning this advice
given to the General Courts.') Plymouth, it seeriis, hesi
tated to. join the denunciation of those of a different faith. •
The Commissioners conclude. ' And lastly, that some
serious provision be speedily made against oppression,
whether in commodities or wages, against excess and disor
der in apparel, drink and all other loose and sinful mis
carriages not fit to be named amongst Christians, by which
the name of our holy God is much dishonored, and the
churches of Christ in these parts much reproached, as if
they were strict in their forms only, or had respect only
to one of the tables of God's law, their fruits in reference
to the other, being nothing better than the wild vines or
brambles in the wilderness. If thus we be for God, he
certainly will be with us, and though the God of the
world, (as he is styled,) be worshipped, and by usurpation
set upon his throne in the main and greatest part of
America, yet this small part and portion may be vindicated
as by the right hand of Jehovah, and justly called Eman
uel's land.'
This startling declaration of the Commissioners of the
existence of vices besides heresies in religion, in the infant

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and religious colonies of New England, must be taken
with some qualifications. Perhaps what seemed excesses
to these austere men, were nothing more than venial in
dulgences, which liberal minds would have viewed rather
as temporary and accidental deviations than fixed and
rooted habits of evil.
In one respect the puritan fathers of New England
have won and have deserved the gratitude of their pos
terity. According to their means they were the munifi
cent patrons of learning ; they watched with paternal
solicitude over the progress of the infant establishment
at Cambridge, but they looked to the moral and literary
improvement of the confederated colonies from the efforts
and examples of well educated men, rather than the par
ticular advantage of the student, or the general diffusion
of science, as this declaration of the Commissioners dis
covers. ' Whereas the colonies at present afford some
help towards the maintenance of some -poor scholars in
the college at Cambridge in the Massachusetts. It was
propounded and thought fit that some course be taken
with the parents, and with such scholars themselves, (as
the case may require,) that when they are furnished with
learning, in some competent measure, they remove not
into other countries, but improve their parts and abilities
for the service of the colonies, and for this purpose the
Commissioners for the Massachusetts were desired to
advise with the General Court and elders there, for the
ordering such a course, and how such scholars may be
employed and encouraged, when they leave the college
either in new plantations, or as school-masters, or in ships,
till they be called and fitted for other service.'
Although the eldest colony in this confederacy could
date its origin only from 1620, that laudable ambition
which seeks for national immortality in the pages of his-

139

140 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
tory was already felt, and these humble pilgrims were
desirous of giving to the world and leaving to their pos
terity the story of" the events of their pilgrimage in the
wilderness. The Commissioners adopted the following
declaration, which may have led to the publication of
New England's Memorial by Nathaniel Morton, in 1669.
' Whereas our good God hath from the first done great
things for his people in these colonies, in sundry respects
worthy to be written in our hearts with a deep arid cha-
rected impression not to be blotted out, and forgotten to
be transmitted to posterity, that they may know the Lord,
and how he hath glorified his grace and mercy in our foun
dations and beginnings, that they also may trust in him,.
and walk with a right foot before him without warping
and declining. It is desired by the Commissioners, that
all the colonies, (as they may,) would coilectjmd_gathcr
up the many special . .prajude.DCfiS.o_f God__lawards them
since their arrival. and settling in these parts, how he hath
made room for them, how his ha7fdTiirfn~Beeii with tin m
in laying their foundations in church and commonwealth ;
how he, hath cast the dread of his people, (weak in them
selves,) upon the Indians, scattered their councils, broken
their plots and attempts, and continued our peace, (not
withstanding their insolencies, rage, and malice,) made
gratuitous provision for us, and in all respects hath been
a sun and shield to us, and that memorials being made,
they may be duly communicated and seriously considered,
that no thing be mistaken but that history may be com
piled according to truth with due weight, by some able
and fit man appointed thereunto.'
The Commissioners again met in Boston, July 26,
1647. Thomas Dudley and John Endicott from Massachu
setts ; William Bradford, John Brown from Plymouth ;

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 141
Edward Hopkins and Capt. John Mason from Connecticut ;
Theophilus Eaton and Stephen Goodyeare from New
Haven. Thomas Dudley of Massachusetts, was chosen presi
dent. The Commissioners recommended to the several Gene
ral Courts that the articles of confederation be so far
altered-that the day of the annual meeting might be left
indefinite, and that the attendance of six should be suffi
cient to enable them to transact business.
Connecticut had claimed a contribution from all ves
sels and merchandize passing down the Connecticut river
to keep the fort at Saybrook in repair, which Springfield,
(considered within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts,) had
refused to pay. This subject had been laid before the '
Commissioners at their previous meeting, and it was now
decided by the Commissioners from Plymouth and New
Haven, (those colonies not being interested,) that Spring
field should pay 2d. on each bushel of corn, and 20s. for
each hogshead of beaver passing down the river, but that
they would hear any deputy from Massachusetts or from
Springfield who should object to the imposition, and con
sider his objections at a future meeting.
Mr Dunster, the president of the College,, laid before
the Commissioners the following queries.
' I. Whether you be willing to submit the youth of your
colonies that be or shall be students, so far to the college
discipline administered by the president and fellows, and
in cases arduous by the advice of the overseers, that what
soever punishment shall be inflicted for the demerits, ac
cording to the laws of said college, shall noways infringe
any privilege or honorable exhibition from your colonies
to the college, and whether you do not give, your appro
bation to the said laws.'

142 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' II. Whereas upon the seasonable motion of Mr
Thomas Shepard the several colonies agreed firmly to
contribute to the furtherance of learning in the college,
the disposal whereof hath wholly been left to me hitherto,
wherein I have already found some cases difficult to my
self, and which may be dangerous in time ensuing to
others, unless by your councils they be regulated, there
fore have I thought it necessary to propound to your wis
dom these following questions.
First. ' Whereas that way is by free contributions
wherein every colony, town, and family, take to themselves
to be at liberty to give or withhold, if therefore some
colonies or towns in them shall give nothing, yet out of
the said places well deserving scholars shall come, whether
then these shall be as capable of these contributions, as
such as come from other colonies that do contribute libe
rally, and consequently if these supplies shall be extended
to scholars coming from foreign places, as old England,
Virginia, and the like?
' Secondly. Whether in any case you give way that any
of the said supplies be diverted from the society for the
maintenance of school scholars, and if so, in what cases?
' Thirdly. Whether we shall have respect in disposal of
the said contributions to all the scholars in general, (as
by maintenance of common officers, or the like,) or es
pecially to such as are poor, pious, and learned, the three
usual qualifications looked at in such cases, and whether
any scholar from the college above a month shall have
his exhibition continued.
' Fourthly. Whether any scholars that have had these
exhibitions, shall account themselves so engaged to stay
in the country, as that they may not go away without
offence, and if so, then what way they may disengage
themselves.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 143
1
'Fifthly. Seeing the contributions of the colony have
already amounted to above £50 per annum, and if the
first proposition of Is. a family were attended, they would
amount to much more, whether therefore if the said exhi
bitions were collected by some faithful officers, constable,
or the like, and presented to the General Courts, or their
betrusted in the said colonies, and thereof a fit proportion
as they themselves shall see good, allotted to the college
£8 per annum for a scholarship, and £16 per annum for a
fellowship, and the rest for the maintenance of scholars
at the grammar school in the plantations where these col
lections are made, the said course would be more honora
ble and orderly to the colonies and college, and more
satisfactory to the people, when they shall see how their
gifts are bestowed, and how themselves may reap the
fruit of them both at home and abroad.'
' Sixthly, Whether it is. expected that pious, diligent,
and learned graduates, should be elected fellows, as
emergent occasion shall require, and that then they should
i have for their encouragement the stipend due from such
scholars as are under their tuition, which for the present
is a considerable part of the president's maintenance,
therefore we humbly entreat you to state what you think
to be a mere allowance for the president, and whence it
shall arrive.
' Seventhly, Seeing from the first evil contrival of the
college building there now ensues yearly decays of the
roof, walls-, and foundation, which the study rents will not
carry forth to repair. Therefore we present it to your
' wisdom to propound some way to carry an end to this
work. 'Eighthly, Seeing the public library of the college is
yet defective in all manner of books, especially in law,
physic, philosophy, and mathematics,, the furnishing

144 • MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
whereof would be both honorable and profitable to the
country in general, and in a special to the scholars, whose
various inclinations to all professions might thereby be
encouraged and furthered, we therefore humbly entreat
you to use such means as your wisdom shall think meet
for supply of the same.
' Ninthly,' Seeing it will be of concernment and en
couragement to the students lhat the degrees here tiiken
may be so accounted in England, and we are informed of
the readiness of some masters of colleges there to enter
tain and promote such a motion, we therefore desire your
advice and furtherance in this matter. So praying for the
blessing of the L.ord upon all your consultations for the
welfare of the United Colonies. I humbly take my leave
and rest your willing servant, Henry Dunster/
The Commissioners answered the queries of the presi
dent. 'Firstly, Tney do conceive that all who send any youths
tp the.xollege do eo facto submit and leave them to the
college discipline, as is usual in such cases in all places'
in Europe.
' Secondly, They deemed it equitable that the colonies
who. contributed the most should be prefered, ' though they
would also that deserving youths from other places (re
commended from such colonies as do contribute) be not
neglected.' ' Thirdly, They . express themselves against anyjijyersion
of the supplies ' for the maintenance of Grammar school
scholars, the several plantations making provision in these
kinds~within the several jurisdictions.
' Fourthly, The supplies granted by the several colonies
were first- intended far the support and encouragement of
poor, pious, and learned youths,' but in case none such

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. I45
applied, the funds might be 'employed for the common
advantage of the college.'
' Fifthly, The Commissioners judged that those who
have benefit by the contributions of the colonies, should
be engaged to attend the service of the country upon ten
der of employment and maintenance suitable to their
condition, and state of the country.' Such scholars ats
refused to acquiesce, ' should be engaged in convenient
time to repay what they have received from the colonies.'
'Sixthly, The Commissioners promise to promote con
tributions, but refuse to alter the rnode. The considera
tion of the other particulars are referred tor the wisdom
and piety of the General Court for this colony.'
It is certainly a source of genuine pleasure to reflect
on the nursing care which the United Colonies of New
England bestowed on the infant institution at Cambridge.
While the country was yet a wilderness, through which
savage men, and savage animals, continued to prowl —
while the abilities of all were taxed to the uttermost to
guard against danger, defend their firesides, and procure
subsistence, the interests of learning were not overlooked,
but were made by the guardians of the general weal, a sub
ject for grave and serious discussion.
The English settlement on Pequot river was adjudged
to be in Connecticut.
The Commissioners met at Plymouth, July 7th, 1648.
John Endicott and Simon Bradstreet attended from Massa
chusetts ; William Bradford and John Brown from Ply
mouth ; Edward Hopkins and Roger Ludlow from Con
necticut ; Theophilus Eaton and John Astwood from New
Haven. William Bradford was elected president.
The precedence of the colonies was established as
follows: 1. Massachusetts, 2. Plymouth, 3. Connecticut,
4. New Haven. ' Only it is provided that any Commis-
part 11. 19

146 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
. sioner may manifest such personal respects as in his own
discretion, he judge mete to any of the rest of the Com
missioners.' A petition of the following tenor was presented in
behalf of Rhode Island, praying, ' that we the Islanders
of Roode Island, may be received into combination with
all the United Colonies of New England, in a firm and
perpetual league of friendship and amity ; of offence and
defence, mutual advice, and succor upon all just occasions
for our mutual safety and welfare, and for preserving of
peace amongst ourselves, "and preventing as much as may
be all occasions of war and difference, and to this our
motion we have the consent of the major part of our
Island. William Coddington,
Alexander Partridge.'
To which motion the Commissioners returned this
answer under all their hands : ' Mr Coddington and Captain
Partridge. — The Commissioners for the United Colonies
have considered that you have propounded either by
speech or writing, and find your present state full of con
fusion and danger, having much disturbance amongst
yourselves, and no security from the Indians, they desire
therefore in several respects to afford both advice and
help; but upon the perusal of the ancient patent granted
to New Plymouth, they find Roade Island upon which
your plantations are settled, to fall within their line and
bounds, which the honorable Committee of Parliament
think not fit to streighten of infringe, nor may we : if
therefore yourselves, and the inhabitants of the most, and
most considerable part of them, upon a due consideration
of Plymouth patent and right, acknowledge yourselves
within that jurisdiction, we shall consider and advise how
•you may be accepted upon just terms, and with tender
respects to your conveniency ; and shall afford you the

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
same advice, protection, and help, which other plantations
within the United Colonies enjoy, which we hope in sun
dry respect's may tend to your comfort and safety.'
Had the island of Rhode Island acceeded' to this propo
sition, and united itself with Plymouth, it might have
been followed by consequences having a powerful influ
ence not only upon their own, but upon the destinies of
New England. The feeble settlements at Providence,
Patuxet, and Warwick, could not have been "sustained as
independent jurisdictions ; eventually they also would
haye sought a union with Plymouth ; the islands of Nan
tucket and Martha's Vineyard would have pursued the
same course ; with such an accession of territory, and
with so much capacity for the acquisition of wealth, Ply
mouth would have remained a separate government, and
eventually would have become one of the states of the
Union ; a state distinguished for striking peculiarities ;
dividing in portions nearly alike, unequalled advantages
for the successful prosecution of agriculture, commerce,
navigation, and manufactures, the great departments of
human exertion and industry ; with a population in nearly
equal proportions of independent farmers, skilful artisans,
and enterprising sailors, presenting by strong analogies
and resemblances, an epitome of England.
A representation on the part of Massachusetts was pre
sented by their Commissioners proposing some alterations
in, and expressing some doubts as to the just construction
of the articles of confederation.
They propose that the word safety in the second arti
cle, should be construed to mean, ' safety only from an
enemy, not from common providences as famine; pesti
lence, same of common welfare.'
'2. The scope of the eighth article to extend only to
causes which concern divers of the colonics, (not any

147

148 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
one in itself,) or some one or more of the colonies and
some neighbor plantations not within the confederation,
and by Indians to be meant Indian strangers or such
neighbor Indians as are not in subjection to the, &c, the
government of the colonies.
' 3. Commissioners not to have power to appoint officers
to carry their orders into effect, but the same be executed
by the officers of such jurisdiction as shall be concerned
'fiierein,' if such jurisdiction shall not submit and perform,
after a due admonition then to be responsible to the rest
of the colonies for breach of league and covenant, and to
be declared what further power the Commissioners have
in such cases, or what will be fit to be done in case any
colony sheuld change their religion professed, &c.
' 4. When a reference in case of disagreement is to be
made to the four General Courts, to provide that the assent
of three shall be sufficient to bind the whole.
' 5. Triennial instead of annual meetings, were pro
posed. ' 6. As the proportion of the expenses of Massachu
setts was in the ratio of five to one of any of the other
colonies, it was proposed to increase the number of their
Commissioners to three, and if any colony would bear the
same proportion of expense, the number of their Com
missioners also to be increased to three.
'7. It was proposed to the Commissioners that some
more equal mode of apportioning expenses be devised.
' Whereas there be divers orders.made by the Commis
sioners, (as about admission of Church members, main
tenance of scholars at Cambridge, about a general trade,
&c, as in the book of records of the Commissioners' Acts,
do more fully appear, all which orders are only by way
of advice to the General Courts of the several colonies,
yet forasmuch as orders by way of advice are in some

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. I49
Introduction to orders where the advice is not followed, it
is to be propounded if "it were not seasonable to be de
clared, that in such cases if any of the colonies shall not
think fit to follow such advice, the same not. to be ac
counted, any offence or breach of any article of our con
federation, or to give power or occasion to the Com
missioners to proceed to any act of authority in such
case.' The committee of Massachusetts then go into a long
argument to convince the Commissioners of the impro-
pnety of compelling Springfield to pay any contribution
for the purpose of maintaining the fort at Saybrook.
'1. The Commissioners in their reply disclaim any
power under the words " safety and -welfare," of making/
any orders or laws in cases of famine and pestilence.
'2. They appear to agree with the committee in their
construction of the eighth article of confederation.
' 3. Though the Commissioners consider and order in
\ the public concernments of the colonies within the com
pass of their trust and power contained in the articles as
in all treaties concerning peace and war, sending messen
gers, appointing generals and other officers for war, when
all the colonies are interested, appointing numbers of
men, ordering provision and charges necessary for the
service, giving commission, taking accounts concerning
offenders, and all things of like nature, which are the
proper concomitants or consequents of such a confedera
tion, yet the execution to belong to the jurisdiction wherein
the commissioners sit, or where the offender is or may be
; found, and to the magistrates and other inferior officers ¦
but so that if the magistrates or the officers do deny or
delay execution in any case proper to the Commissioners'
cognizance, and wherein the other colonies are interested
and many suffer such jurisdiction to be responsible for

150 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
breach of covenant; but what shall be done in such case,
or in case any colony shall change their religion pro
fessed, they conceive cannot be now so well resolved, as
when the case in the compass and with all circumstances
shall be considered.'
' 4. The Commissioners approved the project of making
the General Courts of three colonies competent to certain
decisions instead of requiring the whole. Of the sixth
and seventh propositions of Massachusetts for changing
the compact they disapprove.'
With respect to the contribution imposed on Spring
field ,jhe Commissioners seem to adhere to their former
opinions. The Commissioners recommended that the last wills and
testaments of persons deceased in any one of the colonies,
and there approved and allowed, should be authoritative
in the'other colonies, and so of administrations.
Ah extraordinary meeting of the Commissioners was
holden at Boston, July 23, 1649.
The Commissioners of Plymouth and New Haven, Mr
Bradstreet from Massachusetts, and Mr Hopkins from Con- ^
necticut, were rechosen ; Thomas Dudley supplied the '
place of4 Mr Endicott, and Thomas Wells that of Roger
Ludlow. Thomas Dudley of Massachusetts was elected presi
dent.
f Massachusetts, in order to retaliate the duties imposed
fonuSpringfieW, ordered duties to be imposed on all furs,
corn-meal, and biscuit coming within their jurisdiction
. from the other confederated colonies.
' Upon. a_ a,uestionJbetwixt the two colonies of Massa
chusetts and Plymouth formerly propounded, and now
again renewed by the Commissioners of the Massachu
setts, concerning a tract of land now or lately belonging

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 151.
to Pomham and Saconoco, two Indian sagamores, who
hadjsubmitted themselves and their people to the Massa
chusetts government, upon part of which land some Eng
lish,- (besides the said Indians,) in Anno. 1643, were
planted and settled ; the Commissioners for Connecticut
and New Haven remembering and duly considering what
had passed in Anno. 1643, and in Anno. 1646, did and do
still conceive that the Commissioners for Plymouth did
consent and agree that the aforesaid tract of. land, though
it fall within Plymouth bounds, should be and from thence
forward acknowledged as. a part and under the Massachu
setts jurisdiction ; nor doth it yet appear that Plymouth,
when those conclusions of the Commissioners Anno. 1643,
were read in the General Court, did protest and doth de-t
clare against it, that the Massachusetts might have con
sidered their way before they expended so much' charge
in Samuel Gorton's business ; but what direction, council
and order Plymouth Commissioners had, from their Gene- <
ral Court so to do, we understand not ; and what power
any of the Commissioners have to resign or pass over any
f tract of land within their patent to another jurisdiction,
without consent and express license from the General
jCourt interested and concerned therein, is of weighty
consideration to all the colonies ; they therefore advise
and desire that by a neighborly and friendly treaty a due ,
consideration may be had, and a course settled, both about
the charges expended, and how Pomham and Saconoco
with their people may be governed and protected.'
' Mr Dudley one of Commissioners for the Massachu
setts, and president for this meeting, being lately fallen
sick and unable to attend the present occasion in hand ;
the other Commissioner f°r tne Massachusetts declared
himself unsatisfied with this return of the Commissioners
of Connecticut and New Haven, as seeming to detract

152 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
from the conclusions of the Commissionej^in the case in
AnnoY~lp43, and in Anno. 1646, where the lands in ques
tion seem to be granted and adjudged to the government
of the Massachusetts, and the way propounde7f~n'oT"iikely
to issue the present difference, there having been trial
formerly made thereof, but without effect. The like un-
satisfiedness he expressed in the last answer or reply of
the Commissioners for Connecticut, but for the reason
before mentioned and present straights of times, defers
replying to some other opportunity.'
' The Commissioners for Connecticut and New Haven
who were present in the former agitations, conceive that
they have retracted nothing in any respect from what they
• did in Anno. 1643, and in Anno. 1646, and therein refer
to an indifferent and due consideration of those passages,
and what is now declared. But they profess they never
thought themselves, interested in the question betwixt the
Massachusetts and Plymouth, unless as witnesses in both
those years, they being neither concerned in Samuel
Gorton's business, or in the tract of land in question, but
concurred in what was just and warrantable, that a due
peace might be settled for the comfort of all the colo
nies.' At the meeting of the Commissioners at New Haven in
1651, the following letter was presented from the inhabit
ants of Warwick.
' May it please this honored committee to take know
ledge that we, the inhabitants of Sowamett alias Warwick,
having undergone divers oppressions and wrongs amount
ing to a great damage since we first possessed this place,
being forced thereby to seek to that honorable State of
Old England for relief, which did inevitably draw great
charge upon us to the further impairing of our estates,
and finding favor for redress, we were willing to waive

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. I53
for that time, (in regard to the great troubles and employ
ment that then lay on that State,) all other losses and
wrongs we then underwent, so that we might be replanted
in and upon that our purchased possession, and enjoy it
peaceably for time to come, without disturbance or moles
tation by those from whom we had formerly suffered ; but
since our gracious grant from the honorable Parliament,
in replanting of us in this place we have been, and daily
are .pressed with intolerable grievances to the eating up
of otir labors and wasting of our estates, making our lives
together with our wives and children bitter and uncom
fortable ; insomuch that groaning under our burthens, we
are constrained to make our addresses to that honorable
Parliament and State once again to make our just com- '
plaint against our causeless molestors, who, by themselves
and their agents, are the only cause of this our reuttering
of our distressed condition. >
'May it please, therefore, this honored assembly, to take
notice of this our solemn intelligence given unto you as
the most public authorized society appertaining unto and
instituted in the United Colonies, whom our complaints do
concern, that we are now preparing ourselves with all
convenient speed for old England, to make our grievances
known again to that Slate; which fall upon us by reason
that the order of Parliament of England concerning us
hath not been observed, nor the enjoyment of our granted
privileges permitted to us ; that we are as it were bought
and sold from one patent and jurisdiction, to another.'
The commissioners again met at Hartford, September
5th, 1650. Simon Bradstreet and Captain William Haw
thorne from Massachusetts; Thomas Prence and John
Browne from Plymouth ; Edward Hopkins and John
Haynes from Connecticut ; Theophilus Eaton and Ste-
part 11. 20

1 54 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
phen Goodyere from New Haven. Edward Hopkins o^
Connecticut was chosen president.
Connecticut was permitted to receive East Hampton
upon Long Island into its jurisdiction, ' if they submit.'
The next annual meeting of the Commissioners was
holden at New Haven, September 4th, 1651.
The commissioners of Massachusetts and New Haven,
Mr Browne of Plymouth, and Mr Hopkins of Connecticut,
were rechosen. Timothy Hatherly supplied the place of
Governor Prence, and Roger Ludlow that of Governor
Haynes. Theophilus Eaton of New Haven, was chosen
president. The Commissioners addressed the following letter to Mr
Coddington, then governor of Rhode Island.
' Sir, — We are informed that it hath pleased the Par
liament or Council of State, to commit the public trust of
government in the island unto your hands, wherein we
cannot but desire that truth and righteousness may so
flourish, that the gospel professed by the English in this
wilderness may not be brought under any just reproach.
It is presented to us, that some notorious1 delinquents who
are liable to highest censures, making escape out of several
of the colonies, repair to your island as to a city of refuge,
hoping thereby to avoid the stroke of justice, and we may
well expect offenders in like and other kind will be easily
apprehensive of their advantages and improve them for
the future, if such door be open, which occasionefh us to
direct these few lines to yourself, and desire to receive
information from you and from your council, what we may
expect in the forementioned cases, or when any fugitives
out of any of the English United Colonies shall Hereafter
seek shelter there : Whether upon certificate from some
of the magistrates of the eeveral jurisdictions where the
offences committed may be best understood, and receive

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. I55
its due censure, you will deliver up and return such
delinquents and fugitives to. be proceeded with in their
proper place, according to their demerits, as the colonies
upon due consideration' for the promoting of justice and
righteousness find cause to do amongst themselves, or
whether you intend to receive and keep such under your
protection, until they be pursued and impleaded in your
courts, and the respective cases there issued, as we hear
hath been sometimes pretended, which we judge very
obstructive to the ways of justice. We shall add no more
hut our due respects to yourself, and so rest
' Your very loving friends.'
Mr Dunster the President, and the Fellows of Harvard
College, having addressed a letter to the Commissioners
on the state of the College buildings, the Commissioners
replied, and close with saying, ' The Commissioners will
propound to, and improve their several interests in the
colonies, that by pecks, half-bushels, and bushels of wheat,
according as men are free and able, the College may have
some considerable yearly help towards their occasions,
and herein if the Massachusetts please to give a leading
example the rest may probably the more readily follow.'
A communication was received from John Green, Jr,'
town-clerk of Warwick, in behalf of that town, reciting
the various abuses which they had received from Massa
chusetts, and expressing an intention of appealing to
Parliament ; the people of Warwick complain that ' they
were bought and sold from one patent and jurisdiction to
another;' of warrants summoning them to the courts of
Massachusetts executed by the officers of that colony ;
of the Indians counselled by evil-minded English, killing
their cattle, offering violence to their families, and the
last, of vilifying the authority of Parliament, and claiming
justification under the authority of Massachusetts, of pre
venting their commerce, and holding their estates.

156 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Massachusetts by her Commissioners replied that the
lands of Warwick had been voluntarily ceded by the
Indian sachems who were the original proprietors to the
government of Massachusetts ; that Plymouth who had
claimed an interest therein, had voluntarily surrendered
it to Massachusetts, who thus became possessed both of
the English and Indian title ; that the seizure of Gorton,
who was a trespasser, had been acquiesced in by all the
confederated colonies ; but that Gorton and his company
had been permitted to reside on those lands witliout mo
lestation, notwithstanding the repeated complaints loth of
English and Indians ; ' the inhabitants of Warwick never
exhibited any complaints to the jurisdiction of Massa
chusetts, of any wrongs or injuries done them by English
and Indians there, which had they done, they should have
received equal justice with any other.'
' And when there arose a difference betwixt the Massa
chusetts and Plymouth concerning the jurisdiction of the
aforesaid place, the government of Plymouth not allowing
of what their Commissioners had done therein ; though
for a long time they had been silent, the Commissioners of
Massachusetts referred the determination of that difference
to the rest of the Commissioners at Boston, in Anno 1649,
who advised to issue the same, by hearing a neighborly
treaty betwixt the two jurisdictions of the Massachusetts
and Plymouth, whereupon the General Court of the Massa
chusetts sent two deputies to the General Court of Ply
mouth, with Commissioners and instructions to resign and
submit the aforesaid lands and persons residing therein,
to the government of Plymouth, they only promising to
do equal justice both to English and Indians there,
according to our engagements, but the government of
Plymouth chose rather to ratify and confirm the aforesaid
resignation of their Commissioners, which accordingly

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. P^ I57
was done by an authentic writing signed by the gov
ernor, &c.'
The court of Massachusetts finding Gorton still refrac
tory, ' desired the advice of the rest of the Commissioners
at Hartford in Anno 1650,' and on grounds of expediency
were again advised by them to resign. these lands to Ply
mouth. Massachusetts again tendered a resignation of
the lands, which Plymouth again refused ; out of their
own stock they had supplied a considerable quantity of
corn to the Indians living there, to replace their corn
which had been destroyed by Gorton's cattle. The Com
missioners of Massachusetts conclude their declaration
with an inquiry as to the extent of support and aid which
1 they might expect to receive from the other confederated
colonies should Gorton still prove refractory and resist.
The Commissioners of Connecticut and New Haven,
after reciting the various proceedings respecting these
lands, conclude their declaration by saying : ' the Com- ,
missioners, therefore, fearing some inconvenience, would
provide remedy, but know not what to add to the advice
given in Anno 1650, concerning trespasses, but that
which is proved to be recovered if no other means will
serve by legal force ; but with as much moderation as may
be, lest, from a course of continued offences, further
' quarrels and acts of hostility should spring and grow be
twixt the inhabitants of Warwick and their aforemen
tioned neighbors.'
The Commissioners of Plymouth appear to have been
much at variance with their brethren of Massachusetts in
their declaration, and rather inclined to favor Gorton.
They say, ' taking knowledge of the long declaration of
the Massachusetts Commissioners collected out of pieces
of passages of many years, and being unsatisfied there
with, thought meet to declare themselves that what was

158 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
done by Mr Winslow and Mr Collier, the Commissioners
of Plymouth in Anno 1643, concerning the resignation
up of any lands which Plymouth had interest in, was not
at all in their power to resign up any part of Plymouth's
jurisdiction to the Massachusetts. Neither could the
Massachusetts receive any such resignation without being
injurious to the third and sixth articles of confederation,
(if any had been made.) And Mr Winslow and Mr
Collier have several times publicly denied that they either
did or intended to resign any part of the jurisdiction of
Plymouth to the Massachusetts, and by what right of au
thority the General Court of Massachusetts had to send
for Samuel Gorton, inhabiting so far out of their jurisdic
tion we understand not, and how just their censure was
we know not, or what part of censure they have sus
pended, and upon what grounds we apprehend not; and
concerning any reference put to the determination of the
rest of the Commissioners at Boston in Anno 1649, the
Commissioners of Plymouth referred none, and what au
thentic writing the governor of Plymouth signed, the Mas
sachusetts Commissioners do not show, but if they mean a
writing signed by the governor of Plymouth and some par
ticular persons joining with him, bearing date the 7th
of June, 1650, we, the Commissioners of Plymouth for
our particular persons, cannot own it, having protest
ed against it in the court of Plymouth, as being di
rectly contrary to the order of the honorable committee
of the parliament of England, and contrary to the arli-
r cles of confederation with the rest of the colonies.'
' And whereas we are informed that the court of Mas
sachusetts have lately sent out several summons or war
rants to several persops inhabiting Warwick, alias Sho-
wamet and Patuxet, and have made seizure upon some of
their estates, we do hereby protest against such proceed
ings, if any such be.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
It might have been, that Plymouth, indifferent at first,
made but slight objection to the assumption of jurisdic
tion over Showamet or Warwick by Massachusetts, but as
that tract became more valuable, by improvement, Ply
mouth might have become unwilling to renounce any pos
sible title, although there might not have been much
confidence in its legality.
The Commissioners met at Boston in May, 1653 ; present,
John Endicott, "William Hathorne, from Massachusetts;
William Bradford, John Browne, from Plymouth ; Roger
Ludlow, John Cullick, from Connecticut; Theophilus
Eaton, John Astwood, from New Haven.
John Endicott was chosen President.
In expectation of a war with the Dutch, it was voted to
raise five hundred soldiers, to be apportioned as follows —
Massachusetts, - - .333
Plymouth, - '60
Connecticut, - - 65
New Haven, - - - 42
Major General Daniel Dennison was appointed com
mander. ' The Commissioners being informed that the Corpora
tion in England,' had sent over arms and ammunition,
ordered the same to be divided according to the value as
estimated in money.
To Massachusetts, - - £232 8 3
Plymouth, - - - - 43 6 3
Connecticut, - - - 45 5 2
New Haven, - - - 37 13 0
Another meeting was held at Boston in the same month
in consequence of the expiration of some of the Commis
sions.

159

] 60 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Simon Bradstreet took the place of Governor Endicott.
The others remained.
Mr Bradstreet was chosen president.
At a meeting of the Commissioners at Boston, Septem
ber 1, 1653, present, — Simon Bradstreet, William Ha-
thorne, from Massachusetts ; Thomas Prence, John
Browne, from Plymouth ; Roger Ludlow, John Cullick,
from Connecticut ; Theophilus Eaton, John Astwood, from
New Haven.
Simon Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, was chosen presi
dent. A communication was submitted from the General Court
of Massachusetts, in which they made some question as
to the power of the Commissioners to bind the colonies
to support an uffenstve-war.
The Commissioners from the other colonies signed a
special declaration, (Sept. 2,) in which they impugn the
doctrines of Massachusetts, as ' tending to break the con-
federafioh "fTor ^hey conceive that neither colonies nor
Commissioners will find encouragemnt to bear such
charges, and make such journeys upon such uncertain and
unsatisfying terms.'
On the sixth, a more explicit declaration was received
from the General Court of Massachusetts, in which they
denied that ' the several jurisdictions are subordinate or
subject to the authority of the Commissioners, and there
fore not bound in foro civili to their determinations, nor
act according to their judgments in making offensive war,
leagues or aids because potestas belligerendi aut pads
sanvtiendice salva majestate Imperii eripi nequet ; not
withstanding if their judgment and determ'matiojijie just
according to the word of God, we do acknowledge the
colonies to be bound to act accordingly pntrt-oniyTiT/oro
conscientia, because their determinations are just ; but in

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 161
foro civili, because of the contract and league between
the confederates, although not by the authority of the
Commissioners.' This was a difficult question — ' To whom could the
power be given to interpret the will of God ? '
The Commissioners of the three smaller colonies re
plied on the same day., They recurred to that article of the
confederation by which six out of the eight Commission
ers ' should have full power to hear, examine, weigh, and
determine all affairs of war and peace, leagues, ajds pro
per to the confederation, &c.' They cxtnjinue, 'the
power of determining cannot be taken from the Commis
sioners without violation of the covenant,; they have no
power to make new articles, nor may act as Commission
ers if the former be broken, but shall acquaint their seve
ral respective General Courts with the final conclusion of
this colony, dated and received this day, and leave it to
their consideration ; propounding only to yours whether
it. will not be a great sin against God, and very scanda
lous, and a consideration five years under deliberation in
New England, and since continued ten years without
inconvenience ; nay with a blessing, a confederation
wherein every article and every clause in every article
was considered and weighed not only by a committee
from the four jurisdictions, but by the whole General
Court then sitting ; a confederation, for which prayer was
put up while it was under treaty, and public thanks re
turned when it was finished, should by this court be first
disturbed, and a strained, interpretation as if the articles
gave no power to the Commissioners to act in offensive *
wars, leagues, aids, et cetera. They must meet only to
give advice ; which any of the several jurisdictions may
take or leave, as themselves see cause, and so make all
void, that because the majesty or honor of government
, part n. 21

162 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
cannot be preserved, if the power of making war and set
tling be in the hands of Commissioners chosen
generally out of, and by the freemen of the four colonies,
which by the confederation are made and ordered to con
tinue, and be called by the name of the United Colonies
of New England, who by the covenant and league, sol
emnly, seriously, and religiously made, must necessarily
break and be dissolved ; but whether this violation pro
ceed from some unwarrantable scruple of conscience, or
from some other engagement of spirit, the Massachusetts
neither express, nor will the Commissioners determine,
but leave it to the wise and righteous God who is only
Lord of the consciences and spirits of men.'
The General Court of Massachusetts addressed another
communication to the Commissioners, in which they dis-
clainiejiaJL.iiilen.tjpn of violating the articles, but assert
their object was solely to have the Commissioners explain
or construe the articles, but as they had denied that they
had the power so to do, they should refer the question to
the several General Courts ; they disclaim any intention
to deny to the Commissioners the power ' to hear, weigh,
examine, and determine all affairs of peace, war, leagues,
aids, &c, proper to the confederation.' ' Neither (say they)
did we ever imagine, and therefore wonder it should at least
seemingly be imposed upon us, that any one colony or
General Court alone had power to act for the rest ; or
that we do affirm the Commissioners must meet only to
give advice, which the several jurisdictions may take or
leave, as themselves see cause, and so make all void ; have
we not in terms acknowledged ourselves bound to act
according to their just determination before God and man
by virtue of our confederacy, though not by any other
authority ? What bounds would you lay upon us ? Can
we be imagined to be obliged to act the determinations

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ,go
of more than eight of the ablest and wisest gentlemen in
all the colonies, were we not bound by our confederation ?
We may, therefore, with less offence, challenge and assert
our own interest, because we are ready to give others
their due ; neither is it a point of majesty or honor we
labor for, but an essential part of that entire government
which is reserved to either colony in the articles, before
the very office, much more the power of Commissioners,
Be provided, for which being preserved to us inviolable,
we shall be far from opposing the power of the Commis
sioners, but do acknowledge, ourselves bound to assert and
defend the same, but if our own rights are invaded, we
shall be thereby disenabled from maintaining either,
though we desire' to keep ourselves free from infringing
them ; we shall not take upon us to determine the cause
of this contest between the court and yourselves, we shall '
challenge the like liberty with the Commissioners, and
leave it to the Lord, the judge of the spirits of all men.'
The Commissioners with the exception of those of
Massachusetts, in their answer maintain again the. truth
of their construction of their powers under the articles
of confederation, and conclude — ' we have sufficiently
expressed our apprehensions, and shall only add that when
any authority imposeth penalties in cases wherein the
subject cannot according to God obey, guilt will be
charged ; Joab sinned in obeying in the death of Uriah,
and David had sinned, and he punished Joab for disobe
dience to such a command. As no colony hath power to
act for the rest, so no one colony within the covenant of
confederation may to the prejudice of the rest reject the *
determination of the Commissioners not manifestly unjust.
That peculiar jurisdiction which the articles reserve to
each colony, the Commissioners never questioned, nor
they hope shall ever have any thought in the least to

164 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
encroach upon ; but wherein that consists, yourselves
expressed in your propositions, 1 648, before mentioned, and
by a due consideration of the passages in other articles
compared with the eleventh, you may possibly receive
further light.'
' To conclude, we- may safely (to say no more) protest
our own readiness to preserve the articles in their full
strength, and to .attend our duty in the present meeting,
obstructions cast in by this Court being duly removed ; if
you therefore please to express your resolutions to continue
the just power of the Commissioners according to the
true sense of the articles, as till this year ever intended
and understood both by yourselves, and by all the other
till any other articles, explanation, or provision be agreed
by the four General Courts, the Commissioners shall
presently cheerfully proceed; if not, they desire, without
further loss of time, they desire to return to their other
occasions, and shall close with your close, leaving .the
whole cause to the wise and just judge who knows both
our several aims, and all the passages betwixt us in this
dispute.' To this Massachusetts returned the following laconic
answer. ' We see not reason to protract time in fruitless
and needless returns, we shall acquiesce in our last paper,
ancTcommit the success to God.'
Mr bradstreet and MrHathorne, the two Commissioners
of Massachusetts, took the bold step of publicly dis
approving and disavowing the opinions of their General
. Court in the following paper, which they both signed.
' Notwithstanding what formerly, or at this present
meeting hath passed betwixt the General Court of Massa
chusetts and the honored Commissioners of the other
colonies, as relating to the articles of confederation
wherein we are not efigaged, yet at the beginning of this

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
sessions and divers times since, one of us, so now again
jointly we do-earnestly desire and request that forthwith
we attend the occasions of the colonies according to the
articles of confederation, professing ourselves willing
and ready to act therein, according to our best light, and
the commission granted by our Court ; always desiring
and (as God shall help us) resolving to keep ourselves
free from having any share in the Breac hof the solemn
apd perpetual confederation which manifestly tendeth
thereunto, and the sad consequences thereof that may
ensue.' >
September 9th, 1653..
The Commissioners with the exception of those from
Massachusetts, signed a declaration in which they ex
pressed their determination to abide by their decisions.^
This produced a semi-disavowal on the part of the
General Court of Massachusetts, of the imputation of
.designing to violate the articles of confederation, con
cluding with a declaration, ' that they judged and granted
that by the articles of confederation, so far as the deter-
- minations of the Commissioners are just and according to
God, the several colonies are bound before God and men
to act accordingly, and that they sin and break covenant
if they do not, but otherwise we judge we are not bound
neither before God nor men.'
This drew from the six Commissioners the following
answer. ' The Commissioners for the three colonies judged of
the meaning of the Massachusetts General Court by their
^expressions in former writings, and accordingly returned :
answers to which they still refer, what the Court doth this
day declare, the Commissioners so far accept, that they

165

166 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ,
purpose presently to proceed, referring all further questions
to the- addresses the Massachusetts shall please to make
to the other General Courts.'
September 10th, 1653.
This disorganizing proceeding on the part of Massa
chusetts arose from their strong dislike to a war with the '
Dutch and Ninnigret, one of the Narragansett sachems.
Although that government, might have had good Reasons ,
for their dislike to engage in this war, yet it would hardly
justify the breach of faith which a violation of the' articles
of confederation would have involved.
The Commissioners notwithstanding the reluctance of
Massachusetts, undertook to make hostile preparations,
and required the several colonies to raise two hundred
and fifty men in the following proportions, namely, Massa
chusetts, one hundred and sixtysix, Plymouth, thirty,
Connecticut, thirtythree, and New Haven, twentyone. .
Mr Bradstreet entered his protest against this measure.
Massachusetts was still refractory, and their Council sig
nified to the Commissioners ' that not seeing sufficient*
grounds either from any obligation of the English towards
the Long Islanders, or from the' usage the messengers
received from the Indians, or from any other motive pre
sented to our consideration, or from all of them ; and
therefore dare not exercise our authority to levy force
within our jurisdiction to undertake a present war against
the said Ninnigret.'
The Commissioners after voting 'that they had_just
grounds of a war against the Dutch,' " signed another
declaration against the conduct of Massachusetts, in
which they conclude as follows. ' But the Massachusetts
refusing to act as by a writing this day received from their
Council appeareth, in raising men to be sent against Nin-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. , fi7
nigret, the Nyantick sachem, according to a clear vote
wherein seven of the Commissioners did fully concur, they
apprehend the Massachusetts have actually broken their
^covenant, but what damages may hereby grow to the
other colonies, they leave to such discoveries as the wjse
God shall please to make, and to the consideration of. the
' several General Courts therein concerned; only they de
clare that the vote concerning the justice of a war against
the Dutch upon the grounds herein mentioned, was twice
voted. ' September 24th, 1653.'
Mr Bradstreet in his counter declaration, denies the
right of the Commissioners to make an offensive war, ' the
colonies are not bound (says Mr Bradstreet) to act in any
offensive war according to the determination of the Com
missioners, further than the same is just and according to
God;' and again, ' knowing and solemnly professing that
according to my best knowledge and understanding, it is
not the mind of our Council or General Court to oppose
the determination of the Commissioners further than they
conceive the same to oppose the mind of God ; and upon
this account I earnestly request that due regard may be
had to the judgments and consciences of others pious and
prudent, that are so deeply concerned herein, and that in
care of blood, and though at present we cannot be all
like-minded, that yet our christian moderation may appear
as in other respects, so especially in reference to an offen
sive war with Indians or others, till the mind of God do
more fully appear. Remembering it will be no grief of
heart to any of us when we come to give up our accounts,
that we have neither shed blood causelessly, nor drawn
others .to do it, upon the grounds not clear to them, how
ever possibly satisfactory to yourselves.'

168 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
To this the Commissioners reply.
' The Commissioners as one man, without any dissent,
have formerly fully expressed themselves that any deter
mination of theirs manifestly unjust bindeth not, but the
Council of Massachusetts refusing to raise men against
Ninnigret, allege not, much less prove, that any part of
their conclusions is unjust, or breaketh any rule of God,
so that in this refusal they return to their former purposes
and resolutions, that the Commissioners should only act as
counsellors to advise, and the General Courts may, and the
Massachusetts Council will attend so far as they see cause
for ' posestas belli gerendi aut pads sanctiendce salvo
majestate imperii eripe Nequit, which may stand with a
kingdom, commonwealth, or with the Massachusetts juris
diction uncombined, but not as they stand in confederation
with the other colonies, who have made the Commissioners
their repesentatives, to hear, examine, weigh and determine
in matters of war, peace, leagues, aids, &c, as by the
express words of that solemn covenant appears ; and as it-
can be no grief of heart to spare guiltless blood, so -it is
a duty to require the blood of innocents who depend on
us for safety ; and probably suffer for their faithfulness to
the English, as being their tributaries and approved
friends so murtherously and so expressly against Ninni-
gret's covenant, speed to recover their wives and children
from so unjust a captivity, to vindicate the honor of our
nation, and secure ourselves and friends from the inso-
lency and outrage of such barbarous and bloody men.'
Mr Bradstreet also dissented from all the other Com
missioners, (including his colleague Mr Hathorne,) as to the
justice and expediency of the war with the Dutch.
The government of Massachusetts still dissatisfied,
addressed a communication to that of Plymouth, proposing
four queries.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. Igo
M. Whether the reason of the Commissioners be the
reason of all the General Courts.
"2. Whether notwithstanding the determinations of the
Commissioners of the Courts in cases of greater concern
ments ought not to be satisfied of the justice of their
determination, before they proceed to act.
' 3. Whether it can consist with the preservation of entire
power of governments reserved to the several jurisdictions
that the judicial or authoritative determination of peace
and war should be in the hands of six Commissioners, who
as such are not members of any court, and may probably
be no members of a dissenting jurisdiction.
' 4. Whether the Commissioners as Commissioners be
subject to the General Courts of the several jurisdictions
to which they belong, or the jurisdictions and General
Courts be subject to the Commissioners.'
They conclude the communication by saying, ' the
articles we conceive give occasion for these and many
other questions of the like nature, and therefore needs
explanation or reconciliation according to the true nature
of a confederation which is the preservation of the power
of governments ,of every jurisdiction ; not the stating of
any powers in Commissioners otherwise than subordinate
and subservient to that end. The concordance of your
answer (in these particulars) with our apprehensions will
put an end to our differences and beget a right under
standing between us ; but because we cannot assure our
selves thereof in every particular, and being seriously
desirous of the continuation of our amity, we propose to
your consideration that a committee be chosen by each
jurisdiction, to treat and agree upon such explanation or
reconciliation of the articles of confederation as shall be
consistent with our true meaning, the nature of confede
racy, and the power and authority of every government ;
PART II. 22

170 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
which being presented to the several General Courts may
be acknowledged, ratified, and confirmed.'
To this the government of Plymouth returned the
following answer.
' Much Honored Friends,
'The unexpected and less welcome intelligence that we
received upon the return of our Commissioners from their
last and most uncomfortable meeting, hath administered
just ground to us to let you understand how sadly we
resent, and how deeply we are affected with that sad
breach of the confederation on your part acted, especially
at such a time as this, wherein our enemies may be occa
sioned not only to insult over us, but also to reproach the
name of God and his ways, which we profess, which upon
whose account it will be charged, we leave to considera
tion, and pass on to express our thoughts in answer to
yours dated the 13th of September, 1653, which after due
consideration, we conceive (reserving due respects to
yourselves dissenting) that the articles of confederation
are so full and plain that they occasion not any such
queries for their further explanation or meeting of a com
mittee for such purpose, it seeming unto us to be obvious
to any impartial eye that by the said articles the Commis
sioners are the representatives of the several colonies, and
therefore what they act and determine according to -that
power given them in such matters as are expressly in-
_ eluded in the said articles, may justly be interpreted as
the 'sense, reason, and determination of the several juris
dictions which have substituted thereunto, and the several
colonies may and ought to acquiesce as if themselves -had
done it, which may stand witliout prejudice to the preserva
tion of each colony entire to its own proper jurisdiction ;
Commissioners acting in their proper places, and the several
-jurisdictions in their places not intermeddling in the affairs

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. int
oi^each other as such, which is duly provided for in the
third and sixth articles ; neither will it allow us any ab
surdity if granted, that in things just acted by the Com
missioners within their proper sphere, the General Courts,
be subject unto them, and yet the Commissioners subject
to their respective General Courts in any mal-administra-
tions of their trusts and power in things proved un
doubtedly to be unjust, where the rule holds true, better
obey God than man, whether commissioners, kings, or
courts, for all which in other societies, parallel cases as ,
you very well know may be produced.'
The next meeting of the Commissioners was holden at
Hartford, on the 7th of September, 1654 ; present Simon
Bradstreet and Daniel Dennison from Massachusetts ;
Thomas Prence and John Browne from Plymouth ; John
Mason and John Webster from Connecticut ; Theophilus
Eaton and Francis Newman from New Haven. The-
jophilus Eaton was chosen president.
Massachusetts now gave up the controversy, and after
considerable discussion renounced their former construc
tion of the articles of confederation in a writing of the
following tenor.
' To the intent all former differences and offences may
be issued, and determined, and forgotten, betwixt Massa
chusetts and the rest of the confederate colonies, we do
hereby profess it to be our judgments, and do believe it
to be the judgment of our General Court, that the Com
missioners, or six of them, have power according to the
articles to determine the justice of all wars, &c. That
our General Court hath and doth recall that interpretation
of the articles which they sent to the Commissioners at
Boston, dated 2d of June, 1653, as it appears by that
interpretation and concession of our Court presented to
the Commissioners in September last ; and do acknow-

1 72 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ledo-e themselves bound to execute the determinations of
the Commissioners according to the literal sense and true
meaning of the articles of confederation, so far as the
said determinations are in themselves just and according
to God. 'Simon Bradstreet,
Daniel Dennison.'
'September 11th, 1654.
'The Commissioners for the other colonies do accept of
the foregoing writing to the intents and purposes therein
expressed; prbvided the General Court of the Massachu
setts at their next meeting do certify to the other three
General Courts their consent thereunto, and profess to act
accordingly. , Theophilus Eaton, President.
' Thomas Prence,
' John Browne,
' John Mason,
'John Webster,
' Francis Newman.'
Considerable warmth had been excited in consequence
of the seizure of a vessel belonging to the colony of New
Plymouth, by Thomas Baxter, under color of a commission
from Rhode Island. The vessel belonged to Samuel Mayo
of Barnstable, and was while under the command of John
Dickinson, (employed in conveying the goods of William
Leverich, the minister of Sandwich, who was about com
mencing a settlement at Oyster Bay on Long Island,)
seized at Hampstead harbor, within the Dutch juris
diction. The Commissioners despatched Lieutenant William
Hudson to Rhode Island to demand satisfaction.
Mr Easton, the governor of Rhode Island, denied any
authority in Baxter to make this seizure, and the owners
engaging to prosecute the offender, the affair subsided.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The Commissioners met at Hartford, September 7th,
1654, as has been already stated.
The next meeting was at New Haven, September 6th,
1655. The Commissioners from Massachusetts were re
appointed, as well as Mr Browne, Major John Mason, and
Mr Eaton. Captain James Cudworth appeared from Ply
mouth in the room of Governor Bradford. John Cjllich
from Connecticut in place of Mr Webster, and William
Leete from New Haven in the place of Mr Astwood. Mr
Eaton was chosen president.
The next meeting was at Plymouth, September 4th,
1656. MrkBradstreet and General Dennison were re
chosen from Massachusetts ; Governor Bradford and Gov
ernor Prence were chosen by Plymouth ; John Mason and
John Talcott by Connecticut ; Messrs Leete and Eaton by
New Haven. William Bradford of Plymouth „was chosen
president. The Commissioners addressed an affectionate letter to
the church at Hartford, where great differences had arisen,
advising peace and mutual forbearance.
They also subscribed the following declaration, with a
view to call forth a general history of the confederated
colonies. ' To the end that the works of God and his goodness
hich hath been great towards his people in their first
lanting of this desolate wilderness may never be forgot
ten, but to be kept in a thankTuI and perpetual remem
brance to the praises of his grace, and comfort of posterity,
and that the generations to come may truly understand
the main ends and aims proposed in our transmigration
hither from. our dear native country, and the great things.
that God hath done for their fathers, we thought it no less
than our duty to commend it to the several General
Courts, that they would please to appoint some meet

173

174 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
persons in each jurisdiction to collect the special and
remarkable passages of God's providence towards us, since
the first arrival of the English in these parts, which col
lections being brought to the next meeting of the Com
missioners at Boston, some one fitly qualified may be
appointed and desired to compose the same into a history
and prepare it for the press.'
Plymouth had been settled thirtysix, Massachusetts
twentysix, and Connecticut and New Haven less than
twenty years, and the passion for historical immortality was
roused ; having prophetic anticipations of the greatness of
the end, they were anxious to clear the commencement of
all obscurity, and to shew posterity ' what manner of men
they were,' and the great things which God had wrought
for them.
In consequence of this declaration, Secretary Morton
compiled the ' Memorial,' the earliest history of New
England, but he too much neglected the philosophy of
history, for the relation of special providences, and mi
raculous interpositions.
On the 3d of September, 1657, the Commissioners met
at Boston. The Commissioners of the preceding year
were all rechosen, except Governor Bradford, who had
died ; his place was supplied by Captain James Cudworth.
Mr Bradstreet was chosen president.
On the 2d of September, 1658, they met at Boston.
John Endicott and Simon Bradstreet were chosen by
Massachusetts ; Thomas Prence and Josias Winslow by
Plymouth; John Winthrop and John Talcott by Con
necticut; Francis Newman and William Leete by New
Haven. Governor Endicott, was chosen president.
The Commissioners met at Hartford, September 1st,
1659. Simon Bradstreet and Major General Dennison,
from Massachusetts ; Josias Winslow and Thomas South-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ,75

3

worth from Plymouth ; John Winthrop and Thomas Well
from Connecticut ; Francis Newman and William Leete
from New Haven.
John. Winthrop was chosen President.
Much controversy took place at this meeting about the
respective rights of Massachusetts and Connecticut to the
Pequot country, both claiming. The Commissioners of
Plymouth and New Haven, to whom the question was
referred, did not determine it, but found them to be joint
conquerors. The Commissioners being all rechosen, excepting Mr
Wells of Connecticut, in whose place Matthew Allin was
elected, met at New Haven, September 6th, 1660.
Francis Newman was chosen president.
Tke Commissioners recommended to the several General
Cou^ to regulate the mackerel fishery ' considering the
fish il the most staple commodity of this country.'
They also determined that their next meeting should be
at Rehoboth, in the Plymouth jurisdiction. The last vote,
however, was not carried into effect, as the Commissioners
met at Plymouth, September 5th, 1661
Mr Bradstreet and General Dennison were again chosen
by Massachusetts ; Governor Prence and Thomas. South-
worth by Plymouth ; John Mason and Samuel Willis by
Connecticut; Governor Leete and Benjamin Fen by New
Haven. Governor Prence was chosen president.
The Commissioners presented the New Testament
printed in the Indian language, to King Charles IL, ac
companied with a long and loyal letter.
The next meeting was at Boston, September 4th, 1662.
General Dennison and Thomas Danforth appeared from
Massachusetts ; Governor Prence and Josias Winslow from
Plymouth ; Samuel Willis and John Talcott from Con
necticut ; Governor Leete and Benjamin Fen from New
Haven. General Dennison was chosen president.

176- MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Much complaint was made at this session of the intnif
sion of the Rhode Islanders into the Narragansett country,
and a communication was made to the government of that
colony. The next meeting of the Commissioners was at Boston,
September 3d, 1663. Present, Simon Bradstreet and
Francis Danforth from Massachusetts ;, John Winthrop
and John Talcott from Connecticut. The Commissioners
of Plymouth and New Haven were rechosen. Simon
Bradstreet was elected president.
The controversy between Massachusetts and Connecti
cut respecting the Pequot lands was revived, but nothing
definitive was done.
The next meeting was at Hartford, September 1st, 1664.
Massachusetts was represented by Simon Bradstreet and
Thomas Danforth ; Plymouth by Josias Winslow and
Thomas Southworth ; Connecticut by Matthew Allin and
Samuel Willis ; New Haven by Governor Leete and
William Jones. Mr Bradstreet was chosen president.
King Charles II., by letter recommended Thomas Chis-
sick, John Scott, John Winthrop, Daniel Dennison, Simon
Bradstreet, Thomas Willett, Richard Smith, Edward
Hutchinson, Amos Richardson, John Alcock, William
Hudson, and their associates, holding estates in the Nar
ragansett country derived from Major Atherton, to the
protection of the colonies as they were ' unjustly molested
in their possessions and laudable endeavors, by certain
unreasonable and turbulent spirits from Providence colo
ny,' ' to the great scandal of justice and government, and
the eminent discouragement of that hopeful plantation.'
In consequence of the royal pleasure thus signified, the
Commissioners addressed a communication to the govern
ment of Rhode Island.

Memoir of Plymouth colony. 177
^ During the years 1665 and 1666, Josias Winslow and
Thomas Southworth were the Commissioners from Ply
mouth. September 5, 1667, the Commissioners again met at
Hartford. Thomas Danforth and John Leverett repre
sented Massachusetts ; Thomas Southworth and Thomas
Hinckley Plymouth.
New Haven, by a royal charter, was now annexed to
Connecticut, and the two colonies were amalgamated and
represented by William Leete and Samue 1 Willis.
Governor Leete was chosen president.
Plymouth as early as August, 1665, had protested against
the continuance of the confederation under the subsisting
articles, in the following communication made to the
General Court of Massachusetts.
' From the last commission, (say they,) something was
commended to the several General Courts of the United
Colonies for the continuance of the confederation with
three colonies, viz. Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Con
necticut ; we have not as yet heard from any of the
General Courts ; but our last General Court taking the
premises into consideration, requested me to acquaint you
with our present apprehensions, which is, that we find not
our reason seated in sufficient light to continue confedera
tion with three colonies as we did with four.
' 1. Because it is against an express, article that no two
of the said colonies shall become one, (and we apprehend
grounded upon good reason,) except with consent p-f the
rest, which we do not, nor yourselves for ought we know,»
nor New Haven, except constrained.
' 2. That matters of peace and war and other concerns
of the colonies hath been looked upon as matters of such
concernment as required at least six of the ablest, dis-
creetest, and most experienced gentlemen of the four
fart n. 23

178 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. ;
colonies to determine, and we are apt to judge that the
concerns of the colonies are of as great weight a< then;
and we are very apprehensive the colonies then were
as well fuinished with able persons fit for such work as
now ; to say no more, we know how it is with ourselves.
' 3. How the determination of the Commissioners hath
been attended by some, when there were at least six to
determine, and mostly eight concurring ; such as have
been on the commission may easily remember, which in
deed hath been matter of trouble to us, as uhto others, but*
we know not how to remedy it, and there is little reason
to conceive it will be amended by the determination of
four, if not liked by that colony whom it may concern.
' 4. To enter into a confederation with any where it
cannot be rested upon that the matters agreed on shall in
all points exactly be attended, after so much travel, ex
pense of time, and not a little charge, we apprehend it
neither necessary nor convenient ; these with several
other that we might mention if need were, doth so obstruct
our way, that we are not willing to enter into such a con
federation with three colonies as we did formerly with
four. The truth is, we are the meanest and weakest,
least able to stand of ourselves, and little able to contri
bute any helpfulness to others, and we know it, though
none should tell us of it, yet through God's goodness we
have not hitherto given you much trouble, and hope it
shall be our study and endeavors as we are able to be
serviceable to our Countrymen, brethren, and fellow-sub
jects, and doubt not to find the like from yourselves if
need be ; not willing to give you any further trouble at
present, commending you and all your weighty occasions
unto the blessing of the Almighty, we crave leave to re
main, Gentlemen, ' Yours to love and serve you,
' Plymouth, 21st of June, 1665. Thomas Prence.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 179
The Commissioners demanded an exhibition of the com
pact by which Connecticut and New Haven were united,
but it was not produced. Neither was the concurrence
of the General Court of Connecticut for the continuance
of the confederation, and triennial meetings of theCom-
missioners, as proposed by Massachusetts.
The Commissioners declared that the articles of con-
'federation were so weakened and infringed as to require
a ' reestablishment of the confederation betwixt these
colonies, who are here willing exiles from the place of
our fathers' sepulchres, for the enjoyment of the same
spiritual mercies, of the same nation, and all of us sub- •
jects of the same prince, knowing well that the violation
thereof will be highly provoking to the most high God,
who is the witness, and will be the judge of and between
the parties concerned, and.it is also of no less tendency
than the breaking down of that wall which under God
hath hitherto been, and still is the means of our own
safety, and preservation of his majesty's dominions here
against domestic and foreign enemies.'
The Commissioners then set forth the grievances be
sides those which were included in the Plymouth memo
rial. ' 1. The several acts relating to the differences between
Massachusetts and Connecticut with respect to the Pequot
country. ' 2. The acts of the Commissioners, by which the subject
was partly referred to New Haven ; the junction of New
Haven and Connecticut, which the Commissioners cannot
as yet approbate, being ignorant of the conditions of
their union.
« 3. The acts of the Commissioners respecting the pro
visions for the Pequot Indians.

1 80 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The Commissioners, after alluding with regret to some
proceedings of Connecticut, submit their propositions for
altering the articles of confederation, which were
' 1. To take from the Commissioners the power_.of
making offensive war, unless instructed by the several
General Courts, and vesting that power in the General
Courts. '2. In confidence of our compliance by our beloved
brethren and confederates of Connecticut according to
the loving intimations given them, we do again propound
the proviso made by the Commissioners at Hartford, Sep
tember, 1664, for the resettlement of the articles of con
federation. '3. Triennial instead of annual meetings proposed, but
only once in fifteen years at Plymouth.
' 4. A synod was prepared for the settlement of qu.es-
tions arising in the churches on matters of faith and order,
consisting of ' messengers from the churches called in
differently out of all the United Colonies to meet at or
near Boston.
' And whereas, the scripture doth abundantly testify
against the neglect of those things that appertain to the
house of God ; we do commend to the consideration of the
several jurisdictions that some special provision be made
for the more comfortable and settled maintenance of an
able ministry in every plantation ; and where any shall
presume to slight or oppose the same by turbulent or
schismatical practices, that a condign testimony be borne
against them.
' 5. A further provision respecting vagabonds or wan
dering persons, was recommended.'
The Commissioners from Connecticut disclaimed any
dislike to a tripartite confederation, or a triennial meeting
of the Commissioners.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. , "•' 181
With respect to SouthertoWn they claimed it as included
in their charter.
The aMfficuIties with the Pequot Indians were settled.
New Haven and Connecticut, they say, were constituted
as one government by a royal patent, and therefore it was
no proper cause of complaint on the part of the Commis
sioners, and conclude, ' we shall forbear to mention any
thing of our dissatisfaction with our loving confederates
of Massac hja setts and Plymouth, whose letters and instruc
tions seems to us to have too much tendency to weaken
that solemn confederation ; being resolved with all cor-
dialness to comply with you- in strengthening the same.;
and to join with you in commending to the prudent con
sideration of the several General Courts what may be
adviseable for the best security of our religious rights jnd
civil enjoyments, as becomes brethren, and brethren in so
remote a corner of this wilderness. 'William Leete,
' September 12, 1667. ' Samuel Willis.'
In 1668 and 1669, Josias Winslow was chosen Com
missioner by the General Court of Plymouth. In 1668,
Thomas Southworth. In 1669, Constant Southworth.
On the first of June, 1670, articles of agreement were
recommended to the several General Courts of Massachu
setts, Plymouth, and Connecticut; by Richard Belling-
ham, governor, Thomas Danforth and John Leverett on
the part of Massachusetts ; Josias Winslow for the gov
ernment of New Plymouth; Samuel Willis and John
Talcott for and by order of the General Court of Con
necticut. Thomas Prence and Josias Winslow were annually
chosen Commissioners by the General Court of Plymouth
in 177,0, 1771, and 1772.

1 82 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
On the fifth of September,_JI672, the new articles of
. confederation were finally ratified.
ARTICLES OP CONFEDERATION OP THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES.
Articles of Confedera ion between the Plantations under the government of
the Massachusetts, the Plantations under the government of New Plymouth,
and the Plantations under the government of Connecticut.
' Whereas we all came into these parts of America
with one and the same end and aim, viz. to advance the
'kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the lib
erties of the gospel in purity and peace, and whereas in
our settling, by a wise providence of God, we are further
dispersed upon the sea-coasts and rivers than was at first
intended, so that we cannot according to our desire with
conveniency communicate in one government and juris
diction, and whereas we are compassed with people of
several nations and strange languages, which hereafter
may prove injurious to us and our posterity, and foras
much as the natives have formerly committed sundry inso
lencies and outrages upon several plantations of the
English, .and have several times combined themselves
against us, and seeing, by reason of our distance from
England, our dear native country, we are hindered both
from that humble way of seeking advice and reaping
those comfortable fruits of protection which we might
otherwise well expect, we therefore account it our duty
as well as safety to enter into a confederation for mutual
help and succour in all our future concernments, that as
in nation and religion, so in other respects we be and
continue one, according to the terms apd true meaning of
the ensuing articles : —
' 1. Wherefore it is agreed and concluded by and be
tween the parties or jurisdictions abovenamed, and they
do jointly and severally by these presents agree and con-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
elude, that they all be and henceforth to be called by the
name of the United Colonies of New England.
'2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their
posterity, do jointly and severally hereby enter into a
firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, mutual
advice and succour upon all just Occasions, both for pre
serving and propagating the truth and liberties of the
gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare, pro
vided notwithslanding that the power of determination of
an offensive war properly so called, so as to engage the
colonies therein, shall be in the several' General Courts of
the. aforementioned confederates.
'3. It is agreed that the plantations which at present
are or hereafter shall be settled within, the limits of the
Massachusetts, shall be forever under the government of
the Massachusetts, and have peculiar jurisdiction amongst
themselves as an entire body, and that Plymouth and
Connecticut each of the*m in all respects have the like
peculiar jurisdiction and government within their limits,
according to their1 respective letters patent from his
majesty, provided that no other jurisdiction shall here
after be taken in as a distinct head or member of this
confederation, nor shall any other plantation or jurisdiction
in present being, and not already in combination or under
the jurisdiction of any of these confederates, join in one
jurisdiction without the consent of the several General
Courts of the abovenamed confederates.
. '4. It is also agreed, thatfor the managing and concluding
of all affairs .proper to and concerning the whole confed-
' eration not excepted against in these articles, two Com
missioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these
three jurisdictions, namely, two for the Massachusetts,
two for Plymouth, and two for Connecticut, being all in
church fellowship with us, who shall bring full "power

183

184 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
from their General Courts respectively, to hear and exam
ine, and weigh, and determine the same ; but' if these six
Commissioners when met shall not all agree, yet it is con
cluded that any five of the six agreeing, shall have power
to settle and determine the case in controversy ; but if five
do not agree, that then such propositions with their reasons
so far as they have been debated, be sent and referred to
the several General Courts, and if by all the said Courts
there be a concurrence in the matter so referred, then to
be accordingly prosecuted by all the confederates, and all
their members.
' 5. It is further agreed, that the. Commissioners for the
United Colonies shall meet but once in three years, except
in cases extraordinary, which meeting shall ever be on the
first Thursday in September, and that the next meeting
after the date of these presents shall be at Plymouth,
which shall be accounted the first meeting, the second at
Boston, the third at Hartford, the fourth at Boston, the
fifth at Hartford, and so the meeting will be but once in
fifteen years at Plymouth, and double so often in the
other colonies, if in the meantime some middle place be
not found out and agreed on, which may be commodious
for all.
' 6. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these
six Commissioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary,,
they may choose their president out of themselves, whose
office and work shall be to take care and direct for order
and comely carrying of all proceedings in the present
meeting, but he shall be invested with no such power by
which he may hinder the proposing or progress of any
business, or any way cast the scales otherwise than in the
present articles is agreed.
' 7. It is also agreed, that the Commissioners for this
confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
or extraordinary, as they may have /commission or oppor
tunity, may consult of and propose to the several General
Courts to be by them allowed and established, such orders,
in general cases, of a civil nature, wherein all the planta
tions are interested, for preserving peace amongst them
selves, and preventing* as much as may be, all occasions
of .war or differences with others, as abour^he free and
speedy- passage of justice in each jurisdiction to all the
confederates equally as to their own, receiving those that
remove from one plantation to another ; how all the juris
dictions may carry towards the Indians, that they neither
grow insolent nor be injured without due satisfaction, lest
war break in upon the confederates through such miscar
riages ; it is also agreed, that if any servant run away
from his master intp any other of these confederated
jurisdictions, that in such case, upon the certificate of one
magistrate in the jurisdiction out of which the said servant
fled, or upon other due proof, the said servant shall be
delivered either to his master or any other that pursues
and brings such certificate or proof; and that upon the
escape of»any prisoner whatsoever, or fugitive for any
criminal cause, whether breaking prison or getting from
the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certificate of
the jurisdiction out of which the escape is made, that
he was a prisoner, or such an offender at the time of
the escape, the magistrates or some of them for that
jurisdiction where for the present the said prisoner or
fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant such a warrant as
the case will bear for the apprehending any such person,
and the delivering him or her into the hand of the pursuer,
and if help be required it shall be granted, he paying the
charge thereof.
' 8. It is further agreed, that for the disposing of the
Indian stock for the future, the choice of the Commission-
part II. 24

185

186 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
ers of the several colonies being annually as formerly, the
Commissioners of the Massachusetts with such others as
shall be present, or^ any three of the Commissioners,
meeting yearly at Boston, or elsewhere as they shall agree,
and at the usual time, they may do any act for the man-
aging and ordering, of that affair as though all the Com-
missioners were present, and what they shall do herein
they shall keep a true record thereof, and transmit the
account of the same from time to time, to the triennial
meeting of the Commissioners.
' 9. It is agreed also by the confederates, that the
charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive,
upon what part or member of this confederation soever
they fall, shall both in men, provisions, and all other dis
bursements, be borne by all the parte of the confederation
in different proportions, according to their different abili
ties, namely, that the rule for proportioning men, and
raising of monies for the defraying of such charges as
may from time to time arise upon any war, defensive or
offensive, begun and carried on according to the articles
of confederation, shall be as follows : the Massachusetts
one hundred, Plymouth thirty, Connecticut sixty ; and
this rule to continue for fifteen years next coming after
the beginning of the meeting of the Commissioners to be
held at Plymouth in September next ; and then if any one
or more of the confederates shall apprehend the abovesaid
proportion to be unequal, that then matters shall be again
considered by the Commissioners, and what they shall
agree upon shall be presented to the several General
Courts for their acceptance and confirmation, each juris
diction or plantation being left to their own just, course
and custom of rating themselves and people, and that
according to the different charge of each jurisdiction and
plantation, the whole advantage of the war, (if it please

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
God so to bless their endeavors,) whether it be in lands,
g§ods, or persons, shall be proportionably divided amongst
the said confederates.
1 10. It is further agreed, that if any of these juris
dictions, or any plantation under them, be invaded by any
enemy whomsoever, upon any notice or request of any
three magistrates of that jurisdiction so invaded, the rest
of the confederates without any further meeting or expos
tulation, shall forthwith send aid to the confederate in
danger, hut in different proportions, namely, the Massa-,
chusetts one hundred men sufficiently armed and provided
for such service and expedition, Plymouth thirty men so
armed and provided, and Connecticut sixty men so armed
and provided, or any less number if less be required,
according to this proportion ; but if such confederate' in
danger may be supplied by their next confederate, not
exceeding the numbers hereby agreed, they may crave
help there, and seek no further for the present, the charge
to be borne by the several colonies, according to the pro
portions abovesaid, and at their return to be victualled
and supplied with powder and shot, if there be any need
for their journey, by that jurisdiction that employed or
sent for them ; but in any such case of sending men for
present aid, whether before or after such order or altera
tion, it is agreed that at the meeting of the Commissioners
for this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion
be duly considered, and if it appear that the fault lay in
the parties so invaded, that then that jurisdiction or plan
tation make just satisfaction both to the invaders whom
they have injured, and bear all the charges of the war
themselves, without requiring any allowance from the rest
of the confederates towards the same.
' 11. And for that the justest war may be of dangerous
consequence especially to the smaller plantations in these

187

188 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
United Colonies, it is agreed, that neither the Massachu
setts, Plymouth, nor Connecticut, nor any of the membeft
of any of them shall at any time hereafter begin, under
take, or engage themselves, or this confederation in any
war whatsoever, (sudden exigencies with the necessary
consequences thereof excepted, which are also to be mod
erated as much as the case will permit,) without the con
sent ofjhe severaj[ General Courts of the United_Colonies.
' 12. It is also agreed, that in case of any sudden exi
gencies, or other weighty occasions requiring the meeting
of the Commissioners before the ordinary time, the gov
ernor or any three magistrates of any of the confederate
jurisdictions may summon a meeting of the Commission
ers, briefly signifying the occasion thereof, and the time
and place of the meeting, which shall be accordingly
attended by the Commissioners of all the confederate
jurisdictions, and when met they may adjourn to any other
time or place as they shall see meet.
'13. It is also agreed for settling of vagabonds and
wandering persons removing from one colony to another,
to the dissatisfaction and burden of the places where they
come, as daily experience sheweth us ; for the future it is
ordered, that where any person or persons shall be found
in any jurisdiction to have had their abode for three
months, and not warned out by the authority of the place,
and in case of the neglect of any person -so warned as
abovesaid to depart, if he be not by the first opportunity
that the season will permit, sent away from constable to
constable, to the end that he may be returned to the place
of his former abode, every such person or persons shall be
accounted an inhabitant where they are so found, and by
them governed and provided for, as their condition may
require, and in all such cases the charge of the constables
to be borne by the- treasurer where the said constables do ^
dwell.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' 14. It is agreed, that if any of the confederates shall
hereafter break any of these present articles, or be in any
other way injurious to any of the confederate jurisdictions,
such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly consid
ered, and ordered by the Commissioners for the other juris
dictions, that both peace and this present confederation
may be preserved inviolate.
, ' 15. Whereas, in the former articles agreed upon, May
the 29th, 1643, for the United Colonies abovenamed, New
Haven is therein mentioned, and was owned as a distinct
confederate, and is by these included and concluded as
one with Connecticut, the abovesaid union shall be_always
interpreted as by their own concession, and not otherwise.
' Now whereas for many years past, upon divers good
considerations there was a confederation agreed upon by
the ancient English colonies under his majesty's authority
in New England for mutual help, support, and defence,
as also for the beJUej^jnahitaining Jns_maje^ty^_intereat
against any opposition or incursion of the barbarous na
tives and others, as appeareth by articles that were agreed
upon in the year 1643, and are upon record to be seen,
whereby the said colonies have been so united as have
proved very beneficial to all his majesty's subjects in these
parts for their peace and security, and whereas the several
General Courts of the said "colonies have seen cause to
renew the said confederation with some necessary altera
tion and addition to the said articles, as is more fully
expressed in the articles above written, and also, whereas
the General Court for the Massachusetts colony, by their
commission dated in Boston, in August 30th, 1672, have
nominated Thomas Danforth, Esq., and Major William
Hawthorne, Esq., their Commissioners, investing them
with full power and authority to sign, ratify, and confirm,
the above recited articles of confederation, and in like

189

190

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
manner the General Court at Plymouth, June the 5th, 1672,
have nominated Thomas Prence, Esq., and Major Josias
Winslow, Esq., investing them with like power, and the Gen
eral Court of Connecticut colony held at Hartford, May the
9th, and June the 26th, 1672, have in like manner nomina
ted John Winthorpe, Esq., and James Richards, Esq., in
vesting them with like power, the abovesaid Commissioners
being assembled at Plymouth, September the 5th, 1672,
having read and examined these above written articles, do
according to their said commissions, and by virtue thereof,
clearly and absolutely ratify and confirm the same, for the
reestablishing of.a..riej^ejUial_c^nfe^jaiicji between the
abovenamed colonies, as was the declared intentions of
the former articles; in confirmation whereof, the Com
missioners abovenamed, by the authority granted unto
them from their several General Courts, and in their
name and stead have hereunto subscribed their hands,
in Plymouth, September the 5th, 1672.'
' JOHN WlNTHORFE,
' James Richards,
' Thomas Prence,
„ 'Josias Winslow,
jf ' Thomas Danforth,
'William Hawthorne.'
Alterations it would seem had been proposed in the
different General Courts, and had been adopted from time
to time, which were now embodied in these new articles.
The principal changes were those which required the
voices of five of the six Commissioners instead of six in
eight, the junction of New Haven and Connecticut Jiaving
reduced the number to six.
Instead of an annual meeting holden alternately at New
Haven, Hartford, and Plymouth, it was made triennial, and
the places of meeting were established at Boston, Hart-

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. i
ford, and Plymouth, but was to be holden at Plymouth
,, only once in fifteen years.
The., power of .the.., Commissioners was rendered less
positive and their functions seemed to be restricted to
advice and recommendation to the government's of the
several colonies.
The proportions of the general expenses, military force,
&c, were changed to correspond with the change in the
relative wealth and population of the colonies, Massachu
setts being rated at one hundred, Connecticut sixty, and
Plymouth thirty ; and in this proportion disbursements
were to be made and men raised.
No war was to be undertaken without the consent of
the several General Courts of the different colonies,. "j "
The governor or any three of the magistrates of any
colony were authorised to summon a meeting of the
Commissioners whenever an exigency arose requiring such
meeting. A residence of three months gave to citizens of either
colony the right of inhabitants.
»; New Haven was recognised only as a part of Conj
necticut. ' *. \
¦ These alterations materially changed the character of
this union. The power formerly enjoyed by the Commis
sioners was restricted, and from being in many instances
executive, it became merely advisory.
After signing these articles, the Commissioners pro
ceeded to the transaction of business. The meeting was
on the* 5th of September, 1672, and was held at Plymouth.
Thomas Danforth and William Hathorne were appointed
from Massachusetts ; Thomas Prence and Josias Winslow
from Plymouth ; John Winthrop and James Richards from
Connecticut. Thomas Prence was chosen president.

191

192 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
But little business was transacted at this meeting. The
next was' holden after the general Indian war in 1675.
Josias Winslow and Thomas Hinckley were chosen
Commissioners in 1673 and 1674, by the General Court of
Plymouth. It was the practice in Plymouth to choose the Commis
sioners annually, although By the amended articles of the
confederation, the meetings were to be triennial.*
* From 1643 to 1672, while the New England colonies were under the origi
nal articles, the following Commissioners were chosen from Plymouth. Yeara. 2 1
12
12 241
14 8
- I

First chosen.

1643

Edward Winslow sei

1643

William Collier '

1644

John Browne '

1645

Thomas Prence '

1646

Timothy Hatherly '

1647

William Bradford '

1657

James Cudworth '

1658

Josias Winslow '

1659

Thomas Southworth '

1669

Constant Southworth "

193

CHAPTER IV.
SETTLEMENT, AND LOCAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE
TOWNS OF REHOBOTH, EASTHAM, BRIDGEWATER, MIDDLEBOROUGH,
DARTMOUTH, AND SWANSEA.  PROGRESS OF THE OTHER TOWNS OF
THE COLONY. f
Between the years 1641 and 1675, six new towns were
settled and incorporated, namely, Rehoboth in 1645, East
ham in 1646, Bridgewater in 1656, Middleborough in
1660, Dartmouth in 1664, and Swansea in 1667.
The towns already established were making considera
ble progress in wealth and population.
REHOBOTH. '»
The ancient Rehoboth in its greatest extent, comprised
the present towns of Seekonk, (where the first permanent
settlement commenced around the Great Plain,) the pre
sent towns of Rehoboth and Pawtucket, the town of Attle-
borough, first called the north purchase, the Gore, (now
Cumberland in Rhode Island,) and that part of Swansey
which was called Wannamoiset.
The first settler within the limits of the ancient town
was William Blackstone, who was also the first settler and
ancient proprietor of Shawmut, since Boston. His resi
dence was on the river which now perpetuates his name,
above Pawtucket, at a place afterwards known by the
part n. 25

194 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
name of the Attleborough Gore, (now Cumberland in
Rhode Island.)
He seated himself at Boston probably about the year
1625 or 1626, and his right by occupancy was regarded
by the settlers who came out with Governor Winthrop, as
they all paid him a consideration for its relinquishment.
To use his own words, ' he fled from England to escape
the tyranny of the Lords Bishops,' and in 1635, he aban
doned Boston ' to escape the tyranny of the Lords Breth
ren.' He built his house on a knoll near the river ; he
named it ' Study Hall.' This house he surrounded with
a park. The Indian name of the place which he occupied
was Waivepoonseag^ In June, 1673, he lost his wife, and
died himself May 26, 1675. He lived in New England
about fifty years.
William Blackstone had been in England a minister
of the established church. Unwilling ' to endure the
tyranny of the Lords Bishops,' he abandoned his country
at the commencement of the arbitrary proceedings in
ecclesiastical affairs. He did not yield himself, however,
to the dominion of that fierce spirit by which most of the
puritans appear to have been influenced, and never re
nounced his episcopal calling. His temper was impatient
of restraint, and restless under the exercise of arbitrary
power, but unlike his austere brethren, he sought neither
controversy nor proselytes, and to escape the approaching
tempest, retreated to the shelter of a wilderness. His
taste for solitude was singular and unconquerable. Ply
mouth had been settled when he reached America, but he
preferred the solitary quietude of Shawmut (Boston). He
built his cottage by the side of a fountain, cultivated his
garden, and planted his orchard, (the first in New Eng
land,) and shunned all association, with man. When his
lonely asylum was invaded by men fierce and intolerant,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 195
he made no complaints, he provoked no quarrels, but
quietly sold his lands, and ' to avoid the tyranny of the
Lords Brethren,' settled himself a second time in a wil
derness far distant from any English settlement, ' planted
another orchard,' and wandered on the banks of his placid
stream, devoted to horticulture, contemplation, and books,
a lonely, musing man.
It is easy to conceive of the intense and ardent passions
which drove Daniel Boon and the pioneers of the west
from the haunts of men. Bold, enterprising, and un
lettered, like the savages they delighted in the animated
pleasures of the chase, and only felt the sense of inde
pendence when denizens of the forest. After warring on
beasts of prey, they turned their deadly rifles upon their
wild and ferocious neighbors, and acquired a keener relish
for life by putting it in constant hazard.— Blackstone like
them travelled from wilderness to wilderness, but he
abandoned society to seek the quiet and the peace which
disgusted them.
In his death, this pilgrim father of Boston and Reho
both, was singularly happy. It happened a few days
previous to the commencement of that direful war, which
in a few days after gave his house and his books to the
flames, and rendered his fair and cultivated domain a scene
of desolation.*

* Blackstone's conduct was marked by many harmless eccentricities; he
tamed a bull, on which he would occasionally ride to Providence. He was also
remarkable for his love of children. His was one of those singular minds
which preserved its simple and natural tastes, without yielding in the least to
the artificial influences of society.
Mr Blackstone left a son whose name was John. It is believed that he settled
somewhere near New Haven.
The Plymouth Court adopted the following order for the relief of John Ste
venson, the son of Mr Blackstone's wife.
'June 10th, 1675. Whereas the Court is informed that one whose name it
John Stevenson, son-in-law to Mr WMIiam Blackstone, late deceased, was (torn

1 96 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Roger Williams and his companions, driven from Salem,
at first seated themselves at Seekonk, but advised by
Governor Winslow, they crossed the river (as has been al
ready related,) and founded Providence.
The real founder of the town of Rehoboth was the
Rev. Samuel Newman, the minister of Weymouth. Mr
Newman came to America in 1636, and settled at Dor
chester. In 1638 he, was settled as the pastor of Wey
mouth, where he remained about five years.
Dissatisfied with his situation, he and several of his
society and some from Hingham, came to a determination
to remove, and a place called Seekonk was fixed on for
the new settlement ; they probably were induced to select
this spot as it was an extensive plain, already cleared of
forest trees, and a place apparently favorable to the culti
vation of the Indian corn.
The first meeting of the proprietors appears to have
been holden at Weymouth, August 24, 1643.
They agreed to divide their new plantation into sixty-
five shares. A provision was made that if some failed,
the number of the shares might be reduced to sixty. It
was also resolved that the lands should be planted and
off) to his father and mother in their lifetime, without whom they could not
well have subsisted as to a good help and instrument thereof, and he is now left
in a low and mean condition, and never was in any measure recompensed for
his good service aforesaid, and if (as it is said at least,) his father-in-law engaged
to his mother at his marriage with her, that he should be considered with a
competency of land out of the said Blackstone's land then lived on, which hath
never yet been performed ; and forasmuch as the personal estate of the said
William Blackstone is so small and inconsiderable, that he the said Stevenson
cannot be relieved out of it ; this Court therefore, in consideration of the pre
mises, do order and dispose fifty acres of land unto the said John Stevenson, out
of the lands of the said William Blackstone, and five acres of meadow to be
laid out unto him by Ensign Henry Smith, and Mr Daniel Smith, and Mr
Nathaniel Paine, &c.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. .g7
fenced previous to the ensuing 20th of April, and that all
should remove together with their families in one year, or
should forfeit their interest in the lands to the plantation,
they allowing for the improvements according to their
discretion. October 10, 1643, regulations were made as to the
planting of corn. The teacher to have a certain propor
tion from each settler. Servants after four years to be
inhabitants and entitled to the privileges. Richard Wright
was employed to build a corn-mill.
On the 21st of April, 1644, a meeting was held at See
konk, and a new division was ordered.
It was also resolved that on every fortieth day a meeting
should be holden by all the inhabitants ' for the considera
tion and acting such necessary affairs as concern the plan
tation.' At another meeting it was ordered ' that nine men should
be chosen to order the prudential affairs of the plantations
who shall have power to dispose of the lands in lots of
twelve, eight, or six acres, as in their discretion they
think the quality or the estate of the person do require.'
This was applied to house lots. It was further ordered,
' that all other lots be divided according to person and
estate.' ' One person to be valued £12 sterling in the
divisons of lands, and that no person should sell his im
provements but to such as the inhabitants shall accept
of,' and that the meeting-house should stand in the midst
of the town.'
On the 3d of September, 1644, the inhabitants signed
a compact in the following words.
' This combination entered into by the general consent
of all the inhabitants after general notice given the 23d
of the 4th month.'

198 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
1 We whose names are underwritten, being by the pro
vidence of God inhabitants of Seakunk, intending there
to settle, do covenant with ourselves one to another to
subject our * (according to law and equity,) to
nine persons, any five of the nine which shall be chosen
by the major part of the inhabitants of this plantation,
and we (torn off,) to be subject to all wholesome
(torn off) by them, and to assist them according to our
ability and estate. And to give timely notice unto them
of any such thing as in our conscience may prove dan
gerous to the plantation, and this combination to continue
until we shall subject ourselves jointly to some other
government.' This ' combination' was signed by the following per
sons — Walter Palmer, Ephraim Hunt,
Edward Smith, Peter Hunt,
Edward Bennett, William Smith,
Robert Titus, John Peren,
Abraham Martin, Zachary Rhoades,
John Mathewes, Job Laine,
Edward Sale, Alexander Winchester,
Ralph Shepherd, Henry Smith,
Samuel Newman, Stephen Payne,
William Cheeseborough, Ralph Alin,
Richard Wright, Thomas Bliss,
Robert Martin, George Kendricke,
Richard Bowen, John Allen,
Joseph Torrey, William Sabin,
James Clark, , Thomas Cooper.
Of these signers, Abraham Martin, Mr Henry Smith,
Stephen Payne, and Thomas Cooper, came from Hing-
ham, originally from Hingham in Norfolk, England. The
others were probably from Weymouth. Henry Smith came
with Governor Winthrop in 1630. Walter Palmer and
* Illegible.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. !99
William Cheeseborough were in Massachusetts in 1630.
Palmer was constable of Charlestown in 1636. Sale was
a freeman of Massachusetts in 1637. Payne in 1639.
Bliss in 1642. Cooper in 1638.
Edward Smith and Joseph Torrey subsequently were
followers of Obadiah- Holmes, became Baptists, and went
to Newport. Zacchary Rhoades also became a Baptist,
and was one of the founders of Patuxet, a plantation of
Providence. The lands were laid out by Mr Oliver of
Boston and Joseph Fisher, and an order was passed in
May 1744, that such as neglected to pay the surveyor's
fees should forfeit their lands.
October 10th, 1644, 'at a general meeting of the town
of Seekonk at lawful warning given, by reason of many
'meetings and other strong causes for the easing of the
great trouble, and for the * and the deciding of
controversies between party and party, as well as for the
proposing of men's levies to be made and paid, and for
the well ordering of the town's affairs as may stand with
"future equity according to our former combination, the
inhabitants of the. said place have chosen these men here
named. -IT '
Alexander Winchester, William Smith,
Richard Wright, Stephen Payne,
Henry Smith, Richard Bowen,
Edward Smith, Robert Martin.
Walter Palmer,
These townsmen met on the 26th of December, 1644,
and it was by them ordered, '-that the recording of any
man's land in the town book shall be to him and his heirs
a sufficient assurance forever. On the same day it was
ordered that no man's lands be recorded till he be an
» Illegible.

200 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
inhabitant amongst us, and further that no man's lands
be recorded till he bring to the town clerk a note for his
lands butted and bounded.'
The plantation hitherto was considered independent of
any jurisdiction. It does not appear that any permission
to settle here was sought either of the jurisdiction of
Plymouth or Massachusetts, although both colonies after
wards claimed Seekonk; but in 1645 it was received by
Plymouth and became the town of Rehoboth, a name
derived from the scriptures, and selected by Mr. Newman.
March 28, 1645, the allotments were ordered to be
recorded. The names of Edward Sale and Ephraim
Hunt, two of the signers of the combination, do not ap
pear. The others are the signers, with the following.
other names. Mr  Howard, Mr John Browne,
John Holbrook, Thomas Holbrook, senior,.
Matthew Pratt, Thomas Hett,
William Carpenter, Edward Gilman,
Samuel Butterworfh, Thomas Clifton,
Edward Patterson, The Widow Walker,
James Browne, Richard Ingram,
John Sutton, Robert Fuller,
Robert Morris, Thomas Loring,
Thomas Willraarth, John Read,
John Fitch, John Miller,
Edward Hall, John Peck,
Obadiah Holmes,
Of one name nothing can be discovered except
Thomas ; one other is illegible. Lots were also assigned !
to the governor, the schoolmaster, and the pastor. Oba
diah Holmes came from Salem, originally from Preston,
Lancashire, England. He commenced a schism in Mr .
Newman's congregation and ultimately became a Baptist.
Mr John Browne, and his son James Browne, came into
this plantation from Taunton. Edward Gilman came from

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 201
Hingham, and removed to New Hampshire ; * Thomas
Hettf came also from Hingham, and John Peck and John
Sutton. William Carpenter subsequently became a Bap
tist, and was one of the founders of Patuxet.
April 9th, 1645, the following seven persons were chosen
to order the prudential affairs of the town for ' half a
year,' viz.
%, Mr John Browne, senior, William Cheeseborough,
Richard Wright, Mr Alexander Winchester,
Stephen Payne, Edward Smith,
Walter Palmer.
On. the same day lots were drawn for lands on the Great
iiPlain. The following new names appear.
* . James Walker, Nicholas Ide,
Richard Bullock,* Mr Joseph Peck,
'.. Robert Abel,t Isaac Martin.
u> Mr Joseph Peck came from Hingham, originally from
Hingham, (England.)
¦ Mr John Browne became a great proprietor of Wanna- —
^rnoiset, included in the ancient Swansey by virtue of this
'agreement. It would seem to have been a place where
Indians resided, ahd from which they were hired to
remove. 'The 20th of the 10th month, (October) 1645.
I ' Whereas there was a second agreement made with the
Mndians for their full consent in their removing from Wan-
|namoiset, and the value of fifteen pounds sterling to be
/paid them, or thereabouts in several commodities. It was
* A freeman of Massachusetts in 1638.
t A freeman in 1642. Thomas Loring in 1636. John Browne in 1634. - —
James Browne in 1636. t A freeman of Massachusetts in 1645.
|| Came with Governor Winthrop 1630.
PART II. 26

202 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
in several town meetings expounded that the aim, *
would pay that particular * they hold there, that
land with twelve acres lying at Watchemoket cove, and
for much more land at Wanamoyset as sold, be thought
worth the payment of the same after Mr Richard Bowen,
Robert Martin, and Stephen Payne, by the appointment of
the rest of the townsmen, viewed and laid out that neck of
land called and known by the name of Wanamoyset neck
from the salt water where the Indians had formerly made a
hedge, ranging unto the north end of the Indian field,
and the bounds about the said Indian field unto the salt
water. Whereupon, this 20th of the 10th month, 1645,
Mr John Browne, in a town-meeting, did promise and un
dertake to pay the * in consideration that said lands
to belong to him and his heirs or assigns forever ; and
further it was agreed in the said town-meeting that in all
the divisions of lands that was * hereafter sold, ,
after the rate of three hundred pounds estate, j
should be called forty for him ; adjoining to the aforesaid j
lands on the farther side from the town, or towards the j
salt-marsh, or as may be both least prejudicial to the town |
or to himself, saving that fortyfour acres upon Watche- |
\noyket already allotted him to be part of the same, and
he doth farther agree to accept of ten acres of salt-marshi
where he mowed this year, formerly allotted to him in full ,,
of the meadow land belonging to the town, and doth ¦
farther promise that when the rest of the townsmen shall ,
fence their lands already allotted on Watchemoquit neck, j
he to fence his part with them, and to bear his part in j
town charges, after the aforesaid sum of £300 estate, &c.' (
26th of 10th mo. 1645. At a meeting of the towns
men it was voted that the house lot, &c. laid out to John ^ii
* Illegible.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Button, ' he not having come to live amongst us, nor ful
filled his written agreement bearing date the 24th of the
8th month, 1643,' be granted to William Devell.
8th of the 8th mo. 1646. The town permitted John
Doggett* to take the lands laid out to John Matthewes.
On the same day a rate was ordered ' to get the town out
of debt, and also a rate so much as shall build a meeting
house.' 18th of the 12th mo. Another division of meadow
lands was made. The following new names appear —
Robert Sharp, Widow Bennet, (probably the
11 Robert Wheaton, widow of Edward Bennet.
Adeinia Morris, And two others, (names illegible.)
January 7th, 1647. The town permitted John Lashell to
purchase the lands of William Devill.
Feb. 20th. George Wright's lands were sold by per
mission of the town to John Doggett.
13th of 11th mo. 1647, Ademia Morris, executor of
Robert Morris, sold to Nicholas Ide his home lot.
28th of 4th mo. 1647. John Titus was permitted to
take the lands of Matthew Pratt ; John Woodcock those
of Edward Patterson.
26th, 3d mo. 1647. Mr Browne, Mr Pecke, Stephen
; Paine, Mr Winchester, Richard Bowen, William Carpen
ter, and Edward Smith, were chosen townsmen.
*i The other townsmen during the period between 1644
and 1675, exclusive of those already mentioned were
Thomas Cooper, Robert Titus, John Read, senior, Peter
Hunt, John Allen, John Peram, William Sabin, Anthony
Perry, Nicholas Peck, Philip Walker, and Daniel Smith.
11th of the 1st mo. 1648. Mr Pec.k and Stephen
Paine were chosen to assist Mr Browne in matters contro
verted at the Court.
* Came with Governor Winthrop, 1630.

203

204 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
It was voted to levy a rate to finish the meeting-house.
18th July. The town gave to Roger Amidowne a house
lot and other lands.
July 12th, 1649. Mr Browne and Stephen Paine were
chosen to make diligent search to find out the most con
venient way between Rehoboth and Dedham.
1650, 10th mo. 5. It was voted that a convenient way
four rods wide, should be made by Edward Smith for the
town's use, ' or any that shall have occasion to pass from
town to Providence, or to Mr Blackstone's.'
1651, 15, 1st mo. ' It was agreed that Peter Hunt
should accompany Mr Browne to Plymouth, to make
agreement about the Indian complaints.'
The first notice of the appointment of military officers,
was on the 20th of March, 1653, when Peter Hunt was
lieutenant, and John Browne, Jr. ensign.
October 25th, 1653. The damage done the Indians for
the trespasses of hogs, horses, &c, for the last two years,
was ordered to be paid in wampum, ' out of the wampum
at Walter Palmer's.'
12th December, 1653. Voted that the price of corn
should be at 5s., wheat 5s., rye 4s., Indian corn 3s.
11th mo. 10, 1653. Indians killing wolves were to be
paid. 3d mo. 22, 1654. Peter Hunt and John Browne, Jr.
were again appointed lieutenant and ensign, ' and allowed
to stand by the honorable bench at Plymouth Court.'
12th mo. 1-, 1654. Mr Browne was permitted to have
for his use four rods square of ground, ' to build a house
on something near the meeting-house.'
22d mo. 1, 1654. Voted that the 'new highway
towards the bay be perfected, and that it should be done
under the inspection of Goodman Paine, and Goodman
Carpenter.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 205
'June 26th 1655. At a town-meeting it was agreed
upon, that Mr Newman, our teacher, should have fifty
pounds a year.' Seven men, namely, Mr Joseph Peck •
Thomas Cooper, Richard Bowen, Stephen Paine, Robert
Martin, Peter Hunt, and William Sabin, were chosen a
committee ' for the levying of a rate according to person
and estate for the raising of said maintenance.'
At this period, so much indifference as to the support
of the clergy was manifested in Plymouth colony as to
excite the alarm of the other confederated colonies. The
complaint of Massachusetts against Plymouth, on this
subject, was laid before the Commissioners, and drew from
them a severe reprehension. Rehoboth had been afflicted
already with a serious schism, and by its proximity to
Providence and its plantations, where there was a uni
versal toleration, the practice of free inquiry was en
couraged, and principle, fancy, whim, and conscience, all
conspired to lessen the veneration for ecclesiastical au
thority. Feburary 9th, 1655. Mr Peck, Richard Bowen senior,
Stephen Paine senior, Thomas Cooper senior, Robert
Martin, William Carpenter senior, and Peter Hunt, were
chosen townsmen. ' It was also granted that they shall
have power to order the prudential affairs of the town,
and that they shall have power to call a town-meeting
•when they see cause.'
' At the same time Father Bowen was chosen moderator
to see good orders in our town-meetings.'
It will be seen from the following colonial record, that
Mr Browne, a principal inhabitant of Rehoboth, and one
of the colonial magistrates, entertained scruples as to the
expediency of coercing the people to support the ministry,
although he was willing to contribute his proportion,

206 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' Whereas, a petition was presented unto the General
Court at Plymouth, the first of June, 1655, by several in
habitants of the town of Rehoboth, whose hands were
thereunto subscribed, desiring the Court to assist them in
a way according to the orders of other colonies about
them, for the raising maintenance for their minister ; the
sum of the petition seemed to hold forth that those whose
hands were not subscribed, contributed nothing, or so
little as was not esteemed of, which petition occasioned
some discourse about a forcible way to compel all the
inhabitants of that town to pay a certain sum every year,
towards the maintenance of the minister. Whereupon
Mr John Browne, one of the magistrates then sitting in
Court, and being one of the inhabitants of that town, and
not being made acquainted with the said petition until
the names of the inhabitants were subscribed ; to issue
the said troublesome controversy, and take off the odium
from others, did propound that forasmuch as those whose
hands were to the petition desired to submit themselves
to a rate, that if the Court would send two of the magis
trates unto Rehoboth to take notice of the estates of the
petitioners, he would engage himself in the behalf of those
who were the inhabitants of the said town, whose hands
were not subscribed to the petition, that they should vol
untarily contribute according to their estates ; and if any
of them fell short in this business, he would supply that
want out of his own estate, and this he would make good
by engaging his lands for seven years in their behalf while
they staid, though he himself should remove from the
place, which was approved of, and Captain Standish and
Mr Hatherly were then made choice of by the Court to
see it ordered accordingly.'
July 13th, 1657. Voted, ' that all such persons or any
person that is behind hand in their accounts with Mr

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 207
Newman for this year present, that they shall make up
their accounts with Mr Newman by a month after Michael
mas, and in case it be neglected, then such townsmen as'
may be deputed together with the deacons also to go to
such persons and labor to convince them of the neglect
of their duty ; in case they find them obstinate, then the
Court order is to be attended on.'
November 20th, 1657. Stephen Paine, senior, was
ordered to assist Deacon Cooper, ' to go to certain the
inhabitants of the town, to put them on to clear their
accounts with Mr Newman.' ,,
It was also agreed that there shall be a town-meeting
this day fortnight, and in case it appear that any person
or persons be behind hand with Mr Newman, that then
some effectual course may be taken according to Court
order, to make such to pay as have been negligent in their
duty for the settling of Mr Newman amongst us.'
It was also voted that persons neglecting to attend
town-meeting should be fined Gd.
' September 15th, 1658. Mr Newman was exempted from
. all country and town rates ; this exemption applied to him
personally, not to his lands in case of sale and descent.
December 9th, 1657. ' It was voted that Sampson
Mason should have free liberty to sojourn with us, and to
buy house, lands, or meadow, if he see cause for his settle
ment, provided that he lives peaceably and quietly.'
Sampson Mason, ultimately one of the founders of
Swansey, was a dragoon in the Commonwealth's army,
commanded by Oliver Cromwell ; — became a Baptist and
emigrated to America.
February 22nd, 1658. 'The following persons are ac
cepted as freemen of the town, to take up their freedom,
namely, Joseph Peck, John Peck, Henry Smith, Robert
Fuller, John Fitch, Stephen Paine, Jonathan Bliss, William
Buckland, Rice Leonard.'

208

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

William Buckland came from Hingham ; this name
afterwards was called Bucklin.
A division of the meadows on the north side of the town
was made, June 22nd, 1658, among the following persons;
this appears to have been the first division in the north
purchase, (afterwards Attleborough.)

John Peck,
George Robinson,
Robert Abell,
Mr Winchester's children,
Mr Newman,
George Kendiick,
Stephen Paine, senior,
John Butterworth,
John Read,
Thomas Willmarth,
John Eitch,
Henry. Smith,
William Carpenter, senior,
John Millard, junior,
Robert Wheaton,
Richard Bullock,
Robert Martin, >
John Perrum,
Richard Bowen, senior,
Obadiah Bowen,
Anthony Perry,
Joseph Peck,
John Matthewes,
John Allin,
John Sutton,

Nicholas Ide,
James Reddeway,
Jonathan Bliss,
Peter Hunt,
Thomas Cooper, junior,
William Sabin,
Philip Walker,
Daniel Smith,
John Doggett
Nicholas Peck,
Rice Leonard,
Robert Jones,
Francis Stevens,
Thomas Cooper, senior,
John Woodcock,
Edward Hall,
Stephen Paine, junior,
Roger Amadowne,
Richard Bowen, junior,
Robert Fuller,
William Bucklin,
Mr Peck,
John Millard, senior,
William Carpenter,"

2d, 9th mo. 1658. The Indians were forbidden to set
the traps within the town's bounds.
30th, 11th mo. 1659. Voted, to agree with Richard
Bullock to keep the office of town-clerk, ' to give him
16s. a year, and to be paid for births, burials, and mar
riages besides.'
21st, 12th mo. 1660. In town-meeting it was voted that
Mr Willet should have liberty to take up five hundred or

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 209
six hundred acres of land northward or eastward beyond
the bounds of our town, where he shall think it most con
venient for himself.
1st day, 2d mo. 1661. Gilbert Brooks of Scituate, had
' free liberty to be an inhabitant of Rehoboth, and to pur
chase what he may, if he be minded to come amongst us.'
' 6th, 7th mo. 1661. Lieutenant Hunt and Joseph Peck
were chosen to view the damage in the Indians' corn upon
Kickamuet neck, and Consumpsit neck, and to give the
town notice of it.'
27th of the 12th mo. 1661. Samuel Luther was per
mitted to be a sojourner to buy or hire.
December 16th, 1662. A fine of Is. 6d. ordered to be
paid by such as neglected to attend town-meeting.
January 22d, 1663. Humphrey Tiffany permitted to
be a sojourner, and to buy or hire.
The towns-people were forbidden by order of Court to
herd their cattle on Indians' land, ' to the prejudice of the
Indians at Kickamuet.'
July 3d, 1663. It was voted that a letter should be sent
to Samuel Fuller of Plymouth, ' that if he will come upon
trya^ccording to his own proposition, the town is willing
to accept of him ; and in case the town and he do accord,
the town is willing to accommodate him in the best way
•they can for his encouragement.'
Mr Fuller was a physician residing at Plymouth.
At the same town-meeting, Goodman Sarle was accept
ed, and a home lot voted to him.
Mr. Newman the pastor, died on the 5th of July, 1663,
His death was attended with some singular circumstances.
' He had (says Eliot) a certain premonition of it, and
seemed to triumph in the prospect of its being near. He
was apparently in perfect health, and preached a sermon
upon these words— Job xiv. 14. 'All the days of my ap-
PAET II. 27

210 MEMOIR OF>PLYMOUTH COLONY.
pointed time will T wait till my change come.' In the
afternoon of the following Lord's day, he asked the deacon
to pray with him, saying he had not long to live. As soon
as he had finished his prayer, he said the time was come
that he must leave this world. But his friends seeing no
immediate signs of dissolution, thought it was the influence
of imagination. But he turned round saying, ' angels do
your office,' immediately expired. In those times many
marvellous tales were received as true, which would not
bear scrutiny. But the circumstances of Mr Newman's
death were notorious, and the accounts of many witnesses
concurrent. He might have felt that sinking of the heart,
that indescribable and painful feeling which is said in
many instances to be the precursor of death, and yet have
discovered no external signs of failing health, and while
his friends were unconscious of, its approach, the inward
consciousness of the sufferer might seem to them the
inspiration of prophecy. In some organizations, pecu
liarly nervous, a strong apprehension of death has pro
duced it.
Mr Newman was subjected to many trials, perplexities,
and troubles. Obadiah Holmes who came from Salem
and some others of his church, disliking his discipline,
and some of his tenets, withdrew from their connexion
and established what they called a new church. This
happened in 1649. They soon embraced the principles
of the Baptists, and received another baptism from the
hands of Mr Clark of Newport. This was the first ap
pearance of what was denominated schism in the colony
of Plymouth. Lyford's disturbance was a sedition rather
than a schism. Mr Newman excommunicated Holmes
and his followers, and incited the civil authority against
them. Four petitions were presented to the court; one
from Rehoboth signed by thirtyfive persons ; one from

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 211
Taunton ; one from all the clergymen in the colony but '
two, and one from the government of Massachusetts. The
government of Plymouth merely directed the schismatics
to refrain from practices disagreeable to their brethren,
and to appear before the Court. In October, 1650., John
Hazel, Edward Smith and his wife, Obadiah Holmes,
Joseph Torrey and his wife, the wife of James Mann and
William Buell and his wife were indicted for continuing
their meeting from house to house on the Lord's day, con
trary to the order of Court ; but it does not appear that
any punishment was inflicted. In Massachusetts Holmes
did not escape- so easily. Some time after his trial at
Plymouth, he was arrested near Boston, tried, and sen
tenced to receive thirty lashes, which sentence was exe
cuted with great severity and cruelty ; he then with most
pf his followers removed to Newport in Rhode Island,
where he succeeded Mr Clark in 1652, and remained there
until his death in 1682. He was a native of Preston in
Lancashire, (England,) and was distinguished for his un
conquerable resolution.
Mr Newman was born in Oxfordshire, and educated at
the University of Oxford. He was a distinguished minister
in England, and is particularly noticed by Anthony Wood.
He abandoned his country at the commencement of the
persecution by Archbishop Laud.
He was an indefatigable scholar, and a devout and
zealous minister, but his temper was irascible, and it was
by no means softened when he vvas compelled to witness
in his own congregation the commencement of a religious
schism.* * Hopestill Newman, a daughter of the Rev. Samuel Newman, was mar
ried to the Rev. George Shove, a native of Dorchester, and third minister of
Taunton. She died March 7, 1674, leaving three sons and two daughters.

212 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In September, 1663, ' At a meeting of the church and
town, it was concluded that Mr Zachariah Symmes should
have £40 for this year, his diet at Mr Newman's be
sides.' Stephen Payne and Lieutenant Hunt ' were chosen to
go down to his friends, to use means for the settling of him
with us for this present year.'
November 2, 1663. Goodman Payne, John Allen, sen.,
Lieutenant Hunt, Mr Browne, Anthony Perry, Goodman
Walker, Thomas Cooper, jun. and Henry Smith, were
chosen a committee to buy or to build a parsonage or
' house for the ministry.' At the same time a rate was
voted to pay the charges.
November 25, 1663. It was voted in town-meeting,
' that whereas God by his providence hath lately taken
away from us our dear father, yet out of his goodness and
mercy hath brought amongst us Mr Zachariah Symmes,
whom we honor and yet with reference to the
place we live in, we judge it expedient to look out for
another godly, able minister to join with him in the work
of the ministry, and therefore do accept of Mr Willett's
proposition, as to embrace any opportunity that providence
shall guide him to, for that end.'
June 20th, 1664. It was voted ' that the public house
intended for the ministry,' shall be set on the west side of
the run, in the middle of the common, being the place ap
pointed for a teacher's lot, being six acres.'
January 24, 1665. Mr Willett's authority to engage a
minister to assist Mr Symmes was again confirmed.
April 13, 1666. Mr Symnes was admitted an inhabitant.
' Mr Myles was voted to be a lecturer, viz. to preach
once a fortnight on the week day, once on the Sabbath
• day.' * Illegible.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
May 15th, 1666. In town meeting, ' it was agreed by
joint consent, that a third man alone for the work of the
ministry: should be forthwith looked for, and such a one
as may preach to the satisfaction of the whole, (if it be
the will of God for the settling of peace amongst us,
according as the former and renewed council sent us from
our honored governor and assistants.' The meeting was
adjourned to the 19th to make choice of a committee to
obtain a ' third man alone for the work of the ministry.'
1 Richard Bullock declared his protest against this act, as
judging it the sole work of the church.'
August 13, 1666. ' It was again voted in town^meeting,
that an able man for the work of the ministry shall with
all convenient speed be looked for, as an officer of this
church, and a minister for the town, such a one as m'ay
be satisfactory to the generality.'
It was also voted ' that Mr Myles shall still continue a
lecturer on the week day, and further on the sabbath, if
he be thereunto legally called.'
A committee was now chosen to engage a minister
according to the previous vote of the town. The com
mittee was Deacon Cooper," Lieutenant Hunt, Nicholas
Peck, Ensign Smith, and Nathaniel Payne/ and they
were to go in the first place to Mr Esterbrooks.'
December 10, 1666. In town-meeting it was voted
' that Mr Buckley should continue still amongst us till the
first of April next ensuing upon further trial, in reference
to the former vote of August 13, 1666, which is in order
to the settlement in the ministry, if be be approved of/'
It is very evident that much dissension in religious
affairs at this time prevailed in this town, to such a tfegree
that the governor and assistants interfered. These dis
sensions might have been increased from an accidental
circumstance. This was the arrival of John Myles,' the

213

214 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
elder of the first Baptist church in Wales, which was
founded at Swansea, in 1649 ; this church, although its
numbers were small at its commencement, had increased
to three hundred in 1662. Mr Myles in that year was
ejected from his charge for non-conformity. He fled to
America, bringing with him his church records written in
Welsh,* and followed by some adherents. In 1663, he
founded the first Baptist church in the Plymouth colony,
and older than any one in Massachusetts, at Wannamoiset. f
Shortly after his arrival the church consisting of Mr
Myles the elder, James Brown, Nicholas Tanner, Joseph
Carpenter, John Butterworth, Eldad Kingsley, and Benja
min Alby, were united by a solemn covenant. This was
held by the Plymouth government to be an act of contu
macy and a public disturbance, and each person concerned
was fined £5, prohibited from worship for the space of a
month, and advised to remove from Rehoboth. It was
perhaps discreet on the part of the government to endea
vor to prevent the growth of schism within the limits of
their corporate grants, but they do not appear at this time
to have entertained a design of violating the rights of
conscience, or of stifling the worship of conscientious
men ; for after the Baptists had, in pursuance of their ad-
'••, vice, removed first to that part of the ancient Swansey
now called Barrington, where they erected a meeting
house, and afterwards to that part of the same town near
the bridge which now perpetuates the name of Myles,
(where they erected another,) they granted them and
others in 1667, the lands of Wannamoiset, which had been
considered as within the jurisdiction of Rehoboth, and in
the same year the town of Swansey was incorporated.
* Now in existence.
I Then within the jurisdiction of Rehoboth, now Swansey.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 215
The Reverend Noah Newman, the son of the late pastor,
was finally settled in the place of his father in March, 1668.
In December, 1668, a salary of £40 and firewood, were
voted in town-.meeting, ' for his comfortable maintenance
for his carrying an end the work of the Almighty amongst
us. Deacon Cooper, Lieutenant Hunt, and Goodman
Read, were to see the aforesaid order accomplished, and to
speak to them who were defective 'in npt doing their duty.'
Various other privileges - and accommodations were
afterwards voted him ; still it would seem from the terms
of the votes, that from many it was difficult to obtain any
part of the minister's maintenance, for although a majority
afterwards raised his salary to £60, yet a committee was
chosen, ' to take some pains to see how it might be raised, ,
that is, it might be raised freely, and that it might be
effectually accomplished, and also for the £40"a year,
which is past be inquired into, to see if it be accomplished;
and if the committee do apprehend that the aforesaid pay
will not effect the thing, then the town to seriously con
sider of some other way that it may be effected, for the
comfortable carrying on the worship and ordinances of
God amongst us.'
Notwithstanding all these votes, the maintenance of the
minister continued to be in arrear, for a committee was
raised ' for the inquiring into and insisting those whom it
concerns, that Mr Newman's maintenance may be brought
, in for three years, and also for three years past.' Still the
measures were ineffectual, for in 1671, it was voted, 'as
Mr Newman's salary had not been paid, that there shall
be a trial made by contribution every sabbath day.'
November 25th, 1663. ' It was voted that Alexander
the Scotchman, a brick-maker should be freely accepted
amongst us for to make brick.'
December 20th, 1664. £4 17s. was voted, being the

216 „ MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
sum which Captain Willet agreed to give Philip for grow
ing corn in the neck, and that Captain Willet should
agree with Philip for the year ensuing.
May 22d, 1665. ' Sam, the Indian that keeps the cows
was admitted by the town as an inhabitant, to buy or hire
house or lands if he can, in case the Court allow it.'
This is believed to have been the first apd only instance
of an Indian resident amongst the English, who was ad
mitted to the rights of citizenship within this colony.
This vote, if it was ' allowed by the Court,' (which does
not appear) gave to this Indian all the privileges of his
English neighbors. Sam was probably a Christian.
May 22d, 1665. ' John Lowell was admitted by the
town, to buy or hire house or land if he can.'
June 6th, 1665. The town voted to pay the governor
their proportion of £50 ; also, that there be a standing
council, three in number, with the governor, and that this
council be renewed yearly.
April 18th, 1666. Mr Tanner was admitted an inhabitant.
May 23d, 1666. ' It was agreed that Mr Myles be receiv
ed an inhabitant amongst us, to buy or hire for his money.'
June 26th, 1666. ' Stephen Paine senior, Mr Browne,
and Goodman Allen, were chosen selectmen to answer
the Court order.' They were the first. The townsmen
still continued to be chosen as usual.
The other selectmen chosen in different years between
this and 1675, including the last, were Peter Hunt, Henry
Smith, Philip Walker, Nicholas Peck, Anthony Perry.
December 10th, 1666, Thomas Estabrook was admitted
an inhabitant.
April, 1668. ' Voted, that whereas the select townsmen
did give Philip Sachem a, gratuity at the sealing of an
evidence of eight miles square, the sUm of £8, 12s., that
the said select townsmen shall make a rate for the pay
ment of it.'

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

217

May 26th, 1668. A division
chase, (now Attleborough) was
ing persons. Obadiah Bowen,
Samuel Luther,
Stephen Paine, senior,
John Savage,
Goody Hide,
Childrens' lands,
Thomas Reade,
Preserved Abel],
William Carpenter,
Gilbert Brooks,
Thomas and Jacob Ormsby,
Robert Jones,
John Reade, senior,
Nathaniel Paine,
Robert Wheaton,
Widow Carpenter,
Benjamin Buckland,
Philip Walker,
John Peren, senior,
John Ormsby,
Jaret Ingraham,
Nathaniel Paine,
Henry Smith,
Nicholas Peck,
Jonathan Bosworth,
Samuel Carpenter,
Richard Whitaker,
Mr Tanner,
Stephen Paine, junior,
Jonathan Palmer,
James Redeway,
Nicholas Ide,
Deacon Cooper,
James Gilson,
Rice Leonard,
Samuel Newman,
John Doggett,
Anthony Perry,
Thomas Cooper, junior,
George Kendrick,
PART II. 28

of lands in. the north pur-
made amongst the follow-
John Butterworth,
Mr Myles,
Richard Bowen, junior,
Mr Newman,
Joseph Peck,
William Sabin,
Ichabod Miller, junior,
Mr Daniel Smith,
Mr Browne,
Robert Miller,
John Titus,
Nathaniel Peck,
George Robinson,
Robert -Fuller,
John Fitch,
Thomas Willmarth,
William Buckland,
John Kinslye,
Ovid Bullock,
Jonathan Fuller,
John Miller, senior,
Joseph Carpenter,
Samuel Peck,
Sampson Mason,
John Allin, junior,
John Reade, junior,
John Lowell,
Thomas Grant,
Israel Peck,
• Captain Willet,
Jonathan Bliss,
Lieutenant Hunt,
Eldad Kinsly,
Joseph Buckland,
Francis Stevens,
Edward Hall,
John WOTdcock,
John Allin, senior,
Abr. Martin.

218 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
May 14th, 1669. ' The town with one consent declared
by vote that the proposition from the Court about sales of
guns, powder, and shot to the Indians, they apprehend it
will be greatly detrimental to our English interest, and
therefore declare themselves against it.'
Ensign Smith, Nicholas Peck, William Sabin, and
Philip Walker, were chosen a committee to meet a com
mittee of the new town of Swansey, to settle a contro
versy (probably about boundaries.)
May 16, 1672. It was agreed and voted that the towns
men are to draw up such particulars as may be necessary
for the general good of the town, as instructions for the
deputies to manage at the Court.
May 14th, 1673. John Woodcock, Thomas Willmarth,
Josiah Palmer, Thomas Reade, and John Ormsby, were
propounded to the freemen at the town-meeting to take up
their freedom, and approved of.
November 13th, 1674. It was voted that a new meet
ing-house be built. EASTHAM.
The territory comprised within the limits of the ancient
town of Eastham, was originally owned by the Nauset
Indians. In 1640, a tract of land extending from the bounds of
Yarmouth to three miles eastward of Namskeket, and
' across from sea to sea,' was granted by the General
Court ' to the purchasers or old comers of Plymouth,' but
no settlement was made on this tract.
In 1643, the people of Plymouth becoming dissatisfied
with their situatiijp, deliberated upon removing, and after
many consultations and much difference in opinion, deter
mined to remove.
Upon a proposition of Governor Bradford, the church

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
directed a committee to repair to Nauset, and to ascertain
the expediency of establishing their settlement there.
The committee made a favorable report, and ' the pur
chasers or old comers,' to whom the grant was made in
1640, consented to the plan. In June, 1644, the church
appointed a committee to explore and survey Nauset, and
authorized them to purchase it of the natives. Of this
committee was Governor Bradford, and several members
of the church, amongst whom were Thomas Prince, John
Doane, Nicholas Snow, Josias Cooke, Richard Higgins,
John Smallev, and Edward Bangs. This committee after
an accurate examination, decided that Nauset was not
sufficiently extensive to accommodate the whole of the
church at Plymouth, but they purchased of Mattaquason,
the sachem of Monamoyick, a tract of land called Pochet,
with two islands lying before Potanumaquat, with a beach
and small island upon it ; also all the land called Nam
skeket, extending northward to the bounds of the territory
belonging to George the sachem, excepting a small island
which was purchased afterwards. From George the
sachem of the Nausets, the successor of the sachem Aspi-
net, they purchased all his lands ' extending northward,
excepting a small neck of land lying by the harbor on the
east side of the tract ; which neck of land the English
stipulated to fence, that the Indians might use it as a
corn-field.' The right of getting shell-fish in the cove, and a part
of all the whales driven on shore, was reserved to the
Indians. There being no claimant of the land in the bay
north of the territory purchased of George, called Billings
gate, the Indians consented that the English should occupy
them; but a long time after in 1666, an Indian who was
called Lieutenant Anthgny, claimed the Billingsgate lands,
and the settlers purchased his claim, he reserving a small

219

220 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
neck called Tuttomnest ; this tract ' extended from the
northern limits of Nauset, to a little brook named by the
Indians, Sapokonisk, and by the English, Bound Brook'.'
Previously to this, they had purchased of the subjects of
sachem George, after his death, the neck which had been
reserved to him, and allowed the Indians a piece of land
at Gesquoquaset ; and not long after they purchased ' the
fertile island of Pochet, which in the first sale had been
reserved by Mattaquason to the Indians.'
In 1644, the Court granted ' unto the church of New-
Plymouth, or them that go to dwell at Nauset, all the tract
of land lying between sea and sea, from the purchasers
bounds at Namskeket, to the herring brook at Billingsgate,
with said herring brook, and all the meadows on both
sides the said brook, with great bass pond there, and all
meadows and islands lying within said tract.'
' This grant included Eastham, Welfleet, and Orleans.
It extended south to Monamoyick bay.' At one end it was
bounded by lands of the purchasers or old comers, (after
wards Harwich) and on the other by lands which after
wards were included in the town of Truro, being fifteen
miles in length.
The church of Plymouth in consideration of the same
sum which they had paid, conveyed their right to Thomas
Prence, John Doane, Nicholas Snow, Josias Cook, Richard
Higgins, John Smalley, and Edward Bangs, who immedi
ately commenced a settlement at Nauset.* «r
* John Doane came from England early. In 1633, he was elected an assist
ant, and afterwards a deacon of the church at Plymouth. His posterity are
numerous and respectable, and reside principally within the limits of ancient
Eastham. Edward Bangs and Nicholas Snow arrived at Plymouth in the ship Anne, in
July, 1623. Richard Higgins was one of the freemen of Plymouth, in 1633.
The descendants of Bangs, Snow, and Higgml, as well as those of Cook and
Smalley, still remain in the lower part of the county of Barnstable, and are
numerous, particularly those of the three first.

GENEALOGY OF THE BANGS
BY DEAN DUDLEY, OF BOSTON.

FAMILY.

¦ ¦

" ME. EDWARD BANGS,"
Came from Chichester, in England, A.T). 1.131, in the " Anno," which landed at Plymouth the last of July. There he
resided a few years, and was mada a " Freeman " in 1033. Soon after (in 1644) he settled at Eastham, on Cape Cod.
He was at different times a Grand- luryman, Overseer of the Guard against the Indians, &o. He superintended the
building of a barrmo of 10 or 50 tons burthen, (according to tradition, the first vessel built at Plymouth,) was a Deputy
to the Colony Court four or five years, and held many other public ofllces. Died at Eastham, A.D., 1678, aged 86.

'REBEKAH.'

I
"Mr. John,"
probably who
ara-ried Han
nah Smalley
Jan. 2J, 140'),

Capt. Edward,:
b. Sept. 3 or 30,
1665, at Kast-
hain, d. M;iy,
22, 17-46. His
2d wife was
Mrs. Ruth Ma
yo of Eastham,
whom he m.
Jan, 16, 1739.
SaTah Clark,
who dio-1 in
1727, ag'd 26
years.

Capt. Jonathan,^
b. 1640— m. July 16,
1664. Deputy to the
Colony Court at Ply-
month, 1074, 1676,
1682, 163), 1687 and
1688. Representative
to the General Court
at Boston, 1692, d.
at " Harwich," 1728,
a. 88 years.

it. Jo

Mary, daugh. of
Sam'lMayo and
" Thomasine, "
his wife. This
Sam'l was son
of Rev'd John
Mayo, some time
of 2d Church at
Boston.
Mary was bapt.
l?eb. 3, 1650, at Barnstable, and d. 1711, aged

Lieut. Joshua,
m. (Dec. 1, or
Sept. 5, 1669)
Hannah Scud-
der, and died
Jan. 14, 1709-10.

I
Bethia,
b. May 28, 1650,

Apphia
m. Mr. John
Knowles , A. D.
1670. P. M. & F.

I

:"Ruth," Jonathan,
who d. b. Iii70, d.
June 22, same year.
1738, a.
68 yrs.

Capt. Jonathan,
Jr., b. A.D, 1673.
m. Ist.Elizabeth;
m. 2dly, Experi
ence; m. 3rdly,
Mrs. Ruth
Young, of East
ham, A.D., 1720.
(See his posteri
ty below.)

Capt. Samuel,
b. 1880, d.
June 11, 1750,
a. 69 years.
(See below.)

I
Rebecca,b. 1667.

Mary,
b. 1671.

Hannah, b. 1676.

Mercy,

Lydia

Hannah m.

Rebekah,

twin to Apphia,

m. Benj. Hig

" Mr. John

wife

b. Oct. IS, 1651 ;

gins

Dec. 24,

Doane," April

of Mr, Jo

m. Stephen Mer

1661

30,1662, (a son

nathan

rick, Dec. 28,

of Dea. John
Sparrow,
1670.
Doane,) who is
said to have
lived to the
age of 110 yrs.
m.Ocir.^6, 1654.
Thomasin, Mercy,
1
Elizabeth
Sarah,
Lydia,
b. 1678. (wife
of Mr.
b. 1883.
b. 1687.
b. 1689, m.
Hatch,) b.
Shubael
16S2.
Her
Hinckley,
first
child
1712.
bom
1716.
= Mr. Edward, =Rebecca Higgins, 2d
b. 169-1, d
June 3, 1756,
at Harwich.
wife, m. in 1730. She
d. 1768, aged about 75
years.
Dr. Jonathan, as T surpo^e, who married
"Phebe Bangs," and d. Dec. 7, 1745, a. 39
yrs and 9 mos. Their son Allen was b.
March, 1733-4.
Ebenezer, :
I suppose.
zAnna Sears, of
Yarmouth, m, Dec.
1727.
Benjamin, Esq., b:
June ^4, 1721, d Oct
3 J, 1709. lie was m.
to Miss Desire Dil
lingham, Jan. 4,
1750, by Rev. Josi-
ah Dunster.
Juuh \1T
b. 175L,
died in
RhodeIsland,1778, a.
-JL
Desire Dillingham, Elizabeth,
Jan. 4, 174y, U. S„ b. March, 6, 1723.
who was b. Nov.30.
1729, d. Oct. 1607.
Note— Isaac "Wendell, of Boston, about 1762, married
a " daughter of Bangs." (See King's Chap. Ep„ p. 237.
Sarah, b. July 29,
1727.
b. Mch 31, 1733; a soldier
of the Revolution ; taken
prisoner fm a privateers-
man, and not exchang'd.
Supposed to have died in
Feb. b. 1777, aged 45 yrs.
Elkanah, =Susanna Dillingham,
daughter of Mr. John
Dillingham, and sis
ter of Desire, wife of
" Benjamin, Esq.," b.
March, 1732, d. April
18, 1788.
Rebecca, as I
suppose, who m.
Thomas Young,
_Feb, 11, 1730-1, I
John
TTPTsaacT b. 1752, gd.
H. C. 1771,
d. in Vir
ginia, 1780,
unmar'ed,
„ ' ¦ 
.Lydia, b. Edward,=Hannah
26 years Was a Lt.
11 mos. in the Rev
P. 2. olufn.d.ln the armv.
Hon. Edw D.
b.Aug,24,1790, d.at Worcest
er Apl 2. 1S38.
Sec. of Com-
w'th fm 1824
to 1836, m.
1754,
of Capt.
Shubffil
Downes.She died
1804, a
widow. IP. 11.
Esq., b.
Sept. 5,
1756, m.
1788, d.
•1818, at
Worces
ter. Gd.
H.Colge 1717.
Lynde, b. at
Cha'stown,
July 4, 1760,
dau. of Jo
seph Lynde,
Esq. She d.
Mr. Benjamin, =Mary, daughter of
I.
b. July 21,1758,
d. Mch 9, 1814.
Jonas Hatch, of
Eastham, and wid
ow of Benj's eldest
brother, Joshua.
Desire, b.
1760, wife of Thos.
Leach; Esq., of
Boston, m. 1739.
P. 4.
Mehetabel, b.
1762, wife of Hon.
Matthew Cobb, of
Portland, Me.
P. 4.
Elisha, b. 1764,=Nancy
d. 1800. | Greenough.
Thomas. George.
Mary.
Philander,
b. & d. 1797.
I I
Joshua, Anna L.
d. young, d. young.
J"
Benjamin,
merchant of
Boston, m.
Sophia Nye
of Boston.
P. 5 p.
Isaac,
m. Alice
LeKain.
P. 1 M. 3 P.
George P.
m. Elizabeth
Simpkins.
P. 2 M. 2 P.
William,
d. unmr'd.
Jonathan,
d. leaving a
son who d.
unmarried.
Desire.
unmarried.
Nancy.
unmarried.
Mr. Moses
Grosvenor. S. p.
b. May 31, 1756; m. Aug.
21, 1780; d. Dec. 6, 1845,
at Sidney, Me. Before
18-4, dau, of removing to Maine (in
D 1802) he had been a sea
capt. several years, and
was sometime clerk of
the town of Brewster.
His farm in Sidney was
one of those Bplendid
seats on the Kennebec,
nearly oppo. Vassalboro'
Tillage, and bet. Delano's
and Crosby's streams. It
was adj'ng the old Davis
farm. Capt. D. adorned it
with innumerable trees.
Capt. Deao,=Eunice, b. Dec. 30, 1756,
d. Sept. 3, 1818, at Sidney,
Me. Only "child of Isaac
Sparrow,Esq.,°of Orleans
and his wife, Mary Hop
kins, a descendant of Mr.
Step'n Hopkins, the pil
grim. Mary Hopkins m.2d
Kenelm Winslow, Esq. of
Brewster, and they had
Kenelm; Isaac liv'g,1849;
Abraham, twin to Isaac,
d. young; Abraham 2nd;
Nathaniel; Rebecca died
voung; Mary, AZavia.t
Capt. _ Sally
Elkanah, Crosby, d.
John D.,=Contenfc
1791.
of Sylva-
nus Cros
by and his
wife Azu-
bah. They
lived at
Skaket.
b.  , lived
sometime in
the family of
John Sey
mour, an
Englishm'n,
whose w was
Betsey Dean
of a good fa-
mily in Eng.
Smith,
Bela
d ag'd about
21, unmari'd
Sally,
wife of Arey.
I.
Ehoda, Susanna,
wife of Row- w. of Mr.
land Clark. Abraham
"Winslow.
John=Polly Clark,
dau. of Gide
on Clark of
Harwich.
Betsey, wife
of Samuel
Berrv.
Sally.
Olive,
wife of
Sylvanus Snow &
Kenelm
Winslow, Jr. P.
Dillingham, h. Oct. 19,
1796, at
Brewster,
m. Louisa
Tilley.
Elkanah,
b. Jan. 24,
1798, m.
Sally
Freeman.
Abraham,
b. Dec. 19,
1800.
Olive,b.Sept
9,1803.
T
Polly, b. Capt.
June 17, Elkanah,'
lT81,d.Apl b. July, 29,
16,l848,bu.at 1783, a
Gardner, merchant
Me. Wife
of Cap. Da
vid Lin
coln, late
cf VasBal-
boro\ Me.
of Boston,
m. Sept. 5,
1812.
Reliance,Freeman Berry, dau
of Benja
min and
Mary
(Lincoln) Berry, b.
April 17,
1793.
I
Capt.Elisha.b.Oct.7, 1S05, now living
at Brewster, m.lst,
Martha Crocker ;
2d, Olive Snow, 3d,
Sarah H. Foster.
Susanna. b. 1807.
Cap.Freeman H.
b. Nov. 1.J80A,
m. Susan Grif-
feth.
Henry,
b. Dec. 4,
1811, m.
Roxa Morse.
Rebecca, b. Dean,Esq.=Rebecca Eunice, Bela,— Thirza
I
10.
June 2, 1785, at b. Mch 25,
Brewster, went 17S7, d,
with th' fanTly late Post-
to Sidney, Me.,
at the age of 17
and there was
m., 1806, to Ed
mund Dudley,
esq. She is now
liv'g. at Salem, P. 9.
master at
Brewster. His 2d w.
was Miss
Lucy Lin
coln.
Winslow, b. Sept. b.July 25,
1771,
living
at Sid
ney.
of Brew- 17, 1789,
ster, d. July 4,
1808, at
Sidney,
unmr'd,
Smiley,
of Sid
ney.
Isaac S. Susanna
b. 1793, d. young
d, 1795.
I
Susanna Capt. Isaac Sparrow, z=Lucina Barrett,
b. Oct. of Ogden, N. Y. b. I sister of lion.
Feb. 9, 1793. | Joseph Barrett,
of Canaan, ivle,
23, 179;
wife of
Theo dore
Merrill, Esq,, of
Sidney, P. 3.
P- 1 M., 3 or 4 F.
P. M.
<fcP.
Ed ward, b
Jan 24,
ISOl.d.Sep8, 1832, at
Satartia,
Yazoo Co.,
Miss.; bur
at Sidney,
Me. He
was un
married.
Capt. SamueI="Mary, ' '
Bangs, J who d.
b. July 12, Jan. 7,
1680, d. June 1 1741, a.
11, 1750. 04.
(Bee above.)
i
' Elizabeth,"=Capt Jonathan Bangs Jr., of Fastham.{SeeaboTe.)=-ExpPri™op."
V 3,d„^lf!> Mrs- Euth Young, he m. at Eastham, |
 I ln 1720, but probably left no children by her. |
Samuel,b. Sept.
1696, d.
Dee. 22,
1720.
Jonathan, b. Dec.
1698, m.
Ruth
Bangs,
Sep.8,1727.
Thankful, b.
reb.l702-3,m.John Covell,
of Chatham,
Aug 16, 1721.
William, b.
May, 1707.
Elizabeth, b.
March 6,
l711-12,probm. Ichabod
YickeryMch 3, 1729-30.
John, b.
August 11,
1714.
Seth b.=Deborah
July1705.
Nickerson.
Samuel, Jr., b.July
11, 1707, d. July 18,
1731. He m. Phebe
Hopkins and had a
son Malatiah, born
June 15, 1731.
Lavid,:
b.Mch 29,
1709.
Eunice Stone, m.
Sept. 23,
1721.
Mary, b.May
2, 1711, m.
prob. John
King,jr,1728 d. 1734.
I
James, b.
Apl4,1716,m BethiaWing
1635-6,4 had
Reuben b.
June28,1736.
Hubbard,
b. Mch 12,
1717-18, d.
March 25,
1718.
Mercy,
twin s. to
Hubbard,
m. Peleg
Maker, 1738.
Abna,
b. Aug.
172u.
Samuel
1 .1
Mary, b. Nov.
5, 1724.
Elisha, b.
Dec.21, 1727.
Joseph, = Thankful
b, Jan. 80, | Hamblen, of
1712-13. Barnstable,
| married 1735.
Malatiah, b.
Mch 4,1714-15,
d. Feb 1,
1730-31.
Sarah, Oct. 23,
1716, wife of
Jonathan Snow.
Lemuel, b.
June 2, 1719.
Abigail. (?)
Nathaniel, b. 1733.
Enoch.
Nathan and Mary,
twins.
Reliance.
Azariah.
I
Huldah. t>. 1741.
Chipman, b. Capt. Solomon, b. Elijah, b. Samuel, b. Apl Perez, b. Seth, b. John b Feb
.Iunei-0, May 23,1729, d. Jan June 3, 9, L733, sup. to Feb. 20, July 14, 17,1744
1727, d.April 18, 1797. His w.Je- 1731. have d. Nov. 1735-6. 1738.
4, 1750.  rushad.1801, a. 74.  _15, 1739.
Deborah, b.
Feb. 5, 1745.
Chipman, 2nd,
b. Aug. 8, 1750.
Tabitha.b. Sept. 20,
1736.
Hannah,
b.June 21,
1838.
Lemuel,! Dec. 81,
1739.
Lydia, b.
Oct 5,
1741.
NOTE.— There was one " Joshua Bangs." m. Mehetabel Clark, and had children, viz— Nathan, b. Nov. 23, 1714- Thomas h fc o, ,,„' „,,, ,»,,,„  7T7TZ"
le was brother to Solomon Sparrow,.Bsq., of Orleans, being descended from Richard Sparrow, whose will bears date aSstham f-Ti^H1"6^1^?1!^.0'- 13' 172ft
t The principle Bonrces from which I have collected these pedigrees are the town records of Eastham, Harwich, Brewster Orleans B7mf.t»W« *nm.°^ r -, j . ...
session of several ancient families of Barnstable County. J P. stands for Proles-cMWr™-M. to Tales and F to Ferna^' &°" ^ '^'L^^M h„en
Boston, June
J POB-
", 1854.
MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Mr Prence arrived in November, 1621, in the ship For
tune ; he was then only twentyone years of age. In 1634,
and in 1638, he had been chosen governor, and was always
when not exercising the functions of chief magistrate, one
of the assistants, and frequently the first, or deputy gov
ernor. A church was so.on gathered at Nauset, but no pastor
was ordained for many years.
The settlement increased so rapidly, that an application
was 'made to the General Court for an incorporation, and
on the 2d ofMune, 1646, the Court ordered, 'Nauset is
granted to be a township, and to have all the privileges of
a township, as other towns within the government have.'
The Reverend John Mayo came here from Barnstable
about this time, and preached to the people, ' but some
differences arising,' he left Eastham and went to Boston
in 1649.
In 1654, the line between Eastham and the lands be
longing ' to the purchasers or old comers,' was established.
It began at the river Namskeket, and extended to the
eastern harbor, or Monamoyick.
The inhabitants of Eastham were not sufficiently nume
rous to support a pastor, until 1672, when Samuel Treat
was ordained.
Mr Treat was the eldest son of Robert Treat, the gov
ernor of Connecticut, a man of talent, zealous in the cause
of religion, and uncommonly successful in the conversion
of the natives. In 1685, the christian Indian men and
women within the limits of Mr Treat's parish were five
hundred, and the children were supposed to amount, to
thrice that number. He spoke and wrote the Indian
language with great facility. By familiar visits and kind
and affectionate treatment, he won the regards of these
rude savages, and they loved him with the affection of

221

222 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY
children. During the subsequent Indian war, the benefit
of the deep-rooted attachment of the Nauset Indians for
the English was sensibly felt. Mr Treat continued in the
ministry at Eastham fortyfive years, and until his death,
March ISth, 1717, at the age of sixtynine.*
* The biographer of Mr Treat represents him as a man of much kindness of
heart, but as a Calvinist of the ' straitest sect.' He did not profess ' that mod
erate Calvinism which is so common at the present time, and which by giving
up, or explaining away the peculiar doctrines of the party, like a porcupine
disarmed of its quills, is unable to resist the feeblest attack ; but consistent
Calvinism, with all ils hard and sharp points, by which it can courageously
defend itself; in fine, such Calvinism as the adamantine author of the system
would himself have avowed.'
He quotes from his manuscript sermons, particularly from a discourse, text,
Luke xvi. 23. His denunciations are terrific. After threatening sinners with
everlasting punishment, he says, ' Consider, God himself shall be the principal
agent in thy misery. He is that consuming fire ; his breath is thy bellows,
which blows up the flame of hell forever ; he is the devouring fire, the ever-
lasting burning ; and if he punish thee, if he meet thee in his fury, he will not
meet thee as a man ; he will give thee an omnipotent blow. Little dost thou
know what it is to enter the lists of contention with the Almighty. If his
wrath kindle but a little while, we wither before it. Now thou art afraid of
the wrath of man ; what wilt thou do when God takes thee in hand ?
* Consider, God will take delight to execute vengeance on thee. God de
lights in justice, and in executing his own decrees. Now it was his eternal
decree to destroy sinners forever. He purposed to shew his power, and make
his wrath known upon the vessels of wrath fitted for destruction. But woe to
that soul whom God shall delight to punish. Now thou laughest at the re
proofs which God gives thee by his ministers and people. God will laugh at
thee shortly. And wilt thou bear when he shall torment thee, and thou shalt
roar under thy torments ? Thou shalt cry for mercy, and he shall mock thee.
Thou now rejoicest in sinning ; he will ere long rejoice in thy calamity.'
. After threatening sinners with hell, he says, ' Consider what must be thy
employment there. 1. Sin. Some think sinning ends with this life ; but it is
a mistake. The creature is held under an everlasting law ; the damned in
crease in sin in hell. Possibly the mention of this may please thee. But
remember there shall be no pleasant sins there ; no eating, drinking, singing,
dancing, wanton dalliance, and drinking stolen waters ; but damned sins, bitter,
hellish sins, sins exasperated by torments, cursing God, spite, rage, and blas
phemy.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONV. 223
At a meeting of the General Court, (June, 1674,) it was
ordered that Mannamoiett, Paomet, and Satucket, which
« 2. Thou shalt be delivered up into the hands of the tormentors ; then Satan
will pay thee thy wages for thy servile slavery to him, and thou shalt know
what a cruel master thou hast here served. What cruelty hath Satan some
times exercised to some here in this world, that have been possessed by him,
and to others that have sold themselves to him ! What amazing stories doth the
world afford of such things ! What dost thou think he will do, when he hath
unlimited commission, and full possession ? How wilt thou endure when thou
shalt have a thousand devil's rending, and tearing, and macerating thee ; when
all the rage of hell shall fall on the'e without restraint ?
' 3. The never dying worm shall gnaw and eat out all the heart of thy com
fort. Thou shall become thy own executioner ; thy conscience shall pursue
thee in hell, always crying out against thee, and bringing bitter things to thy
mind, making thee to wring thy hands, and howl out sad lamentations.
' Thou canst hardly sit under one of these lectures now coming from the
mouth of a poor minister ; but let me tell thee, conscience in hell will read it
after another manner than can now be conceived; every thought and consid
eration whereof, will be a sharp dagger at thy heart, that will let out all joy
and comfort out of thy soul.
' Remember how universal all this torment shall he. Here usually our pain
is but in one part of the body ; and yet what a misery it is to all the rest by
sympathy ; but then soul and body shall be filled brimful ; the guilt of all thy
sins shall be laid upon thy soul, and be made so many heaps of fuel ; when that
tender and delicate body shall have all its beauty blasted, and pride consumed ;
when the flames shall have no respect to its comeliness ; when every member's
pain shall be intolerable, and that insupportable misery shall spread itself
through the whole man ; when eyes, ears, hands, feet, heart, and all shall be
tormented in that flame.
* Consider how near the time hastens, when all this comes to pass upon thee.
Time is almost gone with thee, and thou standest at the gate of eternity ; and
death is waiting upon thee, to transport thee away to the place of all thy mise
ries. Shortly thou must die, and it will be but a moment from thence to hell.
When thou hast sinned away a few more days, watched and slept out a few
more nights, awaythou goest irrecoverably. It may be thou dreamest of many
days to come, but, thou fool, how knowest thou but thy soul may be called for
this very night ; and the day bf judgment is not far off.
' Sinner, I beseech thee, realize the truth of these things. Do not go about
to dream that it is derogatory to God's mercy, and nothing but a vain fable to
scare children out of their wits withal. God can be merciful, though he make
thee miserable. He shall have monuments enough of that precious attribute
shining like stars in the place of glory, and singing eternal hallelujahs to the

224 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
had been put under the constablerick of Eastham, ' should
belong unto and be of the same township until the Court
should see cause otherwise to order.'
Saukatucket was an incorporated plantation, (but without
town privileges, and without a church,) as early as 1640.
Its territory comprised the present towns of Harwich
and Brewster.
Monamoy was a plantation unincorporated until 1686.
The territory of this plantation is now comprised within
the limits of the town of Chatham.
Paomet comprehended the present towns of Truro and
Provincetown. In 1646, Eastham was incorporated. The proper terri
tory of the ancient town is now comprised in the present
town of Eastham, the Indian Nauset, Welfleet, called by
them Punnonkanit, and Orleans (Naumskeket.) In 1651,
the old town was permanently settled.
BRIDGEWATER,
The territory comprised within the limits of the ancient
town of Bridgewater before the later divisions, was origi
nally granted to the settlers of Duxbury, of which town it
was a plantation. The first order of Court was passed in
August, 1644.
' Upon the petition of Duxbury men, it is thought good
by the Court, that there be a view taken of the lands de
scribed by them, namely, seven miles up into the woods
praise of him that redeemed them ; though to exalt the power of his justice, he
damn sinners heaps upon heaps.'
Mr Treat was the eldest of twentyone children. He was educated at Har
vard College, and was graduated in 1669. He had thirteen children. Fortu
nate in his ancestry, he was no less so in his posterity. One of his grand
children, Robert Treat Paine, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.
His great grandson, Robert Treat Paine, junior, was the celebrated poet.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY
from Plymouth bounds at Jones' river, and if it prove nst
prejudicial to the plantation to be erected at Teightaquid,
nor to the meadows of Plymouth at Winngtuckquett, it
may be confirmed unto them ; provided also the herring
or alewife river at Namassachusett shall be equally be
tween the two towns of Duxbury and Marshfield.'
In 1645, the grant was made.
' The inhabitants of the town of Duxbury are granted a
competent proportion of lands about Saughtucket, towards
the west for a plantation to them, and to have it four miles
every way from the place where they shall set up their
centre ; provided it entrench not upon Winnytukquett,
formerly granted to Plymouth. And we have nominated
Captain Miles Standish, Mr John Alden, George Soule,
Constant Southworth, Joseph Rogers, and William Brett,
to be feofees in trust for the equal dividing and laying
forth the said lands to the inhabitants.'
' The whole number of the inhabitants entitled to this
grant was fiftyfour,' and the territory was divided into
fiftyfour shares, and two were added for the minister and
the miller.
The names of the inhabitants of Duxbury, and pro
prietors of Bridgewater are given in the account of Dux
bury, with the exception of the minister, who came from
Scotland, and the miller Samuel Edson, who came from
Salem. The aboriginal title was afterwards extinguished, March
23d, 1649, by a deed from Ossamequin or Massasoiet. The
contract was executed on a small hill within the limits of
East Bridgewater.*
* The following is a transcript of the deed and contract.
' Witness these presents, that I Ousamequin, sachem of the contrie of Poca-
nauket, have given, granted, enfeofed, and sould unto Myles Standish,.of Dux-
borough, Samuel Nash, and Constant Southworth of Duxborough aforesaid, in
Pj»RT II. 29

225

226 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The inhabitants afterwards discovered a large tract of
meadow land called Hockomock, lying westward towards
Taunton,- which induced them to apply to the Court for a
grant, and for leave to move the centre towards the west,
so as to include it, and after a committee from the Court
had reported upon the expediency, in 1662, the Court
granted it in the following words : ' In answer to a petition
preferred to the Court by Bridgewater, it is agreed that
the meadow land lying northward and westward from the
centre within seven miles is inclusive.'
By the leave of the Court they afterwards removed their
centre a mile and a half fr©m the place where it was first
established, and established a large oak tree for the mon
ument, and so included the lands of Hockomock.
the behalf of all ye townsmen of Duxborough aforesaid, a tract of land usually
called Saughtucket, extending in length and the breadth thereof, as followeth,
that is to say, from the weare att Saughtuckett seven miles due east, and from
the said weare seven (miles) due west, and from the said weare seven miles
due north, and from the said weare, seven myles due south ; the wch tract the
said Ossamequin hath given, granted, enfeofed, and sould unto the said Myles
(Standish) Samuel Nash, and Constant Southworth in ye. behalfe of all the
townsmen of Duxborough as aforesaid, wth all the emunityes, privileges, and
profits whatsoever, belonging to the said tract of land, wth all and singular all
woods, underwoods, lands, meadowes, rivers, brooks, rivelets, &c, to have and
to hould to the said Myles Standish, Samuel Nash, and Constant Southworth, in
behalfe of all the townsmen of the towne of Duxborough, to them and their
heyers forever. In witness whereof, I the said Ousamequin, have hereunto set
my hand this 23d of March, 1649.
' The mk of 0= Ousamequin'*
' In consideration of the above bargain and sale, we the said Miles Standish,
Samuel Nash, and Constant Southworth, doe bind ourselves to pay unto the said
Ousamequin, for and in consideration of ye. said tract of land, as followeth :
Seven coats, a yd and half in coat,
Nine hatchets,
Eight howes,
Twenty knives,
Forty moose-skins,
Ten yds arid half of cottqn, )
This deed and obligation was written by Standish.

Myles Standish,
¦ Samuel Nash,
Constant Southworth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 227
The Court afterwards enlarged their grant, so as to
extend it from the centre six miles north, if the line be
tween the colony and Massachusetts did not intervene,
and on the west to Taunton, (now Raynham and Easton,)
and on the south and south-easterly side to Titticut river,
as far as the six miles extended, and so on the east side.
The Indian title had been already extinguished seven
miles in each direction from the centre, but the Court
granted only six, and were careful that the grant to Bridge-
water should not extend itself over previous grants. They
further ordered that the lands between Bridgewater and
Namasket, (Middleborough) ' already granted, shall be
determined by the Court unto what towns they shall
belong ; and that the Indians be not molested ; and that
they be careful to provide a competency of land for Mr
Keith,' (the minister.)
In all the grants, a reservation of lands had been made
to the Indians of Titiquet plantation, which had been
granted to those Indians by Chickatabut, a sachem of
Massachusetts, who lived on Neponsit river. Bridgewater
was afterwards allowed to purchase all the Indian lands
which lay on the north of the river, and within the bound
aries of their township, which was done November 20th,
1672. Pomponoko, the Titiquet chief, having executed a
deed for that purpose to Elder Brett, Mr Nicholas Byram,
and Samuel Edson, a committee appointed by the Court,
excepting two parcels, one containing one hundred acres,
and the other ten, which was reserved to an Indian who
was called Charles. The consideration was £16. The
two reserved lots were afterwards purchased by individuals
of Charles. The various grants were confirmed in 1686,
and on the 23d of December in the same year, they were
also confirmed by a deed from Josiah, son of Josiah Wam-
patuck, an Indian sachem living at Matakeset, (Pembroke)

228 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
in consideration of £10, and one hundred acres of land,
which land was afterwards purchased by individuals.
The land was purchased twice over, once of Josiah, and
once of Massasoiet or Ousamequin.
The first four mile grant was never allotted or divided,
but was taken up according to the rule of those days,*
but the two mile grant, and the purchase from Pomponoko
was divided. In the northeast part of the town there was
a large gore of land not included in any of the grants
called the Howards' farms, but was considered as belong
ing to Massachusetts, although south of the province line,
and were purchased from that province, but were not in
cluded in any town until 1730, when it was annexed to
Bridgewater. These several grants comprised a territory which now
constitutes a large part of the town of Abington, and a
small part of Pembroke, (now Hanson) and the entire
towns of West Bridgewater* North Bridgewater, East
Bridgewater, and Bridgewater.
The first settlement commenced in 1651, on the river in
West Bridgewater. Each settler had a lot of six acres on
the Nunketest or Nunketetest river. The settlement was
called by this name, although the plantation bore the name
of Sautucket. The settlement was compact and the houses
near together. f
* ' The proprietors had their meetings, officers, and records, distinct from the
town, and were accustomed from time to time to make grants of a certain num
ber of acres from five to twenty, which each proprietor had a right to pitch
and eall on the committee to lay out for him ; which being done, and a return
of the survey made and entered on their books, created a perfect title in such
proprietor. Any person not a proprietor, finding common land, might purchase
a right of any one who had not taken up his full quantity upon any of the
grants then existing, and procure to himself a title to it in the same manner.'
f The first permanent settlers were Thomas Hayward, who died in 1681
John Hayward, Nathaniel Willis, John Willis, William Bassett, John Wash-
hum, who died in 1679, John Washburn, junior, Thomas Gannett, William

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 229
In 1656, the plantation was incorporated, and then
received the name of Bridgewater.
The taxes which ,had been paid by Duxborough and
this appendage, were divided, and Bridgewater paid one
third. The town was organised in 1657. John Willis was
elected the first deputy to the Court, and was appointed
the first magistrate. In 1661, William Brett was elected
a deputy, and continued to 1676.
The settlement extended southerly, and the principal
intercourse of the settlers was with the people of Taunton.
The east part of the town was not settled until 1685.
The first death. was that of Thomas Gannett, in 1655.
No regular church was formed until 1664, when James
Keith, a native of Scotland, educated at Aberdeen, was
ordained the first pastor. He came to Bridgewater in
1662, and was zealously patronised by Dr Increase Mather
of Boston. He lived in perfect harmony with his people
until his death, which happened on the 23d of July, 1719,
at the age of seventysix. His posterity are numerous.
MIDDLEBOROUGH.
Although Namasket (the Indian name of this town,)
was near to Plymouth, yet the continuance of the Indians
on its soil, prevented its settlement by the English for
Brett, John Cary, Samuel Tompkins, Arthur Harris, John Fobes, Experience
Mitchell, Solomon Leonardson, the Reverend James Keith, and Samuel Edson,
who died in 1692.
William Bassett came over in the second ship, Fortune, in 1621 ; he died in
1667, leaving a numerous posterity. Experience Mitchell came in the Anne in
1623, and died in 1689, leaving a very numerous posterity; his descendants are
spread over the United States.
Nicholas Byram, Thomas Whitman, Joseph Shaw, and John Kingman, were
amongst the earlier settlers from Weymouth. Jonathan Hill from Dorchester,
John Field from Providence, Samuel Packard, Isaac Lazell, William Hudson,
and Isaac Johnson, from Hingham, and David Perkins, from Beverly.

230 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
many years, while in places more remote, destitute of an
Indian population, flourishing towns had grown up, which
were filled with a thriving English population.
This town, now the largest in the commonwealth in
territorial extent, has remained but little changed, and
still includes nearly the same territory which was com
prised in the original grant.
On the 10th of June, 1621, it was explored by Edward
Winslow and Stephen Hopkins, then journeying to visit
Massasoiet. At the distance of fifteen miles from Ply
mouth they found Namasket, a considerable Indian village,
near a river of the same name, and a few miles farther
north, at the confluence of this river with another, they
found a fishing place called Titicut, Tettiquet, Tetaquid,
and here the united rivers took that name.
The settlement commenced near Namasket, and in 1660,
it was incorporated as a town, and received its English
name. All the early settlers were from Plymouth. At
the commencement of the Indian war in 1675 no church
had been gathered, and no pastor officiated. All the'
families, being sixteen in number, abandoned the settle
ment, and together with the friendly Indians retired to
Plymouth. DARTMOUTH.
The territory of the ancient town of Dartmouth, com
prehended the present towns of Dartmouth, New Bedford,
Westport, and Fairhaven.
Captain Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602, named a round
hill in the present town of Dartmouth, between the rivers
Apooneganset and Pascamanset, Hap's Hill, and discovered
two good harbors, which fall within the limits of the same
town, being Apooneganset and Pascamanset. Gosnold
and some of his men made a slight examination of the
country.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 231
' Many years had elapsed after the settlement of Ply
mouth, before any progress was made by settlers in this
direction. Anthony Slocum and Ralph Russell, two of the early
settlers of Taunton, were early settlers in Dartmouth.
Some went from Plymouth, and some from Duxbury.
Dartmouth was thus descrihed in the original grant.
' A tract or tracts of land known by the name of Accush-
ena, alias Aquset, entering in at the western end of Nakata,
and to the river Cookset, alias Ackees, and places adjacent,
the bounds of which tract fully extend three miles to the
eastward of the most easterly part of the river or bay
Accushenah aforesaid, and so along the sea-side to the
river called Cookset lying on the west side of Point Pirril,
and to the most westermost side of any branch of the
aforesaid river, and extending eight miles into the woods
With all marshes, meadows, rivers, waters, woods, and
appurtenances thereto belonging.' SWANSEY.* '
The ancient town of Swansey comprised within its
limits the present town, and Somerset in Massachusetts,
and Barrington, and the greater part of Warren, in Rhode
Island. Nearly all this territory was gained from the
Indians by purchase, and confirmed by the General Court
of Plymouth by grant. Bristol in Rhode Island was con
quered, but if the construction of the Commissioners of
* The modern orthography is used, but it is evidently erroneous, and it is to
be wished that the ancient spelling may be restored. This town received its
name originally from Swansea in Wales. In the earliest records it is written
Swansea. The name was first corrupted into Swanzey, and then into. Swan
sey but Swansea is its corporate name, and by the common consent of the
inhabitants, it might be restored to common use.

232 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the United Colonies be correct, Swansey might have
claimed Bristol as within its corporate limits, or at least
might have divided the claim with Rehoboth, for the
Commissioners at a meeting holden at Boston, August
25th, 1679, declare, 'that the lands, of Mount Hope
are indubitably within the limits of his Majesty's colony
of New Plymouth, contained within the express limits
of his royal charter, and therein granted, and are within
the bounds of an English town of that colony planted
by them near twenty years since, called Seacunke, and
Swansey ;' but the municipal government of Swansey was
never exercised over the lands of Mount Hope.
Winslow and Hopkins on their journey to visit Sowams
in 1621, passed through this territory and found an Indian
town within its limits, near the residence of Massasoiet.
In the spring of 1623, Winslow with the celebrated
John Hampden again visited Massasoiet, but pursued a
different route and crossed the river at ah Indian ferry, (at
or near Slade's ferry.) They were most hospitably enter
tained by Corbitant, the sachem of the Pocassets, who
dwelt at Metapoiset (now Gardner's) neck. The residence
of Massasoiet (as they describe it,) was at a place distant
six miles called Pokanoket, or Pocanokick. A part of
Swansey and Tiverton was included in the Pocasset
country, which was immediately governed by Corbitant, .
but Massasoiet was his superior sachem.
The territory had escaped the general pestilence of
1612, and was tolerably well peopled with Indians.
English settlers were here as early as 1632, for in that
year Massasoiet fled to secure himself against the Narra
gansetts, ' to an English house at Sowams,' where three
Englishmen resided.
There is a record of the names of those who by order
and agreement of the purchasers met at Plymouth to make

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 233
purchase and division of the lands, ' as are at Sowampsett
and Metapoiset the 7th of March, 1652, who are to have
Iheir several parts or moieties laid out at the places above
expressed, and are to make and satisfy the purchase and
all other charges arising thereupon, according to their
several proportions.'
' Mr William Bradford one moiety, Thomas Prence one
half part, Edward Winslow all his portion, Captain Myles
Standish his half part, Thomas Willett his part, Mr White
his part, Mr Cushman his part, John Winslow all his part,
John Adams his whole proportion, Experience Mitchell
his half part, Thomas Clarke his half part.'
In 1653 a conveyance was made of certain lands by
Massasoiet, (who had assumed the name of Ossamequin,)
and his son Wamsetto, by a deed expressing that ' in con
sideration of £35 in hand, paid to the said Ossamequin
and Wamsetto by Thomas Prence, Gent., Thomas Willett,
Gent., Myles Standish, Gent., and Josias Winslow, Gent.,
for and in behalf of themselves and divers others of the
inhabitants of Plymouth jurisdiction, whose names are
hereafter specified,' they had granted to the abovenamed
persons agents for themselves, and William Bradford,
senior, Thomas Clarke, John Winslow, Thomas Cushman,
William White, John Adams, and Experience Mitchell,
their heirs, &c, ' all those several parcels and necks of
upland, swamps, and meadows, lying and being on the
southerly side of the Seakunk, alias Rehoboth bounds,
and is bounded from a little brook of water called by the
Indians Masskettuash westerly, and so ranging by a dead
swamp eastward, and so by marked trees, (as Ossamequin
and Wamsetto directed,) unto the great river, with all the
meadow in and about the sides of both the branches
of the great river, with all the creeks and brooks that
are in and upon any of the said meadows,' as also all
PART II. 30

234 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the marsh meadow lying and being without the bounds
beforementioned, in or about the neck called by the
Indians Chachucust. — Also all the meadow of any kind
lying or being at or about Poppesquash neck ; as also
all the meadow lying from the bay to Kickamuet on
both sides, or any way joining to it or the bay on each
side, to have and to hold, &c. And Ossamequin and
Wamsetto further did ' covenant, promise, and grant that
whensoever the Indians shall remove from the neck, that
then and from thenceforth, the aforesaid Thomas Prence,
Thomas Willett, Myles Standish, and Josias Winslow,
shall enter upon the same, by the same agreement as their
proper right and interest to them, their heirs and assigns for
ever.' This deed was dated March 29th, 1653, and witness
ed by John Browne, James Browne, and Richard Garratt.
In this same year it appears that large purchases were
made of the Indians within the territory, afterwards Swan
sey, by Thomas Willett and Nathaniel Paine.
Metapoiset neck was "conveyed by ' Philip, alias Puma-
tarkeam, chief sachem of Mount Hope, Cossumpsett, and
all the territories thereunto belonging,' to William Bren
ton, Esq., of Newport, Rhode Island, by deed dated
June 23d, 1664.* Philip also covenanted with Mr Brenton,
' that if ever the lands next adjacent unto this neck be
sold, he should have the refusal on equal terms,' and also
permitting him to take the grass on Towooset neck, and
giving ' the liberty of running stock,' there ' from the
time the corn is gathered, until the time that the Indians
yearly plant.' This deed was also signed by Wootomka-
* Mr Brenton devised this estate in his will to his son Ebenezer, who con
veyed it in 1693 for £1700 to Samuel Gardner and Ralph Chapman. It is now
called Gardner's neck, and is situated between the Showamet and Towooset
necks. Mr Brenton removed to Taunton, and did not occupy this noble estate
until after the Indian war.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
nuske, and was witnessed by eight Indians, and acknow
ledged June 4th, 1668.
In 1667, Constant Southworth, Captain James Cudworth,
Josias Winslow, Hugh Cole, John Tisdale, Nathaniel
Turner, Walter Hatch, John Sutton, William Randall,
John Damon, George Watson, Nathaniel Morton, Ralph
Thacher, Joseph Chandler, Benjamin Bartlett, Henry
Htiwland, Nathaniel Brewster, Kenelm Winslow, John
Bourne, Job Winslow, Christopher Wadsworth, all inhabit
ants of the colony" of New Plymouth ; and Timothy Fos
ter and Richard More of Massachusetts, in consideration
of £35 conveyed to Mr Brenton, all the marsh and meadow
land at Metapoiset. «
Philip c'onveyed to Constant Southworth, Josias Wins
low, Hugh Cole, James Cudworth, and John Coggeshall,
' five hundred acres of land, more or less, beginning at a
great rock close by the path in the middle of the brook
named Wequataquest, north, one mile west-northwest to
brook, to Willett's land at the head of Metapoiset, to a
creek5 and by it to the brook. This deed was signed by
Philip and Cashonwashed.
Early in 1667, the General Court passed the follow
ing order, called ' the grant of New Swansea.'
' Whereas, liberty hath been formerly granted by the
Court for the jurisdiction of New Plymouth unto Captain
Thomas Willett and his neighbors at Wannamoisett, to
become a township there if they should see good, and
that lately the said Captain Willett and Mr Myles and
others their neighbors, have requested of the Court that
they may become a township there or near thereabout,
and likewise to have granted unto them such parcels of
land as might be accommodating thereunto, not disposed
of to other townships ; this Court have granted unto
them all such lands that lyeth between the salt water bay

235

236 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and coming up Taunton river, viz. all the land between
the salt water and river and the bounds of Taunton and
Rehoboth, not prejudicing any man's particular interest ;
and forasmuch as Rehoboth hath meadow land within the
line of Wannamoisett, and Wannamoisett hath lands
within the line of Rehoboth, lying near the south line of
, Rehoboth, if the two townships cannot agree about them
amongst themselves, the Court reserves it within their
power to determine any such controversy.'
1667. March. The Court have appointed Captain Thomas
Willett, Mr Paine senior, Mr Browne, John Allen, and John
Butterworth, to have the trust of admittance of town in
habitants into the said town, and to have the disposal of
the land therein, and ordering other the affairs of said
town.'
> ' The Court do allow and approve that the township
granted unto Captain Thomas Willett and others his
neighbors at Wannamoisett and parts adjacent, sliall
henceforth be called and known by the name of Swansey.'
The lands at Wannamoisett had been granted to Mr
John Browne by the town of Rehoboth, and the settlers
there acted in all town proceedings with the people of
Rehoboth, although it was not considered as being within
the corporate limits, but rather in the character of a sepa
rate plantation.
' Whereas, Captain Thomas Willett shortly after the
grant of this township, made the following proposals unto
those who were with him, and by the Court at Plymouth
empowered for the admission of inhabitants and granting
of lots, viz.
' 1. That no erroneous person be admitted into the
township either as an inhabitant or sojourner.
' 2. That no man of any evil behaviour as contentious
persons, &c, be admitted.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 237
' 3. That none may be admitted that may become a
charge to the place.
' The church of Christ here gathered and assembling,
did thereupon make the following address unto the said
Captain Willett and his associates the trustees aforesaid.
(torn off) being with you engaged, (according to
our capacity,) in the carrying on of a township according
to the grant given us by the honored Court, and desiring
to lay such a foundation thereof as may effectually tend
to God's glory, our future peace and comfort, and the real
benefit of such as shall hereafter join with us herein, as also
to prevent all future jealousies and causes of dissatisfac
tion or disturbances in so good a work, do in relation to
the three proposals made by our much honored Captain
Willett, humbly present to your serious consideration,
(before we further proceed therein,) that the said propo
sals may be consented to and subscribed by all and every
townsman under the following explications.
' That the first proposal relating to the non-admission of
erroneous persons may be only understood under the ex
plications following, viz. of such damnable heresies incon
sistent with the faith of the gospel, as to deny the Trinity
or any person there ; the Deity or sinless humanity of
Christ, or the union of both natures in him, or his full
satisfaction to the divine justice by his active and passive
obedience for all his elect, or his resurrection, asoension
to heaven, intercession, or his second personal coming to
judgment ; or else to deny the truth or divine authority
of any part of canonical scripture, or the resurrection of
the dead, or to maintain any merit of works, consubstan-
tiation, transubstantiation, giving divine adoration to any
creature, or any other antichristian doctrine, thereby di
rectly opposing the priestly, prophetical or kingly office
of Christ or any part thereof.

238 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
' Or secondly, of such as hold such opinions as are incon
sistent with the well being of the place, as to deny the
magistrate's power to punish evil doers as well as to en
courage those that do well, or to deny the first day of the
week to be observed by divine institution as the Lord's
or christian sabbath, or to deny the giving of honor to
whom honor is due, or to oppose those civil respects that
are usually performed according to the laudable cus
tom of our nation each to other as bowing the knee or
body, &c.
' Or else, to deny the office, use, or authority of the
ministry, or a comfortable maintenance to be due to them
from such as partake of the teaching, or to speak reproach
fully of any of the churches of Christ in the country, or
of any such other churches as are of the same common
faith with us and them.
' We desire that it be also understood and declared, that
this is not understood of any holding any opinion different
from others in any disputable point yet in controversy
among the godly learned, the belief thereof being not
essentially necessary to salvation, such as psedo-baptism,
anti-psedo-baptism, church discipline, or the like, but that
the minister or ministers of the said town may take their
liberty to baptise infants or grown persons as the Lord
shall persuade their consciences, and so also the'inhabit-
ants to take their liberty to bring their children to bap
tism or forbear.
'That, the second proposal relating to the known recep
tion of any evil behaviour such as contentious persons,
&c, may be only understood of those truly so called, and
Hot of those who are different in judgment in the particu
lars last mentioned, and mCy not be therefore accounted '
contentious by some though they are in" all fundamentals
of faith, orthodox in judgment, and excepting common in
firmities, blameless in conversation.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 239
5 That the proposal relating to the non-admission of such
as may become a charge to the town, be only understood
so as that it may not hinder any godly man from coming
among us whilst there is accommodation that may satisfy
him, if some responsible townsman will be bound to save
the town harmless.
' These humble tenders of our desires, we hope you will
without offence receive, excusing us herein, considering
that God's glory, the future peace and well being, hot
only of us and of our posterity who shall settle here, but
also of those several good and peaceable minded men
whom you already know are like, though with very incon
siderable outward accommodation to come amongst us,
are very much concerned herein ; our humble prayers both
¦ for ourselves and you is that our God would be pleased to
cause us to aim more and more at his glory and less at
our own earthly concernment, that so we may improve
the favors that hath been handed to us by our honored,
nursing fathers, to the advancement of the glory of God,
the interest of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the common
benefit, both of the township and colony where he hath
providentially disposed of us to serve our generation.
' Your brethren to serve you in Christ.
' Signed on the behalf and in the name of the church-
meeting at Swansey by <JoHir myles-, Pastor,
' JOHH BUTTERWORTH.'
The foregoing proposals being according to the desire
of the church aforesaid', fully and absolutely condescended
to, concluded and agreed upon by and between the said
Captain Thomas Willett and his associates aforesaid and
the said church, under the reservation and explications
abovewritten, and every of them, at was sometime after
ward propounded at a meeting of the said town, lawfully

240 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
warned on the two and twentieth day of the twelfth month,
1669, that the said agreement might be by the whole town
ratified and confirmed, and settled as a foundation order
to which all that then were, or afterwards should be ad
mitted inhabitants, and to receive lands from the town,
should manifest their assent by subscription thereunto,
whereupon the following order, (the said Captain Willett
and his associates aforesaid being present,) was freely
passed by the whole town, nemine contradicente.
At a town-meeting lawfully warned on the two and
twentieth day of the twelfth month, commonly called
February, in the year of our Lord 1669, it is ordered
that all persons that are or shall be admitted inhabit
ants within this town, shall subscribe to the three propo
sals abovewritten ; to the several conditions and expla
nations therein expressed, before any lot of land be con
firmed to them or to any of them.
' We whose names are here underwritten, do freely upon
our admission to be inhabitants of this town of Swansey,
assent to the abovewritten agreement, made between the
church of Christ now meeting here at Swansey, and Captain
Thomas Willett and his associates, as the said agreement
is specified and declared in the three proposals afore-
written, with the several conditions and explanations
thereof, concerning the present and future settlement of
this township. In witness whereof, we have hereunto
subscribed. Thomas Willett, Caleb Eddy,
John Myles, John Myles, junior,
John Allen, Thomas Lewis,
James Browne, Joseph Carpenter,
Nicholas Tanner, Robert Jones,
Hugh Cole, Eldad Kingsley,
Benjamin Alby, John Martin,
John Browne, John Cole,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 241
Samuel Wheaton, Joseph Wheaton,
Thomas Barnes, Nathaniel Paine,
Thomas Estabrqoke, Stephen Brace,
Richard Sharp, Gideon Allen,
William Ingraham, John Dickse,
Thomas Manning, William Bartram,
William Cahoone, Joseph Kent,
George Aldrich, Samuel Woodbury,
Nathaniel Lewis, Nehemiah Allen,
John Thurber, Sampson Mason,
Jonathan Bosworth, Job Winslow,
Joseph Lewis, Obadiah Bowen, junior,
William Hayward, Richard Burges,
John Thurber, John Butterworth,
Gerard Ingraham, John West,
Zachariah Eddy, Thomas Elliot,
Hezekiah Luther, Timothy Brooks,
John Paddock, Nathaniel Toogood,
Samuel Luther, Jeremiah Child,
Obadiah Bowen, senior,
It has been already related in the history of Rehoboth,
that Wannamoiset (afterwards included generally in
Swansey) was granted to Mr John Browne, an eminent
person in the government of New Plymouth. Mr Browne
was anxious for neighbors. Captain Willett, also a magis
trate, a man of great ability and enterprise, induced in
some measure, perhaps, by its contiguity to Narragansett,
to which country he had large claims, went to Wannamoi
set; — Hugh Cole and some others followed.
' It has already been related, that the Reverend John
Myles, pastor of the first Baptist church in Wales at
Swansea, had been ejected soon after the restoration of
Charles II., and had fled to America with some of the
members of his church, about the year 1662, or 1663.
While an inhabitant of Rehoboth, he had been punished
for contumacy. But the disposition of the government
becoming more tolerant, he was permitted to share in the
grant of lands at Wannamoiset.
PART II. 31

242 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
As the new settlers were composed of those whose
religious tenets were in some degree variant, Mr Willet,
anxious to prevent future controversy, submitted his funda
mental propositions, to which Mr Myles and his primeval
Baptist church (preceding all others in Plymouth and
Massachusetts) agreed, under explanations ; both parties
being liberal and disinterested and anxious for the settle
ment and prosperity of the new town, accommodated their
notions to their circumstances, and discovered how easy it
was to reconcile differences merely speculative, without
violating even the scruples of conscience. Mr„ Myles
declaring, ' that the ministers might take the liberty to
baptise infants or grown persons as the Lord shall per
suade their consciences, and so also the inhabitants to take
their liberty to bring their children to baptism, or forbear.'
Captain Willett being a gentleman of excellent sense
and practical views, and Mr Myles an enlightened, learned
and tolerant clergyman, they respected each others opin
ions, and soon removed the minor difficulties, which too
often embarrass the progress f>f useful enterprises, and
came with their friends to the foregoing agreement unani
mously. Plymouth has been implicated in the general accusation
of intolerance, so often urged, bu* not with equal justice,
against the New England colonies. The first schism in
Plymouth was occasioned by Obadiah Holmes. Holmes
was a member of Mr Newman's^ehurch, and he undertook,
perhaps, as much from a pragmatical spirit as from scru
ples of conscience, to dissent from its doctrines and disci
pline. He did not embrace the principles of the Ana
baptists until some time after his secession from Mr
Newman's church. It does not appear that any punish
ment was inflicted on Holmes by order of the government
of Plymouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 243
Myles and his church after the first act of intolerance,
when neither their designs nor characters were understood,
were not mojested. They enjoyed every civil and religious
privilege in common with the other inhabitants" of the
colony, and the predominant sect, for the most part, wisely
refrained from exercising even the intolerance of opinion,
and repeatedly elected James Browne, a member of the
Baptist church, to the magistracy.
If the proceedings of the General Court occasionally
exhibited some shades of intolerance, yet the ancient Bap
tist church of Swansey is a permanent monument of a for
bearance and tolerance far transcending the ordinary lib
erality of the age. The people undoubtedly discriminated
between the uneasy, restless, and almost seditious spirit of
those who separated from the established churches, and
assumed the appellation of Baptists, merely to conceal
the workings of a spirit impatient of discipline, and anx
ious to dictate, and the resolute and sincere piety of
Myles and his followers, who abandoned their homes and
their all, for conscience' sake.
Captain Willett and Mr Myles may be justly denomi
nated the fathers of Swansey. After the surrender of
New York, Willett became its first English mayor, but
even this first of city distinctions conferred by that proud
metropolis, did not impart more real honor to his character
than the address and good feeling manifested by him in
effecting the peaceable settlement of the humble town of
Swansey. He died about the year 1679. Mr Myles died
in 1683.
February 12th, 1670. It was voted 'to prevent the
bringing in of such persons to be inhabitants as may be
to the prejudice of the town ; — it is ordered that whoso
ever hath taken or shall take up any lot therein and shall
let out, give, or sell the same, or any part thereof, to any

244 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
person or persons whatsoever, without the consent of the
town, or at least of the committee that are or shall be
chosen for the management of the prudential affairs of
the town at any time hereafter ; then the person or persons
that shall so let out, give, or sell as aforesaid, shall forfeit
their whole right in such lot and buildings thereon, from
them, their heirs and assigns, to the use of the town for
ever.' Many of the settlers of Swansey, it will be perceived,
had been inhabitants of Rehoboth.
' February 7th, 1670,(1671.) It was ordered that all lots
and divisions of land that are or hereafter shall be granted
to any particular person, shall be proportioned according
to the three ranks and written so, that where those of the
first rank shall have three acres, those of the second rank
shall have two acres, and those of the third rank shall
have one acre, and that it shall be in the power of the
selectmen for the time being, or committee for admission
of inhabitants, to admit of, and place such as shall be
received as inhabitants into either of the said ranks as
they shall judge fit, till the full number of threescore
such inhabitants shall be made up, and that when the said
number of threescore is accomplished.
' The said first rank are only The abovesaid second rank are The said third rank are only
such as are in this column.
Captain Thomas Willett,
Mr Nathaniel Paine,
Mr James Browne,
Mr John Allen, senior,
John Butterworth,
Mr John Dickse,
Mr Richard Sharp,
WilUam Ingraham,
Mr John Myles, pastor,

only such as ate in this

such as are in thiB col ui

column.

Samuel Luther,

Hezekiah Luther,

Robert Jones,

Joseph Lewis,

Zachariah Eddy,

Caleb Eddy,

Hugh Cole,

John Paddock,

John Myles, junior,

Nathaniel Lewis,

Nicholas Tanner,

Samuel Wheaton,

Benjamin Alby,

Thomas Manning,

Sampson Mason,

William Cahoone„

Thomas Barnes,

John Martin,

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 245
A pastor's lot, John Cole, Isaac Allen,
A teacher's lot. Joseph Carpenter, Eldad Kinsley,
Gerard Ingraham, Samuel Woodbury,
William Howard, Joseph Wheaton,
Gideon Allen, John Wheaton,
Thomas Lewis, John Harding,
Jonathan Bosworfh, Jeremiah Child.'
Anthony Low,
Obadiah Bowen,
Thomas Estabrook,
William Bartram,
George Aldrich,
William Salsbury,
John Browne,
A schoolmaster.
This division of the people into ranks presents a re
markable and singular feature in town history. It existed
nowhere else in the colony ; fancy can almost discern in
this arrangement the rudiments of the three Roman orders,
Patrician, Equestrian, and Plebeian. This power was as
sumed by the five persons appointed by the Court to regu
late the admission of town inhabitants in 1667, and after
wards was exercised by committees appointed by the
town. These committees seemed to have exercised the
authority of censors, and have degraded and promoted from
one rank to another at discretion.
In 1671, John Crabtree was permitted to occupy six
acres of land for the present, and to be at the town's
courtesy in relation to more lands.
In 1672, Joseph Wheaton admitted an inhabitant of
the third rank.
, Job Winslow and John Lathrop admitted to the second
rank- In 1673, Hezekiah Luther was promoted from the third
rank to the second, and Gerard Ingraham by his own con
sent degraded from the second to the third rank.

246 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1679, Jeremiah Child was promoted from the third
to the second rank.
The grant to Stephen Brace was declared utterly void.
In 1680, Mr John Saffin was admitted into the first
rank. In 1673, the names of George Aldrich, Wm. Salsbury,
and John Harding were ordered to be erased from the
town book ' for not fulfilling the fundamental order of the
town.' In 1674, John Harding was ordered to leave the town.
Richard Burgess was placed in the third rank.
In 1672, 'John Clow was admitted an inhabitant, if
there be no just objection for his removal.
In 1674, Dermit Smith and Wm Hammon were admitted
inhabitants. This power of ranking the inhabitants was of a character
so delicate, that it created great dissatisfaction.
In 1681, Mr James Brown senior, Mr John Allen senior,
and John Butterworth, were the committee for. the admis
sion of inhabitants.
They granted to Capt. John Browne, Ensign Thomas
Estabrooke, Serjeant Samuel Luther, Serjeant Hugh Cole,
and Mr Nicholas Tanner, their heirs and assigns forever,
' the full right and interest of the highest rank, &c.'
This act of the committee occasioned a unanimous
protest on the part of the town and a declaration that the
act was ' utterly void and of no effect.'
After this the practice seems to have fallen into disuse.
November 4, 1670, persons neglecting to attend town-
meetings were to be fined 4s.
November 2, 1671. First rank' ordered to pay £3 12s.
second rank, £2 8s. ; third rank, £1 4s.
October 17, 1672. A petition was ordered to be pre
sented to the General Court ' for the obtaining of those

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 247
lands within our bounds that were lately bought by the
inhabitants of Taunton and Mr Constant Southworth,'
John Allen and Hugh Cole the agents ; James Browne
added November 1672. Persons neglecting to attend town
meetings to be fined 2s. 6d.
In 1673, the Toweset, (Towooset or Coweset) neck,
was conveyed by Isacke and Totonomocke to Nathaniel
Paine, and afterwards the same with Ben Allis and Peta-
nonawett, (Peter Nanuit,) conveyed a tract it is believed,
to Capt. Willett and Mr Paine, near Metapoiset, 'bounded
on the south by a direct line, according to the range of
the south line in said town of Swansey's land, from the
southeast corner thereof to the great river, and thence
along the river to the commons, and so two full miles into
the wood, everywhere from the Taunton river. These
are the first conveyances of land in this quarter from any
Indians other than Massasoiet and Philip, and such as they
associated with themselves. This practice of buying
from the common Indians without the permission of Philip,
was probably the cause of some dissatisfaction to him,
and might have been one of the inducements to subse
quent hostilities. In his letter to Governor Prence he
says, ' Philip would intreat that favor of you, and aney of
the majestrats, if aney English or Engians speak about
aney land, he preay you to give them no answer at all,
This last summer he maid promis with you, that he would
not sell no land in seven years time, for that he would
have no English trouble him before that time, he has not
forgot that you promis him.'
It would seem that Toweset was purchased for the town,
for at a town meeting, January 6, 1674, it was voted that
it should be left ' for a perpetual common sheep pasture,
• that is to say, after the rate of eighteen acres to a man

248 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of the highest rank, and twelve acres to a man of the
second rank, and six acres to a man of the lowest rank ;
and it is further ordered that no man who hath a right in
this foresaid sheep pasture shall sell or give his property
therein as long as he hath any lands in the town undis
posed of, which he had from the town, by virtue of grant
from the town as being in one of the three ranks accord
ing to which lands are granted.'
1672. Forty acres were granted to Mr Myles, 'pastor
of the church.' Pastor's lot and teacher's lot to be laid
out with the immunities of the highest rank. Schoolmas
ter's lot to be laid out with the immunities of the second
rank. 1673. Granted to Mr Myles the pastor, all the town's
right in the swamp adjoining his meadow.
1674. Two lots of twelve acres each were laid out to
a pastor and teacher.
At a town-meeting, December 19, 1673, 'it was voted
and ordered, nemine contradicente, that a school be forth
with set up in this town for the teaching of grammar,
rhetoric, and arithmetic, and the tongues of Latin,
Greek, and Hebrew, also to read English and to write,
and that the salary of £40 per annum in current country
pay, which passeth from man to man, be duly paid from
time to time, and at all times hereafter to the schoolmaster
thereof, and that Mr John Myles, the present pastor of
the church here assembling, be schoolmaster, otherwise to
have power to dispose the same to an able schoolmaster
during the said pastor's life, and from and after his de
cease that the school and salary thereto belonging during
their respective natural lives ; provided, nevertheless, that
the said school and forty pounds salary aforesaid shall be
continued to the said John Myles and to the said succes
sive pastors, for, and during such time as he or they, and

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 249
any and every of them shall be contented to take their
ministerial maintenance by weekly contribution only and
no longer.'
' It is further ordered that the said school shall be only
free to such children whose parents pay any rates towards
the said school and to none other, and that the school
master and successive schoolmasters thereof for the time
being shall have liberty to take in any other scholars they
think fit, to be educated there, and every scholar at first
entrance shall pay twelve pence in silver towards buying
of books for the said school.'
May 19, 1675. ' Whereas there hath been a former
order concluded concerning the maintenance of a free
school, and to give encouragement to the ministry of the
church, since which time several have withdrawn their
part of payment thereto, some objecting against the school
and some against the ministry, now it is voted and ordered
to be understood that the abovesaid maintenance shall be
for both, and to be paid in beef, pork, or provision, as
corn, butter, &c.'
From the settlement of the town to the commencement
of the Indian war, the selectmen were James Brown,
Nicholas Tanner, John Allen, Hugh Cole, Samuel Luther,
Thomas Lewis, Benjamin Alby, John Butterworth.
The select committees for the management of the pru
dential affairs of the town, (similar to the townsmen of
Rehoboth,) in addition to the abovementioned, (with the
exception of Thomas Lewis,) were Capt: Thomas Willett,
Mr Stephen Paine, sen., and Thomas Estabrooke ; town-
clerks, John Myles, jr., Nicholas Tanner.
The Indian war whieh broke out in June, 1675, 6ver-
whelmed Swansey in the first blast of its rage, and left
this thriving settlement in less than a week a desolation
PART n. 32

250 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
and a wreck. The history of that war belongs to another
part of this work. PLYMOUTH.
The pure discipline of the Plymouth church could not
prevent the growth of schism. John Weeks and his wife
became followers of Gorton. Samuel Hickes, dissatisfied
with the established ordinances, became a Quaker.
About 1643, many left Plymouth ' by reason of the
straitness and barrenness of the place,' and the church be
gan seriously to think of removing, and purchased a tract
of land on Cape Cod of the Nausites, but the design was
not fully executed although many went, ' and thus was
this poor church, (says the record,) left like an ancient
mother, grown old, and forsaken of her children ; her
ancient members being most of them worn away by death,
and these of latter times being like children translated
into other families, and she like a widow left only to trust
in God. She had made many rich and became herself
poor.' In i643, Plymouth contained one hundred and fortysix
males between sixteen and sixty. The governor, Mr
Prence, Mr Hopkins, Mr Jenny, Mr Paddy, and Nathaniel
Souther, were chosen a council of war. In case of alarm
twenty men were ordered to be sent from each of the
towns of Plymouth, Duxbury, and Marshfield.
In 1644, Mr Brewster died.
In 1646, Plymouth was almost deserted in consequence
of the removals to Eastham and to the towns in the colony,
and Governor Winthrop represents it as a special inter
position of divine Providence, that the squadron of Capt.
Thomas Cromwell, (who was but little better than a biic-
canier,) should have been compelled by stress of weather
to put into Plymouth harbor, ' where they continued about

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY 25 1
fourteen days or more, and spent liberally and gave freely
to many of the poorer sort.'
In 1646, the freemen and townsmen were seventynine.
In 1648, a meeting-house was built, and selectmen were
chosen for the first time.
In 1651, Scipican having been relinquished by Scituate,
to which town it had been granted, was now granted to
Plymouth, and the Court directed that the lands should be
purchased of the natives. ' It was bounded and laid out
by a joint committee of the colony and town.'
In 1661, ' £60 were assessed for purchasing and pro
curing a place for the minister.'
In 1662, Clarke's Island was abandoned. Annual ex
penses £25 5s. 3d.
In 1663, the ministerial house was built, £60 voted to
finish it.
Mr Reyner the pastor dissolved his connexion with the
church in November, 1654, to the great regret as it would
seem of the church and people. ' He was (says the
church record,) richly accomplished with such gifts and
qualifications as were befitting his place and calling,
being wise, faithful, grave, sober, a lover of good men,
not greedy of the matters of the world, armed with much
faith, patience, and meekness, mixed with courage in the
cause of God ; was an able, faithful, laborious preacher
of the gospel, and a wise orderer of the affairs of the
church, and had an excellent talent of training up children
in a catechetical way, in the grounds of the christian
religion. -So that by loss of him ignorance ensued in the
town among the vulgar, and also much licentiousness and
profaneness among the younger sort. His removal was
partly occasioned by the unhappy differences then sub
sisting in the church of Barnstable, which much affected
this church ; and partly by the going away of divers of

252 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
the church, yea, some of the most eminent among them,
to other places ; and partly by the unsettledness of the
church, too many of the members being leavened with
prejudice against a learned ministry, by means of secta
ries then spreading through the land ; an epidemical dis
ease prevailing in too many of the churches about that
time.' Mr Reyner left Plymouth in the month of November,
1654, and was settled at Dover in New Hampshire in
1657, where he remained until his death, April 3, 1669.*
After the departure of Mr Reyner, the church remained
destitute of a pastor for a long time, which caused great
grief and many days of fasting and humiliation. Mr Cush
man the ruling elder, still continued the public worship.
Mr James Williams, an able preacher, was at Plymouth
for a short period, but soon returned to England.
He was followed by Mr William Brimsmead, who was
so acceptable to the church and people, that £70 annual
salary and firewood were voted to induce him to settle,
but he declined, and was settled in Marlborough in 1660.f
John Cotton, jr. son of the eminent John Cotton of
Boston, was invited to preach at Plymouth in September,
1666, but having engagements he did not go ; the invita-
* The author of the Church History, says Mr Reyner, spent the winter of
1654-5 in Boston, and returned to Plymouth in the spring on a visit, ' and
would have easily been persuaded to have returned again, if the people would
have complied with a proposition made by him, but they not doing it, to their
after sorrow, he went back.'
His son, John Reyner, who was graduated at Harvard in 1663, and who had
been his assistant in the work of the ministry at Dover, succeeded him, but
died young soon after his father.
t Mr Brimsmead was a native of Dorchester near Boston ; he was educated
at Cambridge, but in consequence of an order of the college government that
the residence should be prolonged from three years to four, he left the College
in 1647. Mr Brimsmead preached the election sermon in 1681, and died July
3, 1701.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 253
tion being renewed, he removed to Plymouth with his
family in November, 1667, and was ordained the third
pastor of the ancient church, June 30, 1669. The'churches
present were those of Barnstable, Marshfield, Weymouth,
and Duxbury.
At this time there were fortyseven church members.
The pastor and ruling elder then passed through the
town ' to inquire into the state of souls,' counselling,
admonishing, exhorting, and encouraging, by which means
there was an awakening. — 'The work of God, (says Mr
Cotton,) seemed in those days to have a considerable re
vival.' — Great numbers joined themselves to the church.
' The practice was formally to make a confession of. faith,
and their declaration of their experiences of a work of
grace, in the presence of the congregation ; having been
examined and heard before by the elders in private ; and
they stood propounded in public for two or three weeks
ordinarily ; and the relations of the women being written
in private from their mouths, were read in public by the
pastor, and the elders gave testimony of the competency
of their knowledge.'-1 — Members from other churches
having letters of dismission, were admitted of course.
Mr Cotton engaged zealously in the work of converting
the Indians, but unfortunately, not without many diffi
culties and quarrels with his coadjutors.
The disputes between Mr Cotton and Mr Mayhew
brought from the Commis"sioners of the United Colonies
a serious reprehension. Mr Cotton appeared before them,
and it was signified to hirn that ' no good could be ex
pected by their labors when by their mutual contentions
and invectives, they undid what they taught the natives.'
Mr Cotton having informed the Commissioners ' that sun
dry calls had been made him by the English to other •

254

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

places, he was left to his liberty to dispose of himself as
the Lord should guide him.'* DUXBURY.
During the whole period from 1641 to 1675, Duxbury
continued to increase. The fertility of the lands com
pared with those of Plymouth, and its contiguity, rendered
it a desirable residence to all who became dissatisfied with
Plymouth. In 1643, the number of men able to bear arms
between sixteen and sixty, was seventysix.
As early as 1645, this town prayed the General Court
for an extension of their lands, and obtained a grant, and
extinguished the Indian title, and settled that extensive
tract afterwards known by the name of Bridgewater,
which was at first merely an extension of Duxbury.
This grant was made to fiftyfour persons, exclusive of
the minister and miller, who were not inhabitants of Dux
bury. f In consequence of obtaining this tract, many
respectable inhabitants of Duxbury left that town and
removed to Bridgewater.

* Mr Cotton remained pastor of the church of Plymouth to the 5th of Octo
ber, 1697. He will be mentioned hereafter. '
In 1670, the number of freemen was fiftyone.
t This grant was made in 1645. The names of the proprietors are annexed.

William Bradford,
John Bradford,
William Merrick,
Abraham Peirce,
John Rogers,
George Partridge,
John Starr, ,
Mr William Collier,
Christopher Wadsworth,
Edward Hall,
Nicholas Robins,
Mr Ralph Partridge,
Thomas Bonney,

Mr Myles Standish,
Love Brewster,
John Paybody,
William Paybody,
Francis Sprague,
Edmund Hunt,
William Clarke,
William Ford,
Mr Constant Southworth,
Edmund Weston,
Edmund Chandler,
Moses Simons,
John Irish,

Philip De La Noye,
Mr John Alden,
Samuel Nash,
Abraham Sampson
George Soule,
Henry Howland,
Henry Sampson,
John Brown,
Francis West,
William Tubbs,
James Lindell,
Samuel Eaton.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 255
The Indian title to Bridgewater was extinguished in
1649, and the settlement commenced soon after, probably
in 1650.
Notwithstanding the loss of so many inhabitants, Dux
bury still remained a thriving and prosperous town. ' In
1654,. when sixty men were raised to go against the Dutch,'
Duxbury was considered nearly as populous as Plymouth,
having furnished six of the sixty, and Plymouth only seven. -
In 1659, a large tract of land on Taunton river was
purchased of Ossamequin (Massasoiet) and his son Philip,
and the squaw sachem Tatapanum, by several of the in
habitants of Duxbury, and some of Marshfield, which
tract was afterwards included in Little Compton, but no
settlement was commenced for several years.
Duxbury was the parent town of Bridgewater and Little
Compton. Mr Partridge, the minister, who had been settled in
1637, died in 1658. Most of the earlier ministers in the
colony had been compelled tp abandon their charges on
account of insufficient support, but Mr Partridge remained
steadily with his people, and died amongst them. He
had been settled in the ministry in England, and fell under
the displeasure of the established church, during the ad
ministration of Archbishop Laud, and being hunted ' like
The following grantees, inhabitants of Duxbury, settled on this tract,
namely, Thomas Hayward, William Brett,
Nathaniel Willis, John Cary,
John Willis, Samuel Tompkins,
William Bassett, Arthur Harris,
John Washburn, John Fobes,
John Washburn, junior, Experience Mitchell,
John Ames, J°hn Haward,
Thomas Gannett, Solomon Leonardson,
Mr Keith the minister, and Samuel Edson the miller, were included, but they
were not inhabitants of Duxbury.

256 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
a partridge on the mountains,' he fled to America, and
arrived at Boston in 1636.
Mr Partridge was one of the most learned ministers in
the colony, and in such estimation was he held, that he
was appointed by the synod which met at Cambridge in
1647, in conjunction with Mr Cotton and Richard Mather,
to draw ' a model of church government according to the
word of God.' The model was adopted, and is now
known by the name of the ' Cambridge platform.'
The Quakers seemed to have made Duxbury their head
quarters in the colony, and in 1660, held a monthly meeting
there, which produced a special order from the Court that
means should be taken to hinder their worship.
Mr Partridge was succeeded by the Reverend John
Holmes, who was settled probably in 1663 or 1664. Mr
Holmes left his charge shortly after.* His successor was
Ichabod Wiswall, a native of Dorchester, near Boston.
Mr Wiswall like Mr Brimsmead, had been a student at
Cambridge, but left the college for the same reason in
1647. He was settled at Duxbury about the year 1670.
He will be noticed hereafter. SCITUATE.
Nowithstanding the great emigration to Barnstable in
1639, Scituate was soon replenished, and became the most
populous town in the colony.
In 1637, a tract of land already mentioned, was granted
to Messrs Shirley, Beauchamp, Andrews, and Hatherly,
London merchants.
Mr Hatherly in 1646, sold all the rights, (excepting his
own,) to the Reverend Charles Chauncy and others, for
£ 1 80, in thirty shares. Great controversy arose respec ting
this grant, but in 1652, the Court confirmed it.
* Probably in 1668.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 257
In 1654, another grant was made to Mr Hatherly, out of
which he was to satisfy those who complained. This
grant conveyed to the grantee ' a competency' of land not
included in any township, and west of Scituate.
In July, 1656, the Court granted to Mr Hatherly, 'a
tract of land three miles square, extending from Accord
Pond three miles southerly.' This grant includes a part
of Abington and Hanover. The whole number of shares
was forty. Twentythree were sold to John Otis of Scitu
ate, Matthew Cushing, John Thaxter, John Jacob, and
Edward Wilder, of Hingham.
The Conihasset common shares which were included in
the first grant, were the subject of a long and arduous
controversy, which was not terminated until 1671, when
lands were assigned to each share not- exceeding eighty
acres, nor less than fifty.
The 'settlers of Scituate were principally from the
county of Kent. Many of them were shipbuilders.
In 1652, ' a military discipline,' was established at
Scituate. The officers were appointed by the Court.
James Cudworth was captain, John Vassall, lieutenant, and
Joseph Tilden, ensign. In 1643, the number of males
between sixteen and sixty, was one hundred.
In 1657, the following names appear on the list of free
men ; John Palmer, senior and sons, Thomas Oldham,
Nathaniel Rawlins, -George Pidcoke, Daniel Hickes, John
Magoon, Thomas Ingham, Jonas Pickles, Samuel Utley,
John Durand^ Robert Whetcombe, Abraham Sutliffe, John
Whiston, John Winter, John Cowin ; in 1662, John Otis
and John Cushing; in 1668, Charles Stockbridge, Israel
Cudworth, John James, Experience Litchfield, Edward
Wanton, and William Ticknor.
Abraham Preble, an early settler, went to Maine. He
was the ancestor of a numerous and distinguished family.
PAKT n. 33

258 ' MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The descendants of John Otis and John Cushing- have
been eminently distinguished.
William Vassall, a gentleman of family and fortune, was
amongst the early emigrants to Massachusetts, and was
one of the assistants, but as he still remained an Episco
palian, although a Puritan, he was viewed with jealousy.
The distrust and suspicions of the people of Massachusetts
induced him to leave that colony, and he removed to Scit
uate ; there his possessions were large ; his plantation was
called West Newland. After the conquest of Jamaica,
he obtained large grants of land there, and died in 1655,
at Barbadoes.* Mr Hatherly, the principal founder of the
town, died there in 1666. Joseph Tilden died in 1670.
Mr John Lathrop has been already mentioned as the
first pastor of Scituate, January ISth^ 1635, and also as
the first pastor of Barnstable, in 1639. A brief memoir
of his life has already been given ; he died at Barnstable
in 1653.
Mr Lathrop in 1641, was succeeded by Charles Chauncy,
who in 1654, was elected the second president of Harvard
College ; he removed to Cambridge, and died there in
1672. Some mention has already been made of President
Chauncy. He was born in Hertfordshire, in 1589. His
progress through Westminster School, and the University
of Cambridge, where he was appointed to two professor
ships, has already been mentioned. He was in school at
* Mr Vassall had several sons. One of his daughters married Resolved
White, a son of Mr William White, one of the Pilgrims of the May Flower, and
an elder brother of the first born of New England. Another married James
Adams, another Nicholas Ware of Virginia. At the commencement of the
Revolution, many descendants of Mr Vassall resided in Massachusetts ; mogtof
them were loyalists. The gallant Colonel Vassall of the British army, who fell
in the attack on Montevideo in 1806, was a descendant ; Lady Holland also ;
and the name is attached to the title of Lord Holland.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 259
the time ' when the gunpowder plot was to have taken
effect,' and had it succeeded, he must have shared the
fate of the king, lords, and commons of England.
He was settled in the ministry at Marstow, and after
wards at Ware, (England.)
In 1629, he was arraigned before the high Commission
Court for using these expressions in a sermon ; ' Idolatry
is. admitted into the church; the preaching of the gospel
will be suppressed ; there is much atheism, popery, Ar-
minianism, and heresy, crept into the church.' The
accusation was referred to the Bishop of London, ' who
ordered him to make a submission in Latin.'
In 1635, he was again brought before the Court of High
Commission, ' for opposing the making a rail round the
communion table in the parish church of Ware, as an
innovation and snare to men's consciences,' and (says
Rushworth,) he was pronounced guilty of contempt of
ecclesiastical government, and of raising a schism ; and
was suspended from his ministry till he should make in
open court a recantation in open form ; acknowledging
his great offence, and protesting that he was persuaded in
his conscience that kneeling at the sacrament was a lawful
and commendable gesture ; that the rail set up in the
chancel, with a bench thereto annexed for kneeling at the
holy communion, was a decent and convenient ornament ;
and promising never by word or deed to oppose either
that or any other laudable rites or ceremony prescribed in
the Church of England. He was condemned in great costs
of suit, and was imprisoned till he paid the same, and
performed the order of court. Afterwards he made his
recantation, and was dismissed with an admonition from
the archbishop.'
His very respectable descendant, (the late Dr Chauncy
' ' of Boston,) says, ' his making an open recantation in

260 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
court, and in the form that had been prescribed, and in
order to a release from an adjudged penalty, was greatly
dishonorable, though the effect of great temptation. He
never forgave himself this weakness and folly. The re
sentment of a rebuking conscience for such unworthy
conduct, made him often uneasy to his dying day. I have
by me a copy of the preface to his last will, wherein he
particularly mentions and laments, as still fresh before
him, his " many sinful compliances with, and conformity
unto vile human inventions, will worship, superstition, and
patcheries, stitched into the service of the Lord, which
the English mass-book, I mean, (says he,) the Book of
Common Prayer, and the ordination of priests, &c, are
fully fraught withal." Nor did he think this enough, but
goes on giving it in charge to his posterity, throughout all
generations, with the greatest warmth of zeal,. and so
lemnity of language, as they would answer for their con
duct at the tribunal of Jesus Christ, not to conform (as he
had done) to rites and ceremonies in religious worship
of man's devising, and not of God's appointing.'
' He was finally suspended and silenced by Archbishop
Laud, for refusing to read the book of sports.'
Wearied out by continued persecutions, fines, and im
prisonments, Dr Chauncy abandoned England in 1637,
and arrived at Boston in 1638, and soon after went to
Plymouth, where he assisted Mr Reyner, and was held in
high estimation. Here he continued until early in 1641,
when he succeeded Mr Lathrop at Scituate. So great
was his poverty, that in one of his letters he says that he
might with truth declare, ' deest quidem panis.' Notions
at this time began to prevail, that settled ministers were
incumbrances, and that the doctrines of the gospel might
as well be expounded by the illiterate and ignorant as by
this great and accomplished scholar. The miserable

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 261
poverty in which he lived, induced him to listen to an invi
tation from the church over which he had presided in
England where the Puritans now predominated, and he
prepared to return. While at Boston, waiting a passage,
he was elected president of the college, on condition that
he should not promulgate and preach his peculiar notions
with respect to the rite of immersion, and of celebrating
the Lord's supper in the evening. To this condition he
acceded, and faithfully performed his engagement, and
was inaugurated as president, November 27, 1654.
His situation was now more comfortable, yet the scanty
stipend of £100 per annum, was by no means an adequate
compensation to one in this station. Under his patronage
the college prospered, and many afterwards eminent both
in church and state, acknowledged the benefit of his in
structions. In the year 1671, on commencement day, he
delivered his farewell oration, and solemnly took leave of
his friends.
His anticipations of speedy death were realized, and on
the 19th of February in the following year, he expired, in
the eightysecond year of his age, and in the 17th of his
presidency.* * President Chauncy left six sons and one daughter. His sons were all
educated at the college. His third son Barnabas, and his fifth son Elnathan,
who was a physician of much note, and who died at Barbadoes, left no children.
Isaac, his eldest son, went to England. He was a physician and the minister
of Woodborough, and ejected in the reign of Charles II. He then for some time
was pastor of a congregational church at Andover. He then removed to Lon
don and was ' a zealous writer against Neonomianism ; ' and although it was
his intention to practice medicine only, yet he was called to succeed Mr Clark-
son the successor of Dr Owen, as pastor of a dissenting congregation there.
Dr Isaac Watts was his assistant, and afterwards his successor, when he quitted
the ministry. Mr Chauncy officiated as pastor fourteen years. He died at
London February 28th, 1712. His youngest son Charles, came to America
and established himself at Boston as a merchant. He was the father of the
celebrated Charles Chauncy, who was so long the pastor of the first church in

262 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
President Chauncy was unquestionably a most accom
plished scholar, and in the main a good man ; yet his
excessive hatred of the mere ceremonial of the church of
England, indicates a disposition as capable of bigotry as
that of his great persecutor Archbishop Laud. That he
should have exposed himself to persecutions, fines, and
imprisonments, because religious pedants and triflers
required a rail round the communion table ; that the
wounds of conscience should have rankled for so many
years in his bosom for submitting to that which every
liberal and intelligent mind must now deem to be a matter
too trifling for grave consideration ; that he should sink
into his grave under a distressing sense of his frailty in
such a cause, indicates a stubbornness of temper almost
of a Pharisaic character. Perhaps, however, his contu
macy was nothing more than the resistance of a proud and
independent spirit against the forms of oppression, and the
imposition of new ceremonials of little efficacy in pious
exercises, addressed rather to the eye than to the reason,
intended for external ornament and not for the furtherance
Boston, who died as late as 1787. The last Dr Chauncy exhibited the same
eccentricity, which seemed in some degree inherent in this talented family.
He became a Uhlversalist, and thus passed from the deep Calvinism of his
great ancestor to the other extreme.
Ichabod, the second son of President Chauncy, also went to England', and
was for some time chaplain to Sir Edward Harley's regiment at Dunkirk. The
act of uniformity silenced him. He then became a physician in the city of
Bristol ; but the spirit of religious persecution pursued him, and he fled to
Holland, but returned after the act of toleration in the time of James II., and
died at Bristol, July 25th, 1691.
Nathaniel, the fourth son of the president, was successively pastor of the
church at Windsor in Connecticut, and Hatfield in Massachusetts.
The youngest son, Israel, a most excellent gentleman, was pastor of the
church at Stratford, Connecticut, for many years. The daughter of President
, Chauncy married Gershom Bulkley, son of the pastor of Concord, and was the
mother of the celebrated John Bulkley of Colchester.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
of devout worship ; for when he was required to refrain from
preaching his peculiar doctrines touching immersion, and
the time of administering the Lord's supper, (which he con
tended should be always in the evening,) two subjects about
which it might have been reasbnably supposed that he
would have been far more sensitive and scrupulous than
about the erection of a rail round the communion table,
yet he yielded to the requirement of the overseers of the
college without reluctance, accompanied as it was with
the flattering offer of a high literary office.
Bigotry is a quality inherent in the human mind, founded
on a strong conviction of self-rectitude, and can never
'admit the possibility of self-delusion ; it therefore cannot
tolerate a difference in opinion, even on such points as are
made essential only by the waywardness of the human will.
It exists always and with all, but varies its mode of action
and the degree of its violence, according to the general
temper and circumstances of the" age, or the particular
disposition of individuals. Deprived of penal power, and
wielding no longer the weapons of political authority to
enforce submission to its decrees, the odiousness of its
character has been concealed in modern times. Yet the
spirit is as fierce and as intolerant as it was in the days of
Archbishop Laud, but it is now the intolerance of opinion,
and not of power. If two Anabaptists were selected in suc
cession to preside over our most ancient literary institu
tion by men who detested their principles, but admired
their learning, we have little reason to pride ourselves in
a liberality superior to that of our ancestors, when the
most accomplished scholar in the nation, if a Calvinist,
would be rejected at Cambridge, and if not a Calvinist, at
Yale and Princeton, and if not a Baptist, at Providence.*
• Governor Winthrop, as much of a bigot as Dr Chauncy, and far more
credulous and superstitious, gives this account of his opinions and conduct.

263

264 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
A Mr Saxton and Adam Blackman preached temporarily
at Scituate, but were not settled.,
After the dismission of Mr Dunster, the first president
of Harvard College, in 1654, he retired to Scituate, where
he lived until his death, in 1657. His remains were
carried to Cambridge. It is said that while a resident at
Scituate, he occasionally preached.
Nicholas Baker succeeded Dr Chauncy. He was from
Hingham, and had been a delegate to the General Court
of Massachusetts. Mather says of him, ' Honest Nicholas
Baker, who though he had but a private education, yet
being a pious and zealous man, or, as Dr Arrowsmith
expresses it, so good a logician that he could offer up to
G.od a reasonable service ; so good an arithmetician, that
he could wisely number his days ; and so good an orator,
that he persuaded himself to be a good christian ; and
being also one of good natural parts, especially a strong
' Our neighbors at Plymouth had produced from hence (England) thi3 year,
(1639) one Mr Chauncy, a great scholar , and a godly man, intending to call
him to the office of a teacher ; but before the fit time came, he discovered his
judgment about baptism, that the children ought to be dipped and not sprinkled ;
and he, being an active man and very vehement, there arose much trouble
about it. The magistrates and the other elders there, and the most of the peo
ple withstood the receiving of that practice, not for itself so much, as for fear of
worse consequences, as the annihilating our baptism, &c. Whereupon the church
there wrote to all the other churches, both here and at Connecticut, &c, for
advice, and sent Mr Chauncy's arguments. The churches took them into
consideration, and returned their several answers, wherein they shewed their
dissent from him, and clearly confuted all his arguments, discovering withal
some great mistakes of his about the judgment and practice of antiquity. Yet
he would not give over his opinion; and the church of Plymouth, (though
they could not agree to call him to office, yet,) being much taken with his able
parts, they were loath to part with him.'
/ The extreme dislike of Governor Winthrop to Dr Chauncy, can be perceived
throughout this passage, and yet he admits him to be ' a great scholar,' ' a godly
man,' &c. In similar circumstances, would an equal degree of candor be
exhibited at this day ?

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 265
memory, was chosen pastor, &c.' He was settled in 1660,
and died August 22d, 1678.
A second church was gathered early in Scituate, of
which William Wetherell became the pastor, in Septem
ber, 1645, and remained until his death, April 9th, 1684.
TAUNTON.
In the catalogue of proprietors the name of Bishop
does not appear. Mr Bishop was one of the earliest pro
prietors and settlers. He was the schoolmaster of the
settlement. In the list of the freemen of Massachusetts,
September 2d, 1635, appears the name of Mr Townsend
Bishop ; whether he was the Taunton schoolmaster or not,
is not known. It was usual at that period to prefix the
Mr to the schoolmaster. Letchford says he assisted to
ordain Mr Hooke. ' It is believed he went to New Haven.
The names of Jacob Wilson and David Greenman, do not
appear on the catalogue, although tljey were early pro
prietors ; nor that of Richard Hart, who was also an early
proprietor. John Drake expressed his desire to be made
a freeman, October 16th, 1630, at Boston, but never be
came one. John Browne was a freeman of Massachusetts
in 1634, and chosen an assistant. James Browne and
Oliver Purchase were freemen in 1636, and John Strong
of Hingham, and Nathaniel Woodward in 1637. Joseph
Wilson in 1638.
Elizabeth Poole's lands were specially laid out by order
of the Court at Plymouth, in May, 1639, by Captain Myles
Standish, and Mr John Brown.*
* Namely, her farm at Littleworth, forty acres of meadow being at the end
next unto her house there.
Fifty acres of such upland as she shall make choice of thereabouts. Fifty
acres of upland lying near the Two Mile Brook, joining to the marsh on the
south side thereof.— Half the marsh.
PART II. 34

266 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1640, Taunton was bounded by Myles Standish and
John Browne, by order of Court.
In 1641, Mr William Poole, Mr John Gilbert senior, Mr
Henry Andrews, John Strong, John Dean, Walter Dean,
and Edward Case, received a grant of forty acres each,
' lying together in some convenient place, for their great
charges attending courts, laying out of lands, and other
occasions for the town.'
One hundred acres of upland on the other side of the great river of Taunton.
Her home lot ten acres, to be next unto Mr Hooke's houselot, and also to the mill
six acres.
In a. confirmatory deed made July 20, 1686, by ' Josiah, otherwise called
Charles, an Indian sachem living at Mattakeset, in the colony of New Ply
mouth, and son to Josiah deceased, who was an Indian sachem, and Peter, and
David Hunter, both Indians of Tittiquet, an Indian plantation in New Plymouth
colony,' refer to testimonies both English and Indian, ' that Mrs Elizabeth
Poole formerly of Taunton, did for and in behalf of the said town of Taunton
purchase the lands of Tittiquet, in the year one thousand six hundred and
thirty seven, and that the right owners of the said lands did make sale thereof
to the said Mrs Elizabeth Pgole as abovesaid, and received pay of her for it.'
Mrs Poole's home lot and the six acres to the mill, comprised the lands on the
south side of the green, commencing near the old jail, and running east nearly
to the dwelling house built by Dr Foster Swift, now owned by Hon. Samuel
Crocker, and containing all the lands between that line and the mill river. The
house stood upon a small piece of land which had been included in Mr Hooke's
lot, and there was her grave on the spot now occupied by the house. Her
dwelling house was in the rear of the shops on the street between the green
(the ancient training field) and the meeting-house. Some traces of the cellar
were visible a few years since.
Mr Hooke's lot embraced the land between Elizabeth Poole's lot, the highway
by the meeting-house, the road leading over Street's bridge, and the mill river.
The lot west of Mrs Poole's was first owned by Thomas Lincoln, and then by
¦ Richard Stevens.
The lots of John Dean, Walter Dean, John Strong, Hezekiah Hoar, and
Edward Case, were on the road facing the river, (now called Dean street.)
Edward Case's lot was sold to Samuel Wilbore, one of those who were ban
ished with Mrs Hutchinson from Massachusetts. After residing in Taunton a
short time, he returned to Boston, and gave his lands in Taunton to his son
Shadrach.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1643, privilef es for a calf-pasture were allowed. In
1647, the calf-pasture neck was sold to Henry Andrews,
for building the meeting-house.
In 1643, the males in Taunton between sixteen and
sixty, subject to military duty, were fiftyfour.*

267

' Namely, —
Mr John Browne,
Mr William Poole,
John Brown,
James Brown,
James Walker,
Oliver Purchase,
Thomas Gilbert,
Richard Stacy,
William Holloway,
Timothy Holloway,
William Parker,
Peter Pitts,
John Parker,
William Haylstone,
William Hodges,
William Phillips,
John Macomber,
Thomas Coggin,
James Wyatt,
Edward Rew,
Thomas Harvey,
James Chichester,
William Edwards,
Aaron Knap,
John Barratt,
Nicholas Hart,
William Powell,

Edward Bobbett,
Richard Paul,
Anthony Slocum,
Edward Case,
Thomas Farwell,
Tobias Saunders,
Henry Andrews,
John Gollup,
John Gilbert, junior,
John Strong,
Thomas Caswell,
John Deane,
Edward Abbott,
Walter Deane,
William Wethrell,
Hezekiah Hoar,
George Macey,
George Hall,
John Perry,
Benjamin Wilson,
Mr Street,
Richard Williams,
William Evans,
Christopher Thrasher,
Thomas Cooke,
Thomas Cooke, junior,
John Gengelle.

The names of Henry Uxley, Joseph Wilson, William Coy, David Corwithy,
John Kingslow, Richard Smith, William Dunn, William Scadding, Robert
Hobell, John Drake, and John Luther, do not appear.
John Richmond was either above sixty, or had gone to Rhode Island. Mr
John Gilbert was above sixty. Mr Rossiter had gone to Connecticut or New
Haven. ' John Briant and John Crossman were probably above sixty. John
Gengille had disappeared from Taunton in 1639, or 1640, and was never ' seen
or heard of there afterwards.' It was reported that he went to Lynn.

268 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
In 1652, the first extensive iron works*in North America
were erected at Taunton, by James Leonard, Henry
Leonard, and Ralph Russell, who came from Pontipool, in
Wales, and settled first at Braintree. October 21st, 1652,
the following record was made on the town-book.
' It was at a town-meeting conferred and agreed upon
between the inhabitants of Taunton, and Henry Leonard
of Braintree :
' Imprimis. It was agreed and granted by the town to
the said Henry Leonard, and James Leonard his brother,
and Ralph Russell, free consent to come hither, and join
with certain of our inhabitants to set up a bloomery work
on the Two Mile River.
' It was agreed and granted by a free vote of the town,
that such particular inhabitants as shall concur together,
with the said persons in this design, shall have free liberty
from the town so to do, to build and set up this work, and
that they shall have the woods on the other side of the
Two Mile River, wheresoever it is common on that side of
the river, to cut for their cordwood to make coals, and
also to dig and take moine or oare, at Two Mile Meadow,
or in any of the commons appertaining to the town, where
it is not now in propriety.'
In pursuance of this agreement the ' Bloomery' was
erected, and the iron manufacture extensively and pros
perously pursued.
Henry Leonard, tempted by the advantages, (particu
larly of ore,) which New Jersey afforded, removed there,
and erected the first iron-works, in that province.
Ralph Russell removed to Dartmouth, and was the pro
genitor of a numerous and respectable posterity.
James Leonard remained at Taunton. His eldest son,
Thomas, afterwards a distinguished person under both the
governments of Plymouth and Massachusetts, came a lad
with his father from Wales.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 269
In 1659, Henry Andrews and John Macomber were per
mitted to erect a saw mill on Mill River, ' if it be not found
hurtful to the grist-mill.'
ORDERS AND AGREEMENTS CONCERNING DIVIDING OF LANDS.
'March 11, 1642. Whereas, there was a rate of two
shillings for an acre laid upon the inhabitants' home
grounds, for the payment of the purchase of the lands of
the township to the Indians,, and other persons being
received since for inhabitants, were not rated thereunto.
' It is therefore ordered that the said latter inhabitants,
or others that shall hereafter be received for inhabitants,
to have right in future divisions, shall pay for their home
lots that shall be granted unto them by the town, the said
proportion of two shillings for an acre, and the said money
to be kept for a public stock, for such uses as shall be
requisite for the use of the plantation.'
' November 28, 1653. 1. In town-meeting, a general
division of, the lands was voted amongst such as had the
right. ' 2. It was agreed that the rule for dividing of lands
by, shall be by lots, heads, and estates, according to the
last rate made, which was a rate of £8 made for the pub
lic charges for the country, charged upon every inhabit
ant by the raters that made that rate, and in the division
three acres to be laid^tp each head, and three acres to
every shilling that is crrarged in that rate, contained in
this order, and three acres to the house or home lot, and
those that are single men to be looked upon, as to have
two heads.'
' February 20, 1654. ' This said agreement was changed
to be the one half of the proportion in the division.
' It was voted that such as possess the lands of those
that removed from the plantation, or have been received

270

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

since, shall have their divisions, that doth belong to their
lots only, their persons and estates being departed hence,
which said division to a six acre lot, appertains two acres
and a half, and twentysix pole.'
' The names of those inhabitants within the township
of Taunton, who are to have their division of land now
agreed upon, December 28, 1659, whose proportion is to be
according to the rate here following, together with the
quantity of land, lots, and heads, at two acres to the head,
two acres to the shilling, and two acres to the lot.

The rate. '

The lots are alike.

Msris Winnifred Gilbert,

. £1 10 6

3 heads,

James Walker,

15 7

8

tt

96 acreB.

John Tisdill,

1 10 10

9

«

82 "

Richard Burt,

18 2

4

tt

46 "

12 0

6

t*

88 "

Francis Smith,

17 4

6

"

61 "

Msris Jane Gilbert,

9 0

7

tt

55 "

Francis Street, .

6 7

5

((

25 "

John Briant, .

6 9

2

(C

19 •'

Christopher Thrasher,

5 2

7

it

26 "

John Hathaway,

10 7

7

tl

37 "

Jonah Austin, senior,

19 11

2

((

46 "

William Parker,

15 3

2

<c

36 "

James Phillips .

13 4

2

"

31 "

Peter Pitts, .

1 00 7

6

tt

55 "

William Haylston,

5 4

2

it

17 "

Aaron Knap,

7 9

2

(I

32 "

Thomas Lincoln, junior,

14 8

6

tl

43 «

Edward Bobbit,

,1° 8
l ;8 li

4

it

29 "

James Wiatt,

2

a

64 «

George Macey,

1*8 3

7

a

52 "

William Withrell,

7 10

5

tt

28 "

William Harvey, .

14 00

0

a

44 «

Thomas Lincoln, senior,

2 00 3

6

tt

94 »

Captain Poole,

12 3

8

a

62 "

John Macomber,

7 00

4

tt

24 "

Edward Rew,

7 00

2

tl

20 "

Joseph Wilbore,

14 7

3

It

37 "

Samuel Howard,

4 4

0

It

9 "

Thomas Caswell,

11 3

9

a

42 "

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

271

5

7

2 heads-

17

icres

12

6

3

tt

33

it

9

8

7

e(

33

"

12 00

2

tt

30

tt

18

3

3

tt

44

ft

1 8 10

8

tt

76

it

13

1

8

tt

44

ti

12

1

5

tt

36

tt

19

4

6

tt

53

it

1 15

3

7

it

86

tt

1 13

6

10

tt

91

tt

4

3

3

Si

16

ti

3

10

0

it

10

tt

5 00

10

tt

32

tt

18

00

10

tt

58

u

2

00

0

tt

6

ti

Widow Woody,
Shadrach Wilbore,
Robert Crossman,
John Cobb,
Henry Andrews,
John Deane,
Walter Deane,
Hezekiah Hoar,
Anthony Slocum, ,
George Hall,
Richard Williams,
Thomas Jones,
Robert Thorntun,
William Shepard,
James Leonard,
Nathaniel Woodward,
Timothy Holloway,
January, 1659. It was voted that orphans and father
less children should have their proportionable parts in
divisions. December 9, 1662. The vote requiring the divisions
to be made by heads and estates was rescinded.
In 1663, the town was enlarged and bounded on the
south. The order of the General Court was ' that the
path which goeth from Namasket to Assonet be the south
east bounds, and so by a line from thence to Baiting Brook,
and from said brook a north line till it meets with their
opposite line called long square, provided it comes not
within two miles of Tittiquet.'
In this year, sachem Philip made his confirmatory deed
already mentioned, referring to the purchase from his
father Ousamequin in the year 1638, ' when Capt. Poole
and Mr John Gilbert sat down there.'
June 29, 1666. It was voted that there should be a
division of certain lands on Three Mile River ' to those
that are purchasers, that are inhabiting now in the town,'
July 21, 1666. The division was made. 'Fatherless
children and purchasers not resident,' were to be after
wards considered.

272 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
The following names not on the catalogue of 1659
appear. Thomas Gilbert, Mr George Shove,
Thomas Leonard, John Austin, junior,
John Turner, v John Smith, senior,
Widow Wiat, John Richmond,
John Hall, Samuel Williams,
Samuel Hall, Samuel Smith,
Nicholas White, John Tisdill, junior, ,
Israel Dean, Jonathan Briggs,
John Parker, Samuel Holloway,
Giles Gilbert, William Evans,
George Watson, Nathaniel Williams.
Richard Stasie,
The following names on the catalogue of 1659, are not
on the above.
Mrs Winnifred Gilbert, Samuel Howard,
Francis Street, Widow Woody,
William Haylstone, Anthony Slocum,
James Wiat, William Shepard,
William Withrell, Nathaniel Woodward,
Captain Poole, Timothy Holloway.
Edward Rew, '
Taunton now included the present town Berkley and
Raynham. In Philip's confirmatory deed he particularly grants
' the meadows upon the great river downward, so far as
Store-house Point so called, with all the meadows of As-
sonet and Broad Cove, with a small tract of land bought
of Ishben, lying betwixt the marked tree near the pond
and the mouth of Nistoquahanock on the Three Mile
River, are enumerated and included.' It was the tempo
rary use of these meadows which were then granted,
and not the fee, for Store-house Point was afterwards in
cluded in the grant of Swansey, and Broad Cove in a sub
sequent grant to Taunton called the south purchase.
Store-house Point was a place where the colonists of
Plymouth had erected a trading house very early.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 273
In 1668, June 1, an important addition was made to the
town of Taunton called the North Purchase, now com
prising the towns of Norton, Easton, and Mansfield. The
consideration paid the Court was £100. The grant was
in the following words :
' Whereas the General Court of New Plymouth have
empowered Mr Thomas Prence, Major Josias Winslow,
Capt. Thomas Southworth, and Mr Constant Southworth,
to take notice of some purchases of land lately made by
Capt. Thomas Willett, and;to settle and dispose the said
lands for the colony's use ;
' Know, therefore, all whom it may concern, that the
abovenamed Mr Thomas Prence, Captain Thomas South-
worth and Mr Constant Southworth, and Major Josias
Winslow, by virtue^of power by and from said Court de
rived unto them, have, and by these presents do, bargain,
sell, grant, aliene, allot, confer, and make over unto
Richard Williams, Shadrach Wilbore,
Walter Dean, Thomas Caswell, j\Ir
George Macy, John Macomber, George
James Walker, John Smith, Shove-
Joseph Wilbore, Edward Rue,
William Harvey, , John Parker,
Thomas Leonard, Samuel Paul,
John Turner, Thomas Linkoln, senior,
Henry Andrews, Thomas Harvey, the elder,
John Cobb, Nathaniel Thayer,
George Hall, Thomas Linkojn, junior,
John Hall, Peter Pitts,
Samuel Hall, Jonah Austin, senior,
James Leonard, senior, John Richmond,
Nathaniel Williams, Samuel Williams,
Thomas Williams, Christopher Thresher,
Nicholas White, senior, Mistress Jane Gilbert,
Nicholas White, junior, George Watson,
Hezekiah Hoar, Samuel Smith,
Alice Dean, James Burt,
Robert Crossman, ' Richard Burt,
PART II. 35

274 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
John Tisdall, senior, Jonathan Briggs,
John Tisdall,junior, Increase Robinson,
James Phillips, John Bryant,,
Edward Bobbitt, Thomas Harvey, junior,
John Hatheway,
Proprietors of the town of Taunton and to their heirs
forever, a certain tract of land lying and being on the
northerly side of Taunton aforesaid, and is bounded as
followeth, viz. beginning at the northwest at the bounds
of the lands formerly sold by us unto the town of Reho
both, and to be bounded on»ithe northerly side by the
Massachusetts line, until it comes to bear with the western
bounds of the town of Bridgewater, and so from the said
Massachusetts line by a south line home unto the bounds
of Taunton, and thence by a westerly line until it meets
with the bounds of Rehoboth abovesaid, and so to follow
the said bounds of Rehoboth until it comes to the bounds
first mentioned upon the Massachusetts line. All the
lands within this compass excepting only a small parcel
granted unto John Bundey, and also a grant made unto
Thomas Briggs the son of Clement Briggs, together with
the meadows, woods, waters, and all the benefits, privi
leges, emoluments, profits, and immunities thereunto apper
taining and belonging. To have and to hold to them and
to their heirs forever.' Then follows the acknowledg
ment of the payment of £100, as the consideration and
the conclusion in the usual form.*
* Mr Shove, whose name appears in the margin, was subsequently inserted
in 1682.
Clement Briggs, whose name appears in the above instrument, was a felt-
maker, who arrived at Plymouth in the Fortune in 1621, and removed to Wey
mouth. These grants were made probably to facilitate his business, especially
the taking of beaver. John Bundey afterwards removed to Point Judith, Narra
gansett.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 275
No general settlement was made on these lands until
many years, subsequent to the execution of the grant.
In 167], James Walker and John Richmond were
authorized by the Court to purchase lands of the Indians
for Taunton, from the Three Mile river, (Nistoquahanock,
or Nenesteco neck,) to a place called the Store House.'
In 1672, William Brenton and his associates purchased
this tract of Sachem Philip for £143, three miles by four
miles, made four miles square in 1673. This was the
Taunton South Purchase, now the town of Dighton.
These lands had been previously granted by the Court,
June 6th, 1668, to those to whom the North Purchase was
granted, with the exception of John Cobb, George Hall,
Alice Dean, John Parker, Samuel Paul, Jonah Austin,
senior, Mistress Jane Gilbert, and John Bryant, and with
the addition of
William Brenton, esquire, Malachi Holloway,
Giles Gilbert, Esther Golup,
John Deane, Joseph Hall,
Aaron Knapp, Mary Street,
Thomas Gilbert, Isaac Deane,
- John Poole, Ezra Deane,
William Wetherell, James Walker, junior,
Henry Andrews, junior, Peter Walker,
Samuel Pitts, Israel Thresher, >
Robert Thornton, Samuel Macy,
Thomas Deane, Jared Talbot,
Joseph Williams, James Lepnard, junior,
James Tisdill, John Lincoln,
Israel Deane, Richard Stephens,
Francis Smith, William Wetherell, junior,
Jonah Austin, junior, Richard Briggs,
Richard Stacy, John Smith, junior,
John Hodges, Thomas Amsbury,
William Paul, John Macomber,
Samuel Holloway, Joseph Willis,'
In this manner was the ancient town of Taunton formed
by several successive purchasers and grants, and com-

276 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
prised until the dissolution of the colonial government
of Plymouth, the several towns which are now called
Taunton, Norton, Dighton, Raynham, Berkley, Easton and
Mansfield. January 10th, 1669. It was voted that there should be
distinct lists of such as had rights in divisions of lands.
This list was to be called over in town-meetings until
sixteen responded, who with the clerk were to form a
quorum. December 18, 1671. The following valuation of lands
and cattle was ordered in town-meeting as a rule for the
raters. Improved land 15s. per acre rateable estate ;
meadow and pasture 10s. ; dormant land Is. ; an ox £3;
a cow £2 5s. ; three year old £2 5s. ; two year old £1
10s. j yearling 15s.; a sheep 3s.; three year old horse
£2 ; two year old horse £1.
The rates were payable in money or country pay, which
was wheat, Indian corn, barley, rye, butter, and iron.
A short time before the commencement of the Indian
war in 1675, there appears to have been inserted on the
town-book a correct list of the proprietors of the ancient
Taunton as they then stood, ' unto whom the town hath
already granted or divided lands by virtue of their enjoy-
, ing either purchase lots or purchase rights to divisions of
lands.' The catalogue was preceded by the following
declaration :
'Whereas, by the providence of God in the year 1638
and the year 1639, it pleased God to bring the most part
of the first purchasers of Taunton over the great ocean
into this wilderness from our dear and native land, and
after some small time here we found this place, (called by
the natives of the land Cohannet,) in the colony of New
Plymouth, and of the Court of the said colony we obtained
grants of tracts of land for a plantation or township, as

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 277
by the records of the said Court it may and doth appear,
and then we also made purchase and bought the said
tracts of land for our money of the right proprietors and
owners, the Indians' sachem or prince of that part of the
country, as by deed under their hands, it may appear, and
in lionor and love to our dear and native country, we
called this place Taunton, and owning it a great mercy
of God to bring us to this place, and settling of us on
lands of our own, bought with our money in peace, in the
midst of the heathen, for a possession for ourselves, and
for our posterity after us, do mutually agree and fully
determine, as an undeniable order of this town, without
any evasion whatsoever, that all lands that is or shall be
granted to any person or persons, whether under the denomi
nation of a purchaser or free inhabitant orderly received
into this town, shall be to the grantees and their heirs and
assigns forever, a good perfect estate of inheritance in
fee simple, and that all titles of our lands within this
township, so to stand in the tenure to the grantees, and
so to descend to their survivors as aforesaid.'
Richard Williams on his own rights, and on that which
was Henry Uxley's, and on that which was Anthony Slo-
cum's, and that which was John Gingil's.
John Hall and Samuel Hall on their two rights, which
were Joseph Wilson's and Benjamin Wilson's.
Joseph Hall on the rights that was his father's,
Captain William Poole's heirs on his rights.
Lieutenant George Macey on his own rights and on that
which was Mr Boshop's.
William Harvey on his own rights.
Edward Rew on the rights that was William Coys.
Hezekiah Hoar on his own rights.
Walter Deane on his own rights.
John Deane on his father's rights.

278 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Increase Robinson on the rights that was Thomas
Cook's. John Cobb on the rights that was John Smith's.
Mr Thomas Farwell's heirs on his rights.
Shadrach Wilbore on the rights that was Edward Case's.
Thomas Caswell on the rights that was John Kingslow's.
James Leonard, junior, on the rights that was Richard
Paul's Joseph Wilbore on the rights that was Richard Smith's.
John Smith, senior, on half the rights that was Mr John
Gilbert's. James Phillips on the rights that was his father's.
John Richmond on the rights that was his father's, and
on the rights that was Mr Francis Doubtyes (Doughty.)
Jonah Austin, senior, on the right that was William
Holloway's. Jonah Austin, junior, on the half purchase rights of the
Widow Randil's.
William Withrell on his own rights, and that which was
Mr Dunn's.
John Briant on the rights which was his father's, and
that which was William Scadding's.
Mary Streete on the rights that was her father's.
Joseph Willis on the rights that was Hugh Rossiter's.
Eleazer Gilbert on the rights of John Gilbert.
Thomas Gilbert on the rights that was his father's.
Malachi Holloway on the rights that was Richard Hart's.
Francis Smith on the rights that was Oliver Purchase's.
Samuel Smith on the rights that was Jacob Wilson's.
James Burt on his own rights.
Richard Burt on the rights that was his father's.
James Tisdill on the rights that was David Greenman's.
John Tisdill, senior, on his own rights.
John Tisdill, junior, on the rights that was Mr Drake's.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 279
James Walker, senior, , on his own rights, and on that
which was Mr John Browne's, and on the rights that was
John Luther's.
Mr John Poole on the rights that was Miss Elizabeth
Poole's. James Wiat's heirs on his rights.
Thomas Harvey, junior, on his father's rights.
To John Strong's rights we find several claimers.
Christopher Thrasher on his own rights.
William Shepard's heirs on his rights.
John Hathway on the rights that was his father's.
Peter Pitts on the rights that was Richard Stasie's, and
on the rights that was William Parker's.
Thomas Coggan's heirs on his rights.
John Macbmber, senior, on his own rights. •
Israel Deane on the rights that was, Clement Maxfield!s.
Richard Stasie on the rights that was Edward Rew's.
John Hodges on the rights that was his father's.
William Evins his heirs on his rights.
Aaron Knap's heirs on his rights.
Henry Hodges on the rights that was John Gollup's.
Richard Godfree, senior, on half the purchase rights that
was Thomas Joan's.
Thomas Lincoln, senior, on his own rights;
Thomas Lincoln, junior, on his own rights.
George Watson on the rights that was Giles Gilbert's.
Giles Gilbert on the rights that was Joseph Gilbert's.
Robert Crossman on his own rights.
Robert Thorntun on his own rights.
John Turner on his own rights.
James Leonard, senior, on his own rights.
Mr John Paine on the rights that was Ralph Russell's.
Thomas Leonard on the rights that was Henry Leonard's,
and on half the purchase rights that was Thomas Jones'.

280 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
Edward Bobbit on his own rights.
Samuel Holloway on his own rights.
Jonathan Briggs on the rights that was Benjamin Dun
ham's. Nicholas White, senior, on the rights that was David
Curwithies, and on the rights that was Giles Slocum's.
John Parker's heirs on his own rights.
Mr George Shove on his own rights.
William Haylston on his own rights.
Mr William Brenton on the rights that was Mr Nicholas
Street's. ' These purchasers or proprietors forementioned, are
hereby and by virtue hereof, entitled and interested only
into the first purchase of the township of Taunton, and
not into any later purchases.
' This list was made and agreed upon, and concluded
and confirmed, by us whose names are underwritten,
being the major part of the committee chosen by the
town for that end. Dated May 14th, 1675.
' Richard Williams,
' James Walker,
' Walter Deane,
' John Richmond, ,
• John Hall,
« Joseph Wilbore,
' Thomas Leonard.'
January 2, 1664. It was voted 'that the fish should
have a convenient passage up and down Mill river.'
Shadrach Wilbore for so long a period town-clerk of
Taunton, received an annual compensation of 20s.
In 1665, the town voted that the selectmen or a majority
of them should call the town-meetings and manage them.
They were authorized ' to take care of the poor.'
No foreigner or stranger from abroad to be entertained
except by the approbation of the selectmen, under a pen
alty of 5s.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 281
Mr Street left the town and removed to New Haven as
has been previously mentioned.
The Rev. George Shove, a native of Dorchester, was
the successor of Mr Street ; he was ordained the third
pastor of Taunton, November 19* 1665. Mr Shove died
in April, 1687 ; he will be noticed hereafter.*
* Note respecting the early settlers of Taunton. Of Elizabeth Poole, Mr
Hooke, Mr Street, Captain William Poole, George Macy, John Strong, and
Edward Case, some information has already been given. John Strong Came
from Hingham, and removed to North Hampton, and is believed to have been
the ancestor of the respectable family on Connecticut river which now bear the
name. Mr John Gilbert, senior, Henry Andrews, John Dean, and Walter Dean, were
(with those already mentioned) the most active in promoting the settlement.
Mr John Gilbert, as is supposed, came from Devonshire at an age somewhat
advanced, and settled at Dorchester with his family. He was dead previous to
1654, but his widow Mrs Winnifred Gilbert, was then living. He with Henry
Andrews were the two first deputies or representatives from Taunton to the
General Court at Plymouth in 1639.
His sons, Thomas and John, came with him to Taunton, and were in the first
catalogue of proprietors.
Of Thomas Gilbert, Governor Winthrop gravely records a venial offence, in
his history of New England.
' 8th mo. Aug. 18, 1636. Thomas Gilbert brought before us ; he was drunk
at Serjeant Baulston's, and the constable being sent for he struck him. He
was kept in prison all night, and the next day his father John Gilbert, and his
brother John Gilbert Of Dorchester, undertook in £40 that John Gilbert the
younger would appear at Court to answer for him, and perform the order of
Court, &c. The reason was that he was to go to England presently, and not
known to have been in anyway disordered, and was his father's oldest son, who
was a grave, honest gentleman, kc. They did undertake, also, that he should
acknowledge his fault openly to the constable, &c.'
This offence thus gravely recorded by the governor, must have been acci
dental, for the people of Taunton, as rigid in their notions and practices as any
others, elected him a deputy to the General Court of PJymouth in 1651;
In 1653, he went to England and never, returned, but died there in 1676.
His wife and children remained at Taunton. He married Jane Rossiter the
daughter of Hugh Rossiter, believed to be the earliest marriage in Taunton.
The name of his eldest son was Thomas, who was the ancestor of Colonel
Thomas Gilbert, a person of some notoriety at the commencement of the revo
lution as a loyalist, who went to Nova Scotia. His eldest daughter, Jane,
PART II. 36

282 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.

SANDWICH.
After the departure of MrLeveridge, who went to Long
Island, Richard Bourne and Thomas Tupper officiated in
the ministerial office at Sandwich without regular ordina
tion, each having supporters, but as the congregation was
small, they mutually agreed that the one who had on each
Lord's day the most adherents, should officiate.
married Samuel Williams, the eldest son of Richard Williams. Samuel Wil
liams, Esq., their son, was the great grandfather of the author of this memoir.
The family of Gilbert were related to the Harts and Streets, and to the Rossi-
ters both of Old and New England."
Henry Andrews was one of the two first deputies to the General Court in
1639. He was also a deputy in 1643, 1644, 1647, 1649. He died previous to
1675. His son Henry Andrews, was killed by the Indians in Philip's war.
His posterity are numerous.
John Deane was dead previous to 1675 ; his posterity were numerous. He
with his brother Walter came from Taunton in Somersetshire, (England,)
Thomas Farwell was dead. His son John went to England. His widow
married the Rev. George Shove.
Thomas Coggan died in 1653, leaving four daughters. His widow married
Obadiah Millerd of Springfield. (
John Parker died February 14th, 1667. He came from Hingham near
Boston. John Bryant was deadj leaving a son of the same name.
John Crossman was dead, leaving a son by the name of Robert.
Richard Paull, Richard Burt, George Hall, William Philips, were dead,
leaving children. Francis Street left one daughter, Mary. Edward Rew left
no children ; his widow married James W'alker.
Mr John Browne had removed to Wannamoiset ; Hugh Rossiter to Con
necticut; Francis Doughty to Long Island; Mr Bishop probably went to New
Haven ; Anthony Slocum removed to Dartmouth, of which town he and Ralph
Russell were early settlers. Slocum in a letter to his brother, Willam Harvey,
says, ' to the church of Christ in Taunton, and Mr Shove and yourself in par
ticular, I desire to be remembered, whose prayers I doubt not I and mine are
the better for, and whose welfare'I earnestly wish and pray for. Myself, wife,
and sons, and daughter Gilbert who hath four sons, remember our respects and
loves, and my sons are all married, &c.'
Richard Williams, Walter Deane, William Haylston, John Richmond, John
Smith, were living in 1675.
* Information from Mr Samuel Davis, the antiquary of Hymouth.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 283
Mr Smith was settled at last as the regular pastor. He
had for a while officiated at Barnstable, but being disliked
by Mr Hinckley; a principal citizen, (afterwards governor
of the colony, and his influence being great,) Mr Smith
was induced to remove first to Long Island, and after
wards to New Jersey, but he finally returned and settled
at' Sandwich.
Mr Bourne and Mr Tupper then turned their attention
to the Indians, and Captain Tupper, (for he was a military
man,) gathered a church amongst those who dwelt north
and west of Sandwich, and erected a meeting-house at
Herring river.
Bourne who was possessed both of wealth and learning,
commenced the work of instructing the Indians with great
zeal, and with great success. He removed to Marshpee.
In 1658, he assisted at the settlement of the boundary line
between the Marshpee Indians and the proprietors of
Barnstable. Subsequent to the year 1660, he obtained
from Quachatesset and others, a grant to the Indians
(called South Sea Indians) of the Marshpee territory, a
tract lying on the sea, and intersected by deep streams,
and excellently well adapted to the wants of the Indians,
which was incorporated as a plantation in 1660.
In 1670, he was ordained pastor of the Indian church,
the Apostle Eliot and many others assisted at the cere
mony. He died previous to 1685.*
* He left his large estate principally to his son Shearjashub Bourne, Esq,
This son resided at Marshpee, and was the steady patron and director of the
Indians. He was much in public life, and was frequently a deputy both in the
Colonial Court at Plymouth, and afterwards in the Provincial Court at Boston.
He obtained a confirmation of the Marshpee grant to the Indians and their
children forever, and in this confirmation he caused a singular provision to be
inserted, namely, that no conveyance from the Indians to the English should
he valid without the assen^ of all the Indians, even if the General Court con
sented. In consequence of this wise and humane provision, the descendants of

284 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
BARNSTABLE.
During the period embraced in this chapter, the history
of Barnstable is almost devoid of interest. The Indian
title to the south part of the town was extinguished in
1650, by purchase from Wianno and several other sachems.
The death of Mr Lothrop in November, 1653, has been
already mentioned.
In 1644, the Rev. John Mayo was teacher of the
church in Barnstable. He afterwards removed to East
ham not long after the commencement of that settlement.
He left Eastham, and was ordained the first pastor of the
Old North Church in Boston, in 1649. His old age was
spent at Yarmouth, and there he died.
Thomas Walley was ordained pastor in 1663, and con
tinued in that office to March 28th, 1678.
YARMOUTH.
The history of Yarmouth is as devoid of interest as that
of Barnstable. Of all the towns on Cape Cod, it may be
said that they continued slowly to increase in population
and wealth. After the first emigrations .but few followed,
and the native born generally continued on the soil, and
the Marshpee Indians still hold the lands of their fathers, and on this singular
and romantic spot, still continue to preserve a faint resemblance to their wild
and independent forefathers. .
The Honorable Ezra. Bourne, the youngest son of Shearjashuh, succeeded
him in his Marshpee inheritance and in his offices, and was president of the
Court of Sessions, and first justice of the Court of Common Pleas, in his county.
He continued to maintain the family ascendancy over the Indians, and died in
September, 1764, at the age of eightyeight. His descendants were respectable.
Three of his grandsons were in Congress in 1794 ; one from Massachusetts, one
from Rhode Island, and one from New York. Joseph Bourne, one of his sons,
succeeded Simon Popmonet in the mission to Marshpee, in 1729.
The descendants of Mr Smith and Captain Tupper were also numerous and
respectable.

MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 285
passed their lives in comfort, if not in affluence. Their
vicinity to the ocean created a spirit of commercial enter
prise, and the fisheries soon became more productive than
their farms.
John Millar succeeded Mr Matthewes in the ministry in
1643. He had been settled at Rowley in the county of
Essex, and had been selected to go as a preacher to Vir
ginia, but he declined on account of his indifferent health.
But little is known of him. He was in Yarmouth as late
as 1651. MARSHFIELD.
Governor Winslow the founder of Marshfield, often
visited England ; he induced several Welsh gentlemen of
respectability to emigrate to America, amongst whom
came the Rev. Richard Blinman, in 1642, who was the
first pastor of Marshfield. Some dissensions taking
place, Mr Blinman and the Welshmen removed to Cape
Anne in less than a year. In 1648, Blinman went to New
London in Connecticut, of which place he was the pastor
ten years. In 1658, he was at New Haven, and soon
after returned to England, after having received in 1650
an invitation to settle at Newfoundland ; he died at the city
of Bristol in England.
It would seem that Mr Blinman, although in the phrase
ology of the day, ' a godly and able man,' was not well
received by the austere Puritans of Marshfield, who com
pared him to a ' piece of new cloth in an old garment.'
He was a learned man, and wrote a treatise in defence of
infant baptism.
The second pastor of Marshfield was Edward Bulkley,
the son of the Rev. Peter Bulkley, the minister of Con
cord. His education had been commenced in England,
but was not perfected ; after the death of his father, he

286 MEMOIR OF PLYMOUTH COLONY.
left Marshfield, and was settled at Concord as his successor
in 1660 ; he was an able and learned minister, but it seems
there was some difficulty in raising his support, for in
1665, Captain Standish and John Alden were sent by the
General Court to signify to the people of Marshfield, ' the
Court's desire that they would take notice of their duty,
and contribute according to their ability, freely, to the
support of the ministry.'* Previous to the year 1667,
Samuel Arnold was settled as the third pastor of Marsh
field. * The Rev. Peter Bulkley, the minister of Concord, was the grandson
of Edward Bulkley, D. D., an eminent clergyman in Bedfordshire, who is
mentioned with respect in the Book of Martyrs ; he was one of the most cele
brated divines and excellent men in Massachusetts. In 1635, the Court granted
to him and thirteen associates, the lands at Mustetaquid ; he settled there as
the first pastor, and called the place Concord. His liberality was equal to his
wealth, and both were great. He was a generous benefactor to the college ;
to many of his congregation he gave farms as the reward of good husbandry.
His attainments as a scholar were great ; his temper was quick, his rebukes
from the pulpit were tinctured with asperity, and his puritanic austerity tran
scended that of the age, severe as it was. He died in 1658, at the age of
seventy seven.
The family of Bulkley continued eminent for a long period. Peter Bulkley,
the brother of the minister of Marshfield, was Speaker of the House, in Mas
sachusetts, in 1676. Gershom Bulkley, another brother, went to Connecticut ;
he was an eminent chemist ; his son John, the minister of Colchester, in Con
necticut, was the most brilliant genius of the day; he died in June, 1731.

END OF THE SECOND PART.

3 9002 00588 6727 ,
 ,  ^_J o*

5§