YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY RECORDS OF THE REFORMATION. VOL. 11. Honijon MACMILLAN AND CO. PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF ©iforD. RECORDS OF THE REFORMATION THE DIVORCE 1527-1533 , MOSTLY NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME PRINTED FROM MSS. IN TBE BRITISH MUSEUM, THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, THE VENETIAN ARCHIVES AND OTHER LIBRARIES COLLECTED AND ARRANGED BY NICHOLAS POCOCK, M.A. LATE MICHEL FELLOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE VOL. II OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS MDCCCLXX [AU rights reserved] RECORDS OF THE REFORMATION, Number CCV. Original letter from Campeggio to the King, written from Augsburg, June 28, 1530, alluding to the proceedings of the Lutherans. SERENISSIME ac Potentissime Rex Domine, Domine Addit. colendissirne, humillimas comendationes. „, ' . . .... . 25. lJ4. Quod Serenitati tuse proximis litteris facturum me pollicitus foi. 34. sum, praestare jam incipio. Comitia in causa Christian^ Augustse indicia, quod bene vertat Deus, 14 Kai. Julii incoata sunt. Nonnulli Germanise principes Lutheri erroribus faventes, articulos quosdam seu propositiones in medium attulere, (Dii boni) quam inanes quam a vera. Catholicaque persuasione inopes et, ut verum fatear, non profecto idoneas quae ab hujusmodi viris aut proponantur, aut audiantur ; ut facile nobis sperandum sit, nisi quod Hsere- ticorum est proprium, obdurato obstinatoque animo in sen tentia permanere, quam sincere veritati audire maluerint, illos non incommode adduci posse, ut in veram Christi semitam a qua tot annos aberrasse liquido constat, denuo redeant. Qua spe ut vehementius nitamur, Caesaris Ferdinandique pietas admirabilisque constantia facit, quibus in hanc causam pro- pensissimis amantissimisque utimur. VOL. II. B 2 RECORDS OF Verum tu quoque Rex potentissime, etsi toto pene orbe a nobis semotus divisusque, non modicum utilitatis ac fructus ad hanc rem nuperrime contulisti. Rumores namque non obscuri de Hjereticorum quorundam librorum inflammatione non sine ingenti nominis tui gloria in hanc urbem delati effecere, ut qui prius sponte sua essent incitati, tuae tamen Celsitudims exemplo commoti, acriori mente studiisque ardentioribus, ac quodam quasi impetu animi ad hanc nostram, immo Christi, causam non solum tuendam, sed etiam augendam plane ferantur. Habes quae hactenns Augustae sint acta. Nunc quae in Italia gerantur, accipe. Ad 4 Kai. Junii Empolim Floren- tinorum oppidum, turn loci natura, turn arte munitissimum in obsidentium manus devenisse constat ; et licet oppidani in fidem arbitriumque militum sese dediderint, cum illis turn pessime actum audimus. Quo nuntio adeo perculsi con- sternatique sunt Florentinorum animi, ut defendendae urbis aut nulla aut modica jam spes relicta sit. Ex illo enim oppido quod Pisanos Florentinis quodammodo conjungeret, commeatus, praesidia, ac pleraque id genus, Florentiam invehebantur, et quod ad detinendos Civium animos in obsidionibus praesertim diuturnis caput esse solet, Litterae, Nuntii, ac certissimae victoriae spes quotidie afferebantur. Nunc vero distractis viribus, omnique spe penitus destituti, quid aliud miseri faciant nisi sese dediderint non habent. Volaterram quoque ingenti militum manu obsessam aut vi captam iri aut deditione in Pontificis fidem venturam spe- rabant. Cum epistolae finem imponerem, ne Serenitatem tuam, gra- vioribus occupatam negotiis, diutius detinerem, mihi esset in animo ; ecce tibi litterae ab Urbe in quibus nonnulla ad Turcam Christiani nominis hostem acerrimum pertinentia enun- tiantur, quarum exemplum ad Celsitudinem tuam mittere de- crevi, quod certo sciam illius pientissimis auribus incredibilem jocunditatem, singularemque laeticiam esse allatura. Et licet non dubitem, haec ab Oratoribus suis diligentius aceuratiusque Majestati tuae significari, nolui tamen committere quin a me etiam conscriberentur. Quod enim suave jocundumque auditu est, quanto crebrius legitur, laeticiam tanto majorem afferre nemo est qui ambigat. THE REFORMATION. 3 Bene valeat Serenissima Majestas tua, cui me totum trado, ehixeque commendo. / Augustae 4 Kai. Julii MDXXX. CAMPEGIUS. Addressed — Serenissimo ac Potentissimo Domino meo Colendissimo Domino Henrico Octavo Angliae Regi, Fidei Defensori etc. Endorsed in contemporary hand — At Augusta the 4 Kalends of July. b % RECORDS OF Number CCVI. Letter addressed by Croke to Francesco Georgio from Bologna for three copies of the breve1. Vitell. REVERENDE domine, salutem. B. xiii. „ ..... fol. in. Discedens hinc Reverendissimus dominus Londomensis mihi ex [Regis mandato] jussit ut solicitarem Dominationem vestram ut cum summa celeritate [ad me] faceretis transmitti tria trans sumpta brevis apostolici. Nam nescio quo[modo] pontificiae in serenissimum regem malevolentiae omnes religiosi m [etu tenen- tur J ut nisi sub vestro sigillo tria habeamus transsumpta, non videamfur] regis causam promoturi. Nihil ergo dubito quin pro vestra sum[ma] fide, et transsumpta ista velitis quam fieri posset ocyssime ad me transmittere, et quidlibet aliud quod utilitas regiae causae p[ostulat], Hbentissime facere. Nos, ne officio nostro defuisse hac in p[arte videamur] , et harum ex emplar dedimus, et per quem has ad Dominationem vestram misimus rog[avi]mus, et iterum significabimus et idem exem plar mittemus. Bene [vale]. Bononiae, ia Septembris. 1 See Number CXXXVII. for a similar request for three copies Croke's letter to Cranmer, making of the breve. THE REFORMATION. Number CCVII. Original letter or letters received in England Oct. i, 1530, partly in cipher written by Ghinucci to the King, detailing various conversations xvith the Pope on the subject of the proposal of two wives and the trying the case in England. Ex Uteris receptis i° die Octobris. HABUI tandem, ex civitate Senensi, consilium Deeii quod Record est subscriptum manu sua, et alterius doctoris Senensis qui 0ffice- post ilium doctior et famosior est. Habui et aliud consilium ab alio Jurisconsulto similiter Senensis qui post hos duos ibi famosior est. Itaque habemus, quoad civitatem illam, omnes jurisconsultos qui famosi sunt. Habuimus et inde duo consilia Theologorum ; et tam haec quam ea quae superius dixi, dedi istis doctoribus Anglis. Seribit meus nepos, quem ad hoc illuc misi, habere aliquam spem ut habeat duo alia consilia Theologorum, quam vis non audeat id mihi certo polliceri, [propterea quod Dominus Cardinalis Senensis, qui ibi est, magnum omnibus terrorem incussit, prout alias scripsi. Scripsi alias ad Majestatem vestram habuisse duo consilia unius fratris Felicis Hispani, qui scripserat pro regina Angliae. Postea, dedi ea, una cum consilio fratris Johannis de Senario, similiter in favorem reginae Angliae scripto, fratris uisco2 qui scripsit pro Majestate vestra, qui etiam promisit mihi in refu- tationem horum omnium scribere, et earn incepit scribere. Gallatinus, ut alias scripsi, promiserat scribere pro Majes tate vestra ; tamen dicebat nolle ostendere scriptum suum nisi Papa id juberet.] Postea ccepit scribere, et dum scriberet, quidam [familiaris domini Cardinalis iEgidii], ut ait, ivit ad eum ipsumque reprehendit quod [pro Majestate vestra scriberet.] Incussit autem haec res ei tantum metus ut dixerit nolle ulterius pro sequi opus, nisi Pontifex id sibi jusserit; [hoc autem, quantum sperare possumus, Majestas vestra ex literis communibus 2 The editor is unable to explain both the copies of the document in this word, which is thus written in the Record Office. 6 RECORDS OF compreheiidet, non omnium facere omnem diligentiam ut sub spe jussionis Papse opus perficiat, si forsan postea aliquo modo id habere possumus]. Post haec scripta, venit ad me iste, dicens minatam fuisse ab alio mortem si scribat. Unde magis territus est ; et dixit velle non solum ut jubeat Pontifex, sed ut rogat eum, Ego autem ei persuasi quod negaret se scribere, et turn opus continuaret, quia ego scripsi ad Majestatem vestram ut super hoe ad Papam scriberet, nee verebar Majestatem vestram scripturam, et Papam ad ejus instantiam ipsi jussurum [Ego autem feci eo respectu quo supra : Episcopus frater, Hipolitus de nobilibus], scribit se fuisse segrotum et propterea non potuisse scribere pro Majestate vestra; nunc autem cum recuperaverit sanitatem pollicetur se scribere, et ita scribere ut Majestati vestrae satisfaciat. [Fuerant reperta aliqua brevia, de tempore Julii. Adhuc nescimus an data alicujus eorum sit inter illos dies quos volumus.] . Cito erimus de hac re certi et significabimus Majestati vestrae. Ultra ea quae dicta sunt Papae, communiter feci et privatim pluries cum Sanctitate sua, dixique ei omnia quae mihi succur- rerunt, ad effectum ut eum inducerem ad aliquid faciendum de his quae Majestas vestra cupit. Tandem nullam con- clusionem ah. eo habere potui. Visum est autem non ab re ut Majestas vestra de his certior redderetur. Cum Papa praetenderet uon debere hodie concedi epistolas decretales, et hoc ex eo quod, ex decretalibus antiquorum in volutnen redactis, Jura nunc sunt deelarata, quod tunc non erat, dixi ei quod haec non erat sufficiens ratio ; primo quia quilibet, etiam caecus, potest videre quod et decretales inter se et doctores super eis scribentes ita ad invieem pugnant, ita aliquando et sibi contrariantur, ut pauci possint se super eis resolvere ; propterea quod ideo usus est decretalium non ita frequens nunc est, quia post creationem tribunalis Rotas, multse causae ex diversis partrbus mundi in curia, remanserunt. Attamen non propterea potest negari quin etiam hodie de cretales a sede Apostolica emanent. Quid enim aliud continent rescripta quam3 in forma, humilibus aut alia forma com- 3 It is probable that qua; should matical confusion of the rest of the be substituted for quam. But this sentence. alteration will not unravel the gram- THE REFORMATION. 7. muniter ab officio contradictarum emanant? quod infinita Brevia super commissionibus causarum, visi decretales, licet ut plurimum ob ignorantiam illorum qui talia formant, vel ignaviam ad fugiendum laborem studii fiat in hujusmodi re- scriptis conclusio proeedatur prout de Jure ; quod turn propter id quod non est decens ut sic fiat in causa nostra nullo modo fieri debet, cum ad ipsummet Papam recurramus, nee ei liceat" ignorare jus, nee liceat ita respondere ut ad jus se remittat, viz dicendo quod fiat quod est Juris, et sic ignotum pro ignotis declaj-are. Cum videretur Papa praetendere quod isthic non essent reginales inclinati ad dissolutionem matrimonii, prout nos praetendebamus, dixi ei quod tanto magis pote'rat et debebat Sanctitas sua causam ibi committere ; preesertim tantae mul- titudini quanta est in provincia. Cantuariensi, attento maxime quod notorie constat posse isthic unumquemque libere dieere quod sentit, ut videri possit ex his quae adversarii nostri dicunt, quod jactant se quod multi sint in Anglia, qui pro regina aperte sentiunt ; quod non esset, si Majestas vestra non per- mitteret unicuique libere loqui. Cum videretur Papa minus tribuere authoritati Universitatis Parisiensis propterea quod numerus doctorum illius Univer sitatis, ut Caesarei asserebant, fuisset pro parte Reginse ; dixi ei quod tanto majus fundamentum debebat Sanctitas sua facere, in consilio per nos ei exhibito. Nam sic constabat nee Majes tatem Vestram nee Regem Christianissimum in hac re usos fuisse aliqua arte aut illicito medio, prout videbantur adversarii innuere. Et quia dicebat adversarios dicere Parisiis esse sta tutum, quod in arduis requiratur consensus duarum partium, et quod talis consensus non intervenerat in obtinendo nostro consilio ; dixi quod si extaret tale statutum, aut saltern esset in usu, non erat dubitandum quod illi qui erant pro parte regina? scivissent et potuissent illud statutum in lucem pro- ducere, et sic nos impedire quominus haberemus sigillum. Cumque videretur Papa, auctoritati dictae Universitatis minus tribuere, et ex eo, quod in eorum consilio non exprimeretur ratio quare illi ad id moti fuissent, dixi non propterea minus fidei debere praestari, quia sic consuevit Universitas ilia sem per rescribere ; quod ex refutatione articulorum Lutherahorum superioribus annis facta, potest videri. 8 RECORDS OF Dum diceret Papa quod, prout nos habebamus consilia Universitatum etiam particularium personarum, ita et adver sarii nostri haberent; respondi quod nos in esse habebamus, illi in spe, et quod facta debebant praevalere verbis. Dixi etiam quod in re Theologica debebat Sanctitas sua at- tendere quod majoris auctoritatis erat. Universitas Parisiensis quam omnes alise, cum Parisius Athena? essent Cristianorum. Dixi etiam Papae quod superioribus annis sciebam Angliam fuisse causam conservationis auctoritatis suae et sedis Aposto- licae; et quod caveret ne nunc esset causa contrarii effectus, et quod ego sciebam inclinationem aliquorum finitimorum esse talem ut omnino negocio omnes facile deficerent, praesertim cum res ilia secum traheret libertatem quandam et etiam utilitatem. Dixi etiam quod recordaret quod superioribus annis et in Anglia, forsan aliquid mali pullulasset nisi ipsaraet Majestas vestra occurrisset; quare aliquam debebat habere de eo rationem, [et quod non debebat per generalia haec pertransisse. prout poteram esse ego bonus testis, qui sciebam imperatorem in Hispania nihil unquam erga Majestatem vestram op- posuisse, tempore quo inter ipsum Papam et imperatorem erat bellum, nisi quod Majestas vestra suis pecuniis hostes suos fovebat.] Dixi etiam quod Pontifices, sui praedecessores, non ita lente in talibus occasionibus se gestarunt prout ipse ; nam cum videbant aliquid periculi imminere, animum et vires resume- bant, et viriliter providebant ; et cum responderet quod etiam ex parte Caesaris imminebat periculum, replicavi ei quod bene libraret et ponderaret, num majus periculum Sanctitati suae et sedi Apostolicae immineret, et tanquam prudens, acciperet tu- tiorem partem ;- [innuendo sibi quod Sanctitas sua poterat videre imperatorem aut nolle aut non posse providere quominus con cilium celebraretur ; Quod si alii principes non obstarent, ut necesse erat ut concilium celebraretur. Hoc autem si fieret non debebat dubitare de diminutione auctoritatis sedis Aposto licae, et totali destructione sua, cum a ducentis annis citra nullus Papa ex conciliis evasit Papa.] Dum Papa peteret quare non veniremus ad judicium coram eo, dixi sibi quod non debebat de hoc mirari, cum ipse esset ignarus et Theologiae et Juris, et sic sua resolutio non pen- THE REFORMATION. 9 deret a suo Judicio, sed aliorum qui facile possent aliquo medio trahi in partes Caesaris, praesertim cum facile sciri posset qui sint illi quos Sanctitas sua super hac re consultura sit. Quare debebat Sanctitas sua causam in Anglia com- mittere, praesertim cum, ex eo quod semel earn ibi commisisset, videbatur jam effecta delegabilis. Dum quadam die solus ivissem ad Papam ea intentione ut omnem conatum facerem de inducendo eum ad satisfaciendum Majestati vestrae, tandem nil potui ab eo habere ; sed post- quam multa replicaverat ad ea quae dixeram, et ego frustra ejus responsiones tollere paraveram, dixit quod [multo minus scandalosum fuisset dispensare cum Majestate vestra super duabus uxoribus quam ea cedere quae ego petebam.] Cum autem ego, nesciens an hoc esset ad propositum Ma- jestatis vestrae, conarer a sermone, quern super ea re intro- duxerat, eum divertere, et ad ea quae ego ei dixeram ipsum reducere; tandem, absque eo quod mihi aliquod ad ea re spondeat, [sermonem, quern de duabus uxoribus coeperat, pro- secutus est], plures difficultates etiam in ea objiciens, [sed praecipue quod imperator nunquam in hoc consentiret, ob praejudicium, quod ex hoc principes ssepe ruerent. Ego autem, ad hunc articulum respondens, dixi ei quod non videbam quomodo imperator in hoc esset audiendus, cum si, jure permittente, via aperiretur Majestati vestrae ad sobolem magculinam, nullam haberet Imperator justam causam con- querendi. Sic enim esset, si regina Angliae moreretur, et cum Majestate vestra ad aliam uxorem accipiendam, ubi ob aliquod impedimentum consanguinitatis vel affinitatis dispensatio re- quireretur, dispensaretur, posset imperator conqueri ex quo, ex his posset praejudieium principissae provenire.] Tandem, nulla, ad haec facta responsione, Pontifex me dimi- sit; licet autem, ut dixi, nescio an hoc esself ad satisfactionem Majestatis vestrae et, dato quod esset, non visum mihi fuit ex verbis imperatorem4 certum fieri posse fundamentum, ut etiam si Majestas vestra de hoc contentatur, ipse esset hujusmodi dispensationem concessurus. Turn visum est mihi officii mei esse omnia ad Majestatem vestram scribere [visa duritie Papae circa negotium Majes- fol. i. tatis vestrae, et quod nulla spes haberi posset, videbatur 4 Perhaps meant for imperatori by mistake of cipher. 10 RECORDS OF. ut merita Majestatis vestrae erga Sanctitatem suam et sedem Apostolicam eum moverent ad disponendum scilicet cum Ma jestati vestrae satis faceret, decrevi tentare an eum moveret, proprium interesse videlicet periculum quod ei et huic sedi ex hac causa, imminebat. Itaque] praeter ea quae egomet ei dixi, de quibus in alio folio scribo, adivi aliquos Cardinales qui multo plus aliis cupiunt quietem et exaltationem hujus sedis. Ostendi eis pericula sedi Apostolicae imminentia, non solum ex Anglia, sed etiam ex aliis locis vicinis; asserendo quod ego de his dolebam, non tanquam servus Majestatis vestrae solum, sed tanquam mem- brum hujus sedis, et quod non temere hoc dicebam, et quod jurabam haec non esse conficta ad incutiendum timorem, ut nonnulli putabant. [Visi sunt Cardinales ipsi non parum ex verbis meis moveri, ac ita ut tandem dixerint, se velle per se et alios conari ut Papa de periculis his fieret capax, et dis- p'oneret se ad adhibendum aliquod remedium. Fui etiam cum Sanga, Majestati vestrae noto, qui apud Pontificem non vilis est authoritatis ; et idem offieium feci, ipseque similiter obtulit, se facturum cum Pontifice quicquid posset, ut periculis occurre- retur ; verum est quod conjeci, non omnino ipsum ea quae dicebam credere. Quare puto et Papam et omnes suos in hac re suspenso et dubio animo stare, donee isthinc a nuncio Papae habeant litteras, quas ostendant dum modum5 desiderari, expectare. Est hie etiam quidam dominus Philippus de Senis, vir certe maxima? authoritatis et gravitatis- in hac curia, et qui rem nil aliud cupit nisi conservationem hujus curiae, libenterque pro viribus lahorat ut occurratur omnibus periculis quae imminent huic curiae. Verum cum ipse sit mihi amicissimus, adivi eum, eique narravi quod periculum huic sedi immineret ; qui visus est maxim e indolere, promisitque se efficacissime velle in re hac aliquid, et praesertim cum Reverendissimo Anconitano qui in negocio hoc in effectu totum potest. Cum Papa ostenderet magnum facere fundamentum quod sibi dictum fuisset, debere, sedem Apostolicam dispensare, etjam in gradu in quo alias dubium esset an Papa posset dis pensare, quod ex dissolutione matrimonii verisimiliter ori- retur scandalum ; respondimus ei quod nihil ad rem cum 5 Perhaps a mistake of cipher for jamdudum. THE REFORMATION. 11 nusquam in mundo reperiri possit quod cum nolente dispens- etur. Diximus ei quod6] nunquam defendetur quod in ejus brevi scriptum est, scilicet quod prohibitio de qua agitur sit de Jure positivo ; cum juxta Canonistas clarissimum sit quod est de Jure Divino, et quod debet Sanctitas sua accuratius in his scribere, cum, si inveniatur in uno errare, justa detur causa et in aliis dubitandi. Videtur Papa semper perseverare in ea opinione quod mul- tum justificet causam Reginae, oblatio juramenti quam ipsa facit Majestati vestrae ; ad quod fuit responsum quod oblatio clau- dicabat, quia nihil ex juramento poterat Majestas vestra reportare, regina autem multum ; ita quod j.uramentum non erat praestandum in causis quae non pendebant a nostro con sensu. In hoe autem casu in quantum ageretur de divortio, nulla consideratio erat consensus, quia ex solo consensu, non potest induci divortium. Dum Papa videretur aliqualiter asgre ferre quod non veni- remus ad judicium coram eo, dixi ei quod causa haec erat gravis, et talis in qua Rex volebat per se ipsum et non per procura- torem agere, et quod non cogebatur per procuratorem agere, personaliter autem non poterat hue venire, nee ipse nee Regina, ut notorium est; facimus autem nunc per doctores qui a consiliis Majestatis vestrae -sunt. Utinam haec viribus subsistant7. 6 Omitted in copy. porary decipher which is very 7 This document is on three difficult to read, and which has different sheets, two of which are been copied most exactly in an- endorsed ' Serenissimse Regiae Ma- other hand, as if it were one con- jestati,' the third being half a secutive document on two sheets sheet unendorsed. It is partly in of paper, endorsed 'Ex Uteris re- cypher interlined with a contem- ceptis primo die Octobris.' 12 RECORDS OF Number CCVIII. Copy of a letter written by Croke to Cranmer about the beginning of October 1530. ViteU. MASTER Cranmer, B. xiii. . fol. 121 a. After most hearty commendations these shall be [to advertise you] that I have spoken with Pandulphus Cynamius, which saith that [he had letters] of bank for Christopher Kingston for 40 ducats from Anto[nye Bonvice, and] because Master Kingston was dead afore the letters came, he returned [them] unto the said Bonvice, and thus the 40 ducats resteth in his hands. [And] Antonye Bonvice hath desired them to be sent to him, so that all will be [well]. Take heed to it betimes, and if ye be executor, ye must get the s[heriff of the] town where Mr. Kingston was born, to testify that ye are true exe[cutor] ; then make a letter of proxy to some man, giving [him] authority in your behalf to receive, pay, make acquittance, and by the [same] letter declare quod habebitis gratum et ratum, quidquid ille nomine vestro fecerit. His books I hear say be worth a great deal of money. I have ascertained] you by my last letters how I had the seal and determination of the di [vines] of Ferrare, and how I lost it by means of a friar that Sir Greg[ory and] my lord of London put in trust with the king's book. And, sir, ye sh [all] understand that if that friar and Cassalis had not been, I had - had a[U the] lawyers of Ferrare to determine with us for money. The which also, thanks be to my lord of London, to the loss of 72 seals of [doctors of] the law unto the king. And ye shall understand that my lord, by ca[use I will] not ascribe to him mine only labours in getting of the instrument of P[adua], commanded friar Ambrose, with whom I had entreated for the correcting of the instrument to the king's pleasure, in no wise if he obtained the sa[me] to deliver it unto me, but unto Cassalis. Further, he made Cassalis p[rivy] of such things as I had compassed at Ferrare, and caused them THE REFORMATION. 13 to send a friar thither to pick away my thanks, or else to enlessen, and, in despite of me, to hurt the king's cause. And further such [lawyers] and friars as had by my procurement, as ye know by the names [that were] wrote out of my subscrip tions at your going to Rome, he would n[ot give] one half penny unto, nor leave with me money to give them. And he told [Sir Andrew de] Cassalis that I had complained of them, and exhorted them that they should [do all] they could, saying by me these words : Ne hie nebulo ansam habeat con\jjue- rendi] adversum vos. I pray you for the passion of God, as ye intend the sta[ying the] king's friends here, and increasing of, and will not have us lose all ; th [at friar] Thomas and good friar Franceys, the which hath done so much fo[r us] and now is sore sick at Rome, may have other some promotion or some [reward]. And also Simonetus, the which 3 are by all ways daily assailed by [most] foul means to swerve from us by the emperor's ambassador. The which telleth [them] they shall have other rewards than a few crowns, and laythe for ex ample Felix] and Berges, to whom the emperor hath given promotion above 600 crowns. I can do no more, if men see no fruit of their labours past. All w[ays] I pray you, and as ye love the king and his causes charge you, that [he] may be advertised of these things, and that remedy may be short[Iy had]. Yourself know somewhat whereof I pray you to adver tise my lord [of Wiltshire] or the king, or else all will be lost. Leonicus got us Simonetus a[nd] Ambrosius, and hath pro mised so highly that ye would wonder [that h]e so nothing at all performed his promise, that men g[o away] off us all in a manner for his sake. The halting horse [is at Padua, and cannot] ever since stand at [all] .... 14 RECORDS OF Number CCIX. Copy of part of a letter from Oroke to Cranmer, complaining of Raphael and of John Cassali, written the 8th of October, Vitell. . . . . s letters unto the king I bought and caused certain books fol "a '1 b °^ Greek to be [written] out for him. I paid for a chariot to carry his gear, his men's me [at an]d drink from Ferrare to Bononye, and many a time for his boat, and thi [s] thanks he rendereth me. I pray you let me know what words he hath of me to the king, and how I shall convey my letters to you. I sent by my last letters unto you a letter to the king, and the copy of the instrument of Ferrare, and divers copies of other letters, as well to the king's highness as to you. I pray you to move my lord of Wiltshire, and my lady Boleyne to move the king to be good to me, and that I may have money and authority of an ambassador, the which if I had had, I hear say that I had recovered the instrument again. If, this obtained, I bring not the king's purpose quickly to pass in Italye, let the king hang me, draw me and quarter, me at my coming home. I desire not this, as God help, of none ambition, but only to avoid the stoppes a»d lettys that Cassalis maketh me by enlessening my credence in all parts; or, if this cannot be, I care not so Cassalis be charged to meddle with no man without my consent and knowledge, for else we shall not make so fast one day, but we shall mar as fast another. . Rhaphael hath, as I hear say, written against the king. I mean not friar Fraunceys' man, but the canon of Padua, that so often afore had written for the king, whose counsel I had in my hand ; and because he told me that if he had that counsel again that he would write against the king, I would not without one cOpy have delivered it again, unless that my lord of London said that he else would have complained unto the king of me. I told my lord what would come of it. I assure THE REFORMATION. 15 you the king had been better lost an hundred crowns. But because he might pay nothing for his meat and drink unto Cassalis he thus hath conspired with Cassalis against me. My lord also hath given commandment to those friars whom I retained, to meddle with Cassalis, and not with me. Money he hath left none with me, and this day, being the 8 of October, was offered unto me the counsel of Rhaphaell, as well for the king as for the emperor, to the king's great illusion, for he affirmed in the emperor's defence quod consilium pro rege Anglios conscripserit tantum ad ingenii exercitationem. I am told that my lord kept still in his hand a letter that, devised by me unto Rhaphael, I sent unto him to look upon, and, upon his counsel, to send or not to send it unto the said Rhaphael. And now, I doubt not, but that is to prove, that by reason that I would not render unto him again the said counsel, that Raphael did write against the king. But the date of my letter, compared to the date of the book sent unto the king, will deface that their false surmise. For the book was a printing, or that my letter was written, and no doubt Cassalis knew of, and that was the cause that they made instance to have the copy out of my hand. 16 RECORDS OF Number CCX. Copy of a letter written by Croke to Stokesley vindicating himself and remonstrating with Stokesley for having accused him. Perhaps written the 8 th of October, *53°- Vitell. MY lord, these shall be to ascertain you that when your foi Xi22 b Pack and bed-staffs were brought to Maister Harwelle, at the first opening, there lacked 2 of your curtains ; the which I marvel at, for it was never opened ne looked in by me or any of mine. My lord, I marvel that your lordship would bid Ambrose not to deliver me the confirmation of the instrument, but to Cassalis, the which hath reported here how ye would have dealt with Fraurrceys, and that ye yet owe money to the cobbler for cobbling of your shoes, and hath caused friar Bartholomew to ascribe all his pains taken for the king to his sollicite only, and nothing to you, without whose reasoning and authorities given in writing, his work would have been very slender. Notwithstanding I have been in hand with the friar to amend that by writing a letter unto the king. ... Verily I trow, save Pagninus, the king hath had hitherto no friar that hath written like him. Friar Thomas' other work is almost at an end. My lord, I am informed that ye sent word to Sir Andrew de Cassalis and Previdellus what I shewed you secretly at Rhegium ; and this plainly was told me, that your lordship should exhort them now to play the men, and set forth the king's cause that they might, saying these words by me : ' Ne hie nebulo habeat ansam conquerendi de nobis apud regem.' My lord, I have not deserved that ye should thus say of me, and, if I had deserved, yet tu indignus es qui hcec dicas. But my trust is in God that at length ye shall see cause why ye ought to love me, and hate them, for whose cause, THE REFORMATION. 17 upon suspicion and false report, ye have handled me as ye have. Syr, Leonicus will none of the horse, and crieth out both of you and me, and intendeth to utter his displeasure in a work, the which he wol eder8, as he saith, under the name of Mr. Pol or my lord of Durham. Notwithstanding I shall, as ye shall perceive at length, do the best I can to pacify him. The emperor's ambassador daily doth the best he can to win from the king Symonetus [and] Thomazo, nor spareth nother for threat ne promise. And father Fraunceys is sick at Rhome, and hath no comfort. The emperor hath presented Felix, Berges, and another to above 6 hundred crowns a man; and said to divers of the king's friends, that if they would do for the Queen, their reward should be another thing than a few crowns. Syr, men be weary of our promise, and looketh fast upon the emperor's deed. And the conclusion is, if the king look not upon these 3 betimes and Leonicus with some notable reward or some promotion, all will swarve. Money I have none to stay them, nor dare not promise; and am ashamed that I have promised so much and can do nothing. Friar Bartholomew, for his work and journey to Padua, had no more but 3 crowns. For the passion of God move the king's highness to do somewhat now for his friends or never. The protonotary told me that Raphael hath written against the king sore. And this day I was advertised by a friend, whose letter I would have sent unto [you] if that Symon had been with me, that Ambrose hath procured [subscriptions,] and will procure as much for the Queen as for us, whereof [I have had no] proof [as yet nor leisure to go about to try lation with him 9]. But Simon hearing of . tion of the said money, retained that letter and the money and w fol. 123. an other. In the which I made him promise if he dy . . . . largely. The horse is utterly marred and is at Padua and [is gone back] to Leonicus, the sight whereof made him much more an[gry than before] and he thought 8 Probably meant for edere, meaning to publish. 9 Scratched out. VOL. 11. 0 18 RECORDS OF himself mocked by us, and so I have paid hy[m the money]. I trust your lordship will see that I have no loss. There is n[o getting so much as] a ducat for the horse, for he is now but upon 3 legs nor worth [nothing] at all. I pray your lordship to send me word what I shall do. [I sent] unto you a letter that Ambrose wrote to me ; and he told my serv [ant that he] would make a great complaint upon you to the king, and writeth [thus to me] : Episcopus imposuit illi ut tantum solum ageret in causa regis quantum illi con cum quo in camera fuerat secreto col- locutus. My lord, I cannot tell . . . . gere meaneth, nor why ye should thus deal with me; for if it [should appear] that I ever hindered you word or deed let it be avowed to [my face, or] let me die. Wherefore upon a false surmise thus to deal with me [after friendship] that I have borne you and the good service that I have done you [methinks] that I am not well handled, and so much the worse because [all our] success in the king's causes is hereby hindered, and they whom [I only have] got the king, alienated from me, and you about to ascribe all [successes] to you and Cassalis. I am now, albeit too late, fully informed [about all] your saying and doings in this behalf to' my great discons- [olation]. I trust yet, I trust that God shall help my truth and right . . . . had laid the surmises to my charge and seen them avowed . the which I know well no man could do them thus to han . . . not but think that I were well served. My lord, this your dea[ling with them] hath put me out of credit ; so that I can do the king no more [service here] nor in Italye. And now I know why ye kept my letters divers [times secret,] the which I sent to you to have your advise whether I should [send them or no]. Now I know why ye sent Pallavicinus to Ferrare, and why y[e made] Cassalis privy to that that I had long before obtained there [By the] which ye have done the king much more harm than ye think My letters sent to Mr. Benet ye neither did well nor justly ffi • • • the only occasion why I wrote the letter and ye were the man that sa .... ye had written nothing of Dionysius to Doctor Benet and the n ••. the letter was your only device in like- THE REFORMATION. 19 wise as ye made me to . . . . . . things to the king of the Senate and Cassalis which I would . . . . . . upon your credence have written. And ye do all that that ye can to p . .... .of credence and to avaunce the which, shall never do ye. good. And . . . . . . . God to help me and succour me and to give men as they wo . -. . . Venice, the c % 20 RECORDS OF Number COXI. Letter from Croke to Francesco Georgio, acknowledging the copies qf the breve. Vitell. REVERENDE domine, salutem. foi. ui a. Accepi literas cum brevibus Octobris 10 admodum oportune. Nam de [iis] cceptum est dubitari. A Londoniensi literas accepi in quibus sero nimium hortatu[r quae] penes me erant consiliorum exemplar ad Reverendissimam Dominationem et Dominum Benedictum ca ... Nam ex regis mandato omnes archetypos ipsi tradidi. Sed quoniam nunc Rho[mae est] doc- tissimus vir Hanibal Grysomus, cujus pro rege consultatio Londoniensis judit[io optima] est, ab eo ipsam habere poterit Reverenda Dominatio vestra. Scripsit hoc Londoniensis ad me ex regis mandato ut ait. Quare cum hie opera nostrt jurisperitus in Rho[ma irr]ogabit, nihil non poterit ab eo impetrare in regis gratiam D[ominatio vestra] .... Est enim mirifica vir humanitate et in regem nescio dixerim charitate, [an] fide. Quem illius animum ut neque Londoniensis neque ego cessabimus praedicare [et] amplissime commendare, ita regis negotium a me exigit ut regis nomine . . .. . quam in regios omnes soletis exhibere humanitatem. Bene valeat Domi natio [vestra] . Si Dominatio vestra saepe ad me tanquam ad fratrem quod ego ad vos saepius tanquam scripserim. ','. Venetiis 1 1 Octobris MDXXX. THE REFORMATION. 21 Number CCXII. Copy of a letter from Croke to Raphael, urging him to return to the King's side, written October 14, 1530. REVERENDE pater, salutem. Vitell. Audio paternitatem vestram dicere quod quia ego [librum foi. 122. vestrum] tempore non restituerim, vos in favorem Caesaris contra regem scr[ipturos] esse, testatum quod exercitii tantum causa, pro rege scripseritis. Scit patern[itas vestra,] antequam ego a Verona redierim (ut mihi redeunti dixistis) prioris et fra[trum impulsu pro] Caesare destinasse vos scribere. Non igitur puto quod contra quam res habet [paternitas vestra] unquam aut scripserit aut dixerit, sed igitur vos pro Caesare scripsisse, [et non quod ego] noluerim restituere quod mihi 'describendum Venetias redeunti a Ver[ona exemplar dedistis,] et ut id fratribus, ad repor- tandum idem Venetias missis significarem [litteris] . Ego nunquam negavi me restituturum, sed quia totum non descripseram, un[um exemplar] cupieram retinere. Rogo, si de me ista dixistis aut scripsistis, ma[xima cum fidelitate] libere mihi significetis. Interim moneo ut scriptis ad regem literis, [quae] edidistis doceatis vos invitum impulsu prioris et fratrum ista scrips [isse] .... ut nobis ignoscat, ne sibi illudi credat, et ita a Pontifice exig ... . contraria scribatis apertum est aliquid vos contra conscientiam pro me scripsisse, ut sententiam quam in diplomate minatur Pontifex in p . . . . (quod absit) . Bonus est rex, et qui_ timori vestro facillime ignoscat, max[ime propter] constantiam, quam vos coram priore et fratribus praestitisse ipse me in itinere [saepe] vidisse scripsi. Scripsi enim, quod verum est, quod librum mihi non rogatus pfraestitistis], et quod palam cum priori et fratribus contendistis, regem justissimam habere cau [sam] . . . ri hoc opus Deum non solum ipse precibus solicitaveritis, sed etiam ut . . . . sacris Deum pro nobis solicitarent impetraveritis scilicet ut scripturae negotio illud solum inspiraret quod ipsi maxime, gratum verum et piu[m] 22 RECORDS OF Nee credo Deum tam piis votis et religiosae humilitati de- fuisse. Hum[ilibus enim] tam largitur liberaliter quam superbis infensus est. Haec omnia pro n [ostra] fide cum fide- lissime nunciata sint, non dubito quin doctis et huma[nis .... veniam factis facillime impetraveritis. Quas si hinc ad regem [scripseritis, per] fidem Christiani, juro, me cum omni fide et commendatione ad M[ajestatem ejus] transmissurum, et omnia secretissime habiturum. 14 Octobris. THE REFORMATION. Number CCXIII. Copy of a letter from Croke to Cranmer, dated Venice, ¦ October ijth, vindicating his own fidelity and services and requesting Cranmer to represent the same to the King. MASTER Cranmer, viteU. This after most hearty commendations shall [be to tell you] ^j3^ , that this book printed or my lord went out of Venice th[e very] last day of August had never been printed^ had not my lord [of London] forced me to deliver as well the same as a copy that I had writ [ten of it] to Cassalis, for as I alleged to my lord then being very loth for ... to deliver the said copy the said Raphael at the deliverance of [the same] unto me told me that he had no more copies but that. And at m[y return from] Verona the said Raphael also told me that upon the receipt of his [copy, that] he would immediately set forth his work in the Queen's favor . profe that I shewed my lord. __ So then, notwithstanding he threatened me . . unto the king unless I then would deliver the said copy of whose [labour] what fruit is come I have ascertained the King at length, and ye shall [perceive] that my lord the 4 or 5 and twentye of August [did receive] at dinner a letter written to him from Rhaphael, upon the which I devise [d] . . an answer, and sent the same open to my lord upon his judg ment to be] sent or suppressed. And my lord bearing me in hand that he [sent the] said letter, reserveth tbe same with him for % causes ; first to p[rove that] the work that Rhaphael had made against the king was ma[de because] that I would not render his copy again. The which surmised [date] of this book compared to the date of my letter and saint Bartholomew's] even, the which was the first time that ever my lord spake p[rivily to me to] render the said copy, will convict and prove untrue. Secondarily [he reserved] that letter to prove that I had got divers things procured by him an[d them] out of their hands, and ascribed them to my labour, the which [if I do not 24 RECORDS OF dis]prove, or that I do not prove the contrary true, let the king hang [me, draw me] and quarter me. But they by this mean go about to take my labors [from me,] and that not only but also to let that I should be [thought] able no further [to help] the king's cause. And for this cause my lord left all the money w . . . now with me ; and commanded that those friars which I had gotten only [should commune] no more with me but with Cassalis ; as appearetb by their letters of Leon[icus, of] whose gravity Mr. Pole can tell you. And by the letter of friar Ambrose [you may] understand that my lord hath made so many promises here and [so little] performed them, that he much hath hurt the king's cause. And he h[as brought] the king and the realm such shame that the king had been be[tter have] spent ten thousand pound than to have sent him hither .... What I had done for the king or ye went to Rhome ye [know. What] I have done since it were pity that I should lose my - have then that utterly have let the matter and shamed you therefore to be suitor for me. Sir, I sent unto y courier dwelling without Temple [Bar] a letter certifying fol. 124 b. [a]nd a copy of the instrument and determination of Ferrare, with all the which was in my hands 3 days, and with the same a letter unto the king's highness with copies of divers other letters. I beseech you to be good solicitor for me, and as ye love the king, keep nothing from his knowledge that ye think to pertain to the hindrance of my good endeavour in his causes. And thus fare ye well. At Venice the 1 7 of October. THE REFORMATION. 25 Number CCXIV. Copy of Croke's letter to the King, of the ia.th of October, from Venice, suggesting the exposing Raphael to the penal ties of the Pope's breve, for having written first on the King's side and then against him. PLEASE it your highness to be advertised that the sundry Vitell. great impediments and slanders that mine absence in your foj ^"g b most high cause at Venice, forceth me to make most humble «* med- suit unto your highness to vouchsafe to hear my other long and tedious letter read unto your highness, or by Mr. Cranmer only to take the report as well of the same as of all other letters and copies sent by this messenger, whom by the mean of your loving subject, Edmonde Harwell, I have conducted and hired from Antwarpe to England, that your highness might the sooner have knowledge of the said slanders and letts, and provide, by your high wisdom, remedy for the same. And, after my poor judgment, a better way to fear all such light cloysterers, as Rhaphael is, to attempt any like folly in your highness' causes (as I see that many else will do) cannot but cause the Pope to command the sentence threatened in his brief to be executed upon the said Rhaphael, which, to the derision of your highness' cause, not only by his contrary writing but also by his words and letters, cannot be but con victed that he odio aut metu, prece aut pretio hath written against his conscience. I send your highness* also, by this bearer, certain excerpts in corroboration of your highness' cause, and subscriptions delivered me this day by friar Thomaso, the which are nothing of that he was wont to give ; for, ex cept two, the other be rather number than authority. He hath desired me to send his letters unto your highness, the which he saith that he will write. I beseech your highness, till better proof of that that I write, in mine other letters writ, what soever I send your highness from any friar, to stay your 26 RECORDS OF most gracious favour and credence, for I would rather die than your most [high] majesty should other be abused or deceived by anything sent. And thus I beseech our most merciful Saviour have your [grace in his] most blessed and perpetual tuition. At Venice the 19 [of October]. THE REFORMATION. 27 Number CCXV. Copy of a letter from Croke to the King, October loth, com plaining of RaphaeVs change qf opinion, and urging for fresh supplies of money. PLEASE it your highness to be advertised that I this Vitell. present morning [committed] unto Edmund Herwel to be jPj x™" a sent unto the same, certain excerpts m[aking for] the cor- ad med. roboration of your said highness' cause, gathered out of a book [written] in Greek and.also ex epistolis et panormid Ivonis. I delivered also this day to [doctor] Bryanus, vicar to the chancellor of Padua, letters to Hanibal, a copy of [your highness' case] printed by your ambassador, a copy of my letters written from Ferrare, wh[ereby your] highness may perceive what for lack of money, what by the meane [of a friar] belongynge to Sir Gregorye, and by him sent about with your books why[ch are now] in my hands, the determination Theologorum by commandment of the duke [was] gotten from me, and the college of lawyers forboden to determine for your [highness], which promised by the procurement of the excellent learned man Coelius [Chalcaginus] , not only upon their axinge layde down in deposito, to be content forthwith [under their] com mon seal to deliver their determination in the favor of your cause, but [also] to make amongst them a counsel and to deliver the same unto me by . with every man's hand, and sealed with all their several seals. And the [number of them] by information is 72. That if it may please your highness with instructions [un]to me to send a letter credential by me unto the duke of Ferrare, and [also a] thankful letter to Coelius for his pains therein taken, and because he [now] writeth in the favor of your highness' cause, I have good hope to recover [the loss that I had] there again. Now gratious lord as to the printing of your case and the [delivering] sundry of the same copies to Augustinus de Philibertis, being cousin to the [friar our] enemy Vincetius, Padua, Bononye and Ferrare (the which universities [as 28 RECORDS OF now are only] in Italye frequentate and occupied) standing as they stand, [I cannot devise why] it should be done, but craftily to noise your highness' case [abroad in Pa via, Mediolano,] Mantua, Taurino, and so to make men to be more dan[gerous and costly, and] to let the fruit of my diligence, which [intended with my lord of London] only and secretly [to practise in the said places. Nor I doubt not] but my success in places where I shall have no lette shall fol. 125 b. shew what I have done here, and what I might have done both here and there if I had had no impediment and let. And Braynus' letter will openly declare unto your highness that your matter as yet was never purposed nor shall not be in the college jurisperitorum at Padua ; for how should it be possible that the matter should go forward there, seeing that Parisius that is the principal and chief [not] only refuseth not to write, but by procurement of your ambassador, as ap- peareth by the tenor of his letter, goeth about to let them that hath and would write. This is Parisius' letter word for word written with his own hand, which I reserve as of many other for the proof of my reports and credence. Eximie et Reverende Domine, diebus decursis, receptis Uteris tuis, dixi negotium illud esse momenti non modici, esseque propterea supersedendum. In praesente idem adfirmo ; videbit excellentia tua omnia, et cuncta considerabit, et offendet Oratorem Anglicum, Casalem dico, ordinarium Venetiis commorantem, non ilium episcopum. Nam cum ipso negotium melius agitabitur. Et bene vale. Parisius tuus. Paduae, 30 Septembris, 1530. And doctor Hanibal which hath been very faithful and hath taken wondrous great pains in writing and procuring your highness' friends, upon the receipt of the said Parisius' letters unto him, writeth to me thus word for word. Desideravi te optime Richarde nimium diu absentem et nunc quoque vehementer desidero, turn ex aliis coram dicendis, turn quia orator iste vester quottidie me sollicitat ut ipsum adeam, de negotio collocuturus, sed et Parish Uteris me ad id impellere studuit. THE REFORMATION. 29 Wherefore your highness may right well perceive that these letters were written by the procurement of your ambassador, to what intent [I] remit the judgment unto your most high wisdom by the tenor of them. And my fidelity bindeth me not to conceal from your highness how that Campegius' secre tary Florianus and other his fellows hath come from town to town in Italye, and noised how that their master hath your own handwriting constantly affirming that the Queen was a maid when she was married unto your highness, and that therefore your said highness will not accept an oath to the contrary, upon the which oath (as they say) the Queen hath often time offered to be content that her matter should be decided. But above all mischiefs and slanders and en cumbrance here, these pass that are arisen and daily doth arise by this book of Rhaphael Comensis, which I send your grace by this bearer; for I assure your highness that the said Raphael is not only the greatest solicitor [agains] t your highness' cause that the emperor hath in Italye, but also he of purpose [cause] d his work for your highness and his work for the Queen to be printed together, and both to be set forth together that he might to the more detriment and derision of your highness' cause declare his affection toward the emperor ; for in the Queen's part he plainly testifieth that his work for your highness was written tantummodo ob exercitationem in genti10, and that his work for the Queen is his full plain and true mind and opinion ; [the] which words the imperials spare not to brag and blow abroad, not only [to the] great illusion but also to the exceeding detriment and harm [of your high ness'] cause ; for by the example of this book and by the em peror's [ambassador's labour, and by] the persuasion that men have here of [your most regal facility ad ignoscendum, all] the friars and friends in a manner the which I.had before at- fol. 126 s tained and [upon their pains taken, with] reward convenient for the same retained, now swerve [and so plainly] practiseth like collusion with the emperor's ambassador against your [highness, and some] as I am credibly informed hath faith fully promised [the said ambassador] to procure as much for the Queen as they have and wol d [0 for your highness] ; 10 The whole of this paragraph in a fragment at the top of fol. appears again almost verbatim 125 a. 30 RECORDS OF and I like the matter so much the worse that friar Thomas [told me himself that] the emperor's ambassador had sore labored him in that point, and [that I find both him] and all the other much fainter than they were wont to [be, and that] I see this friar Thomas and also Dionysius that prac- tiseth for [friar Frauncis] daily resort to the emperor's ambassador and to be more familiar with [him than me] seemeth they ought or could be if they were very fast and [faithful unto] your highness. Notwithstanding I shall do my endeavour to know, and [by my next] letters plainly ascertain your highness who is corrupt and faulty [and also who is] worthy confidence and trust. I know well that to excuse and amen[d the wilful] error of Rhaphael, your ambassador hath procured a letter from the [said Raphael unto] your highness, and this day caused this his book to be printed in the [favour of the Queen's] highness, whose title compared to the other, the one saying that it is [ex mente] Theologorum, the other saying that it is ex menle aliorum [Theologorum, in] my poor judgment is not Rhaphaell's opi nion but opinio Theologorum .... amendeth the fault and error of the other. I beseech therefore you [r highness] to take heed lest that by these letters and other friars' letters written to . . . . . off purpose sent over for a color unto your highness that the same and deceived. It shall not be long but by manifest proof I shall [ascertain] your highness of the truth in every point. Now most graci[ous lord, where] as my lord of London writeth to me from Lyons the 23 da[y of September] that your pleasure is that I should send the copies of all the co[unsels that] other do remain in my hand or shall come to my hand unto [your ambassador] to Rhome ; surely there remaineth none in my hand, for I [had your] high commandment given to me by your highness' letters so to do, [and to send] my said lord all the originals that I had gotten for your highness off Padua and other subscriptions whereof I sent your high ness [copies by] Mr. Cranmer from Bonony ; whereof if my lord had told me at V[enice your] most gracious pleasure I would have reserved both of them [and of] . one copy for myself. And as for any to come to my hand [hereafter,] it be true that some of the friars hath both written and THE REFORMATION. 31 alleged to [me and] other men of gravity by their letters, that is to say that my lo[rd of London] hath commanded them to meddle as far in your highness' cause [only as he] shall command them and to deliver him all that they can get [and not] unto me, nor to meddle no more with me; the which most gra[cious lord] I cannot believe that my said lord's wisdom would suffer him to [order], because that he hath known and felt himself so often an[d openly] deceived by Berges Cyprian, the dean collegii Jurisperitorum of [Padua and] other that your ambassador hath brought unto him and as your hi[ghness] . . caused him to trust. Secondarily that it could not escape hi[m] . . . that in so doing he might right well perceive that he should [not amend] the negligence or infidelity of Cassalis but to the hin drance maintain the same to the let of my diligence . . . . . [and put] all our matters in a great [hasard to be better known to the emperor and the pope than was good for the same or any of our friends.] fol. 126 b. [My] need compelleth me to do that I am both sorry and ashamed to do, that [I] so importunely ever more to call upon your highness for money; for as shall appear by my count which I now send to Mr. Tuke I have laid forth in your highness' causes above six hundred and forty crowns, so that by the coming of these my letters unto your highness' hands I shall lack above fifty pounds of my diets. And every thing is now, by reason of the water which hath here drowned above three hundred miles in compass, four times more dearer than it was within this month. I beseech your highness to give Mr. Tuke commandment that I be not destitute of money, and I doubt not but shortly to send your highness some great and effectual proof of my diligence. And thus the most blessed Trinity keep always your most noble grace in his most blessed Tuition. At Venice, the 19 of October n. 11 This letter was followed by of the passages which bave suffered another, folio 127, written a few days from fire. The writer evidently later, which repeats the same story withheld tbe latter letter to sup- in nearly the same language. From ply the place of the first if by this latter letter the editor has any accident it should mis- been enabled to fill up several carry. 32 RECORDS OF Number CCXVI. Copy of a letter from Croke to Cranmer (?) asking him to explain to the King the state of the case between himself and the Cassalis, written Oct. 19, 1530. Vitell. SIR, B. xiii. fol. 124 b. I send this day, delivered unto me by friar Thomas, certain subscriptions unto the. king, whereof, save two, there is none worth a botton, but be omnium gatherum. I pray you mark well the hand ; for it is the friar's own hand. And I pray you endeavour yourself to know whether the king hath any other subscriptions of the same hand delivered him by my lord of London or from Cassalis ; for then you may be right well assured that my lord hath commanded the friars which I had gotten unto the king to labor all for him and Cassalis and not for me, and so to ascribe all my labours to them by crafte. In likewise, if my lord offer any counsel of Marquardus unto the king with any subscriptions, it is plain that he hath with friar Fraunceys' cousin Dominicus done in like wise. The which if ye perceive, and as ye would the king's causes should go forward, exhibit unto his grace in my behalf the copy of Leonicus' letter. And I pray you ascertain me of these things by your next letters plainly, and I shall not fail to convey all my success here by your own hands unto the king, the which I trust shall be to his pleasure and yours. Sir, by this practising of my lord with Cassalis we have first have lost the determination of Ferrare, and are like to lose all the doctors in Myllayne, Cremona, Pavia, and Mantua and Thaurino. We have also almost lost all our friars ; and Rha- phaell's book is printed in derision of the king ; and what was done at Bononye ye know. If ye therefore love the king and his causes, hide nothing from his grace. THE REFORMATION. 33 And I send my lord of London's letter unto you sealed that ye keep it from him 4 full days and more after that the king hath his letters. And thus fare ye well, and as ye wol the king's good and have my heart and service for ever, try out these things and ascertain me by your next letters. VOL. 11. 34 RECORDS OF Number CCXVII. Letter from the Pope to the King of France, referring him to the Cardinal of Tarbesfor information as to the latest pro-' ceedings in the affair of the King of England. Lettere AL Re Francesco. tout. 3, ' Tornandosene il Cardinale di Gramont alia Maesta vostra, P- 3- mi riportero alia relation sua di quello, che ultimamente ho fatto nel negocio del Serenissimo Re d' Inghilterra, si per compiacere in ci6 che posso alia Maesta vostra, si perche spero, che per man vostra potra questa causa guidarsi con pace, et amore come desidero. Delle altre cose assai havevo prima ragionato col predetto Cardinale, quale ho havuto molto pia- cere, che per nuovo ordine suo sia stato questi giorni di piu appresso di me, essendomi tanto grato, quanto persona, che ci habbi mai havuto ; et per nessuna cosa piu, che per haverlo sempre trovato buon servitore di vostra Maesta, et .inclinato al bene, come anco per un' altra gli ho fatto fede ; et pero non faro piu lunga lettera, pregando Dio la conservi felice come desidera. Romas, 21 Octobris, 1530. THE REFORMATION. 35 Number CCXVIII. Holograph letter from Croke to the King complaining of the friars, and insisting on the services he has performed in the King's cause. PLEASE it your highness to be advertised, that since the Harl. 416. 28th day of August, I delivered unto friar Thomas 23 °ni yiteii. crowns. Since the which time he hath got your highness B. xiii. but seven subscriptions ; the which I sent by Harwel the 19th of October. And of them, two" only except, there is not one worthy thank. I have, and do often call upon him ; but he answereth me, that there is no more doctors to be gotten. The contrary whereof I know to be true. And when I de mand of him, for the declaration of my account, some remem brance of his hand for 47 crowns, which I have paid him, he answereth, that at the end of the cause he will either make me a bill, or deliver me the whole money again. And his cause, why he will make me no bill, is, as he saith, fear lest his bill might be shewed to your highness' adversaries. Of the which pretended fear, I so much the more doubt, because I have taken him twice stiffly reasoning upon the queen's part against your highness' conclusion with a friar of Florence, whom afore this day he always assured me to be of your high ness' opinion. Albeit now he saith, the said friar is departed being utter enemy to the same. And in communication, sove reign lord, with me upon his said reasoning with the said friar, he said to me, that the emperor's ambassador should'say to him, Quod si velit procurare pro regina non staret intra paucula scuta, and he added these words to the same, Crede mihi, Croce, posse me efftcere, si velim facere, quod alii velint et faciunt, ut quicquid hactenus fecerim pro rege, illi magis obsit quam prosit. This fruit cometh of Raphaell's works put in print, making protestation in the work written against your high ness, quod quidquid scripserit pro eadem, id omne tantum d 2 36 RECORDS OF ex aliorum mente, non sua, ad ingenti exercitationem scrip- serit : And that the work written against your highness is his very true and plain opinion, and firm and full sentence and mind. What hurt this work (with such works as are in English set forth in England by constant rumour here) against your highness' cause, doth unto your highness' said cause, I have at length by double letters sent by the mean of Harwel from Venice to Antwarpe, and from Antwarpe to your highness by post purposely, ascertained your highness. And considering that I can get no more subscriptions, neither of friar Ambrose, nor of Thomas, very fear compelling us to advertise your highness, that all these friars were first and only attained unto your highness by me. And Ambrose had of me, for the getting of the Determination of Padua, for his part only, 20 crowns. Thomas hath had 47 crowns; Franciscus for him and Dionysius 77 crowns ; as I can right well prove. And, this notwithstanding, when I call upon them for some fruit, of none of their labour, except Dionysius, I can get none. And as Ambrose hath an swered me, that my lord of London hath commanded him, tantum in causa regid facere, quantum ipsi prozscrip- serit Cassalius; so Leonicus, a man of great gravity and learning, by his letters (whereof a copy I send herein enclosed) ascertaineth me of a worse point. Albeit I trust it be not so. For such commandment could not but be pre judicial, as well unto your highness' cause, as unto my labours taken in the same ; and also to the loss of the money that I have laid out to the said friars for the same. Nor I cannot perceive how (if this be true) that I any more may prefer your most high causes in Venice and the parts about ; whose importune labour my lord knoweth to have been the principal and chief cause of the success that your highness' cause hath had in Italy. Wherein afore my coming, nor yet by other men long after, there was (as your highness and all other knoweth) nothing earthly done. And I beseech your highness to ponder my good heart and acts passed, the which shall never (to die for it) cease to further your said highness' pleasure in this behalf with all pain, faith, and diligence, as the effect of my endeavour I trust shall always fruitfully prove. And thus I beseech our THE REFORMATION. 37 most merciful Saviour Christ long to preserve your most noble grace. At Venice, the 33 of October, with the rude hand of your most high majesty's Most humble and loyal servant, Richarde Croke12. 12 This document was printed There is another MS. copy of it by Strype in his Memorials, and made by Croke himself, in Vitellius, has since appeared in Ellis's letters. B. xiii. fol. 132 a. 38 RECORDS OF Number CCXIX. Copy of a letter written by Croke to Cranmer complaining of Stokesley and the friars ; written on or before the %yrd qf October, 1530. Vitell. MAISTER Cranmer, foi.Xi3o a ^n my mos* nearty wise I commend me unto you. [And I] have now the third time written to you that you must speak [with Antony Bonvice] for Mr. Kingston's stuff; for albeit he sent a letter of bank for [the money, it] was never paid. But because Mr. Kingston was dead or the said let[ter arrived] Cynami returned the said letter unto Bonvise again. Mr. Kingston's books [which are worth an] hundred marks (as Harwell telleth me) yet remain in Pan- dulphu[s' hands.] Bonvice hath commanded that they shall be conveyed to him. Wherefore [ye may] better help your self with Antonye Bonvice than I may do here, other w[ith letters] or with any other testimonial that you be executor to the said Mr. King[ston, as] I advised you in my last letters. Of all other things I shall ascertain you] by my next letters. Albeit that I have sufficiently written of them by [my last] by Harwell the 19 day of Octobre, for the which ye must [apply to] Statlius in Mylkestrete besyde Chepe. And in my letters from Ferrare ta . . . dodo to Genyn the curriar, dwelling without Temple Bar. And by my letfters sent by Pandulphus Cynamye, the which ye must ask of Antonye B[onvice], the which letters I sent, letters and duplicates, unto the king's high[ness with a copy] of the instrument of the determination of Ferrare, and also two books [unto the] king only. And the other having two works, the one with the king and the o[ther against the] king ; in the which the author protested that the works written for [the king were] not his mind, but declamation esc mente aliorum and written only ad [exercitationem] ingenii, the contrary to be his very opinion and mind. These books THE REFORMATION. 39 [I have] caused purposely to be brought from Antwerpe in post. And therefore I pray] as ever ye will have heart and mind, ascertain me when ye recei[ve any] of my letters and by whom. And whether these gere be [come unto the] king's hand and by whom, and how the king taketh all things concerning me] and other, and how he liked my diligence at Bononye. How my lo[rd of London] hath done with me at the king's hands, what our ambassador hath w [ritten about] me or any other, what works he hath sent unto England, and with [what names and] hands the said works be subscribed, especially if there be any sent [by friar] Thomas, or friar Dionysius, friar Fraunceys, or his cousin Dominico. The kn[owledge of] the which things shall not only do me good, but also highly farth[er the king's] business. And prior Thomas I took one day highly reasoning against th[e king's] conclusion upon the queen's part, with a friar whom he now telleth me to [hold the] contrary opinion. I see that all is not sound. And thus fare ye well. A . . And in communication, prior Thomas told me that he could find a me [an whereby he] might well enough write a work against the king, the which m[ight so harm his] grace's matter and cause that all that he had done should stand in . . . . his grace. I doubt not but he meaneth to follow the example of Rhaph[ael. And so ye see what] good hath my lord of London done to the king by bidding them w ....... no more to meddle with me but only with Cassalis, for to save the money . . . ought to have paid for his crownes the friar Marcus Janua whose . . . . subscriptions Cassalis now sendeth unto the king subscribed afore . . . Franceys' book. And I hear say that friar Thomas now sendeth h[is work unto] the king, the which if he do, he playeth the false friar with me . .me one work and sendeth another for the work he shew hand, and he hath therein altered many things to . ¦ may dispense for all the friendship that word by this bearer what .... 47 crowns . .....•• ¦ . • • » « « • • o • • . . . . my request herein. Sir, I have enclosed fol. < 30 b, 40 RECORDS OF herein a billet unto the king, [to] be delivered by you upon your discretion, as ye shall see it most for my profit and not else. I send you herein a copy of Coelius' letter to me, by the which ye may see that for money we may have all the lawyers of Ferrare. I would the king should write a letter of thanks to Coelius. This is that Coelius, doctor utriusque Juris, so well learned in Greek and Latin and all things, that wrote de libero arbitrio against Luther. His other name is Calchaginnus. He is an earl born, and a man of great lands. I would also that the king should write letters credential to the duke of Ferrare by me in this his matter, sending me privy instructions in this behalf. And never in no. letters to the princes of this country express this matter. And I doubt not but to do some good. Write me answer for the passion of God by this bearer or by any other that cometh sooner. I send to day to the protonotary for the counsels that my lord of London bad me ax of him. And he bad my servant tell me, if I dealed not with a patient man that I should repent me for the writing of letters against him. The which he saith that he hath of mine own hand. THE REFORMATION. 41 Number CCXX. Another letter from Croke to Cranmer, written October %^rd, 1530, giving him permission to send the enclosed of the same date to the King or not, according to his discretion. MAISTER Cranmer, VitelL After most hearty commendations. These shall be to i^Txi ascertain you that the king's matters by my lord of Lon don's handling cannot so much prosper in my hands as they should have done. And all the friars which I attained unto the king's highness only, he hath commanded to resort only to Cassalis, whereof I pray God there come no harm, for good I know well there can come none. And for as much as I know your perfect zeal to this most rightful cause of the king's highness, therefore I send unto you enclosed herein my letters unto the king open, praying you to read and ponder them with good avisemente, and in case ye think that the deliverance of them may do his grace any good and me also, in any^wise, to seal and deliver them unto his grace, other wise not. I think that if my lord have enlessened my credence by misreport, that there is no other ways to put him to the rebuke of his untrue lyings of partial covetousness to save his meat and drink that he should have paid the protonotary for, but to deliver the king this letter with Leonicus' letter en closed in it. In like wise, if ye see the friar Thomas, to send any work to the king. Howbeit, I put all to your discretion and friendship, praying you to do for me in this case as I would, and as ye think that I would and ought to do for you. x\nd ye with perpetual thanks shall have my heart. The 23 of October. 42 RECORDS OF Number CCXXI. Copy of Croke 's letter to the King, written early in November, 1530, complaining of want of money, and of Stokesley's distrust of him. Vitell. PLEASE it your highness to be advertised that Dominicus B. xm. . fol. 132 b. Trevisanus, cousin to Father Fraunceys, delivered unto me this present morning the counsel of Marquardus in form authentic under the sign and seal of a notary, and subscribed and sealed of 4 doctors. The which I send unto your high ness by this bearer. And albeit, most gracious lord, that commandment is given to those friars whom I only attained unto your highness that they shall meddle no more with me but only with your highness' ambassador Cassalis, and albeit that your said ambassador hath not only reserved unto him self Millayne, Mantua, Cremona and Pavia, but also dis charged me of Bononye, Venice, Padua, and Verona, yet would I have been ashamed after so long time to send so small a number, unto your highness, if money had been left with me, other sufficient for the prosecution of your most high cause, or for my provisions and dietts, whereof, as it doth appear by the sums of mine account and dietts, compared to the days of my continuance here, I shall lack (by the end of this present month) above 60 pounds. In most humble wise, therefore, I beseech your highness to call unto your most gracious remembrance with what suc cess (while I had wherewithal) your most honorable causes hath gone forward under my hands ; and therewith to ponder how that, nother afore my coming nor yet long time after the same, your highness had nother subscription or counsel from any divine in Italy, unto the time that I by effectual success made plain declaration that your highness' cause could have lacked no favourers or maintainors in Italye, if your ser vants sent thither for that purpose would have lacked nother faith nor diligence. My true, constant and quick reports THE REFORMATION. 43 whereof to the deface of my credence, albeit men would fain that your highness should impute to come only of my sus picion and malice, yet the copies of such letters as I have sundry times sent unto your highness and the originals whereof I have to shew, written as well with Sir Gregory's and the protonotary's own hands as of the hands pf divers other men of great credence, if they other have been read or truly reported unto your highness, hath plain proved the con trary of their imaginations to be true. That it may therefore please your highness of your most royal justice to call for the copy of the said letters again, and by the tenor of them to give me and my letters the credence that your highness shall think me worthy, that if there were no other proof of my truth, yet the loss of the determination of Ferrare, the book of Raphael Comensis made and printed in derision of your most high cause, will manifestly shew that the things are not so clear as men would make them .... which book with a copy "of the said determination, and . . . . . . Coelius' and Parisius' letters I sent afore by Edmonde [Harwell] ... to send again by the hands of Pandulphus Cyna[mius] that of your highness can command that marvellous good speed in your highness' cause. Let me . . . . . . return. And thus I beseech Jesu to preserve your highness of November. 44 RECORDS OF Number CCXXII. Copy of Croke's letter lo the King describing Raphael's change of policy. Vitell. PLEASE it your highness to be advertised that the 18 foi'irt a ^ay °^ [November], upon information thereof had from your most faithful servant [that] Rhaphael Comensis had again of new written against your highness .... inscribe that same his work unto the Pope, I thought good to [confer] with the said Raphael myself. And when I came unto him the said [Raphael denied] not but that he had so done, and also gloried in the same, saying [that he not] only would not be, but also not seem to be a traitor unto the [emperor] ; when I bad him remember himself well lest by such inconstancy and] often writing contrary to himself, he might be noted [so as to] destayne his gravity and honesty, he made plain answer [that it could] not be gathered of any his work that anything that he [wrote for] your highness was his opinion or mind; and when I alleged [his book of] late'printed, and epistle sent unto your highness, he plain[ly said] again that there was no epistle of his printed by his [leave and] that he delivered his letter written unto your highness sealed [to your ora]tor. And further that by the great and importune suit of [your orator], Rhaphael said that he wrote the said letter, and for writinfg of it] had of your ambassador 8 crowns. And to declare that [he had not] avouched any thing written in your highness' favour to be h[is own] mind, he shewed me a copy of his said letter written [with his] hand, the which I kept, and for the better trial of all tfhings, remit] thereof by this bearer a copy unto your highness, much fearin[g] .... ._ and blind your most high wisdom that Cassalis hath oth [er] altered many things in the said epistle and work ; for firs[t most] gracious lord there is not one book nor epistle of them put . . Nor Rhaphael himself as ho saith could get none of them . . report of the printer there were but THE REFORMATION. 45 4 epistles printed [and only] 4 printed in Italian. And the protonotary himself stood [by while they] were printing and his own hands then brake the for [ms, and furthermore threatened the printer that if he discovered the printing of the] said epistle to me that he would cause him to be slain [forthwith.] I send also unto your highness herewith a bill of all the doctors' n[ames] of the college of Padua,, that your high ness may see how ma[ny] lacketh, and that as yet there is nothing done collegialiter All the college would gladly determine with your highness, wer[e it not for] fear of the senate which hath commanded the contrary. Simo netus hath desired me to promise your highness up [on oath] that after Christmas immediately he will send unto [your grace] his book made in favour of your highness' cause, and he [hath a] letter of your ambassador's own hand, whereof I [send a copy] beseeching your highness to read the same. And in the bill of doctors I have ..... and . . . . . . . . [I sen]d also unto your highness a copy of Coelius' letters fol. 133 b. written to me the . . . [by] the which your highness may perceive what difficulty your highness' [ca]use shall have at Ferrare, and also how Sir Gregorye hath been there [an]d promised the duke's factor which caused the instrument to be taken [fr] om me, and hath forbid the doctors of law to determine for your [h]ighness so to labour unto your said highness that the same shall take no displeasure with the duke for the same. And thus they never cease to appeare the fruit of my diligence. Parisius hath divers times sent to me to come and speak with him for matters that concern the proferment of your most high cause. Wherefore I purpose to go and speak with him. And if it so be as he saith there shall nother pain, faith nor diligence lack in me to accomplish your most high pleasure. And thus I beseech our most merciful Saviour long to preserve your most noble grace. At Padua the 20 of November. I trust, most gracious lord, that your highness' ambassador be gone unto the towns that he discharged me of, for there is no man here can tell where that he is become. The cause 46 RECORDS OF whereof, I think, was that when he discharged me of the-said towns I said unto him afore witness, that unless he did shortly some good there himself, that I would lay unto his charge before your highness that he forbad me the said places because he neither would do good there himself nor suffer me to do any. What he hath done at Padua, your highness, by the bill of nam.es written unto me with the hand of a doctor, being one of the judges of Padua, and by the same that he, with much less difficulty, a twelvemonth since might have done all that he hath done now, and much more. The correction that friar Ambrose hath sent unto your highness of the instrument of Padua, only hath not amended nothing the matter ; but, also, is now a great let to obtain the same amended, according unto your most high pleasure. If I had been suffered to be privy to the getting of the same, the contrary whereof was commanded, I doubt not but to have got it in form much more available for your highness' cause. And yet I shall assay the same. The emperor's letters unto the friars, most gracious lord, are but credential to believe his ambassador, and that he writeth that he is glad that they to whom he writeth favoureth his cause, saying that he will right thankfully and beneficially remember their pains and labour. THE REFORMATION. 47 Number CCXXIII. Copy of Croke's letter to Stokesley, of the 30th of November, 1530, complaining qf him for maligning him to the King, and narrating Raphael's change of policy. AFTER most humble commendations, if it had pleased Vitell. your lordship that I should have been privy to Ambrose's ^' x™' labour in getting the correction of the instrument of Padua, I would have trusted notwithstanding to have gotten the same in form much much 13 available to the king, and according to his most high pleasure and yours, and, lest his grace be abused and deceived, I send unto your lordship here in a letter enclosed of all the names of the doctors in Padua, and who be sub scribed, who not, and of whom it is doubted. And notwith standing that I am purposely destituted of money, because I should do nothing, yet I trust shortly to bring unto the king little lack of an hundred subscriptions, counsels, and seals. And I shall make all the shift that I can to tarry as long as I may do the king's highness any good, Albeit the proto notary hath said to divers that I am out of the king's favour, and for lack of money shall be fain to go home. And because I have sent the king 5 books of Rhaphaell's, 3 printed against his highness, and 2 of late, the 18 of October, printed with his highness which are not here published, and with them a letter to the king from Rhaphael, the very tenor whereof, as Rhaphael wrote it, I send unto your lordship, assuring the same that the said letter was delivered to the ambassador sealed, and not to be printed, nor no other words put in the same, whatsoever devise Cassalis hath made in the printing thereof. And your lordship shall understand that of a surety Rhaphael hath again written afresh against the king, and is angry with printing of the epistle, and saith that he will testify in the preface of his book that he will be taken for 13 Croke probably meant to write much more. 48 RECORDS OF no traitor to the emperor, nor that anything that ever he wrote for the king is his mind or opinion. And thus I pray God preserve you, and if ye have done me as much hurt as the protonotary saith that ye have done, God forgive it your lordship. This I am sure of, that ye and all the ambassadors did write against me by his report ; and, if the king be displeased causeless with me, that it is upon your report. But the end shall prove that the king's matter shall be highly hurt by the same, to no great pleasure to ... . lordship at length, whom it most behoveth to bare both shoulders. And whatsoever change of me ... of the king nor the equity . . of November. THE REFORMATION. 49 Number CCXXIV. Royal Proclamation, of Sept. 12, 1530, against purchasing Bulls from Rome. A Proclamation prohibiting the purchasing of any Bulls from the Court of Rome. FORASMUCH as the King our sovereign lord, perceiving Somerset how much the people and subjects of this his realm have been ouse" vexed, unquietSd and troubled by authorities and jurisdictions legantines, in times of the reigns of his noble progenitors, and so something touched in his time, to the great diminution and prejudice of the jurisdiction and prerogative royal "of this his grace's realm ; and also where his highness hath by authority of his Parliament lately holden at Westminster, ordained and established divers and sundry acts for the good order and reformation of divers abuses by the clergy maintained to the noyance of his said subjects ; to interrupt and let the due execution whereof, his grace feareth that ways and means be sought from the court of Rome. For these considerations, and for that his grace, by the advice of his council and autho rity of his said Parliament, intendeth to take some order and direction for the remedying of the premisses as shall be agree able with God's laws, reason and conscience, for the wealth, benefit, commodity and quietness of his said subjects, with the preservation of the liberties, immunities, privileges and prerogatives of his grace's said realm ; His highness therefore straightly cliargeth and commandeth that no manner of per son, of what estate, degree, or condition soever, have, order, pursue, or attempt to purchase from the court of Rome, or elsewhere, ne use, put in execution, divulge, or publish any thing heretofore within this year passed, purchased or to be purchased hereafter, containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction, and prerogative royal of this his said realm, or the let, hindrance or impeachment of his grace's VOL. II. E 50 RECORDS OF noble and virtuous intended purposes in the premisses, upon pain of incurring the king's high indignation, and imprison ment of their bodies for their so doing, and further punish ment at his grace's pleasure to the dreadful example of others. Dat. apud Westmonasterium, 12 die Septembris, anno 22 Henrici Octavi 14. 14 This Proclamation has been to Acts of Parliament passed in the assigned to the year 1532 in Wil- session which began Nov. 3, 1529. kins's Concilia, where the latter half The date therefore assigned in the of it is printed from Fox, ii. 273. MS. copy at Somerset House, from Fox has printed it very incorrectly, which it has been here printed, is and has assigned it to the year correct, viz. Sept. 12, an. 22, i.e. 1532 ; but the allusions in the first 1530. half of the Proclamation are plainly THE REFORMATION. 51 Number CCXXV. A list of forty -three French Theologians who had subscribed an opinion in the King's favour. Q UI jam pro nobis subscripserunt. After this the names of the forty-three are written in suc cession, their respective ages being added to their names. The ages vary from Quadragenarius to Septuagenarius, the greater number being Quinquagenarii 1S. Afterwards the document goes on as follows : Hii omnes quadraginta tres doctores uno consensu asserunt, ls Besides the above there are several lists of Italian and French doctors wbo had subscribed, pre served in the Record Office. Amongst others the names of the doctors of Paris, arranged in tbe order in which they gave their adhesion to tbe cause, beginning with June 13, and ending with June 30 ; also a list (endorsed by the king Nomina eorum qui in partes nostras scripsere in Italia) of 57 theologians, amongst whom appear the names of Georgio, Omnibono, the bishops of Verona and Chieti, and Raphael the con verted Jew of Venice. Moreover, there are several separate lists pre served of the numbers of the sub scriptions, and names of the sub scribers obtained respectively by Georgio, Crocino, Annibal, Om nibono, and Simonetta. There is also a document, occupying three pages, consisting of extracts from Francesco Georgio's letter and from his opinion, from which it appears that it consisted of 35 folios, and also extracts from the opinion of Marco de Mantoa, said to have been subscribed by him and 34 doctors of law. The names are entered on a large folded leaf sent by Croke to tbe king, enclosed in a packet with his letter of No vember 30, 1530. They are ar ranged in three columns ; the first, headed Subscripti concilia Mantua;, consisting of 29 ; the second, con sisting of 32, of whom n are marked as absent, and headed Non Sub scripti; the third, headed In dubio, containing 12 names. Probably five from these two columns were pro cured after tbe sending of the let ters. The paper is endorsed by Croke, Copia nominum Doctorum Patavinorum scripta per unum ex Judicibus Patavinis. Of the numer ous treatises chiefly in the king's favour still existing in MS. it would be impossible to give an account. One of the largest is a folio volume of 236 leaves, well written out by a scribe, entitled " A compilation of the answer which Master John Abel, priest, lately made against the book of Determinations of the Universities in the king's cause." E 2 52 RECORDS OF prohibitionem nuptiarum inter fratrem superstitem et relictam fratris praemortui esse juris divini et naturalis, ut, neque Pon- tificis interveniente dispensatione, liceat cuiquam Christiano hujusmodi uxorem ducere aut habere. Expectatur propediem juditium Abbatum Cisterciensium qui sunt sex Universitatis Parisiensis doctores. Praeter ante nominatos doctores, sentiunt idem et alii duo- decim doctores, inter quos duo sunt episcopi; et duo item Abbates ; sed hii nondum subscripserunt. THE REFORMATION. Number CCXXVI. Letter from the Council of Ten to Giovanni Vitturi, direct ing him to authorise Parisio to give counsel about the divorce; written Dec. i, 1530. Dieprimo Decembris 1530 in Cons0. X. cum additione. Ser Joanni Victuri Pottestati Padue. HAVENDONE cum grande instantia piu volte rechiesto Venetian il magnifico Orator Cesareo apresso noi residente che siamo parti'se-' contenti permetter chel Excellente Doctor Domino Petro Paulo crete, Parisio professor in quel studio in ragion civil al primo j-iiza ' loco possi consegliar alia causa del divortio de Angelterra, No- 3- habiamo deliberato satisfarli et cosi cum il consiglio nostro di X. et Zonta vi commettemo che facto venir il preditto Domino Petro Paulo solo a voi solo dir le debbiate in nostro nome che siamo ben contenti el possi consegliar alia preditta causa, imponendoli perho profundissimo silentio ad non ne far parola cum alcuno di tal nostra permissione, Excepto che cum il prefato Magnifico orator Cesareo et per maggior cautezza nostra li darete Sacramento di observar quanto vi predicemo. Preterea vi commettemo che havuto a voi cum la istessa secre- tezza, Domino Marco da Mantoa che in quel studio legge rason Canonica, dir li debbiate in nostro nome che per nostra satisfaction el ne faci levar integralmente lo Exemplo de quanto lha conseglia. in ditta materia de divortio. Circa li nomi de li Doctori che hanno sottoscripto ad esso consiglio : et che quanto piu presto el possi vi dagi esso exemplo : qual havuto ne lo mandarete fato, vostre indreciate alii Capi del Consiglio nostro di X. imponendo medemamente silentio ad esso Domino Marco che di haverli dimandato et havuto esso exemplo : non faci parola cum alcuno sij chi esser si vogli, et de cid vi farete etiam da lui jurar sacramento. Dandone per vostre adviso de la executione alii Capi preditti. 4- 3- 54 RECORDS OF Number CCXXVII. Document addressed to Vitturi, summoning Parisio to Venice, and permitting him to give counsel about the divorce. Die 10 Decembris 1530 in Cons". X. cum additione. Venetian DALLA relation hora facta per il serenissimo Principe IbM.1VeS' nostro et dalle lettere lecte questo conseglio ha inteso quanto e successo in materia de consigliar alia causa del divortio de Angelterra : et essendo ben a proposito trovar modo di satisfar alia rechiesta del Magnifico Orator Cesareo perho Landera Parte chel sij scripto al Capitanio nostro de Pafdoa che chia- mato solo D. Petro Paulo Parisio a se solo debbi imponerll ad conferirse quamprimum alia presentia del Serenissimo Principe nostro: al qual pervenuto chel sij, sua Serenita intervenendo li Capi de questo consiglio cum la solita sua sapientia et accom- modata forma de parole li debbi far intender per sincerirlo meglio de la nostra intentione circa cid, che non obstante la prohibitione che gia alcuni mesi li fu facta : la Signoria nostra li permette ad posser liberamente consigliar alia causa del divortio de Angelterra si come li ditara la conscientia sua: e sij subiuncto ad esso Capitanio che imponi profundo silentio al ditto D. Petro Paulo dandoli un Sacramento, de non dir ad alcuno di esser sta chiamato alia presentia nostra. / 34- Facta? fuerunt literae Cap". Paduae 4. . . . . ^ in executione partis suprascripta?. THE REFORMATION. 55 Number CCXXVIII. Permission given to the Emperor's ambassador to take a copy qf the opinion given by Marco da Mantoa, concerning tlie divorce, Dec. 17, 1530. Die 17 Decembris in Cons0. X. cum additione. HA VENDO lorator Cesareo qui residente rechiesto alia Venetian Signoria nostra di posser far exemplar il Cons°. facto per Ib^ lves' D. Marco da Mantoa nella materia del divortio de Angelterra : qual de ordine de questo Cons0, e sta mandato qui dalli Rectori nostri de Padoa, non si contentando esso Orator dalla lectione tamen di esso conseglio : come li e sta offerto di farglilo legger et una et piu volte, e a proposito satisfar alia rechiesta de esso Orator et perlid. Landera. Parte che esso Consiglio facto per il ditto D. Marco nella materia sopradittasij lassato far copiar ad esso Magnifico Orator Cesareo iuxta la rechiesta sua. / i9- 4- 3' 56 RECORDS OF Number CCXXIX. Copy of a letter from Chapuys to the Emperor, written Oct. 25, 1529, giving an account of his interview with the Duke of Norfolk — the changes consequent on the fall of Wolsey. Bradford, SIRE, Tant et si tres humblement que puys, a la bonne p' 2S ' grace du Vre. Majeste me recommende. Sire, Jeudy 21 e du present, je regeu les lettres qu'il a pleu a votre Majeste m'envoyer dattees en Plaisance, ct entendu le bon playsir d'jcelle, je despachey jncontinent ung des miens, vers le Roy, estant a Winnesor, l'advertissant des , lettres, qu'avees a luy, avec charge de luy dire quelqne chose de la part de votre Majeste, et qu'il luy pleust me donner jour et lieu d'audience et le plus toust qu'il seroit possible, pour ce qu'il me sembloit que la matiere le requeroit. Cependant, Sire, et le dit mesme jour pour non perdre Temps, voyant le Gouvernement Tumber principalement entre les mains du Due de Nolphocq ; estant survenu matiere plus de son gibier, et plus agreable pour luy commutiiquer, que celle du mariage par les Raisons qu'aye nagaires escris a Votre Majeste ; estant aussi venue l'occasion que de longtemps aves espie de savoir Tissue des affaires du Cardinal, lequel fust le jour de Sainct Lucas Evangeliste desevangelize, demys et prive du scelz et office de Chancellier, et de Conseiller du Roy, et par ce moyen cessoient les scrupules et respectz que m'avoint gardes d'aller veoir le dit Due. Je le fus visiter en son lougis en ceste ville ; il me recuylist fort honnorableraent, et amyablement, luy ayant les lettres de Votre Majeste presente, et fayt auciines excuses de les avoer tant gardees, ce qu'il print de bonne part. •Je luy declairey 1'extime en quoy votre Majeste l'avoit toujours tenu a la bonne voulente" qu'Elle luy avoit continuel- lement portee, et ce tant pour la vertu de luy, que aussy pour l'affection que de long temps il avoit monstre envers Votre Ma jeste, en laquelle pensoit Votre de Majeste, continueroit attendu THE REFORMATION. 57 mosmement le noveau traitte" de paix entre Votre Majeste et le Roy son maistre, se confiant jcelle, qu'il seroit celltiy que seroit le mediateur et tiendroit main a la perpetuelle conser vation de la dite paix, Et luy adjoustey beaucoup d'autres gracieuses paro'.les de moy mesmes, que me sembloint servir a l'affere. II fust a, sa mine tres joyeux, et apres avoir remercie Votre Majeste de sa bonne souvenance et voulente, il me dit, quant a l'affection qu'il avoit toujours porte et heu envers Votre Majeste', qu'elle ne commoncoit de maintenant, ains, qu'il avoit apporte du ventre de sa mere, et que sans forligner ou se desavoer heretier de son pere il ne povoit l'avoer autre, car son dit pere, et tous ses ancestres avoint toujours este desdies au service de la maison de Bourgogne, et que 'pour donner meilleure tesmoignage de sa dite affection, et desir de servir, qu'il voudroit bien qu'il pleust a Dieu et au Roy son maistre qu'il peust aller maintenant servir Votre Majeste, et le Roy d'Hongrie contre le Turc. Touchant la paix et auntie" dont luy aves parle, qu'il me pouvoit bien asseurer, que d'autant qu'il n'y avoit nul en Angleterre, que eust este plus desplaysant des discordes et facheries passes, aussy n'a voit il personne qui fut plus joyeux, des ds paix et amitie", et que ce qu'avoit este demene en ce quartier, e'estoit este par la fausete de ceux que lors avoint les affaires entre mains, que donnoint entendre beaucop bourdes, et que pis est, faisant la pluspart de telz afferes de leur propre voulente et auctoiite, dont le Roy n'en avoit este content, comment il feroit apparoistre dans peu de jours ; et au regard de l'entre- tenement des d3 paix et amitie qu'il se employ eroit de son entier pouvoir. En quoy du couste du Roy ne pensoit avoir grand travail, vehu la grande et parfaite jnclination que le Roy y avoit. Sire, luy ayant use de quelques gracieuses parol- les pour la Responce des siennes que seroit supertlue escrire, je vins a ce que justoit le plus, qu'estoit de l'affere du Turc, et commencay a louer la magnanime et tres vertueuse voulente qu'il avoit d'aller a ceste tant saincte Entrepinse, luy disant que puis qu'il avoit fait l'envy en ce jeu, en entamant le propos, qu'estoit le point ou l'attendois, et duquel principalement luy voulois parler, que je le renvieres, en luy priant premierement au nom de Dieu de l'affere du quel il se agist, et de la part de Votre Majeste, que perseverant et continuant en son dk louable 58 RECORDS OF propos, il voulsist tenir main et persuader que le Roy pour sa magnanimite" et vertu, pour le debvoir de sa dignite et nom de protecteur, et pour ce qu'il luy touche comme aux autres Princes, voulsist entendre a proveoir pour la Resistance de mortel Ennemy et cruel tiran. Puis retombismes en propos de la bonne euvre de ceste paix, et de la peine que par cy devant le Roy d'Angleterre y avoit prinse pour feffectuer ; surquoy prins l'occasion de luy dire, que encoires restoit il ung accort a fere, qu'estoit au pouvoir du Roy, duquel, s'il y voulait entendre, il en acqueroit ung grand repos et inestimable honneur devant Dieu et le monde, et plus que des autres qu'il avait tant procures, et estoit celluy d'entre la Royne et luy, sur lequel en avoit fayt au dit Roy de la part de Votre Majeste de fort honnestes et gracieuses Remonstrances et amyables exhortacions et re- questes, comme presuppouses il auroit entendu du Roy, que me garderois luy en tenir aultre propos ; seullement le voules je bien advertir que combien que Votre Majeste sceut le debvoir et parentage qu'il avoit avec celle du mariage de laquelle il se traittoit, toutes fois, que Votre Majeste le tenoit pourtant Chevalier d'honneur, vertu et conscience, que quant seroit pour sa fille propre, il ne youdroit non seullement ne practiquer ne porsuivre, mais aussy consentir que Ton entre- print sans manifeste raison ung cas de tel jmportance et conse quence : et que Votre Majeste" sgavoit certainement, qu'il n'en avoit este" promoteur, ne conseillant tel affere. A ce, il me repondist, qu'il voudroit luy heu couste une de ses propres mains, et qu'il n'eust jamais este question de cc dit affere. Et que en ce n'avoit oncques este appelle, car comme e'est chose de lettres et concience, le Roy l'avoit tant seulle ment communique" et desbattue avec Ecclesiastiques, Docteurs et autres gens de lettre, desquieux le Roy avoit trouve grand nombre luy affirmant et asseurant l'invalidite du mariage, auxquieux toutes fois, le Roy n'avoit voulu adjouster parfaytte foy, sans le voir clans les livres, Icsquieux jl avoit sur ce tres diligentement visites ; Et que touchant le briefz de la dispen sation du mariage qu'estoit entre les mains de Votre Majeste, que le Roy se trouveroit le plus abuse prince du monde, si le dit brefz n'estoit reprouve de faulcete, vchu quo tant de gens Ten avoint si tresfort asseure, comme il pensoit que le Roy THE REFORMATION, 59 m'avoit dehu dire; et en oultre qu'il croyoit que si Votre Majeste" n'eust prins tant a I'ouverte la part de la Royne, et qu'elle fust demeure neutrale, que peust-estre que l'affaire fus plustoust vuyde, et qu'il avoit semble estrange au Roy, que puisque luy, a qui attouchoit plus l'affere que a personne du monde, ne c'estoit jamais constitue ne declayre" part au procees que Votre Majeste heust fayt partie formelle en ce cas. Je luy dis les raisons qu'avoint non seullement esmeu Votre Majeste a ce fere, mais que Ten avoint constrainct, et que la dissimulation dont le Roy usoit, de n'avoir fait part, estoit trop cogneu par les actes, qu'il avoit fait devant les Cardinaux, et ceux que continuellement avoint fait et faisoint ses Ambas- sadeures a Rome. Sur ce il demeura pensant, quoy voyant, je luy dis changeons propoz ; je vous ay bien voulu dire ce que dessus, tant pour la justification de sa Majeste", que pour vous donner entendre la confiance que jcelle a de vostre hon- nestete" et vertu. Sire ! apres les Susd03 devises, il me vint a dire tout en ryant, or maintenant sera bien ayse PEmpereur d'entendre ceste ruyne du Cardinal, et qu'il soit depose de son office, et Prive du Conseil du Roy. Je respondis que ainsi le penses-je, non point pour hayne que Votre Majeste portast au dit Car dinal ; car combien jl en heust donne asse"s suffisante occasion, toutesfois, pour estre l'homme que ne pouvoit fere ne bien ne mal a Votre Majeste, et n'estoit de tel Etoffe que icelle desira ne vousist se vanger de luy; pourquoy a ce respect Votre Majeste" ne feroit grand cas de son tresbuchement. Et le plaisir que icelle en aura, sera pourvoir que le Roy, duquel Votre Majeste desire le Bien, honneur et prosperite" comme la sienne propre, commence a clerement cognoistre ceux que par le passe Font mal conseille, et que ne tachoient que servir a leur commodites, proufitz et affections particu- lieres; aussy pour autant que Votre Majeste verroit que le maniement des afferes seroit devoulus en mains de gens, que oultre ce que par nature de sang et noblesse de ceur auroint plus esgard au Bien et honneur du Roy et Royaume, si auroint-ils aussi a la conservation des vrayes et anciennes amities, ce que Ton n'avoit fait ses prouchaines annees passees, mesmement estant luy l'ung et principal du Gouvernement, et celuy duquel en Angleterre sa Majeste avoit plus de confience. 60 RECORDS OF Subsequement, pour plus amplement luy gratiffier, je luy dis, que comme j'avois este le premier Ambassadeur q'avois rompu la Chance d'aller visiter le Cardinal ainsi desires-je, estre le premier que luy fis tomber les afferes entre mains ; et qu'avant qu'avoir parle au Roy des nouvelles que m'estoint survenues de la part de Votre Majeste je m'estois devance pour les luy communiquer, affin que venant le cas que le Roy me deust remettre avec quelcunq pour negocier que la dite prevancion fust l'occasion d'estre remis a luy ; il me remercia grandement de ceste intencion et bonne voulente, et que des afferes, qu'ils me se traicteroient pas particulieres, mais totale- ment par conseil, ou il se trouveroit ordinairement et que me pouves asseurer, que en tout ce que concerneroit le service de Votre Majeste, il en feroit toujours son mieulx. Sire, combien que comme ay sus escrit, huisse deja despeche mon homme au Roy, pour gratiffier et donner entendre que voules conduire les affjres de Votre Majeste, par son advis et adresse, je luy demandey ce que aves affaire maintenant, et les autresfois que me vindroint nouvelles, si j'en devois premiere- ment advertir le Roy et'luy envoyer pour savoir Theure que luy aggreeroit de me oyr ; il me dit, que cela estoit le vray, et que le Roy l'avoit ainsy ordonne, que le tout se dheust ad dresser a luy, avant qu'en fere participacion a nul autre, et que feres bien despecher ung des miens signifiant au Roy, que luy aves a parler de la part de Votre Majeste. Sur ce, je prins congie du dit Due, que me vint accompaigner, quelque refus que luy en fisse, jusques hors la salle, ou il m'estoit venu recepvoir, et usant de gracieusete vers moy, me dits, qu'aves prins trop de peyne, et que luymesme me vouloit venir visiter, et au surplus que je regardisse de l'employer et commander la ou il auroit moyen et pouvoer de fere service a Votre Majeste, en quoy le trouves toujours prest. Sire ! Lendemain au soir, que fut le 22, revint mon homme avec lettres du Roy, que m'advertissoit, qu'il partoit de Winesor, pour aller a Grennevys, ou il se trouveroit le Sa medy, et pour ce qu'il y arriveroit tard, qu'il valloit mieux que me rendisse la le Dimence au matin. Le Samedy je receu comme dessus les lettres du 50 ; le Dimence environ les huit heures du matin, j'arrivey au dit Grennevys, et descen dant du batteau, je trouvcy ung bien honncst gentilhomme, THE REFORMATION. 61 nomme Mons. Poller, accompaigne de deux autres et leurs gens, que la m'attendoint de la part du Roy, pour me accom- paigner et conduire ; Entrant a la seconde porte de la court, survint Monseigneur I'Evesque de Londres avec la mesme commission et charge qu'il me conduyt jusques a Favant chambre du Roy, ou estoit la pluspart de la Court, speeialle- ment, les deux Dues, et l'Archevesque de Cantorbery, lesquieux me receurent, et attendant que le Roy sortist pour aller a la messe, nous devisames ensemble quelque piece, et furent les propos ou se trouvoit Votre Majeste de l'assemblee de Bou- loigne, dont iis estoint desja advertys, de la puissance, delibe ration et succes de ce Turcq, de quoy iis se treuvent tous esbeys, et non sans grant craincte ne raisonnable cause. Sire ! peu apres, sortant le Roy pour aller a sa ditte messe, il vint droitement a moy de plus grand cpurtoysie et hnmanite beaucop qu'il n'avoit fait la premiere fois, et me pregnant par la manche, me dis, " vous eu avez nouvelles de l'Empereur mon frere;" et luy ayant repondu que ouy, jl me jnterrogua de la date, et l'avoir entendu, jl dit, que Votre Majeste estoit soigneuse de m'advertir. Je luy replicquey que l'ung des principaux soins de Votre Majeste, estoit de l'advertir, et fere participant de toutes ses nouvelles et deliberations, et luy donner d'entendre en tout et partout l'amitie, fraternite et confience, que Votre Majeste avoit en luy, suppousant que de son couste, jl voudroit fere le mesme. Ce qu'il affirma bien a certes. . . . Sur ce, luy presentay les lettres de Votre Ma jeste, et luy declairay la teneur de ma creance ; y adjoustant que combien que Votre Majeste fust advertie que la Pape luy en debvoit escrire, toutes fois, avoit il semble a jcelle convenir au debvoir de l'amitie d'entre vous deux et aussy a l'import- ance de l'affaire, le luy fere notiffier de sa part. II me dit, qu'il etoit vray, que le Pape l'en avoit fait advertir, mais que ce non obstant, ne luy avoit este moins agreable de l'entendre du couste de Votre Majeste, mesmes pour l'occasion qu'avoit esineu Votre Majeste le luy faire savoir, et que touchant ce que par ma dite creance luy aves dit, qu'il y avoit desja pourvehu, et donne ordre, et que Les Ambassadeurs qu'il a envoye devefs Votre Majeste ont tout pouvoir d'assister, traitter et conclure sur cette matiere Parlant de la cause motive du passage de Votre Majeste en 62 RECORDS OF Italie, je luy dis que a ce Compte qu'il ne vouloit estre de derniers a une si bonne et saincte euvre, il me respondit que je nany et qu'il luy grieferoit bien que Ton le luy peust re- procher. Et pour ce que le temps instoyt d'aller a la messe, et qu'il vouloit longuement parler a moy, il remit la negociation apres la messe. Sire ! apres la de Messe, le Roy tout incontinent me remit en propos, me disant, pensies vous doncques que fusse des derniers en ung tel affere, lors je luy declairey plus expresse- ment, et par le menu, la grand necessite qu'estoit de pourveoir subdainement a la resistance de ce grand ennemy, selon qu'il apparessoit par l'extrait des lettres que le Roy d'hongrie escripvoit a Votre Majeste, et par la teneur de celles que Madame m'avoit sur ce escriptes, et que me craignes a ce qu'il avoit pleu m'escrire, que le Pape au plustard deslougeroit de Rome pour venir a Boulogne le 50 de ce moys, que a peyne ses dites Ambassad8 que iront a leur ayse, se pourront asses a temps trouver a ceste journe de Bologne pourquoy me sembloit qu'il seroit meilleur et plus seur, qu'il envoyat par la poste ung autre pouvoir, pour traiter au dit affere a ses Ambassadea qu'il a aupres du Pape ; il me dit, qu'il avoit donne charge aux dts que vont a Votre Majeste, qu'ils fissent les plus grandes journees que leur seroit possible, sans sejourner en chemin, et que encoires leur feroit-il une rencharge, et qu'il falloit entendre, quant a luy, quil ne pouvoit pas beaucop, mais, que en ce cas, il y feroit son possible. Je ne luy vousy laisser couler ce qu'il disoit de son pouvoir, que n'estoit petits ne en gens ne argent principalement ; dont tout le monde scait assez qu'il en est fourny autant que prince de la Chrestiente, et quant bien cela ne seroit, puisqu'il est comme pape absoulust en son Royaulme, aiant tant de riches Ecclesiastiques en son Royaume comme il a, il ne falloit qu'il se excusat sus non povoir. II replicquat ainsy que dessus, que a luy ne tiendroit que l'entreprinse ne se dressat ainsi qu'il en estoit de besoing et l'affere le requeroit, mais qu'il falloit que Votre Majeste, comme le chief le plus' grand et plus puissant, fust le con- ducteur et celluy qui monstra le chemin aux autres, et que pour ce fere il estoit necessaire que Votre Majeste se reduit a fere quelque paix avec tous ses Potentatz d'jtalye, ores que cela fust a son desavantaige, car Votre Majeste a d'ailleurs THE REFORMATION. 63 asses biens sans ceux-la qu'elle pourroit pretendre en Italye, les quieux ayant obtenus, ne la sauroient excaucer ung grain, ne en grandeur ne pouvoir ; et d'autant que Votre Majeste laisroyt en ce entroit couler de ce que luy pourroit appertenir, pour fere une telle emprinse, d'autant gaigneroit-elle tant plus d'honneur, louange et Reputation vers tout le monde, ainsi que par tel moyen Votre Majeste pourroit inextimablement con- querer plus de Bien que ne Sauriont ceulx dont se sagit en Italye ; lesquelles choses jl disoit, non point pour faveur ne jnterest des dits potentats, auxquieux n'avoit nul debvoir, mais tant seullement pour le debvoir qu'il a a votre Majeste, et le desir qu'il a de I'exhaucement et gloire d'jcelle ; protestant qu'il n'entendoit de vouloir presumer de vouloir donner conseil a Votre Majeste, qu'estoit si bien pourveu de bons conseillers, avec ce que d'ellemesmes estoit asses prudente. Je luy dis, que Votre Majeste n'avoit en riens plus tache, ne tachoit encoires a present, que de reduyre l'jtalye en bonne paix, union et tranquillite, et que c'estoit l'une des causes pour- quoy Votre Majeste .avoit tenu tous les moyens propices, mais estans les parties si obstines qu'elles ne veullent en sorte quel- cunque entendre rayson, ne venir en amitie, et que pis est, que ont une garde derriere, et desquieux jl se fault autant asseurer, a mode de parler, que des turcs mesmes, jl estoit force que Votre Majeste usast en refus de l'amitie de sa puissance, qu'est bien la chose que desplaysoit autant a Votre Majeste, come l'on peut clerement appercevoir par ce que Votre Majeste avoit fait demener et traiter avec le Due Francisque Sforce ; jl me dit sur ce, " mais voyer, que veust l'on fere de ce povre Due, ne quel mal peust-il fere ?" Je luy contois le contenu en l'escrit qu'il pleust a Votre Majeste m'envoyer de ce qii'avoit este traytte avec luy. II dit que par avanture l'on vouloit mettre son cas en justice devant quelques gens suspetz, que* le gardoit de se soubmettre ; a cela, je luy dis, que des juges l'on luy avoit toujours parler de les baillier non suspetz, et que les afferes que l'on luy avoit fait, ne pouvoint estre plus gracieux ne proufitables pour luy, et que penses que l'on les luy avoit fait aussi amples car a la contemplacion du Pape que aussy de luy, que autre fois avoit fayt porter beaucop parrolles a Votre Majeste par ses Ambassadeurs en faveur du Due ; il dit que ce qu'il en avoit fayt parler estoit pour conclure la paix univer- 64 RECORDS OF selle, et non pour autre respetz ny obligacion. Quant au pape, jl estoit a cc astraint par leur saincte ligue, de la quelle jl ne fust jamais ; combien qu'il y fut nomme, et Votre Majeste pensoit qu'il y heust consenty. Et quand a rendre Pavye et Alexandrie, qu'il s'en pourroit bien confier a Votre Majeste quand elle y seroit presente, mais autrement de la Remettre entre les mains de vos gens en de absence, jl n'y auroit seurte ne fiance, pour beaucop d'experiences que l'on a ci-devant vehu, encores frechement en Siena, laquelle, non obstant qu'elle heust toujours eu devotion de Votre Majeste, non obstant quelques gens de votre armee soub Monsr le Prince estoint entre au d* siennes, et l'avoint saccage ; et voyant que le descroyes pour non avoir grand apparence ne verisimilitude. par aucunes conjectures, que luy dis, jl le me affirmoit tant plus fort, me disant qu'il en avoit lettres expresses de son Ambassadeur. Je luy dis que quant a Pavie, elle estoit desja hors de dispute, car elle s'estoit rendue; jl me replicquat par deux ou trois foix si le scaves pour vray ? Je luy dis, que n'en aves lettres de Votre Majeste, ouy bien de quelcun mien ami, que n'estoit coustumier donner bordes, et que le me faisoit plus croire estoit la particularite de la prince du Conte de Gayaz, et ce qu'il s'estoit sauve ; jl dit qu'il avoit heu nouvelles qu'elle estoit une fois rendue, et puis avoit este reprinse; apres ce me dit; " jl fault que je vous die une chose, mais je ne vouldroie qu'elle partist d' entre nous deux, jl me semble ung grant honte, estant le turc en Austrice, qu'est le vray patrimoyne de l'Empereur, qu'il ne va secourir, non point faire la guerre aux Chrestiens ;" Je luy respondis, que tout cela estoit au gros regret de Votre Majeste, et que nul Bien ne mouvoint Votre Majeste desqieux, a ce qu'aves entendu, souloit dire, quelle nen avoit que trop, et que je penses que Votre Majeste voudroit avoir donne au d4 Sforce, oultre la Duche de Milan, beaucop d'autres Biens, pourveu qu'il heust ete et fust tel qu'il devroit estre. Mais qu'il estoit a craindre, que, aiant envoye Votre Majeste son armee contre le turc, que le dit Sforce ne face mille maux et les Veniciens de l'antre couste, que ne s'etoint cuyde faindre de jnvahir Brundisio, et que demourant en ce etat les choses, Votre Majeste ne se pourroit servir contre le dit turc des gens d'armes ne pietons du Royaume de Naples, ains seroit contrainte y laisser grosse THE REFORMATION. 65 Garnison que viendroit mal a point, et pourroit estre cause que pour ce moyen l'ung et I'autre pays seroit en dangier d'estre perdu; II me dit, que le Due ne pouvoit Rien, les Veneciens ne procureront que de garder leurs terres et ne sont pour jnvahir. Quant a Tirer gens d'jtalye, cela n'estoit necessaire, puisque l'on pourroit avoir Lansquenetz et Suysses qui sont plus duytz au mestier; et puis quand tout seroit perdu, ayant repouse le turc, la Recouvrance en seroit aisee. Je luy dis, que je penses qu'il auroit donne charge a ses Am- bassadeurs de parler h Votre Majeste, de tous ses afferes icy, dont estes seur que jcelle en donneroit sur le tout si bonne et concluante rayson et responce qu'il auroit occasion de se con- tenter, et que Votre Majeste s'estoit mis plus que a debvoir envers tous; et que 'Votre Majeste avoit desja asses donne entendre, ne que le fauste de la coronation, ne convoytise d'occuper terres d'esglise ne autres, ne l'avoit tire d'ltalye, sinon les causes que pieca luy aves dit; II dit quant a ce dernier, qu'il estoit vray, mais que encoires le donneroit plus clerement a entendre Votre Majeste, faisant les susdos appointe- mens ; quant a I'autre, il dit, que la charge qu'il en avoit donne a ses Ambassadeurs, n'estoit que de prier Votre Majeste d'avoir pour recommende les amis qu'il a en Italye, et que autre grand jnstance n'avoit il ordonne qu'ille en deussant fere. Je luy dis, que aussi n'en estoit il besoin, car encoires qu'il ne heut fait parler Votre Majeste, cognoissant ses ds amys il se pouvoit asses asseurer que Votre Majeste y auroit du regard ; et que ce seroit perdre temps de vouloir user de persuasion vers icelle, et qu'il seroit plus necessaire d'employer le dit temps a escrire et persuader aus d8 potentatz et ses amis, de se vouloir ranger a la Rayson. II dis que aussi l'avoit il fait. Sur ce, il me dit, Changeant Sa facon de parler, et avec une ponderative, et comme par admiration, qu'il avoit entendu que le Roy de France, son frere, en cest affere contre le turc vous avoit fait ung merveilleux offre, et le me replicquat par trois fois, et ne me dit plus oultre. Je luy respondis, que si ainsy estoit, qu'il faisoit tres vertueusement, et en conformite de ce que plusieurs fois jl avoit dit et promis ; Et que a ce, estoit jl grandement tenu, pour beaucop de considerations, qu'il n'estoit besoing explicquer, car elles estoient assez notoires, et d'ailleurs qu'il avoit bon povoir de ce fere, lequel jl ne sgauroit mieulx VOL. II. F 66 RECORDS OF employer que en cecy. Quant au pouvoir, il me dit, qu'il en avoit moings que les autres, car il vous devoit bailler tout son argent, et que a Votre Majeste qui l'auroit, touchoit de fere le principal effort; en quoy l'assurey, qu'il n'y auroit faulte, et que jcelle y mettroit, et cela, et tout ce que Dieu luy avoit donne. Sur ce, il changea de propos, me disant que le Pape envoioit deux Ambassadeurs, Fung au Roy de France, et I'autre a luy, lesquieux pensoit venoint pour le dit affere du turcq; qu'il falloit veoir attendre qull diroint le sien; a ce qu'il me dit, c'est le frere de l'ambassadeur qu'il tient a Rome, et de celluy ausy qu'il a en Venise. Je luy demandey, s'il luy plaisoit pour plus grande information avoir ce qu'avoit este fayt avec le Due Francisque, l'extrait de la lettre du Roy d'ongrie, et ce qu'avoint respondu les Veneciens a l'Ambassadeur de France, les Requerans de la Restitution des terres de l'apulliej II me dit quoy voulontiers, ainsi lui bailloye les dites pieces ; quant a la responce des Venetiens, il luy sembla qu'ils n'avoit point le plus grand tord du Monde, vehu que l'on ne leur avoit tenu promesse de les comprendre en la paix : Je luy rementonay ce que son Conseil m'avoit communique touchant la bague de Votre Majeste, en quoy il avoit donne bon tesmoinage du soing qu'il avoit a la conservation de vos choses, et de l'amitie, jl me dit, qu'il avoit este fort sollicite pour la Restitution d'icelle, mais il a este toujours resolu d'en user comme il a fayt, a quoi luy sembloit estre tenu pour les dit debvoer et amitie. Je luy parlay de quelques autres afferes, dont Madame m'avoit rescrit, de quoy foray cy-apres mention, ayant particulierement re spondu aux lettres de Votre Majeste ; de l'affere de la Royne ne autres n'en fust nulz propoz ; l'heure estoit aussy asses tarde pour entrer en nouveau negoce. L'apres disner, il m'envoya dire, si j'avais encoires quelque chose a luy dire? je luy fis entendre que non, fors pour le premier qu'il luy souvint d'envoyer le pouvoir dont luy aves parle, a ses Ambassadeurs vers le pape, ou de mander aux autres que vont a Votre Majeste, quilz se deussent avanger et diligenter le plus qui pourroint. Je heu responce qu'il pouve^ roit sur le tout, et que pour l'heure, jl n'avoit que a me dire autres, fors, que ayant nouvelles, Ten voulsisse advertir, et jl me feroit part des siennes. THE REFORMATION. 67 Sire ! quant au traite de Cambrey et la paix y faytte, tout le monde tant petitz que grans en ont monstre grant joye et contentement, et n'en ay peu appercevoir le contraire ; et spe- cialement du Roy, ne des principaux, jagoit eussent bien mieux aimes ainsy qu'ilz le demandoient a Palence, dont quelques-uns en murmurent encoires, mais ce ne sont gens de Etoffe. L'on fist icy grand solempnite en la publication comme ay parcy- devant adverty Votre Majeste en la quelle ne fust faytte mention d'aultre paix ne personne, que de celle entre V. Majeste et le Roy d'Angleterre. Touchant l'observance d'jcelle, j'ay desja escript a Votre Majeste, ce que avoit dit la Royne, qu'elle dureroit tant qu'elle pourroit ; toutesfoys, pense je qu'il ne vouldroit en sorte quelconque qu'elle ne durast, car par la guerre ilz ne peuvent riens gaigner et si leur couste ung monde ; ilz comptent que depuis le deffiement, le Roy a despendu huict cens mille Ducas et plus, pourquoy fault croyre qu'il leur griefveroit a tourner prendre telles purges, et plus telz moyens remutinent le pays. Jusques a maintenant ilz s^entendent bien avec les frangois, que Ton pense ne durera jusques a ce qu'il soit question de demander argent de l'Am- bassadeur de france ; je ne scauroye dire autre chose de son traittement icy, sinon que depuis que suis de pardega, il n'a este a la Court synon une fois, quand son frere fut icy ; et une autrefois il fust jusques bien pretz, et quelque mal temps qu'il fist, jl fust contremande, et contraint de retourner, et luy fust ditz qu'il vint trouver le Conseil pour exposer ce qu'il vouloit dire au Roy, et qu'il ne se deust addresser particulierement ne communicquer au Cardinal, dequoy il fust tres mal-content, et ne fust question de soupper le soir, et y heust homme que le ouyst lamenter et desirer d'estre mort ; jl me vint visiter doys le commencement, comme escrivis a Votre Majeste, et ou qu'il m'aye rancontre, il m'a toujours use de grand graciosete. Touchant les Ambassadeurs d'jtalye, il en y a icy, pour les Veneciens, Due Francisque, et pour le Due de Ferrare; ilz estoient fort embesoingnez par cydevant, et entoient fort la Court et le Cardinal; mais maintenant ilz sont en continuel repos ; celuy que plus prye le Roy, est celluy de Millan, auquel le Roy a fonce argent pour son entretenement ; puis deux ans en ga, il faisoit son Cpnte prega peur s'en aller, mais je cuyde que luy et les autres demeuroint pour couvrer la Court. F 2 68 RECORDS OF Touchant ceux qui ont icy le credit et administrent, le Due de Norforc est le principal ; Votre Majeste feroit bien de luy escripre, le Due de Sufforc est le second, ausi n'y auroit jl grand mal lui escrire. Une chose fault que Votre Majeste entende, de laquelle seres advertye par le Sr. Don Inigo de Mendoga, que n'en y a point ung autour du Roy que ne soyt abreve de ces pensions de France, presque tous sont affec- tionnez a, Votre Majeste mais 1'affection de l'argent passe tout, pourquoy n'y a de se fyer a ceux combien a point. Sire ! J'advertys le Roy de la part de Madame, de deux choses ; l'une qu'il vousist donner ordre de son couste que Ton nettoyast la mer de Courreurs et pirates ; il dit qu'il pensoit qu'il n'en y eust point de ses subjectz, lesquieux avoint suffert par cy devant de tres grans dangiers de ceux de Votre Ma jeste, et hors de temps de la guerre, et qu'il ne faysoit doubte que Votre Majeste n'en fist ministrer justice, et qu'il garderoit bien que les siens ne se mesleront de telles besongnies; I'autre de quoy l'adverty, fust que Monsr. de Rosynbez debvoit, k ce que m'escrivoit Madame, desja estre en chemin, dequoy y fust fort ayse, a ce qu'il monstroit, si fust, il d'entendre par moy la qualite du personnaige, pourquoy l'apres disner, incontinent je ordonnat aux deux Ducz, qu'ilz luy feissent pourveoir de lougis, et plus pres de moy qu'il seroit possible, et advisarent par en semble que le Grand Commendeur de Sainct Jehan et son frere sortiroint au Champs pour recepvoir le dit Sr, lequel suis seur ne fauldra a bon Recuyl. Sire ! des nouvelles de pardega, le Cardinal, apres avoir chancellor longuement, a la fin il est tresbuche et oultre qu'ainsy (qu'ay sus escris) l'on l'ayt prive du Conseil et demit de son office de Chancellier; il a aussi este constrainct de mettre de sa propre main tout son meuble par inventaire, et fust advise qu'il le deust fere de sa main, affin qu'il n'y oblyast Riens, ou que l'on le peust mieux convaincre de sa faulte. L'on dit que recognoissant les erreurs et faultes passees, de sa propre voulente, il avoit fayt present au Roy de tout cela, que n'est petite chose. Hier le Roy revint de Grunevitz par eaue, secretement, pour veoer les d9 Biens, lesquelx il trouva plus grans qu'il ne pensoit. II ne mena avec luy que sa mye, la mere et quelqu'un de sa chambre ; et le d' Cardinal en quelque trouble que fussent ses THE REFORMATION. 69 afferes, il monstroit toujours bon vulto, et le plus beau devers k, ville ; mais depuys le jour St Lucas, toutes ses braveries furent changees en extremes plaintz, pleurs et soupirs, et ce sans cesser nuyt ne jour ; quoy entendant le Roy, esmeu de pitie, ou pour ce qu'l n'est encoires temps qu'il meure, que premierement Ton n'ayt entendu et veriffie plusieurs choses, craignant que le regret ne l'eust fayt mourir, pour sa conso lation luy a envoye ung anneau ; il est retire avec petit train a une mayson a dix milles d'icy. L'on a envoye pour le fils du dit Cardinal estant a Paris a l'estude des cas, de quoy l'on le Charge; j'en ay escrise quelquechose par-cy-devant a Votre Majeste ; le peuple en dit Chouses execrables, le tout se scaura a ce Parlement. Et fault croyre, comme qu'il en aille que ceaux que luy on mit la rage sus, ne l'abandonneront jusques au boult, car ilz scavent bien qu'il leur va de la vie, s'il retour- noit. L'homme que l'on dist icy qu'a este autant marry de l'infortune du dit Cardinal, a este l'Ambassadeur de France, car la estoit leur refuge et addresse. L'on a icy en craincte que le dit Cardinal ne gettast hors du pays de ses Biens, a ceste cause, Ton a fait grand, qu'est par le ports. A cette cause, quelque passeport que eust le Cardinal de Campege, les gardes luy demandoient a ouvrir ses Coffres, et faisant refus de les ouvrir, ilz rompirent les serrures, dequoy il fust fort desplaisant; l'on m'a rapporte qu'il leur dit, qu'ilz avoient grand tort de penser que le Cardinal le peult corrompre pour faire une chose mal faicte, puisque le Roy mesme ne l'avoit sceu corrompre avec ses innumerables presens. Sire ! le Seel de la Chancellerie, puis le dit jour S* Lucas, est demoure entre les mains du Due de Nolphoc jusques a ce matin, qu'il a remis devant tout le conseil a Mr. Thomas Moure, le declayrant Chancellier de la part du Roy ; et a receu le d* Due le jurement du dit Chancellier telz qu'appertient a l'office ; tout le monde est joyeux de sa promotion, car oultre ce qu'il est tenu pour homme de Bien, e'est l'homme le plus lettre d'Angleterre, et s'est tosjours monstre serviteur de la Royne; Jl estoit paravant Chancellier de Lancastre, maintenant a este donne le dit office au tresourier de la mayson, Mr. S* Villieurry. Mr. Richard Paceo bon serviteur de Votre Majeste que le Car dinal avoit fayt detenir en prison passe deux ans, tant en la tour de Londres, que en ung monastere, a este mainten4 delivre 70 RECORDS OF et est rapelle en la Court. En tient l'on que s'il demeure en telz repos de cerveau qu'il est maintenant, qu'il retournera en plus grand Credit que paravant, que viendroit bien a tail pour l'adresse des afferes de Votre Majeste. II y a icy puys dix jcurs en ca, ung jeusne hemme bien honneste, envoye de la part du Due de Saxe, non point du lutherien -mais de I'autre au Roy; jl est venu ce jourd'huy me visiter et disner avec moy, je n'ay peu encoires seavoir qu'il traytte, du moins jl negocie fort avec le Roy et Monsr de Londres, et fayt son compte s'en retourner dans quinze jours, je m'enquerrey de scavoer s'il est possible, quelles afferes le mainnent pour en advertir Votre Majeste. Sire ! Touchant l'affere de la Royne, qu'ay garde pour le dernier, attendant nouvelles d'elle, j'en ay parcydevant assez amplement escript a Votre Majeste, et depuis n'en ay entendu aultre, synonque Monsr de Londres me affirma pour tout vray que le Docteur stocler, n'estoit aile en France que pour fere consulter ceste matiere aux docteurs de paris : pourquoy la Royne vouldroit prier Votre Majeste de fere le mesme avec les gens de Bien; car sans cecy ou quelque sentence diffinitive, quelque persuasion que l'on face au Roy, jl demurra toujours en son oppinion et obstinacion. Je luy ay fayt entendre l'advis qu'il avoit pleu a votre Ma jeste m'escrire, mais jl luy semble que la dillacion ne pouvoit en riens prouffiter, ains beaucop nuyre; a cest cause, et par les raysons qu'ay autrefois escrit a Votre Majeste que militent plus maintenant que jamais, que Ton ne debvroit consentir a la surceance qu'ilz demandent, toutesfois le tout est au bon plaisir de Vetre Majeste. Elle ne fust d'advis peur non donner supr picion au Roy, que la fusse veoir, et m'envoyat dire qu'elle pourveoiroit que luy pourrois parler aultre fois secretement. Sire, je prierai le Createur avec la tres bonne et tres longue vie, prosperer et augmenter I'Estat de Votre tres digne et tres sacre Majeste. Escrit en Londres le 25 8ber. 1529. THE REFORMATION. 71 P.S. Sire ! deux jours apres la sus escripte, le Cardinal a este sententiallement et diffinitivement condampne par le grand conseil Royal et desclayre rebelle du Roy, et avoir commis cas de leze Majeste, pour autant que contre I'auctorite du dit Roy et les privileges du Royaulme, jl avoit impetre la Bulle de sa Legation, au moyen delaquelle, par prevention, jl avoit confere plusieurs Benefices du patronaige du Roy et d'autres ; Et que a ceste cause debvoit estre prive de tous ses offices et Bene fices, aussy de toutes dignites et prerogatives, comme de fayt ilz le privarent, confisquant tous et chescungs ses Biens, meubles, et jmmeubles, et les adjugeant au Roy, et que sa per sonne deust estre Constitute et demourer prisonnier en une prison Royal icy en Londres, jusques a ce qu'il fust advise par le Roy de la Condigne justice, elle ne fust donnee en sa pre sence, en ce luy voulust l'on gratiffier, mays jl y avoit ordonne deux procureurs solempnelz de sa part. Cecy, luy sera de mauvayse digestion, mais encoures ne serat jl ,quicte pour le prix. Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Subject et Serviteur Eustace Chapuys. 72 RECORDS OF Number CCXXX. Copy of a letter from Chapuys to the Emperor, written Feb. 6, 1530, alluding to the bearing of Anne Boleyn towards Wolsey. Bradford, SIRE, Puys mes dernieres lettres, I'Evesque dev Rochestre P- 298- Soignieuse de la Conscience du Roy et bien du Royaulme, repos de la Royne et pour le debvour qu'il a a la verite, a paraccheve de reverer et Corriger le livre, jadis per luy eom- pouse que nagueres ay envoye a Votre Majeste ; et aussy d'en compouser ung autre nouveau, lequel la Royne m'a commands envoy er a Votre Majeste, par ce Courrier expres, et en toute diligence; afin que les Deputes de la part de Votre Majeste, pour soustenir le Droit et affere de la dite Royne, ayent loysir et opportunite de la visiter et bien examiner avant l'arriver de ceux, que vont la disputer de la part du Roy ; le dit Evesque a sollicite la Royne de ainsy fere, combien qu'il craigne grandement estre allegiie aucteur de ce dit dernier livre, comme la dite Royne en escrit a Votre Majeste ; de la poyne qu'il a prins afere les ds livres, l'euvre en tesgmoignerat, aussy ferat elle de Ja grande Doctrine d'jcelluy, la quelle accompagner du bon renom de sa bonne et saincte vie, cogneue et divulgue" a Rome et ailleurs, ne serat de petite efficace pour donner auctorite et fere adjouster foy a son opinion, meme voyant qu'il est des subjectz du mesme Roy, et que en luy n'y peult avoer scrupule de subornation, comme a ceux qui ont suyvit le party du Roy, selon qu'ay cy devant escris a Votre Majeste. Sire ! la Royne est traitter a l'accoustumer, et que l'ouseroit dire pis que oncques, le Roy se eslongie d'elle, le plus qu'il peult ; jl est tojours icy avec la Dame, et la Royne aupres de Richemont, et n'a jamais la moitie tant demoure sans la visiter que maintenant. Combien qu'il pregne excuse ou couleur sur ce qu'il estoit mort quelcung de pestilence aupres d'ou reside la Royne : — il a reprins la practique pour vouloer persuader a THE REFORMATION. 73 la dite Royne de se vouloer rendre nonain, mays c'est toute abussion et poyne perdue, car la Royne ny condescendra au grand jamais. Le continuel ennyt et traval, ou elle se treuve la contraignent jmportuner Votre Majeste, tant par des lettres que par les miennes, et ne cesserat qu'il n'y aye Resoulition et determination en son affere, ce qu'elle espere avant le parte- ment de Votre Majeste d'jtalie. Sire, Johan Jocquin, Ambassadeur de France est icy puys douze jours, et a apporte quelque argent pour les pensions particulieres que le Roy son maystre donne icy. Lendemain de son arriver, luy et Monsr de Langey allerent en Court con- duitz sans sermonies par ung de la Chambre du. Roy, le Recueyl qu'ilz Eurent du dit Roy fust bon avec asses longue practique. Samedi dernierement passe, ilz furent appele autrefois en Court, l'a ou ilz demouroint bien peu ; au retord ilz me vindrent visiter et convoyer pour disner le dimenche avec eulx ; le matin du dit jour tous deux revindrent pour me mener a disner. Nous fusmes en longues devises ensemble, mays je n'ay peu sentir autre particularite de la Charge du d* Johan Jocquin, sinon qu'il me dit qu'il estoit venu pour icy resider quelque temps, et que la chose que l'avoit le plus haste d'y venir, estoit le Recouvrement de la fleur de Lys, et pour poyer les des pensions particulieres. Venant a parler de la paix et de l'affere du Turc, jl commengat a dire, qu'il seroit mal advise et pourveu, si les princes n'appointoint les afferes du Vaynoda et que n'y remedieroit le turc ; ou seroit grande- ment dommaige la Chrestiente : — je lui remonstrey le debvoer en quoy du commencement le Roy d'Ongrie c'estoit mis pour ce fere ; iis ont quelque grosse Confraternite ensemble car iis parlent asses affectueusement en faveur du dit Vaymoda, et ce faysoit ordinairement Monsr de Bayonne estant icy Ambassa deur: — le Capn Rangon Ambassadeur pour le Roy de France de vers le dit Vaymoda, n'estoit encoures de retour en France, quant partit le dit Jocquin, combien a ce qu'il m'a dit, qu'il peusoit qu'il ne tarderoit d'y estre bien toust, et qu'il debvoit avoir prins le Chemin de Venise, et me nommet le gentil- homme que pie ga avoit este despeche en diligence pour le rapeller. En apres par continuation de propos nous vinmes a tomber -de parler de la poursuytte que le Docteur Stocler de la part 74 RECORDS OF du Roy d'Angleterre avoit fayt a Paris pour avoir la deter mination des Docteurs de 1'universite pour de divorcier de la Royne et pouvoir le Roy prendre autre. Jls me dirent de prime face, qu'ils n'en scavoint Chose quelcunque; mays a la fin voyant Monsr de Langey les conjectures que luy mettes, en avant, par lesquelles vray semblablement il en debvoit scavoer quelque chose, il fust constraint s'en descouvrir ; jl se excusat premier de ce qu'il avoit hyer n'en avoer riens apperceu, disant qu'il pensoit que vousisse dire que la question eust ete dispute en Sorbonne par toute 1'universite, et de cela ne scavoit jl, mays quant a opinions particulieres, jl scavoit bien pour vray que le dit Docteur Stocher en avoit demande l'advis.de plu- sieurs Docteurs, entre les quieux, jl s'en estoit trouves de ceux qu'il tenoit certainement debvoir escrire en sa faveur, qu'avoint opine du Contraire : et le mesme ausy estoit advenu a ung Docteur hyspagnol demeurant en Sorbonne, qui sollicitait de I'autre couste en faveur de la Royne; Et de ce parloit asses particulierement comme ce luy que s'estoit trouve a l'affere, et croys comme ay dernierement escris a Votre Majeste, jl s'est ayde par le commandement de son maystre a la solicitation du dit affere, et ce veys-je hier par une lettre escripte a paris d'un angloix y Residant ; l'a ou jl fait mention des promesses qu'ay escris avoir este faittes aux Docteurs opinions pour les Roy. Sire, en la ditte lettre avoit aussy advertissement que Tune des principales Charges qu'avoit le dit Johan Jocquin, par de ga, estoit pour rabbillier les afferes du Cardinal avec le Roy, que seroit (sans la Dame) fort ayse ; car comme j'ay escris a Votre Majeste, selon le commung ad vis, le Roy ne porte nulle hayne au dit Cardinal ; et s'il y a eu quelque male voulente ce a este contre les Biens, n'ont point contre la personne, et en ce semble que le Roy ne luy aye peu fere grand tort, car puisque le dit Cardinal luy avoit fait dispendre grand argent, Et qu'il disoit que tout ce qu'il accumuloit n'estoit que pour le Roy, d'en prendre l'administration et possession ung peu plus toust que ne vouloit ne pensoit le dit Cardinal, le Rey ne pen- sera l'avoir en Riens grefve ne injure, avec ce que le Cardinal dois qu'il commenga soupeconner de son infortune, et dempuys qu'il fust ruyne, a tojours dit, que le Roy ne luy pouvoit fere plus grand Bien que de prendre et se ayder de tout ce qu'il avoit, qu'estoit procede toutellement des Biens de d* Roy. Et THE REFORMATION. 75 pour tesmoignage, que le Roy ne lui portait fort mauvaise voulente, Ton m'a dit que doys le commancement le Roy ne vouloust fere diffinir le cas du dit Cardinal par les estatz gene- raux du Royaume ; pour ce que apres contre leur diffinitive et ordonnance jl n'eust ainsy peu pardonner au Cardinal, comme jl desliberoit et a fayt, ainsy que verrat Votre Majeste cy dessous. Sire, le dit Johan Jocquin est louge a la mayson d'ung des prives serviteurs qu'eust le Cardinal ; peu apres qu'il fust icy arrive le dit Cardinal combien qu'il fvst encoure"s aucunement mal dispouse, et qu'il heust affere de son medecin qu'est Vene- tien, toutes fois pour etre homme d'esprit, estrangier, et duquel U se fie, jl envoya au dit Jocquin, et a icy demoure environ quatre ou cinq jours. Je luy fays doubte, que si les frangais scavoint trouver le moyen de le reintegrer qu'ils n'y esparg- neroint Chose du monde pour le pousser ; car quelque beau semblant qu'ils facent a, Monsieur de Nolphoc, je says bien, iis ne se confient par trop en luy : — la practique bien desmele, ne pourroit estre plus advantageuse pour eux, mays, elle n'est sans gros dangier de demourer jmpossible, et de jrriter ceux que ont le credit et maniement aux quieux y va la vie. Sire, ainsy qu'ay dernierement escris a Votre Majeste, le dit Cardinal a este malade ou a ce que l'on dit a fainct de 1'estor, affin que le Roy le allast visiter, ce qu'il n'a fayt, mays en recompense, jl y envoyat la medicine a son mal necessaire, c'est a scavoir promesse de luy fere grace, pardonnance, et abolition de tout ce que l'on l'avoit Charge ; quoy entendu, jl commenca a se bien porte et se treuve maintenant en playnne Convalescence. Et luy doit estre aujourdhuy deslivrer la patente de sa de abolition en la forme qu'il la sceu demander : — le Roy luy laysse playnement la jouyssance de son Arche- vesche de Tore, luy a constitute troys mille angelotz de pen sion, qu'il prendrat annuellement sur l'Evesche de Vuinecestre et moyen ce, quiete le df Vuinecestre et tous autres Benefices ; — le Roy, oultre dix mille angelotz qu'il luy a donne puys qu'il a este condampne, il luy rend de sa vaisselle, pour deux ser vices et de tapisserie pour cinq Chambres, la Reste de PArgent et Meuble demeure au Roy. Or la mayson de ceste ville, le dit Sr Roy en apris ses jours passes la possession solempnelle selon les statutz du Royaume, et la jncorpore a son patrimoine. 76 RECORDS OF Et aulieu d'jcelle yl en donnerat une autre que serat des archevesques du dit Yore. Maystre Rossel m'a dit que a cause qu'il avoit porte quelques parolles au Roy en faveur du dit Cardinal, que le Dame avoit bien demoure ung moys luy tenant troquie, et refusat luy parler ; et que jl y a six jours que le Due de Nolphoc luy declayrast comme la ditte Dame sa Niepce, avoit bien este corosser contre le d' Maystre Rossel, si avoit elle aussy contre luy mesme pour autant qu'il n'avoit fait contre le dit Cardinal lont au pis qu'il heust peu et de avoit elle fayt plusieurs douleances. Apres ce le dit Due vint a demander au d* Maystre Rossel s'il estoit point d'opinion que le Cardinal heust encores espoer ou fantesie de retourneur en credit ; et luy respondant le dit Maystre Rossel, qu'il debvoit assez cognoistre que le cueur et ambition du dit Cardinal n'estoit pour reculer ou jl verroit l'opportunite d'em- brasser les offeres, et qu'il ny falloit autre opportunity sinon qu'il survinse quelque affere dont le Roy heust mestier du Conseil du dit Cardinal touchant les matieres qu'il ce autrefoys demenees. Lors le dit Due commencat tres fort a jurer, que avant que souffrir cela, jl le manger oit tout vif ; j'entens que pour remedier a ce jnconvenient, jl ayt este ordonne qu'il n'approcheroit la Court de cinq ou sept mille de ce pays. Sire, ung Cousin du medecin du dit Cardinal, m'a dit, que la Dame l'avoit envoyer visiter durant sa maladie, et se presenter de luy estre favorable vers le Roy, qu'est Chose dure a Croyre, attendu ce que dessus et l'jnnimitie qu'elle luy a tojours porte; et n'estoit ou qu'elle pensast qu'il d'heust mourir, ou qu'elle heust monstre sa dissimulation et affayterie, de quoy au dit commung elle est bonne ouvriere ; ou que Johan Jocquin heu desja commence afere quelque miracle. Sire, j'ay entendu que l'allemand, qu'arrivat icy le second jour de noel, dont ay adverty Votre Majeste, est du Due Frederique l'Electeur de Saxe; j'ay mis toutes les Espies qu'ay peu, pour entendre qu'il tramoyt, et l'ay fayt banquetter par un marchant plusieurs foys et richement abbrever pour tirer quelque Chose, mays iis n'a peu entendre sauf qu'il estoit au dit Due, et qu'il avoit este" Cap116 d'allemans aux armees de Votre Majeste, tant en hyspaigne que en Italye, et se trouvat a la prince du Roy ; — le dit marchant ainsy qu'avons advise ensemble faignist ung soir apres avoer donne a souper au dit THE REFORMATION. 77 allemant que pour I'infortune qu'il avoit en marchandises, jl voudroit bien suyvre autre train, et que s'il luy sembloit qu'il y peust faire quelque proufit, qu'il s'eniroit voulentiers avec luy en allemagne ; le dit allemand luy dit, que s'il vouloit venir que bon party ne luy faudroit, et affin qu'il ne pensat, le voyant icy sans grand fauste que fust pour faute d'argent, jl luy vuydat devant ung petit sac plain d' Angelotz, ou jl y en pouvoit avoir 15 Cens, et luy dis, que ce n'estois riens, qu'il en auroit bien autre somme avant que deslouger d'icy, et qu'il luy voulust ayder pour le luy fere tenir en Allemagne, je Cuyde a Francfort par letters de change : Le dit marchant a tojours porsuyt d'entendre et le party qu'il luy voudroit trou- ver, et ou ilz auroint d' aller, I'autre a tojours differe luy en vouloir riens declayrer encoures, car si le cas estoyt descouvert, jl y gissoit sa vie. Jusques a ceste heure, je n'ay peu autre scavoir, si espere je que ne Tarderay au Moyen de caux qu'ay apres, que n'entende une bonne partie de ce qu'il est icy venu fere : Je n'ay aussy riens peu scavoir de celuy que Ton dit estre icy de la part de Mons* de Mayence. Sinon, qu'il estoit venu pour requerer le Roy d'avoer regard au Cardinal, jl doit. party la semaine que vient et ammene plusieurs Chevaux qu'il a achatte, hors deux que le Roy a donne; — les dit deux hommes des d8 Seigrs de Saxe et Mayence, n'ont point en grand communication ensemble, au moins en public, en par- ticulier je ne scay, celuy du Due en la Court se trouve honnete- ment accoustre, mais sortant de la, jncontinent jl changeat d'habillemens ; Celuy de Norembert nomme Laurent Scavre pensionnaire du Roy et despeche a ce que l'on m'a dit, pour s'en aller avec les dits gens. Parlant hier avec Brianturx, nous entrasmes en propos des d3 Allemans ; jl me dit, une Fays qu'ilz estoint venus quelcungs d'eux, de la part d'ung qu'avoit tojours escrit contre Luther, et qu'il me monstreroit* les lettres que le Roy en avoit receu avec une Carte de Cosmographie ; je luy dis que ne paries de Cestuy qu'estoit seullement arrive puys huyt jours. Touchant les autres, jl me dit, qu'ils estoint icy pour leurs afferes particulieres, et que autres Choses ne traytoint, et qu'il leust bien sceut, puys me dit, qu'il estoit bien vray qu'il ne s'estoit trouve tojours en Conseil, et qu'il y porroit avoir autres Choses qu'il ne scait point; enfin jl me laissat en plus grand suspicion que pardevant ; le dit Brian Turz devi- 78 RECORDS OF sant de ce qu'avoit este deinene a paris en l'affere du Roy et de la Royne me dit tout ouvertement qu'il n'estoit rien si vray que les Francois desireroient bien, qu'il ny heust nulle affinite entre votre Majeste et le Roy, il ne passat plus oultre ; jl me dit aussy de la deliberation que le Roy avoit d'Entendre luy mesme en ses afferes, et que a Ceste occasion jl avoit esleu plusieurs Conseillers, affin que quant Monsr de Nolphoc, le Chancellier et aultres qui sont icy empesches aux afferes de la justice, et ne pourront estre aux Champs avec le Roy qu'il ne soyt desprouveu de Conseil ; Et pour ce jl fist passer par l'ordonnance des Estatz generaux, que en 1'absence des autres, le President de son Conseil Resident avec sa personne, -heust telle auctorite en toutes Choses, comme si le Chancellier et le Grand Tresourier d'Angleterre, et autres, officiers de la justice, ilz fuissent entrevenus ; en quel office a este depute le Due de Suffocq. Sire, hier arriva icy, ung lapidayre serviteur de Madame, qu'elle a icy envoye pour recognoystre les pieces de la fleur de Lys, il assisterat quant l'on la lui monstrerat, et la pourrat visiter sans autre semblant, Car si le Roy continue au propos qu'ay dernierement escris a Votre Majeste de l'envoyer par son homme et bien Cachette, jl n'est besoign d'icy fere scrupuleuse visitation; cela appertiendrat a ceux qui seront commis de la part de Votre Majeste pour la recoyvre. Sire, l'ung de ceux qu'aves charge d'espier l'homme du Due de Saxe, m'est venu tout a, ceste heure rapporter pour vraye verite et comme celuy que pouvoit certainement depouser, que le dit homme accompaignie de Laurens Scavre de Neurember, avoit ete la plus part de ceste matiner avec le Chancellier, et que ayant demoure" ung bon espace leans le dit Chancellier envoyat querre quelques marchans austrellens pour traytter avec eux de l'jnterest qu'ilz voudroint avoer pour rendre quel que argent a Frankfort, que le Roy y vouloit fere tenir au dit homme. Jl ne declayrat point la somme, mais seullement leur propousat combien d'jnterest ilz voudroint prendre pour livrer; ilz ne peurent pour lors riens conclure, tant pour la difference qu'ilz avoint sur le dit jnterest, que aussy a Cause que le Roy ne presentoit de bayllier icy l'argent tout k l'heure. Bien qu'il se disse que dans deux ou troys jours, jl se delivre- roit : le dit homme a tojours fainct de sejourner icy plus THE REFORMATION. 79 kmguement, mays resoluement si la difficulte du change qu'il veult avoer ne le detient, jl partirat ce soer ; jl y a autre-fois dit, qu'il repasseroit par anvers, et combien qu'il aye este jn- terrogue du lougis qu'il a accoustume d'avoir au dit Envers, et du Chemin qu'il desliberoit de tenir maintenent, jl n'en a voulu oncques rien declayrer, ne aussy son nom ; pareillement a ce qu'entens, jl ne se avoye expressement estre du dit Due, mays quant Ion luy a dit a part pourquoy il ne se avoyoit aussy bien au dit Due, comme faysoit celuy de Monsr de Mayence d'estre a son Maystre, a l'heure, s'il no l'a avoe, jl ne l'a point aussy desavoe : jl a dit a quelcung que le temps estoit venu, que les gens de ceur et d'Esprit feroient grande- ment leur besongnies en Allemaigne, Car Votre Majeste, faysoit son Compte de venir en Allemaigne avec puissante armee pour Chastier et opprimer jcelle, ce que ne voudront souffrir les princes ne villes jmperiales, et que luy trouveroit de telles gens d'esprit, qu'il les feroit bien pourveor et traytter : je luy ay fait demande par l'homme que m'a cecy rapporte, a scavoir, si Votre Majeste apres sa couronation desliberoit fere eslire a son appetit ung Roy des Romains, s'il y auroit Con- treditte 1 jl en grondist ung peu, puys ne dit autre sinon que ce n'estoit Chose faytte. Sire, j'ay entendu le tout par ung de mesmes Austrelins qu'a este demande devant le Chambellan pour faire la Charge que m'eust de paueur d'etre descouvert. Sire, voyant toutes ces choses, si le dit homme ne fust partit si soudain, j'eusse advertis Madame pour le faire visiter a Grasvelinghes, et si Votre Majeste desire scavoir entierement les misteres, cela se pourroit faire par le moyen de Laurens Scavre de Neremberg qui s'en va avec luy. Sire, il pleust a Votre Majeste me commander a mon parte- ment le fere remantouer de mes pouvres afferes par Monsr de Granvelles ; je luy en escris quelque chose ; pour non ennuyer de plus longue lettre Votre Majeste", laquelle supplie tres humblement vouloir quelque esgard a jceux de Londres le 6e. Fevrier 1530. Votre tres humble et tres obeissant subjetz et Serviteur Eustace Chaputs. 80 RECORDS OF Number CCXXXI. Copy of a letter addressed by Chapuys to. the Emperor, Nov. 27, 1530, alluding to the opinions obtained from the Universities. Bradford, SIRE, La Continuation de bruyt qu'a pieca couru, que en p' 3I9' ce Parlemant, recommencant a la purification nostre Dame, le Roy deslibere attenter quelque chause au fait de ce divorce, aussy l'ennuy du delay de son proces ont esmeu la Royne. escripre presentement a Votre Majeste affin qu'il luy pleust jnterceder.vers le Pape pourveoer en son affere; suyvant ce sa Sfce l'avoit accorde sur le memorial que Messre May pre- senta a sa de Ste, estant la mon homme, et neantmoins fere tirer avant le proce"s sans plus dilations, desquelles ne peust sortir nul bon fruyt sinon tout prejudice ainsi que Votre Majeste pourra veoer par le double des lettres que la de Royne escrit au Pape, de quoy plus amplement ay cy-devant adverty Votre Majeste at aussy Messre May et pareillement le nonce qu'en a desja escrit et paries presentes que vont avec cestes le Confirme, l'ondit qu'il font icy les preparations possibles pour dispouser le matiere pour le temps du d* Parlement et se par- loit de fere jmprimer quelque livre en faveur du Roy affin que le peuple en fust abbeurre. Jl y a huit jours que le Doyen de la Chapelle comme procureur du Roy en ceste cause se appareust en jugement devant le Chancellier de PArcheves- que de Canterbery luy requerant fere transumpter en forme authentique, juridique et probatoyre huit jnstrumens qu'il luy presentoit qu'estoint les determinations des Universites sur ceste matiere de divorce, dont yl y en avoit deux de paris, I'ung de la faculte de Theologie, I'autre, des Canonistes ; la reste estoint des Universite"s de Tholouze, Orleans, Burges, Bolongne, Padua, et Pavie, et ce croyres-je plustost, qu'il feroint imprimer que nul livre, car a ce ne leur pourroit l'on si souffizantement respondre que a ung livre, et ausi le peuple y adjoustera plus de foy et auctorite" a quoy ny a plus propice THE REFORMATION. 81 remede que d'obtenir I'attestation des voix qu'ont este a paris en faveur de la Royne, fere aussi imprimer les determi nations des Universites que tiennent contre le Roy et aucuns des meillieurs livres comme jl ont fait en hyspagne de celluy de PEvesque de Rochestre de quoy plusieurs pensoint, que le dit bon Evesque pour craincte du Roy en seroit desplaisant, mais jl ne luy en chault, puisque cela a este" fait sans son sceu, et si ne luy desplaira que les autres deux qu'il a dempuys faitz soyent imprime's de compagnie, et a, ceste cause en ay escris a Mess*6 May qu'a bon moyen de ce fere. Et du tout seroit requis on avoir plusieurs Copies pour les semer par icy et les publier solempnemant si le Cas le requeroit comme pense sera necessaire au terns du d' parlement. Sire, ces jours la Duchesse de Nolphoc envoya a la Royne ung present de volaille, et avect j celluy une pomme d'orange dans laquelle estoit enclose une lettre de Gregoire Cassal, laquelle me semble bon envoyer a, Votre Majeste. La Royne croit que la Duchesse luy ait fait ce present d'elle mesme pour amour qu'elle luy porte; mais je craindrais plustost que ce fut du sceu de son mary, en quelque sorte que ce soit si esse moyen a la Royne d'entrer en quelque practique dissimulant avec elle mieulx que par le passe. Le Roy a, passe huit jours, ordonne que icy fut ammene le Cardinal, quoy entendant le dit Cardinal, jl a demoure quel- ques jours sans vouloir manger, veulliant plustost comme l'on dit ainsi finer que plus ignomineusement et honteusemant dont yl a quelque doubte ; pour ainsi yl a este surprins sur le chemin de maladie, de sorte qu'il n'est encoures arrive — l'on dit que son lougis luy est appreste a, la tour en la Chambre mesmes ou fust detenu le Due de Boquignan ; de la Cause de sa prinse Ton en parle en plusieurs sortes, que sont toutes divinations. Ung gentilhomme m'a dit que peu de temps ayant qu'il fust prins, le Roy soy Complaignant a ceulx de son Conseil de quelque chose que n'avoit este faite a son appetit, leur dit en courroux, que le Cardinal estoit autre homme pour dem- mener toutes matieres qu'ilz nestoient eux trestous. Et sur ces propoz se partist deux fois, lors le Due, la Dame et le Pere n'ont cesse de machiner contre le dit Cardinal, speciallement la ditte Dame que ne cessoit de plorer regrettant son temps perdu, et aussi son honneur, menassant aussi le Roy de s'en VOL. II. G 82 RECORDS OF vouloir aller, de sorte que le Roy a eu assez affere de la rap- paiser, et bien que le Roy la priast tres affectueusement voyre jusques avoer les larmes aux yeux qu'elle ne voulust parler de s'en aller, toutesfois yl n'y avoit re"mede sans qu'il feit prendre le dit Cardinal : — yl luy mettoint dessus, pour lors qu'il avoit deu escripre a Rome pour estre reintegre en ses Biens, en France pour estre en ce favourise, et pour retourner en credit, qu'il commengoit a retourner en ses anciennes pompes, qu'il vouloit suborner le peuple, mais depuys qu'ilz ont eu le Medecin du dit Cardinal entre mains, ilz ont trouve ce qu'ilz cher- .chaient; le dit medecin puis le second jour qu'il fut icy, a este et est traitte en la mayson de Monsr de Nolphoc, comme ung prince, qui donne assez a entendre qu'il a Chante comme ilz demandoient. Johan Jocquain n'en a voulu riens dire au Nonce du Pape que l'en jnterroga fort expressement, mais jl a dit a l'Ambassadeur de Venise qu'il se trouvait par confession du medecin que le Cardinal avoit fait solliciter que le Pape feit excommunier le Roy et jnterdire le Royaulme, si le dit Roy ne chassoit la Dame de Court, et aussi pour ce qu'il ne traictoit la Royne deuement ; pensant par ce moyen que tout le Roy aulme se mutineroit contre les Gouvernemens, et que en tel trouble jl rempoigneroit le manyement : — le dit Jocquin de- testoit fort au dit Ambassadeur la malignite du dit Cardinal, ne scay s'il le faisoit pour dissimuler le anuyt de la prinse d'jcelluy, qu'il le dit de pure marisson de ce que le dit Cardinal vouloit obvier a ce second mariage qu'est la chose dont deppend tout la faveur et Credit que les Frangais ont icy. Sire, jl me semble que le dit medecin a declare qu'il ne eust aucune jntelligence ne Cognoissance avec moy, car s'il eust fait, le Due que dissimule mal voulentiers, m'en eust touche quelque chose, aussi l'on eust appelle celuy questoit le media- teur a qui rescrivoit le dit medecin et que luy faisoit les re- sponces, mais jusques a ceste heure Ion ne luy a sonne mot. Et quant bien le dit medecin diroit tout ce quest passe" entre luy et moy, ne scaurois toutesfois dire Chose pour laquelle l'on ne peust riens impugner ne Calumpnier. De France ilz ont icy adverty amplement de tout ce quest passe touchant la Convocation du Concille, et a deu dire Johan Jocquin a ung sien familier, qu'il a rapporte au Nonce, que le Roy de France ne se consentiroit volentiers au dit Concile, THE REFORMATION. 83 specialement quant aux lieux nommez ; je ne m'en suis voulu enquerre autrement, sachant Votre Majeste en sera plus seure- ment advertie du Coste" de France. Le Conte de Vulcher passant par Millan, a son retoure de Bolongne deust donner quelque esperance au Due de Millan, ' de luy fere icy preter cinquante mille Escuz, mais yl y a en viron huit jours qu'il fit responce a, I'Ambassadeur qu'il n'y avoit nul espoir, car le Roy se trouvoit en necessite d'argent a cause de gens qu'il tient en Irlande, desquelx j'ai cy-devant escript a Votre Majeste, que ne peuvent estre au plus cinq Cens. Jl y a eu ces jours Ambassad" d'escosse devers le Roy) et n'ay encoires peu entendre pour certain a quoy ilz sont venuz. II y a qui soupegonnent que Ton leur donne quelque parolle et espoir sur le mariage de la princesse, pour divertir le Roy d'Ecosse, de non traicter presentement d'aliance avec Votre Majeste ne allieurs. J'espere par le premier en escrire a Votre Majeste plus au vray. Les marchands lutheriens icy detenuz dont par mes dernieres ay fait mention a Votre Majeste n'ont heu autre punition que destre mennez par certaines ruez de la cite, avec leurs mitres et escripteaux, portant ausy aucungs livres qu'ils furent con- traintz brusler publicquement ; je ne scay quel fruyt a produit la de punition, car a ce que se voit dempuys jcelle, pour ung que parloit de telles matieres auparavant, yl seu treuvent cent qu'en parlent plus liberallement et sans craincte. Sire, yl est nagueres, icy venu, ung hyspagnoil, envoye comme jl m'a dit par le Conseil de Castille, combien que affin que ces gens ne pensent que le tout apparteneit a Votre Majeste, jl donne le bruyt d'estre tant seulement envoye de -l'ordre de la merced lequel a jmpetre license de pouveor icy fere prescher les Bulles du d* ordre pour la redemption des captives, et nommera le Roy Commissaire a son appetit et aura la tierce partie du proffit. Escrivant Cestes, une homme de Bien et de foy, m'est venu advertier comme le protho- notaire de Parchevesque de Canturbery luy avoit dit que non seullement, le Roy voulait avoir Copie auctentique des instru- mens dont ay fait mention cy dessus, mais aussy qu'il desiroit qu'ilz fussent translatez et. auctentiquez en langaige anglois, et que le Conte de Vulchier l'avoit prie de la part du Roy vouloir fere la dite translation a l'advantaige et favorable pour G 2 84 RECORDS OF le Roy, l'ampliant ou bon luy sembleroit, et par ce, avec plusieurs autres Cas, peust assez jugez Votre Majeste comme yl vont en besongnie. Je prie le Createur prosperer et conserver le tres sacre Estaz de vostre jmperiale Majeste. De Londres le 27e de Novembre 1530. De votre Majeste tres humble et tres obeissant subjetz et Serviteur Eustace Chaputs, THE REFORMATION. 85 Number CCXXXII. Copy of a letter from Chapuys to the Emperor, mentioning the death of Wolsey. Written Dec. 4, 1530. SIRE, PEvesque de Rochestre a dernieremarit accheve ung Bradford, livre en faveur de la Royne le quel va avec la presente, et p' 331' voudrois bien la dite Royne supplier Votre Majeste le vouloer fere incontinent envoyer au Pape, raffrechissant a sa Sw la Requeste des pointz dont par mes dernieres ay fait mention a Votre Majeste. Sire, Mardy veyllie de S* Andre, le Due de Nolpholq appella le Nonce du Pape en son logis, et estant la arrive jl luy dit, l'avoir fait appeller pour le prier de la part du Roy d'escripre au pape pour le Chappeaul de Pauditeur de la Chambre ; apres qu'il luy eust dit cela, jl le retira a part en sa chambre ou jl luy feit entendre comme le Roy s'esbeissoit que aiant eu lettres du Pape, qu'il ne luy en eust riens envoye dire; mais que encoires estoit jl plus desplesant des propos que sa Sw avoit tenu a ses Ambassadeurs sur la matiere du reagravatoire, et de faire vuider la Dame de Court, et que cela estoient Choses par trop etranges et que par beaucop respectz le dit Roy ne meritoit ainsy estre traicte, car quelque chose qu'il y ait eu, jl s'estoit toujours demonstre" tres bon et tres obeissant filz de PEsglize et que riens qu'il eust fait par cy-devant, n'avoit este en jntencion de desplaire a sa Sw ; en oultre ce, luy dit plu sieurs aultres gracieux propos sur jcelle substance : — le dif Nonce, entres autres excuses qu'il feit au premier, luy dit qu'il n'estoit aile communiquer ces nouvelles au Roy pour ce qu'il ne voulait plus ouyr les querelles et menasses que luy avoit accoustume fere le Roy; et d'ailleurs que le pape en- tendant la dite fagon de fere, luy avoit escript expressement que ne se sociat desormais de fore plus d'excuses ne justifica tion vers le dit Roy, Car jl pensoit s'estre en ce affere plus que souffizantement acquitte envers jcelluy Seigr Roy, et que maintenant restoit de satisfaire a Dieu, a sa Conscience, a la 86 RECORDS OF justice, et a I'autre par tie. Touchant le second point, jl luy respondit que son maistre luy avoit dernierement escrit qu'il ne pouvait en fagon du monde plus delayer les afferes et qu'il estoit tant importune de faire justice, que non seullement seroit contraint de pourveoer aux deux points susmentionnes, mais aussi de fere proceder a la diffinitive. Le dit le mercia bien fort de ce qu'il avoit ainsy descouvert l'jntention et deli beration du Pape, laquelle luy avoit este escripte en ziffre, et apres, luy avoir replicques plusieurs gracieux propoz, jl pria le dit Nonce qu'il voulust en ce endroit fere 1' office de bon Am bassadeur et ne fere rapport facheux, et qu'il voulait escripre de ce jour mesme par le Courrier que le Roy envoyait en Court de France, et dois la a Rome, le dit Due ousa bien affermer par son serment que le Roy n'avoit jamais sceu que le Cardinal de scherbes eust sollicite son affere en Rome, ne aussi du bref que fut decerne" contre luy a Bologne synon dempuis quatre jours en ga; Et toutesfois yl y a plus de six sepmaines que le Roy se plaignoit au dit Nonce d'jcelluy Bref. Sire, le dit Nonce cognoit par clere et manifeste evidence; estre vraye ce qu'ay par cy-devant escript a Votre Majeste que la doulceur esgrit ces gens, et l'aigreur les adoulcit ; car cependant que le Pape a use de gracieusete envers eulx, ilz l'ont menasse et brave le plus fort du monde ; maintenant que sa Sw a commence leur tenir la bride royde, ilz sont devenuz les plus humbles et simples du monde. A ceste cause jl escrit plus hardiment a sa de StlS qu'il n'avoit ouse par cy-devant que j celluy doit pour la conservation de son auctorite ycy, et par plusieurs autres respectz, fere incontinent diffinir l'affere de la Royne : — ses lettres vont avec la presente, jl playra a Votre Majeste commander qu'elles soient envoyees avec le livre men- tionne au commencement de Ceste. Et s'il plaisoit a Votre Majeste fayre un rencharge a sa StlS comme j'ai dessous touche, elle seroit de plus grande efficace et plus en sayson qu'elle n'eust este ci devant car la matiere se trouvera mieulx dis- pousee. Sire, le Cardinal d'Yorc trespassat le jour Sl Andre, a qua- rante mille d'icy, au lieu ou fust desconfust et occis le dernier Roy Richart, et gissent tous deux en une mesme Eglise laquelle l'on commence desja appeller la sepulture de Tyrans : THE REFORMATION. 87 — de la Cause de sa mort se parle en diverses sortes ; au com- mancemant de sa prinse jl demoura quelques jours qu'il ne vouloit rien manger, dempuys a ce l'on dit, ou que l'on luy a donne, ou qu'il aprins quelque chose pour haster ses jours.. Le Lundy le Capne de la garde arriva devers luy pour l'am- mener icy, il souperent ensemble faisans assez bonne Chiere, bientost apres, le dit Cardinal se trouva si travaillie que l'on pensa tout du long de la nuyt qu'il deust expirer, toutesfois il vesquit jusques au mercredy et soy ordonna en bon Chrestien, protestant toujours au temps de la Reception du Sacrement, n'avoir en rien mesprins contre son Prince, — puys son dit tres- pas la Court a este tresfort embesongne, si n'a Pon toutes fois encoures pourvehu de ses Benefices, et se croit que le Roy en fera son prouffit par quelque temps. Sire, je prie Dieu donner en toute prosperite a Votre Impe- riale Majeste tres bonne et longue vie. De Londres le 4e Decembre 1530. De Votre Majeste tres humble et tres obeissant subietz et Serviteur Eustace Chaputs. 88 RECORDS OF Number CCXXXIII. A life of Wolsey, by an unknown contemporary writer, preserved in the Vatican Library. I531- Vatican Anno 1531. Ex Collectaueis Britannicis torn. 21, pag. 45, Transcripts, De Thoma- Volseio Cardinale Eboracensi. p. 258. THOMiE VOLSEIO genus non novum modo et obscurum,sed humile etiam atque sordidum fuit. Patre lanio, ac pari matre genitum ferunt, a quibus puer ad ludos est deductus non in spem doctrinae illius, aut dignitatis, sed ut primas modo literas disceret, quarum ipsi expertes erant. Sed ille ingenio ac studio superata, parentum expectatione, etiam tinctus libera- libus disciplinis evasit, et mox majorem fortuna, sua, animum sumens, sacerdotii nescio quid adeptus in Regiam irrepsit: in qua paulatim succrescens, tandem ad Henricum ipsum Regem insinuandi se aditum est nactus, apud quern primo ingenio atque industrial probatus, mox obsequio et assentatione pluri mum valuit, donee gratia et autoritate tantus fuit, ut Rex sa?pe curas diffugiens, onus omne Regni in ipsum rejecerit; tanta, fidei, industriaeque ejus fiducia, ut permissa, uni, laxa- taque rerum omnium summa, Regis tantum nomine penes Henricum manente, jus, atque imperium in ejus arbitrio ac potestate relinqueretur, plurisque facerent homines in publicis privatisque rebus Volseium in suam sententiam adduxisse, quam Regem ; quippe, quod ille censuisset ratum erat. Regis voluntas facile auctoritati ejus cedens mutabatur. Hinc ad Ebpracensem Archiepiscopatum praedivitem, et magna? dignitatis apud Anglos evectus, atque ingentibus auctua copiis, etiam Cardinalis, Rege id studiose petente ut crearetur a Julio Secundo Pontifice Maximo impetravit, qua tempestate tres maximi Christiana? Reipublica? Reges trium Cardinalium consiliis regebantur. Caesar Matthaei Langi Gurcensis, Rex Gallia? Georgii Ambosii Rothomagensis, et Henricus hujus THE REFORMATION. 89 Volseii Eboracensis ; in quo robustum sane ingenium, plurimum solertiae, et in expediendis, [et] explicandis magnarum rerum consiliis prompta calliditas atque industria fuit. Magnitudine Henrici, atque autoritate omnu qua? maxima erat, in hunc redundante, ne apud ceteros quidem Reges non magno in pretio atque honore fuit. Anno M.DXX. cum in colloquium Franciscus et Henricus Reges venissent, ejusque rei caussa, et Brittannus in continentem trajecisset, et Gallus ad ultimos Belgarum fines accessisset, et positis medio in campo duobus admirandi operis tentoriis, in quibus se Reges mutua humani- tate invitarent, acciperentque, certarent uterque ostentatione opum, tertium Thoma? Tentorium haud minus magnifico appa- ratu est positum, ut per omnia Regibus ipsis aequari lanii filius videretur. Sed amplissimis quoque muneribus magnisque annuis pen- sionibus, et omnibus officiis cum ab eodem Francisco, turn a Carolo Caesare certatim semper est cultus, et ab utroque honorificentissime appellatus ; siquidem Franciscus ad eum scribens fratrem nuncupare erat solitus; Carolus Ca?sar diu literas aliter quam manu sua scriptas non dedit, in quibus se filium subscribebat. Sed ille in Franciscum propensior fere fuit occultis studiis, et magis fidis ; sive ingenio Regis simplice, aperto, liberali delectatus, Carolum magis tectum et ab His- panico fastu minus patentem sibi aspernabatur ; sive emptua corruptusque Gallico auro, cujus fuisse avidissimum eum con stat, quippe opes congessit tantas, ut prope Regem ipsum magnitudine pecuniae superarit. Hoc igitur fortuna provectum animum, natura elatum ac tumidum, quod fere vitii novitas, et repente collecta potentia habet, eo spe et cupiditate extulerat, ut perpetuam Legationem Brittanniae, Galliaeque, et Vicariam Pontificis Maximi potestatem in amplissimis Regnis sperare ac petere a Clemente Septimo non sit veritus ; cui *et Fran ciscus assentiri, et Clemens ipse non abnuere, ne cupidum ac superbum offenderent, videri volebant; magisque arte ducta, dilataque ab utroque, quam rejecta spes ac postulatio ejus est. Quin ipsum quoque Pontificatum maximum affectasse eum, sunt qui tradunt; fovente de industria, atque alente spem ejus Ca?sare, quo per ilium in suas partes Henricum traheret, sociumque Gallici belli haboret. Verum victis demum magno 90 RECORDS OF praelio apud Ticinum Gallis, et Francisco eorum Rege capto atque in Hispaniam abducto, facile vanas homines16 spes desti- tuit. Quod Volseius ut ulcisceretur, auctor Henrico repu< diandae uxoris fuisse creditur. Post nuntium capta? ja, Cesar. ianis Urbis Romae, et obsessi in arce Clementis, ab Henrico in Galliam missus, tantis honoribus acceptus est, ut majores haberi, ne ipsi quidem Regi potuerint. Atque ille quidem haud secus, quam si omne in se captivi Pontificis jus transr latum fuisset, ita omnia pro libidine disponebat. Nam unum e Proceribus Gallia?, quem Clemens, petente Rege Cardinalem designaverat quidem, sed tempus renuntiandi eum distulerat, assumere honoris ejus insignia, seque pro Cardinale habere jussit. Nee Joannes Salviatus, qui legatione apud Regem fungebatur, objicere se Pontificum jus usurpanti, ne alieno ac difficili tempore offenderet, est ausus. At etiam Cardinales omnes evocare per literas Avenionem non dubitavit, specie quidem consultandi de Pontifice in pristinam libertatem vindU cando : re autem, cupidine improba (si quis casus Clementem et ab hostibus circumsessum, et dolore tam adversa? fortuna? fessum atque ex eo valetudine parum firma, oppressisset) Pon^ tificatum Maximum per factionem invadendi, Sed a Cardina- libus immensa vanissimi hominis ambitio facile est per varias frustrationes elusa. Apud Britannos in maxima semper in- vidia fuit, quam incendebat, onerabatque non humilitas modo generis, et immodica? opes, qua? in bonis quoque ac moderatis invidiosa esse solent, sed insolentia hominis, atque fastidium, quo se ita offerebat interdum, ut ni vitia ejus immota atque constans gratia Regis superaret, toleraturi Britanni eum fuisse non viderentur. Namque ille demissa ac prope servili adula- tione adversus Regem, in caeteros Regio fastu agebat. Pre cipes gentis, magna? viros fortuna?, ac nobilitatis, sive obser- vandi ejus, sive rei pia? causa, adeuntes, observantesque cubiculi sui foribus non modo spernebantur ab ipso, sed jani- toribus ejus ludibrio erant, a quibus aditu saepe exclusi, abire cogebantur. Ipsam vero Reginam vel florentem mariti gratia non oderat, solum aemulatione potentiae, et ira in Caesarem, cujus ilia matertera erat, sed, etiam despici ab se videri volebat. 16 Probably a fault of copying for hominis. THE REFORMATION. 91 re muliebre odium magnopere commovit, quod diu tectum, dissimulatumque, aliquando in apertas eontumelias, minasque eruperat, Regina impotenti ira ulturam se aliquando suas injurias, atque sordidi sartoris arrogantiam malo repressuram minitante, qua? mina?, quamvis per superbiam spretae a Vol- seio sint, tamen in animum ejus alte descenderunt. Riccardus Selleius Britannus vir prima? apud suos nobilitatis, et aequalis temporum illorum, et patriae rerum maxime peritus, quo-cum mihi sane perfamiliaris usus, atque amicitia intercessit; libel- lum a se conscriptum mihi ostendit, quo ab hac Volseii cum Regina simultate ortum initium tradit, malorum qua? Angliae Regnum tot Printipum caedibus, et sanguine cruentatum, tantis intestinis cladibus fractum, demum a Christianis sacris et Catholica? ecclesiae fide averterunt, culpamque omnem con- fert in Volseium, cujus pectus tumidum fidutia fortuna?,, altius quam aequum fuit, Regina? convicium penetravit. Qui ingenti insuper in Cesarem, stirpemque ejus odio, et inclinatione in Galium incitatus cum acrem animum ad vindicta? cupiditatem intendisset, primum Regi scrupulum injecisse Ricardus scribit, Reginam veram esse conjugem ejus non posse, qua? ante in matrimonio fratris fuisset; quando id divina? vetarunt leges, quas solvere ne Pontifici quidem Maximo jus esset. Non aspernante sermonem Rege, adhortatus Volseius eum dicitur, ut de ea repudianda cogitationem susciperet, qua una, re, et aliena? consuetudine atque concubitu se liberaturus esset, et alia inde ducta, in spem virilis stirpis venturus, qua, et in- digne careret, et frustra ex sterili atque effoeta expectaret; nee aliud felicitati ejus deesse, quam mar em filium, quo sibi suisque firmaret Regnum, et genere ac Familia? nomine pro pagate, posteritati quoque consuleret. Neque enim defuturam ei in Gallia Regii sanguinis uxorem, et Clementem Maximum, turn e custodia elapsum, ac tanta, et tam recenti a Caesare injuria, cladeque affectum, ac multis difficultatibus circum- ventum, et quacumque re demereri, ac devincire sibi Regem cupientem, haud difficulter passurum, impetrari a se, ut irritas priores nuptias, et contra sacratas leges factas declararet ; quod cum Henricus, et taedio deflorescentis Uxoris, et cupidine libe- rorum, et occulto Anna? Bolenia? amore saucius, avide consi lium arripuisset, in tantam ejus rei libidinem praecipitavit, ut qui ornamentum, et prassidium antea fuerat, pestis, ac de- 92 RECORDS OF decus ingens Christiana? Reipublicae evaserit, facinoraque ilia, atque immania scelera ediderit, quae nos supra cum de eo ageremus attigimus. Alii Volseium non auctorem fuisse re- pudii, quo Regem sua cupido, et amoris intollerantia, et assidua? Bolenia? inter blanditias preces impulerunt, sed fovisse modo spem ejus, ut interea Regina seponeretur, ut si mos Regi a Clemente gestus foret, Rhenatam Francisci Regis Con- jugis sororem matrimonio ejus destinasse (ea erat Aloysii duo- decimi filia, quae postea Herculi Ferrariensium Duci nupsit), sic enim et spem Regina? praecisum iri mariti gratiam recu- perandi, et Henricum hinc inusta Ca?saris Domini tam insigni macula, amicum ei nunquam postea fore : hinc Regi Gallia? arcta, affinitate junctum, ab amititia ac societate ejus nunquam discessurum. Verum haec versute ac subtiliter cogitata a Volseio, non multo post, illi exitii causa fuere; ut sa?pe improba mens in auctoris vertitur pcenam. Nam Bolenia in torum consortiumque recepta Regni, et Regis novo amori indulgentis potens facta, crebris criminationibus Henrici ani mum a Volseio, quern matrimonio suo adversatum inexpiabili odio persequebatur, penitus alienavit, qui jam ante vilior Regi esse cceperat, postquam a Clemente de suo divortio contra quam affirmans pollicitus fuerat impetrare nihil potuerat. Igitur penes quern nuper rerum omnium potestas erat, in quo praeter nomen Regis, Regia potentia, regia? opes, cultusque, ac splendor regius conspiciebantur, repente prohibitus regia,, ab omnibus deseritur, nee aliud in domo ejus, qua? modo obser- vantium, atque adeuntium multitudinem non capiebat, quam metus et mceror, et solitudo videbatur. Mox multatus omni pecunia spoliatusque fortunis omnibus abjectus et inops Ebo- racum ad curam sacrorum relegatur, laetantibus cunctis, et increpantibus merito afflictum ; miserationem enim omnem superbia exemerat. Sed inimici baud satis depressum, qui erigi aliquando ac resurgere posse crederetur, rati, timen- tesque ne rediret tandem Regi desiderium viri, seu memoria? dignitatis, seu necessitudine opera? ac industria? ejus, eaque inde calamitas ultro iis in perniciem verteret, ni properarent ipsi, atque anteverterent ; dum recens ira patentes aures cri- minibus praeberet, urgere ac penitus tollere hominem statuunt. Confictis literis, quas ab eo ad Regem Gallia? missas inter- cepisse se ajebat, quibus arcana cum Francisco consilia agitare, THE REFORMATION. 93 et res novas haud dubie moliri videretur ; subdunt accusa- torem qui eum Majestatis postularet. At Volseius vocatus a Rege ad dicendam causam, in itinere, ira ac dolore ferocem atque asperum animum incendente, in febrem incidit cujus vim substinere non potuit. Ita opportuna morte, imminenti morte est exemptus. Neque enim dubia damnatio ac supplicium ejus vel insontis futurum fuisse creditur, &c. 94 RECORDS OF Number CCXXXIV. An abridged account of the case for the King. 153 r. Record A compendious annotation of such points and articles as 0 ce- seemeth most vehemently to impugn the matrimony between the King's highness and the Queen's grace ; the fact whereof is asfolloweth : — PRINCE ARTHUR of noble memory, brother unto the King's highness, took in marriage the Queen's grace that now is, daughter to Ferdinande King of Spayn, which matrimony between them contract, solemnized and with carnal knowledge consummate, tbe said Prince Arthur e died, leaving the Queen's grace, then his wife, widow. Whom the King's highness at that time, neither for want of age might take to his wife, ne also for such impediments as were in the law between them, as well publico? honestatis, arising of the contract of matri mony made with his said brother, as also affinitatis, by reason of carnal conjunction with the same. Nevertheless, upon a dispensation pretended to be obtained for the said impedi ments, espousals were at that time contracted between the King's highness, being then not above the age of twelve years, and the said Queen, then widow. From which espousals the King's highness, coming to the age of fourteen years, dissented, protesting that he would not be bound by those espousals, ne contract matrimony with her, like as by instruments made thereupon, and depositions of such as then were present, can be proved and shewed : after which dissent, by the space of four years, during the life of the King's highness' father, King Henry the Seventh, nothing was further attempted or done in the said matrimony to be had or contracted. After the King's highness' father was departed to God, the present matrimony whereupon we treat was first solemnly contracte and consummate, whereof hath been suscitat my lady prin cess, upon which fact insurgith a question whether the said marriage between the King's highness and the Queen's grace THE REFORMATION. 95 be lawful, maintenable, and agreeable to the holy canons and laws of the church, so as thereby nothing may be objected against the said lady princess. For the examination of which question it is first to be con- Abbas in c. sidered that there is in the church of God a prohibition of pivorliis matrimony evident and manifest, which some doctors affirm to Propositus proceed of God's law directly, and all agree to be an old con- aua^en. stitution of the holy canons, the authority whereof cannot be tj^m- . . , iii Glossamo. violate without deadly sin ; that the brother may not marry Meet, de his brother's wife. Which prohibition extendeth not only to ? es*ltu- that wife whom the brother hath carnally known, but also to mm c.Ad that woman with whom the brother hath only contracted ^ia^n^e spousalls, although he never carnally knew her, ne openly sponsa et married her, like as the Pope manifestly declareth in the gi0gSa chapter Ad audienciam, in the title de Sponsalibus et Matri- ibidem. raoniis, where he writeth these words following : — Scriptum est quod sponsam fratris frater habere non potest, under standing that not only when the brother still liveth, but also after his death. So as between the brother and the brother's wife, where espousells or matrimony hath been contracte, and carnal knowledge hath ensued upon the same, be two impedi ments in the law of like strength and effect; that is to say, of the contract, publica honestas, and of the carnal knowledge, affinity. This premitted for a ground, it appeareth manifestly upon De sponua- the fact before rehearsed, that the marriage between the ^J^ lJ° King's highness and the Queen's grace is contrary to the unico. prohibition of the church, and so, consequently, to be taken as no marriage, unless there appear a dispensation for the same vaylable and of effect in the law. There is a dispensation shewed, wherein is to be noted three things : One is, that the said dispensation proceedeth not of the Pope's mere motion, but upon a supplication made and causes alleged in the same. Secondly, that there be contained in that supplication two causes ; first, the affection and desire the parties had to con tract matrimony for the conservation of peace between their parents, King Henry the Seventh and King Ferdinand ; second, 96 RECORDS OF the good conservation of peace like to ensue of the same contract. Thirdly, the date of the dispensation. Whereby it ap. peareth the King's highness was not at such time as the said dispensation was obtained twelve years old. First, whereas it appeareth that the said dispensation pro ceeded not ex mero motu, but of a cause and supplication made unto the Pope : It is to be taken for a sure, stedfast, and certain ground, confirmed by manifold texts of the law, with the consent and affirmation of such as do interpret the same, that whensoever the Pope doth dispense upon a supplication made unto him, and, in his writing of dispensation, rehearseth the tenor of that supplication, expressing thereby the causes alleged to induce him to grant the same ; in that case, the dispensation so granted Causa pro is not to be taken as mere, pure, and absolute, but as a dis- ert'quod6 Pensati°n conditional ; as though the Pope should write after confirmat this form — If that be true ye have alleged unto me, I dispense tuTmc." w^n you- 1^ i* be not true, I dispense not with you. So as Quia circa, whensoever it shall appear that the cause or causes alleged to multis. obtain the dispensation was but colored, fayned, and not of Hasc.ciau- truth, such a dispensation is to be taken as though it really omni dis- had never been granted. For like as when a promise is made submtelM-6 un(ler a condition, as soon as the condition appeareth to fail, gitur in we account such a promise to be void and frustrate in the law, c 2° de i Rescripts. and of no more effect than it had never passed or been made : so likewise when a dispensation hath a cause inserted in it, (which cause in that case hath the nature of a condition, as is before declared,) incontinently as the cause shall appear to be a false cause and fayned, ne of truth, the dispensation is to be reputed of no force, ne strength, but all things to be taken as though no such dispensation had proceeded, been obtained, or granted. Wherefore, if it can be shewed and made open that the causes alleged and contained in the dispensation granted for conjunction of the King's highness and the Queen's grace, the foresaid impediments notwithstanding, be false and not true, it must necessarily be concluded that the marriage between them holdeth not, but is frustrate and void by the law. THE REFORMATION. 97 For proof and demonstration that such assertion as was alleged unto the Pope to be in the King's highness, to contract matrimony at that time with the Queen's grace for conservation of peace, was but surmised and fayned, false, and not of truth, two things be principally to be regarded, and considered, first, the young age of the King's highness, which was not above twelve years, whereby ensuing the general determination of tbe law, accounting the maturity of discretion not to bo before fourteen years of age, it should be thought that such Textus in an affection to contract matrimony, and to contract it for the ^JT'de respect of peace, should not be in him. Minor em aetatem non Regu. et . . . . ., , 7 ¦ . tran. ad re. creditur moveri pisto spiritu, ideo quod non admittitur ad in An., et irrevocabile votum castitatis. Secondly, the protestation of lex Q"""1 . prcetor, § dissent, made by the King's highness as soon as his years de Juditiis. came to mature age, when he had full liberty and perfectness Textus in of judgment, which act did declare whether his former sayings 'Ztconsen. or doings in his imperfect age did proceed of an entire ?e dffPon- . b r ° r impube. affection or no. Thus of the premisses converted and reduced to the form of an argument in this wise : — Whensoever the causes of the dispensation be false, the dispensation is void and of none effect. The causes of this dispensation be false. Wherefore it followeth the dispensation to be void ; there can nothing be replied to infringe the same, unless it be denied such a protestation to be made, which resteth in declaration to be made by writing and witness, or that it shall be said that the assertion of the King's highness alleged to the Pope was no cause which induced him, wherein somewhat is more at large spoken, confirmed also by law, authority, and reason to be by such as shall reply and deny the same, answered unto and refelled. It shall be then said percace, for defence of the matrimony, that although the King's highness had not the said affection then, yet his grace had it at such time as he contracted, indeed solemnized also the matrimony with the Queen's grace, and consummating the same. To answer hereunto it may be said that the matrimony could not be contracted, solemnized, consummate, ne mayn- teyned by force, virtue, and effect of the said dispensation, which for two causes hereafter to" be declared was at that VOL. II. h 98 RECORDS OF time neither good ne vaylable, but clearly frustrate and void. Textus est First, by reason of the protestation made as is before Giosa^n rehearsed, containing in effect a renunciation of the dis- Ciemen. pensation. rescrip. Secondly, forasmuch as the final cause of the dispensation u. primum, ceaseci re integrd, that is to say, conservation of the peace cum glosa J J . r de cleri. between the prince of most noble memory, king Henry the hbriTs^xto, 7tn ana< king Ferdinandus, whereof the one, the King's high- ArcMdia- ness' father, was then dead. ibUlem. To prove the first, this argument may be made. In Cle. Whensoever a man renounceth a privilege or benefit, directly Grac. in de or indirectly, by express words or otherwise, he cannot after- rescnptis. * ' j i _ ward return thereunto again, though he would. And the same privilege, once so extinct, shall never revive, ne come to the full strength and former state again. In § finali But so it is that the King's highness having a privilege her qnaK- g'ranted unto him that he might marry the Queen's grace, the tate et dif- prohibition of the law and impediments notwithstanding, made .' protestation he would not marry her ; which implied a renun- pollentiis ciation of the said privilege, like' as being made heir in a q^dfiat61* testament, and declaring that I will not be heir, I renounce in L. that benefit ; for there is no' difference to be made whether I gibns. protest that I will not accept the privilege and that I will not do that wherefore the privilege was granted me. Wherefore it followeth the dispensation to be extinct and void, and of no strength nor effect, whereby the said matri mony could then be maintained. To confirm the second point may be brought this argument following — Ar. in c. Whensoever the final cause of a grant ceaseth re sdnle°&l tnat is to sav' afore anything be done by. virtue of that grant, appe., et the grant ceaseth and effect thereof. posHus ^ Here in this case the final cause of the dispensation ceased in c. by death of the King's father being named as one between Quia circa, ° ° de consan. whom and King Ferdinande should be conserved the peace. et am. Wherefore the grant of the dispensation should cease. Thus relinquishing and passing over many other things that may be alleged and objected against the dispensation, to in fringe the same ; first, the taciturnity of the King's highness' THE REFORMATION. 99 age, being then not competent to contract matrimony per verba de prasenti ; secondly, that the dispensation was not obtained by the King's especial commandment required in that case; thirdly, that although it was taken as a thing certain here that the matrimony with prince Arthure was carnally consummate, as in the article of the treaty made between king Henry the 7th and king Ferdinande for marriage of the King's highness to the Queen's grace doth plainly appear, to the intent the Pope might the more facilly be induced to grant the dispen sation, that matter being in doubt. It was telled him as a doubtful tale, forsan inquit consummavit ; whereupon the grant might be taken as surreptitious and so consequently of none effect; fourthly, that being two impediments of matri mony the dispensation maketh mention but of one, which thing learned men do call in question. Omitting those four points and leaning to that that is before treated and reasoned, there seemeth to follow an inevitable conclusion that the dis pensation is not good for three causes. One, by reason of the false suggestion. The second, for that it was and is extinct by the protes tation. The third, for that the final cause ceased or ever anything was done by [virtue] of that grant of dispensation. Endorsed — De causis impugnantibus the matrimony between the King and the Queen. h 2 100 RECORDS OF Number CCXXXV. A document qf the year 153 1 on the subject of the Pope's supremacy. Record 1. OBEY the king as chief and other rulers that be sent Office by God for proferment of good and destruction of evil. This is St. Peter's warrant for the king's supremacy, which he would have avouched for himself for discharge of his duty if such power had been committed to him by God. And here is to be noted his distribution of authority, the chief to be in kings and other in magistrates that be inferior. 2. St. Paule agreeth in many places, naming generally powers and magistrates. And if he would have had the authority of Peter understood specially, it cannot be thought but he would have mentioned it, seeing he had ofttimes con ference with Peter, and thereafter taketh occasion ofttimes to name him. ii. The rest of the Apostles agree in doctrine of obedience; and yet not one of them specifieth this authority of Peter, nor give him any singular title as vicar of Christ, universal bishop, or the like. 4. The example of David's* obedience toward Saul, being a reprobate king, is so great and singular, being weighed with due circumstances of the text, that it may well appear to the indifferent reader, there was never such authority in any priest of the old law nor new, whatsoever order he was of; likewise in David himself by the disposition of God was a singular pre-eminence, as may well appear by the text alleged in Peter, in the Acts of the Apostles : " The Lord said to my lord, sit of my right hand ,-" where Peter proveth that to sit of the right hand of God was given to Christe and not to David, because it seemed to be the opinion of the Jews that next God, their king David had authority, and therefore this place might be understood of him. 5. Ecclesiastes, preaching of obedience, in diverse places THE REFORMATION. 101 speaketh of the king's authority with singular and special phrase, — Beware that thou think not evil in thy heart of the king, for though thou do it privily in thy chamber, the birds of the air will declare it abroad and make report qf thy faut. The Holy Ghost would never with such precise words specially have forbidden disobedience against the king, if there were not in the king a supreme authority above all other, lay or spiritual. And thus much for doctrine. Now for example and doings of the prophets in the Old Testament and the apostles in the New Testament. 6. We see the kings good and bad were obeyed of all states, as David in his well doing and evil ; though Nathan told him his fault, yet he honoured him as king. 7. Samuel when he knew Saul to be out of the favour of God yet honoured him as his king and chosen governor. 8. Hieremias, Ezeehiel, Ezechias, told plainly the kings their faults and opened God's plagues to come to them and to the people ; yet they did always with obedience use them, and knowledge them as only supreme governors without any such distinction as we make of the lay and the clergy. This for the Old Testament and prophets. Now for the New Testament and the apostles, 9. Paul, being accused of a spiritual matter, as himself declareth with these words before Agrippa, — I am accused (saith he) for hope that I have of the resurrection of the dead; nevertheless he knowledged first the inferior officers of Rome, as appeareth in the text ; and after used the ordinary benefit of appeal to Caesar as his ordinary and supreme judge. 10. Peter suffered shortly after at Rome, as it is written, agnising the authority likewise ; for though he were willing to die for maintenaunce of Christ's doctrine, yet for his conscience sake he would have excepted against the jurisdiction bf Caesar if Christ had given him this pretensed supremacy in eccle siastical causes ; for if it had come from Christ, as is pretended, it were a piece of Christ's doctrine which Peter would both have uttered and testified with his death as he did the rest. LL1-. All the rest of the apostles nother in their life, nother at their death did ever use Peter as their superior any manner of way, nor did at any time avouch or once mention this pretensed title. \ 102 RECORDS OF Us-. thas. 12. For the special favour of our Saviour Christe, it ap peareth that he did more singularly declare it to Paule than Peter, if it be lawful to make comparison in this case, as first by the whole process of Paule's calling in his journey to Damasco it may appear, and likewise by Paul's confession, Ad Corin. declaring that he was in revelation taken up to the third heaven and there saw such mysteries as were not to be spoken. This revelation had been meet for Petre, if there should be thought in him a pre-eminence above the rest. And St. Paul, when he saith he had conference with the chief of the apostles, Ad Gala- reckoneth Peter not alone but with James and other, and calls them together by a common name, columnas, that is the pillars, meaning the chief and of most estimation. 13. And indeed if we shall argue of the special friendship of our Saviour Christ, it seemest by the Gospel that John the Evangelist ought to be preferred before all other, both for that he lay familiarly in his bosom, as the text saith, when they were together ; and the apostles being desirous to know who should betray Christ, they made him their mean for that purpose ; and Christ seemed to take it well, for forth with he declared the matter to John by a special token ; and the text calleth him the disciple whom Christ loved, which also appeareth evidently when our Saviour, nailed to the cross, recommended this Jhon specially to his mother and likewise his mother to him. Finally it may appear by our Saviour's talk had with Peter of the same Jhon.; for after Peter had received instruction for himself, it seemeth he had a certain curious thought to know what should become of Jhon; and therefore moved our Saviour Christ therein. He answered, What if I will have him tarry till I come, what is that to thee ? This answer declareth towards Jhon a great affection of our Saviour Christe touching his preservation, and seemeth but harde toward Peter, rebuking his curiosity. 14. Succession need not to be mentioned; for if this pre tensed supremacy were not in Petre, then succession from him spoken by our Saviour Christe to Peter touching the keys, the foundation of Christ's Church and feeding and instructing the same, it doth evidently appear to the indifferent, by conferring these with other plain texts of the Gospel that there was carnal respect in our Saviour Christ in these matters, other THE REFORMATION. 103 touching Peter's several person or other bishops that succeeded or severally to the see of Rome, on any prescription of time ; which partial respects be contrary to the liberty of the Holy Ghost in the Gospel, and therefore they have a spiritual under standing of the true faith and give a general commission to all pastors and apostles of Christe's Church that they labour in teaching and edifying of it as appertaineth to their duty. &l- 3 b. 15. |As for interpreters and counsels, these be not indifferent in thisTnatter, because they have been abused by the ambitious bishops of Rome for maintenance. of their pretended authority^ which as it may otherwise appear, so it may in this be found, that those holy men and martyrs that were next the apostles' time required not nor used not this spiritual monarchy, and the other that were modest and virtuous afterward refused it, and most of them that have sought it and enjoyed it have been of such detestable life and maintained such wicked doctrine that they might rather seem to claim succession from Caine than from Cephas, and from Pluto rather than from Peter. 16. The conclusion is, seeing both the sayings and doings of the prophets and apostles bear full witness of the king's supremacy, and none for any bishop or priest, and that the words of our belief bindeth us to credit that Church that is universal and hath the doctrine of the apostles, it is to be thought al God's servants and they that love and serve and believe in his Son and our Saviour Jesu Christe will receive without contradiction degrees of authority as the Holy Ghost hath distributed them in the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and forsake and detest this wicked and ambitious usurpation of the Romish jurisdiction, founded upon covetousness, maintained by cruelty, and continued to the great hindrance of the Gospel and supportation of superstition and carnal liberty. 104 RECORDS OF Number CCXXXVI. Letter from Clement VII to Henry, forbidding his marrying any other woman, January 5, J531- Be Grand, CLEMENS Papa VII. universis et singuhs praesentes literas inspecturis salutem, et apostolicam benedictionem. Elxponi nobis nuper fecit charissima in Christo filia nostra Catharina Regina Angliae illustrissima, quod licet alias nos, postquam causam et causas recusationis ac appellationis et ap- pellationum, ac validitatis seu invaliditatis matrimonii ex dis pensatione apostolica inter Reginam ipsam, et charissimum in Christo filium nostrum Henricum Anglia? Regem illustrissimum et fidei defensorem, multis jam decursis annis prole suscepta contracti et pacifice continuati, ipsiusque dispensationis ac inter eos divortii dilecto filio nostro Laurentio S. Maria? in Transty- berim, et bonae memorise Thomae S. Caeciliae presbyteris Car- dinalibus in regno Anglia? tunc nostris et Apostolica? sedis legatis de latere, omni recusatione et appellatione remotis, per eos in eodem regno cognoscendas per nos commissas ab ipsis Cardinalibus tunc legatis ad nos et sedem Apostolicam pro parte ipsius Regina? interpositae, et interpositarum ad ipsius Regina? supplicationem dilecto filio magistro Paulo Capisucio capellano nostro ac causarum palatii apostolici auditori, per eum audiendas et coram nobis in consistorio nostro secreto referendas nobis, etiam cum potestate Regem ipsum et alios citandi, ac eis et dictis Cardinalibus legatis, inhibendi etiam sub censuris et pcenis etiam pecuniariis et per edictum publi cum constito summarie et extrajudicialiter de non tuto accessu, et alias commiseramus ; Ipseque Paulus auditor, constito sibi de non tuto accessu, citationem ipsam cum inhibitione sub censuris, ac decern millium ducatorum auri po?nis, per edictum publicum in certis locis alma? urbis nostras, et in partibus in collegiata? B. Maria? Brugensis, Tornacensis, et parrochialis de Dumkerke oppidorum Morinensis dicecesis ecclesiarum valvis affigendum, THE REFORMATION. 105 decreverat, et in eis praemissa legitime executa fuerant ac dictis Regi et aliis omnibus, ne in praejudicium litis et jurium dicta? Regina? interim aliquid innovarent, mandatum fuerat, licet revocatis postea quoad ipsum Regem poenis et censuris in inhibitione ad conquestionem ipsius Reginae nobis asserentis ad ejus aures pervenisse; Regem ipsum lite pendente ac in hibitione et mandato sibi factis praedictis non obstantibus, se jactare ad secundas nuptias de facto devenire velle in ipsius Regina? prasjudicium non modicum, ac Regis praedicti anima? periculum ; Cupientes prout nostro pastorali incumbebat officio pras- missis providere, eidem Regi, ac quibusvis utriusque sexus etiam illius domesticis, ac etiam consiliariis secretis, et aliis cujuscumque gradus status dignitatis et excellentia? personis districte per alias nostras in forma brevis literas sub data Bononiae die septima martii pontificates nostri anno VII. interdixerimus, prohibuerimus, et districtius inhibuerimus, omnem licentiam, potestatem, et facultatem ab eis auferentes, ne sub majoris excommunicationis, suspensionis, et aliis sen tentiis, et censuris, etiam interdicti appositionis, et ipsarum personarum inhabilitatis, et aliis pcenis, si contra fecissent incurrendis ; Ipseque Rex ne, antequam per debitam et finalem litis, et causa? hujusmodi expeditionem clare liqueret, id sibi licere de jure cum aliqua, muliere cujuscumque dignitatis et excellen tia?, etiam vigore cujusvis dispensationis, etiam apostolica? sibi vel eidem mulieri etiam per nos concessa?, aut desuper quomo- dolibet obtenta? vel obtinenda?, matrimonium vel sponsalia con- trahere, vel forsan contracta et consummata etiam prole suscepta continuare ; persona? vero praedictas, ne illis interesse, nee de eis se intromittere praesumerent, etiam illis, ac Cardina libus legatis, ac aliis quibuscumque inhibendo, ne de praedictis aut dicto matrimonio, comminato etiam sub nomine legatorum, aut privatim aut alio quocumque modo prassumerent, prout in eisdem literis plenius continetur ; Et nihilominus, etiam post earumdem literarum nostrarum praedictarum in locis pra?dictis publicationem, affixionem, et executionem, quod non absque animi nostri displicentia, in- telleximus, adhuc Regem ipsum lite et illius ad nos advo- catione, inhibitione, interdicto, prohibitione, et mandato nostris 106 RECORDS OF praedictis non obstantibus, ad secundas nuptias de facto devenire, ac in causa et causis praedictis, etiam per nonnullos praetensos judices seu personas in illis partibus procedi facere et attentare velle, in non modicum ipsius Regina? praejudicium ac Regis pra?dicti animas periculum, nostrique et sedis Apos tolica? mandatorum contemptum : Quare pro parte ipsius Regina? nobis fuit humiliter sup- plicatum, ut ejusdem honori ac ipsius Regis anima? saluti totiusque regni tranquillitati consulere scandalisque qua? ex- inde oriri possent obviare, aliasque in praemissis opportune providere de benignitate apostolica dignaremur. Nos igitur attendentes justis et honestis petitionibus nostrum assensum denegari non debere, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, authoritate apostolica de venerabilium fratrum nos- trorum S. R. E. Cardinalium consilio pariter et assensu, sub irritantis decreti poena, per hoc nostrum edictum publicum in audientia nostra contradictarum denuo publicandum, ac earum- dem ecclesiarum valvis affigendum, cum alias praefato Paulo auditori constiterit ad illud eidem Regi intimandum non patere accessum, prout de praesenti non patet, eidem Regi et quibusvis utriusque sexus, etiam illius domesticis et secretariis, ac ipsius regni etiam Cantuariensi legato nato, et aliis primatibus, archiepiscopis, episcopis, ac etiam consiliariis secretis, consiliis, parlamentis, universitatibus, collegiis etiam judicum, et aliis quibuscumque cujuscumque status, gradils, ordinis, conditionis, dignitatis et excellentia? personis et judicibus, quocumque nomine nuncupatis dignitate fulgentibus et authoritate functu- ris districte interdicimus, prohibemus, et districtius inhibemus, omnem omnino licentiam potestatem, et facultatem ab eis auferentes, ne sub majoris excommunicationis et suspensionis, ac quarumvis ecclesiasticarum dignitatum, feudorum, bene- ficiorum, officiorum, et bonorum ecclesiasticorum et saecular- ium, ac inhabilitatione ad ea et qua?cumque alia in posterum obtinenda, lata? sententia? pcenis eo ipso, si contrafecerint, vel eorurn aliquis contrafecerit, incurrendis: Ipse Rex, ne antequam per debitum et finalem litis et causa? hujusmodi expeditionem clare liqueat id sibi licere de jure cum aliqua ' muliere, cujuscumque dignitatis et excellentia? etiam vigore cujusvis desuper forsan sibi, aut tali mulieri, aut alias quomodolibet etiam per nos et sedem praedictam concessa?, vol THE REFORMATION. 107 concedenda? contrahendi licentia? contracti, aut approbationis ; nee aliqua mulier cum eodem Rege matrimonium vel sponsalia contrahere, vel forsan contracta et consummata, etiam prole suscepta continuare ; inhibendo etiam praedictis, vel quibusvis aliis, quibuscumque etiam parlamentis, ne de lite et causa hujusmodi et aliis praedictis, ac dicto matrimonio comminato etiam sub nomine legatorum, aut privatim, aut alio quocumque modo se intromittant : sed cum etiam lite pendente nullus de- beat possessione conjugii et debiti conjugalis spoliari, idem Rex, ut talem principem et Christianum catholicum decet, dictam Reginam maritali tractet affectione, et litem ipsam coram ipso Paulo legitime prosequatur, et illius finem sua, solita prudentia patienter expectet; ut propterea, si Rex praefatus vel alii inhibitioni, prohibitioni et inter dicto hujus modi contravenerint, tale matrimonium seu sponsalitia, ac omnia et singula tam per Regem, quam personas, parlamenta, universitates, collegia, et judices praefatos, et quoscumque alios gesta et facta, praesumpta vel attentata tanquam nulla, irrita et inania de similibus consilio et assensu irritamus et annul- lamus, ac prolem ex tali conjugio conceptam, genitam, sus- ceptam, concipiendam, vel suscipiendam, tanquam in mala, fide et illegitime ac ex adulterio natam illegitimam fore et esse decernimus ; Regemque ipsum, ac omnes alios supradictos sententias, censuras, et pcenas praedictas ex nunc, prout ex tunc in- currisse declaramus, et ut taliter publicari ac publice nun- tiari et evitari debere volumus, atq etiam mandamus, &c. Quocirca vobis et singulis vestrum etiam in dignitate consti- tutis, sub excommunicationis lata? sententia? poena, districte, praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus postquam praesentes ad vos pervenerint, seu vobis prassentata? fuerint, et commode pote- ritis, easdem praesentes litteras in dicta audientia contradic tarum publicari, et valvis earumdem Ecclesiarum affigi, et paulisper inde amoveri, et earum copiam collationatam eisdem valvis affixam dimittere, et demum super publicatione, et affixione et dimissione, publica et authentica instrumenta manu propria Notarii coram testibus fieri faciatis, et de his omnibus ac aliis qua? in praemissis per vos gesta fuerint, nos seu Paulum auditorem prasdictum, certiores reddere curabitis; nos enim 108 RECORDS OF praesentium litterarum publicationem, affixionem et copia? di- missionem per vos faciendas, postquam facta? fuerint eosdera Regem et alios supradictos perinde tractare, ac si praesentes omniaque in eis contenta, eis personaliter intimata, ac illarum copia? eis data?, traditae et dimissa? fuissent, et nihilominus quicquid per Regem et alios praedictos, et eorum quemlibet, contra praeinissa factum vel actum fuerit, nullum penitus et invalidum, nulliusque roboris vel momenti decernimus, non obstantibus '?, etc. Dat. Roma? apud S. Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die j Januarii MDXXXI. pontificates nostri anno VIII. EvAMGELISTA. 17 This document is printed from Dodd's Church History of Eng- Le Grand, and has been corrected land, vol. i. p. 366, and in Audin's from the copy in Raynaldus, torn. Life of Henry VIII, p. 412. Both xiii. p. 299. The latter is full of these copies were taken from Le mistakes. The breve to the same Grand, vol. iii. p. 446. This second effect of March 7, 1530, has been breve appears in Audio, p. 414, who printed in Tierney's edition of has copied it from Le Grand. THE REFORMATION. 109 Number CCXXXVII. Letter from the King to the Pope, written January 6, 153 J, again urging the promotion of Ghinucci to the Cardinalate. SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino Nostro Papa?. Vatican Beatissime pater, post humillimam commendationem, et and"80"13 S' devotissima beatorum pedum oscula. Dum nuncium expecta- The'""*, remus, Reverendum Dominum Episcopum Wigorniensem in novissimo hoc quatuor temporum festo fuisse a vestra Beati- tudine in Cardinalem creatum, ex Domino Benet oratore nostro plurimum dilecto, cui hanc dignitatem apud vestram Sanctitatem nostro nomine instantissime procurandam com- miseramus, praster nostram quidem expectationem intelle- ximus, ingens hoc nostrum desiderium fuisse dilatum, mul- tasque fuisse a multis difficultates injectas, quo non absque nostri honoris laesione omnino impediretur, illudque etiam Domino Wigorniensi per speciem, re autem vera, expectation! huic nostrae plurimum obfuisse, quod non Anglus, sed Italus riatione extet. Proinde, Beatissime pater, quum de vestra? Sanctitatis paterno in nos animo, et nobis gratificandi voluntate non adhuc penitus desperemus, sciamusque aliorum sententias turn in hoc, turn in casteris omnibus Vestra? Sanctitatis ar- bitrio non repugnantes esse debere, soloque nutu in suam ipsam opinionem pertrahere reliquos posse : voluimus iterum atque iterum pro Domino Wigorniensi instare, non antea pre- cibus nostris modum imposituri, quam optatum fructum a vestra Beatitudine reportaverimus, beneficiumque tanto majus in nos collatum putabimus, tanto tenacius pectori nostro inhaerebit, tantoque ad reponendam gratiam promptiores erimus, quanto rebus ipsis voto hoc nostro impetrato manifestius perspiciemus, vestra Sanctitate ex corde juvante, injectas ab adversariis diffi cultates nos tandem superasse. Quod vero adduxerint aliqui, Wigorniensem non Anglum, sed Italum natione esse, leve certe hoc putamus esse nostri rejiciendi desiderii argumentum, in 110 RECORDS OF quo refellendo non admodum laborabimus, apud vestram prae sertim Sanctitatem, qua? sua prudentia potest tam frivolam objectionem facillime convellere, sed mutabunt illi, nisi omnis rationis fuerint expertes, suam hanc opinionem, si meminerint Reverendum Dominum Wigorniensem Episcopatum habere in hoc nostro Regno, ob suamque prudentiam, et in arduis rebus expertam fidem jampridem esse inter dilectos nostros subditos et consiliarios adnumeratum, nee nationis nomine unumquem- que nobis carum esse, sed eos imprimis, quorum virtus com- mendatos nobis effecerit, et non quos nationis origo ditioni nostra? duntaxat subegerit.. Vestram igitur Sanctitatem vehe- mentissime rogamus, ut in Domino Wigorniensi in Cardinalem creando dignetur omnibus omnium objectionibus se nobiscum opponere, ardentissimoque huic nostro voto benigne-adnuere, persuasumque sibi habere, ut non temere ad Wigorniensem commendandum adducimur, ita ad referendam pro hoc accepto beneficio gratiam non tardos aut tepidos nos futuros. Et feli- cissime ac diutissime valeat Sanctitas vestra. Ex Regia no stra Grenwici die 6 Januarii m.d.xxx. Rogamus Sanctitatem Vestram ut velit nobis hanc gratiam concedere et honorem nostrum in ea protegere. Ejusdem Vestra? Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Anglia? et Francia?, fidei defensor ac dominus Hibernia?, Heneicus. THE REFORMATION. Ill Number CCXXXVIII. The Pope's answer to Henry's letter of Dec. 6, 1530, written January 7, 1531. REGI ANGLIC. Nunquam quidquam tam acerbe dicet aut scribet ad nos Raynald. serenitas tua, ut et veteris nostra? erga te benivolentiae, p.1",™1' et ejus persona?, quam gerimus, a qua, longissime omnis iracundia abesse debet, obliviscamur. Itaque minime per- turbato^ animo respondebimus ad literas tuas VI. Decembris datas: quas quidem asperius, quam tua voluntas tulerit, aliorum impulsu scriptas judicamus; condonabimusque Deo primum Regi regum, deinde serenitatis tua? meritis erga nos omnem criminationem et querelam tuam, qua nos multis verbis tanquam erga te injustos et Regina? in Caesaris gratiam faventes arguis, quod causam matrimonii inter te et illam non isthic, ut velles, sed hie per nos ipsos cognosci et decidi velimus. Quam rem, fili, si semoto affectu et sedata, perturbatione, ut optamus, perpenderis, nimirum, qua? tua semper fuit aequi- tas, liquido perspicies, nos aliud quam quod facimus, salva honestatis et justitia? ratione, facere non posse ; aliquid etiam forte fecisse, quod nonnihil in te propensi aliquibus visi fuerimus. Primum enim, ita cupiente te, legatum isthuc misimus, qui cum altero Cardinale et legato isthic existente rem propius cognosceret, et quod optabamus, si fieri posset, via concordia? terminaret : quern quidem non antea revocavimus^ quam Regina multum ante questa se ream et alienigenam ad forum actoris trahi,cumque eo in suo regno litigare cogi ad cujus nutum omnia in regno agantur. Tandem ab ipsis legatis ad nos et sedem Apostolicam appellavit; juramentum quoque perhorrescentia? et suspicionis sua? per legitimum procuratorem in Romana, curia praestitit : turn vero nos, qui justitia? debitores omnibus sumus, veterem hujus sancta? sedis morem, et juris communis dictamen in hac secuti, cum causam pergravem super spirituali 112 RECORDS OF sacramento, et in tanto scandali periculo inter potentissimos Reges tanta, animorum contentione permotam videremus ; nos ipsi eam cognitionem suscipiendam duximus, non quod laborem hunc et molestiam libenter amplecteremur, ex qua, tantum taedii hausimus, sed ne nostro officio, et praedecessorum nos- trorum consuetudini deessemus. Itaque justitia? tantum debito adducti, quamquam serius multo quam debuissemus, et re multum dilata, tandem de unanimi voto et consilio omnium venerabilium fratrum nos- trorum Sancta? Romana? Ecclesiae Cardinalium causam appel lations a Regina interposita? in nostro rota? auditorio, quod doctis et probatis viris refertum est, omnesque Christian- itatis praesertim ecclesiasticas causas dijudicare consuevit, ita commisimus audiendam, ut ex utriusque partis juribus dis- cussam nobis postea, referrent in consistorio nostro, et cum eorumdem Cardinalium consensu, et consilio, et sententia deci- dendam : qua? quidem et' ex se ardua ob qualitatem articuli discutiendi, et ex personis praecellens nostra? potissimum deci- sioni apta et reservata videbatur, ut Regum causa? non ab alio, quam a summo Pontifice et sede Apostolica judicarentur. Quid aliud aut serenitas tua si nostro loco fuisset, aut quispiam alius recti cultor in hoc egisset, quam quod nos egimus ? Dedimus judices in tuo regno quoad pars non contradixit : at ubi ilia reclamavit et appellavit, qua. ratione appellantem non admit- teremus, cum ilia judicium ex loco et personis suspectum alle- garet, suspicione non solum verisimili, sed etiam jurejurando ejus comprobata? Hie tua serenitas verbis pluribus nullam suspicionis causam fuisse contendit, propterea quod humanissime semper permise- ritis Reginam suo jure libere uti : quod et nos credere volui- mus : sed tamen illi aliter credent, et juramento etiam affir- manti deesse in appellatione admittenda, et causa committenda non potuimus : id quod jure cautum, et consuetudine semper observatum fuit. At controversia ibi decidenda, ubi nata est. Ita quidem, nisi ubi suspicio a parte intenditur, metuiturque collitigantis potentia, qua? etsi non vera, et rationabili suspicione, ani mum inferioris conturbet et minuat. Quod si tua serenitas de nobis etiam ipsis, qui judices et communes patres sumus, suspicatur ne plus alteri, quam tibi faveamus, quern putas THE REFORMATION. 113 esse debere Regina? metum adversus te ipsum in tuo regno litigandi; cum praesertim idem ipse venerabilis frater archi- episcopus Cantuariensis, cui rem committi voluisses, quem nos alioqui virum fide et probitate prsestantem arbitramur, pro te contra ipsam Reginam nobis scripserit, et studiose cum caeteris supplicaverit ? Nee nos hoc dicimus quod de justitia et integritate tua aliquid sinistri suspicemur ; sed cum Regina eum locum se suspectum habere dicat atque etiam juret, cum cujus supremo et potentissimo domino litigat, res ejusmodi est, ut huic suspicioni apud omnes, nedum apud judices, amplam facere fidem possit, utque tua probitas et humanitas alioquin perspecta est, ita in hac dumtaxat causa, qua? tua tam interest, non potest ex Regina? animo ea suspicio ac metus convelli; cum praesertim inhibitione per edictum decreta, judici non solum ex Regina? juramento, sed ex testium depositione con- sfiterit locum ei tutum non esse, non modo isthic litigandi, sed ne titationes quidem adversus serenitatem tuam exequendi : qua? nos quidem, fili, tecum familiarius agimus, quam judicis officium postulet, cujus non est rationem ulli partium reddere, quid qua, ratione faciat : sed impellimur benivolentia in te nostra, ut personam erga te parentis potius, quam judicis in scribendo gerere velimus, cupidi convellere suspicionem de nobis tuam falso conceptam, mutuumque ac veterem nostrum amor em, si per te liceat, conservare : quod ut justius a te im- petremus, acrimonia? literarum tuarum non pari asperitate, sed paterna, tantum charitate respondebimus. Multa sunt enim in tuis literis, qua? tua? serenitatis sapientiam et aequanimitatem solitam, nonnihil etiam modestiam desiderent, qua? nos quidem libenter omittimus, idque in primis quod tam crebro impingis nos Caesari esse addictos, cui nos quidem, ut non negamus nos esse, et debere esse amicos ob communem tranquillitatem, et nostrum etiam officium, ita illius causa, contra tnam sereni tatem, aut quemquam alium nihil unquam injuste facturi sumus : quod si illi non concedimus, contra te, ne tua? quidem aequitatis est postulare, ut quidquam pro te injuste contra ilium faciamus: quamquam quod verissime dicimus nunquam Caesar a nobis quidquam in hac causa postulavit, nisi quod jus merum posceret : in quo si ejus matertera a te vinceretur, turn se libenter acquieturum semper dixit, quandoquidem nulla ad eum hujus rei culpa pertineat; sed in author es ejus matri- VOL. II. i 114 RECORDS OF monii tota sit rejicienda : tantum se pro sui ratione honoris contendere, ne Regina per vim aut injuriam opprimatur. Illud vero miramur queri serenitatem tuam, et de Uteris in- terceptis, quod falso tibi relatum est, et prohibitos fuisse tuos Bononiae, et in aliis terris nostris, ne consilia et allegationes juris prudentum pro te conquirerent : cum nos id tibi licere voluerimus, literasque etiam nostras ad hoc concesserimus, quas tu cum testes habeas nostra? voluntatis, nullas habes tua? suspicionis : quod si probetur nobis ullos nostros in hoc deli- quisse adversus et literas et voluntatem nostram, aut nuntium nostrum apud Regem Christianissimum imprudentius de hac causa, fuisse locutum, ostendemus id vehementer nobis dis- plicuisse. Quod adjicis, Christianissimi Regis precum rationem non haberi, praelatorum et nobilium tui regni inter cessionem a nobis contemni et derideri; nos quidem id quale sit prorsus non videmus, cum et maximi faciamus eos, sicut merentur, et ipsius Christianissimi causa id studiose petentis rem primo ad unum mensem, deindeque ad quadraginta dies produxerimus, pluri mum quidem reclamantibus Reginae procuratoribus ; praelatis autem et nobilibus tuis humanissime responderimus ; rationes quoque adduxefimus cur quod peterent concedere nequiremus, qui sane nullius precibus eguissemus in tibi complacendo, si simul tibi et justitiae placere potuissemus : nee vero idem Rex singulari vir aequitate, nee tui etiam praelati et nobiles pro tua, integritate aliud petendum a nobis duxerunt, aut se petere in animo et sensu suo existimarunt, quam quod justitia? con- grueret: cujus quidem tanta vis est, ut neque Rex, neque praelatus, neque nobilis ullus rem injustam sciens petat sicut nee alteri ipse concederet. Atque hoc totum intelligi volumus de solo appellationis arti- culo, quam non admittere locumque judicii non mutare non potuimus, ita communi' jure communique consuetudine exigen- tibus ; nam de principali negotio nihildum loquimur, propterea quod jura partium a nobis nondum cognita et discussa sunt, quae nos quidem, si a tuis exhibebuntur, ita medii et in neu- trum declinantes aequo affectu parique lance expendemus, ut omnibus recto sensu euntibus manifestum hinc sit futurum, nos humanis affectibus non servivisse ; nos te in charissimi in THE REFORMATION. 115 Christo filii loco semper habere, tuiquo regni privilegia et tueri et augere cupimus : quibus quidom nullum fieri videmus praejudicium, si causa haec mere ecclesiastica, ct tanti momenti inter Regem et Reginam super matrimonio vertens a Romano Pontifice judicetur, cum in ipso regno ob rationabilem Regina? suspicionom judicari non possit. Verum si humano more aliquid serenitas tua in hoc concu- pierit, quod ei magis libeat, quam nobis liceat, petimus a te ne pluris tuum desiderium facias, quam nostrum officium a nobis fieri permittat : quod si a tua serenitate non impctra- bimus, dolebimus quidem maxime; sed tamen etsi de judicio aliquid, nihil certe dc amore in to nostro diminucmus. Ora- mus Deum omnipotentcin, ut te eundem nobis, et universae Christianitati, quem antea praestet, communi tranquillitati et divino honori semper inservientem, quod et futurum speramus : nos enim, dempta, hac una, persona judicis, eos nos tibi semper pra?stabimus, qui erga te antehac f'uimus, esseque debuimus, quemadmodum haec latius dilectus filius baro Burgh nuntius apud te nostcr tua? serenitati explicabit, cui fidem solitam habere vclis. Dat. Roma? die 7 januarii MDXXXI. pontificates nostri anno octavo. i 2 116 .RECORDS OF Number CCXXXIX. Letter from the King to the Pope, in Vanned hand, written February 13, 1531, approving qf the proposal to hold a General Council. Vatican SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papa?. Transcripts and state Beatissime pater, post humillimam commendationem et de- voWii' votissima pedum oscula beatorum. Christiana charitas, qua? p. 284, and omnes omnium dolores et gaudia communicat, in nobis id p. ;8q. ' efficit, ut semper indoleamus, quotiens aliquid nunciatur, quod vel aliorum quieti et tranquillitati adversari, vel ad bonorum expectationem minus prospere succedere videatur. Ita qilod Sanctitatis Vestrae Breve prima die Decembris ad nos datum significavit, et nos longe antea ex aliorum litteris, ac ipsa defe- rente fama, intellexeramus, Caesarem etiam, si multam in ea, re operam navaverat, non omnia tamen ex sententia cum Ger- manis composuisse, qua? ad fidei et religionis causam pertine- rent, vehementer sane nos commovit, et ad cogitationes adegit graves molestasque de statu christiani orbis, et multifariis in eodem corruptelis partim ignorantia receptis, partim malicia irrumpentibus, nonnullis vero etiam conniventia admissis at que neglectis, quarum omnium avulsio, ut aliquando contingat, et vinea Domini, omni sua parte, tribulis expurgetur, ac ad illam culturam, quam Deus ipse, data, nobis pro instrumento scriptural, constituit, revocetur, non possumus nos generale Christianorum Concilium in Spiritu Sancto congregatum non optare ex animo, et Vestrae Sanctitatis in ea re studium non vehementer laudare, simulque non indolere, quod frequen- tiora Concilia hactenus habita non sint, qua? certe effecissent, ut nee vel ilia, Germanise peste, vel alia quavis aegritudine in Ecclesia Christi hodie laboraretur. Hoc igitur Concilium perquam necessarium judicamus, atque ob zelum, quem erga Christianam religionem et publicam tranquillitatem gerimus, in eo fovendo juvandoque nulli christiano Principi cedemus, nee nos quicquam omittemus, quod cum Deo publicoque omnium THE REFORMATION. 117 bono esse, posse putaverimus. Unum certe est, quod imprimis curandum esse existimamus, videlicet ut is locus de Principum consensu statuatur, qui omnibus ad conveniendum nullo dis- crimine tutus commodusque re vera extiterit, alioquin multi multorum bene sentientium labores, consilia vigilia?que nullo cum fructu pericUtabuntur. Quod vero ad nostram in futuro Concilio praesentiam attinet, ea de re, quum de loco constitu- tum erit, ita deliberabimus, ut si minus corpore ad esse prae sentes, ita exposcente rerum nostrarum statu, possimus, ejus- modi certe legatos nostro nomine mittendos curabimus, qui vices nostras supplere et obire valeant, velintque, ut nihil pos- sit a nobis in ea, parte desiderari, quod ut in Rempublicam cedat Christianam, Deum semper precabimur, utque praesen- tium calamitatum miseratus Vestra? Sanctitatis consilia regat disponatque in melius. Sed super hiis cum ejusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis apud nos nuncio sumus copiose colloquuti. Et feli- cissime ac diutissime valeat eadem Vestra Sanctitas. Ex Regia nostra prope Westmonasterium die 13 Februarii M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Vestra? Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius Dei gratia Rex Anglia? et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hibernia? Henbicus. Sanctissimo Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. 118 RECORDS OF Number CCXL. Draft, in Vannes' hand, of the preceding letter from the King to the Pope, approving of the idea of holding a General Council ; written Feb. 13, 153 1. Vitell. BEATISSIME pater, certe incredibili semper animi [delec- foi Xi« tatione] afficimur, quotiens aliquid nobis nunciatur [quod ad] religionis statum, ad cujus normam optimus [quisque] debet Duce Deo su [as res] actionesque componere, ullo modo perti- [nere vel] publicam tranquillitatem alicunde inter [ruptam adjuvare] posse videatur. Longe antea Beatissime pater, [ex fide] dignorum literis et sermone, atque etiam [ipsa deferente] fama, quam vestra? Sanctitatis breve de univ[ersali indi]cendo Contilio prima, die Decembris [ad nos scriptum] nobis red- deretur, intellexeramus quam [parum Caesarea] Majestas in Lutherana comprimenda, he[resi et in caeteris] Germania? sedandis tumultibus proficere potuer[at. Sed cum] triste novum nunc esse Vestrae Sanctitatis [Brevi denuo] confirmatum, non potuimus ex commun[i Christianorum] principum officio, non gravissime ferre [nostrorum] temporum infaelicitatem quae radices [suas altius] egisse videtur quam facile, nisi unum D[eum nostris] conatibus proposuerimus, convelli qu[eant]. Ex animo quidem indolemus neque cor [dis soli] citudine Vestrae Beatitudini cedimus quod spes [quas de con]ventu Augusta? a Caesare hab[ito, conceperamus] tam parum ejus expectation! ex . . . ex cujus eventu nunc . . . [Si] vero immensis illis et innumeris morbis qui hodie medicam manum exposcunt quaeratur remedium, simul etiam tot malis et invalescenti [morbo non] occurritur, non possumus de generali [Christianorum co]ncilio indicendo, sanctissimum institutum non [magn]opere laudare; ex hocque rerum statu manifesto colligimus, [si] frequentiora concilia antea fuissent habita, [vel si] posthac in ingruentium malorum initio [ha]beantur, non tam crebro Christiana? [rei] publicae quietem labefactatam aut THE REFORMATION. 119 pertur[ba]tam iri, nee Christi religionem et [pro]priam salu- tem, sic omnibus [co] ntemptui neglectuique futuram. Hoc igitur concilium perquam necessarium judicamus atque ob zelum quem erga Christiafnam] religionem et publicam tran- quillitatem [ger]imus, in eo juvando, fevendoque nulli Christi ano [princ]ipi cedemus, nee nos quicquam omittemus [qu]od cum Deo publicoque omnium bono [fieri] posse putaverimus. Unum certe est, Beatissime pater, quod maxime necessa rium, [inpr]imis curandum existimamus, viz. ut is locus de quo principe printipum consensu statuatur [omni]bus ad conveni- endum, nullo discrimine [tutus] commodusque re vera, extite rit; alioquin [multi multorum bene] sentientium labores, con silia, vigihaeque nullo cum fructu periclit [abuntur]. Reliqua fol. 136. vestra? Beatitudinis prudentise com [mittimus] cujus consilia rogamus Deum, ut praesentium calamitatum miseritus, sem per rega[t dispojnatque in melius. Sed super hiis ali[is- que rebus] cum ejusdem vestrae Sanctitatis apud nos nu[ncio sumus] copiose colloquuti. Quod vero ad nostram in futuro Concilio praesentiam a[ttinet] ea de re ita deliberabimus ut si minus corpore [adesse] praesentes, ita, exposcente rerum nostrarum statu, pos[simus], ejusmodi certe legatos nomine nostro [mittendos] curabimus qui vices nostras [obire] et supplere valeant et velint, [ut nihil] a nobis in ea parte desi- deretur. Quod ut in [rempublicam] cedat Christianam, Deum semper [precabimur,] [utque praesentium] calamitatum mise ritus vestrae [Sanctitatis consilia] regat disponatque in melius. Sed super hiis [aliisque cum ejusdem] Sanctitatis Vestrae apud nos nuncio sumus copiose co[lloquuti]18. 18 This letter was considerably be seen by a comparison with the altered before it was sent, as may preceding copy of it. 120 RECORDS OF Number CCXLI. Letter from the King to Bryan, Tayler, and Foxe, written in March, 1531, directing them to watch the proceedings as regards a possible interview of the French King and the Emperor. Addit. TRUSTY and right well-beloved, we greet you well. Jf^' And whereas being advertised by your last letters of the fol. 49. removing and departing of our dearest brother, the French king, from the queen's company, to take his pleasure in hunting along the borders and frontiers of Hainault, we, for answer to your said letters, addressed our letters unto you, which we sent by a servant of you Sir Frauncis Bryan, signi fying unto you by the same' our pleasure was that ye Sir Frauncis Bryan should in any wise follow the French king's person in the said venery, and ye the Master of our Rolles, and ye Mr. Almoner, might lie now alofe and abide in the place where the said queen should be left, unto the return of the said French king, which we doubt not ye have. Now having divers matters of importance to be declared to our said dearest brother and his counsel by you, wherein is knowledge of the Latin tongue, which wanteth in you Sir Frauncis ; We therefore will and require, and you our Almoner, because ye be younger than the Master of the Rolles and may take more pains, do join yourself with Sir Frauncis for expe dition of this charge. In the doing whereof requireth both dexterity and diligence, whereof neither wanteth not in you; and therefore we require you to do and say as we shall by these our letters instruct you accordingly. First, ye remember we doubt of the practices in Almayn set forth by our dearest brother and us with the Duke of Saxony, the lansgrave of Hesse, and other princes of Ger many, for which purpose our good brother sent unto them, as he said unto us, one Gervasius, and we for our part our THE REFORMATION. 121 servant William Paget, one of the clerks of our signet. And ye shall understand how from the said duke and other princes of Germany is arrived with us one specially sent with instruc tions concerning that matter ; the copy of which instructions fol. 50. we send unto you herewith to the intent ye conceive with yourself and understand the contents of the same, and also what we specially note and mark therein. There was pre sented unto us with the said instructions the copy of a con federation made and passed in Germany between the said duke and other princes therein rehearsed, the copy whereof ye shall also receive herewith. Over and besides the instructions and confederation afore said there was delivered unto us the copy ef certain articles to be treated in a Diet appointed to [be] kept in Lubek the first day of January; the copy of which articles we also presently send unto you. Finally, the personage sent from the said princes delivered us letters from the Duke of Saxe in favour of the Duke of Wittenbrege, and letters of the same duke with a declaration of his whole cause for restitution to his duchy ; the copies of which matters concerning the said Duke of Wittenberge, for that they be particular and else known to the world, we send not unto you. And forasmuch as, following our accustomed manner, we think expedient ye communicate this matter to our dearest brother the French king, and specially for that it toucheth us both, as ye shall perceive by tenor of the same, our plea sure is ye first note and consider what we principally mark in the said instructions, the confederation passed, and the other articles to be treated at Lubek. First, in the instructions. We note principally how the said princes, having made this confederation, put our good brother and us as the ground of their convention and agreement to such purpose, and requiring of us money to be 'deposed in some place to such use, do in manner therein demand the fulfilling of a promise, supposing such promise of help to have passed us by our agents sent unto them. Which we for our part never did, as our in- fol. 51. structions given to our said servant Pachet do purport, and also as the same our servant certifying us of his own act doth affirm. 122 RECORDS OF We note also in the instructions how the said princes, de siring of us this aid, do offer unto us no reciproque equiva lence, as is accustomed amongst princes, but only that they will permit us to gather and conduct soulgurs in the countries at our expenses and charges, which is nothing. In the confederation, we consider the couching of it in such honorable terms with trust of the emperor's equity and con fidence in his glory for execution of justice, and how, finally, it implieth only defence against such violence as should be inferred for maintenance of the pretended election, and so is only defensive and not offensive. So as the emperor, not offending them therein, ne speaking of the election any more, may take his time and commodity with other as he shall think for any other thing, this confederation being no let or stop unto him in that behalf. In disclosing of this matter to our good brother, we will ye use yourself after this sort : — First, to shew unto him how upon Wednesday last past, arrived the personage sent from the said princes and delivered us the parcels aforesaid, with letters of credence. Whereupon, having only in few words the effect of that declared by mouth, which is contained in the said instructions, we, without giving any answer unto the same, sent first for our good brother's ambassador, Monsieur de Vaulx, unto whom we did communicate and deliver all that was presented unto us, concluding to cause the same by you fol. 52. to be presented to our good brother to know his mind, ad vise, and opinion in the same. With whose mutual consent, we intend to form and shape our answer accordingly, which we abide. Unto which our good brother ye shall say, as the personage arrived with us affirmeth, there is like letters of credence, and instructions and copy of confederation, with the other like charge sent or this time from the said duke and princes of Germany to our said good brother. The truth whereof our pleasure is ye enquire diligently, and also by good dexterity and fashion, ensearch and seal by occasion of communication : First, whether there passed from the said French king any instructions or commandments to his agents concerning the said princes of Germany, whereupon should have been made such overture as they might now take our good brother for the ground of their confederation, or conceive THE REFORMATION. 123 such certain assurance of his aid ; and, finally, our pleasure is ye precisely ask and demand the question what hath been said on his part and how far, considering it is a material point in making answer to this charge. What we have done we know, and know well we yet never entered so far in promise by ourself, or by our agent, as he well avoweth, as they might bind us by the same to any such certainty as of help in money as is contained in the said instructions. Nevertheless, foras much as our good brother and we have jointly spoken and sent our agents to tbe said princes : we think it therefore necessary our answer proceed of the mutual consent of us both. And therefore ye may say — We most heartily desire our good brother to advertise us of his mind and opinion concerning the said answer with all diligence possible ; for else, the time being so short, as ye may perceive it is, a delay of time should be a more displeasant denial in effect than were any other to be given with speed in word, if we should be minded so to do. Te shall also shew our good brother how, intending to make him participant of all our affairs, we have commanded fol. 53. you to shew unto him of the arrival here of John de la Shawe from the emperor; whose charge is only for the entreating and debating of certain matters concerning the intercourse of our merchants, as we have also shewed to Monsieur de Vaulx. Furthermore, ye shall shew unto our good brother, on our behalf, of the arrival here with us this day of a countie, and with him the Duke of Cleves' chancellor, sent from the said duke to make suit unto us for alliance and marriage, and to move and labor us for the marriage of our dearest daughter, the princess, with the said duke's son and heir. We have yet only heard the generality of his desire, without further com munication. Which, nevertheless, we have declared to the said Monsieur de Vaulx, and have, ye may say, signified the same unto you, to be by your mouth shewed and declared unto our said good brother. And thus we have instructed you of your whole charge to be declared to our good brother. And, to be kept to yourself, we know well ye consider how desirous we be to understand the news of that court from time to time. And that when ye be without fault or blame, yet our desire is, nevertheless, trusting therefore ye will rather 124 RECORDS OF be too diligent therein, than to omit any opportunity in that behalf. And albeit our pleasure is not ye should by overmuch inquisition give cause of suspition ; yet we are of the mind that with a temperance and moderation, with a dexterity also to attain knowledge, the truth should be enquired and searched for, and the appearances and likelihoods to be noted, for con firmation of the same. We have been advertised out of Flaunders, from our ambas sadors, how the meeting between the emperor and the French king is not all extincte in all men's mouths, but that some speak of it, and some say preparation is making therefore in Cambray, and some say the emperor goeth to Turney for such purpose. As for our mind and opinion, we take the fol. 54- honor of our good brother the French king for so sure a foundation that we build thereupon in our heart a most certain persuasion, and certainly think no such meeting to be intended as they have written unto us. Wherefore, as it is displea- sant unto us to hear suspicion told or whispered that should sound to the contrary, so should it be pleasant and accept able unto us to hear from you, evermore as ye have oppor tunity to write, to hear the likelihoods, which be sure ye see there conformably to the words of no meeting. ' Wherein we desire you to shew your accustomed diligence, and not to think your demores there too tedious, which we be minded to relieve within these few days. And incontinently upon arrival of our post from Rome, whom we have looked for these six days passed, and marvel greatly he cometh not, our pleasure is that ye, our Almoner, after notice from us thereof, taking your leave there, shall repair unto us. And ye, Sir Frauncis Brian, in like manner to return at such time as our good brother the French king shall return from the parties near adjoining the emperor's countries ; and that thereby it shall be certain no such meeting to take effect. Endorsed — Letters -to Mr. Bryan, unto Fraunce, by Mr. Benet. THE REFORMATION. 125 Number CCXLII. Holograph letter from Augustin de Augustinis to the Duke of Norfolk, from Ghent, alluding to the Death of Wolsey, Junes, 1551. HUMILLIMA commendatione prsemissa,, etc. Galba, Usque nunc distuli Excellentia? vestra? scribere, quia adhuc nescieba[m] si superiores mea? illi grata? extitissent, et quales etiam ista? futurae sint haud satis scio. Antequam Caesar hue adventasset, conveni primarios sua? Majestatis consiliaries, viz. Dominum de G[ranvella], eomman- datarium majorem Legionis, archiepiscopum Barensem, turn primum podagra cubantem, et commandatarium majorem Cala- traviae; sed praecipue et frequentius Dominum de Granvella19, nempe intelligo negocia illius regni demandata esse : qui, cum ei antea satis notus essem . . quoque sermone, mihi dixit, quam verus vates fui ; protinus enim quam audivi Reveren- dissimum tuum Eboracensem tragoediam divortii inchoasse, plurimis- praedixi hanc 'tandem suae perditionis causam fu- turam ; testis mihi Rex Christianissimus, apud quem tunc agebam oratorem, et serenissima mater sua et complur[es] Francorum proceres. Ego, ut mihi visum fuit, opportune respondi ; similiter ei petenti [an] veneno sublatus fuisset, respond! nequaquam, sed tremore cordis et atra, bili, fors [an] dolore animi jampridem contracto. Demum ex me quaedam proposui, singulatim rec[itans] commoda et incoramoda isto- rum duorum principum : inter quos summopere cupiebam, ob. universum bonum totius reipublicae Christianae, perpetuo pacem et concordiam duraturam. Post m[ulta] utrinque dicta, mihi respondit se nihil velle tunc mihi respondere nisi prius omnia [suae] Majestati referret (quemadmodum in- formatus sum eos in omnibus negociis ita facere) [putans] quod alienum non esset si ego etiam alloquerer suam Ma jestatem. Haec audiens mecum non parum laetatus sum, 19 cui appears to have been omitted by accident. 126 RECORDS OF in Caesare omnem plenitudinem potestatis consistere, verum non multum institi, praeferre . ... negotium non multum me solicitum habere. Caeterum post triduum ultimo Aprilis hor[a octava] ante missam, multiplicatis nunciis, ad Caesarem accersor: cujus cum Majestate in suo secr[eto cubi]culo integram horam collocutus sum : quantum vero literis mandari possit, sumnia haec est [eorum quae] repetis : quae antea dixeram Domino de Granvella. Sua Majestas ad hunc forme mod [urn mihi] benignissime respondit, — Nos certe cognoscimus nos non parum debere illi Serenissimo Reg[i, avun]culo nostro, semperque affectaviraus et affectamus amiciciam et fcedus cum sua Majestate, qu[a? perpe] tuo durabit ; et nos semper inveniet bonum affinem et vicinum si sua Majestas (quem[admodum] aliter non possumus existimare) via justitia? in hac causa, processerit : quod [si aliter] procedet (quod nunquam in animum nostrum inducere possumus) cognoscet sua Majestas q[uantum] debemus sanguini Hispaniarum cujus haeredes sumus. Ego vero satis plene, cu[m nihil] commissionis haberem, sed omnia ex me (si bene, aut male excellentia? vestra? sit judicium) sup . . . insteti, primo scilicet maximis meritis serenissimi Regis Anglia? in suam Majestatem et eo usque ut tem[perate], sed sane libere, meo more processi ut dixerim, sicuti ssepius acceperam a Reve- rendissimo [domino] meo, quod imperialis Majestas vestra nunc pacatas teneat Hispanias, debet forsan serenissimo Regi [Anglia?]. Secundo, quod, ubi lites incipiunt, ibi dirimi de- bent, cum ob majorem cognitionem partium, turn ex[emplo plu]rium regum et concessionum multorum Pontificum qua? brevitatis causa explicare nolui. [Tertio de] lento commercio harum regionum, de tranquillitate totius orbis Christiani, de propulsat [ione Turcae] a cervicibus Imperii, de extirpatione haeresis Lutherana? ex Germania, ubi pax et vera concordia fuerit inter suam Majestatem et potentissimum Regem Anglia?; e contra omnia diversa si (quod Deus avertat) bellum aut discordia suboriretur. Finis tandem sermonis fuit ut fre- quentarem Dominum de Granvella. Quod si graviora occur* rerent, ad se reverterer, et sic discessi. Postea jussus sum astare suae Majestati prandenti ; quod ferme quotidie facio. Unum omiseram quod cum sua Ma- THE REFORMATION. 127 jestas me interrogaret de haeresi Lutherana in illo regno, dixi ex his partibus venire homines et libros in Angliam ac inde postea hue confugere, qui multos illic inficiunt; verum pro vidential et diligentia illius Serenissimi Regis complures puniri, plurimos doctrinal et hortatu Majestatis sua? ad sanam mentem redire, et quod paulo antequam ego ex Anglia, dis- cederem, noveram illam, neglecta prorsus corporis sui cura, ab hora, nona matutina usque ad septimam vespertinam cum primoribus episcopis insudasse in examinando quodam hae- retico. Quod cum audiret sua Majestas, fixis luminibus me aliquamdiu tacita contuita est, quod quidem in sua. Majestate pro admirationis signo omnium sententia, notatur. Ex his ergo ac aliis quibusdam (quantum scribere licet) conjicio Caesarem ab aequitate non abhorrere, si modus contractandi afforet. Post aliquot dies, Dominus de Prata ex Gallia, rediit, ob veterem istic familiaritatem satis mihi notus ; quocum primum habitis quibusdam sermonibus de f. r. hero meo : quem vix credi potest quanto odio prosequebatur et adhuc mortuum prosequitur; causas hujus vatiniani odii nunc ex- plicare supervacaneum esset, cum is et magna? hie autori- tatis sit et in rebus vestris satis expertus ; aliquam practicam incepi meo Marte, sed quam fidem et quod pondus habere possint verba mea cum omnibus istis consiliariis vos ipsi con- syderate. Per me non stabit unquam omni studio et labore usque ad sanguinem, illius Serenissimi Regis honorem am- plificare; ac quantum in me erit semper commodum illius inclyti regni procurare. Et si factis non potero, saltern verbis. Nee ab hoc animo desistam, nisi prius cognovero, id vobis in- gratum esse. Longe me prudentiores multos baud dubie ha- betis, et invenire potestis ; fideliorem et nationis vestra? aman- tiorem nescio. Hoc etiam non praetereundum censeo. Ca?saris et omnium suorum Consiliariorum uhanimis est opinio, si aliqua compositio et concordia hac in re inveniri potest, solum id medio Excellentiae vestra? provenire posse existimant; tantum apud eos omnes innotuit nobilitas, in- tegritas et prudentia ejus. Nee putet Excellentia vestra hoc me auribus suis dare ; adulari nee scio, nee volo, et si adulari voluissem, forsan hie non essem. Quinimmo, ut plura dicam Excellentia? vestrae, jam amplius mensem in hac curia con- stans increbuerat fama (autorem et fama? occasionem scio, et 128 RECORDS OF miror certe quod tam occulta istinc hue deferrantur, sed literis scribere non est tutum) non dico solum inter mediocres, sed etiam inter gravissimos, qui hanc rem multum ponderabant, Excellentiam vestram scilicet ob quandam altercationem jur- giosam inter etc. indignatam, dereliquisse curiam, et ivisse ad Ducatum suum Northfolciae ; cumque ego, a quibusdam pur- puratis, de hac re non parum gestientibus, et ob hanc et similem causam, omnino putantibus regimen praesens in illo regno non diu duraturum, percontatus fuissem, respondi me nullam hujus rei notitiam habere, nee talem rem omnino ex- istimare ; verum [me] potius putare Excellentiam vestram ob privata sua negocia ivisse in Northfolciam, qua[m per] in tegrum biennium non inviserat ; quemadmodum cum ego isthic essem, intellex[eram] eam, etiam ante nativitatem Domini transactam, iter suum illuc adornasse, et p[otius] per negocia publica iter suum aggredi non potuisse ; nunc vero defervescentibus publicis negociis, iter destinatum perfecisse: similique responso, quod verum [esset] praemonui, et instruxi hunc vestrum oratorem. De rebus meis, quia satis abunde [in literis] superioribus meis ad Excellentiam vestram scripsi, et ne majore prolixitate, ei sim fastidio, haec pauca dix[erim] . Humillime prostratus supplico Excellentia? vestra? ut apud illam Serenissimam et clementissimam Majestatem pro me intercedere dpgnetur] ut pro exuberantia gratia?, et liberali- tatis sua?, velit misericordes oculos suos jam tand[em in] me miserum convertere, et aliquam rationem habere egestatis mea?, ut quoquo modo [pra?te]riti damni aliqua mihi fiat compensatio, prout benignitati sua?, et prudentia? Ex[cel- lentia? vestra?] conveniens videbitur, ut si non opere aliquo juvare, saltern animo et precibus De[um opt.] max., in cujus manu sunt corda'regum, assidue rogare possim ut suam Ma jestatem semper [inco]lumem pacificam servet, et sui hones- tissimi voti compotem reddere dignetur ; necnon Excellentia? [vestrae] felicem statum couservet, ac eam surgentium suorum liberorum spe defraudari non permittat [sed ut] grandaevus eos tales videre possit, quales ipsa maxime desyderat. De rebus etiam cum M. Constabile humillime eam rogatam velim, ut pergat quemadmodum hucusque fecit, [semper] favere justitiae et sub venire oppressis ; alioquin, et vix, quid mihi THE REFORMATION. 129 spcrandum dc h . . non plane video, nee equidem aliam ob rationem auxilium pro justitia ab Excellentia vestra im- plo[ro], nisi ut debita mea, istic in honesto servitio meo con tracta, jam tandem solvantur. Qu[um nihil] autem in his negociis mihi obvenerit emolu ment, totum id secundum Deum et Majestatem illam . . referram Excellentia? vestrae quam vehementissime obsecro ut me in numero suorum habere [dignetur] ; quod vel ipsa, renuente, ita esse ex me mihi persuasum esse volo, nescio (ita me De[us juvet]) aut meo quodam in tam natural] instinctu, aut ob suas cum animi, et corporis si[ngulares] et egregias dotes ; utcunque amorem et servitutem meam non male positam puto ; nee ali[eni] cujusquam heri servitium subibo nisi prius, ut justum est, id significavero Excellentiae vestrae ac al bonam veniam obtinuero ; cujus manus iterum prostratus humillime deosculor. Data? Gantiae 3 Junii M.D.XXXI. De reliquis communi- cabit Excellentiae vestrae M. Cromw[ellus]. Reverendissimus Campegius posteaquam ex morbo suo ar- ticulari convaluit, bis allocutus est istam Majestatem et hoc Jong colloquium cum ea habitum, et mihi, petenti si aliquid tentasset in causa, ista, cum hac Majestate, respondit [esse] animum suae Majestatis totum dispositum ad justitiam. Hoc etiam fuit post privationem protectionis ; quam [segre] tulit, dixitque querelam de suo substituto etc. aut colorem esse aut a Casaliorum suggestu ortum [esse] ; utcunque tamen illius Serenissima? Majestatis se futurum observantissimum et fidelissimum servitorem, nee dubito [eum ad] majorem fidem confirmandam id totum manifestasse. De Reverendissimo Cardinale Leodiensi, certus sum vid tern exemplar literarum responsivarum ad illam Sef enissimam Majestatem quas per oratorem vestrum istuc transmisit. Ejusdem Excellentia? Vestra? servitor humillimus AUGUSTINUS DE AuGis. Illustrissimo ac Excellentissimo Duci Northfolciae Domino, Domino meo semper observandissimo. VOL, II. K 130 RECORDS OF Number CCXLIII. Holograph letter of Cranmer to Lord Wiltshire, containing an account of Pole's book; written June 13, 1531. To the Right Honourable, and my singular good Lord, my Lord of Wiltshire. Lansdowne IT may please your lordship to be advertised, that the king fol i"S ms grace> my lady your wife, my lady Anne your daughter, be in good health, whereof thanks be to God. As concerning the king his cause, master Raynolde Poole hath written a book much contrary to the king his purpose, with such wit, that it appeareth that he might be for his wisdom of the council to the king his grace; and of such eloquence, that if it were set forth and known to the common people, I suppose it were not possible to persuade them to the contrary. The principal intent whereof is, that the king his, grace should be content to commit his great cause to the judg ment of the Pope : wherein meseemeth he lacketh much judg ment. But he suadeth that with such goodly eloquence, both of words and sentence, that he were like to persuade many : but me he persuadeth in that point nothing at all. But in many other things he satisfieth me very well. The sum whereof I shall shortly rehearse. First, he sheweth the cause wherefore he had never pleasure to intromit himself in this cause, and that was the trouble which was like to ensue to this realm thereof by diversity of titles ; whereof what hurt might come, we have had example in our fathers' days by the titles of Lancaster and York. And whereas God hath given many noble gifts unto the king his grace, as well of body and mind, as also of fortune ; yet this exceedeth all other, that in him all titles do meet and come together, and this realm is restored to tranquillity and peace : so oweth he to provide, that this land fall not again to the foresaid misery and trouble ; which may come as well by the THE REFORMATION. 131 people within this realm, (which think surely that they have an heir lawful already, with whom they all be well content, and would be sorry to have any other, and it would be hard to persuade them to take any other, leaving her,) as also by the emperor, which is a man of so great power, the queen being his aunt, the princess his niece, whom he so much doth and ever hath favoured. And where he heard reasons for the king his party, that he was moved of God his law, which doth straitly forbid, and that with many great threats, that no man shall marry his brother his wife : and as for the people, that longeth not to their judgment, and yet it is to be thought that they will be content, when they shall know that the ancient doctors of the church, and the determinations of so many great universities be of the king his sentence : and as concerning the emperor, if he be so unrightful that he will maintain an unjust cause, yet God will never fail them that stand upon his party, and for any thing will not transgress his commandments : and be side that, we shall not lack the aid of the French king, which partly for- the league which he hath made with us, and partly for the displeasure and old grudge which he beareth toward the emperor, would be glad to have occasion to be avenged : these reasons he bringeth for the king's party against his own opinion. To which he maketh answer in this manner. First, as touching the law of God, he thinketh that if the king were pleased to take the contrary part, he might as well justify that, and have as good ground of the scripture therefore, as for that part which he now taketh. And yet if he thought the king's party never so just, and that this his marriage were undoubtedly against God's pleasure, then he could not deny but it should be well done for the king to refuse* this mar riage, and to take another wife : but that he should be a doer therein, and a setter forward thereof, he could never find in his heart. And yet he granteth that he hath no good reason therefore, but only affection which he beareth and of duty oweth unto the king's person. For in so doing he should not only wayke, yea and utterly take away the princess' title, but also he must needs accuse the most and chief part of all the king his life hitherto, which hath been so infortunate K 2 132 RECORDS OF to live more than twenty years in a matrimony so shameful, so abominable, so bestial and against nature, (if it be so as the books which do defend the king's party do say,) that the abomination thereof is naturally written and graven in every man's heart, so that none excusation can be made by igno rance; and thus to accuse the noble nature of the king's grace, and to take away the title of his succession, he could never find in his heart, were [the] king's cause never so good ; which he doth knowledge to be only affection. Now as concerning the people, he thinketh not possible to satisfy them by learning or preaching; but as they now do begin to hate priests, this shall make them rather to hate much more both learned men and also the name of learning, and bring them in abomination of every man. For what loving men toward their prince would gladly hear, that either their prince should be so infortunate, to live so many years in matrimony so abominable ; or that they should be taken and counted so bestial, to approve and take for lawful, and that so many years, a matrimony so unlawful and so much against nature, that every man in his heart naturally doth abhor it? and, that is more, when they hear this matrimony dispraised and spoken against, neither by their own minds, nor by reasons that be made against this matrimony, can they be persuaded to grudge against the matrimony; but for any thing they do grudge against the divorce, wherein the people should shew themselves no men but beasts. And that the people should be persuaded hereto, he cannot think it. And as for the authority of the universities, he thinketh and sayeth that many times they be led by affections, which is well known to every man, and wisheth that they never did err in their determinations. Then he sheweth with how great difficulty the universities were brought to the king's party. And moreover against the authority of the universities he setteth the authority of the king's grace ['s] father and his council, the queen's father and his council, and the Pope and his council. Then he cometh again to the Pope, and the emperor, and French king. And first the Pope, how much he is adver sary unto the king's purpose, he hath shewed divers tokens already, and not without a cause : for if he should consent to THE REFORMATION. 133 the king's purpose, he must needs do against his predeces sors, and also restrain his own power more than it hath been in time past, which rather he would be glad to extend ; and moreover he should set great sedition in many realms, as in Portugal, of which king the emperor hath married one sister, and the duke of Savoy the Either20. Then he extolleth the power of the emperor, and diminish [eth] the aid of the French king toward us, saying, that the emperor, without drawing of any sword, but only by forbidding the course of merchan dise into Flanders and Spain, may put this realm into great damage and ruin. And what if he will thereto draw his sword, wherein is so much power, which, being of much less power than he is now, subdued the Pope and the French king ? And as for the Frenchmen, [they] never used to keep league with us but for their own advantage, and we can never find in our hearts to trust them. And yet if now contrary to their old nature they keep their league, yet our nation shall think themselves in miserable condition, if they shall be compelled to trust upon their aid, which always have been our mortal enemies, and never we loved them, nor they us. And if the Frenchmen have any suspicion that this new matrimony shall not continue, then we shall have no succour of them, but upon such conditions as shall be intolerable to this realm. And if they, following their old nature and custom, then do break league with us, then we shall look for none other, but that Englonde shall be a prey between the emperor and them. After all this he cometh to the point to save tbe king's honour, saying, that the king standeth even upon the brink of the water, and yet he may save all his honour ; but if he put forth his foot but one step forward, all his honour is drowned. And the means which he hath devised to save the king's honour is this. The rest of this matter I must leave to shew your'lordship by mouth when I speak with you, which I purpose, God will ing, shall be to-morrow, if the king's grace let me not. Now the bearer maketh such haste that I can write no more, but 20 Charles III duke of Savoy was married to the emperor in married in 1520 Beatrix younger 1526. The present king of Por- sister of Isabella the daughter of tugal was their brother John Emanuel king of Portugal, who III. 134 RECORDS OF that I hear no word from my benefice, nor master Russel's servant is not yet returned again, whereof I do not a little marvel. The king and my lady Anne rode yesterday to Wyndsower, and this night they be looked for again at Hamp ton Court : God be their guide, and preserve your lordship to his most pleasure. * From Hampton Court this 13 day of June. Your most humble beadman, Thomas Cram-mar21. 21 This letter has been printed and in Strype's Cranmer, Appen- in the editions of Cranmer's works, dix, No. I. THE REFORMATION. 135 Number CCXLIV. The determination of the University of Orleans that the King is not bound to appear in a Court held out of his do minions, either in person or by proxy. IN Collegio doctorum legentium in jure civili et Pontificio, Record in antiqua studiorum parente A cademia Aurelianensi propositae sunt quaestiones hujusmodi ; videlicet, An summus Pontifex possit ullo modo citare Serenissimum Regem Angliae, ut extra Regnum suum Roma? compareat coram eo, ibidem responsurus et judicium accepturus super validitate aut invaliditate matrimonii sui ? Deinde, An subditus dicti Serenissimi Regis citati die Regi assignata, debeat admitti sine ullo mandato et sine ulla omnino satis- datione aut alia quacumque cautione interposita ad propo- nendum et allegandum causas absentiae ad effectum excu- sandi dictum Serenissimum Regem suum a comparitione in eo casu? Super quibus in Collegio nostro inter nos habita diligenti ac matura. discussione et rationum pondere in utramque partem appenso, prout in libello quodam a nobis super hoc composito latius ac planius constat, in unam tandem eandemque sen tentiam convenientes sic conclusimus ; videlicet, Serenissimum Regem Angliae, relicto Regno et administra- tione illius atque cum inevitabili discrimine et periculo turn reipublicae turn subditorum suorum turn etiam sui ipsius, nullo pacto posse compelli, vel ut ipse Romae personaliter com pareat, vel ut tam arduam litem et controversiam, in qua agitur de periculo animae et vinculo indissolubili, si contra eum judicaretur et in qua, partes per se examinandae sunt, pro curator! ulli committat in tam remotis regionibus, cum etiam tali prsetextu facultas probationum et testium examinandorum tolleretur, sed oportere eum quicumque cupit dictum Serenis simum Regem judicium subire in praedicto casu matrimonial! 136 RECORDS OF efficere ut judices delegentur in partibus qui cognoscant super eodem, quod in similibus casibus antea est observatum. Quantum autem ad allegationes causarum absentia? per subditum propositas spectat, Jure expeditum est non tantum subditum Regis, verum etiam quemlibet alium extraneum sine mandato admittendum ad proponendas eas et deducendas, tanquam Regis excusatorem sive defensorem, nulla omnino praestita satisdatione aut cau- tione, cum jura talem defensorem seu excusatorem ad ullam satisdationem non compellunt; et proinde citationem hujus modi et omnem alium processum propter ahsentiam dicti Serenissimi Regis contra eum factum nullum et invalidum esse, et citra omnem juris et sequitatis rationem. Quas omnes et singulas conclusiones nostras praedictas veras et de jure esse, summamque in se habere et rationem et justiciam, in libello nostro praedicto quem super his quaes- tionibus divulgavimus legum civilium et canonicarum aucto- ritate atque doctissimorum et probatissimorum juris inter- pretum judicio et scriptis nixi comprobavimus. In cujus rei fidem et testimonium huic instrumento unius- cujusque nostrum manu subscripto sigillum commune Collegii nostri apponi fecimus. Datum in Collegio nostro Aurelianensi. Anno Domini mil- lesimo quingentesimo trigesimo primo, mensis Junii die vige- sima secunda. TOULLER. Q. Mesdan, Bruneart, MOREAU. Pelestoillen. Robert. Stexier. Board. L. Mymer. Endorsed — Defensio Collegii Universitatis Aurelianensis super excusatione Regis a comparitione22. 22 This document is in a most Rymer with only four mistakes, ex- mutilated condition, and crumbles cept that the first four names were at every touch. It was printed by arranged as if they were only two, THE REFORMATION. 137 Number CCXLV. The King's letter to the Pope, requesting the promotion of Edward Lee to the Archbishopric of York; written in Vannes' hand, September 12, 1531. SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. Vatican Transcripts Beatissime pater, post humillimam commendationem, ac and devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Mature nobiscum deli- g™gr' beravimus, ut Archiepiscopatus Eboracensis, qui per obitum Reverendissimi domini Cardinalis Eboracensis in hoc nostro Regno diu vacat, quicti ac solatio prospiceremus, et eum virum praeficiendum (est enim una ex primariis Regni nostri sedes) Vestra? Sanctitati commendaremus, qui eam dignitatem sua virtute, eruditione ac honestate decenter sustinere, suisque ac- tionibus dicto Archiepiscopatui ornamento, caeterisque omnibus usui et quieti esse posset : tandemque in memoriam nobis suc- currifc venerabilis vir Dominus Eduardus Leus, sacrarum lit- terarum professor ac Elemosinarius noster, vir certe judicio nostro summa, eruditione insignis, suaque probitate, prudentia, circumspectione, morumque integritate, et egregia in nos fide nobis cumprimis charus. Vestram igitur Beatitudinem im- pense rogamus, ut prasfatum Elemosinarium nostrum ad hunc Archiepiscopatum promovere velit, Archiepiscopumque et pas- torem illic sua auctoritate constituere. Praeterea quum in bullarum expeditione caeterisque hie ex more conficiendis sint ingentes sumptus sustinendi (gravissimo quidem huius Archi episcopatus detrimento, nisi Vestrae Sanctitatis benignitas ad- fuerit), eam precamur, ut in annata, persolvenda, dignetur dicti Archiepiscopatus sedulaeque hujus nostra? intercessionis be- nignam rationem habere, facilemque ac bencvolam, ut nostro intuitu semper antea consuevit, in totius negocii expeditione se praebere, quod nobis gratissimum extabit, et hujus Archi episcopatus indempnitati quam maxime consulet. Et felicis- 138 RECORDS OF sime ac diutissime valeat Sanctitas Vestra. Ex Regia, nostra de Hamptell die \% Septembris M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestra? Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Domi nus Hibernia?. Henricus23. 23 This document appears in rected from the transcript in the Theiner's Monumenta, p. 598, with Museum. several errors which have been cor- THE REFORMATION. 139 Number COXLVI. Original despatch from Bryan and Foxe, written at Com- piegne September 2%, 1531, stating their conviction that little is to be hoped for at the Pope's hand. PLEASETH it your highness to be advertised that I, Addit. Edward Foxe, after much difficulty and trouble in passing ' the seas at Dover, and no less pain in getting of horses upon Io1- 9°- the land, as well at Boloygne, at all other places of Pycardy, and specially on this side Amyans, being all the posts turned daily from town to town out of the way to Parrys by the reason of the king's journey now in this his pilgrimage, arrived here at Compeigne the 1 8th day of this present, very late in the night. And the same night sent my servant unto Master Bryan advertising the same of my coming. And forasmuch as I, Frauncis Bryan, was then at Parrys, being sent thither by the Frenche king with the cardinal of Gramount, for the expedition of your highness' payment, which 1 have now pro cured, and caused the greatest part thereof to be depeched from thence, with assurance for the rest to be paid in October next, without fail, which at this present time by no means I could obtain, like as I shall further hereafter advertise your highness thereof, most humbly beseeching you no default may be imputed to Monsieur de Vaux therefore, I repaired to Com peigne the aoth day. And so we conferring all the next day the effect of our charges, and riping ourselves well therein, this 32th day we addressed ourselves to the court, where what answer we shall have unto your highness' requests we shall not fail to advertise your highness with all diligence possible. The mean time it may like you to understand that yester day I, Frauncis Bryan, received a pacquet of letters from Pachet, which ye shall receive herewith. And this last night arrived here at Compeigne this bearer with letters unto us fol. 90 b. from Doctor Benett, whereby we conceive that little favour is to be looked for at the Pope's hands in your highness' cause, 140 RECORDS OF which we shall not fail to set forth with the French kino-, and his Council here. And the same night also I, Frauncis Bryan, had secret advertisement from a friend of mine in the court that this day shall come unto the French king a gentleman of the em peror's privy chamber to appoint an interview between the French Queen and the Queen of Hungary ; and that the said interview shall be made within these eight days, of the cer tainty whereof we doubt not but this day or soon. after we shall have perfect knowledge. And so shall advertise your. highness with diligence. And thus, having no other thing worthy advertisement, we beseech Almighty God to preserve your highness in power and send you your heart's desire. At Compeigne, the 22th day of September. Your highness' most humble subjects and servants, Franssys Bryan. Edwarde Foxe. To the King's Highness. THE REFORMATION. 141 Number CCXLVII. Letter from the King to Clement, recalling Benet ; written in Valines' hand, November 4, 1531. SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. Vatican . . , Transcripta Beatissime pater, post humillimam Commendationem, et and devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Quum complures Do- ph!™8er' mini AVillelmi Benet, nostri apud Sanctitatem Vestram ora- toris plurimum dilecti, amici atque affines nuper ipsius nomine a nobis instantissime petierint, ut privatorum quorundam suo rum negociorum gratia, bona nostra cum venia, ad breve ali quod tempus ad nos illi redire liceat, confidentesque nos par tim in aliorum istic oratorum nostrorum fide, prudentia et industria, partim vero in Sanctitatis Vestrae bonitate, neuti- quam futurum, ut ex illius absentia rebus nostris praejudicetur, non gravatim ob amorem, quo praefatum oratorem nostrum prosequimur, huic ejus desiderio et petitioni adnuimus. Pro- inde Sanctitatem Vestram rogamus, ut petenti illi velit bonam ad nos redeundi veniam concedere, et ea de causa, nostra, nobis referenda committere, quae justissimae expectationi nostrse et antiqua? Sanctitatis Vestra? in nos benignitati (de qua in summa etiam desperatione adhuc sperare volumus) potissimum respon deat. Et felicissime ipsa valeat. Ex Regia, nostra Grenwici die 4 Novembris M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Vestra? Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hibernia?. Henricus. 142 RECORDS OF Number CCXLVIII. The Pope's reply to the preceding letter ; written November 19, 1531. Charissimo in Christo filio nostro, Henrico Regi Anglios Illustri. CLEMENS PP. VII. Thefoer's CHARISSIME in Christo fili noster, salutem etc. Mon. Vet. .... Reddidit nobis litteras Serenitatis tua? dilectus filius Wil- mxxix. p- S9 • lelmus Benet, Orator apud nos tuus, et juxta illarum sensum conformitatemque postea locutus, veniam redeundi ad Sereni- tatern tuam pro suorum affinium urgentissimis negociis a nobis postulavit. Qua? postulatio etsi pia et laudabilis, tamen nobis non potuit non evenire molesta, ipsum Willelmum ita amanti- bus, ut eum vel brevi hoc tempore a nobis abduci aegre fera- mus. Quod enim eum semper perspeximus virtute et pru dentia. fideque erga te singulari esse ornatum, tuasque res pro debito fidelitatis et muneris sui ferventissima. semper cura et amore peregisse, propterea eum tuo quidem maxime, sed propter Serenitatem tuam etiam nostro amore dignum judica- vimus, cum quales esse nostros alibi cupimus, tales apud nos esse tuos libenter videamus. Quamobrem etsi alii duo Oratores tui apud nos remanebant, quorum eximia virtus et par erga te fides enitet, tamen aegrius ipso Willelmo caremus, quod tui Regni popularis, et istinc a te missus ad nos est. Sed quoniam ilium affinium suorum neces- sitas, tuaque pietas revocat, et tuse Serenitatis in id consensit voluntas, his rationibus ita cedemus, ut tuam Serenitatem, sicut nobis pollicetur, citius quam fieri possit, eum ad nos remittere cupiamus : minuetur enim nostra ex ejus revocatione molestia, quo brevior fuerit absentia. Quod vero attinet ad tua? Serenitatis causam, nos quae cum ipso Willelmo multum locuti, ea illi, sicut optabas, tibi refe renda mandavimus, quae si aequabili animo, et semotis affecti- THE REFORMATION. 143 bus a tua Serenitate accepta fuerint, nostram tibi voluntatem et gratificandi desiderium sint haud dubie probatura. Siquidem ea assidue cogitamus, et vigili cura meditamur, per qua? tuam Serenitatem allevare hac sollicitudine, in qua, etiam nos propter te sumus, et, salva justitia, solatio afficere possimus. Illud quidem nunquam non tibi praestabimus, quin voluntas nostra omnibus appareat plena amantissimi desiderii te quietum et tranquillum videndi, quantumque per Deum nobis liceat, tua? Serenitati eam gratitudinem ostendendi, quam singularibus tuis erga Apostolicam sedem et nos meritis et benefichs debemus. Datum Romae etc. die 19 Novembris MDXXXI. anno octavo. 144 RECORDS OF Number CCXLIX. Instructions to Dr. E. Benet, alluding to the terms made with the Cardinal of Ancona; dated Dec. 3, 1531. Addit. THE said master repairing to Rome, with all convenient ^' diligence, shall, besides the special matter contained in these" fol. 56. instructions, by all other ways and means that can be exco gitated or devised, practise the delay and putting over of the process there, until such time as the emperor be passed into Spain. And with the c. An. the king's pleasure is, the said master shall shew unto him how his grace taketh it most kindly that the said . . . 24 is so well minded to do him gratuity in this matter, and that the recompense thereof shall not only be procured with the French king, as hath been devised with brief effect to ensue, but also his highness, if any benefit ensue, will so further remember it with a princely reward, as he shall rejoice in his labour employed for the same. And this offer tbe king's highness maketh unto him, not to corrupt him, whose integrity, his grace knoweth well, neither would admit it, nor his highness' honour, most addicted to truth and justice, would be persuaded so to do ; but only to animate and encourage him to defend and sustain the truth, and to let and empech such injury and wrong, as is enterprised against his highness, in this his grace's matter. And herein the said master Benet shall say, that, if the said cardinal could, by his policy, compass the court therein, in such wise as the same might be stayed from giving sentence, until such time as the emperor shall be passed into Spain, the king's highness would accept and take his doing in lieu of a fol. 57. great benefit. And if the said 24 mav dissuade the dis- closing of the resolution taken in the Rote, and first move that, for the discharge of them, judges, either those of the court, or other, repair to Avynion, as to a place indifferent, there to make process ; wherein though they satisfy .not all, yet they shall satisfy some that say it should so be ; for that, in 24 This blank is in the original. THE REFORMATION. 145 private men's causes it hath so been observed ubi est per- horrescencia ; and this should diminish a great piece of the slander. And if the cardinal shall make difficulty herein, for fear of disclosing himself to be for the king's part, so as in no wise he can stop the relation of the Rote, then the said master Benet shall devise with him for stopping and letting the process from giving of a sentence ; wherein a chief and mate rial point to be persuaded unto them of that court, that, though the king's highness be contumax, yet they must remo- rari processum eorum : and so to bring to their remem brance the process made here in England by two cardinals, by virtue of a commission and legation from Rome. So as now that is part of their acts, and is of the same cause, which not seen, viewed, and considered, they can proceed to no avail able ne honorable sentence; for the king's highness' con tumacy, as they call it, doth not alter the right, ne discharge their diligence, for so much as they may know, — and they may know that, which is in the process made by their autho rity. Wherefore the said cardinal shall say, it shall be neces sary that they send for the said process, and consider the matter alleged in the same, lest their sentence disagree from the acts thereof, which should engender a great infamy, to their fol. 58. slander .and dishonor. And this matter the king's highness thinketh the said cardinal might speak with his honor, and by this means prolong and put over the process of the matter, which the king's highness will take most acceptably. And if this moveth them, as it ought to do, then may there be won six months, at the least, to send for the said process, besides the time of disputation there, upon the contents of the same. The said master Benet shall also, with like reasons and persuasions, solicit the cardinal Farnesius, de Monte, the cardinal de Trivulce, and such other cardinal as shall favor the French peradventure ; unto whom he shall also have letters from the French king and the cardinals in France. And where there is delivered unto the said master Benet two writings, signed with the king's hand, authorising him to make promise of bishopries and promotions, as is con tained in the same, the said master Benet shall use himself with -wisdom and dexterity, and deal with them so assuredly, as they delude not his promises in that behalf. VOL. II. L 146 RECORDS OF Number CCL. Holograph letter from Francesco Georgio to the King, vin dicating Croke, and relating the endeavours made to with draw the writer from acting with Croke. Written from Venice, December 4, J531, Nero,B.vii. VIDEO plerosque, Invictissime Rex, posse putare mei nunc fol. 89. esge^ pro me^ -n tuam Majestatem fide atque observantia, scribere ad earn crebrius, ut maximi illius Regis cujus me servitio tam [diu] ante addixeram, si minus semper licet per negociorum occasionem, at saltern interdum scribendo videar in officio retineri. Ad hoc ergo obeundum quantum his rationibus adducor, tantum vetor reverentia. Vereor ne aut medio aestu regiorum negociorum, Majestatem tuam interpellem inhuma[ne], aut honesto ocio, quo quandoque frui par est, interveniam intem- pesti[ve], quando Regis et negotiis et ocio aeque deferri semper duxi oportere; pr[ae]sertim cum per id tempus nihil habeam quod ad eam tantopere pertinere pu[tem]. Egit tamen mecum pertinacius, cum alias, turn vero novissime literis suis M [ar]cus Raphael, vir utique non solum ob ejus virtutes mihi charus, veru[m] etiam charissimus, eoque de Majestate tua et optime sentit et loquitur hon[o]rifice, ut scriberem ad eam aliquid; praesertim cum suspicer litera[s] , quas de rebus omnibus Ma jestatis tua? Domino Richardo commisseram, hau[d]quaquam fuisse redditas. Nil enim certi de hac re habui. Propterea du[xi] non alienum has tanquam in vices earum substitui; quibus Majestas Tua primo saluta[nda], mox tota ratio pro positi mei esse percurrenda. Ego, rex unice, quod multum deberi virtutibus tuis ab optimis quibuscunque intelligebam, turn semper, turn vero bienium prope abhinc commonefactus literis Tuae Majestatis, Venetiis, Rom [a?] et alibi, quocunque jus vocaret, et mea, et amicorum opera praestiti quod Dominic [i] Trivisani nepotis mei, negotio Tuae Majestatis nullo loco defui, cum Domino Richardo ei[us] nuncio; qui etsi singularis vir, industria et summa, in Majestatem Tuam fide, tame[n] ut THE REFORMATION. 147 erat homo novus, et nostrorum morum atque rerum insolens, quodque et nonnullorum qui tuae Majestatis aeque studio secum de hac laude certabant invid[ia] premebatur, nihil aut parum in ea re profecisset, nisi esset nostra opera sublev[a]tus. Cui rei id argumento esse velim quod prospicientes hujus modi viri quantum meo patrocinio in negocio eo proficiscerentur, cupientes de manibus ipsius Domini Richardi hanc gratiam apud Majestatem Tuam extorquere, summis me precibus ac polici- fol. 89 b. tationibus solicitarunt ut, vel eo destitute aut eadem, ipsorum intuitu, vellem in tuenda ea re peragere, rati hac una via majorem gratiam cum Tua Majestate comparare posse. Quibus cum nolem assentire, quod parum grave putabam ab eo disce- dere quem primum susceperam tuendum, quodque literis tua? Majestatis jubebar agere cum eodem, alienatis animis infensi mihi esse . coeperunt, atque ut Domino Richardo detraherent, meis operibus et fidei detrahere non destiterunt, turn Romae penes quamplurimos, atque alibi, turn etiam {si vera audio) penes Tuam Majestatem; quorum ego omnium et malivolen- tiam et maledicentiam minora facienda esse duxi, opinione con- stantiae et servata? regia? voluntatis, quod totum velim eo accipi ut existimetur dici a me, non aut exprobrandi officii mei gratia aut studio cujusquam penes Tuam Majestatem minuendi, sed desiderio probandi amoris in se mei. Quando etsi in rebus Majestatis tua? semper id totum egerim quod potui, minus tamen me egisse putabo quam aut velim aut debeam. Arduum est enim in rebus tanti Regis, tam sancti, tam eru- diti, pro dignitate mereri sui. Ne longioribus demorer, velim ut Deus optimus maximus augeat Majestatis Tua? imperii vires atque auxit virtutum et probitatis cumulum ; qua? felicissime valeat, meque et Domi- nicum nepotem meum atque Marcum Raphaelem, qui in rebus Tua? Majestatis mecum fidelissime laboraverunt, in numero fide- lium mancipiorum suorum habere dignetur. Venetiis, die 4 Decembris M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Majestatis Tuae Invictissimae servus frater Franciscus Georgius ordinis minorum observantia? regularis. Endorsed — Invictissimo Regi Angliae. l 2 148 RECORDS OF Number CCLI. Letter from the King to the Pope arguing against being summoned to Rome ; and threatening him. in general terms if he does not decide in his favour ; written December 28, Theiner, SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papa?. p. 599. Beatissime pater, post devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Perlecto brevi Sanctitatis Vestrae, quod nobis reddidit dilectus consiliarius noster, unice nobis cbarus, et vestra commendatione multo charier effectus, Willelmus Benet, qui suis negociis jam expeditis, nostro mandato intermissam legationem repetit ; magna certe animum nostrum subiit adrairatio, quae tandem vel nostra vel Vestra? Sanctitatis sit infelicitas, ut cum animis et voluntatibus, ut quidem litteris profitemur, in justiciam con- senciamus, tamen qua? fiunt et petuntur utrinque tam sunt diversa atque pugnantia inter se, ut nunquam obtineant peti- eiones nostra?, et semper obtineant quae adversentur. Justicia unica et simplex est. Errorem vero in discernenda justicia esse oportet, aut affectum intervenire. qui judicium corrumpat. Humanum a nobis nihil alienum putamus, quo certe factum est, ut in ea causa, in qua, honeste et pie afficimur, synceras aliorum sentencias exquisiverimus. Neque enim interesse putamus, an in sua, causa quis ut judex pronuntiet, an partis aut alioqui affecti judicium sequatur is, qui sit pronuntiaturus. Nos vero dicimus, immo doctissimi quique apud nos dicunt, atque adeo illis ipsis legibus iniciati, quas vestri profitentur, aliqui etiam iisdem et vivis et mutis magistris edocti, quibus ii vestri, qui Roma? sunt, nos Romam venire cogi non debere invitos. Justicia enim inquiunt non suffragatur, sed reluctatur, ut Romam in hac causa aut -venire compellamur, aut mittere procnratorcm. Consuluimus autem ea, de re Academias Orbis celeberrimas, quae nostris consen- ciunt, et eorum judicia confirmant. Sanctitas vero Vestra, quum nobis justiciam ministrare cupere se contendat, consulit etiam, non dubitamus, doctos viros, sed Romanos tamen, sed THE REFORMATION. 149 Italos, et eos omnino, quorum interest principum causas ad ilia tribunalia pertrahi. Non moventur fortasse sordibus turpisve lucri aut questus gratia, sed est quidam in patriatn apud omnes amor et prompta propensio. Aliquid certe esse oportet, quod veritatem dividat atque in diversa secet, quae natura, sua con- stans, et una est ; sed de hiis dicemus postea. Justicia? vero tocies a Sanctitate Vestra nunc verbis, nunc litteris repetita mentio mirum in modum commovit animum nostrum, effecitque, ut cum Sanctitate Vestra, quae nostram amicitiam verbis am- birc videtur, cujus etiam et persona? et dignitati semper in jus ticia et veritate bene volumus, animi nostri sensum liberius atque familiarius aperiamus. Primum nimium est, quod arrogant vestri rotates judices, ut ex sola auctoritate pronuncient, Academiarum et eruditissimo- rum sententiis neglectis in re controversy, et qua? Principem respicit. Jugum est, quod nunquam ferre potuerunt in ulla republica ingenui homines, ut pro voluntate judicetur judican- tium, neglectis legibus, quae dant auctoritatem. Nostris et vestris sunt hdem libri, adsunt iidem interpretes; sentenciam itaque vestrorum secus quam oportet latam, postquam ab eru- ditis reprobata sit, sola, auctoritate constantem quis non spernat atque contemnat, futura quatenus licet providemus et cernimus, qua? certe multum nos conturbent, qui nee injuriam pati, nee irrogare didicimus. Et quoniam votis nihil proficitur, haec tanquam extrema et ultima tentamus. Itaque meminerit Sanctitas Vestra, qua? me- minisse oporteat omni ex parte : initium et progressum causa? nostra? consideret, justiciam perpendat, et quid factum sit, animadvertat. Sola Reginae assei-tio regnum nostrum reddit suspectum, in quo causa judicetur, videlicet quia timetur a nobis, ne libere judicetur. Et tamen cum causam hanc Caesar pro sua habeat, et tanquam suam defendat, ubi omnes sui sunt, aut a suis merito timentes, illis videlicet eorum cervicibus lin- minentibus, eo nos vocamur, citamur, ut judicium audiamus maximo honoris nostri cum praejuditio. Tota Anglia, horror est, neminem habet dignum, qui judicet, atque adeo totus in universum clerus rejicitur ; nullum Dei respectum habere judi- cantur, inidonei sunt, qui rem tantam tractent, videlicet quia homines sunt, quia Angli sunt, quum tamen nee ab angehs ju dicetur Roma?, nee ab hiis, qui minus vel verentur vel ament, 150 RECORDS OF vel timeant Caesarem, quam nostri nos, qui summam veritati libertatem semper permisimus, Et tamen haec, quum fiunt, justiciae nomine ornantur. Appellamus conscientiam Sanctitatis Vestrae, non quatenus dignitatis respectu aliorum judiciis cedit, sed quatenus ipsa recti ratio ex veritate nata merito persuaderet. Mari et mon- tibus a Roma, disjungimur, et tamen Romam titamur, quod nunquam auditum est apud nos, Regem Romam fuisse citatum. Si Avinione causam decidendam commisisset, qui locus medium iter dividit atque indifferens est, etiamsi omnibus non fuisset satisfactum, aliqui tamen non ita improb&ssent, videlicet quod in causis inforiorum personarum etiam solet frequenter id ob- servari. Ceterum vocari Romam, quo nee tuto ire possis, nee sine periculo amissionis instrumenta mittere, etiam in private durum est, in principe vero non ferendum. Est modus in rebus, et certi sunt limites, quos qui transgreditur, is certe sibi magnum periculum creare videtur, ne diffluant et pereant funditus, quae constituerit : justicia non ideo minus justicia est, quod nos non petamus fieri, quae fieri oporteant. Videatur, quod aequum est : sit modus in potestate, de quo dicti viri con- sentiant, ne alioqui destruat non aedificet. Quod in nos factura sit Sanctitas Vestra, saltern pro veteri amicitia rogamus, ut primum omnium ita justum esse cognoscat, ut non ex potes tate justiciam, sed ex justicia potestatem omnes metiantur. Si justicia ducetur, facile per se ipsam innotescet omnibus, et justiciae nomen obtinebit, quod fiet; sin secus acciderit, et justum defendatur, quia Roma? factum est ab iis, qui formam justiciae absoluta potestate pro arbitrio dare se posse conten- dunt, magnum certe generabitur offendiculum, ut ne quid dicemus amplius, non levem habet persuasionis vim rei gesta? clara et constans Veritas, et omnium ora obloquentium obstruit, vincit etiam invicta, quum maxime opprimatur. Expressit hoc a nobis veteris amicitiae recordatio, quam interruptam quo- modocunque aegerrime ferremus, et conservatam in justicia cupiamus. Si nostra defendimus, etiam cum aliorum offen- sione naturali jure utimur, quod apud omnes valet. Inviti faciemus, si quid faciemus, quoniam nollemus evenire, quod provocet ad contencionem, et in hoc gaudebit conscientia nostra : habebit enim quo se consoletur, ad quoscunque malum atque incommodum perveniat, omnem certe culpam esse alie- THE REFORMATION. 151 nam. Itaque in manu Vestra? Sanctitatis est, nos vel indigne alienare, vel in officio continere, atque adeo beneficiis devincire. Spei et desperationis sunt mutuae vieissitudines, qua? magnam animi solicitudinem pariunt, ne eveniat, quod nollemus, aut tardius succedat, quod expectamus. Reliqua Sanctitati Ves trae ex nobis referent Mr. Willelmus Benet et alii oratores nostri, quibus fidem indubiam ut adhibere veiit, eandem im- pensissime rogamus. Et bene valeat Sanctitas Vestra, cui nos humillime commendamus. Datum in Regia, nostra de Grenewich 38 die Decembris M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae Henri cus. 152 RECORDS OF Number CCLII. Conclusions against the validity of the Papal Dispensation, of date 153 1. Record DUCERE uxorem fratris mortui sine liberis est jure divino et naturali prohibitum. Contra prohibitiones divinas invalida ac prorsus nulla est Romani Pontificis aut alterius cujuscunque dispensatio. Romanus Pontifex per Scripturas sacras nihil plus authori tatis habet quam alius episcopus. Unicuique episcopo officium a Deo commissum est ut quosvis curae suae commissos legem Dei doceat et contra eandem legem viventes admoneat arguat increpet modisque omnibus reformare laboret, nee ullius authoritati etiamsi sit Romanus Pontifex cedere debet, sed in faciem juxta Pauli regulam resistere donee resipiscet qui deliquit. Juxta eam authoritatem quae praeter divinas litteras Ro mano Pontifici humanitus accrevit, Excusator est admittendus in omni re ardua, etiam in curia, Romana. Sacrum generale concilium legittime congregatum est su- perius omni potestate episcopali vel (ut vocant) Papali ; appro- bante concilio Basiliensi cujus haec sunt verba, Qui pertinaciter huic veritati se opponit, hozreticus est censendus. Omnibus Christianis concessum est atque licitum a Romano Pontifice ad generale concilium appellare. Post appellationem a Romano Pontifice ad generale con cilium, nihil facere aut attemptare debet Romanus Pontifex in praejudicium appellantis. Quod si fecerit, irritum cesserit et inane. Sententia excommunicationis per Romanum Pontificem lata post appellationem ab ipso ad generale concilium legittime inter positam est ipso jure nulla. THE REFORMATION. 153 Number CCLIII. Original letter from the King to Ghinucci and Sir Gregory Cassali, urging them to get the trial of the cause delayed ; written January 4, 1532. HENRY R. Reverende in Christo pater et magnifice Domine Gregori, Vitell. nobis plurimum dilecti, salutem. Accepimus litteras vestras f^ x"', datas Roma? iymo Decembris23 Ex quibus et item aliis quas eodem die ad nos scripsit dilectus noster Dominus Karne, in- telleximus non solum quibus artibus ac quanta cum pertinatia jampridem post discessum Domini Benett institerint Caesariani ut Pontifex petitiones omnes vestras rejiceret, et statim contra nos sententiam ferret; verum etiam quantam prudentiam, fidem, ac diligentiam in reprimendo et obviam eundo tam iniquis illorum conatibus vos contra praestitistis. Intelleximus vero et ex eisdem litteris quanta cum animi promptitudine et alacritate vos bona omnia vestra lubenter-oppignerastis, nee ullis sumptibus pepercistis in comparandis et accersendis Romam usque, doctissimis quibusque quos habet Italia viris, qui causae nostra? justitiam, dum publica? illae disputationes in Consistorio peragentur, sua, eruditione et juditio sint comprobaturi. Quibus in rebus, ut si unquam antehac, maxime certe hoc tempore officia ilia vestra ita nobis sunt cordi, ut nullo un quam tempore e memoria, nostra excidere queant. Cum nos eadem ita grata acceptaque semper sumus habituri ut in re ferenda etiam gratia, quam sane maximam hoc nomine apud nos iuiistis, vobis vicissim deesse nulla, ratione sustineamus. Quod autem ad causae nostrae statum attinet, et quid istic a vobis fieri ac impetrari cupiamus ; quoniam Doctorem Benet super hiis rebus omnibus abunde instruximus, instructumque ad vos jam ante quatuor dies hinc expedivimus, supervacaneum duximus eadem ad vos hoc tempore perscribere. Spcramus 25 See Carne's letter to Benet, State Papers, vii. 328. 154 RECORDS OF enim quod ille sit propediem Romae vobiscum futurus, animi- que nostri super hiis rebus sententiam ad plenum vobis expli- caturus. De pecunia vero quae tantis sumptibus vestris possit sufficere, nos jam dudum rationem cum Matthaeo Bernardo de la Banco, Mercatore Veneto, inivimus, neque dubitamus quin ea vobis praesens omni cum celeritate et infra 20 ad summum dies numerabitur. Literas autem excambii ipse Benettus vobis praesentabit. Interim vos etiam atque etiam rogamus ut qua coepistis, omni cum studio, diligentia ac importunitate a Pontifice et Cardinalibus contendatis, ut et diem jam publicis disputationi- bus per eos dictum, in justum aliud tempus prorogare, pariter et earum disputationum censor es et relator es non nisi doc- tissimos, integerrimos, aequissimos ac maxime indiffererites viros vobis concedere et consignare velint, et si quid praeterea aliud nobis causaeque nostra? condutibile vestra prudentia judicabit. Nos vero fidem istam, studium ac benevolentiam quam erga nos singularem vos semper praestitisse jam bene multis argu- mentis didicimus, mutuo favore nostro ac beneficiis vicissim compensare studebimus. Ex Regia nostra Grenewichi quarta die Januarii. Endorsed— Reverendo in Christo patri ac domino D. Hieronymo episcopo Wigorniensi et Magnifico viro Domino Gregorio equiti Cassalio, nostris apud Sanc- tissimum Dominum nostrum oratori- bus quam plurimum dilectis. THE REFORMATION. 155 Number CCLIV. Original letter from Ghinucci and Sir Gregory Cassali to the King, informing him of the small hope they have of the cause being deferred. Written January 4, 1532. SERENISSIME ac potentissime Domine Rex, Domine Vitell. noster suppreme, felicitatem, etc. foj x™' Quum heri Doctor Karne26 Majestati tua? uberrime scripserit de diligentiis quibus usi [sumus], de responsis quae a Jure con- sultis habuimus, super hiis plura non repetimus ; [id] duntaxat explicabimus, nos hodie Pontificem convenisse, eique quas ad nos turn [Theologi], turn Jure consulti exaraverunt literas ostendisse; et imprimis quas Decius [Senensis], Curtius, et Soccinus scripsere; Notumque Sanctitati sua? fecimus Cur- tium et Soccinum [neutrales] esse nisi a Senatu Veneto eis licentia detur; Aiunt enim senatum ilium, Ca?[saris] intuitu, sibi ipsis prohibuisse, turn ne id quod in favorem causa? Majestatis vestrae consulu[erint] mitterent, in qua quidem causa, se scripsisse affirmant, turn ne in hujusmodi [se aliquo] pacto intromitterent. Retulimus pariter Sanctitati suae quid super hoc Parisius, [cui, dum] Patavii moraretur, non modo a Senatu Veneto hoc idem interdictum fuit, verum [etiam] binis litteris et pluribus quoque litteris ejusdem Caesaris agentes et legati inju[nxere ne in] causa ista consulere auderet. In quorum testimonium Sanc titati suae adduximus [ordi]narium, oratoremque Venetum nobis dixisse Senatum Venetum ne verbum u[llum] consul ts dicturum fore, nisi voluntas Caesarei oratoris accesserit ; et prop[terea] dandam esse operam ut orator Caesaris hie residens cum altero eorum ver[ba faceret]; quod tunc pollicebantur Senatum licentiam eunctis Patavii Doctoribus non n[egaturum]. Super hoc, Sanctitati suae diximus quod quum nulli alii Juris- periti magni nominis, [exceptis] quinque supradictis, ex quibus 26 In his letter to the King ludes to this letter of the 3rd of of the 2 oth of January, Came al- January. 156 RECORDS OF Decius est adeo decrepitus ut nequaquam ac[cedere possit], Frisius quoque est admodum senex, non ita tamen ut venire" nequeat, Si vel . [auc]toritate qua plurimum in Italia pollet, nobis esse impedimento, ne istos tres salt[em] qui Advocati nostri sunt, quique Majestatis Vestrae pecunias rece- perunt et, ut affirma[nt, in causa] printipali scripserunt, Nos non posse aliud agere nisi valde conqueri de v . . injustitia. nobis, Affirmareque dilationem hujusmodi quum a Caesari[anis] . . fuerit, tanquam non concessam fuisse. Quapropter Sanctitatem suam oraba[mus] . . . tolli, et nobis prOmissam dilationem cum affectu dari curare vellet: haec cuncta in consistorio refferet, nobis imponens . et Anconitano ageremus. Cum Anconitano hoc eodem mane fuimus. [Supr]adicta omnia exposuimus, volentesque ut videret litteras quas Pontifici [ostend]imus, Dixit quod essemus cum Cardinali de Monte; Non tamen a Pontifi[ce nee] ab Anconitano aliqua colligere potuimus ex quibus ulla firma spes [d]ilationis haberi possit. Nos nihilominus rem curare non cessabimus [sed] diligentia, studio, cogitatione, gratia et opera sedulo incumbemus [ne] ista concedatur. Quod ad Frisium, quia scribit se nunquam ventu[rum si] Pontifex ei non jusserit, Sanctitas sua obtulit se paratam scribere Nuntio [Pe]rusia? residenti ut eum allo- quatur, et certiorem faciat si venerit Sanctitati suae [rem pe]r- gratam facturum. Optime valeat Majestas Vestra cui nos humillime [com mend] amus. Romae, die 4 Januarii M.D. XXXII. Ejusdem Majestatis Vestrae humillimi servi, Hie. Eps. Wigorn. Gregorius Casalius. THE REFORMATION. 157 Number CCLV Original despatch from the King to Gardiner, directing him to urge the French King to join the Princes qf Germany and make war against the Emperor. January 12, 1532. By the King. HENRY R. Right reverend father inGod, right trusty and well-beloved, — Addit. We greet you well, and have received your sundry letters of ~S^' the second, the fourth, and the seventh days of these present, fob 60. by continue whereof we perceive with how much wisdom, dexterity, and diligence ye have used yourself there, as well in the declaration of our affairs to our good brother the French king and his council and the acceleration of Doctor Benett's depeche, as also concerning the matters of Germany and the enserching what affections be there towards us and the advance ment of our desired purposes, for the which we give unto you our most hearty thanks. And for answer thereunto and your better instruction how ye should further proceed and use yourself in all your doings hereafter. First, whereas ye signify unto us that ye thought Mr. Benet should, according to our mind and desire, be de- peched towards Rome the next day after the writing of your last letters, which was the 8th of this month, our pleasure is the same being accomplished, ye give therefore our most hearty thanks, as well to our good brother the French king, as to the Chancellor, the Great Master, and all other which have by any means furthered 'and set forward the same, with declaration how grate and thankful their doings therein be unto us. Second, whereas ye write that the matters of Germany wax cold there, and that ye think it is not possible to remove our good brother from the opinion that the emperor is not to be provoked openly to war by any means during his abode in those parts, ne that he will otherwise treat or meddle with the 158 RECORDS OF princes of Germany, but only to agree them and give them hope of aid and money for defence of their right until the emperor shall be departed into Spayne, and until they shall have made a new king, ye shall understand that we, approv ing also in some part our said good brother's opinion, think it nevertheless to be very expedient and necessary that all means possible be devised and set forth by our good brother, whereby the said princes may be so encouraged that, for fear of the emperor and dread of lack of aid and assistance, they be not driven into the emperor's lappe. Wherein, although we think it not convenient to prescribe unto our said good brother any special or certain manner of proceeding, yet our pleasure is that ye employ all the craft of persuasion ye can, to engreve untoour good brother the imminent danger and perils which may fortune to all Christendom in case the said princes should return to the emperor's devotion. And, contrary, what sin gular profit and commodity might ensue to us both and our realms, in case the emperor might be driven hence into Spayne by despair of doing further good or hope of reconciling the Germaynes, advising our good brother that for no respect he will pretermit or lose this so goodly occasion, the like whereof shall not percase in many years after be given unto us [^speci ally for that as we be this day advertised out of Flaunders the emperor intendeth now incontinently to send Mounsieur de Nasso, with others, unto the princes of Germany to dissolve their purposes and amity, and to reduce them in the emperor's devotion, if they can by any means possible attain the same, which thing we require you to imprinte in their heads with such vehemence as ye may thereby induce them more facily to grant and follow such requests as ye shall on our behalf demand of them hereafter]. And as concerning the money to be sent to the Duke of Lorayne, considering that in shewing ourself no less respective and fearful therein than they be, — we may use our answer touching the sending thereof to our commodity, thereby to induce them to enter new capitulations and to descipher also of what affections they be towards the prosecution of the entertainment of the said princes of Germany, or contrary, 27 This is a subsequent addition in the margin. THE REFORMATION. 159 as we shall hereafter in these letters further declare unto you ; minding, nevertheless, which also we think marvellous neces sary, to send the sum of ten thousand corones to the said duke for our part with all diligence possible, so as our said good brother will do the semblable for his. And also to send one instructed according to our good brother's device to treat with the said princes of Germany within these -three days, with further advertisements what our pleasure is ye shall fur ther do in that behalf. And whereas in your last letters ye signify unto us that, entreating there with the king our good brother's counsel, and fol. 61. taking the matters of Germany as the special ground why it should be now necessary to the intended purposes of us and our good brother to enter some new capitulation and more special conjunction than hath been yet between us, — we have hitherto so proceeded as though ye had been sent thither in structed and authorised thereunto, for the common wealth and benefit of both our affairs, now presently and indifferently requiring the same. And yet they, putting that aside, will not be seen to find or favor anything that should move them to any such capitulation, but use themselves so as though ye should make request on our behalf that such confederation should be now renovelled and made for our benefit only. Our pleasure is that, persisting with such good reasons as ye can devise to maintain your said manner of proceeding, ye so in all points attemper your sayings and doings as they in no wise may perceive that we upon any necessity have been moved to require any such capitulation with them but for the mutual interest and commodity of us both ; for defense whereof, first ye may say and recount unto them how our good brother hath heretofore oftentimes desired the same thing of us, and hath sent unto us first the Bishop of Bayon and Monsieur de Langez to Woodstock, and sith the said bishop to Ampthill, desiring us very instantly, on our good brother's behalf, that the old treaties might be renewed and so explicate, by some new capitulations, that all manner of doubts which might in any wise insurge thereupon might be clearly taken away. To which their desires, although we did forbear to consent at those times, forasmuch as we durst not put overmuch affiance in them, being at that time their children in captivity, and they 160 R-ECORDS OF also treating secretly and without our consent with the em peror and the Scotts. Yet considering now the perfect and sincere love which we perceive by manifold and unfailable arguments to be so rooted and confirmed between us that it cannot be dissevered or diminished, we have thought it now very reasonable and convenient to accept and take their said offer, and to condescend to their requests in that, behalf, con sidering the same should much confer to both our sureties, wealths, and commodities, ut nunc sunt tempora et status rerum, Germanicarum et Cossaris nimia el intolleranda ambitio. And for this cause only and specially ye may say that we have been moved at this time to send you thither, wherein, if they shall nevertheless shew themselves anything difficile, ye may then say, as of yourself, ye cannot tell in what part we will take their so doings, and sith that they oftentimes before this season have required of us the very same effect, we must needs think, if they make any stay therein now, that they were then moved thereto only upon respect had to their own utility, and for the relieving only of their own necessity, being their children then not delivered ; and that it proceeded of no love or amity they had to us or our commodity : which opinion they should rather study to remove than by such dealings to impress it more and more into our breast. Second, ye shall call to remembrance how that in August last past the king our brother, in his letters to Monsieur Joachin, expressed certain causes why he thought not con venient to move any war until he might be assured particu- fol. 62. larly how, when, after what sort and what special aid his con- • federates should give unto him, saying that he' would not first enter war and after dispute of the aid, and so be served as he was once, meaning thereby the insufficiency of the treaty made between us, wherein either it was not provided for conversion of our aid from the lower parts unto the parts of Italy, or else the quantie of the aid is so referred ad conscientiam prmtantis that when either party shall have need of the other, each shall be in such uncertainty that he shall be assured but of little comfort of his confederate. Wherefore ye may hereupon take all good occasion to ad vise and counsel them to forsee such and all other points as might tend to the surety of them and us, and now eftsones to THE REFORMATION. 161 enter some new capitulation for the redubbing and better de claration of all such error or obscurity as might in any case thereupon arise, by which persuasions, or any other by your wisdom to be invented, if percase ye shall not now induce them to follow and execute effectually your devices and ad vices, sed frigebunt adhuc nee ad ista incalescent : Then ye may, thirdly,^ as of yourself desire our good brother and his counsel to expend and consider by their wisdom, first, how that we, being in our realm possessed in peace, had no cause either to promise war, as we did in times past, with the em peror, or at this time to entertain the princes of Germany with our aid and money, but only at the contemplation, special instance, and requests made unto us at sundry times by our good brother's ambassadors, which for the singular love and fob 62 b. affection we did then and do now bear unto our said good brother, and for the revenging of such injuries as he then and now sustaineth, we could not refuse to fulfil and satisfy so much as in us was and at this time is. Secondly, that they will also consider what lawful pretence or color we might have to defend our doings towards the em peror, ne merito conqueratur de violatd a nobis fide et pactis inter nos et ilium foederibus, in case we should contribute now as they require any money, aid, or other assistance to the princes of Germany, between whom and us was there never any treaty or league of amity and friendship contracted here tofore. Whereunto, they being not liable to satisfy you by any good, sufficient answer, and we, on the other side, know ing perfectly what our good brother might pretend for his lawful excuse in that partie ; being also assured of what affec tion the emperor is towards us et quam libenter occasiones omnes undecunque arripit, whereby he may trouble and un quiet the state of us and of our realm, not ceasing to stir, pro voke, and encourage other princes and people against us in such case, — At which point ye may open as ye shall think good such words as the King of Scotts of late spake unto his chancellor and certain other of his counsel, whereof, by our command ment, our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin and counsellor, the Duke of Norfolk, doth at this time in his letters advertise you more at length, — Ye may say that ye be well assured that neither we ne the lords of our counsel here, VOL. II. M 162 RECORDS OF considering the premisses and other notable dangers and in- fol. 63. convenients also which of our so doing is undoubtedly like to ensue to us and to our realm, will ever consent or agree that we should send any such aid or subsidy at this time unto the said princes, unless our good brothe'r will be content to capitu late and conclude with us, for his part, what special aid and what sums of money, ships, soldiers and artillery both he and the princes of Germany will be contented to assist and suc cour us withal ; in case the emperor by himself, his subjects, friends, allies, or other confederates shall hereafter, for our said doing, or any other pretended quarrel or matter, invade any of our dominions, or in any case, by sea or by land, trouble our subjects, or interrupt such traffic and enterprise of merchandise as they now have in his dominions, or by arresting their goods within his said dominions, infer unto them any hurt, damage, or prejudice in time coming; which only being declared and set forth unto them with such efficacy as ye can, we doubt not but that it shall enforce them utterly to put away their cold dulness, and be content, rather than we should refuse the said contribution, to condescend unto all your requests, and so enter what capitulations ye will move them unto. Whereunto, if they shall finally condescend, following your former instructions, our further pleasure is, that all such things as shall be now between you convented, be in no wise made as an appendant or part of any of the old treaties, but to comprehend all those things in a new treaty separate and apart from all the former ; the same to be made and con ceived as near as ye can after the form and upon like occa sions and suggestions, as the obligation reciproque is which beareth -date 8° Aug. anno millesimo quinquagesimo vicesimo sexto, with a clause in the beginning de non derogando ullis articulis conventis et conclusis in any of the former treaties. And the same bond to endure and continue for the time of both our lives. fol. 63 b. And in the same, over and above your former instructions, ye shall not omit to comprehend the article for the arresting of the merchants of Flaundres and other of the emperor's countries being in the dominions of our good brother, for recompense of our merchants' goods which should chance to THE REFORMATION. 163 be arrested in Flaunders ; and that the bond may extend ad bellum offensivum et defensivum- utrinque in case any such battle should be moved for the said arresting and satisfaction of our subjects on either part, like as ye signified unto us in your letters of the 4th of this present. Albeit herein we think it necessary ye declare and explicate this word offensivum after this sort and none otherwise ; that is, that we shall be mutually bound offendere offendentes, in case the emperor should, upon occasion of the said arresting of his subjects or their goods, invade, or cause to be invaded, any of our realms, dominions, or procure any damage to either of our subjects. And in case also that the emperor, or any by his aid, advice, or consent, invading any of our or our good brother's domi nions or countries, and being expelled and put to flight by us or either of us, it shall be then thought most beneficial unto us further to invade and offend the realms and dominions of such as did first invade either of us. Ye shall also comprehend in the said treaty, that in case the emperor shall interrupt, with his subjects or in his domi nions, the enterprises of our and our good brother's merchants, that then the king our brother and we be bound mutually each to other ; likewise to let and break the traffic of all the emperor's subjects within our realms, and in no wise to permit or suffer them to have any intercourse in the same ; not omitting also, in this case, provision to be made for translation of the mart unto such places within our good brother's realms as may be most mete for our merchants to have recourse thereunto, and for their most profit and commodity. Finally, whereas ye in your second letters do write that in fob 64. your opinion it should be much beneficial to our purposes that defence should be extended ad expensas prastantis, desiring herein to be ascertained by us ad quam summam, we would be content to he bound to the king our brother, and what sum we would require again of him ; ye shall understand our mind and pleasure is, that although there is much inequality in the causes and likelihoods of our good brother's necessity and ours, being his realm and dominions much more ample and large than ours; being also his title and matters of quar rels much more in variance than ours ; so that hereby he shall M 2 164 RECORDS OF perceive much more fait and benefit of our aid than we of his, and therefore there ought to be like inequality on his behalf in contributing and bearing the expenses (which thing ye may dilate and set forth after such sort and fashion as ye shall think most convenient), yet finally perceiving that they will not facily be induced thereto, ye may say that we be well contented to sustain equal charges with them ; so that the same exceed not, ne be extended above, the sum of one hundred thousand corones, to be employed ad expensas prozstantis for the space of six months yearly, as oft and whensoever as the necessity of either of us shall require any such aid, and in such cases only as we have heretofore in these our letters, and also by mouth before your departure, instructed you. And treating with them hereof, it shall be well done also ye consider diligently one point ; that is, what is to be done by either of us in case the emperor should, by so secret and covert means, concur and aid in deed any other prince or nation to invade our realms, dominions, etc., as may not facilly by either of us be deprehended, ne we shall be able to produce fob 64 b. or bring forth any evident proof thereof. For removing of which doubt our advice is, ye make this promission, that is, that in such case stabitur litteris certificatoriis principis requi- rentis manu ejusdem signatis et sub verbo regis et honore suo haec attestantis. And the said aid directly to continue, without any refusal on either part, until such time as evident proof may be brought forth that the emperor doth not .indeed minister aid, favor, consent or counsel unto him or them that so shall fortune to invade either of us. Albeit as well this our advice as all other our former pleasure in these our letters, before to you declared, concerning the treating of these capi tulations to be now convented between us, we refer wholly to your wisdom and discretion therein to use yourself in every point as ye shall think by your wisdom most convenient and behoveful for the advancement of our desired purposes; not doubting that ye will yet eftsones advertise us of all your pro ceedings there before that ye shall have concluded anything effectually in that behalf. Which we desire you to do with all diligence, to the intent that having maturely digested in the mean time these matters with our counsel, if anything shall further occur necessarily to be in the said capitulations to be THE REFORMATION. 165 remembered, ye may be thereof advertised and so proceed to the conclusion of the same accordingly. And to make an end, one thing there is wherein we think good ye ensearch and know the perfect resolution of our good brother's mind ; which is, that although we also approve our good brother's opinion for so much that the emperor is not to be provoked yet by open war until he shall be departed hence into Spayne ; yet, whatsoever shall come of the emperor, and whether he shall go into Spayne or tarry here still, we think it very necessary some good provision be made for reriproque aid to be given unto us by our good brother and the princes fob 65. of Germany. For, so far as we can learn by our agents in Flaunders, there is no preparation or likelihood that the em peror shall depart hence of a long season. During which time, if any exploit should be done against us by our enemies, we think it very necessary we might be put in some assurance of their mutual aid for our money to be sent now for their defence. Given under our signet at our Manor of Grenwich the 1 2th day of January. Addressed — To the Right Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and right well-be loved Counsellor, the Bishop of Win chester,, our principal Secretary and our Ambassador in the Court of Fraunce. 166 RECORDS OF Number CCLVI. The Pope's exhortation to the King to take back Catharine and to dismiss Anne Boleyn; dated January 25, 153228. Herbert, CHARISSIME in Christo fili noster, salutem et Apos- p. 332. ... tolicam benedictionem. Quod pro nostra in te benevolentia, tuoque honore et salute falsum esse cupimus, relatum nobis est, et a multis confirma- tum, Serenitatem tuam, quae non solum antea, verum etiam post motam litem inter te et charissimam in Christo filiam nostram Catharinam Angliae Reginam Ulustrissimam, super validitate matrimonii inter vos contracti, eam apud se, ut de- cebat, in sua Regia, curi^ tenuerat, atque ut Reginam et ux- orem habuerat, et tractaverat, a certo citra tempore eam non solum a se et sua, Curia, sed etiam a Civitate seu loco sua? residentia? separasse, alioque misisse ; loco autem ejus quan- dam Annam in suum contubernium, et Cohabitationem publice recepisse, eique maritalem affectum uxori tuae debitum exhi- bere; Quae res, fili Charissime, si modo vera est, tuque pa- rumper animum ab humanis affectibus collegeris, non dubi tamus, quin, etiam tacentibus nobis, perspecturus sis, quam multis modis indigna te fuerit, vel ob contemptum' litis-pen- dentia? et Judicii nostri, vel ob scandalum Ecclesiae, vel ob communis pacis perturbationem ; Quae omnia ita a recto et religioso Principe, qualem te semper habuimus, aliena sunt, ut, tanquam tuae naturae et Consuetudini repugnantia, etsi nobis in dies magis confirmantur, difficilius tamen credamus. Quid enim minus tibi, et tua? probitati convenit, quam hinc apud nos, per Oratores et literas, super causa, istuc remittenda,, instare, inde te ipsum Tuo facto causam decidere ? Quid si mile tui, armis et scriptis olim Ecclesiam et sanctam fidem defendisse, nunc tali facto Ecclesiam videri contemnere ? Jam 28 This document was first printed wards from another copy by Le in Herbert's History, and after- Grand, torn. iii. pp. 560-566. THE REFORMATION. 167 vero communis salus et tranquiUitas a nullo unquam nostri temporis Rege acrius quam a te custodita est, qui bellum pro Ecclesia, olim susceptum, et gloriose confectum, pro communi quiete deposueris; semperque Arbiter quidam pacis et com munis concordiae inter Christianos Principes conciliandae fue- ris oxistimatus ; Quo magis haec nova de te audientes, admira- mur simul ac dolemus, unum hoc tuum factum, si modo verum est, ab omni vita? tuae gloria et consuetudine discrepare. Quamobrem cum nee rem tantam non explorare certius, nee neglectam omittere debeamus, hanc ad te, quasi aman- tis et solliciti Patris vocem praecurrere voluimus, antequam Judicis ullas partes tecum sumamus. Faciunt enim tua? Celsitudinis dignitas, vetera tua in nos merita, nostraque ex his erga te benevolentia, ut tecum omni respectu et lenitate agere velimus, sumpta, parentis persona, et Judicis tantisper deposita, donee ex tuis literis consilium progrediendi capiamus. Cupimus quidem, fili, ut diximus, haec penitus falsa esse, aut non tam aspera quam nobis referuntur, Teque ipsum deinceps, pro tua, singulari sapientia,, providere, ne cuiquam de Sereni- tate tua omni virtute conspicua, in hoc tantum obloquendi dctur occasio. Si quis enim vel ex Catholicis dolens, vel ex haereticis gaudens audiat, te Reginam, Regumque filiam, Cae- sarisque et Regis Romanorum materteram, quam in uxorem accepisti, viginti amplius annis tecum commoratam, prolemque ex te susceptam habentem, nunc a tuo thoro et contubernio procul amovisse, Aliam quoque publice apud te habere, non modo sine ulla, licentia, nostra, verum etiam contra nostram prohibitionem ; Is profocto necesse est, ut sententiam quodam- modo do optimo Principe ferat, tanquam Ecclesiam et publi- cam tranquillitatcm parvi faciente, quod nos scimus ab inten- tione et voluntate tua longissime abesse ; in tantum, ut si quis alius hoc idem in tuo regno audeat, quod a tua Serenitate factum dicitur, nullo modo te probaturum, sed etiam severe vindicaturum pro certo habeamus. Quamobrem fili, etiam si tu rectissime sentias, ut nos quidem constanter credimus, tamen causam praebere rumoribus et scandalis non debes ; hoc prae sertim tempore tam calumnioso, plenoque Haeresum, et aliarum perturbationum ; ne tuum factum latius pateat ad exemplum. Sunt enim facta regum, praesertim illustrium, sicut tua Sere nitas est, proposita quasi in specula, hominibus caeteris ad 168 RECORDS OF imitandum. Nee praeterea negligenda tibi est communis sa lus, et totius Christianitatis tranquiUitas, quod semper fuit optimorum Regum. Nee, fili, debes Serenissimos Caesarem et Romanorum Regem, dicta? Catharina? Reginae nepotes, nulla te prosequutos contumeha, hac tam gravi injuria, indecisa lite, afficere, et exinde pacem perturbare universalem, qua sola adversus imminentem nobis Turcam tuti sumus ; ne scan dali in Ecclesia, periculi in tota, Christiana republica, causam praebeas, proptereaque Rex coelestis a te irritatus, tantam suam erga Te benignitatem aliqua serenitatis amaritudine per- misceat. Te igitur, fili, per earn, qua semper te sumus prosequuti benevolentiam, semperque, si per te liceat, prosequemur, omni studio et amore hortamur, et paterna charitate monemus, ut, si haec vera sint, quae tuam veterem pietatein et gloriam denigrant, tute ea corrigere velis, ipsam Catharinam Reginam ad te humaniter revocando, atque in eo Reginae honore, et uxoris quo decet affectu, apud te habendo: Ipsam vero An- nam a publico tuo convictu et cohabitatione, propter scanda- lum, removendo, donee nostra sententia inter vos subsequatur. Quod nos quidem, etsi est a te debitum, tibique est maxime futurum honorificum, benefitii loco recepisse a tua Serenitate videbimur. Nam quod te in pristina tua voluntate erga nos, Observantiaque erga hanc sanctam sedem, cum qua mutuis officiis et beneficiis semper certasti, conservare maxime cupi mus; summo sane cum dolore, ad ea descenderemus Juris remedia, quorum necessitatem non nostra privata contumeha, quam tibi libenter condonaremus, sed Dei omnipotentis honor, publicaeque utilitatis, et tua? anima? salutis ratio ad postre- mum nobis, quanquam invitis, imponeret ; Sicut Etiam Nuntius apud te noster haec Tuae Serenitati uberius explicabit. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Pisca- toris, die vigesima quinta Januarii 1532. Pontificates nostri Anno Nono. Blosius. THE REFORMATION. 169 Number COLVII. Original letter from the King to Gardiner, directing him how to act at the French Court ; written January 27, By the King. HENRY R. Addit.IVISS Right reverend father in God, right -trusty and right well- 25,114, beloved, we greet you well. fol- 67- And have received your letters of the 22th of this month by your servant, Henry Fraunces; and forasmuch as the 21th of the same we depeched unto you again your servant Chris- tofer with the minutes of such letters and instructions as we before sent unto you by your servant Cromwell. All which, with our other letters also sent unto you by Mr. Bonner, we doubt not but be or this time come to your hands, to your good contentment and- satisfaction ; we at this time, referring you for your instruction thereunto, shall only by these our letters advertise you that having since your departure sent our servants, John Ridley, one of the pages of our chamber, and David Myller, one of the yeomen of our guard, to the sea, furnished with two small ships for the war, to the intent only that they might encounter and apprehend certain Danys, being pirates and robbers on the seas, which not long afore in the Downs had taken a ship belonging to the said David Myller. It so chanced that our said servants, being on the seas for the purposes aforesaid, espied a ship that came out of Scot land taking her course towards Fraunce. And sending out certain of their men in a ship's boat to know what they were ; the company of the said ship made not only unto them no good answer, but straight upon the approaching of the said boat towards the said ship, threw and cast wild-fire, darts, stones, and such other things at them being in the said boat ; so as hurting divers of them, they were constrained to re turn to their ships and captains ; unto whom making relation 170 RECORDS OF thereof, they, hoysting their sailes, made after the said ship, and having her in chace at the last did overtake her ; And when the company of the said Scottish ship saw themselves in the danger, they yielding themselves, one of them privily did cast over the borde into the seas a packet of letters directed to the Duke of Albany and others, which our said servants perceiving, and marvelling to what purpose they should so do, they not only, upon suspicion thereof, retained with them the said ship until they were commanded by us to suffer her at her liberty to depart, but also, by good means, recovering the said packet of letters out of the seas, sent the same unto us. fob 67 b. And ye shall understand that having lookyn up the said packet of letters, and read over with good deliberation the same let ters ; forasmuch as it was to us and our counsel thought very expedient that we should know the contents of them, consider ing their suspicious dealing in casting the same over the borde into the seas ; and such practises as we knew were set forth by the King of Scotts against us; we find therein sundry things sounding to our high displeasure, and tending to the confirmation of such reports as hath been made heretofore unto us concerning such practices as hath been set forth be tween our good brother and the said King of Scotts ; as by the contents of the same, which noting diligently ye shall per ceive ; our mind and pleasure is, that when ye shall have well perused the said letters, and maturally digested the effects and principal points of the same, to the intent ye may thereby the more facily dissiphre their covert dealing, if any such be ; ye then, first repairing to the Great Master and the Bishop of Bayon, and sith to our said good brother, the French king, shall shew unto them secretly by mouth such articles of the said letters as by your wisdom shall be thought necessary to be declared for the purposes above said, retaining neverthe less the said letters with you, unless they shall make special instance to you for the sight of the same, declaring in every condition how and after what fashion they were intercepted, with the whole circumstance of the same, as before is specified, saying that albeit we have by this chance intercepted the said letters, wherein be sundry points contained, sounding to our displeasure, forasmuch as it may now well appear that the said rumors hath not been noised without some ground, yet THE REFORMATION. 171 having so planted in our heart the sincerity which we doubt not but our good brother beareth towards us; as the same, either by these letters or any other semblable matter or occa sion, can in no wise be anything removed, we do not only at this time signify the same unto our good brother, for that fob 68. thereby he shall perceive to know or hear nothing whicli might seem to be against his honor, but that frankly, as our assured amity and friendship doth require, we do participate the same unto him. In communing whereof, if our good brother or his council shall fortune to say, These be but Scotish braggs only devised for their own glory, our good brother shall be assured of us. And whatsoever they or any other shall report, we shall be towards him indeed no less assured than we have many times expressed in words, accounting us both but as one, or shall utter words of like sentence; ye shall at that point say that we nothing doubt thereof. And that we be also well assured that he will not treat or conclude indeed any marriage with the said King of Scotts without our consent, engreving unto them the injuries which we and our subjects sustain by the King of Scotts provoking us daily to open war, as well in that we can at his hands neither have justice ministered, ne redress made to our subjects of such evil attemptates as daily, contrary to the effect of the treux between us established, on his behalf be committed. As also for that continually he encroacheth upon our lands, pretending the same to be his inheritance, which never heretofore hath been in question. And thereupon ye shall say it were very expedient that ye might peruse and view the old treaties between us and them concerning the Scotts, to the intent that ye having sufficient commission there unto may treat and conclude with them upon aU such things as be to be supplied or altered therein, whereby a straight conjunction and amity may be established between us ; adding hereunto that our special trust is in our good brother that he will in no wise aid or comfort the said King of Scotts against us, but use himself according to the treaties heretofore made between us, augmenting rather all things that may tend to our benefit than to diminish in any part the same in comforting or aiding any man against us. And by your wisdom, dexterity, and such reason as ye can devise for that purpose, so set both , 172 RECORDS OF the same as ye may press them, if it be possible, not only to perform and satisfy the same, but also to offer to conclude, in these new capitulations, some certain aid to be given by our good brother, the French king, unto us, in case hereafter, we should move and war against the said King of Scotts. fol. 68 b. And for your better instruction therein, minding to have sent unto you the copies of the treaties remaining here with us, and making diligent search therefore; forsomuch as yet we can find but one treaty for that purpose, we have taken out of the same, two articles which we send you herewith enclosed, to the intent ye may the better induce them and put them in remembrance of their old bands, to the better obser vation and performance of the same. And that ye may also perceive thereby whether they go about to embecUe, conceal, and hide from you any of the old treaties made for our benefit in that case. And when ye shall have thus shewed the said letters to our good brother and his counsel, as is above expressed, ampli fying or extenuating the displeasures towards us in the said letters mentioned, as by your wisdom shaU be thought to serve and conduce best to the achieving of [our] purposes ; our further pleasure is, that ye say unto our good brother, the Great Master, and Monsieur de Bayon, that we have commanded you to ask their advice and counsel how and after what sort ye shall, after the shewing of the same to them, deliver the said letters to the Duke of Albany, so as he, being our friend, by the opening of them, think in us none unkindness. And according to their devises in that behalf, if ye shall think the same convenient, then packing up again all the said letters, ye deliver them unto the said duke accord ingly ; declaring unto him the fashion and manner, with the whole circumstance of the apprehension of the said letters; and desiring him to take in the opening of them none unkind ness, or thereby to conceive any other opinion of us than that it becometh him to do of his friend. Ye shall also understand that yesterday we received a breve from the Pope, requiring of us aid and subsidy against the Turke'29. As by the copy thereof, which we send unto you, ye shall perceive. And 29 The breve is dated January 4, 1532. THE REFORMATION. - 173 nothing doubting but that our good brother, the French king, hath received another of semblable tenor, our pleasure is, that shewing unto our said good brother the copy of the said brefe, ye know of the same, and of other his counsellors, what answer fob °9- they be determined to make in that behalf, to the intent that we may make like answer therein accordingly, signifying the same unto us with all convenient diligence. Given under our signet, at our Manor besides Westmynster, the 27th day of January, Endorsed — To the right reverend father in God, our right trusty and right well-be loved Counsellor, the Bishop of Wyn- chestre, our ambassador with our most dere beloved brother, the Frenche King, and our principal Secretary. 174 RECORDS OF Number CCLVIII. Original letter from Ghinucci and Benet to the King, de tailing the tactics qf the Imperials, and recommending a new form qf Commission to be sent for Came i written February 8, 1532. Vitell. SERENISSIME et potentissime Domine Rex, Domine ?; x'u' noster supreme, felicitatem [in Domino sempiternam] . Post reditum Reverendi Domini Gulielmi Benet, propin- quante consistorio [septimi diei Februarii] quod finem termi- numque dilationi nostra? imponebat, adversarii sedulo [insta- bant, quemadmodum] percipere potuimus. Instructiones hu jusmodi super hoc fundabantur, [quod excusatoris litterae] vim mandati non habebant, et propterea excusatorem nullatenus [debere admitti]. Nos vero Pontificem nonnullosque Cardinales quos nobis expedire vis[um est, prout] excusator petierat, instruximus, quemadmodum ex praefati excusa[toris litteris Majestas Ves tra] plenius cognoscet30; insistebamusque ut omnino ea nobis facultas temporufm concederetur, ut juris] consulti secundi nominis possent hue commodius accedere ; et in hac re, [magna, diligentia] profecto usi fuimus. Heri super propo- sitione a nobis ab adversariis [allegata, Cardinales] longam in consistorio discussionem habuere. In qua, sicuti acce pimus, [a Cardinale de Monte] ad quem primum spectat votum, plurima in sententiam nostram admodum fu[ere dicta ] a multis aliis autem quamplura ad versus nos dicta sunt. Verum quia An[conitanus consis- to]rio non interfuit, nihil determinatum est. Decrevit enim Pontifex ve habere ; et ita hoc mane ilium, Reverendissimumque de Monte ad se accessiri jussit 30 See State Papers, vii. 346. THE REFORMATION. 175 [in arce Sancti Angeli, ubi aliquantum] temporis spatium commoratus est. Quum primum autem a Sanctitate sua reco .... qua? nobis dixit ut Reverendissi- mum de Monte alloqueremur ; ab eo enim quicquid . fuerit, disceremus, subjunxitque constituisse omnino hujuscemodi discus [sionem qui bus principium tribuat primus dies Veneris quadragesimae31 Imprimis illas disceptandas esse, videlicet, — Utrum excu- sator sit [omnino admittendus] et an excusatoris litterae man- dati vim habeant; ex quo- conjicimus Ad[versarios maximo] conari studio in hujusmodi literis rejiciendis. Et hac via excusator [nullatenus admittetur] sicuti Majestas Vestra uber- rime ex Domini excusatoris litteris cognoscet. Nos a[utem agentes] pro dilatione obtinenda, qua secundos hosce advo cates habere possi[mus, intentatum] nihil reliquimus. In quo Pontifici ceterisque Cardinalibus . ... quum hos paucos dies ad incipiendas disceptationes . . . fob 147 1 .... quemadmodum Majestati Vestrae superius diximus. Percipimus, animadvertimusque, [Adjversarios nostros maxima contra nos fundamenta facere, ut literas hasce nostras [e]xcu- satorias rejiciant. Quapropter nostra, advocatorum nostrorum et cujuscunque [M]ajestatis Vestrae amantissimi sententia esset ut ilia novas omnino mitteret litteras quae deffectus harum quas habemus supplerent. Hos autem deffectus et [A]dversariorum funda menta ex ejusdem Domini excusatoris literis copiosius Ma jestas [Vest]ra intelliget ; Si vero per praesentem tabellarium hujusmodi litteras ad nos [ce]leriter destinaverit, tempestive quidem venturas arbitramur. Interea [nos] curabimus discep tationes has protrahi; Litterasque si minus fieri [po]terit, nullo pacto ostendemus nee nisi coacti patefaciemus. [B]ono- niam Saenasque pro habendis hue Jureconsultis omnino mit- tere decre[vi]mus, hac mente ut si illi tempestive venerint, optimum fuerit ; [sin] aliter eo nos excusabimus quod ita trac- tati fuimus ut nullos Ad [vo] catos habere potuerimus, licet per nos omnis diligentia facta fuerit; [cont]rariamque oppinionem et calumniam excludemus quibus nos tota haec afficit [c] uria, 31 February 16, 1532. 176 RECORDS OF quod nulla videlicet pro habendis hue Jureconsultis diligentia usi [sumus], et per nos allegata ad excusationem simulationem- que tendunt. [Et optime] valeat Majestas Vestra. Cui nos humillime commendamus. [Romae] die 8 Februarii M.D.XXXII. Ejusdem Majestatis Vestrae Humillimi servi Hie. Ep™ Wigornien. [W.] Benet. THE REFORMATION. 177 Number CCLIX. A Postscript to the letter of February 8, written February ii, 1532, by Ghinucci and Benet to the King, and sent by the same post with it. POST hactenus scripta, Pontifex, instantibus Caesarianis, Vitell. qui de delibera[tione per disputan]di modum per Sanctitatem foj I4'8 suam, Anconitanum et Cardinalem de Monte facta, mag[nopere indignan]tur, jussit ad se eosdem Anconitanum et Cardi nalem de Monte coram Caesarianis ora[toribus accersiri] et tandem post multas exclamationes32, quas ipsis auribus et nos, et ca?ter[i qui extra] Cameram erant, ad unguem intellexerunt, Caesarianos remisit. Nos vero voc[avit ad audiendum om]nes has Caesarianorum querelas, et quantum elaboraverit in delibera- tione h[ujusmodi contra] eos sustinenda; et quod opus prope- modum fuit Anconitanum Advocati nostri [partem suscipere,] exposuit. Nobis deinde dixit ut ea qua ordinatum fuit forma, disceptare [in Concistorio] pro libitu nostro proponeremus ; adeo ut tantam liberalitatem mirum in modum m . . . Haec autem omnia Majestas Vestra ex Domini Doctoris Kerne litteris uberius cogn[oscet. Quam] optime valere optamus. Roma?, die na Februarii M.D.XX[X.II]. Ejusdem Majestatis Vestra? Humillimi servi Heb. Eps. W[igoen.J W. [Benet.] Endorsed — [Serenissimo et Invictissimo] Printipi, Domino Anglia? [et Francia? Regi Illustri,] Fidei defensori, Hiber- [nia? Domino, Dom]ino nostro su premo etc. 32 See State Papers, vii., p. 348- VOL. II. N 178 RECORDS OF Number CCLX. The Pope's letter to the King requesting aid against the Turks ; written January 4, 1532. Kaynald, REGI ANGLLE. torn. X111. P- Hi- CHARISSIME in Christo fili noster, salutem et Apostoli cam Benedictionem. Reversus nuper ex Jerusalem, quo voti et devotionis causa, erat profectus, venerabilis frater Marcus Grimannus patriarcha Aquileiensis gravi et formidoloso nuncio animum nostrum perculit : retulit enim nobis ac venerabilibus fratribus nostris Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, quod cum ipse in reditu Constantinopoli transiens Aloysium Gritti Venetiarum ducis filium, qui apud Turcarum tyrannum, atque apud eum omnia moderantem Ebraym Bascia, maxima autho ritate pollet, convenisset, ilium certissime sibi affirmasse et Venetias nuntiare jussisse, ipsum Turcam numerosissimam classem, duos'maximos exercitus apparare, ut proximo vere cum his ad damna Christianitatis erumpat: quorum quidem alterum terra, ipsa, ducturus, alteri maritimo dictum Ebraym praefecturus, et ad invadendam Italiam missurus sit. Quibus etiam illud adjectum est, ipsum Turcam cum Sophi Persarum Rege nova amicitia ita esse connexum, ut nihil ipse in bellum Christianum intentus ab eo timere possit. Deinde autem paucis interjectis diebus subsecuta? sunt multorum litera? ex Constantinopoli idem confirmantium, et terrorem maxime augentium. Haec, fili charissime, non magis ex ipso judicio, quam ex. praeteritis apparatibus, et summa hostis potential atque in nos odio, timere cogimur, ne tam saepe nunciata, ut futura, fieri aliquando videamus quando ad tot et tantas hostis potentissimi minas et apparatus omnes torpemus, nihilque praeter moram et cunctationem objicimus. Convocatis itaque statim ad nos ac eosdem fratres nostros tuis et reliquorum principum oratoribus, et de tota re plene edoctis, illos omnes hortati sumus, ut ad suum quisque prin- cipem scriberet, et in communis salutis defonsionem aliquando THE REFORMATION. 179 suscipiendam ex Dei et nostra parte requireret et hortaretur : quamquam quid hortatione jam opus est? frustra enim hor- tando ac monendo jam biennium consumimus, nee quemquam nisi clade accepta crediturum videmus : alius fidem parum habet, minus timet alius se a periculo remotissimum, alius postremum in periculo arbitratur. Ergo hostes Christi ad oppugnandum fidein Christi consentiunt, fideles Christi ad defendendum consentire non possunt, nihilque nos nee Dei respectus, nee communis salutis et honoris ratio permovet. Subdamus igitur colla jugo, pro Christo Mahometem recipia- mus; quin inter nos ipsos acres et validi, adversus Dei hostem torpemus. Quod quanto cum dolore, fili, dicamus non pos sumus verbis exprimere, cum temporibus nostris Christianam virtutem vigere si quando antea, pietatem autem plusquam unquam alias refrixisse videamus. Itaque etsi operam per- didimus hactenus, non tamen silebit nostra vox ad extremum usque, testesque et has et alias complures literas habebimus, nos nostrum in hoc officium nunquam praetermisisse. Domine tu scisti : justitiam tuam non abscondi ; veritatem tuam et salutare tuum dixi. Quid aliud agere potuimus, quam quod egimus ? omnes privatas rationes publicis posthabuimus : nostras clades et injurias Deo condonavimus : cunctas opes, vires, au- thoritatem nostram obtuhmus, et ad salutem Christiani populi conferemus : ne vita? quidem nostra? parsuri nusquam sumus, dum in commune aliquid consulamus. Te igitur, fili charissime, quod et cum caeteris principibus egimus, ex pastorali officio ac persona denuo monemus, horta- mur, obtestamur et rogamus, ut tuo officio, honori, pietatique satisfaciens communem defensionem, in qua etiam tua inclu- ditur, pro tua virili suscipias : et quoniam dies abit, nee jam consultationibus, sed factis opus est, ut quodcumque opis in commune conferendum duxeris, quamprimum conferas ; cele- ritate enim opus est, eaque permagna, si modo salvi esse volumus; hostis enim totum biennium in apparatibus con- sumpsit ; nos toties ab illo excitati in Rhodo, in Belgrado, in Hungaria, in Vienna, adhuc obdormimus : quamobrem nisi ad commune incendium restinguendum cito accurrimus, omnia ad certissimum interitum prolabentur. Recordare igitur, fili, majorum tuorum gesta, quibus tu in gloria et pietate non modo successisti, verum etiam anteisti ; siquidem Romanam N 2 180 RECORDS OF ecclesiam olim adversus schismaticos armis, deindeque fidem catholicam contra haereticos scriptis, tutatus es, fideique defen- soris titulum omnibus humanis titulis illustriorem promeruisti. Nunc non solum Ecclesiae et sancta? fidei, sed cuncta? prorsus Christianitatis ac tui etiam regni defensio suscipienda a te cum caeteris est ; si illam gloriam tunc appetisti, appete nunc hanc longe majorem : quamquam non jam de gloria, sed de salute certamus; is enim est hostis, qui totius Europa? dominatum conceperit animo, quique Arabibus, Syriis, iEgyptiis ad suam ditionem adjunctis pari jugo servitutis universam Christiani- tatem subdere conetur. Itaque si Italiam (quod veremur et horremus) occupaverit, nequaquam temperabit a reliquis, sed more validi ignis, primis quibusque correptis, ad ulteriora pervadet. Primi, primi in- quam, aditus huic obstruendi, prima repagula sunt objicienda ; his enim refractis, hostem intra viscera acceptum aegre re- pellere poterimus, nullaque tam remota regio aut angulus tam abditus miserae Christianitatis erit, qui a communi exitio et clade immunis ad postremum sit futurus. Quod si, fili, vel tutissimum tibi regnum vel viae longinquitas, terra? interja- centes, mare circumfusum praestarent, an tu Christianus Rex Christianis opem contra Christi hostes denegabis, solusque proprium officium, communem rempublicam deseres? non est pietatis nee magnitudinis tuae, ut putemus, te Deo et sancta? fidei, communique saluti deesse, aut a publica causa per hu- manos affectus avocari unquam posse ; novimus enim tui animi celsitudinem, religionem, probitatem, ac nos quidem hoc quod petimus eo justius a te et caeteris impetrare meremur, quod non privatis commodis, aut honori nostro proprio, cui tamen tua serenitas, ut speramus, non deesset, sed Dei honori, Christiana? fidei, periculis omnium fidelium arcendis, opem tuam et illorum imploramus, vestris etiam regnis privatim profuturam. Quamobrem si haec tam pia nostra postulatio cum dicimus a te, a quo nihil non te dignum expectamus, sed ab aliis quibuspiam proprii officii et salutis oblitis con- temnetur, tamen his nos apostolica voce denuntiamus vindicem Dei iram, ad cujus tribunal universi, qui effundetur, Christiani sanguinis reos se sciant esse futuros. Nos quidem ipsi omnis culpa? nos expertes Deo et hominibus probabimus; nihil enim quod in nobis fuit praetermissimus ; denuntiavimus periculum, THE REFORMATION. 181 ostendimus remedium, imploravimus omnium virtutem et pie- tatem; nee monendo, nee hortando, nee rogando unquam defuimus, neque in posterum sumus defuturi, omnibusque tandem frustra tentatis, ea etiam non praetermittemus remedia, qua? prsedecessores nostri in tali casu pro Dei honore et com- muni salute adhibenda censuerunt. Tuam serenitatem, ut vi- cissim suo officio, honori, et pietati inserviat, nosque in hoc sancto labore coadjuvet, illam in Domino plurimum adhor- tamur, quemadmodum et confidimus eam esse facturam. Caetera super his latius cum tuis sumus oratoribus collocuti, ex quorum literis et nuntii apud te nostri verbis ea particularius et dif- fusius tua serenitas intelliget. Datum Roma? 4 Januarii MDXXXII. pontificatus nostri anno nono. 182 RECORDS OP Number CCLXI. The King's reply to the Pope's request for aid against the Turks ; written February J, I532- Vatican BEATISSIME Pater, post humillimam commendationem et ¦ Tran- . . scripts. devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Breve, quod quarta die elapsi mensis Vestra Sanctitas ad nos dedit, accurate perle- gimus, ex eoque intelleximus quanta- animi sollicitudine nun- cium illud de Turcico apparatu ipsa nuper acceperit. Horta- tiones vero, quibus ad tantam perniciem mature avertendam apud nos utitur, sic accepimus, ut quemadmodum toti Chris tiano orbi, nedum Sanctitati Vestra?, testatissimum manifes- tissimumque esse putamus, nihil unquam in Christian^ defen- denda fide, in Apostolica, conservanda sede, Turcaeque appa- ratibus repellendis, officii vel opera? a nobis hactenus praeter- missum denegatumve fuisse (quarum actionum cogitationumque nostrarum, praeter homines, ipsum quoque Deum lucupletis- simum testem habemus) ita ex animo gauderemus, si nostri labores sumptusque et merita, qua? in Christianam juvandam rempublicam totiens antea contulimus, majori cum fructu praestita extarent, nostraque haec pietas et officium omnibus quam multum profuisset in commune. Consilia autem nostra omnia sic posthac cum Deo disponemus, ut Divinam ipsius Majestatem clementissimum potius judicem, quam iratum vin- dicem, conatibus nostris adfuturam confidamus, et (utcumque cesserit rerum eventus) sedulo curabimus, ne suo loco aut tempore religiosi Christianique Principis officio in fide Catho lica, tuenda, a preclarissimisque et optimis nostris parentumque nostrorum institutis unquam defecisse dicamur. Ad id autem, quod Sanctitas Vestra imminentium malorum (si qua? acciderint) culpam omnem et occasionem tum in nos, tum in alios Christianos Principes, transferre velle videtur, quodque tam ardenter vehementissimisque adductis rationibus subsidium opemque nostram ad Turcicos reprimendos appa ratus postulat, priusquam irreparabiU excidio inter Christianos THE REFORMATION. 183 prorumpant, etsi arbitremur multis antea non obscuris in- diciis, ex nostrisque super ea re Vestrae Sanctitati jampridem communicatis consibis, animum nostrum satis compertum per- spectumque sibi esse; post maturam tamen consultationem nunc habitam, visum nobis est, iterum velle nostram mentem consiliumque nostris apud Sanctitatem Vestram Oratoribus super his rebus omnibus declarare, id quod impraesentiarum diligenter fecimus, m andantes ut Vestra? Sanctitati omnia copiosius ac distinctius nostro nomine exponant ; rogamusque nos ut hanc nostram mentem aequi bonique ipsa consulere velit, ac referentibus illis certam indubiamque fidem adhibere. Qua? diutissime ac felicissime valeat. Ex regia, nostra Grenwici, die 7 Februarii, 1531. Ejusdem Vestra? Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia, Angliae et Franciae Rex, fidei defensor, ac Dominus Hiberniae, Henricus. Sanctissimo Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. 184 RECORDS OF Number CCLXII. Original letter from the King to Gardiner, directing him to propitiate the French King, and excite him against the Emperor; written February 9, 1532. By the King. Addit. HENRY R. MSS. 25, 114, Right reverend father in God, right trusty and right well- °' 7I' beloved, we greet you well; and have received your sundry letters of the 27th and 28th days of January, declaring as well your mind and advice, touching our proxy sent unto Rome by Mr. Bonner, as also the delays and impediments of your so long abode there, without any resolution or com munication had with the king our brother, or his counsel, concerning the material points of your charge ; signifying also unto us the receipt of our letters despatched unto you by your servant Cromwell, and aU other sent from us since your departure, with such other news as were at that time there occurrent, for the which your diligent advertisement in the premisses we give unto you our most hearty thanks : adver tising the same, that, as touching the said proxy, noting and approving very much your singular wisdom, sincerity, and judgment, in the defaults thereof, and conferring and debating the same with our learned counsel, we have not thought it much necessary to alter anything therein, for this time, but to defer the declaration of our further pleasure in that behalf until your return unto us, and unto such time as we shall be advertised from Rome, whether they shall doubt anything there of the sufficiency of the said proxy, or no. For our said counsel here affirmeth unto us, that, notwithstanding the protestation, and that no mention is made de causa principali, neither that the instrument is sealed with our own seal, yet fob 71 b. there is no cause why they may lawfully reject the same. Our counsel saith that they at Rome may perad venture doubt of the validity thereof; albeit, to remove that doubt, they say THE REFORMATION. 185 that the proxy, sent at Easter last, being sealed with our own seal, is sufficient enough. And, in case it be not, they further say, that they there be bound Jo signify again unto us the causes of their said doubt, to be opened and declared again by us, before they shaU proceed any further ; which delay of tyme we think can be nothing prejudicial to our cause, but rather to serve and conduce to the singular benefit of the same. Furthermore ye shall understand that conferring and com muning here divers times with Monsieur Pomeray our said brother's ambassador, speciaUy touching our affairs and our good brother's affairs, so far as we in the said conference can note and gather of the said Pomeray's words, we perceive plainly that the king, our said brother, is not only of singular good towardness and propension to agree and condescend unto us in all those things which ye have or shall on our behalf move unto him and his counsel, but also that the dis pleasures and injuries sustained by our said good brother at the emperor's hands be yet so fresh in his remembrance, as he can not, not only forget the same, but considering there- withall the emperor's inordinate appetite in aspiring to the whole monarchy of Christendom; and his handling of all matters otherwise than appertaineth to equity and justice, fob 72. miro odio Cossareis, prosequitur, and daily is glad to ex cogitate ways and means how to work the said emperor displeasure, and to let as much as he may his intended purposes. Wherefore we require and pray you that at your next repair unto our said good brother's presence, ye say unto the same, that we, being advertised by the said Pomeray to our singular comfort, not only of the continual increase of his goodwill, friendship, and amity towards us to the good satisfaction of all our desires, but also of his most wise, discreet, and princely regard and respect towards the em peror and his proceedings, we may not but most highly re joice therein, knowing certainly how much the remembrance of the emperor's said doings shall at length confer not only to the advancement of both our affairs, but also to the com modity of the public weal of all Christendom, and the avoid ing of such manifold inconveniences as might thereof ensue, if thereby his said enterprises may be let and withstanded. 186 RECORDS OF In communing whereof ye shall say unto our said good brother, that we have also now of late been informed how that the emperor, being in utter despair to atchieve his pur poses in Germany otherwise than by relenting and giving place unto the princes there, is utterly determined to con- cende33 and agree with the said princes in all such articles fob 72 b. as they shall demand and require of him concerning the ceremonies of our religion and the reformation of the Pope and divers other; and that he laboureth now as much as he may by fair means and large promises to overcome them, to the intent that they by resisting the election of Don Fardi- nando, and otherwise not defacing his glory ne empeching his enterprises, but suffering him without contradiction to mould and work all matters as may serve for his said pur poses, he may at length not only compel them to bow and stoop to his will and pleasure, but also more easily thereby constrain other princes of Christendom to do the semblable. And therefore our mind and pleasure is that ye shew unto our said good brother how that we have thought it very requisite to signify the same unto him, and to advise and counsel him to address eftsones his letters unto the said princes exhorting them to persist and continue still in their confederation. And having us and our said good brother assured unto them to maintain all their just quarrels against the said emperor, not to relent unto him upon any his fair words and promises, and to consider etiam atque etiam how the emperor, only for the increase of his glory and the better compassing of such things as he intendeth, seeketh ways and means how for a time to stay them, intending nevertheless' immediately after to take some occasion with his honour, upon some one pretence or other to return again and break all fob 73. his former promises made unto them. And will say perad- venture, for his defence in that partye, quod fides non est servanda hozreticis, ne that he could by the law conclude anything with them which might seem to be prejudicial to Christ's religion, or the hurt or detriment of the state of the see apostolic. Advising therefore the said princes for avoiding thereof in no wise to agree to the said emperor without the 33 A mistake of writing for condescend. THE REFORMATION. 187 consent of other indifferent princes, but to hold together and not to be overcome with any his fair words or promises set forth only under the visage of friendship and simple truth ; and indeed tending to none other end but to compel them finally to be in right and wrong at the emperor's command ment; which thing for ever after should be to their great dishonour and singular derogation of the authority. and liberty tocius nacionis Germanioe, and to the notable reproach and ignominy of the ancient nobility of the same. In conceiving of which letters in such sentence as the said princes may be thereby induced never to relent or give place to the said emperor, ne agree with him upon any conditions without our and our good brother's express consent, we re quire you to give your advice and counsel. And for the expedition of the same, to be sent by our servant Pachett, if he be not already departed, or some other to be depeched by our said good brother unto the said princes, our pleasure fol. 73 b. is, ye solicit with all diUgence. It is also signified unto us, which our pleasure is ye shall in like manner declare unto our said good brother, that the Duke of Vorttembrige is restored again to his dukedom, which ye may say we cannot yet perfectly believe, forasmuch as we have not been advertised thereof from our said good brother whom we know to be so assured friend to the said duke as we think he cannot be restored without his help and knowledge ; which notwithstanding, if it be true, ye shaU desire our said good brother to declare unto you the manner and fashion of his restitution, and by whose means he is restored, to the intent by your next letters ye may signify the same unto us. Ye shall furthermore understand that being advertised that Don Fardinando and King John of Hungary have referred the whole determination of the right and title of that realm unto the judgment of the King of Pole, and have put in his hand and custody, two of the strongest holds they have, for their pledges to abide his sentence in that behalf, we have thought good to write unto the said King of Pole, commending him for his virtues, and desiring him to make such end therein as may be to the common wealth and quiet of Christendom ; as by a copy of the said letters which we send unto you herewith ye shall perceive ; which our pleasure is ye shew unto our 188 RECORDS OF good brother. And that ye say unto the same that albeit fob 74. we have thought good to write the said letters as is expressed, yet our mind is not to send them furth unless it shall be thought convenient to our said good brother we should so do. And that he will also address his letters of like tenor to the said king, which in case ye shall perceive him minded to do, then our pleasure is that, soliciting the expedition of the same, ye shall cause them to be conveyed together with our letters to the said king. Finally, ye shall know that we have received letters from John, King of Hungary, sent by his secretary, one Andrewe Corsyn, who repaireth. now unto you with our letters and answer again by mouth unto the said king his master. The copy of which our letters, with two other packets directed to our ambassadors with the Pope and the emperor, and the copies of all the said despatches we send here unto you, requiring you not only to communicate the contents thereof unto our said good brother, but also diligently perusing the same in case ye shall think there would be anything added thereunto, ye do supply it, according to your wisdom, by your letters to be sent to our ambassadors in either court ; and to cause also your said letters with our said packets to be sent by some of our good brother's currors or posts, according to their directions, with all diligence possible. Ye shall also understand that having received according fob 74 b. to your letters by the hands of the said Pomeray, as well the Bishop of Angers' letters unto our good brother as his answer again unto the same made concerning the subsidy by the Pope required against the Turk34, our pleasure is ye shall say unto our said good brother that we do much approve and aUow his high wisdom and good circumspection declared in the same, and do suppose verily the said answer could not have been more prudently, wisely, and effectually conceived. And also forasmuch as it is long passed sith we did see our said good brother's person, and being much desirous to have the portraiture of the same, in that form and favor that it now is, specially considering that few years do always change a man's countenance, we will and desire you to procure and 34 See letter, Jan. 24, 1532. THE REFORMATION. 189 get unto us not only the same his portraiture and picture in most like, best and curious fashion, but also the images and portraitures of our said good brother's children, which to behold shall be always unto us great rejoyce and comfort. Given under our signet, at our manor of Greenwich, the 9th day of February. Post scripta* — Ye shall understand that the 8th of this fob 75. month arrived here with your letters our servant Pachet. And forasmuch as we think it convenient that, maturely di gesting the contents of the same, ye should again receive thereunto such answer as should be thought good to us by the advice [of] our counsel, the debating whereof ye know will require some time. We therefore having this despatch in a readiness do now send the same unto you, to the intent ye may before the receipt of our answer to your said letters, which ye shall have within these two days, treat with our good brother and his counsel such things as be in this despatch contained. Endorsed — To the right reverend father in God our right trusty and right well-beloved coun sellor the bishop of Winchestre our princi pal secretary and our ambassador resident in the court of Fraunce. Again (in more modern hand) — To my lord of Winchester, embassador in France, the 9 of February, An. . . From the kinge. 190 RECORDS OF Number CCLXIII. Original letter from the King to Gardiner, written February 1 6, 1532, directing him how to act at the French Court with reference to the affairs of Scotland and Germany. By the King. Addit. HENRY R. 25, 114, Right reverend father in God, right trusty and right-well fob 76. beloved. We greet you well. And have received your sundry letters of the second, the third, the eighth and the ninth of February, with your postscripta, and the double of Monsieur Lange's instructions, delivered unto us by our servant Pagett, and Henry Fraunces and Cromwell your servants. And forasmuch as by continue of the first letters we perceive of the con ference had, the first day of this month, between the king our good brother, the great master and you, consisting speciaUy in these points ; first, how much they engreve the taking of the Scottish ship, and intercepting of the letters, with your answer thereunto, and the causes why ye have not thought it convenient to shew or deliver the said letters according to their directions ; secondly, how they, by the marriage of their daughter to the King of Scotts, have intended nothing, but only thereby to interrupt the emperor's purpose ; and that they will nevertheless conclude nothing therein without our special consent; thirdly, how much expedient they thought it that some man were depeched with all diUgence into Ger many ; and what they were determined to do in that behalf; fourthly, how much they laboured to induce you to be plain, frank, and open in uttering unto them the very effect with the circumstances of your charge. We give unto you our most hearty thanks for your most discrete, wise, and politic handling and conducing of our causes, and your diligence used in advertising us thereof with THE REFORMATION. 191 such spede ; doing you further to understand, that in all your conferences and communications with the said king and great master, our mind and pleasure is ye order yourself towards them after this sort. And as concerning the first, like as we have declared unto you in our former letters the very occasion which moved us to send our servants unto the sea, and their demeanors used in taking of the Scottish ship, which indeed was without any such cruelty, extremity, or violence in taking from them anything of so great value as they reported unto you, the truth whereof shaU evidently appear unto you by the testimonial which we send here in- fol. 76 b. closed. And, on the other side, not only the cruel dealing of the said Scotts towards our subjects, in casting out wild-fire and artillery upon them, wherewith divers of them were hurt and maimed, but also the suspicious fashion in fleeing and casting their letters only over the board, which thing, as may easily be perceived by the said letters, was not for that they thought our servants were imperials, as you wrote in your postscripta, but for that they had commandment of the secre tary rather to cast them into the sea than they should come to Englishmen's hands ; which things, expeded as they ought to be, should be a reasonable defence, so as there ought not to be arected to our servants for their so doing any so great blame as is there pretended. Even so we require you in all your conference with our said good brother, and great master, ye extend and dilate the same to the uttermost, after the very same sort, and with so fair words as ye have done heretofore, saying furthermore, as of yourself, that it is far from the office of a very perfect friend, either to give more faith unto the report of strangers, being the same utterly feigned and untrue, than to the very truth delivered unto them by your mouth, on our behalf, or to in terpret our doings therein to have proceeded upon any sus picion of their processes specially syth we signified the same again unto them tam ingenue et amice, how the said letters came into our hands only by chance, without any our search ing or purpose to intercept them, being also the same not directed unto the king our brother, but to the Duke of Albany only, and to certain other private men whom we knew not. Truth it is that the perfect love which we haye to our good 192 RECORDS OF brother hath not suffered us hitherto to suspect any of his fob 77. doings or "practises, where and with whom soever they have been made, notwithstanding the manifold occasions given by them unto us to the contrary, and speciaUy at this time, in concealing so long time their purposes intended with the King of Scottes, the which t#o disclose and participate unto us they have been so many times required on our behalf. Albeit, having so vehement and urgent cause, ministered daily unto us, to suspect all the doings of the King of Scotts, whom we perfectly know to contrive and seek means continuaUy to in vade our Realm, and to make himself Prince of England, and Duke of Yorke ; we trust our good brother wiU not require of us that for his sake we should not seek all the means we can, either by espial or intercepting of his letters, to deci pher all his proceedings and attempts, to the intent that, for- seeing the same, we may the better draw ourself to resist the malice thereof, but will rather approve and commend our doings therein, as proceeding of wisdom, and not of any jea lousy or suspicion of our said good brother's sincerity to wards us. And whereas ye write in your said letters how they intend to sue unto us for restitution of six thousand corones which they surmise that our subjects should take from them, and for due punishment also to be done upon our subjects for their offence in that part, in the examination whereof, the truth of everything shaU evidently appear ; and we being credibly in formed that our said subjects hath indeed ordered themselves otherwise than may be well justified for their part, shall see due redress therein according to justice ; our mind is not that ye shall as yet engreve unto the king or great master, their fol. 77 b. light suspicions and unfriendly dealings with us in this behalf, but with dulce and pleasant words pacify their displeasure, if any such be, so near as ye can, which we trust ye shall now facilly attain, considering the king our good brother and great master hath made so light of the deliverance of the said let ters, and the duke himself, as ye write in your letters of the 8th of this present, is well satisfied with your answer and sight of our letters in that point. Albeit, in case ye shall not be able so to do, by any such ways, and they, persisting stiU in taking the same displeasantly, shall require of you to exhibit THE REFORMATION. 193 and deliver unto them the said letters, considering we have no good pretence to detain the same letters from them any longer, and that the very copy thereof shall be sent unto them from the secretary, whereby they shall soon conjecture what is for our part specially to be noted therein, and they can think us so destitute of common prudence as we would not mark that which toucheth us so highly ; then our pleasure is that ye deliver the same letters, even so as they be interlined and noted in the margin, unto the king our said good brother and great master, or else by their commandment unto the Duke of Albany, and to leave it to their affections how they will take and interpret our doings therein, which we would they should utter now frankly rather than by dissimulation and under pretence of amity to put us in further hope of more friendship than indeed they bear in their hearts towards us. And as touching the second point of your letters, whereas they have premised that the gentleman which they intend to send now into Scotland with instructions for the said marriage shall, in his passing thither, first come and participate unto us all his said instructions, unto whom, after we shall have perused the same, we shall, by the advice of our counsel, make such fob 78. answer as shall then seem best unto us ; nevertheless ye shall understand, that considering it to be very expedient to com municate our mind and pleasure therein unto our good brother's ambassador here resident, before the coming of the said gentleman, we have caused our right trusty and right entirely well-beloved cousin and counsellor, the Duke of Nor folk, accompanied with other of our privy council, to break with him thereof, and to say as of themselves, without any our knowledge or commandment so to do, how that although neither we nor any other of our secret council, whom we use to make privy unto all the proceedings between us and our said good brother, could conceive any scrupule or doubt of our good brother's integrity and sincereness of amity towards us, yet diverse other noblemen of our realm, to a great number, being also of our grand council, understanding not only the ungodly demeanors, wrongs and injuries used and attempted daily by the King of Scotts against our subjects, but also the great courage and boldness which he hath now conceived, upon hope of this marriage to be concluded between him and vol. 11. o 194 RECORDS OF our good brother, not fearing openly to boast and say that he will spend his life against us in the defence of his right, concerning that one piece of land which is now in controversy between him and us, had now of late most humbly required us to forsee the inconvenients that might follow hereof, as weU to us as unto them and the rest of our subjects, and in fol. 78 b. time to descipher the king our brother's intents and purposes in that behalf, and as much as in us was to empeche and utterly to break and interrupt the same, adding hereunto that in case the king our good brother should condescend unto such marriage, the like whereof hath never been seen between the daughter of Fraunce and the King of Scotland, it was then verily to be thought and judged that there was on the behalf of our good brother some notable thing, and of some great consequence intended thereby, otherwise than the perfectness of the amity between us and our deserts towards him did require. We caused them also to shew unto the said Monsieur Pomeray, how that we replying unto them that we might not conveniently require our good brother to relinquish his old ancient friend the King of Scotts, the said noblemen of our grand council answered thereunto, saying they trusted verily that the French king would make no such answer, but would rather therein take ensample of us. And like as we, having then neither the cause of our matrimony in euvre, ne any other matter of importance, the pursuing whereof might in any wise return to our commodity ; and nevertheless, for the king our brother's sake only, and when he was in captivity and extreme danger, relinquish and forsake our ancient friend the emperor ; and that at such time as when he was in his most hight triumph and victory, and most of power, and hable to do unto us either hurt or pleasure, so the king our good brother, being required of us, would never refuse to forsake fob 79. the alliance of the King of Scotts for our sake, by which alliance he should never attain any great profit or honor. All which communication, with divers other things sounding to the same purpose, being thus uttered and declared by the lords of our privy council unto the said Monsieur Pomeray ; forsomuch as we know well that he will by his letters sig nify the same unto the king our good brother and the great THE REFORMATION. 195 master, we have thought good to advertise you thereof, to the intent ye may hereafter the better accommodate your doings and sayings thereunto, and that ye may the better conceive our whole mind therein, ye shall understand, that considering on the one side how the malice of the said King of Scotts, et vindictce quod cupiditas daily increaseth in him towards us, after such sort as there is like to ensue, and that shortly, great discord, variance and hostility between us and the said king, like as ye shall perceive by the copy of .certain letters sent to the Lord Dacres, which we send unto you here with, to the intent ye may declare the effect thereof unto our said good brother and his counsel ; and, on the other side, how much desirous we be to remove and take away all occa sions whereby that perfect love and sincere friendship between us and our good brother might be in any wise impaired or diminished, we can in no wise be induced to consent that any such alhance or so straite amity should be contracted between our said good brother and the said king. And to the saying of the great master unto you herein, viz. that it were much better for us that the king our brother had the King of Scotts than the emperor, ye shall answer that we be of much other mind and opinion, and had rather indeed that the emperor, whom we repute not in the number of our fob 79 b. perfect friends, should take the King of Scotts, being in heart vowed and determined to be our enemy, unto his friendship and alliance, whereby we should lose nothing, than the king our good brother should take and receive him into his friend ship, whereby we shall be assured to retain still our enemy, and, nevertheless, should lose, or at the best be in doubt of the friendship of him, that is now assured friend, and in whom is our special trust and confidence. And in case, peradventure, they shall reply and say that whereas the King of Scotts offereth unto them the said marriage, they can in no wise honorably refuse the same, unless they should seem to cast away their old friends, ye shall thereunto answer, that there be divers honorable pretences whereupon they may with their honor both delay and refuse to agree unto their said offer ; and if there were nothing else, yet they might answer unto the Scotts and say, — Would you we should contract amity with you, whom we know certainly to nourish and foster in 0 2 196 RECORDS OF your breasts most unnatural and ungodly malice and rancour towards your natural uncle, and our most assured and perfect friend, the King of England, attempting and seeking daily means contrary to all laws and princely honor to disturb and unquiet his realm and subjects, to invade his dominions, to pretend light and fained titles to some part of his corone, and fob 80. to go about under colour thereof most wrongfully to move war against him 1 And why should not our good brother (being the King of Scotts' friend) rather exhort and advise him in all that he may, first to expel and clearly to put away his said rancour and malicious affections towards us, declaring how the same at length must needs redound to his own confusion, and after wards to endeavor himself to his possible power to redubb and make due redress for all such wrongs and attemptats as hath been done by him or his subjects against us. And so finaUy answer, that until the same be perfectly attained, our said brother being so conjoined already with us in love and amity, as for no man's sake or friendship he will do anything whereby the said amity may be dissevered, or diminished, in any the least degree ; neither can ne will enter any such alli ance with them as they desire, neither put any trust or confi dence in their friendship and amity which did thus unkindly with their own natural uncle, and to make any refusal of their offer upon this or any such like ground, we think may stand well with the king our brother's honor; so as he shall not seem therefore to cast away his old friends. Ne it is our mind or desire they should so do for our sake. For it should not much displease us that they retain the Scotts stiU in the same room, place and degree of amity which now of old time fol. 80 b. hath been between them. Marry, we cannot be contented, considering the state of our causes, that they should go about to confirm, ratify and increase the same, by this new marriage, whereby we know well that the Scotts intend nothing else but to enter, contend and obtain of the king our good brother some other more strait and assured amity than was ever here tofore contracted between them. Wherefore, at your next access unto the king our good brother's person, if he or the great master shall perchance mdve any communication of the said alliance unto vou, after THE REFORMATION. 197 our most hearty thanks unto the same for that they have pro mised nothing shall be therein concluded contrary to our mind and pleasure, we require you to set forth, by your wisdom, the effect of this our mind, with so good words as ye shall per ceive may be most agreeable to their affections. Furthermore, touching the third point of your letters, de claring of what mind and resolution our good brother and his council be concerning the affairs with the princes of Germany, which we have also more at length perceived by your last letters, and Monsieur Langie's instructions, ye shall under stand that we utterly misliking their cold, inconstant and un- discrete dealing therein, and especially in conceiving the in structions under that sort as they be, and contrary approving much your singular wisdom and good diligence used in open ing unto them the defaults of the same, with your answer thereunto couched after that sort, and so agreeable unto our mind, as we cannot devise the better or add anything thereunto, fob 81 we desire and pray you that, prosecuting still your said answer, ye endeavour yourself, in all that ye may, to induce them to reform and alter their said instructions according to the purport and tenor of ours delivered unto our servant Pagett, not omit ting to open and declare unto them, in most ample wise, how little good effect can ensue unto us, or our good brother's affairs, by aiding of them with our money after that fashion and manner as is by them devised, without any recuperation for our benefit, or without binding them to do and attempt any act against the emperor for empeching of his purposes. And as unto that they be determined to send Monsieur Langes unto the Duke of Bavarre with commandment not to speak with the Duke of Sax, or any other of the princes, unless the said duke shall think it good, ye shall shew unto them that we be utterly of this determination to send none other pe*rson for us unto the said princes but only our servant Pagett ; and that the same shall use and order himself in all manners and fashions concerning his coming thitherward and declaring of his charge there, according to our last instructions given unto him, with your further advice in such things as ye shall think to be altered or added thereunto ; nor we can think it in any wise to be expedient or honorable for us or our good brother to send our servants to the Duke of Bavarre only, but princi- 198 RECORDS OF paUy to the Duke of Saxe and commonly to them all in whose names the personages sent unto us and our good brother quasi fob 81 b. publtci oratores ac nuncii publico et communi nomine ipsorum ; and declare unto us such charge as was committed unto them, on the said princes' behalf ; for if the said Duke of Saxe, being chief elector and in power and authority far above aU the rest, whose aid in these matters, speciaUy concerning the newe election, should now avail and conduce to our purposes, then aU the residue should seem now to be by us neglected and not entertained as principal, like as we have done heretofore ; we should undoubtedly give him just occasion thereby to conceive such displeasure therewith as we should never be able after wards to remove, to the utter subverting and disappointing of aU our intended purposes. And therefore ye shall desire our said good brother and his counril that Monsieur Langes may have commandment to do the semblable, in all his proceedings there, as our said ser vant Paget shall be instructed there by you to do and execute in the said affairs ; for, in our opinion, we shall with much more facility and more easdy attain our enterprises by such means, than otherwise. And that for divers reasons, which of your wisdoin ye can consider; and, in conferring there with them, we require you to recite and declare unto them with such efficacy as ye shaU think may best serve to induce them thereunto. And whereas we perceive, by your said letters, that the king our good brother and his counsel wiU be discontented with us if we should put over the matters of Germany without granting the sum by them required, which is fifty thousand corones for fob 82. our part, and that they would fain know, in all haste, how we were minded therein, ye shaU understand that we, with the ad vice of our council, considering the causes expressed unto you in our letters of the iath of January, and other notable dangers and inconvenients also, which of our said doings were un doubtedly like to ensue unto us and our realm, be utterly determined and resolved never to send either our said servant or else that sum of money or any other aid or contribution unto the said princes, unless our good brother wiU be content to capitulate and conclude with us, with what special aid, and what sums of money, ships, soldiers or artillery, he will be THE REFORMATION. 199 contented to assist and succour for his part, in case the em peror by himself, his subjects, friends, allies, or other con federates, shall hereafter, not only for our said contribution, but for any other occasion, pretended matter or quarrel what soever it be, directly or indirectly, privily or apertly, invade us, or in any wise, by sea or land, trouble our servants, or interrupt such traffic and intercourse of merchandises as they now have in the parts of his dominions, or by arresting their goods within his dominions, will infer them any hurt, damage, or prejudice in times coming ; and, finally, unless our said good brother will be content to capitulate with you in aU other articles mentioned in your instructions, and afterwards in our letters sent unto you of the 1 2th of January, which we think not necessary to repeat here again. fo1- 82 b. And in case they shall reply hereunto, and say that the princes of Germany, having enterprised their confederation only upon trust of our aid promised unto them by the king our brother in both our names, must needs fall unto the emperor, if they should be disappointed of the said aid, ye shall say that it shall not stand by us, if they be disappointed ; for we have omitted nothing belonging to the office of a just and virtuous prince, for the due observation of all our promises made in any wise unto them by us, or in our name, concerning the said aid, or any other matter thereunto appertaining. We have now long sithen depeched our servant from us fully in structed and authorised to treat and conclude with the said princes as they desired us to do. We have offered to send presently unto them the sum of ten or twenty thousand corones, to be taken of our money due there, or else out of our treasure here, whichsoever we thought for assurance of our good will towards them to be as sufficient proof and testi mony ; specially for this time when they as yet had done no notable exploit against the emperor or Ferdinando. We have agreed, and condescended also, that the same money should be deposed in some sure place according to the princes' de sires. And, further, have concluded therein that the same should be put and laid in the hands of the Duke of Loreyn, according to our good brother's device, and for that was f0i, 83. thought the same to be most mete and convenient place for both our sureties, so as in the effectual observation of our 200 RECORDS OF promises no default or negligence can be arected unto us whether the said princes fall into the emperor's lapp again or no, but have been always" most ready and glad to do all things for our part and to our power which might conduce to the letting and hindrance thereof; marry, to say that ever our mind was to do anything herein whereby the emperor might take any the least occasion to think that we, contrary to our promise and honor, had broken the league and amity made between us and him, unless ours and our good brother's force, strength and all our powers should be first unto us con joined in one, according to such capitulations as ye have, to be declared unto him on our behalf, we think our good brother ne his council be of so little entendement or of so little good affection and zeal to the preservation of our estate and honor as they would think it or require it of us. We consider, among divers other things, with how much difficulty our ambassadors at Cambray could attain the ratification of the old treaty for intercourse of merchants ; and therefore do facily conjecture how glad the emperor would be to seek all the occasions he can whereby he might utterly interrupt and break the same fol. 83 b. again, and nevertheless impute the default and rupture thereof unto us ; whereby what displeasure and trouble might ensue unto us and our realm, we have great cause to forsee. And, to say the truth, our good brother hath no less but much more cause to fear the dangers and inconvenients which may, for his part, fortune unto him. For he cannot enterprise this his aid to them so secretly but it must needs come to the emperor's knowledge. And being the same once known, we fear that his old league being made unto the said princes, without the special consent of the states of his realm, and not renewed by our good brother's time, and abolished, with new treaties made sith that time with the emperor, specially now last at Cambray, shall be too old a staff to lean unto and but •a very feeble and weak ground to maintain his doings in that behalf. So as, in our opinion, the conjunction of both our forces in one before we enter any such contribution is a thing so necessary and requisite fpr both our weales and interest, and specially for our good brother, as the one of these purposes in aiding the princes of Germany may in no wise proceed without the other, unless we will subvert and THE REFORMATION. 201 ruinate the whole estate, weal and tranquillity of both our realms and subjects. And as unto the overture made by the great master that the king our good brother should take upon him all the fob 84. procurement and solicitation of these affairs with the said princes, and we should only allow secretly such sums as we were content to contribute for that purpose, ye shall under stand that we can in no wise like the same, ne we can see to what purpose it should serve us; for in case they will enter such capitulations with you as we desire, ye shall say we shall be then no more afraid of the emperor than they be. And by our aid, given in our name expressly, and not by a mean person, unto the said princes, we may have the same more straitly bound again unto us for due reciprocation to be made for our benefit so' oft as we shall have need to require aid again of the said princes. And truth it is that we cannot avoid in deed the danger of breach of our amity by that means, ne it could be kept so secret but that it should be known. In which case the secrecy should be for an argument that we in our conscience thought it not well done, and so encrease the suspicion and grudge, as ye justly have written in your letters unto us. And contrary, if they then will in no wise enter such capitulations, they shall be well assured again that we will neither admit that overture, neither do anything else in that behalf; like as we shall hereafter more at length declare unto you our pleasure therein. And as unto the fourth article of your letters, considering fob 84 b. we perceive by the same, and other sent from you sith that t time, that the chancellor and great master, with other of the council there, hath somewhat entered and broken with you of what mind and determination they be concerning the form of these new capitulations to be now made, saying that what aid and help soever ye can imagine or require of them for our defence, they will most gladly agree thereunto, so as the same be not extended further than for the causes of Germany, and so as they may still remain friends unto the emperor, ne be bound to make him war for our cwn querell ; offering also unto you, that if the emperor, for this cause of Germany only, should arrest our subjects' goods in Flaunders, the king our brother should then write unto tho emperor for restitution, 202 RECORDS OF and summon him for the same, continuing, nevertheless, all that time as friends unto the emperor ; we think it very expe dient, and therefore require you to be hereafter more frank and open in uttering unto them the very effect and particu larities of our requests mentioned in our instructions and other advertisements sent from us sith your departure; using, nevertheless, such a discretion therein as they shall not now have any occasion to think that we do require the same for any our private necessity, but that the same ought to be pro vided for the common weal of us both, and as ye, by your wisdom, shall perceive the same may work and take good effect at their hands; for it may be that there is not in them so much want of good will to agree unto our requests as there is want of quickness of wit to take and conceive what we mean thereby, specially being the same, only in general terms and covertly uttered unto them. And ' because these their said offers as they be, with their conditions limited, be directly contrary to our chief and principal purpose declared unto you fob 85. in our instructions, inasmuch as they refuse to move bellum offensivum against the emperor in case he should invade us, or cause us to be invaded, by any means declaring" thereby that they would not capitulate with us to any good purpose against the said emperor ; our mind and pleasure is that ye, nevertheless, in all that ye may, endeavour yourself, by your accustomed wisdom, dexterity and diligence, to bring them to some other certain resolution, for the good attaining of our desires, not doubting but that ye consider and perceive right well how little their aid and defence, so limited, can anything avail or conduce to any our benefit ; for if the king our good brother should, in his said capitulations, restrain his defence unto the causes of Germany only, the emperor finding himself, nevertheless, grieved with the said aid, and pretending that we had thereby violated the peace and amity made between us and him, and knowing, furthermore, as it could not be hid from him, that the king our good brother were bound to defend us only in that one case, would and might undoubtedly, not upon that ground or pretence, but upon other causes which he would contrive as liketh him best, move and infer war against us. And therefore ye may in no wise agree that they shall so THE REFORMATION. 203 limit their aid in our defence. And as unto that they offer for restitution of our merchants arrested in the emperor's dominions to write and make summons to the emperor, de moting nevertheless all that time the emperor's friend; it should not mislike us they so did, and indeed such attemptats only breaketh none amity. Nevertheless, we would not that they should so remain friend to the emperor, as they would not in like wise arrest his subjects' goods, being in our brother's dominions ; but we will that they, in that case, be bound like wise to arrest all the goods of the emperor's subjects ; and to lett also their intercourse of merchandize within our brother's realm. And finally, in case the emperor should move war against fol 85 b. us for that matter, or any other, that then they shall be also bound as well ad bellum offensivum as defensivum against the same emperor according to our mind declared unto you in our instructions and letters sent unto you for that purpose. And in case ye shall not be able, by any these means, to persuade them to accomplish our said desires, yet we require you to attempt some other ways such as ye of your wisdom can in vent and excogitate most beneficial and conducing thereunto ; amongst the which we suppose one thing should specially allect and move them to the same, viz. if ye should offer unto them, in our name, the very whole sum of fifty thousand crowns for our part, by granting whereof, if ye shall see in them good inclination and conformity to condescend and capitulate as we desire, and will in deed condescend to satisfy us therein, then we will that ye shall offer unto them, on our behalf, the said whole sum of fifty thousand crowns, to be employed after this fashion, that is to say, that the said whole sum shall be de livered and deposed in the Duke of Loreyn's hands, or else in the hand of Meznes or Monson, taking sufficient bond of them that other it shall be employed according to such appoint ment as shall be taken between you and them, or else that it shall be truly repaid and restored whensoever we shall demand the same. And that twenty or twenty-five thousand crowns thereof shall be delivered immediately unto the Dukes of Saxe and Bavers, and the residue to remain still in the said places in safe custody until such occasion as the said dukes shall cer tify us that they have employed the same as the effectual empechement of the emperor. And so, upon their certificates, 204 RECORDS OF all the rest to be likewise delivered unto them if we shall then perceive that their exploits done shall necessary require the same. fob 86. By which means, nc any other by your wisdom to be invented and set forth, if ye shall not be able to achieve our desired purposes at their hands, ne attain any resolution touching the said capitulations, but that they shall, with fair words, hinting, or such other light trifles, put you over and delay that matter, as they have hitherto done : Then our mind and pleasure is, that ye, with as good words as ye possibly can devise, and couched in such form and fashion as they shall have no cause to think or fear lest we, for their said dealing herein, be mis- contented, shew unto our said good brother, the chancellor and great master, how that our intent in sending of you was only that ye should, with our said brother and his council, scan the effect of the old treaties passed between us, and per ceiving anything to want in the same, which might confer to the common benefit of both our affairs, should supply the same by some new capitulations. Albeit, sith that they have thought the same so sufficient as it needeth none other supply or addi tion, ye shall say that we, referring all the order thereof to their singular wisdom and judgments, wherein we have great confidence, do, in like manner, so esteem and judge the same ; which thing so set forth by you in so doulce and pleasant fashion as ye can, our pleasure is, that shewing unto our good brother how that we have revoked you home for the expe dition of divers our great and weighty causes to be entreated in this our parliament, ye do take your leave of him and other of his council, and return again unto us at your good liberty ; of which our revocation and your departure, if ye would never theless secretly advertise some one or other of the Court there, fob 86 b. so as the same might come to the king our good brother's or the great master's knowledge two or three days before ye shall so take your leave indeed, we suppose it might work some good effect to cause them utterly to resolve and deter mine what answer they will make unto you, to our best con- tentation ; which, if ye shall at length perceive to be none such as we require, and yet they shall nevertheless press you still to shew unto them what sum of money we will contribute to the princes of Germany, ye shall say that ye have received THE REFORMATION. 205 from us, the very same day as ye shall so take your leaves, the copies of the league and confederation made between us and the emperor at Cambray, with commandment also to shew unto them that we and our learned counsel now of late, having upon other occasions diligently perused and noted the effect thereof, have perceived ourselves to be so bounden unto the said emperor by the same, as we can in no wise aid the said princes of Germany contra imperatorem occasione qudcunque, unless we should break the said treaty contrary to our oath and promise. Whereunto, like as we have had always here tofore most special regard, ne could ever sustain to do any act so prejudicial to our honor and offence towards God and our conscience ; even so we be now of the same affection, and therefore intend not, for any cause in the world, to send any our aid privily or apertly, directly or indirectly, unto the said princes. And to the intent ye may with more efficacy set forth our said excuse to their satisfaction therein, we have sent unto you herewith the copies of the said treaties, desiring you in conference with them concerning this aid so to declare the special points thereof as they shall not have cause to think fob 87. that we sought this for any our purpose, et deditd operd, thereby to refuse our said aid, but for the discharge of our honor and conscience, afore God, qui solet in foedifragos et perjuros gravius quam in ceteros animadvertere. Advertising you furthermore, that in case we might plainly -and certainly perceive ourselves to be in very deed so bound in the said treaty of Cambray, as we might not contribute this aid with out rupture and breach of the same, as some of our council here do think, then we would for no cause aid the said princes. And therefore we require you to view the said treaty dili gently, and to expend the contents thereof, and specially in the second and third articles. And in case ye shall, by your learning, assuredly judge and think the same, our mind is then that ye shall make unto them a resolute answer that we wiU never contribute any sum of money or other aid unto the said princes, notwithstanding our motion unto them for that purpose, ne that ye shall make any further motion unto them for any capitulations, but to take your leave and depart in 206 RECORDS OF such manner as we have heretofore in these our letters de clared unto you. And in case, perusing the said treaties, ye shall find us not so straitly bound as in deed in our own opinion, confirmed by divers other of our council, we be not, but that we may aid the said princes, being our friends, in their right causes, and for maintenance of justice, without rupture of the said amity, considering specially that all this querell is moved against the King of Romans, upon the title of his election only. Then we pray you to set forth, in all that ye possibly may, after such manner as is here before in fol. 87 b. these our letters expressed, as well all and singular our re quests concerning the capitulations, as also all other things to be done on our behalf concerning l the said aid and sending of our money to the said princes, wherein we require you, if ye can, considering that Monsieur Langez, being so much known in those parts, and a personage of such degree and estimation as he is, is not very mete to conduce these affairs under so secret a manner as we think it necessary they should be, to induce them there to send some other person of less authority and reputation unto the said princes, and to send forth our said servant with that other personage, whosoever it shall be, or else with the said Monsieur Langez, if they will send none other, giving unto him what instructions and adver- tiseme its soever ye shall think may best conduce the effect of out desires. Which thing we refer to your wisdom, and give you full authority, as before, to add and alter our former instructions given to the said Pagett as shall seem to you most convenient. And thus all things succeeding according to our desires, specially touching the capitulations or contrary, in case ye shall be in despair, or have certain resolution of them, that they will by no means agree thereunto, then we require you to take your leave, and return unto us as is aforesaid accordingly. Given under our signet at our Manor besides Westminster the 16th day of February. THE REFORMATION. 207 Number CCLXIV. The King's letter to the Pope complaining that Came is not admitted as Excusator ; written February 28, 1532. BEATISSIME pater, post humillimam commendationem, Theiner, et pedum oscula devotissima. Graviter admodum molesteque p' OI' accipimus, neque minus quam pro rei indignitate par est, dolemus, quod subditus iste noster Doctor Carne adversario- rum quorundam artibus, et pertinacia, nimis improba. quidem ilia, a legitimo excusatoris munere impediatur. Est certe illud longe praeter expectationem ac merita in istam Sedem nostra ; et tamen utcumque tolerabile foret, si in nos duntaxat no- stramque injuriam, hoc malum recideret. Ceterum cum hac ratione jura omnia cum divina tum humana violenter, natu- ralis etiam aequitatis et justitia? ratio pervertatur, et pietatis denique affectus, quem subditus Principi debet, frustretur, vestra? prudentiae ac sollicitudinis pastoralis esse arbitramur, curare sedulo, ut plus apud Tribunal istud vestrum justitia, aequitas et naturalis quaedam pietas, quam fraudes et aliorum potentia valeant. Non hie lubet commemorare et quotidie ad aures Sanctitatis Vestrae acclamare, quam justis fundamentis dicti subditi nostri petitiones nitantur. Et de voluntate nostra approbantis ea, quae executoris nomine ab eo gesta sunt, satis jam pridem per litteras nostras, quas ad eum dedimus, eidem Sanctitati Vestrae constare nequaquam dubitamus, et tamen prohibere subditum nostrum, quominus erga nos Principem suum id officii praestet et beneficii, quod subditus in Principem naturali quodam jure collocare tenetur, et quod publice in terest, ut ab omnibus erga ceteros praestetur. Illud vero, si non est contumeha, et non toleranda injuria, Vestra Sanctitas etiam atque etiam viderit. Nos interim, quod unum possumus, quodque antea saepissime fecimus, rogamus Sanctitatem Vestram quam possumus vehementissime, pariter et Reverendissimos 208 RECORDS OF Dominos Cardinales in Consistorio existentes, ut non amplius differant dictum subditum nostrum pro certissimo excusatore admittere, et causam nostram benigno et paterno quodam favore prosequi, quo nomine gratiam apud Deum optimum maximum, justitia? assertorem et vindicem, simul et apud mortales omnes, laudem et gloriam Sanctitas Vestra magnam haud dubie promerebitur, quae felicissime ac diutissime valeat. Ex Regia nostra, Londini die 28 Febr. M.D.XXXI. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestra? Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hibernise. Henricus. THE REFORMATION. 209 Number CCLXV. A fragment from the Vatican Library, composed by an ano nymous writer in defence of the Pope, in reply to the letter which the King wrote to him December 6, 1530. EXISTIMARE Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum Regis Theiner litteras aUeno consilio et ope acerbius scriptas quam Rex p' °s' alioquin prudens et pius mandaverit : eapropter paterno quo dam affectu in meliorem partem interpretari expostulationes, criminationes, interdum etiam minas, qua? in ipsis litteris con- tinentur: quibus omissis ad alia esse respondendum, quae magis necessaria videbuntur. Non sprevisse Pontificem litteras, preces et intercessiones, tam ipsius Regis Angliae, quam Regis Christianissimi, et Pro- cerum populorumque Regni Angliae, sed respondisse antehac omnibus, et ea scripsisse, quibus lectis (si modo recte aestimare omnia velint) merito acquiescere debuerunt. Quod non ita pro nutu, consilio et arbitratu Caesaris omnia faciat Pontifex, quemadmodum Rex parum aeque criminatur, argumento esse continuas Caesaris et Regina? querelas de Pon tifice tam ante confoederationem, quam postea factas, et ex iis, quae sequuntur, facile constare posse. Nam quum Rex Anglia?, dispersis per Italiam et provincias oratoribus tum manifestis, tum clandestinis, nulla, non ope pro- curaret diversorum Doctorum et scholasticorum sententias in unum congerere, in re tanti momenti, et cujus judicium ad solum Pontificem et Sedem Apostolicam spectat, et»illi in maxi mum dedecus et injuriam Sua? Sanctitatis nullo non astu, et prece et precio subscriptiones aliquorum magistrorum extor- querent (quod multorum fidedignissimis testimoniis et rela- tionibus constat) ; Pontifex non solum in eos magistros non animadvertit, quod jure optimo facere potuisset, verum etiam reclamantibus et maxime conquerentibus Caesaris Oratoribus, Sua Sanctitas Breve Regis Oratoribus concessit, quo liceret magistris et doctoribus ubicunque sententiam in hac re juxta VOL. 11. p 210 RECORDS OF animi conscientiam dicere. Quorum plerique quid senserint, et quibus viis se ad Regis voluntatem accommodaverint, aliud fortasse erit discutiendi tempus. Praeterea post Regina? interpositam appeUationem, et justis- simam inhibitionem a Pontifice factam Legatis, ne ulterius procederent in tam gravi causa, quum et Caesar Bononia? mul tis etiam expostulationibus, et Reginae ejusdemque Caesaris Oratores, ut Romae procederetur in causil, peterent, nullusque Regis nomine compareret, unde merito tanquam in contuma- cem sententia ferenda videbatur ; Pontifex diversis interpositis dilationibus hucusque negotium indecisum produci jussit, nihil motus, quod Rex interim, nulla, habita Pontificiae dignitatis et officii ratione, ita omnia clam praepararet, ut si judicium postea in Anglia committer etur, istis magistrorum frivolis et non au- thenticis, neque juridicis subscriptionibus quam vellet senten tiam reportaret. Ha?e autem omnia fecit Summus Pontifex nullam aliam ob causam, neque ad ullius preces et gratiam, nisi quia Sua Sanctitas non censebat rem tanti ponderis esse praecipitandam, et sperabat divino auxilio et temporis bene- ficio, maturatis affectibus, posset eam ad aliquem bonum finem perduci," quod melius et sincerius Sanctitas Sua judicare potuit, quam partes ipsa?, quarum judicium privatus affectus praestrin- gere et obscurare consuevit. Quod queritur Rex, Pontificem, quos miserat in Angliam, hac de causa legatos, non recte, re non illic decisa, revocasse, fatetur id fecisse Pontifex, et jure, quia peculiare est hoc Sedis Apostolica?, ubi arduis de causis controversia ulla in provinciis orta esset, legatos illuc inittere, qui si controversiam vel pacate proponere, vel etiam juridice decidere non ita pro re et loco possint, quidquid in causa perceperint, ad Summum Pontificem referant : id idem Sua Sanctitas Reverendissimo Cardinali Cam- peggio Legato mandavit, quod et factum est, et fieri debuit, et in sacris Conciliis cautum est. Quod item objicit Rex, et toties inculcat, controversiam ibi terminandam, ubi primum nata est, repetitque saepe id e sacro rum Conciliorum, necnon et Cypriani et Bernardi, auctoritate : id quoque fatemur ante Concilia Christiana, et ante vel Ber nardi vel Cypriani tempora, juris civilis placitis decerni. Sciat Rex legem hanc multis exceptionibus et limitationibus esse obnoxiam : quarum unam hanc, quam Regina adducit, vel THE REFORMATION. 211 potissimam esse, universa Jurisconsultorum scholaetjudiciorum forma judicat, tantaeque esse efficaciae, ut ad hoc soli juramento partium etiam per procuratorem praestito stetur. Non autem propterea fieri injuriam Regi, aut Anglis, nee ideo argui eos injusticiae, aut minus syncerae integritatis (id quod Rex in suis litteris tantopere, sed profecto abs re queri- tur), quod utpote idoneam et sufficientem Reginae allegationem Sedes Apostolica admiserit, quh\ se Regina eum locum suspec- tum habere dicit, cum cujus supremo et potentissimo Domino litigat. Alioquin nisi hoc negocium tantopere Regis interesset, e cujus nutu universum Regnum pendet, nemo est, qui de jus titia et integritate ipsius sinistri aliquid judicaret, sicuti neque etiamnum judicat Summus Pontifex ; sed res ejusmodi naturae est, ut huic suspicioni apud judices satis amplam facere fidem possit. Nam quantum ad Regni privilegia attinet, ea Pontifex sem per et ubique illaesa vult et optat, si modo id citra universalis Ecclesiae scandalum, et libertatis ecclesiastica?, quae omnibus legibus antestare debet, praejudicium et offensam fiat : alioqui nulla fit injuria Anglia? Regno, si causa mere ecclesiastica et tam momentosa apud Sedem Apostolicam judicetur. Ha?c est, quam tantopere petit Rex a Sanctissimo Domino nostro scire, hujusce rei et consilii ratio, quare Pontifex causam tanti momenti, et cujus judicium ad solam Sedem Apos tolicam pertinet, hue advocaverit : neque enim locus est ullus magis idoneus, minus utrique parti suspectus, aut ubi melius discuti possit hujusmodi causa, vel debeat. In his omnibus Pontifex Deum testem adducit, se nihil fe- cisse aut cogitasse, quod a juris semita exorbitaret ; sed ad illud in primis attendisse, quo tanti ponderis negotium pacifice terminaretur : et quamvis cognoscat non potuisse tantum effi- cere ea moderatione et prudentia, qua Sua Sanctitas usa est, quominus saepe Caesar, saepe Regina, saepius etiam Rex Angliae pro suo quisque desiderio decisionem causae requirentes, de Sua Sanctitate sint conquesti ; decrevit tamen omnino solum Deum pra? oculis habere, et neque dextrorsum neque sinistror- sum declinando, quidquid tantum justitia dictaverit, judicare. Proinde rogat Sua Sanctitas Regiam Majestatem, ut sepo- sitis aliquorum, qui res novas semper appetunt, non bonis consiliis, eorum item, qui quum ipsi cauteriatas conscientias p 2 212 RECORDS OF habeant, nunquam conquiesoere possunt, donee candidioribus animis (cujusmodi semper Regius fuit) perniciosiorem cauterii sui notam inurant, se ipsum solum, et ingenitam sibi multisque exemplis comprobatam bonitatem, in consihum adhibeat, et memor conservandi praeclari et sempiterni iUius tituli, quo ut Defensor fidei appelletur, commeritus est, majorem Reipublica? Christianae pacis et salutis, quam privati et momentanei alicu- jus affectus rationem habeat, et vel causam adeo gravem pacate componat, vel si id fieri nequeat, advocationi ipsius causa?, et Sedis ApostoUcae judicio, quod non nisi sanctum et since- rum super ea, re feretur, acquiescat. Alioquin si qua inde scandala, odia, dissidia, calamitates ullae inter Christianos Prin cipes (quod merito timendum est) oboriantur, Pontifex Deum syncerae suae conscientiae testem et judicem invocat. Deus autem Justus judex in eos, qui tanti mali auctores fuerint, justissimse ultionis sua? virgam exercebit, id quod videmus jam nonnullis hujus discordia? vel auctoribus vel fautoribus accidisse. THE REFORMATION. 213 Number CCLXVI. Ciphered despatch from Benet and Sir Gregory Cassali to the King, advising what should be done in order to gain the Cardinals of Ancona and Ravenna to his side. Writ ten February 1 1, 1532. AS touching the old man that your highness doth know of . Vite}J: as here of me William Benet and Sir Greg[ory having] f0i. 189, the commodity to resort to the said man w[ithout] a1, l87' suspicion of any man by reason of . . fite and continual resort which I have [to the sai] de old man's nephew, went unto [him and] shewed him your highness' pleasure contained in the [promo] cions of the same now brought [by me] WiUiam Benet ; and to that effect [the old] man said that as touching the faculty . . he regarded him but little ; but [that he] hath had many like promises of promotions] and reserves of benefices [to] be vacant to the valor of ten th [ousand due- ] atys, and yet he yet had none of [them, and] maketh no fundament upon any [promise of] any thing too come, and it may please your highness [as to the] sum of money, he cannot meddle with no [other] but him in no manner of wise. But he s[ays it] would savour of corruption, and because [I have] brought no benefice in hand, he th[inketh] verily that we go about with words, [only to] satisfy him, and so finaUy too de[ceive him]. We seeing him in this suspicion [by] reason we could might per . . hyt, and considering that every thing is fob 185 r[efer]yd now unto his hands, as your highness may perceive [by] our other letters, so that it is wholly in him, [othe]r by the disputation upon the matter exc- 214 RECORDS OF [usa]torye too defer the process, other at the [Ro]te, to let that no sentence may pass against [us] in the principal cause ; which he hath promised [so] to do, with more in case we do assure him [of] our promises ; we thought very necessary to practise all wise how we might [so] assure him to your highness> and to remove him from this sus- [pi]sion, lest he hanging in him should not do effectually that thing in this matter which might be to [our] satisfaction ; and so we did put unto [him to] shew what he would we should promise, and to devise [surejty for the performance thereof. After many [excu]sys he asked that we should promise that your highness should procure [pro] motions in the Church; whether it be bishoprics [or] abbacies, other priories, other so many [of] them as would extend to the yearly value of six or [se]ven thousand crowns, and also a bishopric in England, which should be vacant next ; and in part thys sum to be procured in France ; he would [in] any wise that your highness should obtain an abbacie which is [now] vacant in France by the death of one Ludovico ssa, called the Abbey of Ferres, which is [distant n]yne leagues of Paris, and is [said to be wo]rthe yearly three thousand crouns; fob 190. and he would that for the performance of f . . . send some jewel of great estimation in deposito till the rest of the p[romise be] performed, and this the old man desired [not so] much to win this revenue as providing of his own living, for he [knoweth] well that whensoever the Imperials [shall] perceive that he shall be in opinion agayn . . . desireth, and that according to the passe against the Emperor will imagine . . . not only to displease hip, but also i[njure] him ; which they may do lightly, considering [hijs revenue lieth either within . . THE REFORMATION. 215 his lands or his vassals, which should be _. . de of his pleasure too take his rev[enue from] him. Wherefore he said, if he should be brou[ght into] danger, and should not be in a surety of your highness' p[romise] too be reheved, it should be a great . him so old to be led unto it we c . . . ge how much it importeth [to win] he him surely this time, chiefly [as he] standeth in this jeopardy and al- noye of the Imperials; and they ren[ewing their] importunity in calling for process . [and the co-] myng of the Emperor now unto Italy [might] alter him by one way or other, not being fol. i9o b. [ver]y confirmed for your highness. We thought therefore very [nec]essary not to shew any difficulty to promise which he demanded, neither to make any [scr]upul that your highness would give any such surety ; and we promised that such promotions should be [proc]uryd in France and a bishoprick in Yn- [gland] ; and that we would write unto your highness for to send some jewel [of value] in deposito, till such time as the promises [b]e performed. Although this promise be [made], yet we thought that if this abbacy which is now [vaca]nt in France be obtained, so to assure him with [hy]t that we should be sure of him, and also put a [grea]te part of his suspicions away ; [where]by we should the more easily persuade him not to ask [for] any such surety for the performance of the [hol]e of the promise ; and furthermore we trust ve- [ril]y that when the rest of the benefices be [pro]curyd in France for him, so to handle him that if [we] had any such jewel and did lay it in deposito . that he should then restore it again with the bond [and] • • our promise. Wherefore if your highness did send any [such] jewel, as we think is necessary, the same 216 RECORDS OF for the assure entertainment of him, other it would not pa- [sse out] of our hands, and if it do, we may use .as when the benefices should be procured fob 191. in France to the sume above u . . great part of it, that it may be [restored to] us again. Sir, if your highness had seen [what] difficulty we had to bring [the old] man to the pass we have brought him [unto], considering his suspicion tb[at he is] in, and also the great desire of [the young] man to get promotions, the s[ame would] marvel ; and also if your highness saw 0 . fide, as we do, the authority [and] estimation of this old man to be [so gr-] ate as the same is able to counterpoise [the whole] court here besides in matters [of law], we think verily your highness would judge [that] nothing concerning the promise [was] written temerariously, but very nec[essary] ; seeing that all the help of this present . . . danger consisteth only in this, [that] your highness hath understood that it is the said old man [that in] any wise we should go forthward with [promo-] cione, saying further that therein . . . alone so that we go forth with it. Your high[ness' most humble] subje[cts and poor servants] [W. Benet. Gbegoeius Casalius.] Folded and endorsed — To the King's Highness. THE REFORMATION. 217 Number CCLXVII. Copy of the answers given in the Consistory of March 6, 1532, to what was alleged by the advocates for the Queen against the proposals of the King's Excusator. Roma, 6 Martii, 1532. Vite11-B. xiii. RESPONSA data sextd die Martii in prmsentia Sane- fo1- !S6- tissimi Domini [Nostri, in] consistorio ad allegationes ad- vocatorum Serenissimce Reg[ince Anglice], deductas contra tres conclusiones Hid die disput[atas, et] pro parte excusatoris Regies Majestatis propositus. Primo, Siquidem propositi* per nos conclusione, quod Regia di[gnitas] non impedit quominus de jure in causd de qua agitur juxta ten[orem~] materiarum possit objici de loco non tuto, secundum communem. Dicebant Advocati Serenissima? Reginae, eandem semper canti[lenam] canentes, quod duplex decretum contra excusa torem Regiae [Majestatis] per Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum erat interpositum, quo decernebatur eundem ex [cusa] torem sine mandato non esse audiendum ; ex quo infere[bant] quod dictus excusator ab hujusmodi decreto non appellans injust[i- tiam], vel disputationem super conclusionibus haberi, vel ma- terias proposi[tas non] debere adniitti, cum constet eundem excusatorem non [habere] mandatum. Respondebamus, quod, attends materiis et conclusionibus prop[ositis,J quas dicebamus nos velle justificare, et defendere contra [omnes], dictus excusator de jure ad proponendum et probandum con[clusiones] in materiis debet admitti, absque aliquo mandato, dicto d[uplici] decreto in aliquo non obstante ; et praesertim cum Sanctissimus Dominus noster [in] signatura decrevit eundem excusatorem per viam querelas [esse] audien dum. Nam dictum duplex decretum, quoad ipsum Sanctissimum 218 RECORDS OF Dominum [nostrum], non transivit in rem judicatam, nee per illud aliquod jus [parti] adversae acquisitum fuit, quo- minus idem Sanctissimus Dominus noster absque [partis] ad- fob 156 b. versae consensu, et citra cujusquam injuriam [posset revoca-] re seu removere, juxta dispositionem c. Cum cessante, de appell. . jussit, § de re judi., ac nobis super conclusionibus licen- tiam [ci]tandi concedere, prout publice et expresse concessit et indulsit, [d]uplici decreto nullo modo obstante ; et utrum excusator haberet [man]datum vel non haberet, dicebamus nos velle ostendere in conclusione . . . . Ubi habemus pro conclusione indubitata, quod ex Utteris regiis [exc] usatori pra?- dicto directis, inducitur sufficiens mandatum. [Secu]ndo, Dicebant quod de loco minus tuto objici non potest, quando [probabi]le est quod objiciens non vult venire ad locum, etiam si esset tutus, [et v]erisimile est, ut ipsi dice bant, quod Rex non vult [venfjre ad locum Judicii, etiam si esset tutus, et hoc quia reges non [solen] t venire. Ergo etc. [Respo]ndebamus hoc argumentum scholasticura esse, et nulla lege, [nullo] Canone, nulla glosa, nullo doctore, nulla, decisione Juris [Civil]is aut Canonici comprobari ; praeterea falsum esse quod dicitur, [reg]es non solere venire ad judicii locum, cum [re]periatur in multis locis, et praesertim in c° Constitutis et ij° [de t]estibus, et ibi Bal. ac Aret., post Anto. de But. et alios; et, [da] to quod reges non soleant venire ad locum Judicii, adhuc [ne]cessario non sequi quod pro hoc omnino excludatur exceptio loci [non] tuti, ut clarissime dice bamus nos velle ostendere in [cone] lusione 1 7a. [Tertio, Dice] bant, non posse objici de loco non tuto, quin fob 157. objiciendo sequeretur absurdum. Scilicet, inquiunt, sequeretur absurdum si hie pro[duceretur] de loco non tuto; quod vo- lebant ostendere ex tribus. Primo, quod sedes apostolica privaretur potestate cogno- scendi [de causis] regum. Secundo quod Papa cogeretur causam existentem [semper] committere aliis Judicibus extra curiam. Et tertio quod [nunquam] ad sententiam diffinitivam in causa veniretur, cum omni tempore pro[cessus] Rex posset objicere de loco non tuto. THE REFORMATION. 219 Respondebamus, hoc argumentum similiter scolasticum esse, et falso dici quod [per excep] tionem loci non tuti privaretur sedes apostolica potestate cognos[cendi] de causis regum, et perpetuo impediretur processus : quia cit[ra po]testatis priva- tionem in praedictis, et impedimentum processus h[ujusmodi] potest Sanctissimus Dominus noster in loco non tuto, securo et idoneo committ[ere causam] per deputandos a se Judices ex- aminandam; neque censen[dum esse] absurdum quod Sanc tissimus Dominus noster causam hanc sic committat; et cum n juris articulis et in causis omnino similibus multi retro Ponti[fices] hoc recte et prudentissime fecerunt, ut in c. Novit, de Ju[diciis], c. Per venerabilem, Qui filii sunt legi. c°. Non est, de sp[ons.], cum aliis infinitis, nee quicquam omnino potestatis periit. Cum nostra facimus quibus au- toritatem nostram impartimur 1. ij. . . . de vete. Ju. enucle. Et regem omni tempore processus pofsse] objicere de loco non tuto, si re vera, tutus non sit, nu[lla] lex, nulla ratio, nulla constitutio prohibet. Cum habet gra[va]men successurum et non momentaneum Archi. in c. Hortamur, iii. q. ix. Bal. nil per emptorias in iii» . . . . . rescin. non posse. Butriga in, c. Dilectos lo. ii° . . . Archi. et Domi- nicus de St0 Gem"0 in c. Sc . . . . in Sexto spec, de fob 157 b. appell. § Restat, et in titulo de Citatis . . ° Quod si reus, Alex, in 1. de aetate v. contra ad Trebell. [et] plene in c. Acce- dens et ij. Ut lite non conte. via contra De. et Ultima. [Qua] rto, dicebant quod in hac causa tractatur de validitate dispen[sa]tionis, — Videlicet An Papa potuit in hac causa dis- pensare, — scilicet hoc [non] erat ad Papam judicare. Igitur frustratorie objicitur de loco [non] tuto regi. [Respon]debamus, consequentiam praedictam esse falsam, cum in hac causa [plu]ra sunt examinanda, quorum respectu admodum interest [reg]is, locum habere ad quem possit tute accedere; nee per assignation] em loci tuti cessat spectare ad Papam de dicta potestate co[gn]oscere, prout clarissime os- tendetur in disputatione habenda [pro] conclusione xxijft. [Qu]into, dicebant non posse objici de loco non tuto, quin sequeretur ex [hoc] perpetuum impedimentum. Scilicet hie 220 RECORDS OF sequeretur perpetuum impe[di]mentum, si posset objici de loco non tuto, et hoc quia perpetuo [R]ex, et locus iste perpetuo non tutus, et quia non est dare alium locum extra curiam tutum Reginae. Ergo etc. [Res]pondebamus, male esse consideratum perpetuum impe dimentum tum de quo agitur, viz. mittendi pro- curatorem ; quia, ut dicebamus, [in disputatio]ne dicimus nullum impedimentum ad effectum hujusmodi est . . si illud fol. 158. duntaxat per quod induceretur peremptio juris partis ad- versae, nisi procurator constitueretur qui detinetur perpetui, infirmitate aut alio simili impe[dimento]. Tale autem impedi mentum hie non est; quia, salvo manente [jure] partis ad- versae, citra constitu tionem procuratoris in hoc loc[o tam] remoto et tam non tuto, causa potest committi judicibus idoneis [loco] tuto et securo examinanda, ut in c. Sive 33 q. ii. [cum sua,] glosa, in c. Constitutis, et ij. de testibus, c. Ex parte, de appell., et clarissime ostendetur in disputatione habenda super oct[ava] conclusione et, Quatenus debent alium locum extra curiam [dare] tutum Regina? ; Dicebamus hoc esse facti, et etiam non esse n[egandum], et quatenus hoc nitantur pro- bare, nos clare probabimus Con[trarium]. Sexto, dicebant praesumptionem calumniae esse contra regem, cum [falsum] sit quod reges veniant ad locum judicii ; ex quo inferebant [regem] non posse objicere de loco non tuto, quasi ilia cesset objicientem est praesumptio calumniae. Respondebamus praesumptionem hanc de tanto tamque cor- dat[o] principe extantem et nullo fundamento collectam, esse t[eme]rariam et omnino falsam, per c. Constitutis, et ij de testibus, et c. [Sive] 33 q. ij cum sua glosa,, adeo quod mi- randum est quod illis ven[iret] in mentem ut hujus nobis ca lumniae tam frequenter me[ntionem] faciant; praeterea dice bamus nullibi reperiri quod ex pra?sump[tione] hujusmodi, nulla, quidem et inefficaci, excludatur exceptio 1 [oci non] tuti, maxime quum illius exceptionis de loco non tuto 0 probatio in continenti, prout est in casu nostro, ut est textus [Interpo]sita, de appellationibus, 1. Si idem cum eodem § de THE REFORMATION. 221 InJ quum est notorium ac verissimum locum non fob 158 b- esse tutum quem adducit in materiis. [Sept]imo, dicebant quod non potest objici de loco non tuto, ubi effectus [est e]vitabilis; scilicet effectus est evitabilis in hoc dupliciter. Primo [quia] regibus cessat ratio, propter quam in gravi causa, impeditus [per l]ocum non tutum, non cogitur constituere procuratorem. Nam [reg]es solent habere legatos fideles et solertes, quos oportet ipsorum [rebus] et non propriis vel alienis intendere negociis ; quod in [personis] privatis per locum non tutum impeditis, quod tales legatos non [habent,] nullo modo contingit. Secundo quia reges possunt evitare [peric]ulum, ac impedimentum loci non tuti, veniendo associati. [Itaque] dicebant quod illustrissimus Rex non potest objicere de loco non tuto. [Resp] ondebamus argumentum hoc scolasticum nullius esse ponderis, et mi [nor] em argumenti praedicti non esse veram. Praeterea male inferri ad ex[cept]ionis loci non tuti exclu- sionem, seu • procuratoris consti[tue]ndi necessitatem, ex eo quod reges possint et soleant habere [tal]es legatos, ac etiam valeant associati venire, quia ista neque [e]xcludunt excep- tionem loci non tuti, neque inducunt necessi[t]atem constitu- endi procuratorem ; praesertim cum legati hujusmodi extra- [ju]dicialia et non judicialia soleant pertractare. Porro ve nire [ad] locum judicii associatum, reputatur a jure impos- sibile, [prou]t latius deductum fuit in responsis ad objecta in priori [disp] utatione, et dicta opinio, quod debeat venire asso ciate, est [omnino] damnata in c. Ex parte, et primo per- scribentes, [de] appellat. Octavo, dicebant quod quum citatus est illustris et ita fob 159- perp [co]ronae dignitatis, non potest objicere de loco sic ut non ten[eatur] mittere procuratorem 1. pen. § de procurat., Cum autem seq[u. et corpore] unde sumitur. Scilicet illustrissimus Rex est talis. Ergo etc. Respondebamus, quod d. 1. pen., Cum autem sequ. et cor pore unde sumi[tur] non obstant, quia ibi tam prohibentur illustres esse instru [menta] judiciario per se litigando et 222 RECORDS OF judicium exercendo, ne de[trahatur] eorum dignitati, Scilicet nullo jure prohibitum est quod Illustres [minime] Illustres possint esse in civitate et in loco ubi judicium [habetur] quippe cum tunc cessat ratio allata in dictis juribus. Ergo cum r[esponsio] sit, neminem posse in ea civitate conveniri vel cit[ari] quam non potest tuto intrare, prout est textus in c. Statufum vero juncta glosa, in verbo non audens quod sequitur. Domi[nicus] et Canonista? communiter ibidem ac textus in Clema Pa de fo[ro competenti], juncta glosa in verbo Fautoribus, nee reperitur quod Illustres [sunt] excepti ab HIS, regula, merito eidem est standum per Bar in 1. Quoties § siquis cant. Jo. An sup. rubrica de reg . . . . li. vi., praesertim in causa, gravissima, ubi non nichil re[peritur] quod pars principalis intersit causae suae non solum ne ip[se] colludatur, sed etiam ut instruat et informet ut iUe si suspe- § de inffi teslo 1. paulus ff de procur. glo. fi. in c. ij de pro in vi° ; ex quibus apparet quod Illustris, licet aliquem teneatur constituer[e] procuratorem, non tamen ex hoc sequitur quod non possit de loco sibi non [tuto] ob jicere ; et hoc erat prima responsio ad d. 1. pen. cum autem [sequ.] et corpore unde sumitur. Secunda vero responsio erat, quod d. 1. Cum autem et cor- fol. 159 b. pore tum matrimoniali prout est textus in c. Consti tutis, et ii de testibus, [ubi] princeps Boemiae petiit coram episcopo Praginensi divor[tium,] et ejus uxor illustris vole bat accedere ad ipsum episcopum, [ut] proponeret acti- ones suas, et quia non erat admissa appellavit; [Et] sua appellatio ex hoc erat justificata, et Innocentius III commisit [causam] archiepiscopo Magdeburgensi, mandans locum ido- neum et se[curum] partibus assignari; ex quo apparet quod non solum personae illustres [solent] per se in causa, matri moniali litigare, sed etiam quod locus tutus [debet] eis assig nari; et profecto textus ille adeo est expressus [ut etiam] si in illo textu essent ista verba, Princeps Anglorum sicut erat princeps Boemorum, dicti advocati in hac materia [dis-] putarent contra expressum casum legis latoris, et ex istis [non seqjuitur quod d. 1. pen. Cum sua autem qua? loquitur in causis pe [cu] niariis non habet locum in causa matrimoniali ; et posito sine [praej]udicio veritatis quod haberet locum, non tamen negat quin locus [jud]icii debet esse tutus, tam domino licet illustri THE REFORMATION. 223 quam etiam ejus procuratori est communis opinio approbata in glosa prima in c. Ex parte praeallata, .... alle- gat pro voto c. Sive 33 q. ij., pro quibus facit c. Ad [aposto-] licte, de re judi. in Sexto. Ubi vult Innocentius IV quod licet reges [et] principes possint per se vel per solennes nuncios coinparere, [lo] cus tamen debet esse ipsis regibus et principibus tutus et securus. [N]eque obstat quod scripserunt antiqui post Ubertum de Bobio, [scilicet] quod Illustres non possunt esse in judicio, ne horribiles et [te]rribiles videantur Judici ; quia haec terribilitas censura [Cano]num non est recepta, ut in c. Novit, de Judi. ; ubi Innocentius III [comraisit] causam inter Regem Anglia? et Regem Francorum existentem cuidam legato fob 160. existenti in Francia, ; similiter [in c. Per vene]rabilem, Qui filii sunt legittimi, ubi causam vertentem similiter] inter regem Francia? et ejus reginam commisit legato [existenti] in Francia; similiter in c. Cum olim et ij° de restitut. spoli., [causam] ver tentem inter regem Legionen. et filiam regis Castella? com[misit] praelatis existentibus in regno; et causam vertentem inter Reg[em Anglia?] et ejus filios commisit praelatis de Anglia exis tentibus. Ut [in c] Non est, de sponsa, et facit c° Constitutis prius allegatis . . . Bal. quod Rex Boemia? potest adire episcopum suum in causa [vertente] contra suam uxorem, quae sequitur Aret. Ex quibus manifestum est [sacros] canones non approbasse dictam rationem terribilitatis, [nee] de ea cu- rasse ; immo Illustres ad locum judicii admisisse, [ista] ratione non obstante; praeterea dictam terribilitatis rationem [non] admiserunt Jura Caesarea ; nam habetur in 1. ij § iij° § ... senatores vel clarissimi quod Illustres in civihbus et crimi- n[osis] debeant conveniri in ipsorum domicilio; patet itaque utramque ... . dictam rationem antiquorum esse repro- batam et d. 1. pen. cum [autem sequ.] et corpore hujusmodi non obstare quominus procedat conclusio. Nono, dicebant quod Serenissima Regina praestitit juramen- tum p [erhorre] scentiae ; ex quo inforebant quod causa non debet alibi extra cur [iam] committi, et consequenter quod hie non potest objici de loco non tuto. Respondebamus, juramentum perhorrescentiae non habere illam jure, [ita] ut vel impediat commissionem in hac causa, 224 RECORDS OF extra curiam [committi ; et] exceptionem loci non tuti, ut dicebamus nos velle [clarissime] ostendere in disputatione ha- benda super conclusione . . locum, fecimus remissionem ne confunderentur . et ad conclusionem xxiij. Ubi de ilia re . . fob 160 b. [Decimo] dicebant quod respicit favorem Illustrium, quod per se non veniant, sed [ten]eantur mittere procuratores ; ex quo inferebant quod Illustrissimus [Rex] tenetur mittere procu ratorem, nee potest objicere de loco [non] tuto. [Res]pondebamus illationem praedictam esse falsam, et contra textum in saepius [alleg]ato c. Constitutis, quia in causa" matri moniali Reges possunt liti[ga]re per se; et est ratio, quia si aliter diceretur, sequeretur quod Reges [auctorit]ate Juris Canonici cogerentur salutem anima? sua? alteri com [mit] tere ; quod est absurdum dicere, quia essent deterioris [con]ditionis quam caeteri ; nee est vera illatio qua: inferunt regem [non] posse de loco non tuto objicere, cum sit contra communem opinionem de . . . glosa prima in c. Ex parte, de appell., prout allatus textus in c. Sive [33] q. ij quae loquitur in Rege et in causa, matrimoniali. [Un]decimo, propositi per nos contra dictam conclusionem, viz. quod Impeditus [probd]bili et necessario impedimento temporali non cogitur constituere procu[rat]orem secundum communem; Dicebant dicti advocati quod allegare regem [non] teneri ad mittendum et constituendum procuratorem est allegare [im]pedimentum Juris et non facti ; ex quo inferebant quod excusator [a]d allegandum sine mandato non debeat admitti. [Res]pondebamus, allegationem nostram non bene ab illis considerari. [N]am allegatum est per nos Regem Illustrissi- mum non posse venire ad locum [t]am remotum, sed impediri ne hoc faciat inevitabiliter ; ex quo [dijeebamus sequi de Jure, sine aliqua nostra, allegatione, regem [non] teneri ad mittendum procuratorem. Itaque illatio per dicta ad[ver]sa- riorum, tanquam fundata super falso fundamento, mani[feste] corruit. THE REFORMATION. 225 [Duodecimo,] dicebant quod allegare impedimenta deducta in materiis, [est allegare impe] dimenta non praevisa ; ex quo inferebant quod excusator ad ilia aUeganda non debet sine fob 161 mandato admitti. Respondebamus, impedimenta deducta in materiis non esse bene pr[a?visa] ; quia deductum est in materiis quod impedi menta Regiae Majestatis [sunt] inevitabiUa, et per consequens necessaria et prascisa. Unde dicebamus [quod Excujsator, tametsi mandatum non haberet, posset tamen ilia de Jure aUegfare]. Tertiodecimo, dicebant quod petere locum tutum assignari, seu [locum] tutum eligere, vel causa? assistere, dependet a voluntate reg[is] ; ex quo inferebant quod excusator, cum ab ipso rege mandatum non [habet, nee] ipsius voluntatem cog- noscit, utrum velit assitsere aut locum tutum [petere], non debet audiri. Respondebamus, Controversiam hie esse non de loco tuto petendo, videlicet [an] excusator possit locum tutum petere aut eligere, nee An Rex velit vel nolit causae sua? assistere ; sed tantum hie quaeritur [an] impeditus impedi mento probabili et necessario corporali cogatur comp[arare] procuratorem; ad quam rem omnes vident objectionem esse impertinen[tem]. Nichilominus dicebamus quod docto35 quod rex non possit ad loca ta[m remota] venire, statim infertur de Jure quod debet habere locum tutum sibi [pe]tenti assigna- tum, ut dicitur in conclusione 18. Praeterea ... . de Jure quod possit in illo loco absque aliqua, nostra allegatione co si vebt assistere. Quartodecimo, dicebant, Quod cum in conclusione propositi consideretur [impedijmentum probabile, et impeditus tali im pedimento teneatur s[emper] constituere procuratorem, con clusio praedicta non est vera. Respondebamus, illos non bene ponderasse conclusionem quam loquendo de im [pedimento] non ponit de necessario, tam 35 Mistake for dato. VOL. II. Q 226 RECORDS OF nee de probabili, tam nee de temporali, tam [nee] de impe dimento simpliciter ; sed ponit copulative, de omnibus videlicet [necessario], probabili et temporali ; unde manifestum esse dicebamus, argumentum non atti[nere]. Quintodecimo, dicebant quod impeditus impedimento ne cessario [solum] tenetur mittere procuratorem, quum impedi mentum est prsecisum ; [sed impedi] mentum praecisum non est in casu proposito, ut illi dicebant ; [Ergo etc.] Respondebamus falso dici quod impedimentum necessarium fob 161 b. prae[cisum est] in conclusione, quia cum dicta conclusio, loquens de impedimento [pro]babili et temporali, eliciatur ex materiis et materie, omnino loquitur [de impe]dimento necessario pra?- ciso, manifestum est necessarium . praecisum esse deductum in conclusione. Sexto decimo, dicebant quod nos sumus in perpetuo et non in temporali impedimento. Unde inferebant [quod R]ex im peditus tenetur mittere procuratorem. [Res] pondebamus assumptum esse falsum, quia, ut liquet ex materiis, ex quibus elicitur conclusio, [impedimentum] de ductum est temporale, eatenus scilicet duraturum donee detur locus tutus et securus, [et ju]dices assignentur idonei pro causa? examinatione. [Decimo] septimo, dicebant quod causa matrimonii requirit celeritatem ; ex quo inferebant quod si causa [est pro]tectionis qua? requirit celeritatem, impeditus qualitercumque tenetur procuratorem mittere, . o c°. Cupientes., § Quod si per viginti, de elect, in Sexto, ita dicendum esse in causa, matrimoniaU. [Respondeb] amus, malam esse consequentiam istam, — Causa requirit celeritatem, ergo impeditus semper tenetur [mitt]ere procuratorem. Nam certum est quod causa beneficialis re quirit celeritatem, ut in Clementina [Disp]endiosam., de Judi., et tamen manifestum est quod impeditus in causa beneficiali non tenetur [mitt] ere procuratorem, ut est textus in c° ij de THE REFORMATION. 227 procurat. Prseterea dicebamus quod in causa [mater]iae justae non est omnino bonum argumentum a causa electionis seu matrimonii spirituahs ad causam [matrimonii carnalis. Ut est textus in c. Quoniam § Quod si forsan, Ut lite non conte., et verum [est quod] dici solet argumentum a simili deficere, data dissimilitudine. [Decimo] octavo, Propositi per nos tertia conclusione, Vide licet quod, Exceptio loci [pete]nti competit, nedum quum locus in quo agitur judicium, non est tutus, sed etiam quum loca media [per quee] necessitate eundum est ad locum Judicii non sunt tuta, secundum communem. [Dic]ti Advocati confite- bantur eandem conclusionem esse veram in jure, tamen dice bant [eam non] facere ad negotium, quia procedebat respectu partis principalis, et non respectu [procu]ratoris, cui dicebant tam locum judicii quam media loca per quae pervenitur ad locum [ju]dicii esse tuta, et ideo non posse objici de loco non tuto. [Res]pondebamus, et Acceptantes primum quod ex adverso dicebatur, videlicet [ve]ram de jure esse conclusionem pro- positam, quod limitatio per dicta de Jure [non] erat vera, quia est contra dictum c. Etc parte, et communem opinionem doc torum ibidem de hoc et etiam quomodo conclusio praedicta faceret ad negocium, dicebamus [nos v]elle clarissime ostendere, in disputatione habenda super conclusione . . . , qui est locus peculiaris et proprius pro ilia" materia. Q a 228 RECORDS OF Number CCLXVIII. Holograph letter from Augustin to the Duke of Norfolk, giving an account of the mode of celebrating Mass at Nuremberg ; written March 14, i532- Vitell. -fr/iY duty remembered with most humble, thanks unto your foi. 44. grace -that it pleased you so benevolently to remember me unto the king's high[ness] concerning my return into England. Albeit the king willeth me, by his grace's letters, to remain at Brussels some space of time for the apprehension of Tyndall, which somewhat minisheth my hope of soon' re turning], considering that like as he is in wit moveable, so is his person uncertain to come by ; and as far as I can per ceive, hearing of the king's diligence in the apprehension of him, he withdraweth him into such places where he thinketh to be furthest out of danger. In me. there shall lack none endeavour. Finally, as I am all the king's, except my soul, so shall I endure all that shall -be his pleasure, employing my poor life gladly in that which may be to his honour or wealth of his realm. Pleaseth it your grace, according as I have written to the » king's highness, the emperor, being yet sore grieved with a fall from his horse, keepeth himself so close that Mr. Cran- mere and I can have none access to his majesty, which almost grieveth me as much as the emperor's fall grieveth him. I have promised to the king to write to your grace the order of things in the town of Nuremberg, specially concern ing the faith, but first I will rehearse some other towns as they lay in our way. The city of Worms, for the most part, and almost the whole, is possessed with Lutherians and Jews, the residue is indifferent to be shortly the one or the other ; truth it is that the bishop keepeth well his name of Episcopus, which is in English an overseer, and is in the case that overseers of testaments be in England, for he shall have THE REFORMATION. 229 leave to look so that he meddle not, yet some time men calleth him overseen, that is, drunk, when he neither knoweth what he doeth, nor what he ought to do. The city of Spire, as I hear say, keepeth yet their faith well, except some say there be many do err in taking too largely this article Sanctorum Com- munionem, which hath induced more charity than may stand with honesty. One thing I marked, such as were lovers, divers of them had their paramours sitting with them in a dray which was drawn with a horse trapped with bells, and the lovers, whipping them, caused them to trot and to draw them throughout every street, making a great noise with their bells; the women sat with their heads discovered, saving a chaplet or coronet wrought with needle-work. I had forgot ten to tell that there were great horns set on the horses' heads. I suppose it was the triumph of Venus, or of the devil, or of both. All towns ensuing be rather worse than better. But I pass them over at this time. Touching Nuremberg, it is the most proper town and best- ordered public weal that ever I beheld. There is in it so much people that I marvelled how the town might contain them, beside them which followed the emperor ; and notwith standing, there was of all victual more abundance than I could see in any place, although the country adjoining of its nature is very barren. I appointed to lodge in an inn, but for Lau rence Staber, the king's servant, came to me, desiring me to take his house, whereunto I brought with me the French am bassador, where we were well entertained, and that night the Senate sent to us thirty gallons of wine, twenty pikes, thirty carps, a hundred dace, with sundry confections; the residue of our cheer I will keep in store until I speak with your grace, which I pray God may be shortly. Although fish was sent to us, yet universally and openly throughout the -town men did eat flesh. Although I had a chaplain, yet could not I be suffered to have him to sing Mass, but was constrained to hear their Mass, which is but one in a church, and that is cele brated in form following. The priest, in vestments after our manner, singeth everything in Latin, as we use, omitting suf frages. The Epistle he readeth in Latin. In the mean time the sub-deacon goeth into the pulpit and readeth to the people the Epistle in their vulgar ; after, they peruse other things as 230 RECORDS OF our priests do. Then the priest readeth softly the Gospel in Latin. In the mean space the deacon goeth into the pulpit and readeth aloud the Gospel in the Almaigne tongue. Mr. Cranmer -saith it was shewed to him that in the Epistles and Gospels they kept not the order that we do, but do peruse every day one chapter of the New Testament. Afterwards the priest and the quire do sing the Credo as we do ; the secrets and preface they omit, and the priest singeth with a high voice the words of the consecration ; and after the leva- tion the deacon turneth to the people, telling to them in Almaigne tongue a long process how they should prepare themselves to the communion of the flesh and blood of Christ ; and then may every man come that listeth, without going to any confession. But I, lest I should be partner of their com munion, departed then ; and the Ambassador of France fop- lowed], which caused all the people in the church to wonder at us, [as though] we had been greater heretics than they. One thing liked me well (to shew your grace freely my heart). All the priests had wives ; and tbey were the fairest women of the town, &c. To say the truth, all women of this country be gentle of spirit, as men report. The day after our coming, the Senate sent gentlemen to shew us their provision of har ness, ordnance, and corn. I suppose there was in our sight three thousand pieces of complete harness for horsemen ; the residue we saw not for spending of time; of guns great and small it required half a day to number them; arquebusses and crossbows, I thought them innumerable. The provision of grain I am afeard to rehearse it for jeoparding my credence. I saw twelve houses of great length, every house having twelve floors, on every one corn throughout, the thickness of three feet. Some of the Senate shewed me that they had sufficient to keep fifty thousand men abundantly for one year. Much of it has lain long and yet is it good, as it shall appear by an example that I have now sent to your grace of rye, which was laid in there 190 years passed, whereof there remaineth yet above five hundred quarters. I doubted much to report this to your grace, but that I trusted your grace would take it instead of tidings, and not suppose me to be the author, con sidering that much strange report may bring me in suspicion of lying with some men, which hath conceived wrong ppinion THE REFORMATION. 231 of me. News there be none worth the writing ; they do look every day here for King Ferdinando's wife, who men do sup pose will somewhat do in persuading the princes of Germany ; bringing with her all her children, which is a high point of rhetoric and of much efficacy, as old writers supposed. And here an end of my poor letter, which I beseech your Grace to take in good part with my hearty service. And our Lord maintain you in honour with long life. Written at Regens- burg, the fourteenth day of March. If it shall please your [grace for Master] Baynton to know some of these stories I wo[uld be right glad]. To my Lord of Norfolk's Grace'36. . M This letter was correctly printed gives it without assigning tbe name in 3 Ellis 2, p. 189, but was erro- of the writer, whose handwriting he neously assigned to the year 153 1 . must have seen several specimens It is remarkable that this editor of in the Cottonian Collection. 232 RECORDS OF Number CCLXIX. Letter from Augustin to Cromwell, begging for money and detailing the state of affairs as regards the advance of the Turks; written March ai, 1533. Vitell. MAGNIFICE ac observandissime Domine, humili com- ?: 3?1- mendatione praemissa, etc. Decreveram plane, postquam ex Bruxellis discessi, nfullas] amplius ad te scribere literas; cum manifesto viderem me oleum et operam perdere, et, ut aiunt, surdo fabulam canere ; siquidem ex tot meis ne minimam quidem lineam a te unquam extorquere potui ; et pro tot meis precibus intelligam amicos meos a [vobis] non nisi bona duntaxat verba recepisse. Verum enimvero, ut tibi mei aliquantisper refricem memoriam, utque nihil me intentatum vobiscum reliquisse cognoscas, statui impraesentiarum etiam has ad te scribere ; quamvis ex- istimem me illis parum profecturum, et mihi a vobis angustum sperandi, ne dicam desperandi, locum derelictum fuisse. Te itaque, per superos, rogo nominis tui atque honoris illius Sere nissimi Regis curam habeas, ac te ipsum qualis es, qualisque semper fuisti, omnibus ostende; hoc est, optimum virum, et promissi servantissimum ; neque imminuas totius iUius regni et omnium, qui te noverunt, singularem opinionem, et maximam de te conceptam expectationem ; immo potius in dies eam in- tegritate, veracitate, aliisque honestis officiis augere contendas. Nihil enim, mihi crede, est virtute pulchrius, nihil amabilius, nihilve firmiore posessione durabilius. Praesta te tui similem; vince inimicorum tuorum cogitati- onem ; atque obtrectatorum maledicentiam, prudenti tua sim- plicitate, atque verborum constantia confundas. Cogita, quaeso, vir praestantissime, quid fuisti, quantusque es, quantusque futu- rus ab omnibus existimaris. Neque me ita contemnas ; qui quan- quam nunc nullus tibi videor, forte tamen aliquid esse possum, et vobis penitus non inutilis. Haec si paulo liberius, quam deceat, [tibi] locutus sum, ignosce obsecro, animo duris THE REFORMATION. 233 in rebus egestate oppresso ; parce ignorantia? mea? et da veni am imprudenti mea? libertati. Nee profecto me vana spe tamdiu illudi admodum molestum esset, nisi me summa om nium rerum necessitas et propemodum desperatio perurgeret. Quoniam etsi (quod non mihi videtur verisimile) jam forme annum in hunc usque diem, in tam amplissimo regno, nullum pro me beneficium vacaverit, viginti tamen Ubra? non tanti sunt ut ab illo potentissimo rege, uno omnium Christianorum prin cipum opulentissimo, mihi misero, et de sua Majestate non prorsus male merito, juxta promissa, non elargiri possint, te praecipue existente ejus rei sponsore; quem solum tanquam vadem, non injuria, interpellare possum. Vel igitur, aman- tissime Cromwelle, me libere in totum repellas velim, vel tan dem promissum exolve, ne semper animi pendeam, et frustra expectando, meipsum perpetuo excruciem. De tuo nihil peto, mi Cromwelle ; quod etsi peterem, in tali egestate constitutus ex Christiana charitate, suo quidem jure, id mihi deberi existi- marem, ac non injuria,, reposcendum. Orator vester jam multis abhinc diebus hue pervenit. Ad huc tamen Caesari non est prsesentatus ; sed in diem audientiam expectat, tametsi Reverendissimus legatus nudius septimus Iongum habuerit cum sua Majestate sermonem ; quamvis non integre adhuc sua? sanitati restituta, occasione contusionis ex casu cum equo super dextero pede inter venandum apud Ne- osle, oppidum comitis Palatini, electoris, duodecimal superioris mensis ; cujus rei neglectu, et stricta? caliga? superindumentp, necnon, ut vere loquar, medicorum incuria, et disceptatione, ac intempestiva oxycrocei applicatione, et humoris defluxu, exortum est erisipelas phlegmonides, febris, et pervigUium, unde opus fuit corpus purgare, et subinde varia localia mu tare. Tandem devenit ad ulcerationem superioris cutis, ad plusquam sit mantis ampUtudinem qua?, sedatis symptomatis, ferme ad cicatricem reducta est. Singula non narro, cum sis rei medicse imperitus. Maximi Turcarum apparatus terra marique, cum apud Con- stantinopolim tum apud Vallonam ex omni parte nunciantur. Quamobrem Pontifex Anconam, Caesariani maritima Apulia? et Siciliam summa, cum diligentia ac summis impensis com- muniunt. Caesar statuit comparare classem quadraginta trire- mium subtilium. Quamvis tamen eas adhuc non omnes in- 234 RECORDS OF structas habeat una cum aUorum navigiorum non contemnendo numero. Veneti omnia sua loca maritima summis opibus muniunt, et centum triremes armare parant, seu quod sibi ti meant, seu de more suo, armante Turca, et ipsi armant. Ob idque cum Pontifex duas decimas super ecclesiasticis ditionis Veneta? imponere vellet, id non admissere ; sed potius ipsi ob eundem praetextum mutuum quoddam nunquam restituendum super praefatis ecclesiasticis imposuerunt; ex quo centum et viginti millia ducatos recipient, ultraque ducenta et quinqua- ginta miUia recipient ex aliis gravaminibus super subditis suis temporalibus ; reclamante Pontifice et saepe (ut frustra solet) illis comminitante. Quare, omnium judicio, hoc anno Turca in Christianos movebit arma. Ceterum rei certitudo clarius cognoscetur per totum proximum mensem ; quo tempore Turca semper solet movere castra, cum expeditionem aliquam para- verit. Multos transfugas NeapoUtanos et Siculos, quos non nomino, certum est ad Turcam ivisse, veluti belli invitateres et duces itineris; necnon Rhingonum quendam Hispanum transfugam illuc etiam se contulisse; quem jam quatriennium, si recte me- moras, istic una cum episcopo Transilvaniae forsan vidisti per mare proficiscentes ad Vayvodam seu regem Johannem Un- gariae. Tu caetera cogita. Rex etiam Christianissimus, ut semper fecere praedecessores sui ; pro tuendo regno Neapolitano quinquaginta millia pedi- tum, tria milUa cataphractorum, sex millia equitum levis arma- turae, et denique personam propriam constantissime offert. Verum haec tam ingentia auxilia laetius audirentur si pro tu- enda, Ungaria, mitterentur. Vigesimo primo proximi mensis finientur indutia? inter Regem Rhomanorum et Vayvodam et Turcam, quamvis nun quam plene ab illis duobus servatse fuerint, et nunc praecipue paucis abhinc diebus apud Lestrigoniam ubi non parvus Vay- voda? militum numerus, cum circiter mille et quingentis, His- panos et Italos aggredi voluisset, insidiis ab illis excepti vi Archebusorum sua? perfidia? paenas dedere. Aliud praeterea est indicium [ventu]ri beUi quod scilicet Alovisius Griti, filius nothus Ducis Venetorum, Constantinopoli [tanis] ac Tur ca? imprimis charus, a Vayvoda factus est episcopus Gunalec- chensis, ad cujus possessionem accipiendam [est profecjturus, THE REFORMATION. 235 comitatus Turcarum quadraginta miUibus equitum absque viz. bullis et annatae solutio[ne]. Vide quaeso, quo devenit Christiana reUigio. Atqui aliud est indi[cium] quod longe magis movet. ArchitricUnus regis Romanorum germanus et Leonardus de Nocarola Italus, ora tores missi Constantinopolim a Bassa Bossing, nunquam impe- trare potuerunt salvoeonductum, seu viaticum, unde illic in confinibus coacti sunt expectare mandatum principis sui; quod haud dubie factum non est absque Turcarum regis volun- tate, timentis ne iUi apparatus suos explorent Vienna; qua? hinc quatridui itinere distat, et longe minus per Danubium. Studiosissime communitur a quodam, ut ita dicam, poliergo in muniendis urbibus peritissimo, jamdudum hue misso a Pon tifice, qui, ut mihi rettulit, asserit propugnacula ex lapidibus semistructa oppidanis plus detrimenti quam juvamenti allatura, nisi perficiantur, quod ob celeritatem non nisi terreno et cespite fieri potest, et minus impendiosum erit, et contra tormenta bel- lica longe firmius quam recentes muri. Verum si obsidio con- tingat, duo majora pericula imminere, unum per cuniculos ; nam ab una, parte suffodi potest ; huic non occurritur per contra cuniculos; alterum et longe gravius, subita montis congestio ob infinitam Turcarum operariorum multitudinem, ac eorun- dem mirum vita? contemptum, quemadmodum in oppuguatione Rhodiensi factum fuit. Ceterum huic discrimini unum reme- dium scitum est, in urbe sciUcet e regione similis montis con gestio ; alterum subticetur, ne hostes illud praevideant. Max ima spes in Bohemis posita, sicuti superiore obsidione apparuit ; ex utraque tamen Bavaria et Germania, non parva auxilia suppeditabuntur. Formulam praedicta? civitatis cum suis muni- mentis tam factis quam fiendis habitam a praefato artifice ad te mitterem; sed quid inde mihi? Verum spero post pasca me illuc profecturum ac omnia oculis certius cogniturum. Hue venit quidam miles relUgionis olim Rhodiae, nunc MeU- tensis, missus a magno Magistro ejus relligionis et a summo Pontifice ad hanc Majestatem ut ejus voluntatem intelligant de aliquo munito loco occupando in Sicilia, aut Italia ; quo se tueri possint, et Christianis prodesse, durante hoc bello ; siquidem ob iuopiam rei frumentariae nunquam potuerunt in Melite insula aliquem locum sufficienter munire. Adhuc more solito nihil deliberatum est; non obstante tamen tanto Turcarum appa- 236 RECORDS OF ratu non desunt qui affirmatissime asseverant, hoc anno nul lum justum bellum contra Christianos a Turca, futurum, sed potius pyraticum et incursivum. Sunt praeterea qui etiam justum tam terra quam mari penitus contemnant ; hac videlicet ratione subnixi, quod Germanorum potentia, praesertim Ca?sare praesente, omnem eorum impetum facile repellet; et quod in Italia, parvo exercitu nihil perficiet, magno autem commeatuum inopia, conflictabitur, cum Itali omnes tra[hent] bellum, omnes commeatus aut in loca munita comportabunt aut eos in agris igni vastabunt ; sic diversa sive ; atqui vereor ne sicut tempore Noe, aedificabant, nubebant, nihil de ira Dei super universam carnem, ita nunc similiter accidet, si . . . . aliquis doctorum hue venit. Ex printipibus Germania? hie non sunt nisi dux Fridericus [Palatin] us Rheni, Cardinalis Tridentinus, et Cardinalis Salze- purgensis. Episcopus Spirensis, Bambergensis . . nuensis, et status aliqui quarundam civitatum, ut Nurembergensis, et alii principes et status venient post pascha; Coloniensis Ar- chiepiscopus non veniet Caesaris permissione, seu potius viso se in hac dieta, votum suum consequi non posse, id est collati- onem beneficiorum singulis mensibus quam a captivitate hujus Pontificis sibi usurpavit. Dux Saxoniae elector morbo detentus, se excusatum mis- sit ; Attamen, post pasca, una cum Lantgravio Hassia? hie ex- pectatur. Dieta non incipiet nisi in fine proximi mensis; et sicut videre videor totam hanc aestatem nos hie detinebit, nisi Turca nos abire compulerit. Qui si pro certo veniet, erit in causa ut materia haereticorum leniter tractetur, verbi gratia,, spe futuri consilii; quod tamen ad Kallendas Graecas celebrabitur, et quod omnium intentio ad sibi resistendum, necnon ad Regem Rhomanorum stabiliendum, praestita, illi obedientia, suo aere alieno soluto, ac principum et statuum animis ei conciliatis. Superiore die dominica? conventus Swayn- burg fu[ere], quae est civitas imperialis abhinc distans sedecim miharibus Germanicis, duorum electorum, Palatini scilicet et Maguntini, et omnium principum et statuum haereticorum, sive personaliter, sive per procuratorem, ubi per antedictos elec- tores quidam articuli illis proponentur ex parte Caesaris. Quid actum sit aut quid agendum adhuc ignoratur. [Un]um hoc a fide dignis compertum habeo, eos nutare, neque bene contentos THE REFORMATION. 237 esse praesenti rerum statu ; bellum timent ac in Dei iram reffer- ant indies crescentem omnium rerum penuriam atque suarum opum insensibilem delapsum ; quae forsan verius ex eorum luxu et desidia proveniunt ; quibus astricti sunt ob suam quam jao- tant libertatem evangelicam. De statu causa? vestra? in urbe, quodve ejus rei hie sit judi cium, quisve melior modus, tacere potius duco quam scribere; ne vos, (quemadmodum major pars hominum etiam facere solet) id quod aliqua mea dexteritate et industria, ob singu- larem meum in vos amorem et observantiam in sinistrum in ter pretemini. Vale et si pro me aliud facere nonvis, saltern ad me semel brevissime, scribere digneris ; ad quod si non te movet henes- tum jus veteris nestrae amieitise, neque in proximum Christiana pietas, saltern te moveat tot mearum Uterarum importunitas. Scriberem ad illustrem et eximium Ducem Northfolcise et ad Reverendum Dominum Wintoniensem, quem intelligo ex GalUa, jam rediisse, nisi in vanum me laborare existimarem. Tu tamen ambos meis verbis humillime salutabis. Salvebunt a me etiam Bonvisus tuus, Reverendus Dominus Petrus Vanni et M. ArondeU quibus totum me tradas velUm. Data? raptim Ratisponae M.D.XXXII. Die 21 Martii. Tui devotissimus, A. A. -Folded and addressed thus — Magnifico, ac ornatissimo Domino Thoma? Cromwell, Serenissimi Regis Anglia?, ConsiUario meritissimo, Domino meo plurimum observando. 238 RECORDS OF Number CCLXX. Original letter from Benet and Sir Gregory Cassali to the King, asking for his Majesty's recommendation qf Sir Andrew Cassali to the Pope, on the score of the assistance he had given whilst Stokesley was managing the King's affairs at Bologna. Written March 22, 1532. Record SERENISSIME et Invictissime Domine noster supreme, Office. -i . salutem. Quoniam Dominus Andreas Casalius, eques honestissimus, plurimum semper opera sua, et fide a Majestate Vestra meritus est, et eo praesertim tempore quo Reverendus Episcopus Londinensis Bononiae negotia Majestatis Vestra? curabat, egregie se gessit, exindeque pro eadem multum saepe laboravit, nee veritus fuit prsesidium Bononiensiiim et quorumcunque aliorum voluntatibus non obtemperare, et conatibus obviam ire, dignissimus nobis videtur pro quo sublevando et ornando opem nunc Majestatis Vestrae imploremus; nee quicquam aliud pro ipso petimus nisi ut eum velit suis literis commendare Pontifici, qui nuper, fisco Bononiensi consulere volens, cujus proventus aliquis in civium quorumdam manus, qui comitatibus donati fuerant, deveniebat, comitatus illos omnibus ademit. Ex quibus unus fuit Dominus Andreas CasaUus, quamvis exigui admodum momenti et reditus comitatum suum a Clemente Pontifice obtinuisset in praemium complurium et insignium suorum erga sedem Apostolicam meritorum. Scri- bimus autem ad Dominum Petrum Vannes, cujus tenoris literas Majestatis Vestra? ad Pontificem habere desideremus, ne ei molestiores simus, quam optime valere optamus. Romae die 22 Martii M.D.XXXII. Ejusdem Vestrae Regiae Majestatis humillimi servi. W. Benet. Geegoeius Casalius. Endorsed — Serenissimo et Invictissirao Principi Angliae et Franciae Regi Fidei Defensori Hibernia? Domino etc., Domino nostro supremo. THE REFORMATION. 239 Number COLXXI. Draft of the letter to the Pope, prepared by Sir Gregory Cassali and Benet, asking for some provision to be made for Sir Andrew Cassali. Sent from Rome in the preceding letter, March 22, 1532. POST humilUmas commendationes et devotissima pedum vitell. oscula. f: f*- fob 174. Quanto studio et affectu omnem familiam [de Casaliis, quo rum in nos officia ext]ant complura et fidelia, prosequamur, Sanctitati Vestrae compertius esse arbitramur quam quod neces sarium sit enumerare. Summopereque cordi habemus quic quid nostra gratia vel opera, in eorum commodum et ornamen- tum [effici queat. Quum itaque inte]Uigamus Sanctitatem Vestram in Magnificum equitem et nobis cum primis carum, Dominum Andream Casalium, qui ut de S[anctitate Vestra ejusque rebus bene mereret]ur nullos unquam labores sumptus aut pericula subterfugit, Comitatum quendam Montis Georgii non mag[ni proventus in sua] Bononiensi ditione jampridem contuUsse; postmodum vero non ut eidem Domino Andrea? injuriam faceret, s[ed ut ea ratione re] bus suis ex animi sui sententia melius prospiceret, hujusmodi omnes tam illi quam multis aliis antea con[cessos Comitatus in ditione] Bononiensi in suas manus revocasse. Dictum igitur Dominum Andream, quem ob singulare suum erga nos s[tudium et am]ica prses- tita officia vehementer amamus, nostris nunc litteris volu- imus Sanctitati Vestra? commendare, rogareque, ut nisi [dic tum Comitatum ei velit] restituere, de aliquo saltern alio in provincial Romandiola?, nostro intuitu, et praecipuo precum nostrarum inter [ventu, nisi forte] ab ea jam pro visum esse audimus, providere non gravetur ; idque eo ardentius a Vestra" Sanctitate nunc petimus, q[uod praeter amorem quo dictam] familiam de Casaliis complectimur, molestissimo quoque animo ferremus, ut quisquam ex' hac occasione sus- pi[caretur amicos nostros nostroque] tempore suis nunc 240 RECORDS OF ornamentis spoliari. Hoc igitur desiderium nostrum, quam enixe possumus, Sanctitati Vestra? commendamus Gregoru, quum de uxoris jure jampridem controversam habet et quum intelligimus ex aequitate et sum bene favente facile posse terminari, ita ex eorde Vestra? Sanc titati impraesentia commendamus ut ei simus hoc nom[ine devinctiores] Dominoque Benet Oratori nostro mandamus ut, has causas eidem Sanctitati Vestra? nostris verbis copiosius com[mendet]. Ex regia nostra prope Londinum Die37 Aprilis M.D.XXXII. Vestrae Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Angliae et Francia? Rex, fidei Defensor ac Dominus Hibernia?. Endorsed in a different hand — Sanctissimo Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. 37 The blank has been left to be within brackets have been supplied filled in after the draft has reached from the corrected letter, but the the king. The letter, in the altered latter part presented so many vari form in which it was sent to the ations that some are from the edi- Pope, has been printed by Theiner, tor's conjecture. p. 602. Most of the THE REFORMATION. 241 Number CCLXXII. Ciphered despatch from Sir Gregory Cassali and Benet to the King, dated March 13, 1532, about the preferments offered to the Cardinal of Ancona and his nephew. BY Frawnces the'curror, which arrived here the thirteenth vitell. day of this present, were received your highness' letters, with ?: XUg the two letters of the bishopric of Chester ; and as touching this bishopric the old man and the young are marvelously weU contented, and cannot be more satisfied than they are with that which your highness hath written in your said letters; for they are conformable to that tiling which we remained agreed with him, which is, as your highness hath perceived by our letters sent to'the same, the 23th day of the last month ; and so by that they are out of all suspicion, and so according to your highness' commandment they are con tented not [to speed] the bulls of the said bishopric, but they wiU keep them till such time as Ely or some other bishopric more to their pleasure shall be vacant there, and at that time they are contented to render these letters again, so that they may in the meantime receive the temporalities of this bishopric, according as we wrote to your highness in our said letters of the 23 of the last month, whereof we put your highness now in [remembrance] ; for it should not be to your highness' purpose that your highness should fault therein. And so as concerning the bishopric we are at a good point. But as touching tbe Abbey in Fraunce which was now lately void, as we wrote to your highness, did gender no small suspicion and displeasure in the old man which we expected of his hope, alleging that the French king did excuse himself; since that, considering your highness did make instance for a benefice of a greater value, he thought that an Abbey of so small a value should not have satisfied your highness' friends; and so fifteen days before he was moved by your vol. 11. E 242 RECORDS OF friends; and so fifteen days before he was moved by your highness' ambassador with him, he had given it unto Cardinal Tournon, who is coming hitherward, and so sent unto him the expedition thereof; and furthermore for the better entertain ment of the old man we said unto him that my lord of Wynchestre had obtained a promise of the French king that your highness shall have the next dignities which shall be vacant in Fraunce to the sum of six thousand corones, so that the French king shall not hereafter feign any excuse by reason of the smallness of the value. Wherefore, if hereafter anv such should be vacant in Fraunce and that the French king should not perform any such promise, surely it should gender a new suspicion in the old man ; and for to satisfy us, they were contented not to speed this bishopric at this time, as we have written above, but are contented to tarry tiU such time as any suspicion that may grow thereof, should not hurt your highness' purpose, and alonely wiU except the promotions which shall faU in Fraunce, under the colour that they are given to the proto notary Cassalis, at the instance of me, Sir Gregory, the young man shall accept them upon him; and if no thing [shaU come] unto them by this mean, they wiU suspect that the king's highness doth not proceed with them so sincerely as we have persuaded you will do. And so for this purpose as well for your highness' interest, seeing that the health of your highness' cause corlsisteth in the entertaining of the old man, as for their satisfaction for to shew them and to assure them that we have no doubt in your highness' promise, but that if any should be, it should proceed by obliviousness of the French king ; We have agreed unto them to send this bringer, servant unto me Gregory de Cassalys, considering his good diligence, to the intent that he, upon your highness' pleasure known, may remain in the French king's court, there to enquire of those merchants and other which Ueth there, for the know ledge of the vacation of the benefices which daily do fail in Fraunce, and as soon as he shaU have any knowledge of any vacation he may resort to your highness' ambassadors in the said French court, that he may obtain of [the French] king the expedition of it to be sent to your highness, not expressing any man's name, but that there remain a void space for it. THE REFORMATION. 243 And so your highness may cenvey it hither in diligence. And so by this mean your highness may seem [to have] obtained of the French king that thing which the same took to be for your purpose, or else considering the forgetfulness of the Frenchmen, nothing is to be trusted at their hands; which should not a little let your highness' purpose here; and to the intent that this thing should proceed after due order, we have ordained that the bringer Jeronimo should come unto your highness that the same, having full knowledge of the premisses, might send him to your highness' ambassadors resident in the French court with your highness' letters, that he should from time to time, upon the advertisement of the said Jeronimo given unto him of the vacation of any such benefice, as is above written, obtain them of the said French king; and for because we trust that no man living here in this matter, considering that if it should be known ever so little, this practice should be utterly marred, we therefore have instructed this same Jeronimo that this said benefice shall be for the protonotary Cassalys, and so as touching the jewel they shall need none to be sent, for they require it no more. Sir, how much it hath imported, the having of this old man, we have seen it and daily do perceive it more and more. For when before they in the Court here, and chiefly the cardinals, had an iU opinion in your highness' principal cause, now for two words which the old man of late spake in favour of your highness' said cause, we see a mutation of their opinions, which was spoken to. a good purpose, when the Imperials impor tunately cried for process in the principal cause, and spoke in like wise that we should not be admitted to the disputations, the old man at that time answered them that they knew not what they asked, in desiring so much to come to a sentence, and said unto them, — Think you to come to a sentence in pcenam contumaciam per contradicentes ? They answered that they thought they might have a sentence by that way, seeing that your highness will not come unto the cause, and that . . . nothing is alleged against the matrimony, and that they need not to bring no other thing for the justification of it than the instrument of the matrimony, and that they needeth not to bring in the dispensation, the old man answered that they e % 244 RECORDS OF were in a great error, and said that the cause is of that importance that process should [not go] by the contradiction. And when they said that they should not need to bring in any dispensation, the old man said that was not true, and turned him to the Pope and said, — Doth not your holiness know that the queen was Prince Arthur's your highness' brother's wife? and said, if his holiness would pretend ignorance thereof, he could not do it, for it was notorious. And if his holiness did not know it before, he said that then he told his holiness of it, and afterward said constantly to him that his holiness could not give sentence in the cause; but that the bull must be produced, and when it should come to be examined, the matter being so doubtful, he said unto the Imperials that where they thought to have a sentence for them, peradventure they should have it against them. And this the old man did set forth with so many great reasons that both Mychael Mayo and Mussetula the emperor's ambassadors, which hath been always so furious in this cause, were astonyed and had no word to say, but said that he spake sancte, which was a thing much insolite unto their temeraritie. Furthermore, as touch ing the matter excusatory, hitherto it hath been sustained against the opinion of all men here, by these disputations, which although we see that they have displeased the cardinals which saith that it is not for the honor of the Pope and this see that the disputations should be so often in the consistory, and also that the Imperials Iamenteth them and crieth out and pro- testeth against them, as the king's highness shall perceive by the common letters sent by Master Kerne and Master Boner and me William Benet; yet we see that in the despite of them, all by the mean and poUcy of this old man, [that the] disputations hath hitherto continued and shall [last till after] Easter before the Pope in congregation, upon the rest of the conclusions ; and this the said old man hath used for a mean to differ [further] process in the principal cause, but considering this opinion upon the matter excusatory, [for]asmuch as he hath declared at the beginning] the same to be against the said matter, h[e cannot] with his honor revoke his opinion unless [that he] might see some better ground than he h[ath seen] yet ; which if he may perceive after the disputations be done, so that he may with his honor [commute] his first THE REFORMATION. 245 opinion he will stand for ... of the matter or else he saith he cannot . . . . Nevertheless he said that after the said disputations shall be ended, he will instruct us what we shall do, and how we shall order the letters [to be] sent, for the admission of the excusator to [all good] effect that may come of them, as well for [the] admission of the ex cusator as for the delay of process in the causes ; and as for the principal cause, he saith that yqur highness coming* in the cause and proving that the queen was known by Prince Arthur, he saith plainly, Quod dabit votum suum in favorem Majestatis vestr'ce et procurabit attrabere omnes in votum suum. And, sir/because we might see what may be proved circa carnalem copulam, we have shewed him the attestations that Master Carne brought with him, which as yet he could not peruse, by reason he hath kept his bed this eight days or nine of the gout. Further, the old man saith that if your highness might prove quod ante matrimonium contr actum, inter Ma jestatem vestram et reginam, multo dubitabant de dispen satione, ita quod ilia fama reverd pervenerit ad aures regina} vel quod verisimiliter pervenire potuit ad aures ejus, in tali casu, he saith the matter were more clear, and what your highness can prove herein he would that you send word to us. Touching any obligation to be given of the old man's part for the performance of this his promise, we see that there can no better be given than by providing the revenues for them which they desire there and in France, as we have written in our last letters; for if they had them and should not perforin their promise they should not alonely lose that, but also all that they have besides, and their reputation for ever ; and furthermore we see that they take this cause now at heart as much as it were their own, and this all by the reason that we put them in a sure hope [that] the said revenues shall come unto them; and, sir, if we should make any difficulty to them now, they being so earnestly set of your highness' part, we should but p[ut] them in doubt; whereby we should not have that effectual relief by them as we perceive they now intend to shew in your cause. And thus most heartily we commend us unto your highness, 246 RECORDS OF beseech [ing Almighty] God to conserve the same in felicity ma[ny years]. Written at Rome 23 day of March. Your highness' [subjects] servants and bedesmen, [W. Benet. Geegorius Casalius.] Endorsed — [The] King's Highness38. 38 This despatch is written en tirely in cipher, and is interlined in decipher. There is another con temporary decipher at fol. 151 of the same volume. Both are very badly executed, containing several mistakes and omissions, and both are very much mutilated by fire. The text has been arranged by a comparison of the two ; the words which are lost in both, having been supplied by conjecture, are placed between brackets.. THE REFORMATION. 247 Number CCLXXIII. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell, giving various intelligence about the Turks ; written from Ratisbon early in April, 1532. MAGNIFICE ac observandissime Domine, huinili com- vitell, mendatione praemissa etc. ?; x*{- *¦ fob 82, Quas ad te dedi ultimo litteras data? hie fue[runt die] al92- 21 superioris mensis; quas si abjecto animo et propemo- dum invitus tibi s[cripsi], has nunc fractus penitus et plane nolente animo, sed (ut fieri solet) in extra rei adhuc semel experienda? gratia me ad te scribere existi- mare potes. Et . . . . mehercle non injuria. Nam quotus quisque est vir aut in magna, dignitate . . . . constitutus aut capitalis hostis; qui totiens rogatus et literis lacessitus semel tantum respondere vel non dignetur, vel non inclinetur. Siquidem cum mihi ipsi te de hac longa cessatione excusare conor contendoque, nullum certe tuae excusationi patere locum video. Te enim multitudine occupationum obrutum, quomi- nus mihi respondeas credere nullo pacto adduci possum. Vul garis quidem est [ista] excusatio, nee nisi vulgari homini acceptabilis. Dices forsan te prius nolle ad me rescribere, nisi re omni ad laetum exitum prorsus deducta, in quam omni bus viribus eniteris. Sed ne non gravi vel apud iniquos ju dices cum totiens interpellatus ne verbum quidem eloqui digneris, ita nunquam . . . meam aut .cujusvis qui autoritatem tuam videt vel audit, cadere potest virum tantum apud tantum principem in amplissimo ac opulentissimo regno in paucissimis charum, sacerdotiolum unum pro amico et servi tore suo jam ferme annum adhuc impetrare non potuisse ; cum tot jam certo scio saepe vacaverint ; et animus tuus (ut mihi persuasum habeo) a me non sit alienus. Equidem ego nihil a vobis peto nisi quod meum est, vel posteaquam sic vobis placet, quod meum fuit, sin minus aequivalens. Quod si neque servitus mea, non minus laboriosa quam periculcsa sub duobus 248 RECORDS OF non contemnendis membris illius inclyti regni, per quam vic- tum qualemcunque, quietem, et viaticum senectutis meae tan dem adeptum putabam, neque merita mea, qualiacunque fuerint postea a vobis discessi, id gratiae ab iM serenissima et invic- tissima Majestate impetrare non merentur ; saltern hoc tuo favori tuisque meritis condonandum postulo, et tibi acceptum refferram veluti a benefactore et unico patrono meo obser- vandissimo. Respondebis forsitan, te id summopere cupere, ceterum expectanda meliora tempora. Interim victitem meo sucro in cujus responsionem tibi brevit[er narra]bo facetiam, quae mihi nunc in mentem subit (quamvis animus meus nihil minus quam facetias cogitet). Judaeus quidam in terra, Italia, nescio quo spiritu ductus, baptizari voluit, siquidem, (ut proverbio dici solet) baptisma Judaei sit una ex . . . aquis irritis et perditis, ac de jure Pontificis coactus renunciare non parvis opibus suis, ut- pote malo quaestu et usuris acquisitis; quae res quantum sit conveniens, cum per baptisma remittantur omnia peccata tam originalia quam actualia, et longe graviora in dies dispensentur a Pontificibus, et hanc ob causam multi infideles retrahantur a lavacro fidei, alii viderint. Cum igitur iste neophytus coge- retur mendicare, et omnibus (ut fit) potius miserentibus quam adjuvantibus ipsius victus duritiam, incidit in febrim, et ven- tris profluvium, unde in xenodochium languentium delatus, ubi crescente vi morbi in dyssenteriam seu difficultatem in- testinorum prolapsus est; qua, moribundo similis, in grabato suo una die cum solus esset derelictus, obrepsit ad requisita naturae ad ccemiterium quoddam viridans xenodochio satis propinquum ; ibique alvo levato ac non parunf sanguinis (ut in tali morbo contingit) excreto ; cum aliquid quaereret, quocum pudenda detergeret, fortefortuna, ei ad manum venit sudari- olum quoddam a certo mercatore illic amissum ; in quo gemma- rum et lapidum pretiosorum maxima vis eratinnodata. Expleto igitur munere suo, miser ille, ultra quam credi potest gaudens, rediit ad grabatum suum. Ceterum paulo post cum sanatus esset, divenditis illis pretiosis rebus, atque inde emptis mag- nis latifundiis, non amplius mendicavit, sed caepit genio in- dulgere; q[uem] cum multi Christiani congratularentur de partis divitiis, causam tamen rei ignorantes, ac fidem nostram extollerent, illud evangelicum saepius inculcantes, centuplum THE REFORMATION. 249 accipietis etc ; subridens ille, verum inquit dicitis, sed tamdiu expectavi donee caverem sanguinem. Sic vereor, amantissime Cromwelle, ut id mihi eveniat antequam a vobis aliquod habeam auxilium (si modo unquam id habiturus sim). Immo vereor ne prius mihi exhalanda sit anima, quemadmo dum longa, et vana, expectatione contigit infelicissimae memoriae Reverendissimo hero nostro, quemadmodum tu optime nosti. Si itaque mihi bene facere vultis, prout (nolo dicere mea me rita praeterrita, praesentia et futura; sed ut) honor, splendor et liber"alitas vestra omnibus nota, suo quodam jure expostu- lant, rogavi per Deum optimum maximum, et immortalem id cito faciet. Si vero vobis alia mens est, mihi pergratum esset hujuscemodi vana spe liberari, vel primis literis tuis vel verbis ad[juvari.J Ceterum quia necessitas omnes vias tentare cogit ac omnem movere lapidem turn mihi tam multos annos cum sub recolenda? memoriae Reverendo Domino Wintoniensi tum sub felicis recordationis Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali non vulgaris intercesserit amicicia inter me et D. Thomam Elioth, paulo ante hac oratorem vestrum, propter virtutes illius quas semper araavi et amplexatus sum, sicuti e contra ille propter forsan aliquam de me conceptam virtutis opinionem, cumque cresco in diem magis ac magis ob mutuam conversationem ; in qua cum fol. 83. saepius de calami [tatibus meis] incideret sermo, non potuit vir ille optimus, eum ad id impellente bonitate '[mentis] suae et familiaritate nostra, non saepius aerumnas meas non indolere et congemiscere, a[deo] est ferventis spiritus in piis causis, om nem operam suam mihi pollicitus est, ac tecum quo omnem spem meam positam post Deum illi frequenter solitus sum praedicare, omnia communicaturum necnon tuo consilio in mea a te velle et cupere dirigi si inde forte aliquid fructus possit provenire. Id etiam postremum, cum hinc discederet, effica- tissime promissit maximo certe sui omnium ordinum, immo totius hujusce aula? relicta? desyderio, adeo quod omnium judicio hoc ausim dicere quod nemo ex illo inclyto regno jam multis annis exierit rebus gerundis aptior. principibus gratior, ac tam diversis nationibus accommodatior. Atque in eo verificatum est illud Sapientis dictum, — Magistrates scilicet virum ostendit. Hunc igitur prsestantissime Cromwell cui non parum aman- tem, et ingenn tui admiratorem in hac mea causa, foveas, dirigas 250 RECORDS OF et adjuves velim, si forte tuo consilio, ingenio et industrial ambo conjunctis viribus mihi aliquid boni acquirere valeatis. In te tamen unico et potissimo praesidio omnis spes mea posita est," ut tu qui incepisti hanc Provinciarn eam etiam laeto incessu perficias. Ne igitur quaeso moleste ferras si per eum tan quam subministratorem tuum tento causae meae expeditionem, aut, si per alios tentavero, nam id ago (ita me Deus amet) non quia tibi diffidam, in cujus manibus vitam meam ponere velim, sed ut magis sis animatus ad negocium meum perficien- dum, et ut junctis studiis opibusque tandem res ista mea ali- quem consequatur eventum. Conventus apud Swynforth id est porcorum valle, quem admodum tibi scripsi, dilatus est usque in praesentem septi- manam. Convenerunt cum duobus -electoribus Maguntino scilicet et Palatino, Lantgravius Hassia? et dux Saxoniae, pri- mogenitus Joannis electoris, cujus poUex dextri pedis ampu tates fuit, quia gangrena correptus erat, quae postmodum versa erat in sfacelum seu syderationem. Suus'hic agens dicit eum deploratum esse. Multi asserunt eum jam mortuum. Offerun- tur conditiones istae potissimae Lutheranis ut scilicet bona sua ecclesiasticis restituant, ut permittant concionatores Catholicos in locis suis publice concionari, ut sacerdotes non ampUus con- jungentur deinceps, sed qui conjugati (sunt, maneant usque ad futurum concilium, quod sicut alias tibi scripsi futurum arbitror ad Kalendas Graecas. Primam conditionem existimo eos non admissuros, quia nimis derogat propria? utilitati, alias forsan, nisi Turcarum adventus eos perterritos praefati concilii. Eo conventu utcunque finito, hue omnes se fob 83 b. conferent ut Regi Romanorum fideUtatem jurent juxta vete- rum morem. De Turcharum adventu nihU adhuc certi. Caesar tamen pro sua, mira providential, omnia disponit tam hie quam in Italia. Hie convocavit multos Germanos doctores; solum deest mi- lites conscribere, quod intra mensem facile fieri potest, ex- eunte praesertim prompta, pecunia, ; statuitque sua Majestas et id non diffitetur, tametsi Turca ob multitudinem equitum mul tum vastet regionum, recta velle personaliter contendere ad portam, id est ad ipsius Turca? personam, ubi robur fuit exer- citus una cum cm peditum et xvm equitum, computando pedi- tum xim et equitum viii111 sibi paravisse a principibus Germania? THE REFORMATION. 251 in conventu Augustensi quandocunque Turca aggrederetur limites Romani imperii ; residuum autem proprio sumptu com- parare vult ex redemptione regis Christianissimi quam ser- vavit in hodiernum usque diem ad tutelam regnorum suorum, ut quatuor mensium spatio quo Turca bellare potest contra Ungaros bellum prorsus finiatur. In quo conflictu si divino ait auxilio vicero, alios Christianos principes animabo ut et ipsi tanta? victoria? successum contra Turcas arma moveant et mecum pariter eos ex Europa deturbent. Si autem adversa, fortuna victus fuero, per me non stetit meis non solum exhaustis thesauris et omnibus viribus meis expositis et denique cum maximo discrimine capitis mei Christianam Rempublicam ad- juvisse et bonum exemplum posteritati mea? tribuisse. Ceterum vereor ne Turca si voluerit detrectare certamen, se in aliquo loco natura et arte munito continendo, cum sit longe equitatu potentior, hoc tam sanctum et salubre propositum irritum faciat, et ne is qui eum obsidere voluerit idem in- terceptis commeatibus obsideatur. Verum Deus Sabaoth et exercituum solus est ille qui victorias tribuit. Ad partem vero Italia? cum sint omnia loca maritima optime munita nee Turca possit classem suam appellere nisi ad litora vadosa qua?, cum plurimum sint periculosa, etiam magna navigia non ad- mittunt, quibus aut equites aut magnus numerus commeatuum advehi possit. Quare non multum incursare poterit vastando, nee diu alere exercitum poterit, importatis omnibus comme atibus a Christianis ad praefata loca munita, praecipue immi- nente cervicibus suis Marchione de Guasti, qui nunc profec- turus est Romendiolum. Dedi ad trutinam, addito supple- mento Italorum peditum exercitui Hispano, ut in totum sint xxm peditum, exeunte etiam Andrea Auria cum classe circiter triremium quinquaginta exceptis navigiis diu .... quibus et Italia? et Siciliae poterit suppetias ferre et semper hosti a tergo instare. Quare aiunt nihil tiinendum esse ex mari, ex terra, autem parum, cum Caesar sit hie praesens qui mavult Turcam hoc anno venire quam sequenti cum ipse esset in Hispania. Haec instantis belli remedia. 252 RECORDS OF Number CCLXXIV. Ciphered despatch from Benet and Sir Gregory Cassali, written April 29, 1532, referring to the promotions offered to the Cardinal of Ancona. Vitell. Negociation with the old man about the fojXjgj Rome for the Divorce before the first s PLEASETH it your highness this to advertise [the same that on the] third day of this month we received your grace's [letters of the 21st] of the last month concerning the tempo ralities of the bishoprick of Chester, the . ... [old] man, if that none otherwise; but that they shall have the value ... . to come unto them, as your highness hath written .... . . e our other letters, We hath declared re as concerning any bond to obl[ige them to] the performance of their parts, that [if your grace] be frus trated of your purpose, resolution othe]r we cannot have of them than the losyng [of their] reputation and honor with the in ter ryte that they look for, as in our letters [of the eleven] and twenty of February were at large [declared and writ] ten unto your highness, unless we should, attempting [some other] thing of them, should so alien ate the old man [from the] moode that now he is in, whether we should not have had [such] help of the same as we had, and trust to have [for] the old man to stand earnestly for the ad[mission of] the matter excusatory. Verily Sir [We think we] have done as much as could be. Nevertheless [for as] much as he saith that in his conscience [he thin]kyth the matter not relevant in the law, and [that as he] at the beginning thereof declared [openly his] opinion, He cannot, saving his honor, [truth, and] conscience, go from his fyrst opynion, [unless that] he might see some good ground, that he may do it . . . . ficaly that fob i8t b. no man should conceive [ill of] his so going ; and he saith furthermore that [he b]eynge recovered THE REFORMATION. 253 and able to study, he would peruse [and] oversee~the alle gations made in the opyn dys[cus]cionse of the matter. And if he can find any [good] ground in them for the admission of the matters, [he sh]old stand effectually for the same, and for to make the[m more] easier, albeit the Imperials have made great [suit and] labour that the Rote should refer in this matter, which we know [will be] against us, he hath so con veyed the matter with the[m that] they cannot refer in no wise their opinion in it, but that the Dean of the Rote, to whom the matter was [referred], shall only shew in the Con sistory aU the [proc]esse made before him in this matter to this present day, whereby the Consistory may be informed [in wha]t state the law standeth, in not shewing the opynyon of the Rote in this matter, but the same wholly to [remai]ne in the judgment of the Pope and the Consistory. But [as to] alluring of the Cardinals their friends to adhere to their opinion in this matter, and the [pr]yncipale matter with all other, the old man saith that th[ere] is no Cardinal so his friend that he dare open hys mind, and declare that he doth so much favor your highness' case [and in]tend to set it for ward ; for, if he should so do, he thynketh [ve]rily that our practice now entered with him [will be th]ereby disclosed; which should be to the utter loss of [reputatjione and opinion, and the frustrating [of your grace's matte] r ; and veryly Sir we see the estimation and authority of this o[ld man to be so fob 184. great] in this court that in matters of law [the Pope and the] Consistory doth never resolve th[em] but according to his opinion, and [if in any] sense they doo it, if it be against [his opinion]e, they upon his advertisement doth [chang]e ; as we have in effect seen in this [case], specially with the beginning of the disputa[tion] ; for when at the beginning the Imperials [made] great suit and labor that there sheuld have been [one] disputation for the whole conclusions ... . . to be done in the Consistory and that in [case that] the Cardinals did incline on th Pope and Cardinals would not resolve them selves] but according to his opinion, [the] Pope from time to time sent to him l[ying] in his bed, to kno^ what should be done, [inclining] himself always to his opinion ; and thus hitherto all things have proceeded in this form [by] reason of the estimation and authority [of the] old man, 254 RECORDS OF which, in any thing diminished, [would be to the] utter loss and decay of all your highness' matt[er; and your grace by] this may perceive, if he should by any act [compromise him self, how much prejudicial [it should be] to your highness' purpose; and for to kepe this [matter sec]rete we have ever more made demonstration of the same.] fob 184 b. The Cardinall de Monte is our chief captain, upon whom we make our chief ground and the olde man to be adverse unto us, to the intent that not [the] Cardinal de Monte, being learned, and nex [t in] authority and estimation to the said old [man], might be a buckler and shadow to cover our [proce]ed- yngys, that they should not appear, but also that the said [Card] inal de Monte, and the said old man should not be con- [trar]ye in opinion in such things as [migh]t be greatly preju dicial unto your highness, and very . . . . ir. For this purpose, and the better animating [and encou raging the said Cardinal de Monte, it [should be] well done and expedient to your highness' case, that your highness write [other] most kind letters to him, and also to write your self] like letter unto the bishop of Arimina, being [the] most in favor and credit with the said [Carjdinalls, and he that can dispose in all things w[ith] him, by whose help and good means we have ac[quir]yd the favor and help of the said Cardinale, [espec] ially declaring unto the said bishop that we [will] be means to your highness for to write unto France for the preferment of [the] said Cardinal ; which the French king may do without [incurrinjg any suspicion, for as much as the said [Cardina]le being of great estimation, and authority [the]se 20 years hath always followed the [French king's matter] s here in the court and yet hitherto [hath had nought] in recompense of the French king, so that the promotion] rode be taken for recompention of the fol. 185. said doings, and ....... Cardinal would recegnise . . . your highness. And where your highness would we should severally a[s of our] self persuade the Pope that the coming [of an] army into Italy, and the great danger [like, to] ensue to his dignity by reason [of the same] for that to follow such offertures as [hath been made to] him heretofore on your highness' behalf or else tate otherwise for the preservation [of him]self, THE REFORMATION. 255 we have according to your highness' c[ommandmen]te done the same; but as yet we can[not make his] holiness believe that the Turke is other [himself prepar]yd to come or send any army [to Italy] this yeas; for his holiness hath es[pies dwellin]g at Constantinople, which daily [doth adver]tys him of such preparation [s as are made] there by the Turke ; and by the letters o[f the] . . . day of Mar che last, he was adver tised [that the] Turke hath not made such preparation as [to send] any great power this year in to It [alye. He] hath not in all the world above three score g [alleys], yet of these many inarmed; but the Turke [maketh] great preparation by land, and doth [intend in] his own person to go into Hungarye and [as it] is thought to the parts of [Germany] ; and the emperor by letters of the eight [of this] [mo]nethe hath written in fob 185 b. conformity of the same ; for the [emperor] hath resolved with himself to rest in Germany, [to see] what the Turke will do, and if that he come in his owne [pers]on, he likewise in his own person with a- ythe thousand men wiU meet him in the field ; and if the Turke do not come in his own person, but send a great [army th]ere, then the emperor will remain there, as he is, and send [an] army against them; and this he hath offered [the] Pope to do by his letters written with his [own] hand, and to spend his substance and his bo[dy] and life for the defence of Christen dom, though [no oth]er princes help thereunto ; reknyng, to have by the [grac]e of God one of two victories, either in body [agaijnst the Turk, or in soule, being slain in such [cau]se; by reason whereof we could not prynte feare in the Pope's head, to follow any overt[ure] that we made unto him ; and being now of late the Pope advertised, as well by letters from Vienna as other[wi]se, that Abrahim Bassa should shew the ambassador of Venice with the great Turke, that the same had given in commandment to his admiral that he should take all [sh]yppys of Christendom for enemies, except of France, England, and Venice, and that he should not only [spare] any of them, but also that he should do anything that the French king should command him thereof, ne inculcate the promises that him least his holiness any intelligence between your highness meeting of the Pope and the emperor at his return into Italy, 256 RECORDS OF verily that we could never dissuade h [is holi] nes from hyt ; for he hath utterly [resolved] himself upon it, as far as [we can] perceive. Yet we may nevertheless [do] our best. And thus most humbly [we qpmmend] us to your highness, beseeching Almigh [ty God to] conserve the same in felicity, wealth, and [honour many] years39. At Rome the 29 day of Ap[ril 1532]. Your highness' mos[t bounden] subject, servant [and bedeman] W. Benet. Gee[goeius Casalius.] 39 The editor has found it im- printed exactly as it stands in the possible to representthe above docu- MS. The sense of nearly every ment with grammatical accuracy, part is intelligible, and in many partly owing to its mutilated con- cases might have been made clearer, dition and partly to tbe fact that if the editor had undertaken lo make the decipher and cipher frequently corrections either in tbe cipher or do not correspond exactly. It is in the decipher which is interlined. THE REFORMATION. 257 Number CCLXXV. Copy*0 of the last form of Submission which the King required of the Clergy. May 15, 1532. WE your most humble subjects, daily orators^ and bedemen Eecord of your clergy of Englande, having our special trust and confi- 0ffioe• dence in your most excellent wisdom, your princely goodness, and fervent zeal to the promotion of God's honor and Christian religion ; and also in your learning far exceeding, in our judg ment, the learning of all other kings and princes that we have read of; and doubting nothing but that the same shall still continue and daily encrease in your majesty ; First do offer and promise in verbo sacerdotii here unto your highness, submitting ourselves most humbly to the same, that we wiU never from henceforth presume to attempt, alege, clayme or yet put in ure, or to enacte, promulge or execute any canons, constitution or ordynaunce provincial!, or by any other name whatsoever they may be called in our convocation in time coming ; Which convocation is always, hath been and must be assembled only by your high commandment of writte ; Unless your highness by your royal assent shall license us to 40 This document has been with the usual suspicious reference printed from a contemporary copy, to Warham's Register in ann. He existing in the Record Office. It probably took it from the Yelverton appears to be the same with the MSS. No. 12, fol. 63 b., but it is copy marked (B) by Atterbury in incorrectly printed. his ' Rights, Powers and Privileges Another copy exists in the Yel- of an English Convocation,' Ap- verton MSS. No. 25. Both of these peDdix VI. p. 537. had been seen by Atterbury, arid There are several copies in MS. have since been collated by the with considerable variations of ex- present editor. Collier transcribed pression, probably indicating the the copy in the State Paper Office, great difficulty there was in satis- but printed from Atterbury, who fying the king. took his copy from the MS. No. 12, It has been printed probably from and states that No. 25 agrees exactly nearly every form in which it exists with it, which is not strictly true, in contemporary handwriting. It though it is evidently copied from appears in Wilkins' Cone. iii. p. 754, it. VOL. 11. s 258 RECORDS OF make, promulge and execute the same, and thereto give your most royal assent and authority. Secondly, that whereas diverse constitutions and canons provincial, which hath been heretofore enacted, be thought to be not only much prejudicial to your prerogative royal ; but also overmuch onerous to your highness' subjects, it be com mitted to the examination and judgment of thirty -two persons, whereof sixteen to be of the upper and nether house of the temporalty, and other sixteen of the clergy, all to be chosen and appointed by your highness. So that finally whichsoever of the said constitutions shall be thought and determined by the most part of the said thirty-two persons worthy to be abrogated and adnulled, the same to be afterwards taken away by your most noble grace and the clergy, and to be abolite as of no force and strength. Thirdly, that all other of the said constitutions and canons being viewed and approbate by the forsaid thirty-two persons, which by the most part of their judgments do stand with God's laws and your highness', to stand in full strength and power, your grace's most royal assent once impetrate and fully given to the same. THE REFORMATION. 259 Number CCLXXVI. Letter from Augustine to Cromwell detailing the news of the day ; written at Ratisbon May 16, 1532. MAGNIFICE Domine ac patrone observandissime, humili Record commendatione prsemissa. ce" Si tu adeo in meis negotiis solicitus esses, perinde ac ego in tuis, jamdudum profecto ilia essent expedita et ego anxietudine mearum literarum non ita tibi molestus essem. Verum largius, jucundius, et laetiore animo (ut mihi par est) literis meis te salutarem. Ceterum tu, in omnium rerum opulentia constitutus, omni- modam meam necessitatem nee vides, nee ullo pacto cogitas. Quinimmo, si amiculum meum ultro ad te vocas, cum tibi sese offert, cum ilU continue procrastinando diem statuis secum, ut ad te veniat accepturus pecuniam, tibi videris egregie juri veteris amicitiae, praemissis tuis, officio boni viri, et denique Christianae charitati, satis fecisse ; quod vellem ut semper in animo haberes, quod mihi et aliis dictitare solebas, Reverendis- simum nostrum herum non ob aliam causam ita omnibus homi- nibus exosum fuisse quam propter illam longam suam procras- tinationem, et plurima verba factis vacua. In hoc nollem te eum imitari, in ceteris vellem. Immo po tius te ipsum imiteris veUm, hoc est virum optimum, promissi servantissimum, officiosum, et vere dignum tanti principis gra tia, atque totius illius regni singulare spectaculum. Crede mihi, vir praestantissime, his virtutibus tanquam solidissimis fundamentis accresces, non captatione aura? popularis, non vulgi moribus, qui in vanitate verborum consistunt, illudere arnico, prudentiam esse existimantes. Haec dixisse volui, quia nunquam adduci possum te adeo multitudine negoeiorum disti- neri, cum noverim ingenium tuum longe plurium capacissimum, ut semihora? spacium mihi impartiri non possit. Ergo si talis es, qualis mea et omnium qui te norunt, est s 2 260 RECORDS OF opinio, si unquam a te mihi aliquid sperandum est, nunc, nunc totis viribus in rem meam incumbe, ac eam utcunque expedias, rogo ; rem enim mihi facies gratissimam quam qui maxime. Caesar cum die Ascensionis prodisset cum aliis principibus ad ecclesiam Dominicanorum, ac cum postridie illius diei satis belle sibi esse existimans, statuisset ire venatum ad octo dies ad locum hinc distantem quatuor miliaria Germanica, sicuti supe rioribus tibi significavi, prasmissaque essent impedimenta, sub vesperum ejus diei cum stans alloqueretur unum ex suis famili- aribus, ecce repente in tibia, ubi fuerat apostema ex defluxu novo humorum, maximus dolor subortus est, compluresque vesicula? apparuere ; a quibus ruptis non exiguus humor citri- nus, qui ostendit mistionem flavae bilis cum pituita, tenui salsa, aliquamdiu demanavit. Quare ejus profectio intermissa est. Hoc unum fuit Suae Majestati non parvum solatium, de se maxime dubitanti, ne quodammodo jure haereditario simile quidpiam sibi accideret quod accidit Maximiliano Caesari, Phi- Uppo patri, ac Domina? Margarita?, qui diu tibiis laborariint. Qui supervenit instantissime accersitus sequenti die episcopus Bagnariensis ab urbe, eximius certo chyrurgus et diu apud suam Majestatem exploratae fidei : qui, contra ac alii, attrahit humorem ut melius effluat, et brevi prospera promittit. De adventu Turchae, et potissimum personaliter, adhuc in- certum, nee credo certitudo haberi poterit per totum Juhium. A mari nihil dubitatur. Apud Swynforth ille conventus finitus fuit sine ulla, compo- sitione. Elector Palatinus et Maguntinus, qui in via erit ob- viam electori, Brand eburgensi fratri suo intra quatriduum ex- pectante, et jam Fredericus Palatinus, Othericus Dux Bruns- wicensis iUis obviam profecti sunt. Vagatur tamen fama Ludderanos principes habituros congregationem quandam apud Coleren in confinibus Saxonia? et Franconiae, inter se solos ; et hoc (ut superioribus meis tibi scripsi) ut de industria trahant resolutum responsum, quoad certitudo Turcharum adventus iUis comperta fuerit. Don Petrus de la Cueva et caeteri a Caesare et a rege Roma norum missi ad Rossoniam in Ungariam, sicuti meis datis 27 ad te copiose scripsi, redierunt ex ilia dieta,. Nuncius autem ille ApostoUcus, per breviorem, id est per forum JuUi in Italiam reversus est. Nihil aliud egerunt nisi quod a sententia regis THE REFORMATION. 261 Joannis et Vayvodae Ulud Rachos totius regni Ungariae tunc duobus diebus dissolverunt. Ex Venetiis jampridem habetur Capitaneum Ringonum, transfugam iUum Hispanum, de quo primis meis ad te, conscen- disse triremem jam navigationi destinatam, ut ex Venetiis tuto ad Segnam in Dalmatia, et inde ad Vayvodam possit con tendere, eam ob causam (ut inquit) ut nomine regis sui quo- quomodo aliquam compositionem inveniat inter regem Ro- [manorum] et regem Joannem olim Vayvodam; et jam hie intelligitur eum ex Segna discessisse. Tu csetera cogita. Exiit edictum a Caesare Augusto, bannum imperiale vocant, contra Albertum ex Marchionibus Brandeburgensibus, olim magistrum ordinis S. Mariae Theutonicorum in Prusia,, nunc vero Ducem Prusiae se appellantem; qui quidem frater est Georgii Marchionis Binn . . et patruelis Maguntini et Joachini eleetorum ; quia sit haereticus, et contra religonem suam jam septem annos duxerit in uxor em filiam Ducis Hol- satiae, qui expulso Christierno factus est rex Daciae : Sed origi- nem istius ordinis, et quando et quomodo de gentilibus acquisi- verunt Prusiam et qua? diuturna bella habuerunt cum Polonis, sciens nunc pertranseo. Putant Eliqui ex hoc edicto parum illi detrimenti accessu- rum, modo Rex Poloniae nolit illi adversari, quod verisimile mihi videtur ; cum sit ei ex sorore nepos : quae adhuc vivit ac ei (licet contra su . . .) feudatariam reddiderit Prusiam. Cog- nati ejus unanimiter illi adversantur, et Magister Livonia? et caeteri milites iUius ordinis qui non possunt esse nisi Germani nobiles. De successu Christierni Regis Datiae, cum nobis sit propior, tibi recensere non immoror. Vale, et te bonum virum ostende et mei amantissimum, quemadmodum ego tui, et observantissimus sum. Ratisbona? M.D.XXXII. Die 16 Maii. Tui devotissimus A. A. Quorundam est opinio et non infima? sortis hominum, nos intra mensem hinc discessuros versus 41 " The word here is illegible. 262 RECORDS OF (Hyspruch vulgus vocat), exeunte praesertim hoc coelo Caesari non admodum salubri, omnium suorum medicorum consilio. Verum ut res sunt in cardine, quas ad te scribere nee possum, nee expedit, ut consilium non nisi in harena capiendum sit. Florentia? nescio quid novi nunc subortum est, Pontifice no- lente creare duodecim viros cum plenissima potestate, ac arcem inibi moliente. Certum est Guiciardinum, gubernatorem Bo noniae illuc contendisse. Caeterum nullum violentum durabile, praecipue cum non solum amici sed inimici id abhorreant. Cum haec scribo, ex Vienna intelligo multa Turcharum millia circa Budam apparuisse, unde isti hoc mane frequenter in dietam conveniunt. Caeterum Veritas est fiha temporis. Ad te cum istis mitto prsefatum imperiale mandatum, ut ejus fermam videas ; quam forsan nunquam vidisti. Tu istic tibi aliquem ex Stilardo interpretem invenias ; nam hie mihi ex temporis angustia facere non licuit. Dabo alterum exemplar oratori nostro, si illud tamen aliquo pacto adipisci potero, ut si hoc interciderit, suum tamen videre possis. Endorsed — Magnifico ac ornatissimo Domino, Thomae Crom well, Serenissimi Regis Consiliario dignissimo, Domino meo semper observandissime THE REFORMATION. 263 Number CCLXXVII. The renewal*'2 qf the King's request for the promotion of Ghinucci; written in Vannes' hand May 19, 1532. HENRICUS Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei Record defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae, Reverendissimis in ce' Christo patribus, et Dominis, Episcopis, Presbiteris ac Diaconis, Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, etc. amicis nostris carissimis, salutem. Non tam crebro apud Reverendissimas Dominationes Vestras de eadem re ageremus, nisi in primis cordi nobis esset, futu- rumque aliquando speraremus, ut honoris nostri, meritorumque aliqua tandem ab ipsis ratio haberetur. Non oblitas esse pu tamus Reverendissimas Dominationes Vestras, quam sedulo et quam ex animo saepe antea egerimus, ut Reverendus Dominus, Episcopus Wigorniensis (quem ejus in nos fides virtutesque non vulgares nobis carissimum efficiunt) ad Cardinalatus dignitatenl nostro intuitu promoveretur ; hoc tamen ingens desiderium nostrum, una vel altera, injecta occasione, hactenus dilatum est. Verum tamen quum res haec praeter Domini Wigorniensis merita honoris quoque nostri respectu in primis cordi nobis sit, intelligamusque de novis Cardinalibus in aliorum principum gratiam creandis nunc tractari, voluimus iterum atque iterum his nostris litteris, Vestras Reverendissimas Dominationes rogare ut hujus etiam desiderii nostri nostrorumque meritorum in hoc nostro exornando oratore, rationem aliquam habeant. Nos certe quantum ex eorde possumus rem hanc Vestris Reveren dissimis Dominationibus commendamus, eo quodem animo, ut benevolentiae vicissitudinem reponamus, memorique pectore acceptam gratiam conservemus. 42 This letter was printed with a few slight mistakes by Collier, vol. ii. Appendix XXI. p. 14. 264 RECORDS OF Et feliciter valeant Reverendissimse Dominationes Vestrae. Ex regia nostra Grenwici, Die 19 Maii. M.D. XXXII. Vester43 bonus amicus, Heney R. Endorsed — Reverendissimis in Christo Patribus et Dominis Episcopis, Presbiteris, ac Diaconis Sanctae Romana? Ecclesiae Cardinalibus etc. amitis nostris carissimis. Peteus Vannes. 43 From vester is in the king's own hand. THE REFORMATION. 265 Number CCLXXVIII. Original letter from Ghinucci and Benet to the King, in forming him of the exhibition of the Additional Articles on the 13th of June; written June 15, 1532. [SERENISSIMO et] potentissime Anglia? et Franciae Vitell. Regi, fidei defenseri, Hiberniae [Domino], domino nostro fol *™'2 b- supremo. [Serenissimo] et potentissime Domine noster supreme, salutem. Post literas ad [Majestatem] Vestram ultimo loco per nos scriptas, sedulo curavimus ut a Vestrae Majestatis [advo]catis in causa excusatoria Pontifex et cardinales seorsum diligenter [instr]uerentur. Et quo melius, et funditus singula perspice- rent, voluimus ipsos [adv]ocatos scribere super omnibus punctis ad disputandum propositis fusius [multu]m, atque uberius, quam in Concistoriis super eisdem fuerint loquuti. Qua? ut [Ponti]fex et Cardinales commodius etiam per se ipsos con- siderare et cognoscere [posse] nt, imprimi fecimus, eisque dis- tribuimus. Qui in re adversarii quoque sunt nostros [imita]ti. Quoniam vero sumus veriti ne ilia, qua? per nostros allegata [fuer]ant, non obstarent, quominus persona excusatoris sine mandato [admitt]eretur, et litera? quas jamdiu excusator pro- duxit censerentur non [idone]ae, statuimus necessarium esse alteras pleniores Majestatis Vestrae literas juxta [mand]ata ip sius exhibere. Id quod nudius tertius fecimus. Pontificem enim [adiv]imus, eique excusator, Anconitano et Monte praesenti- bus, literas exhibuit, simulque [novu]m articulum, quem, ani- madvertentes nos persuasum esse huic curia? universa? [impe]- dimentum, quod allegabamus, perpetuum omnino esse, ne id, tametsi falso [consjideretur, nobis noceret, deducere decrevi- mus; in illoque objecimus belli [istijs regionibus imminentis suspitionem, qua? legum doctoribus videtur ipsi [bello] sequi- peranda. Quod certe Pontifex haud parvi momenti esse, 266 RECORDS OF existimare [visus es]t; quum enim alia die dixissemus velle nos ejusmodi articulum proferre, vehementer sese commoveri fob 192 a. ostendit. Et in se . . . dixit, quoniam Caesariani, quos hue usque distulit, putabunt .... quam a principio se cundum ipsos ferri oportere, non dubita[mus] interpositam esse, ut interim nos aliquid, quod graviori[s sit] inveniremus. Ibi, ex praesenti quidem rerum statu, diximus [objectionem de belli] suspitione nobis succurrisse; Enimvero, si prius vidissemus angustiore loco sitas, omnia extrema prius quam nos tentaturos fuisse, neque alia etiam solida firmaque funda- m[enta] nobis defutura. Hanc autem belli suspitionemlarg . ... . Quod si satis viriuni non habuerit ad alias partes restrin literis Majestati Vestrae Dominus Benettus explicabit. De Turcarum rebus, tametsi multo ante putemus Majestatem V[estram] cognovisse, visum est, quod de illis hie habetur nov[i, narrare], videlicet Abray Bassa circa medium mensis Aprilis cu[m exercitu a] Constantinopoli discessisse, et ante finein ejusdem m[ensis] . . . Principem subsequuturum, et Adrianopolim iterum velle se Ferdinandi, Regis Romanorum, legatos audire . . . divulgatum fuit Turcas Dravim fluvium, qui in fi[nibus] ... ... est, trajecisse, et magno cum apparatu progredi. [De Caesare] autem illud novi habetur, ipsum et Ferdinandum fratrem adhuc vim non collegisse, sed cito habituros in armis [peditum miha] clxxxx, equitum vero milia decern et octo. Hie ... . diebus nonnulli pedites, circiter trecentorum numerum, pr . ... quos dicunt Pontificem Anconam mittere, urbem Turcarum His etiam diebus Sanctissimus Dominus noster et nonnulli Cardinales quibus [earum] rerum causa incumbit, saepe con- gregati fuerunt, ut de pecu[niis pro bello] contra Turcas ne- cessariis providerent, et tandem deer eve [runt, ecclesiasticis] in Italia dimidium redditus annui persolvendum. Dicunt .... curiae officiates hujusmodi tributum soluturos. Mittimus una cum his litteris bullam commissionis processus [istorum] sex episcopatuum, quemadmodum Majestas Vestra petivit; Form[a earum] est aliquatenus mutata ab eo, quod in altera Bulla, super h[iis missa est] ; propterea quod asseru- THE REFORMATION. 267 erunt, illam non fuisse formatam jux[ta regulam]. Sententia vero eadem permanet, sicut Majestas Vestra videbit. Pontifex conquerens nobis dixit, sacerdotem quendam, qui in Anglia de autoritate praedicabat, fuisse Majestatis Vestra? jussu in carcerem [conjectum], et alium quendam Clericum qui in carcere ab Archiepiscopo C[antuariensi] detinebatur, prop terea quod Lutheranam haeresim seq[uutus esset], appel- lasse ad Vestram Majestatem tanquam ad Dominum supre- mum; [eam oppid]um Cantubriensejadveisse et auditum sua, fol. 193 b. sententia Uberasse. Optime valeat Majestas Vestra. Roma? die 15" Junh M.D.XXX[II]. Ejusdem Vestrae Regiae Majestatis Humillimi servi Hie. Ep3 Wigoeniensis. W. Benet. 44 A letter was written on the same day by Carne and Boner, which is printed in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 372. 268 RECORDS OF Number OOLXXIX. A short account qf some arguments alleged in tfte Consistory of June 21, 1532, in defence of the point that Came ought to be admitted as Excusator. Informatio brevis super admissione excusatoris illustrissimi regis Anglice et materiarum per ipsum datarum. v;tell. BEATISSIME pater, B. xm. Licet alias pluries fuerit dictum Sanctitati Vestrae suo sacro- fol. 193. r ... sancto Senatu, Personam Domini Odouardi Karne excusatoris fuisse et esse, tam ex litteris regiis antiquis quam ex natura impedimentorum allegatorum, et de Juris dispositione, legitti- mam ad excusandum illustrissimum Regem AngUae, prout liquidissime constat in informationibus alias datis; Nichilomi- nus, ad tollendum omnem dubitationem, et ad cautelam magis abundantem, quaedam aliae litterae pro ipsius Domini Odouardi in Excusatorem admissione, ad Sanctitatem Vestram per eundem illustrissimum Regem missse, ac eidem Sanctitati Vestrae, una cum quibusdam articuUs additionalibus traditae fuerunt. Post ¦qua? idem Dominus Odouardus Excusator in pleno consistorio, in praesentia procuratoris partis adversa?, tam articulos primo loco quam etiam additionales postea datos, per Sanctitatem Vestram admitti petiit ; et eadem Sanctitas Vestra, ad ipsius petitionem hujusmodi, eosdem si, et prout de Jure per decre tum admisit. Quod autem persona dicti Domini Odouardi sit legittima, ultra ilia qua? prius aUegata fuerunt, apparet ex litteris Regiis Sanctitati Vestrae per eundem Excusatorem novissime exhibitis, ex quibus clare constat eundem Dominum Odouardum pro legittimo Excusatore debere admitti ; prout clarius ostendetur ex his quae sequuntur. [C]Ertum est quod mandatum legittimum concluditur quum tria, videlicet Solemnitas Materialis, Probatoria et Substanti- alis concurrunt. Sed ista tria concurrunt in praesenti casu. Merito etc. Materialis solemnitas deprehenditur ex litteris Regiis prae dictis ; et procuratorem posse per illas constitui non dubitatur ; THE REFORMATION. 269 ut noto in Clementina prima, de procuratoribus et 1. Si pro curatorem absentem et 1. pa § eodem. [P]Robatoria vero elicitur ex appositione Si[gil]li authen- tici Regii praedictis litteris; ut est decisio Bar., Bal., et Pan. fob 195. de Castro, [in] dicto 1. Si procuratorem, et Bal. in 1. Exemplo de probat. Hosty. et Doct. in c° p° de procu., Rota? decisione cxvj in novis ; Praesertim cum subscriptione manus dicti Illus trissimi Regis qua? habetur in dictis litteris, et sola per se suf- ficeret; juxta notata Bar. in 1. Quos dotis in fi. § soluto matri monio et ejusdem Bar. in 1. Sicut, § Non videtur ff. Qui. mo. pi. vel hypo. sol. Substantialis autem colligitur manifest*), ratione ; nam quando actus celebratur per aliquem, praecedente ipsius voluntate, cujus utilitatem ipse actus respicit, ipsa voluntas inducit sub- stantiale mandatum. Theorica est tradita per Dig. et alios' modernos in 1. Post dotem in 6a lecta § soluto matrimonio. Iste autem actus excusatorius celebratur per Dominum Odouar- dum, praecedente voluntate Regis declarata per ipsius literas, praesertim in ea parte dum dicitur, Nos interim quod unum possumus etc. Et ipsius regis utilitatem ipse actus respicit. Merito concluditur personam dicti Excusatoris esse sufficienter legittimatam. Responsio ad objecta, [P]Rimum, non obstat quod ex adverso dicebatur, videlicet, litteras privatas non inducere mandatum, nisi sint approbata? a parte adversa per not. Bar. in praeallegata 1. Si procuratorem. [Q]uia respondetur hoc esse verum, Si litterae essent omnino privatae, nee approbarentur testibus, aut aUo aequipollenti ; hie autem Littera? Regiae sunt approbata?, licet non testibus, at saltern alio aequipollenti, Testibus videlicet sigillo authentico Regio, ut dicunt Doc. et Rot. supra allati. Merito ergo. [S'jecundo, non obstat dum dicitur quod sigillum Regium fidem facit inter subditos tantum, et non inter alios qui non sunt fob 196. subditi ; per not. Imo. in Clementina primi de procuratoribus. Quia respondetur quod Imol. hoc non dicit in dicta Cle mentina. Nee quisquam alius, et prseterea haec ymaginata opinio confunditur, per Hostyensem, Rotam et alios supra allegatos. Tertjo, non obstat dum dicitur qued sigillum Regium nen 270 RECORDS OF inducit probationem, nisi ostendat[ur] quod fuerit appositum de ejus voluntate. Quia respondetur non esse hoc verum; nam Sigillum Re gium, quale est hoc de quo agitur, praesumitur appositum ex Regis voluntate; ut est decisio Bar. et Pan. de Castro in dicta 1. Si procuratorem et aliorum in dicta Clementina prima. Et praeterea ipsius Regis voluntas clarissime deprehenditur ex subscriptione dictarum litterarum facta manu Regia per notata Bar. in dicta 1. Sicut § Non noster, et eo maxime quod tam sigillum quam subscriptio hujusmodi sunt satis nota tam Sanctitati Vestrae quam Reverendissimis Dominis Cardinalibus. Quarto, non obstat dum dicitur quod litterae Regia? novissime producta? habent relationem ad litteras Regias priores, et lit- tera? Regia? priores habebant voluntatem limitatam,. videlicet quod Excusator ageret nomine suo et non nomine Regis. Me rito ergo. Quia respondetur quod hoc est falsum. Nam constat ex dictis litteris novissimis, quod Rex simpliciter instat quod Do minus Odouardus admittatur pro legittimo Excusatore. Quinto, non obstat dum dicitur quod Excusator non aliter debet admitti quam si habeat mandatum speciale jurandi de calumnia in animam Domini per decisionem Rotae 1. xxxij. de procuratoribus, in Antiquis. Tale autem mandatum Excusator dicitur non habere. Merito ergo. Quia respondetur quod dicta decisio loquitur, quum alle- gatur causa absentee occulta; secus in causa, absentia? non occulta sed notoria. Cujusmodi est in praesenti casu. Sexto, non obstat dum dicitur quod Excusator, [qu]ia non fol. 197. habet mandatum ad totam causam non est admittendus per decisionem Rota? X de dolo et contumaciam in antiquis. Quia respondetur quod dicta decisio non habet locum in gravibus causis ; prout plenius dicebatur in Justificatoriis con- clusionis vigesima? quartae. Et quantum ad articulos veteres, quod sint Juridici et Rele- vantes, patet ex informationibus alias datis Sanctitati.Vestra? et Reverendissimis Dominis Cardinalibus. Et quantum ad ar ticulos additionales, Justificatio illorum colligitur ex notatis Alex., et aliorum in 1. Divortio § soluto matrimonio et Jason. et aliorum in 1. 1 1» § quod transactis. THE REFORMATION. 271 Number CCLXXX. Original letter to the King from Came and Boner from Rome, informing him of the state of affairs up to the date of writing, June 27, 1532. Romae, 27 June, 1532. Vitell. B. xiii. PLEASETH it your highness, this is to advertise the ° "x> same [that since] our last letters of the 15th45 of this present we caused the [emperor's] ambassador, being the queen's proctor, to be cited ad p[roximum] consistorium, which was the 19th of this, to say against [the former] articles and also the additionals, and to see them to be admi [tted] according to the tenor of the same, which your highness [with these] shall receive. And the said 19th day we repaired to the [Con- sisto]rie. Where came all the emperor's ambassadors, with the q[ueen's proctor and] counsel, wholly trusting to have had a fair day upon us, a . immediately after that the Pope had commanded as . . . we went and kneeled before the Pope and Cardinals ; and there[upon I] Edward Kerne did declare the effect of the citation ex[ecuted] and certified ; asking, in the presence of the queen's proc[tor and counsel], that his holiness would admit as weU the articles that [were at the] first laid in, as also the additionals that were after wards laid] ; and his holiness incontinently said these words following: [Nos] admittimus si, et prout de Jure. Which thing as that d . . . prater expectationem et ad mirabilem animorum nostrorum . . Then the queen's advocate began to allege that I, Edw[ard] Karne, ought not to be heard, quia non habui personam legitt[imam], and also quod articuli non erant relevantes ; desiring his ho[Uness] therefore that I should be rejected una cum articulis, especially] because your highness was not cited to appear persona[liter], but other by yourself other by 45 This letter has been printed in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 372. 272 RECORDS OF your proctor. Whereun[to I] made answer and said, First, that the said advocate spoke [against] the Pope's decree given in that behalf; and further that it w[as] not enough to say that I had not personam legittimam, or that [the] articles were not relevant, unless he could prove the sa[me] by law or reason; and as concerning the legittimation of [my] person, and the matters to be relevant, I referred me to such [other] informations as we divers times had made, and laid in. And as touching the alternative citation of your highness to appear by yourself or else by your proctor, I said that in law there is no diversity between such citation alternative and a single citation made simpliciter ; for in such single tit[ation fol. 199 b. men do] understand, tho' it be not expressed, this clause per le vel per procuratorem, [as I] said, his holiness might more fully perceive in our informations [upo]n the 12th conclusion. And this done, I desired his holiness to command [that] the said decree might be inacted, and his holiness commanded [the] Datary to do the same. Whereupon we departed, as glad as any [m]en living; and the Imperials departed, as heavily and sadly, [in]somuch that they went altogether in counsel, and after the Consistory was done, having with them Cardinal Osma, they [w]ent all to the Pope und voce cla- mantes for the decree that [w]as given against them, which they made their account should [h]ave been given with them surely. And then they handled the [P]ope after such sort, that they would needs be heard openly [ag]ain in the Con sistory ; the admission and decree notwithstanding. [Wh]ereupon the Pope wiUed the Datary to intimate unto me [Ed] ward Karne that I should be ready in the next Con sistory [on] the 21 of this, with your highness' learned council to [in] forme upon the last letters exhibited, sent unto the Pope's holiness [fro]m your highness of the date of the last of46 February — [and] Uke wise upon the matters laid in, as well the first as also the [add]itionals, of which intimation we have sent a copy herewith [unt]o your highness. And when the Datary was come from the [Po]pe, we repaired to the said Datary, to see that the forsaid [decre]e of the Pope should be enacted. 46 Printed in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 350. THE REFORMATION. 273 At what time, the said Datary [in]timated unto me, Edward Karne, the Pope's pleasure touching [the] information tq be made unto his holiness and unto the Cardinals, I desired him to remember to enact my petition in the Consistory, and the Pope's decree, declaring unto him again, as well my peti tion as the said decree ; and he promised that he would surely do the same ; excusing at that time, that he had no leisure, and willing me to resort the morning after, at what time he said I should have the same ; and so, departing from thence, we went to your highness' counsel learned to put them in readiness against the Consistory following. In the said morn ing the Datary sent to me Edward Kerne that in all haste possible I should send unto him the intimation which afore he had sent to me in writing. I sent him word that I would not send it, but that I would come and speak with him myself. And so I did, asking him a copy of the acts done in the said fob 200. C[onsistory] ; and the said Datary at the same time demanded of me the [intimation] that he did send for ; and I told him I had it not, but lost it with [your] highness' ambassadors, asking of him- for what purpose, he [wanted] it so much ; to the which he answered that he would have [it to] make the Acts thereby ; and then I said that the said intimation was no part of the Acts of the decree given by the Pope ; and when he said he would needs have it, I told him he sh[ould] have a copy of it, whereby, for the purpose to work the Ac[t], he might be as well informed as by the original; and as f[or] the said original I told him I would not deliver, suspecting not a little that the said Datary would alter some thing in [the] same, concerning the foresaid decree, which in very deed [I] perceived after he went about ; for at my coming according] to his assignment, to see the Act made, the said Data[ry] had written that the Pope's holiness had only admitted the articles additionals ; when indeed there was no such doing, but only (as is above) Nos admittimus, si et prout de Jure, my petition being both for the first articles given and also for the last, according to the tenor of the citation, which petition is not denied but it was so made. Afterwards your highness' ambassadors were herein with the Datary [very] sharp ; and he answered that the Pope in his said decree [meaned it] of the additionals, and that we VOL. II. T 274 RECORDS OF intended to deceive the Pope in making petition for the ad mission of the first and [additional] articles. And albeit that he thereunto was answered that he could not tell what to say, yet nevertheless he would not otherwise make the Act. Where upon your highness' ambassadors] went to the Pope, which did not deny but the decree was given as we said ; but what he meaned by it, he referred him to Cardinal Anchona ; and at their coming to the said Cardinal, he said that the Pope's intent was, to admit the articles additional, and not to ,meddle with the other laid in before, but the same to remain in sus* penso, nother to be taken pro rejectis, neque pro admissis, so that we should take no prejudice touching the old articles, and fob 200 b. yet the new should be ad[mitted. The sai]d admission is here heavily taken by the Imperials, who [make a] great suit to have me, Edward Karne, [gwasi] non legittimam personam rejected, and likewise the said articles, forasmuch as the same were admitted but si, et prout de Jure. Our trust is they shall miss of their purpose herein. [On]- the 21 of this present, we being in the Consistory openly with your highness' learned counsel in readiness, being also there all the Imperials, with the queen's agents, the queen's advocate began to impugn your highness' said letters last exhibited, to whom answer was made by your highness' advocates with justification of the letters ; the copy of which answer and brief justification we do send herewith to your highness, which, as far as we could judge, was to the contenta.- tion of the hearers. What was further done that day, (the Con sistory being shut) your highness shall perceive by Mr. Benett his letter. But as concerning the articles the queen's counsel did not meddle, but only made one interrogatory captious, which was, — If the [fir]st articles contained impedimentum perpetuum, whether the additionals ought to be admitted. Whereunto answer was made that if they could shew where upon in law they grounded any perpetuity in the said first articles, whereby your highness should be compelled to send a proctor, then we would make them answer unto their inter rogatory. And thereupon in great choler they departed out of the Consistory. The 22 of this present the Pope commanded the Datary to [se]nd an intimation unto me, Edward Karne, that I should THE REFORMATION. 275 briefly [re]duce in writing what was said by us and your high ness' learned counsel in the Consistory next afore, viz. the 2 1 of this, and bring it to his holiness and also to all the Cardi nals ; which we reduced in writing by the advice of your high ness' learned counsel, and did so deliver ; the copy whereof, with the intimation for the same we do now send herewith unto your grace. The 26'y of this there was a Consistory kept, but nothing was done in the same concerning this matter. Other things we have not to write to your highness at this time. And thus most humbly we commend us unto the same, beseeching Almighty God to conserve your said highness in your most noble and royal estate many years. From Rome the 27th day of June, 1532. By your highness' most humble subjects [and poor] servants, [Edwaed Kaune. Edmond Bonee.] [To the King's Highness.] T 2 276 RECORDS OF Number CCLXXXI. Original letter from Ghinucci, Benet, and Sir Gregory Cas sali, giving an account of the proceedings up to the date of June 27, 1532. vitell. SERENISSIME et invictissime Domine noster supreme, foi.X2oi. salutem. [Scripsimus] ad Majestatem Vestram literas, quemadmodum Dominus Excusator [in suis literis] uberius explicabit ; adver saries citari fecimus, ad vide[ndum omnes in] concistorio articulos tam veteres quam novos admitti, [juxta tenorem] citationis, cujus exemplum videbit Majestas Vestra. Quo [facto, quum] Pontificem adiissemus, nos redarguit, quod nimis exigu[um tempus] concessissemus adversariis; visusque est cum BurlS,, J[urisconsulto] sentire, qui asseruit novos articulos non esse admitt[endos omnino] quod primoribus forent*contrarii, et in hanc opini[onem etiam] conscripsit, quae Datarius Domino Hieronymo Previdel[lo legenda] exhibuit. Sed nihilominus, quum primum concis[torium] . . . . fuit, Dominus Excusa tor instanter petiit, articulos i[stos omnes,] tum primos tum no- vissimos, admitti. At Po[ntifex,] expectans quod adversarii ali quid dicerent, res[pondit ha?c] verba, Admittimus si, et prout de Jure. Quae res qu[um nobis] placuit, sic adversariis dis- plicuit. Qui conquesti sunt [multum, de] Pontificis responso, dicentes, se ab Auditore Rotae [certiores factos] nequaquam fob 201 b. ipsis ita contrarium fuisse futur[um responsum; quo fac]to, nimis magnum praejudicium Reginae fieri, quia ex ore [P]on- tificis emanaverit. Pontifex vero voluit ut singuli cardinales exempla literarum mandati Excusatoris et articulorum habe- rent, et super illis in sequenti concistorio omnes simul doce- rentur, informarenturque. Quod nos, quantum potuimus, fieri [op]ortere negavimus, de angustiis temporis conquerentes. Quum in [co]ncistorio, ob disputantium contentiones, vix fieri posset ut brevi [ju]ra nostra, quae tamen pro certissimis et probatissimis haberemus, [po]ssemus explicare; ostendentes THE REFORMATION. 277 non minus nos hujus causae [ex]peditionem dcsiderare, sed illud tantum timere ne non [pos]semus nostra satis aperire et de- monstare. Frustra autem [es]t hie omnis noster conatus. Ve- nimus igitur, quum tempus [fu]it, in concistorium. Anconi- tanus quoque a Pontifice accitus [ve]nit. Cujus adventus quum, data opera, contra nos constitutus [v]ideretur, aliquot cardinales de eo nos submonuerunt. [D]isputatum deinde fuit, quemadmodum ex literis Domini Excusatoris, [ac] etiam D. Benetti Majestas Vestra cognoscet. Quamvis autem de [A]nconitani adventu timuissemus, nihilomi- fol. 203. nus, ex eo quod postea colligere potuimus, clauso concistorio, mod[us inventus est] ut potius nobis favorabilis quam contra- rius extite[rit] ... . etiam Cardinalis verba aliqua super Pontificis .... illud non improbantis, et Anconitani sen tentiam ... ad literas mandati pertinet ita decreverunt, qui et textus per nostros et per adversarios alle- g[atus] quo utraque pars dixisset scriptis mandari, quo u . . . . . conferendo elici posset. At Pontifex inter loque[ndum apud] Concistorium, nobis dixerat se putare literas vim [habere]. Quod etiam nonnulli Cardinales nobis dixe- rant, [unde nos] sperare coepimus. Sed quum exempla seu cop[ias fieri] omnium novissimorum actorum peteremns, et prae [aliis] illius a Pontifice facti, et ad hoc instaremus, [negatum] illud nobis fuit ; nolunt enim ita simpliciter ut fa dare, asserentes mentem Sanctissimi Domini fuisse admittere articulos ultimo loco datos, et de iis tantum [pronuntiatum] fuisse. Et quamvis nos omni ope, tum a Pontifi[ce, tum a] Cardinalibus Anconitano et Monte, contenderimus, responsum [d]ari simpliciter, illud tamen obtinere non potuimus. Di- fob 202 b. cuntque . . . rgi oportere bona, fide et syncere, et existimare Pontificem de articulis modo ultimo loco datis sensisse. An- conitanus etiam illud addidit, quod ne ex verbis Pontificis ad- mittentis novos articulos, priores articuli excludi videantur, persuasum [si]bi esset, posse a Pontifice impetrari ut respon sum his verbis [mu]taretur. Admittimus novos articulos si, et prout de Jure [absque] rejectione aliorum articulorum alias datorum. Haec ferme sunt quae de causa Regiae Majestatis Vestrae dicenda habebamus ; [n]ee illud est omittendum, quod quum nuper Pontificem [ad]ivissemus, quo aliquid ex eo circa causam 278 RECORDS OF intelligeremus, [in]terrogaremusque num vellet nos quicquam ad Majestatem Vestram [sc]ribere, Pontifex nos rogavit ut Christianam Rempublicam suo nomine Majestati Vestrae com- mendaremus. Quod nos facturos polliciti sumus, quamvis sciremus eam satis Majestati Vestrae commendatam esse. Post haec subjunxit, sibi fuisse significatum, Reginam fuisse [pu]lsam ex More, loco per tempus aestivum commodo, ad fob 203. quandam Domini Linconiensis domum, quum per hieme[m in] humido manserit, et nunc quum habitatio ilia com[modior] foret, alio migrare coactam. Nos autem respondimus, una, [voce negantes]. Enimvero ut quicquid novi habemus non sileamus, superiore Concistorio Cardinalem Medices, qu[i] . ... momenti est, Legatum fuisse creatum, ut in ad expeditionem contra Turcam proficiscatur, P[ontifex apud] Concistorium decrevit, ut Clerus Italia? dimidiu[m omnium] reddituum conferat ad expeditionem contra Tur[cam]. [Con- stituti sunt cardinales quorum arbitrio quid persolvere vol . relinquitur, clamantibus certe et aegre ferentibus [omnibus] Italia? cleri ordinibus, non tamen Venetorum Do- m [inii] . Nam Veneti, ne Turca dicere possit, suos hostes y . adjutos, subditos suos, qui ecclesiasticis bonis fruun[tur vetue- runt] quicquam persolvere. De Turcis quidem nunc [multo plura] quam antea afferuntur. Postremis literis quas orat[or Caesaris] habet, confirmatur Turcarum principem, Sophiam fob 203 b. [duorum di]erum itinere, praeteriisse, Nisamque pervenisse, quod oppidum [eo] loci situm est ut Constantinopoli veni- entes viam habeant et in Italiam transgrediendi et in Hun garian! introeundi. Affirmant etiam velle ibi audire oratores Regis Ferdinandi. De exercitu autem Caesaris multa feruntur futura; sed nihil adhuc in campo est, praeter decern milia peditum, qua? Ferdi- nandus ejus frater jamdiu in Hungariae finibus continet. Ipse Caesar, ob morbum quem in crure habet, ad aquas balneorum salubres se contulerat. Marchioni Vasti mandatum fuit ut, circiter finem hujus mensis, ex Lombardia cum exercitu His- pano moveat, simulque delectum habeat. Interim Hispani populos, apud quos stativa habuerunt, quantum possunt exhau- riunt. Romae quoque nonnulli Hispani pedites conscribun[t]. THE REFORMATION. 279 Quos ad tuenda loca maritima mittont. De classe vero Turcarum Constantinopoli literse die 25 et 27 Mensis Maii data? habentur; quae significant Classis partem Methonem versus missam fuisse, et alteram partem nondum Constantinopoli solvisse. Nee aliud qu[icquam] novi mentione dignum habo- mus. Optime igitur valeat Vestra [Majestas]. Dat. Romae Die 27 Junii M.D.XXX[I1]. Vestrae Regiae Majestatis humillimi servi, Hie. Wigoeniensis. W. Benet. Geegobius Casalius. Endorsed — Serenissimo et Invictissimo Angliae et Franciae Regi illustri, Fidei defensori, Hiberniae domino etc., Domino nostro supremo. 280 RECORDS OF Number CCLXXXII. Copy of the resolution of the Consistory of July 8 th, 1532. Copia actorum super decreto resqlutionis consistorii, ut prcetenditur. Record DIE Lunae, octava. Julii fuit consistorium, in quo (referente. reverendissimo Cardinali Cesarinis, agente pro reverendis simo domino Vicecancellario) factum fuit infra-scriptum decre tum. viz. Sanctissimus Dominus noster, una cum consiUo Reverendis- simorum Dominorum, sanctae Romana? ecclesiae CardinaUum, discussis mature exceptionibus et allegationibus hinc inde datis, conclusit expectandum esse iUustrissimum regem Anglia? pro mense Octobris proxime sequente, ad hoc ut producat man- datum in causa, principali. Alioquin, lapso dicto termino, pro- cedetur prout justitia suadebit. Endorsed in the same Italian hand — Copia actorum super resolutione Consistorii. Also in an English hand — An Act giving a day of appearance to answer in causa principali. THE REFORMATION. 281 Number CCLXXXIII. Corrected draft of a letter from the king to Foxe and Bryan, his ambassadors in France; sent July 10, 1532. TRUSTY and right well-beloved, we greet you weU ; let- Brit. Mus. ting you wit that, sending this courier to Rome with an Mgglt;' expedition to Rome, containing our desire in certain requests 25,114, to be made to the Pope for the speedy determination of our cause, we have thought good to send unto you herewith a copy of the said despatch, to the intent ye, ripening yourself in the same, might, conformably unto the same, labour and solicit with our dearest brother, the king, and his counsel, the effect of the same. Wherefore ye shall understand how in our said letters, which, desiring the advice and counsel of the French king, we write in cipher to Doctor Benet, our subject, be contained six several articles. The first is the declaration of the injuries by the Pope done unto us in citing us to Rome, and not admitting Kerne to allege such matter as served for our defence. Wherein ye have already spoken to the French king and his counsel there, who, as ye have written unto us, and specially the chancellor, do agree unto the same. The second is concerning the final decision and judgment to be given in our cause, wherein we make five degrees, as ye shall perceive in our said letters, with reasons and persuasions to induce the Pope to condescend unto the same ; according whereunto our pleasure is, ye make overture to, our dearest brother and the chancellor, and so to procure their letters to their ambassadors at Rome, to set forth the same with the Pope, and thereupon you to give advertisement thereof to our ambassadors there accordingly : foreseeing always that ye dis close nothing there, either of any promise to be made by the Pope in writing, as is contained in the first degree, ne of money to be offered unto him by us. The third article is concerning the marriage between the Duke of Orleans and the Pope's niece, wherein, as ye may 282 RECORDS OF perceive in our said letters, we advertise Doctor Benet, he speak nothing concerning that matter, but upon advertisement from you of the French king's good contentment in that be half. Wherefore our pleasure is that, as we willed our secre tary to write unto you, first ye do the best ye can to know in what terms that marriage is, and thereupon shewing to the French king what we intended to set forth for the conducing of that matter, to know how he liketh the same, and thereupon you to write to Dr. Benet, as in our said letters to him is specified ye should do, to the intent he may make overture, or forbear to speak thereof, according to our instructions in that behalf. The fourth is concerning the changing of the Pope's am bassador, wherein ye have nothing to say there, but as occasion shall serve to say he is a Sicilian and one who is all addicte to the emperor. The fifth is touching the promise of the Pope, written by you of the French king's mouth, that he will never give sen tence against us ; which matter our pleasure is ye speak of there in such wise as ye think it may do good and no hurt. The sixth is, to let the intended meeting between the Pope and the emperor, whereof is a great brute in Flanders : wherein our pleasure is, ye attempt to ensearch if any knowledge be thereof in that court, and how our good brother and his counsel take that matter : with whom our pleasure is, ye utterly persuade, by some practises, to interrupt the said meeting, as whereof shall ensue the emperor's estimation, with commodity there to practise such things with the princes of Italy as may hinder the execution of that which might here after confer to the French king's benefit, his heirs and suc cessors. And for letting of the said meeting, it seemeth us the practise of this marriage renewed, and some abbey con ferred to the Cardinal de Medicis, with an overture of a mar riage for Duke Alexander, so as the Pope might perceive a desire to entertain his holiness' family, these matters, with motion of a meeting at Avignon, might facylly work a dis appointment of such meeting between the emporor and the Pope, be it already never so earnestly intended, as we cannot think it is. THE REFORMATION. 283 Number CCLXXXIV. Original letter from the King to Ghinucci, Benet, and Sir Gregory Cassali, directing them how to proceed during the vacation; written July 10, 1532. HENRY R. Kecord Office. Reverende in Christo pater et alii oratores nostri, nobis quamplurimum dilecti, Salutem. Ad ultimas vestras Utteras datas 7 Junii hactenus respondere distulimus; quod interim e Gallia expectavimus Jurisconsul- • torum diffinitiones, quas ad vos exemplificatas cum praesentibus mittimus de injuriis nobis a Pontifice illatis, dum nos Romam citacionibus e Regno evocare conaretur ; denique doctorem Kerne quod juris -et aequitatis erat allegantem non audiret. In quam sententiam non modo Galli, sed et nostri quoque fere omnes, consentiunt, non posse viz. Pontificem nos Romam tra- here atque injuriam fecisse, dum id moliretur ; porro Doctorem Kerne, justam nostram absentiam defendentem, audire debu- isse, ideoque processum omnem factum irritum, nullum, cassum et inanem esse, nee ullis viribus subsistere. Quamobrem, cum ea res tam clara, manifesta et aperta sit, ut unam omnium quotquot desuper consulti fuerunt sententiam facile meruerit, opera? precium nos facturos arbitrati sumus, si earn publica fide testatam ad vos mitteremus. Nimirum volumus ut in Academiis Italiae, -et a doctissirnis quibusque viris eandem probari et confirmari curetis ; id quod nihil dubi tamus eos sine difficultate facturos, quum jure tam aperto et indubitato nitatur. Praeterea vero Pontifici et Cardinalibus et aliis ostendatis, ut videant et intelligant injurias nostras quae cum tam graves et aperta? sunt, minus mirabuntur regium animum illas et aegre tulisse et a nobis quoad licuit propul- sasse. De Pontifice ipso non omnino desperaremus, si illorum consiliis duceretur, qui non qua? sua sunt qusererent sed quae Reipublicae Christiana?, viz. quae justitiae sunt et aequitatis. Nobis fortasse animo bene vellet Pontifex, et est cur optime 284 RECORDS OF velle debeat. Ceterum errore labitur quem parit ignorancia. A suis vero seducitur, quibus se credit ducendum. Itaque ut viam veritatis intelligat, in quam melius est de medio itinere recurrere quam semper currere male, rogamus ut non modo quae nunc scripta mittimus, sed etiam quae antehac impretrata sunt, et item illos doctissimos, quorum in nostrum favorem sententias isthic obtinuistis, et in hiis, si fieri potest, Deciura Senensem et alips qui Roma? versantur, Pontifici exhiberi pro curers, viz. ut qua? in aliorum scriptis ad justiciam causa? nostra? illustrandam oculis legit, ipsis etiam eadem ore profi- tentibus, auribus hauriat. Multam denique habet energiam vox una dicentis et ad persuadendum plurimum momenti. Quod si hii doctores bona fide cum Pontifice agent, et ilium de causae nostras justitia vehementer commonefacient, fieri non "potest quin ad eorum dicta animum flectat Pontificis, praeser tim in praesenti rerum statu, in quo amicorum copiam magno usui sedi Apostolicse futuram cernimus, si unquam alias. Hae feriae, quae nunc imminent, liberiorem negociandi facul- tatem praestabunt, ut cum Pontifice agatur, non modo de cor- rigendis injuriis, sed etiam administranda omni cum celeritate justitia. Non quod ab eo nos quicquam petere vellemus, neque petemus, sed ut, cognita veritate, resipiscat ipse, et ad- moto nunc lumine, eo pergat quo ducit justicia cum aequitate. Qua, in re, ea nos modestia, uti vellemus, ut non existimet Pon tifex, nostram, ob illatas injurias, amititiam ita sauciam et vul- neratam esse quin tempori possit etiam mederi ipse et cica- tricem obducere, siquidem velit. Atque adeo libenter intel- leximus ilium, ut nobis gratificaret in injuriis modum fecisse, et aliquot menses abstinere decrevisse, ac suum qualemcunque processum suspendere. Ex Flandria, intelleximus Caesarem parare iter in Ger- maniam, ibique decrevisse de fidei negotio cum principibus Germanise tractare, atque cum illis componere quod est con- traversum. Quum autem in hoc primam et praecipuam honoris existimacionisque suae rationem habiturum eum verisimilius est, facile apparet eum principibus concessurum quod, salva, orthodoxa fidei persuasione, potest permitti. Itaque quum principes in eo praecipue contendant, ut ecclesiasticas posses sions liberas habeant, in usus prophanos et a lai'cis possidendas, quod etiam ejusmodi est ut, cum fidei nostra? fundamentis non THE REFORMATION. 285 repugnet, nullam haud dubie in hoc faciet difficultatem Caesar, nee ecclesiae non necessarias divitias quieti et tranquillitati tocius Germaniae praeponet. Ceterum in hoc si illis cesserit, quale aliis exemplum prae- bebit, in aperto est prospicere. Quamobrem de eo multum miramur, quod simul etiam ex Flandria, accepimus, Pontificem de conventu in Italia cum Caesare constituisse ut post expedita in Germania Bietam alicubi colloquantur. Nihil magis sus- pectum Pontifici esse debet quam novus in Germania conventus, in quo haud dubie Pontifici et ecclesiae plurimum decedet et auctoritatis et possessionum. Et quae tandem satis movere potest Pontificem, ut cum eo privatim con venire constituat, et illi se credere in mutuo colloquio, qui, causa ipsius jam antea . composite ex usu et commodo suo, ilium deinde ut libet possit tractare. Illud vero destinatum colloquium, si quod est hujus modi, nobis haud placet, non nostra sed Pontificis causa ; cui, si quidem nobis bene velit, vicissim etiam non male cupivimus, nee ilium vellemus ita frustratum hac in re ut in causa, Ferrari- ensi accidisse conquestus est, ut quidem ab aliis certo didici- mus. Itaque vos omnibus modis conabimini hujusmodi collo quium, hiis et aliis rationibus quibuscumque poteritis, impe- dire. Bene valete. Apud Castrum nostrum Wynsore, nostro sub signeto decimo die JuUi. Endorsed — Reverendo in Christo patri et Domino Hieronimo episcopo Wigorniensi, Magistro Willielmo Benet, juris utriusque doctori, Magnifico Domino Gregorio de Cassalis equiti aurato, dilectis Consiliariis nostris, et apud Sanc tissimum Dominum Nostrum oratoribus. 286 RECORDS OF Number COLXXXV. Abstract qf the contents qf the letter which it was intended the French King should write to the Pope in favour of the King; sent with the preceding letter of July 10, 153*- Eecord Articnli. Office. LITTERAE Christianissimi Regis ad S. Pontificem et oratores suos apud eundem in quibus, modis omnibus contendet ab eo, Peimum, ut velit allegationes omnes nomine excusatorio in causa, Serenissimi Regis per Dominum Kerne propositas ad- mittere; necnon appellationibus per eundem interpositis de ferre, atque ita ab omni ulteriori processu cessare atque desistere. Secundo, si contingat Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem aut alium Regni Angliae Metropolitanum dicta? causae cognitionem ad se vocare, et in ea procedere, quod S. Pontifex velit conni- vere et tacere, nee ullas inhibitiones aut revocationes emittere, aut ulla, omnino ratione impedire quominus dictus Metropoli- tanus possit eam causam per suam sententiam diffinitivam fina- liter determinare et deeidere. Teecio, ut velit dare unam commissionem juxta formam epistolarum decretalium, in qua, ipse Pontifex pronunciet ac sentenciam ferat de jure, facti autem quaestionem examini- nandam et inquirendam committat soli Archiepiscopo Cantuari- ensi aut certe adjungendo sibi unum aut duos Abbates Regni Angliae. THE REFORMATION. 287 Number CCLXXXVI. Fragment of John Cassali' s defence of his conduct, written some time in 1532. [E]T precor Dominationis Vestrae interrogare Reverendum Vitell. :iii. 232. dominum Episcopum Londoniensem [pra?st]ito, ut diximus, foj x' ' juramento, quo pacto et Bononiae et Venetiis a me et fratribus [meis] negotia regia et gesta et tractata fuerint, et num omnes et quoscunque [theo]logos, doctores, Hebraeos et Graecos illarum regionum, et denique totum id [quod] pro Regia causa desiderare potuit, opera, nostra habuerit. Et num [a co]llegio Theologorum Bononiensium ea omnia habuerit quae ipsi oppor tuna [et nec]essaria judicavit. Idcirco interrogetur etiam qua, de causa Crocus [Bono]niae eadem tractabat, quae jam a nobis obtenta et expedita fuerant. [Interrog]entur Doctores Karne et Bonar, quo me pacto gesserim Romae in [causa,] Regii, et num sint vera ea omnia qua? in scriptis meis ennarravi [me g]essisse pro dicta causa ; necnon ea quae dixi de statu meo, et injuriis [et g]ravami- nibus in me et fratres meos a Pontifice iUatis. [Et] interro- gentur iidem doctores una cum Reverendo Domino Wintoni- ensi, super malignitate et perfidia, illius fratris Francisci Georgii. Item quo modo intellexerunt Crocum negotia Regia tractasse. [Int]errogentur denique Idem Dominus Wintoniensis, Do minus Elemosinarius, Dominus Bryanus, [Doc]tor Kenit, ma- gister Roscellus, et ceteri omnes, quos nomina Vi, super his [quae] dixi me tractasse, temporibus quibus ipsi mecum et Romae et alibi fuerunt. 288 RECORDS OF Number CCLXXXVII. Ciphered despatch from Benet and Sir Gregory Cassali to the King, relating what had been done in the Consistory up to the date of July 15, i532- Report of the proceedings of the Consistory in the King's [case.] Vitell. SIR, B. xiii. fol. 212. Since our last letters of the [seven and twenty] of the last, the Imperials so handled [some] of the Cardinals that, not withstanding [they were] resolved utterly that your highness' letters e[xcusatory] for the admission of Master Kar[ne] were sufficient, they brought them in opinion [contr]arie, and that your letters imported not that; for they said they were not according [to the] stile of Mandates required, in that . . . they were sent purposely after that sor the Court here and in this opinion ... . diverse of such of the chief of the Rote . . . Cardinals had councilled with [them be] fore to take all such opinions and [fancies] out of their heads. Although the o[ld man was] always in opinion that the letters we[re suffi]cient, yet lest he should too much dis cover him]selfe, insisting upon them against [the Imperials], his advice was that were the excusatorye [and] other letters sent unto him whereby [the] Cardinals might be better in formed them after such sort as might hurt your highness in no wise, and that was this that . . . should re sort to the Pope and shew him if . letters fob 212 b. . • • whereby his conscience should be fully informed upon the letters and that your highness' will and command [excus]ator should excuse the same for certain privy causes comprised within the letters, they not be [ing pro-] hibited ; never the -less to informe his [ho] finesse' conscience he would see that clause that hath for that purpose extrajudici- aliter and lies : also that we should ascertain that THE REFORMATION. 289 it was your highness' pleasure that Master Karne should ex cuse, and so should inform the Pope his conscience, and [tha]t in no wise be prejudicial to your highness and for yd your highness' learned counsel here besides, and there accord ing we did, and thereby all [doubt]ys was taken away touching the abe[lin]g of the excusator. And Sir, as for the le[tters] with this clause, erit autem illud nobis gratissimum, if it had been shewed [to them], it should a caused both the Pope and the Cardinals to be in as great a doubt as they were on your highness' letters first exhibited; and so [the old man] should have been put in danger as concerning [the]ir resolution now made in the Consistory in your highness' cause, the same would fully understand by our common letter ; and the old man said that it is more [bene]ficial to your highness than if the last articles additionals had been admitted simpliciter .... f the impediments deduced in the same . ... by him should by any manner of means fob 213. cease before the [time] fixed in the resolution, thus your highness termes of the first matters excusa tory laid in, which in his opinion would not [be] admitted for many causes which be concurrent in your highness' cause, which ^.commonly in other not, as chiefly for this de interpretatione juris et potestatis Papce a Deo concessce the Pope and the Cardinals doth take it should be committed hence it should [be to the] dishonour and slander of this [see, where] the cause dependith now before the Consis tory; the commission of the [which] in every man's opinion to be they here for fear dare not or else for affection will not minister justice was never heretofore and s[ince] this resolution, "the decree of the [admission of the Articles si et prout [de jure] the which we wrote to your highness in our last letters [re- ma] yneth. And also the old matt[ers] excusatory standeth and remaineth [as] before ; and so to save all things in . the old man had much to do ; for the im perials] sought with all the favour that they ha[d, for] revocation of the decree and the rejection [of the] said Articles, in so much that oyd vehemently vol. n. u 290 RECORDS OF fob 213 b. in the Consistory it voted for the same, by whom it was [answ]eryd by Cardinal de Monte that vota . .... rum erunt contra eos. This notwithstanding, they began to vote ; and the first vote [was] given against the Articles; then the [old] man spake, and took him up openly that had [vot]yd, and said that he spake that thing which fully he did understand, so that thereby he spake further, but referred himself to that that he [said] to the old man, so that after great holde, the whole Consistory condescended to the resolution aforesaid ; and as touching the sending [of] the mandate, the old man saith and is in opinion that your highness should send the Mandate ad causam, supra fidem suam, and that your highness need not to fear the power [of] the Imperials here; for if he were here present, the old man saith he should not be able to compel [the Pope] to give sentence against your highness in your highness' great cause ; for it should not be in his power, by cause [of him] to do otherwise than justice, and saith also that your highness with your honour send a mandate, seeing the same is desired and [ex]hortyd by the Pope and the whole CoUege of [Cardi] nails; and if your highness wiU not send the said mandate s[oon, he] saith he would riot tail to foUow your highness' pleasure in that he hath advised ; but he saith it may be very hard [and well nigh] impossible to do it unless fob 214. that he [should appear to favour] your highness! cause more than he should do, so that hereby he should lose his repu tation], whereby he should not be able to serve your high ness' purpose [in] this matter, neither in the principal cause ; and also the long delay should be little for the service; that he could doo your highness most good [in, the] principal cause, and if he, befjng so] aged, should die before that your high ness come to the [cause, the] same should be frustrate of that help that [he could] do and shew in the same; and coming in his time he doth not mistrust to [bring your] purpose to pass, and this the old [man] willed we should write to your highness. And, Sir, as for th[e Car]dinals that be of the emperor's faction [they] hath done small help and rehef by th[eir conduct] toward some of them in this m[atter] . . . ethys and yet could shew no good cause why. And, Sir, because [the old man] seeth that, nothing yet THE REFORMATION. 291 is come [from] Fraunce, seeing that there c[omoth] hither expeditions for bishop [ricks] and abbacies from thence which are vaca[nt], now the same last week, besides these that of before came two or three to be expedited, feareth that finally he would be deluded and in great suspicion thereof in s . . . Sir Gregory both might and did .... in great pains about the old [man, to bri]ng them out of fob 214 b. the same suspicion ; and to [put] them in good mind towards your highness. Furthermore [I as]sure your highness that Cardinal de Monte hath done your highness r and high service in this matter ; and tho' he [is] not of that autho rity and estimation that the old man is of, yet his concurringe in [opini]on with the old man giveth a great [rep]utation to himself and to his opinion. [For] they two being joined to gether, it [will be] hard that anything should pass in the Consistory against them, and the Pope hath now taken in these matters to be his chief and [daijlye counsellors. If your highness, as we wrote [unto the] same in our last letters would promise [promotion in Fraunce, your highness should thereby have an [ol]d friend, and most beneficially to your highness, [according to your highness' commission writ ten [to us] heretofore, for the better entertaining [of whom] we have premised to him that your highness would so do. If4? your grace would write your letters of thanks to [the Cardina]ls de Monte, Trane, Sanseverine, and Grimmane [and Caesa]riane, your highness shall thereby entertain them [the] better, and encourage them the better to favour [your] highness' cause, which hitherto have done like [sincere] friends. Sir*8, the old man and also the young do marvel [that] the quarter's rent doth not come. And thus most humbly [we commend] us to your highness. At Reme the 15 day [pf July, 153a]- Your highness' most subjects and servants, W. Benet. Geegoeius Casalius. Sealed and endorsed — [To the K]yng's hyghnes. 47 This passage is not in cypher. 4S Here the cipher begins again. u 2 292 RECORDS OF Number CCLXXXVIII. Original letter, in Game's hand, sent by Came and Boner to the King from Rome, July i$th, 1532, giving an account of what was done in the four Consistories held at the beginning of the month. Vitell. PLEASETH it your highness the same to [be adver- fol xiii- tised] that since our letters of the 27th of [the last month] to your highness, within eight days were [held four] Consis tories for the expedition of the mat[ters excusatory] that is to say, the first day, the third, t[he 5th], and the 8th of this month. In the first [Consistory] was Cardinale Anchona, without whom there [is nothing] done there in matters of law, as far [as we could] hear or perceive ; that Consistory was [employed] in debating of the matters excusatory, [as far as] we could conjecture; for we tarried there to t[he end], for to know what was done there; and [we heard] there was made an ordinance th[at none of] the Cardinals should disclose any thing th[at was] done there without the Pope's Ucense [sub pcena excom]municationis, omnis absolutio reser[vata nisi in] articulo mortis, and also sub aliis p[cenis] ... . . so that, the Consistory done, we could [not have any] knowledge of their doings there, that d[ay. To the] other Consistories, Cardinal Anchona cam[e not, but] only unto the last, where the resolutio[n was] made. And, Sir, at the importune suit [of the imperfjalls here made, as well to the Pope's holin[ess as] to many of the Cardi nals, it was persuaded [unto them] that your highness' letters sent to the Pope [did not] sufficiently abyll me, Edward Karne, [in alleging] the matters excusatory ; and such [as were of] [opini]on that the letters were sufficient, and could [not] be brought out of that opinion, they went [abo]ut to persuade that the articles additionals [in] no wise should be admitted ; for they were a , making this ground that THE REFORMATION. 293 though the said articles be temporal, yet seeing it is cer tain that] your highness (the impediments ceasing and ended) will not, nother may appear, they would not excuse your high ness from the sending [hither] a proctor ad causam. And herein many of the Cardinals staid very stiffly, and what was done for the habiliting of me, Edward Karne, by the advice of your learned counsel, how to take away all [impediments in that behalf, your highness shall perceive [clearly] by Mr. Benet and Sir Gregory's letter sent [unto] your highness apart. Farther, we went also to the Cardinals with your highness' learned counsel, to [res]olve them upon the said letters, and also [up] on the Articles, and shewed them plainly that [if they we] re resolved against our part, they were ill infor[m]ed ; and desired that such as had put that [o] pinion in their heads might come before, and shew their grounds, and that they should perceive that it was not of truth as they had said. And so divers of the Cardinals did call their the which were proved very ignorant in matter before them, and that they spake a[gainst] the common opinion ; so that we left them the day before the last Consistory or fob 206. about the letters or the articles we could perceive or know for wo .... from informing till the last Consis[tory] resolution followed, for this time yo[ur highness] shall perceive by your highness' ambassadors' letters] . The imperials here be sore displeased [that the Pope] did not revoke his decree of the ad [mission of the] articles si, et prout de jure. And, Sir, [immediately] after the last Con sistory, I, Edward Kar[ne, went with] your highness' ambas sadors to the Pope's [holiness] to know what the resolution of the Con[sistory was]. The Pope said that Cardinals de Monte [and Anchona] should shew what the resolution [was, and desired] for them to be there the next [morning ex ] pressly therefore. Nevertheless he s[aith that he is no] lawer; therefore he could make no a[nswer in the case] after the form of law; but said th[at it was] much in the favour of your highness' [cause] . . . gs, although standing as it did [he said that he and] the College should write to your highness [requesting] the same to be contented to send [a proctor ad] causam. 294 RECORDS OF Then your highness' ambassa[dors and] I began to com plain that, the m[atter being] so clear, and the Cardinals so well infor[med, they had] resolved that they were not ad mitted for we said it was not possible a matter ^ they being so well i[nformed] pass against fob 206 b. us ; then his holiness said [it is he] that doth complain, seeing that he staid in a good [strait] betwixt both parts, seeing that we do complain, [and] also the other part doth complain usque ad [si]dera. The next morning after, your highness' am[ba]ssadors and I went to the Pope's holiness, [th]ere being Cardinals de Monte and Anchona, when the [Pope] said that, seeing he as well in your high [ness' cause], as other matters of law always used [the]yr both councils, and that he had sent for [the]m thither at that time to shew his resolution], and the Consis tory's, in your highness' cause, there [fore] he desired them both so to do. Then Cardinal [de] Monte said that the Pope's holiness and the [Col]lege of Cardinals did shew themselves most beni[gn]ant and ready to proceed in your highness' cause; [according to justice and equity. And I, that your [high ness should not need to fear. And that as [concerning the matters excusatory, to avoid all contention, it seemed to the Pope's holiness and to [the C]onsistory, that the resolu tion should be that his [h]olynes and the College should write to your highness, as the same shall perceive by your high ness' ambassador's letters now sent. And said [fu]rther that your highness should have the same [in effec]t as though the cause were committed ad partes, [and] that the Pope in no wise would commit the hearing of the cause, quod tractatur fob 207. de interpretatione Juris divini el potestatis concesso? a Deo Papa, [and that the ad] mission should be only quoad cogni tionem [et examinatio]nem, and the cause being here then . . . . [Imperials send ad partes for the examination of] the cause, whereby your highness, he sa[id, should] have the same thing in effect tha[t you desired] ; and besides, this term now gra[nted] to deliver upon it. And said your [highness, send ing] a proxy ad causam, should undoubtedly [have no] cause to lament of this see. Then Cardinal [Anchona] said that the resolution was as [the Cardinal] de Monte had shewed, and THE REFORMATION. 295 said t[hat a]mongst them in the Consistory, the taking doubtful to take that alway best to the Pope's holynes and the Car[dinal] to the said resolution. And said th[at many other] things might be said in this m[atter, as that as your] highness misit excusato rem, sic potuit [mittere procu]ratorem ad causam. And fur ther sayd sion roiall is quod licet impeditus in . . . . . . se nisi mittat procuratorem ad causam di per contra dictas in pcenam contumacies said that timendum esset de calumnid. And if it were not that he [per ceived] your highness' principal cause is dou[btful] . . . and such that it cannot be deny [ed] your high ness is moved upon a just cause, so juste that it cannot be m doth, subterfugere hanc curiam omnino fob 207 b. calumniam diffiditis in justicia vestra causae, but rather tha[t there are] other pryvy causes that moveth your highness [at this time] not to come to the cause, which causes in time [may] cease. Wherefore he said the Pope's holiness with the [Consi] story is moved to this resolution. Then spake the [Pope]'s holynes, that according as my lords most [Rev]erend had said, that this see, which is [mo]st bounden to your majesty, would not fail your [high]nes in justice. And loyk what justice and equity would require of his part he would be most [ready] to the same, without any respect of any [man] living, and doubted not but the College [woul]d do the same; therefore it seemed to him and [to] the College most convenient to write to your [hig]h- ness for the proxy ad causam, according [to th]e resolution, and desired your highness' 49 or Cassa[li]s and me, Edward Karne, to write to your high [ness] for the same. To this your highness' am[bas]sadors answered, that as to write to your high [ness], according to his holiness' commandment, they [w]old be most ready. Nevertheless, they said, they [ha]d a great cause te complain; for this Resolution [mean]ed to include tacitam rejectionem et excusato [ris] et materiarum. And in so doing in so clear [a ca]use, they said that your highness had great [groun]d, that in that they could do no less than speak. 49 The word ambassadors seems to have been omitted by mistake. 296 RECORDS OF fol. 208. To this answered the [Pope that the] excusator, and the matters standing [in the same] state that they were in before the [Consistory], that the resolution is no other but [that your] highness trusting that the same at the of the Pope and the College of Car [dinalls] tyd to send a proxy ad causam ; [and he] said your highness hath no cause to [complain of] this resolution; for it is, they say, [alto gether in] favour of your highness then else a that the matters be not so clear a therein. And also the cause depending .... . . effect should result pf the should do if the cause were com [raitted ad partes]. Farther they said it should be . . an indifferent place besides this commit it unto ; wherefore they des[ire] your highness' ambassadors and m[e to write to] your highness for to come to the cause I said that glad I would be to wry[te to your high] ness for the proferment of your highness' [cause]. In this case I said I knew no good [reason] whereby I might persuade your high ness [that it] should be for the furtherance of your principal cause to] send a proxy ad causam hither. Per make so great difficulty in tbe [Consis]torye which fol. 208 b. here every learned man and the part adverse be so clear that all the [world] may wonder that they stay so much on the ad[missi]on of them simpliciter, and seeing they stay so much that it is to be supposed they will be more difficult] in the principal cause to serve your highness' [cause] according to justice. Nevertheless I said I would [gla]dly write their report to your highness. Also I [sai]d as concerning the effect that your highness should [have] by the Remissorials, the cause remaining I said that such effect was well perceived [by us] or any matter was laid in, but it is not [to the] same effect that is in tended to be had by [the] commission of the cause to an indif[fer]ent place; for we trust and do loyke for that, [that] the whole cause, etiam quoad decisionem, should be [com mitted upon such considerations as we have [alleg]ed, not withstanding quod tractaretur de [interpre]tatione Juris divini, aut potestatis Papa. And [Si]r my lord of Anchona said that the matters [were] THE REFORMATION. 297 doubtful. I said it might be that they took [th]em to be doubtful for some respects, not knowing [tha]t in law in every learned man's opinion [be] sides them and the part adverse, the matters be most clear and relevant. And where [that] his lordship most Reverend said that sicut [mi]sit excusatorem, sic mittere potuit procuratorem, I [said], that thereof followed not that your highness [was bound] to send a proctor. And as for the decision RotaU, that his lordship sh fol, 209. out of our case, viz. loci non tuti In which case there is another deci [sion] admit excu satorem. And where they sai[d that it] is hard to find a place indif ferent, [I answered] there be out of this court places ma[ny which are] indifferent for both parties, if the P[ope's holiness] would commit it. Then said my [lord of Ancho] na, though in causa gravi et ardud [allegans] locum non tutum, non [tenetur] mittere pro [curatorem] , fallit quod impedimentum allegatum [est perpetuum] and said that I could not shew [quod allegans] locum perpetuo non tutum, non teneat[ur mittere] procuratorem si locus sit tutus procurato[ri]. I said that his lordship most re[verend might] see it plainly decided upon the tum in F the § Cum vero, de Rescriptis he said the style here is that the [cause, if it] be advoked hither should not be com[mitted to] any, but in case no proctor be sent con- To that I said that the A[dmission was] si juris, and must be taken in the ca ys used, that ys, when there ys no Im [pediment] alleged why that it ought to be co[mmitted], when there is a just cause for that alleged as is causa justce absentia your highness was in, then the A[dmission] And what effect the process fol. 209 b. made per contradic [tas] should have in your highness' great cause, I said [his] lordship most reverend did best know, that would be in this case of no great force. Then [hy]s lordship said, that for to take away all this [doub]ts, the Pope's hohness and the Consistory was [m]ovyd to the foresaid resolution, and said that he came not thither to dispute the matters there, [but] for a conclusion, he desired your highness' [ambas sadors and me to write for the effect of the resolu[ti]on ; and 298 RECORDS OF so your highness' ambassadors and I departed [outv]otyd» And Sir, if our lives had lain upon [it], we could do no more than we did. And [now] most humbly we commend us to your highness, [be] seeching Almighty God to conserve the same in your most noble royal state, by infinite [merti] es. At Rome the 15th of JuUi 1532. Your highness' most humble subjects and poor servants Edwaed Kaene [Edmond Bonee] THE REFORMATION. 299 Number CCLXXXIX. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell, acknowledging the receipt of some money, and requesting his good offices with the Duke of Norfolk. MAGNIFICE et pbservandissime Demine, humiU com- Eecord mendatienepraemissa. ^ Ultimae quas ad te dedi fuerunt ex [Ratisbona] 16 Maii. f(>1- 2I9- Interim me contuli Viennam, et Norimbergam, ac plane de- creveram non amplius ad te scribere nisi intra nataUtium Jo. Baptistae, quemadmodum te ante praemonueram, aliquid aliud praeter verba recepissem. Recepi itaque tandem, cum jam omnia mea consumassem et amicos meos onerassem, nobilia quadraginta a Francisco Freschobaldo per Utteras colUbysticas, cambii vulgus vocat. Nam viginti nobilia pro quibusdam meis debitis solvendis retinuit. Qua de re tantas tibi ago gratias quantas debeo, immo quantas possum. Certus sum etenim me nunquam eas recepisse, nisi tua, benevolentia, opera, et favore adjutus fuissem ; quamvis tua procrastinatione me ferme usque ad extremum protrax- isti. Hoc igitur tibi soli acceptum reffero, hocque usque dum vivam memori pectore maximis et innumeris alns tuis erga me meritis semper accumulabo ; tametsi gratissimum et percom- modum mihi fuisset si etiam pensionem Di. Jo. proximo praeterrito mihi misisses. Nam ilia quadraginta nobilia jam con- sumpta erant, antequam venirent. Quare optime atque human- issime Thoma, si me quicquam amas, rumpe illam tuam solitam comperendinationem et mihi nunc de ills; pecunia subvenire non graveris rogo, ne semper egestate langueam ac continua expectatione consumar. Equidem vehementer doleo me vobis tantum esse oneri, sed necessitas me cogit. Quanto igitur melius esset vos mihi compensare pra?ben[da] mea, ut vester semper essem et dignitatis Vestra? ubique gentium tutor et ampUficator existerem, et quod mihi reliquum est aetatia vestro munere possem transigere. Ouare vir praestantissime, ut id cito perficias te majorem in modum oro atque etiam orp. Nee sis hac in re (ut mihi qui- 300 RECORDS OF dam communis amicus scribit qui te in eo regno propiorem ait primo quam secundo) ita timidus et non nisi bellissima? occa sions captator : quam certe non dubito aliquando venturam. Sed vereor ne prius moriar, seu verius contabescam quam optatus ille dies advenit. Ceterum de his hactenus toties tibi mentem meam explicui. Mors et vita mea in manu tua est. Mitto cum his complicatas litteras meas ad excellentissimum Ducem Northfolcia? excusa- torias, et multis novis refertas ; nam, ut a fide dignis intelligo, sua ExceUentia non videtur ita esse erga me animata sicut sole- bat. Causam prorsus ignore Me secum purgo quantum pos sum. Rem mihi faceres gratissimam ab eo hujus rei causam explorare atque eam mihi significare, ut possem objectis respon dere et non damnari inauditus. Prudenti pauca. Literae erunt apertae. Cum legeris claudes et obsignabis una cum ilia [al tera in] lingua Gallica" scriptam. Latinam pro te tenebis. Mihique te vehementissime rogo imprsesentiarum parcas, si ad te plura et fusius nunc non scribo. Nam heri me corripuit febricula qua? adhuc me tenet, ob quam vix sum habilis sum legere, nedum scribere, teque ex animo etiam rogatum velim ut mihi cito, ubicunque fuerit Cardinalis Campegius, ad me scribas. Nam secum circa medium Augusti in Italiam profi- ciscar, et tandem Romam ; ubi puto me non parum posse pro- desse causae vestrae. Verum ubiubi terrarum fuero, tuum me semper esse existimato. Vale et si amas, tandem mihi semel responde. Saluta meo nomine Magistrum Arondellum, Reverendum Dominum Petrum Vannes, Bonvisum et Rodulphum tuum. Data? Ratisbona? M.D.XXXII. die 22 Julii. Ne praetermittas obsecro quamprimum litteras ad excellen tissimum ducem legeris, eas cum ilia sua consultatione obsig- natas sua? Excellentia? in manu propria destinare, animum suum bonis verbis in meum favorem demulcendo, quemad modum optime npsti. Tui deditissimus Aug. Aug. Sealed and endorsed — Magnifico ac ornatissimo Magistro, Thoma? Cromwell serenissimi Regis Angliae Consiliario benemerito, Dominp mee semper observandissime. THE REFORMATION. 301 Number CCXC. Letter from Augustine to Cromwell renewing his request for Church preferment, and stating that they are on the move towards Italy. MAGNIFICE Domine ac patrone observandissime, Eecord humili commendatione praemissa. an ™' Superioribus diebus ad te scripsi una cum litteris ad Excel- lentissimum Ducem Northfolciae satis prolixis, et apertis, ut omnia posses dignoscere. Quare non est quod tecum nunc multis utar. InteUexisti a Francisco Freschobaldo responsum quod dedit iUa serenissima Majestas ex sua benignitate oratori Regis Christianissimi in mea causa,, quanquam praefatus Dux Northfolciae illi promissit se pro me in hac re futurum apud illam Majestatem solicitatorem. Quare prsestantissime ac humanissime Cromwelle, nunc nihil aliud a te oro, peto, contendoque pro tua, integritate atque animi candore, atque pro eximia tua humanitate, collatione tot meritorum erga me saepius demonstrate, ut modo non graveris oleum adjicere animo, hoc est perficias quod incepisti, postea quam vides ea omnia bene disposta ; et hoc facies, si cum pri mum aliquod beneficium vacaverit mihi conveniens, id memores illi serenissimae Majestati in compensationem meam. Quod si forsan aliquo tuo respectu id facere subvereberis, saltern quaeso id memores excellentissimo duci Northfolciae, aut praefato ora tori, aut Francisco Freschobaldo qui Ulis memoret ; quanquam longe mihi gratius esset ut tibi ipsi hoc inemorares, et tu ipse solus omnia faceres, ut solus tu hujus rei palmam et laudes obtineres, ac tibi soli devinctus essem, tanquam bonorum meorum principio et fini, et quicquid accideret tibi uni omnium beneficentissimo acceptum reffrerem. Dignaberis in manu pro pria destinare hisce complicatas litteras ad Excellentissimum ducem Northfolciae, eum semper continendo in officio, quamvis ipso in me propensissimo : eas apertas mitto, ut videas quae- cunque illi scribo, et ut scias nihil mecum cum ullo in illo 302 RECORDS OF regno sive magno, sive parvo homine, quin velim tibi etiam esse commune ; ita de cetero faciam, quotiescunque ad excellen tiam suam scripsero, modo aliter me non praemoneas ; tu lectas apposite claudes et obsignabis. Expectamus propediem Reverendissimum Cardinalem de Medicis, ut mox recedamus versus Italiam, ad quem locum comitabor officii mei causa, Reverendissimum Cardinalem Cam- pegium. Verum ego ubicunque fuero, amantissime Crom welle, semper pro mea, virili, omni industria, ingenio nulli par- cam, labori aut periculo ; sicut hactenus feci, rebus illius felicis- simi regni semper conabor juvare, quaerens semper commodum et honorem ejus, et contraria in quantum potero, repellens, et privatim tibi supra omnes illius regni devotissimus usque ad cineres existam cui tantum debeo ut mortaUum nemini. Bene vale, et me ama ut redamaris. Amabis autem, si res meas50 tibi cordi erunt et ad me ubicunque fuero saltern semel me consolatus fueris literis tuis. Ad te autem meo more scri- bam saepissime ut tibi mei memoriam refricem. Data? Ratisbonae M.D.XXXII. Die 28 Julii. Dignaberis me de meliore nota commendare Reverendo Domino Petro Vannes, Nobili Arondello, egregio Doctori Butts. Salvebit a me Candidus Bonvisus et Rodulphus tuus optimus adolescens. devotissimus Aug"8. Aug™. Sealed and endorsed — Magnifico ac ornatissimo Magistro Thoma? Cromwell, Serenissimi Regis Angliae ConsiUario dignissimo, Domino meo plurimum observando. Londini. 60 A mistake of writing for mea;. THE REFORMATION. 303 Number CCXCI. Holograph letter from Augustin to the Duke of Norfolk, written August nth, 1532, giving details of the proceed ings of the Turk and the Emperor. AFTER humble commendations premised ; I wrote unto Vitell. y[our grace the] 23 and 28 days of July last passed. Hitherto foj Xg^ I have [not written] because in so great variety and incon stancy of things it [appeared] hard to attain the true know ledge of such news as here been [set forth] for truth. By one only way which is by the mean of King F [erdinandus] there be news brought out of Hungary which Ferdinandus doth of [himself] alter the same for his own commodity, saying other- whiles that the [Turkish] host doth very near approach us ; to the intent he would with the more acceleration] gather to gether his aid and succours ; and- otherwhiles saying that the T[urkish] host is far off, to the intent to diminish the fear' of the people, spreading] many brutes as he thinketh most convenient to make for his purpose ; m[any] times also spread ing false rumors and tales being clearly adversant and age[nst] his own weale, because he would prove, search and try the minds of his people and soldiers. Wherefore it is hard, in so great ambiguity (I wiU not say wilyness) to know the truth. But as I can try out the truth, it was plainly said that the King of the Turks should have entered into Buda, which the Almaynes call Offen, being distant from Vyenne 170 English miles, the 24 day of July, and that for that purpose he had sent before him four thousand horsemen with his victellers and harbengers to prepare his lodgings ; but he hath deferred that unto this day for three causes. One is for the rage and swiftness of the river of Danubius, the which runneth between Hungary beyond Buda 19 Flemish miles, overflowing the country by mean of too much abund ance of rain and waters. I omit the fable of the 12 elephants which he bringeth with him for pomp, the which elephants 304 RECORDS OF being feared with the noise of the river would not pass over the bridge by the space of six days. Nor yet could be drawn backward on this side the river, unless they had been pricked forth with hot irons and the fore part of the bridge stopp[ed]. The second cause is for that he hath not a little labored about one Peter Perina who is the most noble amongst all the lords of Hungary, a young man of a fresh wit, very well beloved of the people and noble men, and next unto Ferdinandus and John Vayvoda hath the love and favor of the whole realm. Never theless between Ferdinandus and Vayvoda he hath ever born himself indifferently, not favouring the one more than the other. Which Peter Perina whiles he lay and kept himself fob 64 b. in his strongest and best fortified towns, whereof he [hath m] any, the Turke commanded him to be sent for ; whereupon [the sa] me Peter accompanied with four hundred horsemen came quickly unto [him] in the town of Gyech. Upon whose arrival there the Turke commanded him to yield and put into his hands all his towns and fortresses. Wherewith the said Peter being much abashed and perceiving the help and succour of Vayvoda Uttle to profit him, nor that he had any remedy, began to mollify the Turke with gentle words, saying that he and all his was at the commandment of his highness. By and by then he and aU his men were taken and led to his most strongest castle to deliver the same to the Turke, which the said Peter seriously commanded, and with good heart ; but the keeper of the castle denied to accomplish his commandment, alleging that he was not bound to obey his master, being captive; but if they would put his master to liberty, he would then obey him. The Turke thereupon threat ened the keeper to torment and slay his master without he would yield the castle ; but he still contemned their sayings as frustrate, alleging that his master, being captive, had no power to command him. So that the Turke, seeing this obstinacy, despairing to have the castle, yielded unto them, and fearing to consume much time, in the expugnation and conquering of it, killed and destroyed at once all the said four hundred com panions and servants of the said Peter before his eyes, and sent the same Peter bound with chains to be kept at Bel grade. THE REFORMATION. 305 The third cause is for that the Turke by Abrahim Bassa, who is captain of his first host or of the vanguard, going alway before, as the custom is, hath set up the banner or standard of the realm of Hungarie, whereof he would have Alovysius Grytti to be keeper ; but that I will not affirm to be true. And also he would that they all should swear unto him fealty, and so many of the lords have sworn, and first in ex ample of all men the Bishop of Colocensis 51, ordinis minorum, who I think was not so learned nor taught by his rules. For this cause the Hungarians be not a little abashed, and the friends of Vayvoda do fear lest the Turke will at the last expel Vayvoda, and make himself or some other king there ; and some fear lest he will redacte and bring the whole realm into a province. Wherefore not a few noblemen of Hungarie fob 65. have [revolted] of the same, promising great aid and succour to King F[erdinandus], amongst whom there is one chiefly of noble fame nam[ed] . ... Valens who sometime was a great enemy to Ferdinand[us, and was a] most friendly and familiar companion to Vayvoda. Where, as the emperor now lieth, there is yet no certainty of the Turke [coming] and no marvel thereof ; for the nearer they do approach us, the more difficult it is for the Sp[anyards] to depart out of the tents of Turks to us for fear of suspection and [of] cruel punishment. But only by the borderers seeing the to . . invasions, some knowledge is brought unto us. The Turk's navy of three hundred ships is come to Buda. There was also made an invasion of four thousand horsemen of Turks about Strygon. Out of the castle whereof, when there issued and came out about three hundred Almaynes under our banner to make a light skirmish with the said horsemen Turks, they fained to fly and laid themselves in await or inbusshement. Thereupon the Almaynes being foot men, for weariness laid themselves to rest in a fair meadow under the walls of the city, sleeping and drinking ; which the said Turks espying suddenly came upon them, and many of them they slew, and some they took, amongst the which is named the standard, bearer who was born at Norimberge for whose ransom his people have sent to Buda. There was also 61 Meaning Kolocza, VOL. 11. x 306 RECORDS OF an entree or invasion made in to the town called oppidum granarium 52 which is in the middle of the way between Vyenne and Buda, which for lack of strength and defence was relict and forsaken. The Turks were also seen entering or invading within four Flemish miles of Neustat, that is to say, the new city called Semprun, in latin Sempronium, which is on the side half towards Italie, distant from Vyenne one short day's journey. Further the fame and brute here is very constant that the Turke hath sent forty-six thousand horsemen to destroy all Austrige beyond Danubium, and specially a very fertile country which the inhabitants do call Markefeld. The strength of Vyenne daily encreaseth ; and I think at this day there be in the same fifteen thousand men of war. fob 70 b. About the middle of this month shall the emperor's host under Duke Fredericus Palatinus, ynce, Creme, etc about Vyenne. [The] 27 day of July the Spanyards host which is about seven thousand [foot]emen, three thousand 53 and four thousand with Morish pikes departed out of Cassali the more in Lombardie towards GEnipontem or Enspruch, from whence they may come by the rivers of CEnus and Danubium to Patavium which the Germans do call Passaw, whither it is thought that the emperor will go towards the end of this month to view them. The Italions, both footmen and horse men shall follow with their banners and standards about the middle of September. The Italions footmen be ten thousand more or less and the horsemen two thousand beside those two hundred of the Duke of Ferrers. Finally the Christen hoste (though the same be gathered out of sundry places and countries) shall be very great, and peradventure greater than it was thought to be at the begin ning, by mean of many noble men, which of their own freewill and motion do either come to the wars, or else do send their succours and powers, and of the Lutherans also which, con trary to the hope, expectation and trust .of all men, do send great succours. I will not deny for all that but that the 52 Gran on the Danube. 63 This is a blank in the MS. THE REFORMATION. 307 emperor hath compounded with divers of his lands, countries and dominions which be far distant from this place for ready money, and peradventure for less than the charges should have been in provision and sending of men of war, as the money which the Duke of Begiere coming out of Spayne ap pointed and sent hither for the appointing of two thousand footmen and a hundred horsemen. And because he hath sufficient and footmen enough, and lack eth horsemen, he would permit and change that with the same money might be ap pointed two hundred horsemen, being Hungariens, and ono hundred horsemen upon barbed horses out of Burgundie. So that in aU men's judgement the number of footmen shall be about one hundred thousand, and of the horsemen above thirty thousand, and great guns or bombards about one hundred and fifty. The emperor returned into this city the 3rd day of this month, and the next night after was taken with a fever. Nevertheless he tarried in this city unto the 8th day of this month for certain business, and then returned to his baynes, as the physicians do say, not very healthful, which they say peradventure for envy of the master of the baynes, who hath taken upon him the whole charge [to cure and] make whole the emperor, all the other ordinary physicians seek master of the baynes, for as much as he is also physician at emperor to be fed and nourished only that the flesh wild-swine and such other dry meats of that kind The other physicians do fear lest when his majesty shall go into [the baynes] that the itching in his skin and legs together with the fev[er should] return and come again upon him worse than before. As touching the emperor's navy which is come to Naples, how great it is or what it goeth about or intendeth, I think your grace [to be] sufficiently and abundantly instructed of aU things by your ambassadors at Rome. It is certain in the opinion and judgement of aU men to be far more puyssant than the Turks' navy ; I say not in number of ships but for the greatness of the ships, and their instructions, and for the good knowledge, cunning and experience of the shipmen and mariners. The Turks' navy, in number one hundred and fifty sail, x 2 308 RECORDS OF among the which be eighty galleys, is come to Meton, com monly called Modone. For the true knowledge whereof, as we understand by letters out of Venyce dated the ist of this month, one Vincent Capello, captain general of the Venecyans' navy, being at the isle of Corcyra, which is commonly called Corfu, with fifty galleys, abiding and looking out for the coming of tweuty-two galleys out of Venyce, sent before to Modone a certain ship friendly to understand and know the cer tainty whether the Turks' navy were there ; and the same ship was taken by the Turks, nor it availed them not to say that they were of the jurisdiction and power of Venyce, so that they were aU slain at once ; which fact and deed, foras much as the said Captain Venetian knew it not, and long had looked for the coming of his ship aU in vain, sent forth two subtile gaUeys towards Modon, the which should give reverence to the captain of the Turks' navy who is the Governor of Calipo and if it might be to common and speech with some of them ; which two galleys when they did approach within the sight of the said navy, and in sign and token of .reverence had bowed or avayled a bonnet, the Turks without any token of war-battle given, shot out against them their ordinance and innumerable gun-shot so that one of the masts was broken ; fob 66 b. and if they had not fled hastUy, undoubted [ly they had been] either drowned or taken with their enemies, which [thing] was brought to the knowledge of the said captain [Venec]yan, and so known throughout all Venyce. The Duke of Venyce and certain other Senators, either too much fearing the power and puissance of the Turk, or else peradventure favouring the Turk's affairs, coloured the matter, referring and laying aU the blame to the captain of the ship who was slain and to the captains of the two gaUeys which peradventure went too far before the Turk's mind was known. They fear also lest the Turk's navy wiU enter in sinum Adriaticum, and wiU abide this winter in the channel of Catharus or some other port of Venyce, by mean whereof great danger and peril shaU daily hang over the city of Venyce and her merchandizes. Wherefore, because the Turk shaU find no quarrel against them, they have straitly commanded that no man, nother foot man, horseman ne mariner shaU take any wages or stipend of THE REFORMATION. 309 any prince but only of the dominion of Venice ; for many of their people and nation had taken wages in Italie of the em peror against the Turke ; also for this cause they would not suffer that the bombards should be shot in their ship-boats in the Pope's name to be sent to Ancona. These things were wisely and waringly wrought, but how wisely soever they shall work they be sure to be also destroyed by the Turke, but yet they go about and labour to be the last. This thing also I think you do know well enough, which is, that when the King of Turke heard tell of one Ringonus, of whom I wrote unto you in my last letters, that he should lie still at Eagusium oppressed and molested with grievous and continual sickness, the Turk sent for him, commanding that he should come unto him, and if he were not able to ride that yet he should come in a horse litter, or else be carried and brought to him by the hands of men. As touching the acts in the Diet or Council of the Helve tians at Bade or Balnea, there is nothing yet known of cer tainty, but there hath been a rumour, noise and bruit amongst them, not only for a strife and debate, but also for a fray and strokes given between one of the French king's ambassadors and the nephew of one Bartholomew Maius Barinensis, who is much studious and favourable to the French party. I shew not all, for I think your grace doth know it very well. Also notwithstanding that there is great provision and pre paration in these] parts that the host may join, yet is it the opinion of wise m [en, and I think] no foolish opinion, that some end or composition or some trews [may be made] betwixt Vay voda and Ferdinandus ; for there was sent from Poyle (who always hath been a mediator) a certain bishop nam[ed] . . Episcopus Colmensis, which hath been his king's ambassador here aim and is very well beloved of the emperor and percase was not sent to without the emperor's will and consent. But the end shall prove the Touching the ambassadors of Ferdinandus, it is of certainty that they have come to the Turke, being at Nissa, and there have presented u[nto] him certain clothes of silk and gold and a great piece or cup of gold carved and set with precious 310 RECORDS OF stones, but what answer they had or where they be, or whether they be or live, it is yet unknown. The fame goeth here that your most noble king hath obtained of the Pope twe tenths or tithes to be levied of the clergy for an aid or subsidy against the Turke. Your excellence shall receive with these my letters the sum of all the acts made at the last Council in Ratispone and speci ally the article of the Council General. All other things be referred to the emperor's return, and such thing as ben de termined at this council shall not be printed till within these two months at Moguntia, whereat is the see of the chief chan cellor of the emperor. To morrow shall enter this city the legate de Medices, whom the King of Romaynes accompanied with the ambassadors of the princes and noblemen intendeth to obvyate and meet with out the walls of the city. The said legate bringeth with him four hundred horsemen in which number be five bishops, viz. Episcopus Tortonensis, alias prothonotarius Gambara, Epis copus Papiae, Episcopus Forliniensis, Episcopus Forsinus and a hundred and fifty 54 for to keep and preserve his body, with divers other barons and captains. Yesterday in the morning died John 55 the Prince of Dania, the first begotten son of King Christiernus, the emperor's nephew on the sister's side, whose death is greatly lamented throughout all the court, and chiefly of the emperor who ten derly loved him as his own son. He was 14 years old and a young man of a royal wit and disposition, and of very good hope. The seventh day of this month he died of a certain disease or infirmity called 66 with a great wind or rombling in his guts inwards and entrails, with also a con tinual fever or ague, of the which disease many noblemen have died in this city. the sundry tales told of King Christiernus, for first it was [rumoured tha]t he had put to flight the Duke of 64 The blank is in the MS. bably means that the tidings of the 65 He was son of Christiern death, which he afterwards says II, King of Denmark, who had took place on the 7th, reached him married Isabella the Emperor's on the 10th. sister, the second daughter of se Blank in the MS. Philip and Juana. The writer pro- THE REFORMATION. 311 Holsatia his uncle, and [that ther]e was slain in that battle five hundred gentlemen, and also great [slaught] er was made of the Lubeks. But now it is understonded that [he wa] s put to flight in a great battle and is taken. Ye that be nearer shall better know the truth of the matter. The opinion of some men is that the emperor beareth now like love and affec tion (as he bare unto the said prince deceased) to his sister 5?, and goeth about with great diligence to marry her to the King of Scotts, albeit that ye go about and labor the contrary. Here was a great consultation touching victualls for so great a host, I mean not for the" finding of victualls for there is suf ficient in Germany ; and great commodity in the conveying of the same by the rivers of Lycus, CEnus, and Danubium, always with prosperous flood, but I mean of an order to be taken that some man should take upon him this province to serve the host plenteously of victual in this war. At the last it seemeth that the emperor with certain other lords and merchants of focare and paucotten have set an order in this matter, and hath borrowed fifty thousand florins of the Bishop of Patavien, who is the brother of the Dukes of Bavaria ; but this matter is to me very difficult and obscure. Within these eight days, God willing, I will take my journey towards ItaUe with the legate. First we shall go to Patavium or Padua, after that to Bononia and so to Rome before winter ; where if I may do anything for your most noble king or for your grace privately, I am wholly at his royal command ment etc. Dat. Ratisponae M.D. XXXII die ii Augusti. It is understonde for a surety that the first host of tho Turks hath entered and invaded about Semprun before named, and that they will besiege a certain town not far from thence called Binzie not very well fortified. But the Lord or Master of that town writeth that he is nothing afeard ; and in like wise he writeth of the power and defence of Vyenne, about the which it is thought that the Turks will compass and 67 Dorothy, the eldest daughter, daughter, Christina, was afterwards who was married in 1535 to Fred- married to Francis, Duke of eric, Elector Palatine, The other Milan. 312 RECORDS OF invade shortly. Wherefore there was sent hither this day a certain captain from the Marquis of Guasti, who conducteth the Spanyards, from Italy to go to Vyenne, and to view the situation of the city and places lying thereabout. But he is counselled to tarry here lest he fall into his enemies' hands 5S. 68 Here the MS. abruptly ter- least one leaf has been lost, as there minates. It is probable that at is no signature of the writer's name. THE REFORMATION. 313 Number CCXCII. Cranmer' s letter to the King detailing news of the Emperor's proceedings ; written at Ratisbon September 4, 1532. TO KING HENRY VIII. strype's Cranmer, PLEASETH it your highness to understand, that at my w. Hickes' last solicitation unto Monsieur Grandeveile for an answer of MSS' the contract of merchandise between the merchants of your grace's realm, and the merchants of the emperor's Low Coun tries, the said Monsieur Grandeveile shewed me, that forso- much as the diet concerning the said contract was lately held in Flaundres, where the Queen of Hungary is governatrice, the emperor thought good to do nothing therein without her advice, but to make answer by her rather than by me. Where fore it may please your grace no further to look for answer of me herein, but of the queen, unto whom the whole answer is committed. Moreover, when the said Monsieur Grandeveile inquired of me, if I had any answer of the aid and subsidy which the emperor desired of your grace, I reported unto him fully your grace's answer, according unto mine instructions sent unto me by your grace's servant, William Paget. Which answer he desired me to deliver him in writing, that he might refer the same truly unto the emperor; and so I did. Nevertheless the emperor, now at his departing, hath had such importune business, that Monsieur Grandeveile assigned me to repair unto the emperor again at Lyntz ; for there, he said, I shall have an answer again in writing. The French ambassador and I with all diligence do make preparation to furnish our selves of wagons, horses, ships, tents, and other things neces sary to our voyage; but it will be at the least eight or ten days before we can be ready to depart hence. Yet we trust to be at Lyntz before the emperor ; for he will tarry by the way at Passaw ten or twelve days. 314 RECORDS OF As for the Turk, he resideth still in Hungary in the same place environed upon all parts, whereof I wrote unto your highness in my last letters. Arid the emperor departed from Abagh59 toward Vienna the second day of this month by land, not coming by this town ; but the same day the king Ferdi- nando departed from this town by water, and at Passaw, four teen miles hence, they shaU meet, and so pass forth unto Lyntz, which is the midway from hence unto Vienna. And there the emperor will tarry to counsel what he will do : and there aU the ambassadors shall know his pleasure, as Mon sieur Grandeveile shewed me. I have sent herewith unto your grace the copy of the emperor's proclamation concerning a general council, and a reformation to be had in Germany for the controversies of the faith. Also I have sent the tax of all the states of the empire, how many soldiers every man is limited unto for the aid against the Turk. Wherein your grace may perceive, that the greatest prince in Germany (only the Duke of Burgundy and Austry except) is not appointed above 120 horsemen and 554 foot men. Thus our Lord evermore have your highness in his preservation and governance. From Regenspurgh, the 4 day of September. Your grace's most humble subject, chaplain, and headman, Thomas Ceahmee. This probably means Amberg. THE REFORMATION. 315 Number CCXCIII. Cranmer's letter to the King detailing further news of the Emperor's proceedings; written at Villach, October 20, 153^- TO KING HENRY VIII. Vitell.B. xxi. PLEASETH it your highness to understand, that [the al. 89. emperor hath made] such speed in his journey toward Spayne, that [he hath travelled] two hundred English miles from Vienna, and is [now at a] town called Villach, but six Dutch miles from Italy, [from whence, if] possible, he intendeth to pass the seas into Spayne bef[ore Chri]stmas. But in his passage through Italy he will speak [with the] Pope, with whom, among other matters, I suppose he will tr[eat of] a general council to be had this next year to come, according] to his promise unto the princes of Almayne at this last di[et]. And I do think that he will not forget to make mention u[nto the] Pope of your grace's great cause ; wherein I humbly beseech your highness that I may be instructed of your plea sure what I shall do. And because the said meeting should not much empech the emperor's long [journey] into Spayne, he hath directed letters unto the Pope, to meet him [at] some place in his way toward Genua. What place that shall be, is not yet known, as Monsieur Grandeveile informed me, but I shall certify your grace as soon as I shall have sure know ledge thereof. But I fear that the emperor will depart thence, before my letters shall come unto your grace's hands: and if not, I beseech your grace of instructions, what I shall entreat with your grace's ambassadors unto the Pope's holi ness, if we meet together, as I suppose we shall. As touching the emperor's army of Italians and Spaniards that came out of Italy, in their coming to Vienna by Isprugh, Passaw, Lyntz, and other places adjoining to the waters of Enus and Danubius, they have done great damage unto all the countries that they have passed by, as I wrote unto your highness in my last letters, dated the second day of this 316 RECORDS OF month ; but now, in returning again into Italy by another way through Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia, the Italians have done much more harm. For eight thousand of them, which were conducted hither per comitem Sancti Secundi, Marti- onem Colump[ne] comitem Philippum Tomierum, et Jo. Bap- tistam Castoldum, for indignation that the emperor would not prosecute the Turk, and for lack of payment of their wages, departed from the emperor and from their captains, and chose captain among themselves; and went before the emperor, spoiling and robbing all the countries of Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia, more than two hundred English miles in length, as well churches as other houses, not leaving mon- stral nor the sacrament. And the men of arms that come with the emperor, and other that follow the court, do con sume] all that the other left, in such sort, that I, following two days after the emperor from Vienna, found in no town that was unwaUed man, woman, nor child, meat, drink, nor bedding ; but, thanked be God ! I found straw, hay, and corn for my horses to eat, and for myself and my servant to lie in, but the people were all fled into [the] mountains for fear. And the said Italians not only robbed the towns, but also ravished the [wo] men, and beat the men, and slew many. And yet cometh after the emperor [a] captain called Fabri- cius Maromaus with his band about three thousand, who brenneth up all the towns which before were but spoiled, as I am informed by two of my servants which I left at Vienna, the one sick, and the other to keep him : and they told me that all the towns by the way, so far as Fabricius Maromaus hath gone, be clean brent up, so much that not one house is standing, except in such strong holds as they could not attain unto. And yet one walled town they have entered into and spoiled, which the other that went before durst not attempt to assault ; the name of it is Newmarkes, and a servant of mine was present, when they brake the gates and slew the porters. Of .this sacking and brenning is like to ensue great penury and default of all victuals, and specially of corn ; forsomuch as the corn here is brent up, whereupon the people should live this year, and sow their land against the next year. Thus is this country miserably oppressed of all parties, but much more by THE REFORMATION. 317 them that came to defend this country, than it was by the Turks. So that hitherto I can see no great fruit that hath suc ceeded qf this puissant army assembled against the Turk. For it hath alienated the minds qf the Almains from the Italians and Spaniards much ' more than ever they were before. And moreover, as far as I can understand, it hath not a little diminished the minds, as well of the Italians as Almains, towards the emperor, because that he so shortly hath dissolved the said army that came to him with so good cou rages, and he hath not prosecuted the said enterprise against the Turk throughout all Hungary and Greece, according to their expectation; but now the men at arms be much dis pleased, and many qf them do say openly, that they will never return at the emperor's calling hereafter e0. And now the husbandmen of this country be in such a tumultuation for the loss of their goods and the brenning of their houses, that they muster together upon the mountains, and with guns and stones do slay many of the emperor's people. And in divers places they come down from the mountains in the night, and do slay all the small companies that they may find sleeping. And many times they come down in the day in good companies, and rob carriages that do follow the court, and slay as many as will withstand them : so much that they have slain many gentlemen of the court ; and yesterday they slew three or four gentlemen of Burgon, for whose death the emperor is right pensive. But the boors put no difference between one man and another, for all that go with the emperor be to them Italians and Spaniards. They have also slain the ambassador of Mantua, as the constant fame hath been here continually these three days. And the legate de Medices, at a town six miles hence ealled St. Vite, was taken prison [er, but was released] by favour of the em peror's letters ; but after in another place [they would have] slain him, if he had not escaped with good horses ; [they slew] one of his men of arms with an arquebuse, and took Mon . . whom your grace knoweth right well, and he had been sl[ain by the stroke of] an halberd, if the stroke had not light short : 60 The passages in Italics were written in cypher. It is the same cypher that is used by Benet. 318 RECORDS OF nevertheless [his clothes] upon his breast were cut down with the stroke unto the bare [flesh] ; and afterwards they led him into the mountains almost two days, and [would] have slain him, if one man had not been his friend. And [since] is word brought, that four of the said legate's carriages be robbed, [which] came after the emperor ; and every day we hear of much murder and [rob]bing done by the boorg. And yet all these dangers, than[ked be God,] I have escaped; but these two days to come I shall be [in] more jeopardy of the boors, than I was at any time yet : nevertheless, he that conducted me safely hither, I trust he will likewise conduct me into Italy and Spain, and afterward to England again. Don Ferdinando is not much beloved in these parts, neither of the princes that be adjoining to them, nor also qf his own subjects. And this wasting of this country is like to aug ment the murmur of the people against him; whereupon many men do fear an insurrection to follow very shortly, whereunto this commotion of the commons is a very pre parative. Deus omnia vertat in gloriam suam : for hereof might follow such inconvenience as in many years after should be irrep[arable]. Here hath appeared two hours before daylight every morn ing since the fifth or sixth day of this month a blazing star, called cometa 6l, straight in the east, casting his beam upward, partly inclined toward the south, much whiter in colour than was the other that appeared the last year. And moreover many persons here do affirm, that they have seen above the moon a blue cross, which mine host in a city called Indiburs and all his household did see, as they shewed me. Other do say, that they have seen an horse-head flaming, other have seen a flaming sword. But of these other impressions I can not assure your grace ; for I saw no mo but the comet, which I saw within these two days. What strange things these tokens do signify to come hereafter, God knoweth : for they do not lightly appear, but against some great mutation ; and it hath not be seen (as I suppose) that so ma[ny] comets have appeared in so short time. a as is a great infection of the plague, whereof 61 This comet reached its perihelion 19 October, 1532, THE REFORMATION. 319 is dead many of the em [peror's] household, and among other is dead Waldesius, a Spaniard, the em [peror's] chief secre tary, and was in his singular favour. He was weU learned in the Latin tongue, and partly in the Greek ; and whensoever the emperor wquld have any thing well and exactly done in the Latin tongue, it was ever put to Waldesius ; and I sup pose that he made the draught of the answer of the emperor, which I sent unto your grace inclosed with my last letters. In my journey from Vienna I passed through the place where was the first battle against the fourteen thousand Turks that came to Ens, though many say they were but eight thousand. In which battle were captains of our party, Cassiander, born in Croatia, and two Turks which have been long time servants unto king Ferdinando ; one is called Bacrespal, and the other Turk Waylande. But the Turks durst not abide for fear of duke Frederick, which was very near with six thousand horse men and a great number of footmen. By the high way, as I rode almost two English miles, lay many dead men and horses, part of Christian, and part of Turks. But the great number were Turks. But to mine estimation, as much as I could view the ground, there was not slain upon both parties two thousand men. But after in another place were slain about two thou sand Turks of the same band, and they slew again two or three thousand Spaniards arquebusiers at the same time, and took divers prisoners, whom they carried with them into Hungary. Beside that, from their first entering into Austria and Stiria until their returning into Hungary again, they slew in one place and other above fifteen or sixteen thousand christian men, and took many prisoners, and escaped them selves all but three or four thousand, which were slain as I have above written. This is the voice of this country, which I have now written unto your grace ; but Monsieur Grande- veUe shewed me otherwise, that all the said Turks were slain except two or three hundred, as I wrote unto your grace in my last letters. Now I have signified unto your grace both the saying of Monsieur Grandeveile, and also the voice of this country, permitting unto your grace's wisdom the judgment of both. This same day a doctor, chaplain to the bishop of Saltzburg, shewed me that the Turk prepareth another army ; but I can RECORDS OF hear no good ground thereof to give credence unto as yet : as soon as I can inquire the truth, I shall certify your grace thereof. The king Ferdinando hitherto hath accompanied the em peror, and shortly he shall depart unto Isbipgh, where the queen is. And because that I must follow the emperor, I thought it good to salute him before his departure from the emperor, and to offer him my service, and to understand if he would any thing command me unto your grace ; who [heartily commendeth] him unto your highness, and said that forsomuch as the emperor [made your highness] participant of all the news here, it should not require [any other] news sent but only this, that the emperor and he have receifved letters from] sundry parts according in one thing, that Andrew Doria h[ad capti vate and taken from the Turk Modona and Corona in Morea, [with an]other strong hold, whereof he remembered not the name. But [because] that hitherto they have no letters thereof from Andrew Doria himself, they wUl not yet give firm credence thereto. Moreover the emperor hath sent for the duke William of Bavaria to come to him, that before his departing out of Almayne he may conclu[de] peace between the king Ferdi nando and the duke of Bavaria, lest that after his departing more inconveniences] may fall than hath been heretofore. The duke Dalby an Hispaniard came hither to help the emperor in his wars, and this same day is word come, that his brother's carriages, six mulettes, and fourteen horses be taken by the boors, and two of his servants slain, and the rest fled away. And this is done in the way which, by the grace of God, I must ride to-morrow. As concerning the duke Frederick, the French ambassador advised me not to speak with him in the camp, for that should gender a suspicion unto the emperor ; and after that the emperor had dissolved his army, duke Frederick incontinent departed with his band of the empire toward his own dominion by Regenspurg ; so that I, going with the emperor another way, cou[ld] not speak with duke Frederick, to understand if he had any communication with the emperor in your grace's cause. But the French ambassador, (which, coming to Vienna by the water of Danubius, left his horses at Passaw, almost THE REFORMATION. 321 two hundred English miles from Vienna,) was compelled to leave the emperor, and in wagons to ride to his horses the same way that duke Frederick went. And he promised me to speak to duke Frederick in your grace's cause, and to bring me an answer, which as soon as he cometh I shall send unto your grace. And thus Almighty God have your highness evermore in his preservation and governance. From Villach the 2oty day of October. Your highness' [most humble subject,] chaplain and [beadsman Thomas Ceanmee.] vol. II. 322 RECORDS OF Number CCXCIV. "Extracts from letters written from Sept. 23 to Sept. 26, detailing the operations against the Turks. Vitell. SENTENTIA Uterarum . Romae ad Jacobum foi.X2i6. [Salviati]. Quum certiores facti essemus classem Turcarum Turcarum sese recipere, illam insequi coepimus, et . . . Augusti Hidruntem pervenimus. Quumque inde etiam .... teneremus insequendo, nee jam spes ulla reliqua esset .... statuimus Methonem accedere, quo die hujus mensi[s] . . missis autem in terram exploratoribus, cognita difli [cultate illam] expugnandi, quoniam hostes de nostro adventu certiores [facti, ad se] defondendum optime parati erant, honoris nostri ha nisi saltern Coronem tentaremus, cujus expug- natio[nem] futuram audiebamus. Ad Coronem igitur die S[eptembris] in conti- nentem deseendimus, ac natura loci cognit[a, . . terra! ac mari ab omnibus partibus oppidum tentand [um] . . . . . . hora, 1 4 tormentis bellicis murus percuti ccepis- [set] . . . . 21 ad murum scalis positis, ex una oppidi par [te qua? ad] . . spectat, ducenti equites nostri ordinis .... ducebam, eam partem Corona? cepimus qua? mari . insula appellatur. Alteram autem partem Castell[i] . . quam Turcse per totam noctem sequentem mi . . . destiterunt. Atque interim ex Castello, signo ace . ... septingenti partem quan dam nostrorum peditum qua? . ... erat, sunt ag- gressi, quorum major pars a nostris caes[a est], aliquot etiam capti ; nonnuUorum capita lanceis [imposita sunt] et oppidanis ostensa. Quibus ex rebus qui Castellum [defendebant] de deden- dis uxoribus, filiis, rebusque aliis, conditioned inire] inci- piunt, dicentes non posse oppidum Castellu[m] THE REFORMATION. 323 proditionis crimine, unde certissimam mo . . expectarant no virorum tantum corpora salva peterent, ac fob 216 b. posse [exire e] civitate qui nollent habitandi causa remanere. Decrevimus [vict]oris esse dare, non accipere conditiones. Atque ita se res [in prsesenti ha]bet. Quid deinde fiet, perscribam. Coronae die 23 [Se]ptembris. M.D. XXXII. [D]ie vero 24 Princeps ita cum hostibus convenit [u]t ipsis eorumque rebus salvis, eis tuto abire liceret. [At]que ita nobis ex primatibus decern obsides dederunt. [In]sequenti die nos ad portas Castelli cum obsidibus accessimus. [Dei]nde Turca? omnes exiverunt utriusque sexus et omnium [a?t]atum, ad numerum duorum milium quadringentorum et amplius, [e] quibus, qui arma forre possent ad quingentos fuerunt. [Fuer]unt autem ex nostris deputati qui ipsos comitarentur. [His] autem egressis, nos Castellum introivimus, et insignia castr atifici et Rhodi ereximus, ac etiam Doriana vexilla. Die 25 Septembris. , . . odus princeps pedites omnes navibus imposuit, relicto Corona? . . tis justo praesidio sub Hieronimo Mendotia. Qui hesterno die [sujb fide principis dimissi sunt; partim spoliati, partim caesi fuerunt. Quae res fuit pessimi exempli. Christiani qui Coronae fuerunt haud etiam bene fuerunt tractati in hoc principio. Verendumque est ne in fine etiam pejora patiantur. Nunc, hyeme supraveniente, quum etiam nostra classis . satis abunde rebus omnibus sit munita, pauca fieri [possunt] . Die 26 Septembris, y 2 324 RECORDS OF Number CCXCV. Letter of credence for Nicholas Hawkins to the Dukes of Bavaria, written Sept. 27, 1,532- Vitell. HENRICUS, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Francia?, fidei f0J, 75_" Defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae, Illustrissimis ac ex- al- 84- imiis principibus, Dominis Willelmo et Lodovico utri- usque Bavariae ducibus etc., Consanguineis nostris carissimis, salutem. Quum fraterno quodam animi affecte, Excellentias vestras prosequamur, simusque ipsarum nobilissimse familia? quam maxime studiosi, ssepeque antea perspectum habeamus quam amico sint erga nos pectore, suoque patrocinio et opera, si- quando usu venit, rebus nostris benignae semper adfuerint; nullam praetermittere nolumus occasionem, synceram hanc nostram in illas benevolentiam attestandi. Quum igitur dilectum ac fidelem nostrum dominum Nicolaum Hawkyns, archidiaconum Eliensem, consiliarium nostrum ad Caesaream Majestatem orator em impraesentia mittamus, ut alterius qui hactenus illic egit et nunc revocati locum suppleat ; visum nobis est Excellentias vestras, quas unice diligimus, his nostris litteris ex animo salutare, rogareque ut ea offieia in omne tempus de nobis sibi velint polliceri, quae a sui aman- tissimo possent expectare ; plenamque eidem oratori nostro fi dem in omnibus habere quae nostro nomine exponet. Quod nobis gratissimum est futurum. Et feliciter valeant. Ex Regia nostra Grenwici, Die 27 Septembris M.D.XXXII. Endorsed — Illustrissimis ac Eximiis Principibus, Dominis Willelmo et Lodovico utriusque Bavariae ducibus, etc., Con sanguineis nostris carissimis. THE REFORMATION. 325 Number CCXCVI. Copy of Hawkins' credentials as ambassador to the Emperor, signed by the King's own hand and dated Sept. 30, 1532. HENRICUS, Dei Gratia Rex AngUae et Franciae, fidei Vitell. Defensor, et Dominus Hibernia?, IUustrissimo principi foj x*g Domino Wolphango, principi in Anhaulte etc., amico al 85. nostro carissimo, salutem. Ob amicitiam, quae fraterna synceraque nobis cum Domi- natione vestra antiquitus intercedit, assiduis ultro citroque benevolentiae officiis confirmata, nullam occasionem praeter- mittendam esse censemus, qua, nostrum in ipsam studium quo- quomodo comprobare queamus. Impraesentia itaque mittentes ad Caesaream Majestatem dilectum nobis ac fidelem Dominum Nicolaum Hawkyns, Archidiaconum Eliensem, nostrumque consiliarium ut alterius nostri Oratoris (quem nuper revoca- vimus), partes suppleat, voluimus his nostris litteris et per eundem Oratorem nostrum, vestram Dominationem, iterum atque iterum ex animo salutare, rogareque ut (si quando usu veniat) non gravetur amicam omnem operam sibi de nobis polliceri, haud dubieque perspiciet, nos esse mutuae nostra? jampridem initae amicitiae, quam maxime tenaces. Rogamus deinde ut eidem oratori nostro in iis omnibus quae nostro nomine eidem Dominationi Vestrae referet, velit certam indu- biamque fidem adhibere. Et feliciter ipsa valeat. Ex Regia, nostra Grenwici, die ultimo Septembris M.D.XXXII. Vester bonus amicus, Henet R. Endorsed — IUustrissimo Principi Domino Wolpb [ango, principi in Anhaulte] etc., amico nostro carissimo. 326 RECORDS OF Number CCXCVII. Proclamation issued at the beginning of October, 1532, for the administration of justice during the King's absence from the country. Somerset THE KING OUR SOVEREIGN House. lord, being his grace resolved and determined upon such causes and grounds as tendeth to the wealth of this his realm and the benefit of Christendome, to accomplish such appointment as between his highness and his good brother and perpetual ally the French king concerning their meeting beyond the seas hath been concluded and taken : the tender zeal and princely affection, which his majesty beareth to his most dear and well-beloved subjects, hath stered and provoked his high wisedome to consider the due and perfect establish ment of good order rest and quiet among his people to be pre served and maintained by due administration of justice in his grace's absence, and to make convenient provision for the same. Wherefore his highness doth you to understand that for the causes before specified, his grace hath by the advice of his council named and appointed certain personages of nobi lity, wisdom, great experience, and knowledge, who his high ness hath auctorised by sufficient commission to order and direct such matters as shall chance in his grace's absence, needing and requiring reformation ; And therefore willeth all and every of his subjects, as they shall find themselves greved, to repare unto them and also straytly chargeth and com- mandeth his said subjects, of what estate degree or condition soever they be, to obey such orders and directions, as shall be made by the said council with no less regard and respect than if the same proceeded and passed directly from his grace's own person. This Council is established at Westminster, God save the King. Tho. Berthelct reg. impressor excu- debat. Cum privilegio. THE REFORMATION. 327 Number CCXCVIII. Letter of Credence addressed by the King to the King qf Hungary in favour of Nicholas Hawkins, who is substi tuted in the place of Thomas Cranmer as ambassador ; written October i, 1532. TRESHAULT et tresexcellent prince, Nostre trescher et Vitell. tresame frere, cousin, [et beau nepveu si cordialment] et si ^j x"- affectueusement que faire pouvons, a vous nous recommandons, al 87. ayant octroye a nostre feal et bien ayme conseilleur Docto[r Cranmer e . .... aup]aravant nostre ambassadeur la resident conge et licence de sen retoure par devers nous. Et envoyant a present, nostre feal et bien ayme [conseilleur, Nicolas] Hawkyns, Archidiacre de Ely faire noz treaffectu- euses recommendations, et selon nostre maniere acoustumee estre pardela n[ostre ambassadeur] au lieu du dr Cranemer resident, et vous faire scavoir dung temps en aultre de noz nouvelles et succez et nous advertir des vostres [trav]ealx ouyr, vous avons voulu rescripre les presents, et vous prier, tres- hault et tresexcellent prince, nostre trescher et tresame frere, [cousin et] beaux nepveu, que luy vueillez de temps en temps donner favorable audience ensemble a tout ce que par nous vous exposera autant f[idelite, f]oy et credence que feriez a nous mesmes si estions la en persone. Luy donnant aussy en tout ce quil pourra avoir affaire vostre bonne addi . et direction acoustumee. Par luy non seullement nous advertissant de voz nouvelles et succez, mais aussy signifiant sil y a chose en . . - nostre Roy- aulme en quoy vous sachons faire plaisir. Car lobtiendres de bien bon one1. Come scait nostre benoist Createur qui ' apres victoire de [nostres] communs ennemys, en bonne prosperite vous doint, treshault et tresexcellent prince, nostre trescher et tresame frere, cousin et beau nepveu, bonne vie et longue. 328 RECORDS OF Escript a nostre manoir de Grenewiche, le premier jour Octobre, Lan mil cinq cent trente deux. Vostre 62 bon frere, cousin et oncle, Henet R. Endorsed — A treshault et tresexcellent prince, nostre tres cher et tresame frere, cousin et beau nepveu, Le roy de Hungarye et Bohesme, esleu Roy des Romains etc, 62 The signature and conclusion are in the King's own hand. THE REFORMATION. 329 Number CCXCIX. Imperfect copy of Instructions sent to Sir Thomas Elyot, October J, 1532. TRUSTY and right well beloved we greet you well, and Vitell. thinking it expedient to fish out and know in what opinion foj XXg the emperor is of us, and whether, despairing of our old friend- al 60. ship towards him, or fearing other our new communication with France, he seeketh ways and means that might be to our detriment or no, we have thought it right convenient that ye know our mind and purpose in this behalf, should at the first repair to the emperor, after such words of salutation as be comprised in your instructions, say unto the same emperor on our behalf that whereas we by our ambassadors at Rome complaining to the Pope of the misintreating of us and the manifest injuries done to us by his deputies in calling us to Rome, there by ourself or our Proctor to make answer, the which, the universities of Paris and Orleans, the Chauncelor of France and our good brother's the French king's Coun cillors and Presidents of the Court of Parliament in Paris, affirm to be notorious wrong, against all laws, and that all other learned men for the most part elsewhere confirm the same; forasmuch as answer hath been made by the Pope, that the emperor written unto by him, will not otherwise agree, but saith (as the Pope voucheth) that he will have the cause examined in none other place but at Rome, we have thought good to signify the premisses unto the said emperor by you in your first access to the same, and to say on our behalf that we remembering what words the emperor hath heretofore spoken, concerning our great cause between us and the Queen, how he would not meddle otherwise than according to Justice, with that considering how little cause he hath to do us wrong er to be author or favourer of any injustice to be done unto us, we having always deserved favour, pleasure, and kindness on our part, we be induced to believe rather that 330 RECORDS OF the said emperor is wrongfully reported by the Pope and that they would for the extension of their authority use the said emperor for a visage than otherwise. And yet on the other side, the Pope so often repeating the same unto us, and brought to a point to stay to use for a refuge to say the emperor will not that hath compelled us by you to open this matter unto the said emperor, who we doubt not if he hath so encouraged the Pope upon ignorance to do us wrong, he will himself reform it, and also knowing by you what the Universities of Paris and Orleance and also the Chauncelor of France being a Cardinal and learned in the Pope's law, with other the French king's Councillors our learned men and them also in Italy affirm the same ; he will rather believe this public asseveration, and especially of the Council of France being friends indifferent, than any private infor mation made to him to the contrary, or else in case the said [emperor hath] not so far meddled, as the Pope saith nor answered . so will declare himself accordingly. fob 56 b. And if the emperor, desirous to have the matter more opened, shall ask what the Pope doth wherein we think our- self wronged ; ye may say, in calling and citing us to Rome, there to appear by us or our Proctor, which is contrary to all laws, as all lawyers affirm and especially they in France as friends indifferent, and answering only for the testification of the truth, against whom can be alleged no cause of affection which should move them to swarve from the truth. And if the emperor shall reply to know what the univer sities affirm, and what the Chancellor and other the Presi dents of the Court of Parliament of Paris do say, ye may answer how they say, that we may not be cited to Rome, there to appear by us or our Proctor, and that such a citation is not only nought and all their process thereupon following, but also manifest injuries and wrong, which 63 trust ye may say the emperor of his honour will not maintain. And if the emperor shall say that he is not learned and understandeth not these matters, but will do that Justice will, and that further he cannot skill ne will meddle, ye may reply 63 we is omitted by accident. THE REFORMATION. 331 that forasmuch as he is not learned he may be the sooner abused, and whether he hath answered to the Pope as is affirmed or no he knoweth 64 requireth and learning. Wherefore if he hath so done, perceiving that intending only justice he hath been in this point moved to advance injustice, we doubt not but like a prince of honor he will reform himself, and rather desist from doing or procuring his friend wrong than to proceed any further in the same. And for this pur pose we have willed you to declare the premisses unto him on our behalf, whereunto you shall desire him to make his answer to be signified unto us accordingly willing you to note his answer to the particularities, and how he taketh the deter mination of the French king's Council, and what he saith to you therein, and by all the means you can to ensearch whether there is any meeting intended. 64 The word is illegible. 332 RECORDS OF Number CCC. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell, giving addi tional intelligence about the Turks ; written from Bologna, October 12, 1532. HUMILI commendatione praemissa etc. Vitell. Cum essem in Germania [tot literas] scripsi, ut earum foi.Tij'. numerus forme ex animo deciderit. Poste[a vero alias scripsi] ex Tridento, Venetiis et ex hac urbe. Qua? tunc oc- currebant, ex [litteris ad Reverendum] oratorem vestrum apud Caesarem, et ad Franciscum Freschobaldum istic te sci[re feci] nunc autem dignum scitu a te habeo nihil. Quod non mihi persuade[o] . . . melius ab oratoribus vestris ex Austria, Roma ac Venetiis Quare non minus supervacaneum quam taediosum mihi vi detur tibi nota [iterum scribere]. Solum hoc dixero; ex literis datis Viennae, 4 praesentis, Turcam post no . . dierum oppiduli illius Kyns in confinibus Austria? et Stiriae, a Vien[na distantis] miliaribus vestratibus circiter 60, ad aliud locum nomine Crac . . . [movisse] castra, eadem fere distantia per triangulum perinde ac primum, de- mum per Boss . . . ditionis est, utpote fertiliorem et minus vastatam versus mare cum [exercitu] iter suum con- vertisse versus Constantinopolim. Caesarem vero, qui [ingres- sus] fuerat Viennam 23 superioris, hoc viso, partem copiarum mittere [decrevisse] cum fratre ad suppetias inferrendum arci Strigonii quae a tribus millibus .... et Alovysii Gritti obsidebatur, necnon ad recuperandum Budam, §t alb . . . [ineunte] autem vere reliquum Ungaria? et ipsum Bel- gradum. Reditum suum pra?tere[a in Italiam festijnabat; ubi, seu Bononiae, seu alio in loco, antequam in Hispaniam [navi- get, cum] Pontifice congressurus est, ut cum eo de generali concilio determineft, prout in Ra]tisbonensi recessu, principi bus et statibus Germania? promissit. Quemadm[odum ex ex- em] plari omnium actorum illius dieta? ad te transmisso certus sum te intell [exisse, necnon] de novo bello instaurando contra Turcas offensivo, seu defensivo, [et de communi] Christianissi- morum principum concordia ; nam, ut bene cogitat Caesar, be[llum Turcarum] Austria?, et Germaniae dilatum est, non sublatum. Siquidem haec est [eorum boUandi] ratio ut toties THE REFORMATION. 333 incessant hostem, quoad aut agrorum vastatione, ac [hominum] abductione, aut eum semel imparatum inveniendo, tandem eum sup[erare deter]minet; cum illi facile admodum sit, saepenu- mero exercitum comparare, qu[emadmodum pa]trum nostro- rum memoria de Graecis visum est, et nostris etiam temporibus de [Belgrado, Rhodo et] UngariS, apparuit ; ubi multas passus clades, tandem reparato exercitu [oblata tandem] occasione, sive per discordiam, sive per negligentiam, rebus facile potitus est. Q[uemadmodum] etiam existimant medio Pontificis etiam Regem Chistianissimum aut per seipsum aut oratores [suos fac to] rum. Vix tamen ego ad id possum adduci. Principum tamen animi etiam fuit comm . ... Constans hie jamdiu fama fuit, Andream Auriam de Turcis cepisse Moden[am et Coronem] quae munitissima sunt oppida in Peloponesso seu Morea,, olim sub Venetorum [dominio.] Ex litteris tamen datis Venetiis 6 hujus, hujus rei nihil penitus habetur . . est ob locorum suorum propinquita- tem rei veritatem facile intelligendam. Quare [iis quae a] . . et Neapoli afferruntur non plane assentior. Ex his praeterea hab[etur congressum] illius Serenissimae Majestatis cum Rege Christianissimo ad 20 superioris pri . . ¦ prorogationem. Caesariani ... . . . . -fob 217b. [qui pro] terrorem Caesari inferrendo solum confectus esse videatur. Sed qui exa ... ... rerum eventu judi- care solent, non immerito decipiuntur. [Nuperrime] hinc transivit per hanc urbem Gregorius Casa lius unus oratorum illius Potentiss [imi regis] ad Pontificem, qui lentis itineribus istorsum proficiscitur. Adhuc sum cum Reverendissimo Campegio, et doleo eum tamdiu morari profectionem suam Romam, nee . . . . . illuc iter arripiet haud certo scio ; hoc mihi certum est, eum intra octo dies [expect] are voluntatem Ponti ficis, si ad festura omnium Sanctorum Romam debeat conten dere, aut po[tius] hie immorari, aut occurrere Csesari ut moris est ingredienti Italiam, ne cum fuerit . . . postea subito sit illi hue redeundum. Ad hsec, ut mihi videre videor, ne ren causa vestra auribus lupum teneat. [Hie] . relegati sunt ultra 25 cives Anconenses a Romano Pontifice ; in totum plus minus centum ab [ilia urbe] ad diversa loca relegati. Causa non est, ut plerique asseverant, 334 RECORDS OF quia scilicet moliti [su]nt se, civitatem et portum Turcis de- dere, ac sub ejus imperio vivere, sicuti Ragusium . ... non relegatione, sed extremo supplicio digni essent. Sed quia ilia civitas cum tota .... . . tia seu Piceno jampridem Ecclesiae Romana? praestabat obedientiam, ab hinc non pauc[is] [annis] paulatim se subtraxerat, ac titulo tenus duntaxat Pontificis ditionis erat. Unde [Pontifex] sub specie minuendi Portum, et etiam immissis singulatim multis militibus, Duce Alfovysio] de Gonzaga, nocte quadam adaperta porta civitatis et intromissis reliquis cepi[t istam u]rbem et praefatos sediti- osos cives, absque ullo prorsus sanguine capit, ac ibi guber- [nator] em imponit, ac illos ad diversa loca relegat. [Tum]ultus ille Parmae, quo superiore mense interfecerunt inanibus totius cleri ilium [comm]issarium, seu exactorem gravaminum, ob suum rigorem, adhuc sedates non est. [Jam vero] ut tandem ad me redeam. Te rogo, quam qui maxime, ut apud illam Serenissimam Majestatem compenfsa- tion]is meae memor sis, ac meus solicitator, aut ad minus cum excellentissimo Duce North [folciae,] Domino meo semper ob- servandissimo, cujus Excellentia? poteris (si tibi videbitur, prae- missis [humilibus] meis commendationibus, has meas com- municare ; te etiam ex animo rogatum velim [debitas i] lias 20 libras sterlingas termini praeterriti velis designare Fran cisco Freschobaldo protinus us per litteras collybisticas, seu cambii, mihi transmittendas. Nam propter longa itinera [mea] et propter hie in Italia omnium rerum penuriam (ita me Deus amet) ultra quam credi [pot]est, summa, necessitate premor. Verum de hac re toties tibi scripsi ut dubitem [ne] tibi sim fastidio. Quod etiam non parum me angit, neque a praefato Freschobaldo a [20 die J]ulii in usque diem ; neque unquam a famulo, istuc ut scis misso, ob mea negotia ne verbum qui dem [h]abeo. Tu aliquando si dignaberis tandem mihi re spondere, literis dabis oratori istic Veneto [per] cujus viam ex Venetiis ha? tibi tradentar. Vale et me adjuva ut soles, non dicam. Amplius ama, quia auxilio potius tuo nunc quam amore egeo. Datae Bononiae 1532 die 12 Octobris tui deditissimus A. A. THE REFORMATION. 335 Number CCCI. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell continuing his account of affairs as written in the letter of the 12th of October; written October 14, with a postscript written somewhat later. MAGNIFICE ac observandissime Domine, humili com- Vitell. mendatione prsemissa, etc. foj ^'"j Toties ad te scripsi, cum essem [in Germania, ut ne] literarum quidem numerum memoria teneam ; postea, cum Italiam atti- g[issem, ex Tridento,] Venetiis, demum ex hac urbe, partim literis meis ad Reverendum ora[torem vestrum apud Caesarem et,] ad Franciscum Freschobaldum, quae tuae occurrebant digna cognitio[nis istic, te] scire feci, quamvis a rerum nova- rum fonte, id est a Caesaris aula, procul ab[essem. Quid nunc] ad te scribam, plane nescio : cum hie pauca, et non admodum mag [ni momenti] dat, nisi quod ex datis ex Vienna, die 5 praesentis, pridie ejus di[ei ex eo loco Caesar] discesserat, et recta hoc per forum Julii, quod ditionis est Venetorum, ... ... tendebat, in aliquo loco, qui adhuc determinates non est, cum Rom[ano Pontifice con] gressurus, antequam in Hispaniam adnaviget : quocum verisimile [est ut determinet] de generali Concilio, prout principibus et statibus Germanise in Ra[tisbonensi recessu] promissit. Quemadmodum ex ex- emplari actorum illius dieta? ad vos tr[ansmisso certus] sum te intellexisse, necnon de communi Christianorum principum Con cordia . . . nam, ut bene Caesar discurrit anno proximo aut altero existimo [Turcam] iterum arma moturum contra Austriam et Germaniam, nee ante ast . , . donee illas provincias aut desertas pecudibus et hominibus reddat, au[t sibi pa]rere cogat ; siquidem hac ratione bellandi pa- trum nostrorum me[moria, Gra?cos] subjugavit, et nostris temporibus Belgrado, Rhodo et forme tota [Ungaria potitus] est, hostes suos potius fatigando quam vincendo, licet aliquando ab eis [victus fuerit], nonnunquam etiam terga dederit, nee unquam hoc pacto destitit quoad [vel diuturno] bello attritos, vel discordes et disjunctos invenerit, unde portus . . . obveniat victoria. Aliquid prseterea rem vestram concernens, 336 RECORDS OF (sic [mihi videre] videor), ibidem poterit agitari. Verum nihil, certus sum, poterit P[ontifex efficere]. Superioribus diebus hie fuerunt relegati nonnulli cives Anco- nenses, u . ad diversa loca relegates. Causa non est, ut plerique asseverant, [quia scilicet moliti sunt] civitatem suam et portum dedere Turcis, quoniam graviore supplicio [digni essent,] sed quia duntaxat se paulatim ab obediential sedis Apostolicae subtraxera[nt, ac] titulo tenus volebant ei esse subjecti ; unde Pontifex, clanculum immissis [singulatim mufjtis militibus, Duce Alovysio de Gonzaga, absque ulla penitus caede [urbem istam cepit] et multos civium inobedientes incau- tos capit, et ad diversa relegat loca, [imposito praesi]dio et gubernatore, sicuti hie Bononiae. Tumultus ille Parmae, quo ecclesiastici interfecerunt Com- missarium que . . . . nimis severe impositiones exigebat, adhuc non est sedates. Hac transivit Gregorius Casalius illius serenissima? Majes tatis orator Roma .in Angliam tendens. Non vidi hominem, quamvis ipse allocutus sit R[everendissimum Campegium] qui in dies expectat ex urbe voluntatem Ponti ficis, an scilicet in Italiam ipse profec- turus .... . fob 218 b, [Sed ut] tandem ad res meas veniam, te rogo, patrone hu- manissime, quam qui [maxime], veluti etiam innumeris meis antea feci, ut omni diligentia inviftares] et sohcitares apud ilium Potentissimum Regem pro mea, compensatione jamdu- dum [debita] (ut scis) a sua Serenissima Majestate oratori istic Regis Christianissimi ; interim prseterea [cu] raveris numerare pra?fato Francisco Freschobaldo illas 20 libras sterlingas ter- mi[no J]o. Bapt£C ultimo praeterriti ; nam, ultra quod quisquam eredi 65 potest, ob longa iti[ner]a, et omnium rerum in Italia summam penuriam, maxima, premor necessitate; [qu]am non longioribus explico, ne tibi sim molestia?, et mihi ne augeam dolor em [aerumn]arum ; item me angit, quod a Freschobaldo prsedicto a 20 die Julii usque in [hanc] diem, nullas prorsus habeo litteras. Quare omnium rerum mearum istic sum peni [tus ijgnarus; de famulo etiam meo, quem istuc missi pro finiendis (ut tibi scripsi) quibusdam meis negociolis, ne verbum 65 A mistake of writing for credere. THE REFORMATION. 337 quidem habeo a discessu suo, [qui] est jam fere tribus men- sibus: quare in te uno posita est omnis spes mea, [ista] mea negocia perficiondi, aut saltem, si id non vis aut potes, sta tu mihi semel rescribendi per viam oratorum vestrorum Romae, aut apud Caesarem. Vale et me ama. Amabis autem si adjuvabis prout etiam - num fecisti. [Me] pro loco et tempore conaberis, obsecro, conservare in bona, gratia [suae] Serenissimae Majestatis et eximii Ducis Northfolciae, Domini mei semper observandis- simi, cui [si tib]i videbitur, poteris praemissis meis humilibus commendationibus hasce [meas] ostendere. Data? Bononiae M.D. XXXII. Die 14 Octobris. [Nunc] audimus congressum illius potentissimi Regis cum Rege Christianissimo dila[tum] esse : quod isti Caesariani in- terpretantur non prorogationem, sed annihi[lati]onem ; cum (ut aiunt) talis congressus fuerit statutus, propter suspitionem [et] terrorem incutiendum Caesari, implicito bello Turcaico, quod nunc finitum est. [Ita] animi passiones semper homines a recta ratione et judicio transversos agit. [Caes]ar proposuit Pontifici pro futuro conventu utriusque, unum trium locorum, viz. Bononiam, [P]armam et Mantuam. Existimatur Pontificem electurum hanc urbem, hoc est Bono niam; [ex] quo apparet Caesarem velle conscendere classem suam Genua?, et forsan ante [tr]ansactam hyemem, ne tam- diu armatam classem tenendo, multam pecuniam insumat. [Int]er caeteras causas festinationis Caesaris ex Vienna in Ita liam, pestis fuit in causa, [in qu]a cum multi obscuri nominis interissent, postremo secretarius Valdesius [amisijt animam. Tui deditissimus A. A. [Aiunt Joannem] Vayvodam, soluta obsidionej [sud]ore totius corporis graviter aegrotare. ... . . . de praesidio ex datis 20 superioris a praefecto generali classis Venetae, [quod] fob 219. acerrime oppugnabat Modenum : quod ingressi fuerant in Quare praefatus pra?fectus de eventu rei plurimum dubitat. Ex [litteris datis] Constantinopoli 8 ejusdem, classis vol. 11. z 338 RECORDS OF Turcarum ingressa fuerat .... ; . . . . polis ut ex- armaretur. Cetera ex Venetiis et ab Aula Caesaris [per oratores vestros] citius, melius et longius arbitror vos jamdiu intellexisse. Sealed and endorsed — Ornatissimo Domino, Thomae [Crum]well, Serenissimi Regis Angliae [Consijliario meritissimo, Domino meo semper observande. Londini. THE REFORMATION. 339 Number CCCII. The King's promise to translate the Cardinal of Ancona from Lichfield and Coventry to Ely as soon as the latter see should become vacant. Dated November %, 1532. HENRICUS Octavus, Dei gratia Angliae et Francia? Vitell. Rex, fidei defensor et Dominus Hiberniae, universis foj x™' et singulis ad quorum noticiam praesentes pervenerint, ab 220. Salutem. Cum nos per literas nostras Reverendissimum in Christo patrem et Dominum, Dominum Benedictum de Accoltis, Sancta? Romanae Ecclesiae presbiterum Cardinalem, ad ecclesiam Cathedralem Coventriensem et Lichfeldiensem Cantuariensis provincia? nominaverimus ; Cupientes eundem, suis exigentibus meritis, majori a nobis officio ornari; Promittimus in verbo regio, quod, cum primum sedem Eliensem dictae Cantuariensis provincia? vacare contigerit, praefata ecclesia Cathedrali Coven- triensi et Lichfeldiensi ab eodem Reverendissimo patre di- miss&, et ad nostram dispositionem per cessionem ejusdem redeunte, eidem Reverendissimo Cardinali de hujusmodi sede Eliensi sic vacante provideri curabimus realiter et cum effectu, atque ipsum nominabimus ad eandem. In quorum testimonium has literas manu nostra subscrip- simus et private sigillo nostro sigillari mandavimus. Dat. Caleti secundo die Novembris M.D. XXXII. z 2 340 RECORDS OF Number CCCIII. Copy of a letter from Catharine to the Emperor, written the $th of November, 1532, congratulating him on the victory over the Turks, and expressing a hope qf the successful issue qf the meeting between him and the Pope. Simancas . MUY alto y muy poderoso Senor, Leg. 806, fo1- 25- Sabe Dyos quanto plazer y descanso e avydo en saber de la victorya que en Ungrya, en otras partes contra el ene- mygo de nuestra fe Vuestra Magestad a avydo; y tan- byen con la partyda de Vuestra Alteza para BoUona a verse con Su Sanctitad, a dar horden en lo que se a de azer en lo porvenyr. Yo tengo por cyerto ser esto cosas de Dyos, y no echas ny enderegadas por vyas humanas; y como Nuestro Senor, usando di su myserycordya por mano de Vuestra Alteza, a queria azer tan gran bien a toda la Christyandad ; el mysmo le a alunbrado a que se vea con Su Sanctydad, de donde todo este Reyno y yo tenemos es- peranza cyerta era con la gracya de Dyos que Su Sanctydad mate al segundo Turco, que es el negotio del Rey mi Senor y myo. Llamole segundo Turco, porque los males, que por no dar fyn Su Sanctydad a esta causa con tyempo an seguy- do y siguen cada dya, son ton grandez y de tan mal ex emplo, que ya no se que es peor, este negocyo o el Turco ; yo e recebydo mucha pena de enportunar a Vuestra Magestad, tantas veces con esta materya, porque soy cyerta le desea el fin que yo le deseo ; mas con ver tanto mal que la tardanga aquarea, y la vyda mya tan penosa y de tan poco sosyego, y el tyempo para darle fin tan convenyble que parere Dyos, por su bondad, a querido juntar a Su Sanctydad y a Vuestra Mages tad, para hazer tan gran byen que soy forcada a ser ynpor- tuna ; por amor de la pasyon de nuestro Senor Jesu Christo, suplyco a Vuestra Alteza,, pues que por las buenas obras que haze le aze Dyos tan seiialadas mercedes y benefycyos cada THE REFORMATION. 341 dya quiere enplearse en azer este byen tan senalado antes que parta de Su Sanctydad ; porque de otra manera me remedyo quedara en Dyos, y entrare en otro nuevo purgatoryo de donde espero salyr quando fuere su voluntad; sy Su Sanc tydad si escusa, dyzyendo lo ara en ausenzia de Vuestra Al teza acuerdese de lo que la otra vez le prometyo en esa mys- ma Ciudad, y lo que a hecho ; yo certyfyco, syendo Vuestra Magestad presente u ausente, todo es uno que ya aquy se sabe la verdad y con azer perder la esperanga que tyenen los que al Rey mi Senor persuaden haran esta causa perpetua todo se acaba; y creame Vuestra Alteza que no ay persona que tan byen sepa esto como yo ; y asy acabo quasy descansa esperan- dos las buenas nuevas desta que tan affectuosamente a Vuestra Magestad e suplicado ruego a nuestro Senor le quiera dar tanta salud, como sus buenas obras merecen, y gracya para traer al enemygo de nuestra fe la verdadero conocymyento y acrescentando su Real estado, como yo deseo. De Arfort a 5 di Noviembre. Humyl tya de Vuestra Magestad y su servydora, Catheetna. Al muy alto y muy poderoso emperador y rey my Seiior y sobrino 66. 66 This and the two following to Anne, vol. i. pp. 175-181, the documents have been reprinted punctuation only, for the most part, from the Duke of Manchester's being altered. Court and Society from Elizabeth 342 RECORDS OF Number CCCIV Copy of a letter from Catharine to Francis de los Covos, Commendador Mayor qf Leon, praying for a continuance of his good offices; written November 6, i533- Simancas ESPECIAL amigo, Leg. 806, fob 36. Por el bien y beneficio que Dios a hecho a toda la Christi- andad por mano de Su Magestad, en librarle del enemigo de nuestra fo, se vee la obligation en que a todos nos pone a con- tinuar en hazer buenas obras ; y pues saveys que otra mayor no podeys hazer que procurar con Su Magestad, a que haga toda instantia en que Su Santidad de fin y determination al negocio del rey mi Senor y mio, el qual tanto mal,. como sabeys, a traydo y traera a toda la Chistiandad, todo el ti- empo que estuviere suspenso ; y porque se quan buen amigo me aveys seido en hazerme buenas obras, torno a rogaros muy affectuosamente agora que Dios a quisido traer esta causa a tan buenos meritos, y coniectura que no me querays olvidar syno continuar por mi amor como hasta agora aveys hecho, y sea cierto teneys en mi una buena amiga para hazer por vos lo que pudiere. De Vichefarfil 6 de Noviembre. Por falta de sosyego de coracon, no tengo poder para de my mano as escrevir todo lo que querrya syno como persona que sy el remedyo de Su Magestad agora me falta quando estu viere con el papa para dar fin a mi negocyo, yo estoy desasyu- cada; para que solo Dios aga de my con su myserycordia, lo que quysyere. Chataeina. THE REFORMATION. 343 Number CCCV. Copy of a letter from Catharine to the Emperor, expressing her fears of the influence of the French King with the Pope; ivritten November nth, 1532. MUY alto y muy poderoso Senor, Simancas J J * Leg. 806, Despues de escryta la carta que Vuestra Magestad vera, me fo1, 34' aviso un amygo myo y muy cyerto de lo que el Rey my Senor y el Rey de Francya en estas vystas an determynado de pro- curar con Su Sanctidad por los Cardenales que alia ynbyan ; y porque soy cyerta que su enbaxador ara saber a Vuestra Alteza lo que vera desto pasa, no deseo darle mas enojo con mis cartas, referyendome a las del dicho enbaxador, y tornando a suplycar lo que por my carta a Vuestra Magestad escrivo se aga, y pues sabe los truenos desta tierra no echan rayas syno para cryr a my por servicyo de Dyos, tenga por bien de dar el esfuerzo ques razon a Su Sanctydad que ya todo el mundo conosce aver necesydad dello y azer cosa alguna que ay repre- sentara, no empydan el byen que de Su Sanctydad y Vuestra Magestad este Reyno y yo esperamos. Y porque las cartas vayan seguras y con tyempo, envyo esta posta, con el qual espero en Nuestro Senor aver respuesta tan buena que a my vyda dara descanso. Nuestro Senor la vyda y Real estado de Vuestra Magestad guarde y acreciente. De Arforde Castel a 1 1 de Noviembre. humyl tya de Vuestra Magestad Catheeina. Al muy alto y poderoso Senor el Emperador y Rey my sobrino. 344 RECORDS OF Number CCCVI. Copies of the different citations enclosed in Came's holograph letter of the yth qf December, 1532 ; dated November 4, Copia citationum quce emandrunt. Eecord MANDAT Reverendissimus pater Dominus Paulus de Office. . Capisucchis, auditor, citari, et citat, in audientia publica etc., , Serenissimum Dominum Henricum, regem Anglia? omnesque suos procuratores, si qui sint, quatenus prima die compareant legitime ad dicendum 'contra commissionem, ac videndum re- iterari terminos, unico contextu in vim bulla? Innocentiana?, instante illustrissima domina, Catherina, regina Angliae, de et super prsetextu matrimonii inter eos contracti, rebusque aUis. Data Romae in audientia publica contradictarum die 4 Novembris 1532, Pontificates Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, Domini Clementis Papae Septimi, anno ejus nono. Alia Anglice matrimonii, coram, reverendo patre, Domino Paulo de Capisucchis. Citetur reverendus pater, Dominus Jeronimus, episcopus Wigorniensis et doctor Benett, oratores serenissimi et illus trissimi Domini, Domini Henrici, Regis Angliae, ad dicendum contra commissiones successive praesentatas, et remissoriam ultimo datam, et illam aperiri mandare, ac jura[menta] suc cessive data et repetita, et videndum reiterari terminos unico contextu in vim bulla? Innocentianae seu commissionis praesenta- tae, et jurare testes super recognitione et tota causa,, et committi notario juramenta egregiarum personarum et impeditarum ad primam, et priusquam commissum fuerit, videndum illos jurare in domibus eorum vel notarii, horis 20, 21, 22, 23 et 24 ejusdem et sequentis diei ; ac postquam testes juraverint, ad dandum interrogatoria per totam illam et sequentes dies, THE REFORMATION. 345 instante serenissima Domina, Domina Catherina, regina, An gliae, sive ejus procuratore. Alia Anglicani matrimonii. Coram reverendo patre D. Paulo de Capisucchis, rota decano. Citentur reverendi patres et magnifici Domini, Jeronimus episcopus Wigorniensis et doctor Benett, Serenissimi Domini Henrici regis Angliae in Romana curia, oratores, ad dicendum contra commissiones successive prsesentatas ad primam diem, instante serenissima domina Catherina, Anglia? Regina prin cipali, sive ejus procuratore 6?. 67 The letter of Carne's, in which later date were enclosed, is printed these and some other documents of in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 392. 346 RECORDS OF Number CCCVII. Game's petition for a revocation of the Commission ; dated November Jth, 1532. Copia petitionis pro revocatione Commissionis. Record DIE septima Novembris, Millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo secundo, Dominus doctor Karne, regius Excusator constitutus coram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, dixit et allegavit, ad ejus noticiam pervenisse, quandam commissionem, licet milliter, ad instantiam illustrissimae Reginae prsesentatam ¦ esse reverendo patri, Domino Paulo de Capisucchis super reiteratione termi- norum in causa, principali, ipso Excusatore irrequisito ac non citato. Et quum materiae excusatoriae adhuc in sacro consistorio coram eodem Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, et suo sacrosancto senatu pendeant, et nondum sint discussse et terminatae, et ex dicta commissione magnum gravamen tam serenissimo Regi quam praefato Excusato.ri inferatur ; — Quare petit ipse Excusator dictam Commissionem revocari, et in principali causa non procedi, ex causis praemissis ; alias protestatur dictus Excusator, de nullitate et gravamine tam dicto Regi quam ipsi Excusatori illatis, et de omni juris remedio omni meliori modo etc. Exhibita coram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro per dictum Dominum Excusatorem, rogantem me notarium etc., quod de praemissis etc. Endorsed in Gardiner's hand — The copy of the petition for the revocation of a commission proposed to be given at the suit of the Dowager, November 7. THE REFORMATION. 347 Number CCCVIII. Copy of the Pope's answer to Came 's first appeal qf Nov. 14; dated Nov. 18, 1532. Copia responsionis Pontificis ad primam appellationem ab eo interpositam. SANCTISSIMUS Dominus Noster, respondendo schedulae Record appellationis et protestationis nuper coram sua, sanctitate ex- ce' hibitae, dicit, quod in procedendo in h&c causa Anglicana ali- quem non gravavit nee gravare vult, sed ut justicia ministrari possit, decreto in sacro consistorio et commissionibus in hujus modi causa factis, quibuscunque non obstantibus, locum esse intendit. Data per eundem Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, domino Doctori Karne, excusatori Regio, die 18 Novembris 1532. Endorsed — Copia responsionis Papae ad appellationem primam interpositam. And in Gardiner's hand — The answer of the Bishop of Rome to the appeal against the rejection of the matter excusatory. 348 RECORDS OF Number CCCIX. Copy qf Game's second appeal of the 18 th of November, Copia secundce appellationis interpositce a Pontifice. Record BEATISSIME pater, Office. Licet omni generi animantium a natura, sit attributum ut se, vitam, corpusque, praesertim ab injuriis, et gravaminibus vindicet, et tueatur, declinetque ea qua? ei nocitura videantur, ac etiam appellationis remedium, praesertim ad Sedem Apos tolicam (ad quam ab omnibus, maxime tamen oppressis, et ubi judicium claudicare censetur, appellari et concurri quasi ad matrem solebat, ut ejus uberibus nutriantur, auctoritate de- fendantur, et a suis oppressionibus per eandem quae oppressos filios oblivisci nequit, releventur) ad praesidium innocentiae sit institutum, aequitasque in judiciis, praesertim Sedis Apostolicae observari debeat ; ac etiam appellationis usus super jure natu- rali et aequitate sit fundatus, ac eidem, cum ex justa, et legitima1 causa, interponitur, jure et merito sit deferendum ; Vestra tamen Sanctitas quae oculos a justicia et aequitate nunquam deflectere, nee favore, timore, vel odio, seu aliter qualitercunque a viro bono et aequo abduci debeat, ob nimios et immoderatos favores quos illustrissimae Reginae et Caesarea? Majestati ipsorumque agentibus apud Sanctitatem Vestram, Vestra Sanctitas saepius, et nunc praesertim propter congressum Caesareae Majestatis cum Sanctitate Vestra et labores ac instan- tias dictorum agentium importunas adhibet, contempto ac spreto appellationis remedio, quod in justicia, in qua Sanctitas Vestra debitor est omnibus, nulli debet denegari, quandam appella tionem per me Edwardum Karne, legum doctorem Illustrissimi Regis Angliae Excusatorem, ex veris, justis, legittimis et noto- riis gravaminibus rite et legitime coram Sanctitate Vestra, decimo quarto instantis mensis Novembris interpositam, ad malam quorundam relationem rejecit, seu saltem me praefa- THE REFORMATION. 349 turn Excusatorem ad eandem persequendam, probandam et justificandam, admittere vel me super eadem audire non cura- vit, neque curat, sed omnino recusavit, prout et recusat in prsesenti, licet nulliter et inique, salva semper reverentia ves- trorum beatissimorum pedum, in dicti illustrissimi Regis et mei praefati Excusatoris gravamen, praejudicium et injuriam, ac defensionis etiam et naturalis aequitatis subversionem et ru- inam manifestam ; Quare ego praefatus Excusator, sentiens dictum illustrissi mum Regem et me praefatum Excusatorem graviter et enormiter ex praemissis laedi, ac timens etiam, praesertim quum Caesarea Majestas cum Sanctitate Vestra erit, magis posse gravari, in- haerendo omnibus et singulis protestationibus, exceptionibus, appellationibus, provocationibus, defensionibus, ac aliis juris remediis antehac per me qualitercunque factis et interpositis, ad eandem Sanctitatem Vestram post recessum dicta? Caesarea? Majestatis ex Italia, melius et sincerius ac securius informan- dam, iterum in hiis scriptis provoco et appello, apostolosque peto, primo et secundo et tertio, instanter, instantius et instan- tissime mihi tradi, dari et deliberari cum effectu protestans quod, pendente appellatione mea, hujusmodi, nichil attemptetur aut innovetur, praesertim in causa principali. Alias protestor de nullitate, ac de notorio justicia? defectu, ac de omni juris remedio omni meliori modo etc. Exhibita coram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro per Dominum doctorem Carne, regium Excusatorem, die Lunae 1 8° Novem- bris 1532. Qui sanctissimus Dominus Noster dixit non gra- vasse nee gravare velle, et hujusmodi schedulam mihi sua? Sanctitatis Datario et notario, animo illam revidendi, tradidit. Endorsed in Gardiner's hand — The second appellation to the bysshop of Rome. 350 RECORDS OF Number CCCX. Copy of Carne's appeal upon the matter excusatory. Copia appellationis a repositione interpositd a decano Rotce. Record LICET reverende pater, frivolis appellationibus non sit Office. deferendum, prout jura non def erunt, nichilominus Reverenda Paternitas Vestra ad importunam partis adversae instantiam, eandem partem adversam adversus reposition em meam, nuUiter et inique (salva vestra reverentia) reposuit. Et quia ex ista, repositione sentio me gravatum, et timeo magis in futurum gravari, — Idcirco ego Edwardus Karne, Excusator illustrissimi Regis Angliae, in hiis scriptis a dicta repositione adversarii ad Sanc tissimum Dominum Nostrum, Dominum Clementem Papam septimum provoco, et appello, apostolosque peto, primo, se cundo, et tertio, instanter, instantius et instantissime mihi tradi et deliberari, cum effectu protestans quod, appellatione hujus modi pendente, nichil innovetur. Alias protestor de nulli- tate etc. Endorsed in the same hand — Copia appellationis a repositione. And in Gardiner's hand — The copy of the appeal upon the matter excusatory. THE REFORMATION. 351 Number CCCXI. Copy of the citation issued November 28, 1532, and enclosed in Game's letter of December 7, 1532. REVERENDUS pater Paulus de Capisuchis citat illustrissi- Record mum Dominum Henricum, Regem Angliae, ej usque procuratores, Office. si qui sunt, quatenus prima die juridica compareant legitime coram eo, ad dicendum contra jura hactenus producta, et arti culos, ultimo facto datos, et in rotulo remissoria? includendos, et videndum illos admitti et remissoria etiam sine retardatione expeditionis causa? ad partes, in vim bulla? Innocentii decimi, et concordandum de judicibus loco et loco loci et tempore et portitore, et videndum ilium jurare seu juramentum committi; necnon ad dandum interrogatoria in rotulo remissoria? inclu- denda, si quae dari voluerint, et constituendum procuratores ad interessendum executioni datae remissoriae per totam illam et sequentes dies ; alias claudetur remissoria, sine interrogatoriis et procedetur per affixionem ad valvas, vel prout judices remissoria? ordinaverint, in causa et causis vertentibus coram eo inter dictos citatos ex una, et serenissimam Dominam Ca- therinam, Angliae Reginam, de et super fcedere matrimonii inter eosdem Dominos Henricum et Katherinam legitime con- tracti, rebusque aliis in actis causae et causis hujusmodi latius deductis, et illorum occasione partibus, ex altera ; ahoquin etc. Data Roma? in audientia contradictarum, sub anno a nativi tate Domini 1532 Pontificates Sanctissimi Domini dementis Papa? VII, anno ejus decimo. Endorsed — Copia citationis datae 28 Novembris. 352 RECORDS OF Number CCCXII. Copy of an appeal made by Came against the citation of November 28, 1532. Record REVERENDE Pater, Office. Licet alias, ut praetenditur, quadam praetensd, Commissione reiteratoria, terminorum, seu alias ad ulteriora procedendum, manu Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, Papae, ut dicitur, signata, materiis excusatoriis alias per me Edvardum Carne, legnm doctorem, Illustrissimi Regis Anglia? Excusatorem, datis de jure relevantibus et admissibilibus, prout re vera in sacro Consistorio admissa? fuerunt, praejudiciale et eidem Paternitati Vestrae, ut praetenditur, praesentata ; ac vigore ejusdem ad quoddam praetensum decretum citationis de IUustrissimo Rege praedicto in urbem citato ut dicitur deventum, qui locus etiam propter eximiam potentiam partis Regina?, ac sibi et sua? causae adhaerentium, fuit et est, tam olim quam in pra?senti multo magis tam causae quam personae Illustrissimi Regis praedicti notorie non tutus ; Et propterea tam a praedicta, Commissione et aliis inde secutis, ac aliis gravaminibus de quibus in appellationibus de- super factis a Paternitate Vestri et a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro ne dum semel, sed etiam bis ad eundem Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum illiusque sanctam Sedem Apostolicam tan quam male informatam, post reeessum Caesarea? Majestatis ab Italia melius sincerius ac securius informandam, fuerit et ex titerit legitime per me praefatum Excusatorem appellatum et provocatum, de quibus Paternitas Vestra probabilem ig norantiam praetendere non potest; Quibus appellationibus pendentibus coram eadem Sanctitate sua non debuisset, nee deberet eadem Reverenda Paternitas Vestra aliqualiter pro- cedere ; Nichilominus, ad importunam instantiam et inordinatos fa- vores partis adversa? et suorum adha?rentium, temere atten- tando et innovando per Audientiam Contradictarum Sane- THE REFORMATION. 353 tissimi Domini Nostri Papa? quandam praetensam citationem, ut dicitur, citando ad eandem urbem coram eadem Paternitate Vestra, locum ut praefertur tam parti citata? quam causa? suae notorie non tutum, Illustrissimum Regem praefatum ad dicen dum contra praetensa jura producta et praetensos articulos ultimo loco, ut praetenditur, facto datos, ac in praetenso rotulo praetensae remissoriae includendos et videndum illos admitti et praetensam remissoriam decerni ad partes et in praetensa causa sine retardatione procedi, ac etiam ad concordandum de pra?- tensis judicibus et de praetenso loco ac de praetenso loco loci ac praetenso tempore seu praetensum Juramentum committi, necnon ad dandum praetensa Interrogatoria in praetenso ro tulo praetensae remissoria? includenda, si qua? dari voluerit et ad constituendum praetensos procuratores ad interessendum prae tensae executioni praetensae remissoriae per totam illam et se- quentem diem, alias claudetur praetensa remissoria sine inter- rogatoriis et procedetur per affixionem ad valvas, prout prae- tensi judicis praetensae remissoriae ordinaverint in praetensis causa et causis vertentibus coram Paternitate Vestra; in dictos praetensos citatos ex una, et Serenissimam Dominam Katherinam reginam super praetenso foedere praetensi matri monii milliter et inique citari, ut dicitur, mandavit, et, ut praetenditur citavit, praemissis non obstantibus. Quarum ego Eduardus Carne, Excusator praefati Illustris simi Regis, citra tamen aliquem praetensum consensum in assertam jurisdictionem Paternitatis Vestrae, immo semper illi •declinando, et inhaerendo omnibus et singulis declinativis, protestationibus et appellationibus hactenus habitis, factis, et inexpositis, et ab illis non recedendo, sentiens praefatum Illustrissimum Regem, et me Majestatis sua? Excusatorem et causam enormiter et enormissime, nulliter et inique gravari, timensque magis atque magis in futurum, enormius gravari posse et laedi; — Idcirco honore et reverentia, ac jure dicendi de nullitate semper salvis, in his scriptis ad Sanctissimum Dominum No strum, Dominum' Clementem Papam VIIm ejusque sanctam Sedem Apostolicam, a praedictis gravaminibus, et a quolibet eorum illatis et inferti 68 quomodolibct comminatis, ac a toto 68 There is some mistake in- the copy which the editor is unable to correct. VOL. n. A a 354 RECORDS OF vestro praetenso processu provoco et appello, petens primo, secundo et tertio, instanter, instantius et instantissime, Apo- stolos michi tradi, dari et deliherari, cum effectu protestans, quod pendente appellatione mea, hujusmodi, nichil attemptetur aut innovetur, praesertim in causa, principali ; alias protestor de nullitate etc., omni meliori modo etc. Endorsed on another leaf, which is vacant — Copia appellationis interponenda? Romae. Endorsed in Gardiner's hand — The copy of the appeal, a Commissione reiteratoria terminorum, citra tamen consensum in jurisdic- tionem Pontificis. THE REFORMATION. 355 Number CCCXIII. Extract from Sir Gregory Cassali' s letter to Gardiner ; written from Bologna, December 20, 1532. Ex literis Domini Gregorii Casalii die 20 Decembris, Bononios datis ad Dominum Secretarium. GURONUS mihi scribit, quod male egi, quum non iverim Record Romam, sed quum ignorem utrum hoc vestro nomine aut ex offioe- se scripserit, anceps dubiusque sum ; nam ejus consilio non mutarem meum propositum, quod est hinc non movendi nisi a vestra Dominatione admonitus. Verum si scirem hoc ad me scripsisse monitu Vestra? Domi nationis, statim conscendissem equum. Sed ut ipsa sciat quo modo in hac re me gessi; acceptis litteris quas ultimo mihi scripsistis, eram in procinctu illuc equitandi, quum frater meus mihi significavit processum quem Romae agitabant contra Re- giam Majestatem ; ob quam causam sustiti, dubitans errare si ivissem, ob causas quas jam ad vos scripsi ; cum enim in ilia curia, sim tam notus servitor Regiae Majestatis, fuisset forsitan magis ad propositum illorum, si ego interfuissem huic proces- sui, sed magis me suspensum tenuit, quod nescio an placeat Regiae Majestati ut impediam hunc processum Pontificis, vel displiceat, et pro eo impediendo utrum ostendere debeam quic quid dico ex me ipso procedere, vel aliter ; ob istosque respectus bonum mihi visum est hie manere et fratrem meum mittere Romam, per quem intelligerem in diem quid in hac causa tractaretur ; prout Dominatio Vestra jam poterit cognoscere. Sed quod magis me angit est quod neque per ipsum, neque per 6a, in hac re quicquam boni fieri potest, quum nihil luminis a Dominatione Vestra nobis praebeatur. Versor enim in anci- piti, et ex una parte vellem operari, medio amicorum, ut iste processus Pontificis impediretur, ex altera, vereor ne errem hoc faciendo, ob hancque praecipuam causam istuc misi Guronum, 69 alium or alios appears to be omitted. A a 2 356 RECORDS OF ut certior fierem de mente Regiae Majestatis, per Dominati onem Vestram, quo pacto me gerere debebam, eique commisi ut cito ad me rediret cum hac resolutiorie, rogo Dominationem Vestram. pro sua, humanitate, casu quo nihil de hoc dixerit Gurono, mandet aliquid super hoc ad me scribi, ne a Regis; Majestate et a Dominatione Vestra imputetur mihi negligentia? aut nimiae curiositati vel temeritati. Interim non omittam, prout hactenus feci, de novis et occurrentiis Italia? fideliter scribere. Ex litteris Guroni, decima elapsi mensis datis, intellexi de ejus expeditione et de gratiosis litteris quas Dominatio Vestra obtinuit a Regia Majestate ad regem Romanorum pro libera- tione fratris mei ; quas ob res ego cum omnibus meis fratribus maxime illi debeo, erimusque semper amantissimi devinctissi- mique servitores Dominationis Vestrae. Ego expecto reditum Guroni pro discessu meo Romam ut coram fiam certior de eo quod ad me scripsit. Cumpri- mum accepi litteras Guroni, expedivi unum ex meis famili- aribus ad fratrem meum, scripsique ut omnia tentaret et medio amicorum operaretur ut Pontifex ulterius non proce- deret in causa Regia? Majestatis, donee illuc pervenerim, sique ex Gurono intellexero me posse libere agere pro intertenendo hanc causam, ibo Romam, et, quomodocunque potero, causam intertenere curabo, donee de mente Regiae Majestatis Vestra Dominatio fecerit me certiorem etc. Endorsed in Gardiner's hand — From Sir Gregory de Cassalis to me. THE REFORMATION. 357 Number CCCXIV. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell, giving an account of the interview between the Pope and the Em peror; written from Bologna 24th December, 1532. HUMILLIMA commendatione praemiss&. Si unquam antea mag[nitudinis] gratiae et autoritatis Mag- Vitell. nificentiae Vestrae apud illam serenissimam [Majestatem] incre-?jxlu" mentum audivi ; nunc equidem in utraque hac a eam quotidie magis ac magis in iisdem procedere, atque pro istic honoris percurrisse intelligo. Illam enim fatentur [omnes tanto] esse ingenio praeditam, tan- toque rerum usu exercitatam, talique [ingenio] ornatam, ut omnes populi veluti oraculum quoddam [habeant,] proceres prudentiam suam amplexentur, ac illi in prim [is placere] stu- deant; ille denique potentissimus rex summos suos labo[res et omnes] curas ad' illam rejiciat, utpote volens tanto onere lev[ari, .... aman]tissimi et sanctissimi alicujus viri fidei cupiens, de qu itaque Magnificentia? Vestrae nemo hie est qui non maximopere den . . ... omnium mirabilissimum putant qua, ratione ipsa pariter . . tam parvo temporis spatio ex infima sorte ad culm [en gloria?] et honorum provecti estis, unico plane hac nostra a?t[ate apud] Christianos principes exemplo. Quibus ita soleo re spond [ere, nil aliud] hujusce rei causam esse, nisi illius prin- cipis ingenium s[agax et pro]pemodum divinum ; qui, cum semper bona foverit ingen[ia, necnon] praemiis suos ad aliquid praeclari agendum assidue in vita [ver it, in pra?]sentiarum, max ime summoto eo qui solus videri volebat auribus principis magis patefactis, tales sane viri emer[gunt, qui cum] veteribus facile certare possunt, et cuivis praesentium in admi- [ratione] jure optimo conferrendi sunt. Quare nil miri si 358 RECORDS OF brevi ad [modum] dignitatum cumulo exornati splendescent. Illud potius admira[ndum] esset, si jacerent, aut inter medi ocres haberentur. Quod a absque sui principis nota, ut qui existimaretur aut rara pendere, aut in benemeritos esse minus liberalis. H . . . . autem sic habeat Magnificentia Vestra velim, nil gratius, nil ama[bilius] . . . . mihi annunciari posse, excepta semper illius serenissima? [Majestatis salute] quam non dignum Cromwello, aeterna, memoria digno, nee unquam me- hercle adeo sum [tristis] et dejecti animi (sum autem saepis- sime ob calamitatem meam) quin cum aliquid [hujus]modi hono- rificum de ea audiverim, non protinus mirum in modum delecter, [dili]gam, et me in magnum virum evasisse existimem; siqui dem ex nostra vetere ami[ci]tia, et sua erga me saepius multis argumentis declarata benevolentia,, videor [jure] quodam meo, partem aliquam gloria? sua? mihi vendicare, perinde quasi [am]i- corum honores, et bona in amicos transfundantur, sicuti dede- eora et mala [pleru]mque transfundi solent. Quod si de Mag- nificentise Vestra? felicitate nihil mihi sperandum est, [gau]debo tamen et gestiam audiendo, et opinione mea felix fiam aut, si mavis, insanus. [Superio]ribus meis toties et tantum ad Magnificentiam Vestram scripsi, ut verear ne illi sim [interdum] fastidio, quandoquidem et mihi ipsi diutina earum cogitatione jam fac tus sum [mo]lestus. Hoc solum dixero, ut interim taceam de constanti promisso illius [invic]tissimi Regis, mea? compen- sationis ab Domino de la Pomeray Christianissimi Regis ora tore [apu]d vos; plus ponderari debent aliqua mea merita qualiacunque, tam [prsete]rrita quam futura, quam unum dun taxat demeritum, si tamen demeritum ju[re est] dicendum, aut linguae meae naturalis et ex iracundia libertas, [quae] nihil- ominus etiam in vestrum commodum verti potest. Quare de omnibus his negociis cum Freschobaldo et famulo meo digna- bitur facere Magnificentia Vestra, [pro]ut solidse tua? prudentia? ac integritati videbitur, modo id cito faciat. [Ali]oquin ap- petente vere, mecum ipse statui istuc redire, ut semel probem [num] ego melius res meas possim perficere quam ministri mei ; nam ut plurimum res sua[s] melius curat is cujus interest quam quivis alius. Ceterum vehementer cupio, vel solum THE REFORMATION. 359 super hac re primo quoque tempore, a Magnificentia Vestra, mentem suam et consilium cognosce [re]. Quoad nova. De causa vestra et de gravioribus rebus supersedeo scribere, quoniam id in quam partem accipiatis, nondum ex vobis mihi compertum est. Ad haec certus sum ex tot vestris hie oratoribus vos abunde omnia cognituros. Solum publica, et [necess]aria Magnificentia? Vestrae in praesens ex- plicabo. Pontifex igitur 19 die postea quam ab urbe discessit, [hue] venit, hoc est septima instantis, qua, die pernoctavit in suburbio quodam hujus [urbis] ; postridie ejus diei palatium ingressus est, non sine multo honore, quemad[modum] . . itus est, solum praeeuntibus vix centum Ger- manis corporis sui custodibus, et e . ipse equo Turcaico insidens, stola rubra, ab humeris pendente, et Christo anteambulone . . fob 226. et magnatibus urbis comitatus fuit. Caesar 7 postquam a M [antea discessit] hanc urbem intravit, hoc est die 13 hujus, quae fuit [dies Veneris] perductus a Cardinalibus Cesarino et Grimano, qui ei ad . . . . hinc septem milli- bus passuum occurrerunt, reliquis Cardinalibus ad ... ferme per duas horas adventum ejus expectantibus, exceptis d[uobus tantum] Campegio scilicet et Cornaro ; qui in ecclesia Sancti Petronn [eum expec]tabant. Primum igitur Germani pedites Caesaris armati, in on . . forum quod est ante ecclesiam occuparunt, postea Caesare per ali . . ecclesiam proficiscente, Pontifex ex palatio per poittem subli- cium ad [eminentem] cathedram suam cum magna pompa, per ductus est. Mox Caesar, pra?[eunte] Bussa suo magistro equorum cum ense evaginato, et magna e tu suorum, ad pedes Pontificis voluit se genuflectere, ut eos de- [oscularetur,] quod Pontifex non permissit, sed sese inclinans, ambabus man[ibus Caesaris] aprehensis, genas genibus ad- junxit. Quo facto Caesar aliq[uamdiu in cathe]dra quadam inferiore illic jamdudum parata, a dextris sedit . . . pedes Pontificis deoscularetur. Inde ad magnum Altar[e quod pro] Pontifice erectum erat, profectus est, ibique tantum commoratus [donee canto] res cecinissent, Esto nobis domine turris fortitudinis etc etiam cantasset orationem de mpre. Quibus peractis prim [urn 360 RECORDS OF Caesar et] Pontifex ad sua diverterunt in eodem palatio; sicuti ab hinc illud multi notarunt, quod certe in Caesare rarum est, et . . quod cum ipse Caesar per- geret ad Altare, uti superius dixi, inte[r multorum] turbam circumstantium conspicatus Cardinalem Campegium cum qui busdam [aliis in] consessu sedentem, de via recta deflexit plus quinque passus, a . , . . nihil minus tale cogitantem, ac eum perhumaniter amplexatus, . . de varitudine sua percontatus est, aliis Cardinalibus praeterritis et . non absque causa, superius dixi, Caesarem hanc urbem intrasse die Veneris . . ter narrem Magnificentia? Vestra?, cujus- dam amici mei in Hispanos facete dis . . fuit, eramus aliquot in sacello Pontificis hujuscemodi ceremon[ias visuri,] et audiebamus quendam audaculum Hydalgum magna verbo- rum ma . . offendentem, Caesarem videlicet ilium diem pro ingressu suo, et . . gnarum rerum prae aliis elegisse utpote semper sibi faustum, [quod die Vene]ris natus est, et die Veneris coronam accepit imperii, die etiam Veneris . . lio ccepit etc., quae vix perfecerat, cum amicus meus . . . [te]merarie magis, alta voce sic ei respondit, — Vos Hispani, quia die Vene[ris] progeni- tores vestri impune regem coeli et terra? crucifixerunt, putatis quodcunque magnum facinus eo die aggressi fueritis, id vobis prospere cessurum, sed non semper ita. [Quo] mordaci re- sponso perculsus tacuit Hydalgus, et sic a majore audacia mi [nor] retusa est. Haec forsan, vir humanissime, plusquam deceat familiarius et minus graviter quam magnitudo Mag nificentia? Vestrae postulat. Res tamen ita se habuit. [Brevi] expectantur Reverendissimi Cardinales, Grandmont et Tor non, quos audio celebraturos [N]atale Domini apud Lau- dem in ditione Mediolanensi, adeo quod intra decern dies hie [eru]nt. Vix credi potest quanta sit eorum expectatio, ob amplissima ilia mandata [utr]iusque regis ; quibus quale re sponsum, et quale judicium futurum sit, necnon [qu]ae illorum causa existimatur, ex se praeterea quas rationes habeant ex [ju]re divino, et ex Graecorum monumentis, et veterum con- ciliorurn sanctionibus, [lilt] ens pertranseo, ne modum literarum excederem; alias forsan id again si per ocium [lice] bit. Clas sis Principis Auriae appulit promontorio Hydrunti, quod est [in] regno Neapolitano in Calabria; qua? non parva eget THE REFORMATION. 361 refectione . aliqui dicunt Caesarem ex omnibus illis tri- remibus velle seligere 12 para . . es, ut adjunctis aliis 12 ex Hispania. primo quoque tempore transfretatio[nem] festinet. Ego quid futurum sit nescio. Hsec duntaxat video, Caesarem [magn]opere affectare abitum in Hispaniam, ceterum hie eum habere gravissima [ne]gocia, classem egere refectione, et ipsum suapte natura esse semper cunctabundum. [Prae]fatus Auria ex datis 8 hujus, Neapoli, quo itinere terrestri perve[ne]rat, hue inde venturus erat, ad communi- candum quaedam de prosecutione [b]elli Peloponnesiaci cum Caesare ; ubi loci affirmant eum Coronum et Patrussum [com]- meatu hiemali, aggeribus et aliis munitionibus impositis tribus millibus peditum Hispanorum egregie communisse, ad toleran- dam longam obsidionem, donee de prosecutione belli decer- natur. Ex literis ex Venetiis intelligitur, illuc venisse orato- rem regis Turcarum, gratulatum cum eis de incolumi et felici reditu principis sui ad patriam. Ex datis praesentis ex Con stantinopoli missus erat a rege Turcarum Abrabim Bassa cum quinquaginta millibus armatorum in Peloponessum seu Moream, ad recuperandum de Caesarianis praedicta loca. Asserunt etiam portentum quoddam const'1 visum leone quodam super columna integri marmoris sua, sponte in nocte una manere [ad] versus orientem, cum faciem antea ha- buisset versus occidentem ; quod omnes harioli, [harus]pices, magi et sapientes Turcarum imperio suo ruinam portendere interpretantur. [Sed de his ni]mis multa. Orator novi ducis Saxoniae id est Joannis Frideri[ci] . est prorogantem adhuc dare investitnram seu . ex aliis principibus Germania? Christopborus fob 237. junior dux Vyrthembergensis cum promisisset . . . versus Mantuam, asserens se per equos dispositos illos conse- cut[urum. Sed ubi] gentium sit ignoratur. Aliqui dicunt eum latitare apud . ... Nonnulli apud avunculos suos Duces Bavariae Wilelmum et Lu[dovicum] . ferrunt tum Perdinandi potentiam tum occupationem illius ducatus . ipsi potissima fuerint causa deturbati. Seniorem ducem Vyrthe[mbergensein] praefatum ob sororem male ab eo contra jura matrimonii multatam q . sit, initium arbitror futurum alicujus tumultus in Genuam. Valeat Magnificentia Vestra, cui humillime supplico ut mihi 362 RECORDS OF tandem persua . si dignus sim odio aut amore sui quod ipse aliquando Deus multos labores fecisse legimus. Data? Bononiae, M.D.XXX[II. 24] Dece[mbris] 7° Habebit cum his compUcatum exemplar rei gesta? in civitate Basileensi, mea, sententia non aspernandum, traductum ex idio- mate Germaniae, hue ad Caesarem misso, in Latinum. Efjusdem] M[agnificentiae Vestrae] Servitor [humillimus] Au[gustesus ab Augustinis]. Endorsed — [Magnifico] ac ornatissimo Magistro, Tho[mae C]romwell, Serenissimi Regis [Ang]liae Con- siliario benemerito, Domino meo Colendissimo. And again in a contemporary hand — Dr. Augustine's letters. 70 See several letters touching in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 394 on the subjects of this letter, writ- sqq. ten from Bologna on the same day, THE REFORMATION. 363 Number CCCXV. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell begging for money and detailing intelligence ; written at Bologna, December 27, 1532. [HUMILLIMA commendati]one praemissa.. Vitell.B. xiii. Nudius tertius scripsi ad Magnificentiam Vestram per fob 227, [cursorem ordi]narium, Lugdunum proficiscentem, sub Uteris Reverendi Doctoris Benett, oratoris [serenissimi] regis hie apud summum Pontificem, quas mihi persuadeo fideliter desti- na nem autem, cum intelligam Thadeum tabel- lionem vestrum recta, ad vos contendere, n]olui eum vacuum meis ad Magnificentiam Vestram venire, non sane propterea quia [aliquid di]gnum habeam Magnificentia Vestra, sed po tius in signum unicse meae erga eam fidei, necnon [et meae] erga illam singularis observantiae testimonium ; ad haec, ut aliquando Magnificentia? Vestra? [in mem]oriam revocem mea negociola, nunquam ut video expedienda ob suorum et maxi- [morum ne]gociorum multitudinem in dies sibi emergentium. Quare Magnificentiam Vestram majorem in modum [oro, a]tque eam per salutem illius potentissimi regis etiam atque etiam obtestor, ut compensationem [illam, c]onstanter regio verbo promissam, utcunque expediat, et ut illas viginti libras sterlingas [mensis j]amdiu praeterriti per Freschobaldum, vel per viam alterius ad me non gravetur transmitter] e, siqui dem solius Magnificentia? Vestrae munusculo, hoc solum sua rum partium est. Hac in re saltem [alter a]lterius eget opera, nisi sua tan- tummodo nullus incusari potest, nullum impe . . . potest causari, nisi mera voluntas Magnificentia? Vestrae : quam in me (quae semper fuit [bonita]s sua) semper propensissimam expertus sum, nee in posterum aliter futuram eam existimo. [Scripsi super]ioribus meis (quemadmodum etiam nunc itidem confirmo) me appetente vere, si res [perfect] a? non fuerint, ad vos per Galliam venturum, ut saltem semel experiar si ego 364 RECORDS OF [opera expe]rti ministri res meas possim perficere, et ne sem per meis tibi sim molestus eveniet ut si favor tuus mihi opus erit, diligentia? tamen tua? satis parcam. [Concedat] deus, vel ut utrumque sit semper, vel saltem alterutrum, vel (quod magis desydero) . . . Magnificentia? Vestra? non ero semper onerosus, nee mihi necessarium erit illi molesta semper scribere. [Ubi] classis Andrea? Auriae Genuam pervenerit, ipse Auria brevi hie terrestri itinere expectatur ; proinde jactat se Caesar citissime hinc discessurum ; quod nullo [modo f]uturum existimo ante, ad minus, finem proximi men sis. Interim nova quaedam [quotidie] agitantur, et thesauri ecclesiae aliorum exemplo evacuabuntur et instantissime solicita ... . egressus ad ulteriora ; qui meo judicio minus facit in rem petentium quam adversantium. [Sed de] his nimis multa ; ab aliis melius. [Nos hie] assidue sumus in sacris, non paucioribus ceremo- niis quam olim Judaei in suis synagogis cum recordor. Adhuc esurio, nee unquam tristiorem passus sum diem quam cum in missa, natalis [Domini] summo mane usque ad noctem, circiter per horam impastes et impotus permanere coactus sum . . . terat Caesar, veste imperiali et corona indutus, aquam Pontificis manibus dare. Antea ab eodem Eucharistiam sumere, demum ipsum Pontificem per auream fistulam vinum ex ... . teream ne mihi magis sim fastidio, et Magnificentiae Vestrae videar velle Leviticum enarrare .... cupio videre, quantum quispiam caecus lucem. Dignabitur me [Magnificentia Vestra commendare duci Northfolciae et comiti] Wilshyriae, Dominis meis semper observandissimis. THE REFORMATION. 365 Number CCCXVI. The Pope's letter to the King on the subject of the General Council; written January 2, 1533- CHARISSIME in Christo Fili noster, Salutem et Raynald. Apostolicam Benedictionem. Superiore biennio, sicut Tua Majestas recordari potest, cum serenissimum Caesarem, quamquam pro sua inclyta pietate omnia conatum, tamen in conventu Augustensi nihil remedii ad haeresim Lutheranam in Germanic tollendam prae illorum obstinatione afferre potuisse audiremus, solumque concilii gene ralis remedium a nostris prsedecessoribus in casu simili usita- tum, et ab ipsis etiam Lutheranis postulatum superesse vide remus; habita super hoc cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris Sancta? Romana? Ecclesiae Cardinalibus matura deliberatione, ad ipsius concilii generalis indictionem in Italia, et loco ad hoc commodiore celebrandi devenire intendentes, id Tuae Majestati, sicut Caesari et caeteris principibus significandum communican- dumque duximus, eamque nostris literis fuimus hortati, ut tam sancto et necessario operi pro tua pietate et fidei defensoris titulo, proque tuorum majorum perpetua consuetudine favere, causamque sancta? fidei cum tea,, si fieri posset, praesentia, aut saltem cum oratoribus tuis, tuique regni praelatis adjuvare et tueri, et in hoc te et illos interim prseparare pro communi offi cio velles. Postea vero ea, actione nostra per apparatus Turcarum primo perturbata, et deinde per eorum in Hungariam et Ger- maniam irruptionem prorsus interrupta, suspensisque prop terea omnium principum et Christianorum animis, toto hoc interjecto tempore de hac re silere coacti fuimus. Nunc autem ipsis hostibus Dei benignitate repulsis, cum serenissimus Caesar nobiscum Bononiae congressus inter caetera publice salutana hoc quoque de indicendo generali concilio instanter nobiscum 366 RECORDS OF egerit, illudque non solum a Lutheranis ut antea, sed etiam a caeteris Germaniae principibus et civitatibus in proximo Ratis- ponensi conventu flagitatum, seque omnem operam suam cum . apud nos, tum apud Reges et potentates caeteros in id pollici- tum fuisse dixerit; nos sane non solum Christiana charitate, sed etiam nostri debito muneris, quod a Deo omnipotente acce pimus, astricti, ne tot animas in ilia haeresi periclitari, quantum a nobis praestari poterit, ulterius sinamus, nostras partes no- struraque officium in principibus omnibus ad ipsum concilium adhortandis, tunc susceptum a nobis, et terrore immanissimi hostis interruptum resumere continuandum censuimus, ut sanc- tse reUgioni tantis erroribus illic implicitae succurramus, et cum veteri pietate tranquillitatem et quietem illi inclyta? nationi tam valido christianitatis membro restituamus. Quamobrem te, fili noster in Christo charissime, tanquam inclytum et pientissi- mum christianitatis Regem, per Jesum dominum, cujus sancta fides in illis locis labefactatur, hortamur et studiose requirimus, ut nobiscum et cum eodem Caesare serenissimoque fratre ejus, jam in hoc unanimiter concordibus, ad ejusdem concilii gene ralis convocationem pie consentire, iUudque cum tua si fieri poterit praesentia,, aut saltem cum oratoribus tuis, et tui regni praelatis, sicut antea Tuae Majestati scripseramus, juvare et tueri, ac te et illos interim ad hoc praeparare et de tea, super hoc voluntate, quam non nisi te dignam fore speramus, ad nos per- scribere quamprimum velis, ut cum Caesaris, ac tuo, Romano rum Regis, caeterorumque principum et potentatuum, ad quos etiam scribimus, et quorum neminem, praesertim Tua Majestate accedente, defuturum confidimus, unanimi voto et consensu ad indictionem ipsius concilu in Italia, et commodiore loco cele- brandi, sicut etiam tunc Tuae Serenitati scripsimus, adjutore Domino, devenire possimus ; quemadmodum haec plenius et diffusius tuus apud nos ad te scribet, et noster apud te orator Tua? Serenitati coram explicabit. Dat. Bononiae 2 Januarii M.D. XXXIII, pontificates nostri anno X. THE REFORMATION. 361 Number CCCXVII. Holograph letter from Augustine to Cromwell, written from Bologna, January 5, 1533, complaining of delays. HUMILLIMA commendatione praemissa. Vitell. B. xiii. Scripsi ad Magnificentiam vestram post [meum reditum in fob 144- hanc] urbem plurimas meas, viz. 12 et 17 71 Octobris necnon [24 et 27] superioris mensis: quibus sane potius res meas Magnificentia? Vestrae quam [Regis] commendare conatus sum ; quam ut (quod antea semper usurp [avi]) rerum occurrentium illi bona, fide significarem ; nunc etiam itidfem] Magnificentiam vestram suppUciter, ac toto pectore rogo atque etiam rogo, et, per [viscera mise] ricordiae Domini nostri Jesu Christi, eam obtestor ut pro sua, virili, tuitfionem velit] utcunque expedire ; tantum enim (ut libere loquar) per'taesus [sum istam] odiosam prorogationem, ut malim omnia amittere quam continu[a, soli- citudine] pendere animi, et frustra expectando vana spe con- tabescere. [Discedere] nolui : quia de statu rerum mearum, jam se vertente sexto mense, sum penitus ignarus ; [nee mihi] quic quam profuit innumeris meis Freschobaldum, solicitasse aut famulis [suis scrip]sisse aut domini de la Pomeray, oratoris Christianissimi apud illam Serenissimam Majestatem, pa[trem] qui plane scribit domino de Veyle hie, per ejusdem secre- tarium se rem om[nem confectu]rum : qui tamen adhuc non venit. Sed cotidie jam hosce duos menses expect[atur. Fortunis] meis totus orbis clausus esse videtur ; vincam tamen et hanc fortuna? [difficultatem] patientia; quae omnium malo- n See Numbers CCC and CCCI. of December 24 and 27 have been The latter letter was written on the supplied to meet the extremely 14th of October; the date r7th of probable supposition that the two October probably refers to the day letters alluded to are those of Num- when the Postscript was written bers CCCXIV and CCCXV. and the letter sent off. The dates 368 RECORDS OF rum singulare est remedium : Quid agam ? quid tentabo ? quo me vertam? profecto nescio nisi ut ego mei '[curam habeam]. Veniam igitur per Galliam ad vos ineunte vere, ut et hanc unicam . .... et ubi nodus sit intelligam, ne sem per expectando perpetuo miser [sim. Ut] non amplius ad vos nova scribam, quatuor me monent. Primum, discrim[en im- minens] ne tandem hoc meum genus scribendi resciatur; secundum, labor inutili[s, quia nova mea] missa tantum jam temporis mihi non prospiciatis ; et summa mea egestas [quae tanta est ut ad] mea negociola prosequenda me retrahat ; tertium, dubia spes gra[tiae ineundae] si quidem non parum dubito, in quam partem mea nova accipiatis ; quin [etiam vereor ne] apud vos plus suspitionis mihi attulerint quam fidem meam erga vos magis [comprobaverint] .... . . quod inter cetera hoc videtur argumentum pro- bare, quod nunquam, ne verbis quid [em, ullae] redditae sunt gratiae tantorum laborum, et in dies videam res meas apud vos i[n pejus ruere]. Postremum, quod mihi super vacaneum videatur, velle ea vobis fastidiendo [commemorare de re quae] a tot oratoribus vestris hie, clarissimis et dignissimis viris, non minore diligentia [ac fide] significatur, potissimum istuc veniente Reverendo Doctore Bonero : qui solus [responsum] omnium scriptis cumulatissime potest supplere. Felicissime valeat [Magnificentia vestra, et] si honores am- plissimi non mutarunt mores (quod nemo bonus existimabit, nee mihi aliter exploratum est : qui generosi sui animi sen [sum videor mihi] perspexisse), aliquando super his dignetur aliquo pacto ite [rum scribere; inte]rim etiam dignabitur me conser- [vare, cujus tutelae] me commend [atum volo]. Magnificentia? Vestra? servitor humillimus A. A. THE REFORMATION. 369 Number CCCXVIII. Original letter from Stokesley to some lord, written January 8, 1533, recommending a conference on the subject of the marriage. MINE own very singular good lord, In my most h[earty] manner I commend me unto your Otho, C. good lordship; and being [of late] advertised by my lord ° ' ' '" of Canterburye that it hath [been] devised and agreed be tween you, as for the most reasonable] convenient way to remove and appease such obloqui[es as] now of long time hath been occasioned, by reason [of the] contrariety and altercation in opinions amongst the d[ivines] of this realm concerning the law of God in the [king's] great matter, that your lordship taking unto [yourself] five doctors such as ye shall think most m [ete for] that purpose, and 1 other five, should at some tim[e and] place convenient assemble together, to the end [that,] charitably conferring such authorities and rea[sons as] either of us can allege for the justification [of our] opinions, we might finally agree in that [resolution] which, after our said disputation, should be [found] in our conscience before God to be most agreeab[le and] consonant to the very truth, and to the l[aw both] of God and man. And that in case also we [should] so do, there should be chosen two other lor[ds also] of most upright and sincere judgment and [learning] in divinity, whose determinations in that [behalf we] should obey and follow; for so much as y[our intent] and purpose is in my poor judgment very [right, and] proceeding of singular good mind and zeal specimen hactenus semper prcebuisti to the knowledge and increase of charity and thereto also ut nunc sunt hominum mores et tempora for the [avoiding] such inconvenients as might else peradven ture come of] this our said controversy, in so weighty [a mat ter,] not only to us but also to the whol[e realm of] Englond (which God forbid). I heartil[y therefore] pray you to send vol. 11. b b 370 RECORDS OF me word by your [servant, your] pleasure and determination as well concerning the time] and place where we should meet [for this our] purpose, as also what persons you [shall] fob 161 b. choose and appoint to be the said judges of our controversy ; assuring your lordship that for my part you shall find me so conformable therein, as by reason and congruencie ye may desire; specially considering that whatsoever we shall do herein, it shall rather tend to the examination and trial of the justices of both our opinions, without prejudice of any other man's sentence, than that thereby shall ensue any determina tion in the king's cause as your good lordship by your wisdom can consider. By reason whereof I am the bolder without the king's high ness' knowledge thus to write unto your good lordship ; and, in my opinion, ye ought the less to doubt to prosecute and accomplish your said good intent in the same, whereof as before I heartily desire and pray you to ascertain me in all convenient speed, to the intent I may order myself thereunto accordingly. And thus our lord preserve and maintain your good and prosperous life with increase of honor to his pleasure and yours. At London this 8th of January with the rude hand of Your bound beedsman, JoAmES LoNMNIENSIS. THE REFORMATION. 371 Number CCCXIX. Copies of the three Breves of Clement VII., extracted from the edition published at Rome at the commencement of the year 1533. EXEMPLARIA SIVE cople Teium Bee- vium Apostolicoeum, cum certis eorum executionibus et signaturis notarii in eis- dem nominati, In favo rem IUustrissima? Dominae Katharinse Anglia? Reginae, contra Illustrissi mum Dominum Henricum Angliae Regem, super ma trimonio inter eos contracto, Quorum unum est de interdicto generali per totum re gnum Angliae, Secundum est con- firmatorium primi, cum illegi- timatione prolis forsan susce- ptae vel suscipienda?, Et tertium excommu- nicationis in ipsum Regem et Annam de Boland, nisi respective paruerint, et idem Rex eandem Annam a pu blica cohabitatione sua infra unum mensem rejecerit. b b 2 372 RECORDS OF PRIMUM BREVE CLEMENS PAPA VII. Universis et singulis ad quos praesentes litterae pervenerint, Salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. Exponi nobis nuper fecit charissima in Christo filia nostra Catharina Angliae Regina illustrissima, quod alias, postquam validitatis seu invahditatis matrimonii ex dispensatione Apostolica, inter Reginam ipsam, et charissimum in Christo filium nostrum, Henricum Anglia? Regem illustrissimum et fidei defensorem multis jam decursis annis prole suscepta contracti, et pacifice continuati, ipsiusque dispensationis, ac inter eos divortii causis, ex nostro pastorali officio, dilectis filiis Thoma? sanctae CecUise, et Laurentio sancta? Mariae in trans Tiberim Presbiteris Cardinalibus, in Regno Angliae, nostris, et Apostolica? sedis Legatis de Latere, omni recusatione, et appellatione remotis, per eos in eodem Regno cognoscendis, et decidendis per nos commissis, dictisque Rege, et Regina ex eorumdem Cardinalium officio, et mandato, certis die et loco in jus vocatis, eadem Regina coram eisdem Car dinalibus et legatis comparens, ipsos ex loco, et personis, ac alias suspectos recusaverat, et ab eorum citacione, et comminato processu, ad nos et sedem Apostolicam pluries appellaverat ; cum ipsi Cardinales et Legati, omnibus his rejectis, se judices competentes et ad ulteriora in causis ipsjs per eos procedi posse, et debere declarasssent, ipsa Regina ab hujusmodi de claration appellans, illicentiata recesserat, ipsique Cardinales et Legati contra eam ut contumacem a jurium et testium re- ceptione procuratore ipsius Regis praesente ac alias proces- serant. Nos ut dicta? causa? sine suspicione procederent, illas et praedictarum appellationum, ad ipsius Regina? supplicationem, dilecto filio Magistro Paulo Capisucio Capellano nostro et cau- sarum Palatii Apostolici auditori, per eum audiendas, et nobis referendas, etiam cum potestate Regem ipsum, et alios citandi,' ac eis et dictis Cardinalibus, inhibendi etiam sub censuris et THE REFORMATION. 373 pcenis, etiam pecuniariis, etiam per edictum publicum, constito summarie et extrajudicialiter de nostro tuto accessu, et alias commisimus ; ipseque Paulus auditor, constito sibi de non tuto accessu, citationem ipsam cum inhibitione sub censuris ac de cern millium ducatorum auri poenis, per edictum publicum, in certis locis almae Urbis nostra?, et in partibus, in Collegiata? beatae Mariae Brugensis, Tornacensis, et parrochialis de Dum- brech, oppidorum Morinensis dioecesium Ecclesiarum valvis affigendum decrevit, et in eis praemissa legitime executa fue rint, ac dicto Regi et aliis omnibus, ne in praejudicium litis ac jurium dicta? Reginae interim aliquid innovarent, mandatum fuit, revocatis postea, quoad ipsum Regem, poenis et censuris, in citatione, et inhibitione appositis. Cum autem pro parte ejusdem Reginae nobis denuo expositum fuerit, ad ejus aures pervenisse, Regem ipsum, lite hujusmodi ac inhibitione et man dato sibi factis non obstantibus, se jactare ad secundas nuptias de facto devenire velle, in non modicum ipsius Reginae praeju dicium, ac in ipsius Regis anima? perniciem ; quare pro parte ipsius Regina? nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum, ut ejus honori ac ipsius Regis animae saluti consulere, aliasque in praemissis opportune providere, de benignitate Apostolica dignaremur. Nos itaque attendentes justis et honestis petitionibus, no strum assensum denegari non posse, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati auctoritate Apostolica per hoc nostrum edictum pub licum, in audientia nostra contradictarum publicandum, ac earundem Ecclesiarum valvis adfigendum, cum alias praefato Paulo auditori constiterit, ad illud eidem Regi intimandum, non patere accessum, prout etiam de praesenti non pateat, eidem Regi ac quibusvis utriusque sexus, etiam ejus domes- ticis, ac etiam Consiliariis, Secretariis, et aliis cujuscumque status, gradus, dignitatis, et excellentiae personis, districte in- terdicimus, prohibemus, et districtius inhibemus, omnem om nino licentiam, potestatem et facultatem ab eis auferentes ; ne sub majoris excommunicationis, et suspensionis, ac etiam om nium Oathedralium, et Metropolitanarum Ecclesiarum, et loco- rum secularium, et quorumvis ordinum regularium dicti Regni interdicti inviolabiliter observandi, et quorumvis Ecclesiasti- carum dignitatem, feudorum, beneficiorum, et bonorum secu larium, et Ecclesiasticorum, ac inhabilitatis ad ea, et quaecum- que alia in posterum obtinenda, lata? sententiae, poenis, eo ipso 374 RECORDS OF si contra fecerint, vel eorum aliquis contra fecerit incurrendis, ipse Rex antequam per debitam et finalem litis et causa? hu jusmodi expeditionem clare liqueat id sibi licere de jure, cum aliqua muliere cujuscumque dignitatis et excellentiae, etiam vigore cujusvis desuper forsan sibi aut tali mulieri, aut alias quomodolibet etiam per nos aut sedem praedictam concessa?, vel concedendae contrahendi licentiae, aut contracti approba- tione, nee aliqua mulier cum eodem Rege matrimonium vel sponsalia contrahere, nee forsan contracta, et consummata, etiam prole suscepta continuare, nee Secretarii, Consiliarii, Praelati aut quicumque aUi interesse ne de eis se intromittere quoquo modo praesumant, nee eorum aliquis praesumat, inhi- bendo etiam praedictis Cardinalibus et Legatis, ac aliis quibus cumque ne de causis praedictis aut dicto matrimonio commi- nato, etiam nomine Legatorum, aut privatim, aut alio quo- cumque modo se intromittant. Sed cum etiam lite pendente, nullus debeat possessione conjugii, aut debiti conjugalis spoli ari, idem Rex ut principem, et Christianum Catholicum decet, dictam Reginam complectendo illam sub dictis pcenis affectione maritali tractet in omnibus et per omnia prout idem Regi con- venit, et finem litis sua solita prudentia patienter expectet; cum juri conveniat litem prosequi et maritales affectus pra?- stare, nee ante finem litis Rex ipse alicujus suasione aut con silio, conscientiam laesam habere, allegare, aut affirmare valeat ; cum de his judicare ad eum non pertineat, praesertim cum Reginam ipsam, pro vera conjuge habuerit, et tractaverit, et in pacifica, possessione hujusmodi matrimonii, cum proUs sus- ceptione fuerit, et propterea si Rex praefatus, vel alii, inhi- bitioni ac prohibitioni et interdicto hujusmodi contravenerint, Regem ipsum ac alios omnes supradictos sententias, censuras, et poenas praedictas, ex nunc prout ex tunc incurrisse declara- mus, et ut tales publicari ac publice nunciari et evitari, ac in- terdictum per totum Regnum Angliae, sub dictis pcenis obser- vari debere, volumus, atque mandamus. Quocirca vobis, et singulis vestrum etiam in dignitate constitutis, sub excommu- nicationis lata? sententia? poena,, districte praecipiendo manda mus, quatenus postquam praesentes ad vos pervenerint, seu vobis praesentata? fuerint, ot commode poteritis, easdem prae sentes litteras in dicta: audientia contradictarum publicari, et valvis earumdem Ecclesiarum affigi, ac paulisper inde amoveri, THE REFORMATION. 375 et earum copiam coUationatam eisdem valvis affixam dimittere, et demum super publicatione, et affixione praesentium littera- rum et illarum copia? affixa? dimissione, publica et authentica instrumenta, manu publici Notarii, coram testibus fieri faciatis, et de his omnibus ae aliis qua? in praemissis per vos gesta fuerint, nos seu Paulum ipsum auditorem certiores reddere curabitis. Nos enim praesentium litterarum publicationem, affixio- nem, et copiae dimissionem per vos faciendas, postquam facta? fuerint, eosdem Regem et alios '2 [supradictos perinde arc- tare, ac si praesentes, atque omnia in eis contenta eis per- sonaliter intimata, ac illarum copiae eis actu traditae et di- missae fuissent, et nihilominus quicqujd per regem, et alios] praedictos et eorum quemlibet, contra primum interdictum et alia praemissa factum vel attentatum fuerit, nuUum peni tus et invalidum, nulliusque roboris, vel momenti esse, ac in terdictum nostrum hujusmodi, et alia praemissa praesentesque nostras litteras, et quae ex eis forsan sequerentur, etiam cum totali earum insertione nullatenus revocari, suspendi, derogari, limitari, restringi, modificari, aut declarari posse, etiam per nos aut dictam sedem etiam motu et ex certa scientia ac de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine fiet, nullius momenti existere, nisi ad ipsius praefatae Reginae specialis et expressus accedat assensus, decernimus. Non obstantibus praemissis ac bonae memoriae Ottonis et Ottoboni, olim in dicto regno Anglia? apostolica? sedis legat- orum, ac in provincialibus et Sinodalibus conciliis editis con- stitutionibus et ordinationibus ac statutis et consuetudinibus dicti regni, quocumque nomine nuncupatis; etiam juramento, confirmatione apostolica, vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, privilegiis quoque et indultis, ac literis apostolitis Regi et aliis supradictis quomodoUbet concessis, confirmatis et inno- vatis. Quibus etiam si ad illorum derogationem, de illis eorumque totis tenoribus, specialis, speeifica, expressa, indi- vidua, ac de verbo ad verbum, non autem per generates clausulas id importantes mentio seu quaevis alia expressio 72 This passage was omitted by appears to have been made from Le Grand, tbe mistake having arisen Le Grand, and has perpetuated the from the repetition of the words mistake. Regem et alios. The copy in Audin 376 RECORDS OF habenda, aut aliqua exquisita forma servanda esset, illorum omnium tenores, praesentibus pro expressis et insertis habentes, illis alias in suo robore permansuris, quoad effectum omnium praemissorum, latissime derogamus, ac derogatam esse decer- nimus, contrariis quibuscunque, aut si Regi et aliis supradictis vel quibusvis aliis communiter vel divisim ab eadem sit sede indultum, quod interdici, suspendi, vel excommunicari non pos sint per literas apostolicas non facientes plenam et expressam, ac de verbo ad verbum de indulto hujusmodi mentionem. Volumus autem quod praesentium transsumptis, manu alicujus publici notarii subscriptis, et sigillo alicajus praelati, seu per- sonae in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutae aut Canonici ecclesia? cathedralis sigillatis, eadem prorsus fides adhibeatur qua? pra?- sentibus adhiberetur, si essent exhibitae vel ostensae. Datum Bononia? sub Annulo Piscatoris, die 7 Martii M.D. XXX. Pontificatus nostri anno septimo. Sic subscriptum. Evangelista. Item sic scriptum est in dorso ejusdem brevis. Anno a Nativitate Domini Milesimo quingentesimo trigesimo, Indictione tertia, Pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, Domini Clementis, divina providentia Papa? septimi, anno ejus septimo, die vero decima, mensis Martii, re- troscriptum breve apostolicum sub annulo piscatoris, affixum et publicatum fuit in valvis sancti Petri et Sancti Petronii, necnon cancellaria? apostolicas, ubi ad praesens contradicts? leguntur, in civitate Bononiae per me Ioannem Roberti Curs. Then follows the RELATIO EXECUTORIS. After which comes SECUNDUM BREVE Lecta in audientia A. de Alexiis locumtenen. CLEMENS PAPA VII, which is the same as has been printed in No. CCXXXVI, with the addition of the Non obstantibus, fyc, in full; after which it proceeds as follows : — THE REFORMATION. 377 Item sic scriptum in dorso. In Nomine Domini, Amen. Anno a nativitate domini M.D. XXXI., Indictione quarta, die vero decima mensis Januarii, Pontificates sanctissimi in Christo patris et Domini Nostri, Domini dementis divina providentia Papa? septimi anno octavo. In mei publici et audientia? literarum contradictarum Notarii, testiumque infra- scriptorum, ad haec specialiter vocatorum et rogatorum prae sentia, dicta? audientiae sanctissimi Domini Nostri, Papae, Lector deputatus, literas retro scriptas mane hor§, audientiae praefatae consueta publice, aM et intelligibili voce legitime de verbo ad verbum perlegit, publicavit, et insinuavit ac ad omnium et singulorum quorum interest, intererit, aut interesse poterit quorumlibet in futurum notitiam deduxit, rogans me notarium infrascriptum quatenus de praemissis unum vel plura publicum seu publica conficerem et traderem instrumentum et instru- menta, praesentibus ibidem discretis viris dominis Bartholomeo Crespo Clerico Burgensis dioecesis et Hieronymo de Fraticellis Clerico Spoletano, testibus ad praemissa vocatis habitis et ro- gatis. Item adhuc sic CONSEQUENTER eadem die Ego Notarius infrascriptus retro scriptas literas hujusmodi pro illarum ulteriori exeeutione in valvis dicta? Audientia? affixi et affixas per longum temporis spacium respective stare permisi, et deinde illis amotis ad me recepi et alia feci, et executus fui, juxta earundem retro scriptarum literarum vim, forinam et tenorem, praesentibus eisdem testibus etc. Sic subscriptum, Et quia Ego, Alexander Fuscherius de Urbino audientia? literarum contradictarum sanctissimi domini nostri et ejus Vice-Cancellarii notarius, praemissis omnibus et singulis inter- fui, et ea omnia et singula executus fui, ideo hoc praesens pubUcum instrumentum manu alterius mihi fidelis aliis occu- patus negociis confeci, meoque solito signo signavi rogatus et requisites. Then follows the RELATIO EXECUTORIS. After which comes 378 RECORDS OF TERTIUM BREVE Lecta in audientia A. de Alexiis locumtenen. CLEMENS PAPA VII. Charissime in Christo fili noster, Salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. Magno sumus in dolore, quod serenitatem tuam quam semper antea pientissimum filium nostrum, et hujus sancta? Sedis perspeximus, et omni tempore de nobis bene meri- tum fuisse recordamur, ab hoc tantum biennio proximo citra, immutatam esse sine rationabili causa videmus. Cum tamen nos (id quod verissime dicere possumus) nihil erga eam neque in affectu, neque in respectu amantissimi Patris immu- tati fuerimus ; multo autem majore angimur molestia, quod Pastorali officio adducti, et justitiae ratione astricti quicquam agere et decernere cogimur, quod serenitati tuae displiceat, cui sane semper placere et satisfacere desideramus. Verum quid agemus ? Negligemusne justitiam et anima? tuae salutem ? An potius privatos affectus tuos nostrosque publicis rationibus et divina? voluntati anteferemus 1 Sic decet, fili, sic potius fiat a nobis, nee tam quid in praesens te juvet, quam quid tuo honori, officio, justitiaeque conveniat perpendamus. Veniet enim tem pus, veniet, nee longum erit, sicut in Domino confidimus, cum tea serenitas, hoc nubilo erroris quo nunc obducitur depulso, restitutaque sibi luce veritatis, veterem nobis benevolentiam suam, quam maximi facimus, restituet, fateberisque, id quod est, nos ex publica persona nostra nihil ahud facere, quam quod fecimus, potuisse; imo etiam indulgentiores aliquando fuisse, quam justitiae severitas expostulat. Potes enim, fili in Christo charissime, meminisse, cum tu abhinc quadriennio a nobis studiose contendisses, ut legatum nostrum in Regnum tuum mitteremus, eique et alteri legato tunc in tuo eodem Regno existenti, causam validitatis Matrimonii inter te et cha- rissimam in Christo filiam nostram Catharinam Angliae Regi nam, olim contracti, ac per viginti annos et ultra continuati, committeremus, nos, etsi id subiniquum videbatur causam ad preces tuas in tuo regno cominittere, tamen tuae voluntati morem gessimus, ac tam diu eamdem causam ibi manere per misimus, donee pro parte Reginae appellate, juramentoque horrescentiae praestito, causam eamdem, non in Regnis au TPIE REFORMATION. 379 dominiis nepotum Reginae, aut aliis in quibus Regina potior favoribus esset, verum Romae in communi orbis christiani patria, atque in nostro Rotse auditorio commisimus, nobis postea et sacro Collegio venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum, Saiictae Ro mana? Ecclesise Cardinalium referendam, ac a nobis et dictis Cardinalibus decidendam ; quo pendente judicio, cum tu nihil innovare vel attentare in praejudicium litispendentia? debuisses, ecce nobis non solum ipsius Reginae lamentabili querela, verum etiam multorum litteris et testimoniis affertur, te non expec- tata, ulteriore nostra declaratione, ipsam Reginam a tua, coha- bitatione separasse, et quamdam Annam in tuum contubernium et cohabitationem publicam recepisse. Qua? res cum divinam justitiam, htispendentiam, et auctoritatem nostram, tuaeque animae salutem et honorem laederet, nos paterno affectu et charitate litteras ad te dedimus tenoris subsequentis. ' Clemens Papa VII. Charissime in Christo fili noster, salu tem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quod pro nostra in te benevolentia, tuoque honore et salute, falsum esse cupimus, relatum nobis est, et a multis confirmatum serenitatem team, quae non solum antea, verum etiam post motam litem inter te et charissimam in Christo filiam nostram Catharinam Angliae Reginam Illustrissimam super validitate Matrimonii inter vos contracti, earn apud se ut decebat in sua, regia curia, tenuerat, atque ut Reginam et uxorem habuerat et tractaverat, a certo citra tempore, eam non solum a se et sua curia, sed etiam a civitate seu loco sua? residentia? separasse, alioque misisse; loco autem ejus quamdam Annam in suum contubernium et cohabitationem publice recepisse, eique maritalem affectum uxori tuae debitum exhibere. Quae res, fili charissime, si modo vera est, tuque parumper animum ab humanis affectibus colle- geris, non dubitamus, quin etiam tacentibus nobis perspecturus sis, quam multis modis indigna te fuerit, vel ob contemptum litispendentia?, et judicii nostri, vel ob scandalum Ecclesiae, vel ob communis pacis perturbationem, quae omnia ita a recto et religioso principe, qualem te semper habuimus, aliena sunt, ut tanquam tuae naturae et consuetudini repugnantia, etsi nobis in dies magis confirmantur, difficilius tamen credamus. Quid enim minus tibi et tuae probitati convenit, quam hinc apud nos, per oratores et literas super causa, istuc remittenda instare, 380 RECORDS OF inde te ipsum tuo facto causam decidere? Quid simile tui, armis et scriptis olim Ecclesiam et sanctam fidem defendisse, nunc tali facto Ecclesiam videri contemnere ? Jam vero com munis salus et tranquiUitas a nullo unquam nostri temporis Rege acrius, quam a te, custodita est, qui bellum pro Ecclesia olim susceptum, et gloriose confectum pro communi quiete deposueris, semperque arbiter quidam pacis et communis con- cordia? inter Christianos principes conciliandae fueris existi- matus, quo magis haec nova de te audientes admiramur simul ac dolemus, unum hoc tuum factum, si modo verum est, ab omni vita? tua? gloria et consuetudine discrepare. Quamobrem cum nee rem tantam non explorare certius, nee neglectam omittere debeamus, hanc ad te quasi amantis et solliciti patris vocem praecurrere voluimus, antequam judicis ullas partes te cum sumamus ; faciunt enim tua? celsitudinis dignitas. Vetera tua in nos merita, nostraque ex his erga te benevolentia, ut tecum omni respectu et lenitate agere velimus, sumpta parentis persona, et judicis tantisper deposita, donee ex tuis litteris consilium progrediendi capiamus. Cupimus quidem, fili, ut diximus, haec penitus falsa esse, aut non tam aspera, quam nobis referuntur ; teque ipsum deinceps pro tua singulari sapientia pro videre, ne cuiquam de serenitate tua, omni virtute conspi- cua, in hoc tantum obloquendi deter occasio. Si quis enim vel ex catholicis dolens, vel ex haereticis gaudens, audiat te Regi nam, Regumque filiam, Csesarisque, et Regis Romanorum ma- terteram, quam in uxorem accepisti, viginti amplius annis te cum commoratam, prolemque ex te susceptam habentem, nunc a tuo toro et contubernio procul amovisse, aliam quoque publice apud te habere, non modo sine ulla, licentia nostra, verum etiam contra nostram prohibitionem ; is profecto necesse est, ut sententiam quodammodo de optimo principe ferat, tanquam Ecclesiam, et publicam tranquillitatem parvi faciente, quod nos scimus ab intentione et voluntate tua, longissime abesse; in tantum, ut si quis alius, hoc idem in tuo Regno audeat, quod a tua serenitate factum dicitur, nullo modo te probaturum, sed etiam severe vindicaturum, pro certo habeamus. Quamobrem, fili, etiam si tu rectissime sentias, ut nos quidem constantes credimus, tamen causam praebere rumoribus et scandalis non debes, hoc praesertim tempore tam calumnioso, plenoque haere- sum et aliarum perturbationum, ne tuum factum latius pateat THE REFORMATION. 381 ad exemplum. Sunt enim facta regum, praesertim illustrium, sicut tua serenitas est, proposita, quasi in specula hominibus caeteris ad imitandum. Nee praeterea negligenda tibi est com munis salus, et totius Christianitatis tranquiUitas, quod semper fuit optimorum Regum \ nee fili, debes serenissimos Caesarem et Romanorum Regem, dicta? Catharina? Reginae nepotes, nulla, te prosequutos contumelia, hac tam gravi injuria, indecisal lite, afficere, et exinde pacem perturbare universalem; qua, sola adversus imminentem nobis Turcam tuti sumus ; nee scan dali in Ecclesia, periculi in tota Christiana republic!,, causam praebeas; proptereaque Rex coelestis a te irritatus, tantam suam erga te benignitatem aliqua serenitatis amaritudine per- misceat. 'Te igitur, fili, per eam qua, semper te sumus prose- quuti benevolentiam, semperque si per te liceat prosequemur, omni studio et amore hortamur, et paterna charitate mone- mus, ut si haec vera sint, quae tuam veterem pietatem, et glo riam denigrant, tute ea corrigere velis, ipsam Catharinam Reginam ad te humaniter revocando, atque in eo Regina? honore, et uxoris quo decet affectu apud te habendo ; ipsam vero Annam a publico tuo convictu et cohabitatione, propter scandalum removendo, donee nostra sententia inter vos subse- quatur. Quod nos quidem, etsi est a te debitum, tibique est maxime futurum honorificum, beneficii loco recepisse a tua, serenitate videbimur. Nam quod te in pristine tua voluntate erga nos, observantiaque erga hanc sanctam Sedem, cum qua muteis officiis et beneficiis semper certasti, conservare maxime cupimus, summo sane cum dolore ad ea descenderemus juris remedia quorum necessitatem non nostra privata contu melia, quam tibi libenter condonaremus, sed Dei omnipoten- tis honor publicaeque utilitatis, et tuae animae salutis ratio ad postremum nobis, quanquam invitis, imponeret ; sicut etiam nuntius apud te noster haec tuae serenitati uberius ex- plicabit. ' Datum Roma? apud sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die vigesima, quinta, Januarii millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo secundo, Pontificatus nostri anno nono,' Cum autem, id quod dolentes referimus, in dies magis nobis confirmetur, et asseveretur, licet ipsa? litterae tibi per nuntium RECORDS OF nostrum reprsesentatae, ejusque conformis sermo, in idem te no stro nomine hortatus fuerit, ut a tanto scandalo et contemptu Ecclesise desisteres, nihilominus te in separatione cohabitationis cum Catharina Regina,, et continuatione cohabitationis cum Anna, praedictis, publice perseverare; nos cum neque Dei honorem, nee nostrum officium, nee tuae animae salutem negli- gere debeamus, te, fili, sine tamen tuorum jurium et causa? pendentis prsejudicio, iterum hortamur, ac sub excommuni- cationis poena, monemus, ut si praedicta vera sint, eamdem Catharinam Reginam apud te in reginali honore, ac solita, co- habitatione habere, ipsam vero Annam a publica cohabita- tione tea rejicere, intra unum mensem a die praesentationis praesentium tibi facta? computandum debeas, donee nostra sententia et declaratio inter vos fuerit subsequuta. Aliter enim nos dicto termino elapso, te et ipsam Annam excommuni- cationis poena, innodatos, et ab omnibus publice evitandos esse, ex nunc prout ex tunc, et e contra authoritate Apostolica de- claramus, et nihilominus, tametsi abhorret animus talia de sere nitate tea1 opinari, licetque id ipsum jam serenitati tea? a nobis nostroque Rotae auditore et judice cui hujusmodi causa fuit commissa inhibitum fuerit, et ab omni tam humano quam divino jure etiam prohibeatur, tamen permoti hominum fama, denuo serenitati tea? inhibemus, ne lite hujusmodi coram nobis, et dicto Rotae auditore indecisa pendente et sine sedis Apostolica? licentia, speciali, matrimonium cum dicta Catharina Regind, Apostolica authoritate contractum, et prole subsequuta, tan- toque temporis spatio confirmatum propria authoritate sepa- rare, aut divortium cum ea facere ; neve cum dicta Anna, aut quavis alia matrimonium contrahere praesumas, irritum prout est denuo decernentes, si quid forsan attentari super hoc a tua, serenitate aut quovis aho, quavis authoritate contigerit, vel forsan hactenus fuerit attentatum, sicque a quibusvis judicibus tam extra Romanam Curiam, quam in ea, etiam Sancta? Romana? Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, et dicti Palatii auditoribus sententiari, definiri, judicari, et interpretari debere ; sublata eis omnibus aliter sententiandi, definiendi, judicandi, et interpre- tandi facultate. Non obstantibus bona? memoria? Ottonis et Ottoboni, olim in tuo regno, apostolica? sedis legatorum, et quibusvis aliis THE REFORMATION. 383 constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostohcis, ac statutis et con- suetudinibus, etiam juramento, confirmatione apostolica, vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, necnon quibusvis privilegiis et literis apostohcis in contrarium forsan etiam per dictam sedem concessis, confirmatis ac saepius innovatis, etiam expresse caven- tibus Serenitatem tuam et Reges Anglia? aut quosvis Reges excommunicari, suspendi vel interdici non posse. Quibus om nibus illorum tenores praesentibus pro sufficienter expressis et totaliter insertis habentes, iUis alias in suo robore permansuris, ad effectum praesentium specialiter et expresse, ita ut omnino toUantur pro hac vice derogamus, caeterisque contrariis quibus cunque. Et nihilominus cum nobis legitima sit facta fides, constare coram dilecto filio Paulo Capisucchio nostri palatii apostolici causarum et causae hujusmodi ad eam nobis in sacro nostro consistorio referendum, cum potestate citandi et inhi- bendi, etiam per edictum publicum constito summarie et extra- judicialiter de non tuto accessu, auditore ad Serenitatem tuam pro citationibus et aliis ei personaliter intimandis tutum non patere accessum, proptereaque tam idem Paulus in vim rescrip- torum nostrorum specialium, sua instrumenta, citationes, et inhibitiones quam nos plures alias nostras in forma brevis literas per edictum publicum in locis infra scriptis affigendas decreverimus. Idcirco mandamus universis et singulis personis, etiam in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutis, in virtute sancta? obedientia? et sub excommunicationis latae sententiae poena, quatenus cum praesentes literas ad eos pervenerint, seu eis praesentata? fue rint, easdem praesentes literas hie Roma? in audientia nostra publica literarum contradictarum publicari, in partibus vero in collegiata? Beatse Mariae de Brugis Tornacensis ac parro- chialis de Dunckerke, oppidorum Morinensis Dicecesis eccle siarum valvis, tanquam in locis circumvicinis affigi, ac pau- lisper amoveri, et earum copiam coUationatam eisdem valvis affixam dimitti, et demum super publicatione et affixione prae sentium literarum et illarum copiae affixione et dimissione, pub lica et auctentica instrumenta manu propria Notarii coram testibus fieri faciant. Et de his omnibus, ac aliis quae in prae missis per eos gesta fuerint, Nos, seu Paulum auditorem prae- dictum certiores reddere curent. Nos enim praesentium litera rum publicationem, affixionem et copiae dimissionem per eos, ut 384 RECORDS OF praefertur, faciendas, postquam factae fuerint serenitatem tuam et Annam supradictam perinde arctare ac si praesentes omniaque in eis contenta eidem Serenitati tuae et .illi personaliter inti- mata?, ac illarum copise tibi et ei datae, traditae et dimissae fuissent, decernimus. Datum Roma? apud sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die decima quintd Novembris M.D.XXXII, Pontificatus nostri anno nono. Sic scriptum in calce partis interioris ejusdem brevis, die vigesima tertia Decembris M.D.XXXII. Suprascriptio autem prsefati brevis a parte exteriori talis erat : Charissimo in Christo filio nostro Henrico Anglia? Regi illustrissimo, fidei defensori 73. Then follows the Relatio Executoris, describing the process as gone through at Dunkerque, January 21, i533> and at Bruges, January 23, 1533- 73 These Breveshave been printed consists of 6 sheets, signat. A, B, by Le Grand, torn. iii. pp. 446, 531, C, D, E, F, all of four leaves, and 558 ; by Canon Tierney, in his edi- two leaves without signature. This tion of Dodd's Church History, is the most correct copy, but is not vol. i. pp. 366, 391, 404, from Le free from mistakes of printing. Grand; and by Audin, in his Life Tierney's copy, which was taken of Henry VIII, pp. 412 — 418, with from Le Grand, is better than Le the omission of the Non obstanti- Grand's, because several evident bus, &c. The copy with which errors have been corrected from tbey have been compared is in the conjecture. Audin's is full of the British Museum, C. 25, c. 15. It grossest blunders. is neither paged nor foliated, but THE REFORMATION. 385 Number CCCXX. A Glasse of the Truthe1*. TO THE EEADEES. To the gentle readers and sincere lovers of truth. YOU shall have here, gentle readers, a small Dialogue between the Lawyer and Divine : wherein, if there lack such eloquence, such drift of arguments and conveyance of reasons, as peradventure were requisite, and as ye shall desire : yet we shall most entirely pray you, that where we be not sufficient to supply the same, to content yourself with this our rudeness, declaring the pure truth alone, which you shall be right sure to find in this poor treatise. For here have you no new alle gation of man's invention or imagination, but only taken of 74 This treatise has been reprinted from a copy in the Bodleian Li brary, presented by Dr. Hudson, Line. 8°. J. 66. It consists of 40 leaves, beginning with signat. A., containing four leaves, and ending with signat. F., also containing four leaves, B, C, D, E, containing eight leaves each. It is in black letter excepting the headings of the pages and that part of the marginal ana lysis which is in Latin. There is another copy in the Bodleian which formerly belonged to Bishop Tan ner, and has his autograph on the title-page— Thorn. Tanner— and the following words in nearly contem porary handwriting : ' written about the 24 yere of King Henry the eight concerning marradg.' It is bound up with a sermon by Dr. VOL. 11. C C Richard Fitzjames, printed at West minster by Wynkyn de Worde. The two copies resemble each other very exactly as far as the pages and the lines up to the place where the Tan ner copy is wanting in a few lines. After that they agree with the same exactness as far as the beginnings and endings of lines are concerned, but differ in the beginning and end of the page to the end, where the copy in tbe Tanner Collection gives the printer's name at greater length, so as to fill the page, as follows : — Imprinted at London in Flete- Strete, by Thomas Bertbelet printer to the Kinges moost noble grace. Cum privilegio. 386 RECORDS OF the scripture of- God, of the counsels and ordinances of the Church universal, of most ancient popes and other holy doc tors' writings, with the facts and authorities of blessed men beside, without writhing or wresting of any of them : ?5 which, taken of these and none other, I am sure you will say it is to be esteemed for a most assured truth. Praying you, most benign readers, that though some would say that they be not truly alleged, rather to give credence to so many approved universities, which affirm our allegations to be true, than to the asseveration of any other, speciaUy of some few affectionate persons, which do or may endeavour to deny the same. And now therefore to tell you the very truth, this same is the grounded cause why this little work beareth his name, which is the Glasse of Truth ; for it is plainly the same clear glass within the which ye shall see and behold (if ye look well and leisurely in it) the plain truth of our most noble and loving prince's cause, which, by unmete and unkind handling, hath hitherto had so overlong a stay. The which, doubtless, if we well consider, is much more our hindrance than his ; for his lack of heirs male is a displeasure to him but for his Ufetime, as lacking that which naturally is desired of all men to have children. But our lack shall be permanent so long as the world lasteth, except that God provide; for though we have a female heir, which is both endued with much virtue and grace in many dootes and gifts, yet if a male might be at tained, it were much more sure, if we well perpend and ponder many urgent and weighty causes : amongst which this one is deeply to be foreseen, that if the female heir shaU chance to rule, she cannot continue long without an husband, which, by God's law, must then be her governor and head, and so finally shall direct this realm. But who that should be, with the con tentment of the subjects, methinketh it were hard to excogi tate ; for proximity of blood is too great a let to some, other wise mete for that purpose, except "we would be so beastly to put our neck eftsones in the snare of this erroneous prohibited error, which is and hath been always detested by the most part of all the famous clerks of Christendom : the punishment 76 ' being taken of whom and of none other,' Tanner. THE REFORMATION. 387 whereof were too terrible to be suffered, and also too abomin able to be heard of, amongst Christian folk. On the other side, to other some, it were dangerous lest we should make A. 3. them superiors to us, over whom we claim superiority, seeing the man must rule the woman : others outward mete person ages our slender wits cannot comprehend. And, as touching any marriage within this realm, we think it were hard to de vise any condign and able person for so high an enterprise : much harder to find one with whom the whole realm would and could be contented to have him ruler and governor. Wherefore we think the establishment of titles is not so surely rooted nor yet so entirely maintained by the female as by male ; which, well considered, since the union of all titles do remain and be collocate in him only, we ought of duty (if our wits may thereto extend) to excogitate all ways to us possible how we might attain the succession of heirs male ; and that way once found, earnestly with celerity to put in use : in no wise suffering this weighty and urgent cause to be longer dif- ferred or delayed by those which do but usurp to themselves an honour and vain glory contrary to many general councils, and their own laws also, as more plainly shall appear in this little treatise of truth ; for else, according to' an ancient pro- Mora tra- verb, ' Too long abode is causer of much danger' ; we might be iumperi°u much endomaged76 and hindered. Farthermore, you shall in this Glasse see how that now it ought to be ordered after our simple judgments, so to have a good and perfect end, most for his honour and quieting of conscience, for our great wealth, and for the prosperity of this his noble realm. And now this same is Magna the truth of which Scripture saith, ' That great is the truth of Joe^oars etr£e strength and power above all77 : with it thereis none iniquity,' omnibus, none ill dealing, none obstinate and froward babbling ; no mali- ™ * cious backbiting, no slanderous and factious enforcing. This quicquam is the sole truth left untill herself: without all vain ostentation, 3 Esdras.4. without inventing or borrowing of idle titles and inscriptions, without colouring, dissembling, pretence and all outward paint ing. Ye shall find here the mere truth (as we trust) without all maligning, railing, gesting, and detracting of them, that of a. 4. 76 ' indemnyfyed,' Tanner. 77 ' of bove all,' Tanner : an error of pressu C c 2 388 RECORDS OF truth no such have deserved, the which it may be your lot to see and hear somewhere else. Much more we might induce to set fortbjand adorn this Glasse of Truth before you, save that the process following shall sufficiently and much better perform the same, to the which I wholly remit you : evermore most heartily praying you godly, mildly, and without all affec tion, to imprint well in your hearts this mere and sincere truth, and so to follow it that you may do a thing acceptable to the pleasure of Almighty God, and contentation of our sovereign and prince. And thus fare-ye-well in God, lo ving brethren. A DIALOGUE. The Lawyer. Me seemeth it is wisely and truly said, that the right way is ever the nearest way ; and likewise the plain way most sure to try all manner of truth by. The Divine. I think that it be true which you speak; but you speak so obscurely, that I wot nere what you mean thereby. If you mean it by the imitation of Christ, which beareth wit- That our ness of himself, saying, ' I am the right way, I am the true Christ ig way, and I am the perfect life;' then are you in the right. th® ri|h* And if you mean the plain way to be most sure, because that way. Christ saith he is the door by which we must enter in, this your saying cannot be amended ; whereunto God himself ex- horteth us also by his prophet, saying, ' Ye Christian men, look ye judge aright.' THE REFORMATIO-N. The Lawyer. The better for my purpose ; for the cause why I speak it is for the great, weighty cause of Christendom, concerning the king's separation from the queen. It is tossed and turned over the high mountains, laboured and vexed at Rome, from judge to judge, without certain end or effect, B. being very perilous for his highness, and much more danger- The dan- ous (if God help not) for us his poor and loving subjects ; unmete which, if it had been ordained in the right and due course, handlmg , . a . of oursove- , ,that is to say, within the realm, and so by the metropolitan reign's examined and discussed, as law and reason would it should ™„° * CJ*US6« have been, there had ensued in this right way or this time an That the honourable end and purpose, to the great wealth of this realm oau!e and quietness of Christendom. The letters whereof, whatso- be ordered ever they be, methinketh ought to be detested of all good *^n thia English people and subjects. The Divine. One of the chief letters is and hath be the lawyers' opinion, which would attribute to the Pope, the head How some of their law, all manner of power ; whereby, being well de- muoh attri- scant (as they can well enough), at length shall be no law, but bute unto only his will ; for and if he might dispense with God's law and all other, and ordren them as he will (as lawyers say that he may), then what folly were it to observe God's law or any other, but only investigate and search to know the Pope's will in every thing, and that to follow accordingly ? which once attained, were the lawyers' whole glory. For who should be set by then but only lawyers, because they extol his authority so high ? The Lawyer. You ensearch and follow the French proverb too much. The Divine. Which is that ? The Lawyer. ' Who searcheth findeth.' For .surely if with- Qui serohe out affection we should speak, we lawyers attribute too much rouve ' authority both to our master and to ourselves also. The Divine. I have heard verily few of your sect so plainly confess the truth. Nevertheless it is to my great comfort to remember that it is my fortune to meet with so sincere a man, being (as I trust) so entirely my friend, which is dedicate to truth and not to profession. 78 The marginal reference here is wanting in Tanner. 390 RECORDS OF B. 7. The truth of God without worldly respects to be re garded. Great pity that all learnedmen be not of one opinion in this one truth. The Lawyer. I wot what I should do, but I wot nere what frailty will let me do. The Divine. If will be purely good, the old proverb shall follow: Nihil difficile volenti— ¦' God will aid the. weU- wilier alway.' The Lawyer. That being true, and because you have some thing touched us lawyers, you give me boldness farthermore to commune with you, and ask of you if divines be not partly to blame as well as we, that this great cause goeth no better forward ? The Divine. All I cannot excuse; for some of us be as heedy as you ; and yet our learning leadeth us not to it, as yours doth you ; for we should only regard the Maker of all laws and the mere truth, and not vanities of this world, nor eke affections. The Lawyer. Ye say well, friend. That, would to our Lord the learned men of the world, most specially of this realm, would follow this lesson and use it indeed ; for, as I perceive and hear, some of them follow more affections and respects than God's word only and truth. The Divine. Who taught you, I pray you, to hit so truly the nail on the head? I think, indeed, that if worldliness were not looked for, there would more agree to the truth than hitherto hath : though there be a marvellous great number that hath agreed thereto already indeed. The Lawyer. That worldly respects may hap to fail them that trust thereto, and where be they then? Methinketh, farthermore, a great folly in them to adventure upon so slender a ground both soul and body. The Divine. Truth ye say, whereof is great pity, that learned men specially regard not more the world to come than the world present; and that they unite not themselves in opinion : which thing sheweth a great lack of grace and an overmuch addiction to private appetites, mixed with too much heediness and obstinacy. And yet there is but one truth in this matter. The Lawyer. I marvel, then, why many thus call this matter disputable, seeing that there is but one truth therein ; and why that truth is not embraced and openly shewed by all learned men. THE REFORMATION. 391 The Divine. As to the first, though some call it so, I see no That this reason why they should say so, except they would say that disputable nothing is taken for truth in this world ; for I do esteem that as a thins there be few articles of our faith the which be approved by more authentic authorities, more provable yea invincible rea- B. 3. sons, by more laudable customs and usages, than this cause is on the king's side. And since it is so, methinketh it is not disputable as a doubt in law. As to the second, I fear me that lack of executing in deed of that which we profess by mouth is a great lack thereunto ; for our lives and religion be many times far asunder. I pray our Lord amend it when it shall be his pleasure. But as to the first, because I think it not disputable, I shall declare you some reasons which do persuade me to think so. The Lawyer. Marry, I pray you let us hear more; for one I have heard already, which methinketh very vehement. If the remnant follow, I shall for my part be marvellously satisfied. The Divine. (First, it is to understand that, according to the saying of the prophet Davyd, ' The word of our Lord God is Verbum most sure and ever abideth.' Since that so is infallible, it maneTm must needs foUow that it, which he utterly forbiddeth in the sternum. negative, may nowise be attempted. Then, in this case, that „ ,, is to say, a man ought not to marry his brother's wife : it is cipiat uxo- in the negative forbodden in the Levityke, both xviii. and xx. sXetTnon chapters ; and therefore in nowise it is to be attempted, licet tibi rlilnPT'P specially with us that be Christian people^ uxorem The Lawyer. I think this hard to be assoyled ; nevertheless, fratns- the law Deuteronomyke seemeth to assoyl the same. marryhis The Divine. Nay, surely, if it be well understande ; for, in brother's the beginning, that law seemeth to propoune and limit certain bidden by points and circumstances, without the which that law were no j*"* laws of law, as plainly by the text itself it doth manifestly appear : plain ir_ that is to say, first, as when they dwelt together ; the second, cumstances when he died without issue; the third, to suscitate the bro- thattilie0 S ther's seed ; the fourth, that his first son should be caUed by literai 1 • , „„ . icii sense of tbe nis brother s name ; the tilth cause and ground ot that law Deutero- was, that the name within the tribe should not be forgotten nomye law 0 was to the nor abrogated in Israel, most specially the tribe of Judah, Jews only. whereof it was prophecied that our Lord should come. Never- B- 4- 392 RECORDS OF theless, to the intent that ye might well perceive that this law was trulier to be observed in the mystical sense than in the literal, and that most specially now by us Christian men, the smallness of the pain which followeth it declareth it full well ; as by the text following you may well perceive. And yet it is left also to the arbitrement of him that succeedeth to take or refuse her at his pleasure and will, suffering a right small and easy punishment, as tofore, which is limited in the afore- Only the said chapter. And to shew that it should not be but in the sense'of the mystical sense observed by us Christian men, and not literally, Deutero- Saint Austen saith thus : ' Every preacher of the Word of is for God is bound so to labour in the Gospel that he stir up seed Christian fo j^g brother departed, that is to Christ, which died for us ; and the seed so suscitate must have the name of him departed, that is of Christ : whereupon we be called Christians. So, there fore, we plainly be not bound to keep and fulfil this law car nally as by bodily generation after the aforesaid signification and taking of it, but spiritually in a truth fulfilled.' Holy Ysidoure, in the self-same manner, saith as doth Saint Austen79. Saint Ambrose also saith, ' That the sentence hereof is taken mystically.' And as for any example in whom- this were ful filled literally, there hath been none shewed, as he affirmeth. Now methinketh therefore (though we make the most we can of it), this law of Deuteronomy was but a special law given only to the Jues, as ye may well perceive by the aforesaid circumstances in the text itself, serving only for those ex pressed intents : which, among us Christian men, neither hath nor may be in anywise observed as taken of that law, but be clearly abrogate, annulled, and in nowise to be used. For who, now-a-days, thinketh himself bound to suscitate his bro- Ipsa basis ther's seed, or to have his son called by his brother's name ? et funda- Or who thinketh himself bounden now to the groundseU and Deut. legis. very foundation of this law of Deuteronomy, which is here in B. 5. this chapter, as to continue the inheritances, and to support the names of the tribes in Israel only ? And that this is the full intent and ground of this law, it may be gathered very Quando well by the very text of the same law, where it saith, ' When habitave- brethren dwell80 together, and one of them dieth without issue rint simul, 79 ' Augustyne,' Tanner. 80 ' dwelleth,' Tanner. THE REFORMATION. 393 or children.' Which maketh a plain argument and sure proof et unus ex that, except he died without issue, his wife should in nowise Hbet^mor- marry the other. Then to have issue f»r suscitation of seed tuuafuerit- . „ Deute. 25. and continuance of the brother's name in Israel (as it well appeareth) is the cause of this law. Which also maketh it appear evidently that this law is merely ceremonial, as that is This Deu- institute for certain people only, for certain place and certain J^^ere-6 time ; for I am sure no man will say that we ought to marry monial, for that intent now-a-days. These things be so evident and mani- n0w clean fest, that methinketh without a man will not see, he must at>r°gate- needs perceive, that this law of Deuteronomye, whereof we speak now, was only made for the Jewes, and that we Christian men be clearly out of the servitude and bondage of the ob servance of the ceremonies of that law, except that he will have Christ looked for to come again, and will have us Christian men to play the very Jewes. Beside these proofs upon the very text, the most part of the ancient authors also do declare this law of the Deuteronomye to be abolytte ; and that, except both circumstances in every part and also the ground were observed, it could never have served ; for they be so mixed together in precept, that the one cannot well stand without the other, and duly be kept as it ought to be : wherefore this Deuteronomyke law taketh nothing away my former argument, nor yet assoyleth any part thereof. The Lawyer. By the faith I owe to God, you speak felly. The Divine. Nay, I could speak much more yet in declaring of that law, were it not that I promised you to shew you the reasons why that this matter is not disputable. The Lawyer. I pray you, since we be entered into this B. 6. matter, let us have more of it, to the intent we may try our own conscience the better in it. The Divine. Since you needs will have me cough out all, I will tell you more of my mind. The Deuteronomye law in this case could ill quadrat or agree with the Leviticall, except the intent and circumstances thereof be well considered as tofore ; and also that this term ' brother ' in that place be well Note the understande and considered. this' word The Lawyer. Why, I pray you, is there more mystery of ' brother.' that word in the Deuteronomye than in the Levityke ? The Divine. Yea, forsooth ; for in the Levitike it can nor 394 RECORDS OF Verbum dei nee fallit, nee fallitur.The prohi bition Le- vitical general for all people. B. 7. Non facie- tis ex om nibus abo- minationi-bus istis, tam indi- gena quam colonus, qui pere- grinaturapud vos. Levit. 1 8. Omniaanima quae fecerit de abominati- onibus bis quippiam : peribit de medio po- puli sui. ibidem. may be taken for other than for the very brother, the text being judge itself. But by the Deuteronomyke, as many taketh it, is meant the next {>f the blood after the degrees prohibite ; though he be but kinsman; and so it might well stand with the Leviticall amongst the Jewes. The which interpretation is well approved also by the plain history of Ruth. But these things be so highly entreated in many other works and treties, that it were but a loss of time to commune any more of it. Wherefore, I mind now to return to my former purpose, and to declare you the rest of my reasons. The Lawyer. These, indeed, have been more entreated on than the matter which you have propouned : wherefore, since it is your pleasure, I pray you go forth withal ; yet I ensure you I have not heard so profoundly that other matter declared in my life for so short and a brief declaration. The Divine. I am glad, though without my desert, that this my declaration pleaseth you so well ; and now I will go forth with the rest of my mind. First, I esteem the Word of our Lord God above all things, that neither deceiveth nor yet is deceived, which saith that no man shall take in marriage the wife of his brother ; and, secondly, I note that he in the same chapter commandeth this not only to the Jews, but as well to all manner of people ; saying these words, ' You shall do none of these abominations, neither you that be here born dwellers of this country, neither any stranger, whatsoever he be, that cometh among you. Every man that doeth any one of these abominationS'Shall perish from the midst of his people.' By these words it may well appear that God doth not prohibit these offences only to the Jews, but also to all manner of people ; for he saith, ' Every man, whosoever he be, that doth any of these abominations shall perish.' If God himself had not determined this law to be moral, he would never have commanded it to all manner of people ; for few places there be (as I think) in Scripture (I may well say none) which be generally prohibite that be not also moral. And it is, more over, to be thought that God would not so generally have forbidden it, so extremely prohibite it, so horribly to have detested it by his own words ; calling it in some place offence of his precept, in some contamination, in some place a grievous fault, an ungodly and unlawful thing, in some place abomi- THE REFORMATION. 395 nation, in some execration : except these were moral, and The sore except it were also his very wUl that folke should generally ^od mm. forbear and detest them. These words (as seemeth me) be so self useth m giving fearful, so terrible, and of Christian people so to be pondered, the probi- that the weight and grievousness of them can scante, without ^'j™8 great grace, be condignly imprinted or impressed in our hearts : wherefore, methinketh, we ought all with meek spirits to call for grace, and to endeavour ourselves by all ways to attain the same, to the intent it might the more abundantly flow in us, and not obstinately or carnally to withstand it, when many times it is offered us; for it is a great fault, and a great lack of grace, when men hath truth offered to them and they wilfully to withstand the same. The Lawyer. In good faith, I never marked this, nor yet understood so perfectly in my life ; for surely it is marvellously to be noted, and yet with more reverence to be observed, in- -verecun. somuch that now methinketh I perceive a very shamefastnes di». to enter into any such act, which except the act were un lawful, needed nothing. The Divine. Now ye begin to feel somewhat and to find the truth; for Scripture, in the same chapter, confirmeth your B. 8. saying, alleging these words : ' There is shame in discovering Non reve. the uncleanness of thy brother's wife. Thou shalt not dis- labia tm-pi- cover it ; for it is the uncleanness of thy very brother.' Hereby Uxoris fra- we may well perceive that there is a vileness, a contrariety to trl? **"> virtue herein ; for else we needed not to be ashamed of it. pitudo And I do think, verily, that whosoever would maintain the ^rffj*,*"1^ other part, cannot deny but that it is against honesty, which contra- is very virtue ; but that it is of itself very uncleanness : it is "um (as I have rehearsed here by God's own words) a sore fault. It Turpitudo is contamination, abomination, execration : where/ore I marvel ex se- that Christian men do not tremble to hear it, and much more fear not wittingly to do it, or advisedly to continue in it ; for surely there can be nothing of the spirit of God that can in- Non ex duce man to it. If for carnal affections and worldly policies ePlntu- men should persuade it, how much that were to be detested by a man of pure and sincere conscience : I report me to any man that is indued with a perfect and plain garment of truth, that for any wealth of this world would break or seek colours to break so high a precept of the Maker of all worlds. Where- 396 RECORDS OF Ego domi nus deus vester.Lev. 18. The cause not now disputable, but already judged of God. Ancientauthors. C. Councils. Constance Council. Nullusaccipiat uxoremfratris sui. Lent. 18. Heresy to maintain tbe con trary to this cause. Tbe con sent of all indifferentuniversities. fore these which we have afore rehearsed being so evidently declared by his own mouth, as the text itself doth affirm it, when it saith, ' I am your very Lord the which commandeth you this/ methinketh that we Christian folk ought to judge this cause not disputable, but already judged by the Judge of all judges ; and so manfully to withstand in God's quarrel the maintainers and supporters of the contrary, seeing that our Master so extremely prohibiteth and with such abomination detesteth it. Other things there be also which moveth me marvellously to think that this is not disputable, and those be these : — First, the ancient authors the which writeth of it, wherein thej', in detesting it, do shew manifestly their opinion and plainly give their judgment in it ; for if it were good, or hereafter might be good, they being so highly learned and so holy, would never so greatly abhorred it. Secondly, the councils for the most part (which speaketh of it) doth utterly damn it, specially (as it seemeth me now) Constance council, in disapproving the opinions of Wycliffe ; for that council saith, ' That whosoever be of that opinion that this prohibition Leviticall, " Let no man marry or otherwise take and use his brother's wife," with other there, be only prohibitions made by man and not by God, and holdeth the same, they incontinently to be esteemed and taken as very Paynemes and mere heretics by the Church.' Farthermore, that none, whatsoever he be, shall dare either to preach, to teach^to hold, or in anywise allege any of Wycliffe 's articles, either of the xiv. first condemned, or of the other cclx. articles, of the which this same before rehearsed was one. Wherefore it may evidently appear now that this matter is not disputable, but already judged and concluded, since it is determined that he shall be taken for a very heretic that holdeth or upholding disputeth the contrary. The third is, that the whole consent of all the indifferent universities of Christendom doth plainly determine and consent that this prohibition Levitical is not only a thing prohibite by the laws of God and nature, but also that it is a square and very rule, by the which Christian men ought to be ordered and live by. Since they take it thus, that is to say, that this is a precept and a direction by which we Christian men ought to THE REFORMATION. 397 live by, and the law Deuteronomyke a thing ceremonial, which is abolytte, I marvel that folk be not ashamed to call this matter disputable or to hold against it : much more, I wonder what .ground they have or would forge the contrary of this matter upon, seeing that first it is (as methinketh) already judged by God's own words, by general councils, by the whole consent of all indifferent universities of Christendom, yea and by a great number of other learned men, whose seals and hands be ready to be shewed. It is also among us Christian men p0r manus imprinted in our hearts in manner (as who would say) from *radltl°- one to another, from the father to son, to detest it. And doubt- c ^ less among good folk it hath been and is in manner so abhorred that scarcely they can find in their hearts to hear speak of it. So, then, that I take it an whole acceptation of the Church of This truth Christendom since the beginning of the faith ; wherefore, any ^^tiie more to doubt of it, or to call it disputable, and not to repute beginning it as already judged, I see no ground why, and think it church damnable. Alas, methinketh, that learned men holding against mtnert0- this opinion, though they seem to be of the Church, they be not indeed ; for they hold an opinion contrary to the opinion ac cepted by the whole Church : wherefore these words of Scrip ture may well be laid against them, where Christ saith, ' Whoso qu; non esj that is not on my side is on the side against me.' So that, bv meoum • n n " oontra me these words verified in them, it well appeareth that they be est. Math. not of Christ's Church. Farthermore, I am sure that some I2- of them wiU say there be divers cases heresies which I dare boldly say have not such ground and foundation in truth, neither of Scripture, nor of good authors, nor yet of general councils ; neither have been accepted by the due order which cometh from one to another as this hath : willing the laye81 fee to believe them in these matters, and yet will not they give place themselves to this matter, so highly proved and by so many ways determined. Who can believe them in their per suasions, when they believe not nor give place to the truth 1 Not calling truth that which fantasye judgeth truth, but that which is approved truth: therefore methinketh they slander sore the Church, or else much themselves, as who would say there were no truth therein, when they so sheweth themselves 81 ' lay fee,' Tanner. 398 RECORDS OF Omnis doctrinadivinitus inspirata utilis est ad docen- dum. i ad Tim. 3. 0.3-Utfiatunum ovile. Jo. 10. Unum ovile et unus pas tor. Our boun den duty to our prince. Malignity and ill report to be with stands of contrary opinions; for if there be a truth (as good men think that there is), it ought universally to be taken to be preached and taught for a truth. ' For all doctrine inspired by God is good and wholesome to be taught,' as saith Saint Paul, and not by sinister affections to be hid, hindered, and detracted, like as therein some do. Wherefore, to the intent to reduce them to one flock, to a concord and to one assent, I think it were necessary that the prince and his people should not give credence to them in those things which they on so much less ground so desire and require to have kept and observed, until they give place to this, and such other as Scripture doth plainly declare and determine, with like assent of general councils and of ancient saints and doctors. And I think, so that if they might have the one, which they be affectionate to, granted them, they would soon give place to the other; and so might there be made one flock and one shepherd of it, one head and guide and a sort under him of one mind and concord ; the which, as for my part, I pray God send us shortly. The Lawyer. These be wonderful things to hear, and ought much to move the hearts of all true subjects, and that speci ally since they concern their king's sole health, his wealth and their realm also. Alas, is it not great pity, the prince having so manifest and plain grounds for him, he being also so loving to us as he is, so glad and so hearty to take pains for this his commonwealth, that we, which, that be bis sub jects, should be to him so unnatural, that other for other con siderations worldly, or for reports of sinister persons, should lette to do our very duty to him ; yea, and leaving the plain truth, rather to believe maligners against his cause, which soweth more division than obedience, and -not according to our very duties to stick fastly and surely unto him which is in the very right ? Though, peradventure, he say little, yet may it for tune that he marketh all : wherefore both duty and reverence with fear, is to be had to him which is so loving and hearty to us, to the intent that these being joined both on his part and ours, we may withstand the malignity of aU backbiters and slanderers, and utterly in our hearts conceive that it is far from our duty of allegiance to believe untrue reports and false malignations against our sovereign. And herein we THE REFORMATION. 399 ought to amend our faults, and from henceforth not to suffer any such reports, but manfully to withstand whosoever would c . 4. use themselves to the contrary, either in word or deed. And in this doing, I think there should be rooted the greatest union between the head and body that ever was seen or heard of, which should fulfil and perfect that wise saying of Sallust, ' Where is peace and concord, small things increaseth and Concordia cometh to much : by debate and discord, where is most, it crescunt, soon faileth and slideth away.' Wherefore I pray God send discordia " . . maximse us his light of grace, specially to keep this between our head dilabuntur. „«J „,. De bello • aIld US" Jugurtbi. The Divine. By my truth, I think there cannot be a better exhortation than you have here given us all ; for so long as no member halteth or is in pain, the whole body must needs be the healer. But now that hitherto we agree so well, I must .be as homely with you as you have been with me, praying you to assoyle me certain questions of law, like as I have assoyled you in divinity. Tlie Lawyer. I were to blame else. But I must pray you first to assoyle me one question more, which I would fain know. The Divine. What is that, I pray you ? The Lawyer. Of the power of the Pope in dispensation with the law divine. The Divine. Of that to entreat at length were now too short a time ; and it hath also been written of by so many authors, that it were hard for me to say anything therein the which hath not been said. But yet, for your pleasure, I wiU assay some thing as it shall occur to my mind; yet one thing I must know your will in ere that I proceed any farther. The Lawyer. What is that, I beseech you ? The Divine. Marry, sire, this is it, whether you will that I should shew you what the old, ancient doctors do say, or what the moderns, which somewhat flattereth the Pope's authority, saith ; other else declare you mine opinion, taken out of both, which I trust shall not be far from the truth ? The Lawyer. The ancient doctors' and many also of the moderns' opinion hath been declared herein in many other books and works, of which I have seen some both of Latin A. 5. and English. But is there, say you, difference amongst other of their opinions ? 400 RECORDS OF The Divine. Yea, forsooth, for some of the moderns smack too much of your law in wresting of Scripture for advance ment of dignity, which the old fathers do clean forbid and contemn, and likewise also divers other moderns, whereby you may well perceive that there is some alteration among them. The Lawyer. That is true. But which think you do best? cannot0pe ^e -^'OTrae- They that do least attribute arrogancy, rule dispense and dominion to the spiritualty; for sure it will be at length, law of God else, their utter confusion, it is so abominably at this day and nature, abused and presumed on. But now to my matter, j The Quare vos gcrjpture saith these words, ' Why do you break or transgress transgredi- r • . . mini prae- the commandment of God for your own traditions?' And also Dei prop- these words, ' The prophetical and holy Scripture is not of ter tradi- man's interpretation.' With this, moreover; Scripture must vestras. needs stand unloosed. All these ancient authors, also, which Ma. 15. nere foilo-weth do say, accordingly to holy Scripture, that the,, prophetica Pope cannot dispense with other the law. of God or nature./ humane Saint Augusten, besides other places, in the epistle which he interpre- writeth, Ad Glorium Eleusinum, sheweth that he is under the z.Petri 1. general council; wherefore much the more he must needs be Non potest under the law of God. Saint Ambrose, iff his book De Para- tura. °np diso, affirmeth the same. ) Likewise Saint Bernarde, both in Joan. 10. his epistle Ad Adam monachum, and in his book De dispen- Ambro1 satione et prceceptis. Holy Popes also that were in the old Bemardus. time do confess the same : as Fabianus Papa, in his epistle Fabianus Ad orientates ; Mercellinus Papa, in his epistle Ad orientates ; Mercelli- ^&0 Urbanus Papa, in 25 q. 1, Sunt quidam; Zozimus Papa, nus Papa, in De Statutis gentium, where he saith, ' That against the Papa""9 statutes and decrees of fathers the See of Rome can neither Zozimus. make nor change nothing, much less against the Scriptures Damasus. an(j Statutes of God ;' Damasus Papa, ad Aurelium Archi- Innocen- . . r this. episcopum; Innocentius Papa, in ca. litteras. Beside these, Basiiius. other ancient authors confirm the same : as Basilius Magnus, " ^ in Regula monachorum ; Beda, in Expositione Epistolce Petri ; Isidorus. Isidorus, ca. Si is qui prceest. With these agreeth as in one Posteriores also these latter divines : Alexandre de Halys, Scotus, Oc- 00g1' cham, Richardus de media Villa, Albertus Jacobus de Lau- zanna, Altissiodorensis, Franciscus de Maronis, Gerson, Du- randus, Gabriel Biel, Herveus, Bernardus de Trilla, Antoninus Florentinus, Joan. Lupus, and many more, which do plainly THE REFORMATION. 401 affirm that no man can prove that the Pope may dispense with other thelaw of nature or the law of God. Wherefore it followeth well, that this being the law of God (as it hath been both well and plainly before declared and proved), as methinketh it is evident, it is easy both to perceive and believe that, since it is thus grounded on the very law of God, it is also indispensable. Now, then, moreover seeing that this case is also determined as well by ancient authors as by general councils, yea, and holy Popes' own confessions ; and seeing, also, that all these doth agree, both moderns and others, with the fuU consent of the most part of all 1;b.e universities and learned men at this hour within Christendom, that this case is indispensable ; methinketh greatly that we ought (this matter being so evidently opened and declared) clearly and wholly to believe this, and as true subjects to stick with our sovereign ,and prince, in this his just doing and laudable act ; for (as me- seemeth) it is a sinful and an unnatural demeanour of subjects, what sinister labour soever be made to the contrary, to mis deem their prince, that in so weighty a cause he would be se duced and use affections : which hitherto reigning the xxiii. year over us, and more, hath shewed himself in all his doings but just, indifferent, and most upright. And I, for my part, do The cause rather arrecte this blindness of the people more to ignorance, people's with a little too much lightness in credence to light folk, the bhndne3S- which goeth about to seduce them, than to any other act of unnatural duty ; for I think, verily, that there was never prince among us that ever was better beloved, nor that hath deserved more to be. Wherefore, now using the saying of Saint. Poule, ' I do exhort you in our Lord God,' that you his Hortamur subjects do exonerate yourselves of all manner of grounds or Corynth.6. occasions that might breed any unkindness in his heart toward C. 7. you. And also his majesty (you with all due reverence so doing) to continue his well-approved zeal and fervent love, always hitherto shewed among you, to the intent aforesaid, which is that, we may have, according to Christ's own words, ' One flock and one head.' The Lawyer. On my faith, you have satisfied me both with great and many authorities, and (as methinketh) also with in vincible reasons. I pray God, mine answers to your questions may satisfy you as well and with as much truth as yours hath done me. vol. 11. d d and deter mined. 402 RECORDS OF The Divine. I doubt not but they shall; for your intent, as a man may judge, and your learning also is of that inte grity, that otherwise than truth cannot succeed so far as the law can say. Wherefore I pray you answer me first to this question — Might this cause be heard, and were it a due course that it should be heard within this realm, as in the beginning of this matter methought you said ? That tbe The Lawyer. Sire, I not only affirm that it might be, but also ought to I utterly protest that it ought to be so ; for as it was ordained in be heard t}ie Council of Nyce, and likewise in other general Councils of the realm, the world, Aat every cause should be decided where it first began, even so this cause being first begun here in Englande, should likewise have been here in Englande determined. The Divine. In my judgment ye speak reason, but how shall I know that you speak law ? for I hear sometime, in other cases, that law and reason differ, and good reason is not always called law. The Lawyer. You say in some part well; for indeed all reason is not law ; but this you may be sure of, that contrary to all reason is no law, though men sometime be otherwise borne in hand ; and in this case, conformably to reason, as I have begun to shew you, it was provided and ordained in divers councils that none should be called out of the province : which Authority councils are and ought to be taken for laws established by the ' assent of all Christian men, which must stand and take effect. C. 8. The Divine. Ye name the Council of Nyce and other also. Now, I pray you, let us hear how they speak herein, that we may be the more sure. The Ny The Lawyer. First, the Nycene Council saith thus : — ' The Council. °^ an. 3. first day of October. And in these councils must be present with them both priests and deacons and all other which feeleth themselves aggrieved, so to tarry and abide the sentence of the council : nother it may be lawful for any to make these councils within themselves without the knowledge of their metropolitans, to whom it is certain.that it is given and granted to give judgment of all causes.' Besides these councils, Egi- Eginius nius the Pope decreeth also, 'That if for overmuch farness, apa" unmeteness of time, or soreness of the way, it be grievous and painful to bring a cause to the See of Rome, that it be had to the primate.' The Divine. If these be so as ye allege them, and as I doubt nothing but that they be, it must needs be as ye have said, that this cause ought to be determined within this realm ; for it is not possible that the Pope may well dispense, immute, or break these councils. 406 RECORDS OF The Pope The Lawyer. You take it very well ; for how may the andpro- Bishop of Rome or any other primate be so bold as to break fesseth to the canons, the which every one of them voweth to keep, and Canons, solemnly professeth the same ? If he should so do, were he and may n0(; fc, De deposed according to that the council Carthaginense not break r ° ° the same, decreeth ? Who could think that one bishop might destroy the acts of so many holy fathers, made with their one assent, according to the profession of blessed Gregorye ? . Ne dimit- The Divine. You speak even as the thing itself would have matris tu f°r since it is said by Salamon, ' Leave not or break not Proverb. ,. fay mother's law,' who could think that the Church of Rome, which indeed is but a daughter of the Church universal, might destroy the laws of her mother? Doth not holy Pope Leo say with an open voice, ' That though there were now made The Pope a greater council than was the Nicene, it might not derogate rule by the our f°ur councils : therefore the Pope of Rome ought to rule law of God the Church of Rome by the universal councils and the law of oils, and God, and nowise the contrary.' D. 4. The Lawyer. Sothly, as ye say ; therefore he cannot dis- caunot dis- pense against the canons ; for who can dispense with him- a™inst the se^ ' or w^° can' without fault, break that he hath openly Canons. professed? Forsooth, if he do against this his profession, he ' doth thereby depose himself,' as saith the Council Carthagi nense. The Divine. And well worthy; for, because (as saith our Saviour Christe) ' the servant is not bigger than the master, nor the apostle or he that is sent bigger than he that sent him,' since that Christ ' came not to break the law, but to fulfil the same/ the Pope of Rome can nothing do against the law of his mother the Church universal, whose canons he hath professed to keep with solemn vow, in the which vow he cannot dis pense with himself, neither any other can, since he hath none superior in spiritualty. The Lawyer. That such is the Pope's vow and open pro fession, besides other places, appeareth well by the Councils of Constance and Basyle, and by the Book of Bishops, which is Ivo, Epis- called Diurnus, as sheweth the great clerk Ivo in his Epistle : where he is earnest that the old traditions and customs ought not to be removed or broken by any private laws or new traditions ; for against the statutes of the fathers the authority THE REFORMATION. 407 of the See of Rome can nothing do ne change. ' With us (saith he there, which is Pope Zozimus' saying also) liveth and Zozimus. remaineth antiquity so rooted and fast grounded, that it will not away, to the which the decrees of fathers hath given and D. 5. established such reverence : wherefore the Popes of Rome be or ought to be the keepers or maintainors and not the breakers of the holy canons.' Thus saith Leo, thus saith Bonifacius, and thus saith Pope Gelasius. Pope Celestyne affirmeth ' that Celestinus he thinketh ill of the Pope, yea, the worst that can be, which Papa- thinketh that he may ordain anything againt the canons.' The Divine. The holy doctors and divines also agreeth well with this, especially Saint Augustin in the epistle Ad Glo rium, tofore rehearsed, is plain in this. Pope Zozimus (as ye know) is clear in it. Pope Damasus, Hilarius, with other, will Bamasus no breach or transgression of the canons without an inevitable TT.. . 0 Hilarius. necessity, ' the which (as they say) God forbid.' ' Therefore (as saith Gerson) it is an exceeding and an unruly error of Gerson. them, the which saith that the deliberation or council of the Pope weigheth above the deliberation of the Church or Coun cil General ; or that affirmeth that the Pope is not bound to follow the counsel and obey the same, except that he will.' The Lawyer. Certainly you come well to the purpose; for the holy Council of Constance decreeth also the same in these Conci. Con- words : — ' Every man, of whatsoever state or dignity that he be, yea, though he be the Pope, is bound to obey the General Council in these things which pertain to our Christian faith, to the help and extirpation of a schism, and generally to the reformation of the Church of God in the head and in the members.' It decreeth, moreover, thus : — ' Whosoever, of whatsoever state or, dignity that he be, yea, though he be Pope himself, will disdain or refuse to obey $ie command ments, statutes, or ordinances of this Council, or of any other General Council, now made, or hereafter to be made, upon the premises, or such as pertain unto them : except he amend this fault, ought to be put to due penance and condignly punished, with recourse (if need shall be) to other helps of the laws.' The Divine. Truly, if this be thus as here you have well induced, as seemeth me, it cannot be avoided but that the Pope ought to conform himself to the canons and decrees of D. 6. 408 RECORDS OF councils, and not to dispense against them, and so much the less he may dispense with the law of God. The Lawyer. That can nowise be denied ; ' For between God's law and man's (saith Innocence, of whom we spake before No dispen- among other lawyers) there is so great a difference, that sation against the against the law of God may never be dispensed : about man's law of God. Lacerataest lex, et non pervenit ad finem judicium. Habacuc. I. a.83 Omnis homo men- side ? dax. Psal law may be had dispensation sometime, as necessity and utility shall require.' The Divine. Well said. But you lawyers many times speak so earnestly for both parties, and allege your glosses so thick, that men unlearned in that faculty cannot tell whom to trust. And well I wot that in this point some lawyers say nay; for if they agreed, all the matter should have been or this time done. The Lawyer. Truly this, as ye say, chanceth oft times among us lawyers indeed ; but not in that we be lawyers, but in that we be men fashioning our knowledge and opinion in law, as it may serve best for our purpose ; and he is called but a slender advocate or proctor in law, that of one law and text or other cannot shape arguments fit for his client's part. Herein is no default in the law, but in tbe abusers of the law. Tlie Divine. Marry, of them that use themselves thus, Scripture saith indeed, ' The law is lacerate and final judg ment cannot be had lawfully ' : so that this saying which fol- loweth also, be it never so general of itself, may well most specially be applied to them too : ' Every man is full of lying.' But how shall I trust you that you speak law to me in this great cause, rather than them that speak on the other Apt com parison. D. 7. The Lawyer. The authority of general councils and the very Popes' own confessions sufficeth to that. Very natural reason also shall confirm that my saying to be true ; for it is true that like as every private person in his case hath daily his doubt decided by the judges of his country, and in the common law of the realm the matter is tried by the jury of that country, and in the Pope's law no man shall be called two days' journey out of his country ; even so have princes in The reference here is omitted in Tanner. THE REFORMATION. 409 times past according thereunto obtained sentences in like case. And if you will take the pain to look over and fully to con sider the general councils which I tofore rehearsed unto you, ye shall then find that not only it might, but also that it ought so to be. And reason (as I have shewed) is hereunto conformable, that the cause should rather be heard and dis cussed where it may be known plainly, and every point duly ensearched and examined, than where all parties be ignorant in the matter, as at Rome. The Divine. Why, then, doth the Pope wrong to enterprise to know of the matter at Rome ? The Lawyer. So say 64 the general councils, so doth divers holy Popes confess, so saith the University of Parise, so saith the University of Orleance, so saith a great number of clerks in Italy, so saith all that be not led by affection to say on the other side. The Divine. You shew so many councils, Popes' assents, great authorities, and also so plain definitions of so noble uni versities, which affirm your saying, that no man can but think it true that ye say : wherein certes (as methinketh) the autho rity of the general councils and Popes' own sayings giveth such faith to the cause, that it is unreasonable to be denied, specially considering and weighing that also the universities say and express the same, which, of likelihood, would not dis- stain their honour and reputation in the world, with their great blame, rebuke, and just damnation of God and the world in swerving from the truth. I think, therefore, surely that you say true, and I marvel much that the Pope agreeth not to that truth. The Lawyer. As to that I cannot say; for it were an ill bird that would defile his own nest ; but, nevertheless, we see here a truth affirmed by many general councils, by many Popes, by many other authors, and also by noble universities, by so many great learned men ; and the same is never the more followed, but the contrary thereof executed (right not withstanding) against our prince and sovereign lord, which pitieth mine heart, and all true subjects, I think, within his realm; not doubting, with God's grace, but that nother he D. 8. 84 • sayeth,' Tanner. 410 , RECORDS OF nor we will suffer so prejudicial an injury to be inferred to this realm, and so pernicious an example for all Christendome. Our duty yAe Divine. That is surely so : wherefore I doubt not (God ence we assisting us) but that this his realm will rather stick with him owe to our jn fa^& nis juanifest right, according to their duty, than put prince. . ° ° . their necks under the yoke of the Pope, or his, at pleasure laws ; for God commandeth obedience to the prince, and so Tn what doth he not to the injuries of the Pope, but willeth us rather is notto^e *° withstand them, as by divers texts and holy men's examples obeyed. it shall hereafter appear. ' God (saith Saint Bernarde) com- Bernardus. mandeth us to do that is good, and to leave that is ill.' Now, if that man, whom he hath given pre-eminence to and set him above us, would think to the contrary, and cause us other to leave that is good, or to cleave to that is ill and forbidden of God, there his commandment is boldly to be refused ; for it is far out of order to break thine obedience thou owest to God, for thine obedience towards man. ' Wherefore (saith Saint August. Augustine), if he that is in power above thee, as to whom thou owest thine obedience, command thee to do anything that thou oughtest not to do, there contemn and refuse his power. If he bid thee do one thing and God another, obey God, con temning him.' ' If that man biddeth, God forbid ; shall I (saith Bernardus. Saint Bernarde) hear man, and not hear and obey God ?' Basiiius •' Therefore (as saith holy Basile) if we be bid of any man to do that is contrary to the commandments of Christe, there is high time for us to say we be bound more to obey God than men.' Simon de ' I boldly do affirm (saith blessed Symon de Cassia) that the Vicar of Christe is not exempt from the precepts of the law of God, nother can exempt any other from the same; nor can give license to sin or do amiss.' The Lawyer. h\\ this you speak here is very well agreeing also with the Pope's own laws; ' for if his commandment (saith Innocen- Innocence) contain heresy, or be thought likely to trouble greatly the whole church), or that other ill should happen thereby, a man ought not to obey, though it be commanded B. under the pain of excommunication, in the which he falleth when that he obeyeth not.' ' And if a man be excommuni- Abbas. cated (saith Abbot) because he doth that is good, or will not Where do that is ill, the sentence of excommunication is none ; and nicationTs if the sentence of excommunication be manifestly unjust, it is . as none. as none.' THE REFORMATION. 411 The Divine. Thus the good Archbishop of Canturbery, Laurence, successor of Saint Austen, would for none entreaty Laurentius of the Pope, nor yet commination of cursing, assoyle him whom f0"b8'e^n. he had rightfully accursed for the marrying of his mother-in- tua- law. Likewise Saint Dunstane would in no wise obey the Sanctus Pope, though he prayed him, admonished him, and straitly commanded him to assoyle the earl, whom he had before ex communicate for the marrying and retaining of his nigh kins woman, until he had put her from him; for this same was evermore in his mouth, ' God forbid that for the cause of any mortal man I should contemn the law of my Lord God.' Even so the good Bishop Sampson had rather abide and suffer all Sampson perils of excommunication than to do that he saw he might °pus not do by the law of God. The noble clerk and good Bishop of Lincoln, Roberte Grosthede, also wrote unto the Pope which Kobertus had made (as he knew well) an unlawful request unto him, inc°ln- 1 That such enforcements he must needs say nay to and rebel.' Wherefore, now, if it fortune hereafter that the Pope or any other spiritual person would, for sinister affection or increase of authority, interdict, excommunicate, or send any inhibition to interrupt the justness of this cause, other else the due pro ceeding in the same, according to the definitions afore, in that case (as methinketh) both the king, his spiritual and lay subjects also, should manfully in God withstand them, and stick in their minds and deeds to the manful, virtuous, and holy saying of all the blessed Apostles, which is, that we ought rather to obey God than men. And no doubt but that in our so doing we shaU have like reward of the same our Maker, as these holy men and blessed bishops had, with more the which E. 2. did follow the same steps. The Lawyer. By my faith, you speak to very good reason, but I cannot say that our law agreeth to this reason. The Divine. No, I think that well ; but the foundation and very stone which you should ground your law upon doth estab lish us to condescend to the said reason ; for the Church of God hath his foundation set upon a firm and stedfast stone of truth and faith, and not upon the mutable and wilful plea sure of Peter's successors. But your law doth so much attri bute to man (as modern glossers doth expoune), that it would make man, which is but frail and caduke, director, governor, 412 RECORDS OF and as superior to the very Word of God, which is (as the prophet saith) always permanent, what simple wit or slender faith would think or believe that God, in setting forth his laws and precepts, had (as a man would say) so unadvisedly con sidered and commanded them, that anywise they should need of man's reformation, or that he did create man to be superior to his word and will ? Methinketh, verily, that it is too great an arrogancy for man so to usurp upon his Maker : wherefore now let this pass, and answer me (I pray you) to another question in law. The Lawyer. What is that now ? The Divine. This same : — If a man should commune with you of the law, and ask you whether the decrees and decretals (which you among you do call laws), with the opinions of doc tors which writeth of them, be directed in their just execu tion merely and in all cases by truth or no : what would ye answer ? The Lawyer. What would I answer ? Marry, this do I answer: that the law, in his due course exercised, ought to be directed by truth only. The Divine. And what call ye truth ? That which appeareth in deed only, or that by report ? And if by report, whether that which some men say and depose is true, or only that all men say and wholly agree unto is true? What is to p/ie Lawyer. If the deed do appear evidently, then it is for truth, greatly to be considered and weighed ; and if not, then it is to E. 3. be referred to that which the ancient fathers approved in law, or the assent of general councils do say and affirm to be true and law ; and if (as in a rare case) it fortune sometime that the truth cannot be fully gathered or made plainly to appear, then judgments and opinions of doctors, sounding to reason so far as man's wit can comprehend, and not discrepant from God's law, be to be ensued and followed. The Divine. Herein may sometimes fortune an error. The Lawyer. That is truth ; for in the justice of this world that is truth which the laws receiveth for truth, and when the laws receiveth it, then it is as truth in the sight and judgment of men, though in the sight of God it be not so. God seeth all with his own eyes, and therefore his justice is most perfect, and is directed always according to a most perfect truth. Man THE REFORMATION. 413 trusteth other men's eyes and tongues, and sometime his own senses, which may err ; and therefore followeth and admitteth instead of truth the likelihood of truth and the likelihood ap proved by tbe law. Whereupon it followeth that what the law calleth truth is to be taken for a truth, until the contrary may evidently appear ; for if man should never take for the truth, but only that the deeds shewed of truth, there should seldom appear truth to men in many matters. The deed vanisheth and passeth over, ne can be permanent; the testi mony of the truth is preserved by the law, which willeth faith to be given to sufficient writings and sayings in that behalf. And if you require farther declaration hereof, methinketh that it appeareth well in this example : — Who can shew the truth of his own lineage or parentage but by authority of the law, by which law witness proveth the marriage of the per sonages and birth of the child upon the woman married? Whereupon the law concludeth the generation of the husband as father, whether it be so in deed or no ; and so it is in proof The lawtul of the truth of carnal copulation and bodily knowledge, wherein bodily there is no witness commonly that depose of the very act, but j"\™" only of the near circumstances preceding or following the act, E as age of the two parties convenient and likely thereunto, with conversation in bed and other place at liberty for that act : whereupon the law concludeth for a truth the act of copula tion to have ensued, and so, in other cases of like fashion. The Divine. Why, sir, if this be thus, as ye say, then shall That the it little avail the queen to allege that she was not known by aliening to Prince Arthur ; for sure I am there be witness, and (as I have the C0Q- heard say) of the noblest men of this realm, that knew Prince nothing Arthure and the queen at the time of their marriage, and knew availetn- them both to be of competent age, fit, apt, and prone to that natural act ; bedded together at sundry times, living at liberty, in one house being ; no let or impediment in law why they should not, but many provocations of nature why they should accomplish their natural desire in that behalf. The Lawyer. I think the queen will never earnestly allege that matter, which hath not only no probability of truth, but also that being proved which you speak of, that is to say, the marriage, living, bedding, and conversation together of her and Prince Arthure, a plain conclusion to the contrary. 414 RECORDS OF Prince Arthour's own re ports. E. S- How and for what cause tbe name of prince was deferredour sove- - reign. The Divine. There be many more specialties than these that go near the matter ; for some men of great house say, and (as I am informed) depose upon their oath, that Prince Arthur did report himself unto them that he had carnally known her ; and that at divers times, to some at one time, to some at another, so that his sayings were many times reiter ated; which, methinketh, giveth much greater faith, inso much that it is not to be thought that all these times he should speak for ostentation and boasting of himself only ; for at some time of these it doth appear by attestation of credible folks, whereof some were his servants near about him at that time, that he spake it for mere necessity, demanding and desiring drink incontinently upon his great labours, in the morning very early, to quench his thirst ; answering, when the question was asked him, 'Why, sir, and be ye now so dry?' 'Marry, if thou haddest been as often in Spayn this night as I have been, I think verily thou wouldest have been much drier.' Another thing there is more which hath a marvellous appear ance in it to declare that she should be known by Prince Arthure, and that is this : — Incontinent after his death the name of a prince belonged to him that is now our sovereign lord and king, except his brother had children ; and so with out creation, or any other solemnity, straight way so to be called thereby ; which, if it should not so have followed, should have been a mere injury illated by his father to him, without some other marvellous great consideration. So it was, his brother being dead, upon suspicion that she had been with child, and being also certified by the prince's counsel that they and she both thought the same, the name of prince was de ferred from our sovereign lord that now is by the space of a month and more, in which time it was likely the truth to be known. And so, methinketh, there can be no more vehement nor almost a plainer trial of her to be known than this, being withal well considered how well advisedly the noble king his father did always proceed in aU his acts and deeds. Yea, and a third there is also, whereby it cannot be denied but that this her ostentation and affirmation is nothing true ; and that now is evidently proved by an instrument called a brief, which she by herself or her proctor produced in public judgment before the legates in her defence, because our sovereign's counsel THE REFORMATION. 415 found faults in the bull, which were sufficient in law (as law yers doth affirm), though the Pope might dispense (as he may not indeed) to annihilate and fordo the marriage between the king and her ; for where one of the faults which the king's counsel found was, that after the death of Prince Arthur, in suing for dispensation, she attained a bull, whereof the sug gestion was not true, being in one place (as it was said) in the huU Forsan cognitam, as who saith, ' may fortune knowen ;' which maketh a doubt of that thing which she knew well enough before. And thereby it may well be conjectured that she feared to tell the truth, lest that the Pope, perceiving that she had been known by Prince Arthoure, would never have E. 6. dispensed with this latter marriage; or else, indeed, if she had not been known, she needed not to have put in these terms at all. And thereby, among other things, the king's counsel thought that this bull was surreptitious and nought, because the true meaning of the supplication was not purely and truly declared in the same. She then, fearing that by this fault and other which were found in the said bull, she should fail of her purpose, did, according as tofore is said, in her defence exhibit this brief, thinking thereby to take away all these doubts which were found in the bull, and specially that of Forsan cognitam. But in this (as Scripture saith) obscurati sunt oculi eorum, both her eyes and her coun sel's were blinded ; for where they went about to heal some How the small sores, they opened a great wound, and in the brief con- was ] fess coqnitam without forsan ; which is to say, that she was "based for ¦ 1 , ,-i ii/ • faults in known without peradventure : which maketh (as methinketh) the Bull too evident a proof that she should be known by Prince ™anifestly 1 . ^ . sheweth Arthur, and so plainly sheweth it that it cannot be denied ; for that she now, if ye mark it well, it is confessed both by him and her, ^v Prince" though she list to say now the contrary, and that in judgment. Arthur. The Lawyer. I marvel, then, that men will yet doubt whether it be true or no that the law approveth so for truth, where these probations appeareth so plain. The Divine. I wiU teU you why. Because her grace saith herself that she was not carnally known, and she saith that she knoweth it better than all the world beside. The Lawyer. It cannot be denied but that she knoweth it best of folke now living ; but Prince Arthur, when he lived, 416 RECORDS OF knew utterly as well as her grace, who, having no cause why at -that time to say otherwise than the truth, she not denying at that time that same, said then the contrary of that the queen now allegeth, when it maketh most for her purpose so to say, being witness in her own cause and party for her own defence, without any matter to justify her so saying, saving E. 7. only her sole such allegation. One man's or woman's saying How the singular, be he or she of never such dignity, authority, pre paying can- rogative, or pre-eminence, by the law shall not make faith in not prove, another man's cause, which nothing appertaineth to him: wherefore, there can be no reason nor law to maintain that the queen, in her own cause, should have credit and be be lieved, or yet her saying regarded in that behalf; and as suredly to speak, it is impossible by due and lawful proof to prove true this her saying by herself indeed at this hour, see ing that she hath been known since. And as for words, it is too open in law that the husband's attestation making for the marriage is to be preferred to the woman's denial in that case : so that if there were no more but Prince Arthur's own saying, the law willeth that credit should be given to him and not to her. And if she would go about to prove it by records, it is How un- to be considered that they which she would now bring to tes- should be ^ify this, her not to be known, must be of those which were herrecord'a here present with her, which were sent then purposely rather testimony. . .,...., to testily the contrary ; for it was at that time the thing which her father and mother both most desired, to hear of succession of their two bodies, and to understand that between them was carnal copulation : whereby it may evidently appear (what soever they now say) that they came then rather to approve the contrary than that which she would bring them to testify now ; for who can think that they which brought the daughter of their king to be married unto the son and heir of a king, would then seek for ways whereby they might after prove that she were not carnally known by him that they brought her for ? And I reckon that neither she nor eke her witness can make in this matter any due proof admissible in law, seeing also that one of the parties is dead, who to make answer had as much interest as she to deny it. The Divine. I know not your law, but methinketh you speak reason, that we should take for the truth which is law- THE REFORMATION. 417 fully approved for truth, whatsoever the party say to the con trary, considering that truth (as ye have declared) dependeth upon the true approbation in the law, and not upon the bare E. 8. demonstration of the act. The Lawyer. You take it right ; and therefore, if my father and mother both would deny me to be their son, I shall (if I have laudable testimony) prove the contrary, although they will never so earnestlv both defend and maintain their denial, alleging that they know the truth better than all the world after, as they do indeed ; but their knowledge helpeth not where no faith is to be given to them ; and the question is, not what they know, but what is be believed ; and truly no None to be man is to be believed in his own matter. ' And (as one said) |>?lieve(1 in ^ t ' his own may a man believe that a maiden, accompanying with a young cause. man of lust (being no let thereunto), shall return as she was a Ajuvene maiden ? ' Meaning, believe it who that would, for he would credatur not. Prince Arthur's and the queen's conversation together r?ddl<» x _ ° virgo ? in bed and house, being both of lawful age, with these other probations tofore rehearsed, so clearly setteth forth the truth of carnal knowledge, that the queen's asseveration to the contrary, nor yet her dissembling proofs (if she have any), can blemish the same in any upright, true, or indifferent man's opinion : wherefore I marvel that other she, or any that maketh pretence of love towards her, will allege, or cause to be alleged, so mere an unproveable excuse in so high a cause ; the doing whereof, to my judgment, hath greatly derogate both her and their credit, not only in this case, but in all other also. The Divine. These things be so pithily spoken and set forth, that they cannot be avoided : wherefore, since the truth favoureth our prince's cause so much, let us his subjects then not omit nother our zeal nor yet our obedience tb him accord ing to our allegiance, nor our duty to God in assisting the Our office truth, as is the part and office of a true Christian man ; for to rj0^ ^nd surely we ought, by our allegiance, to defend him and his our kine- doings against all maligners both in words and deeds; for against maligners God himself exhorteth us by his prophet when he saith, ' Be not desirous to follow the maligner.' Then, Beware sinee we be forbidden to follow them in general terms, and raa lgner9, vol. n. e e 418 RECORDS OF F. generally commanded to avoid them, much more he forbid- Principi8^ deth us in that is against our prince and sovereign. Alas, no^male- wbat ingratitude, yea, and that unnatural were in us, if we dices. should otherwise do? or how could we will or desire of our j J '. prince that point of kindness as toward us and our causes tatione tua which we refuse unto himward ? How might we desire of him detrabas. not to be light in credit, when he heareth complaint of us, Ec. 10. when we be so light to believe all tales invented against him and his most righteous intent ? or how can we be so bold to desire his grace of his most high goodness and favour, and to assist us in our righteous causes, when we do not frankly assist him, yea, and offer us to live and die in this his just cause and matter ? The Lawyer. Methinketh this matter toucheth us as much almost as him, saving only his conscience ; but as for the world, Our most much more ; for in his time no man can interrupt him, nor „°J^'„ there is no business in title; but afterward, if the order be true endea- not set by him or that he die, it is hard to say how many shaU mucbmore repent of it : wherefore I think of both it is more requisite for for us than us than for him to have this matter at an honourable end. The Divine. But how might that be ? The Lawyer. Marry, I think that the way might be found , well enough, if the whole head and body of the parliament would set their wits and good wills unto it ; for no doubt but that it ought to be determined within this realm, as plainly enough it appeareth before. The Divine. Surely you say well ; for methinketh the suc cession of this realm ought not to be ordered by forreins; Anabusion for jf ft should, and we to accept the same, they were rulers intolerable. r , , ¦ r and orderers of this realm, and not the king and his parlia ment. And then, doubtless, this realm were as evil in con dition as slaves of Turkes, which I pray God defend it from; for seeing that there is nothing to be determined but the fault of being known or not known, which I think is evidently How the enough proved already, there is no place so convenient to try have his the truth of that matter as this realm : wherefore methinketh end- the king's highness and his parliament should earnestly press F 2' the metropolitans of this realm (their unjust oath made to the 85 Both these references are omitted in Tanner. THE REFORMATION. 419 Pope notwithstanding) to set an end shortly in this, and to take a greater regard to the quieting of his grace's conscience and this realm, than to the ceremonies of the Pope's law ; for, by God's law, they be bound to the obedience of their prince, and to seek also the quietation and peaceableness of this realm, which ought to be regarded more than any man's law, which I trust they, being of such sincerity as I take them of, will Magis not lette to do when it shall be put to them whosoever say nay, obedire answering, when need shall be, according to their ancient and deo ?uam ° * nomimbus. virtuous predecessors. Rather we ought to obey God than Act. v. men. And thus this little treatise shall make his end, praying the Peroratio. readers, that if anything be amiss in it, to arrecte it rather to lack of discretion than of good will ; and though peradven ture, in opening of the cause, some be indirectly touched far ther mayhap than pleaseth them, we humbly desire them to reckon that if we could have, by our simple wits, devised any other way so plainly and truly to have opened this cause, we would much rather have done it than thus 86. But, in declaring the truth, we mind to halt for no respect ; wherefore we pray them to hold us excused ; and though, peradventure, that the wise man's proverb 87, ' The teUing of the truth breedeth oft Veritas displeasure,' shall take effect in us, we mind not (and God parit before) to spare either to teU it, or with our lives to maintain it, seeing that Christe himself saith, ' I am the very truth and Bs° sum eterne life,' which abideth them that follow the truth. And vita. whereas we think that it is hardly possible for any man to Joan- '4- indite or convey any work of such sort that no man shall find a fault therein, speciaUy captious folke and maligners ; which Against rather, when they have found a right small fault, will go about Graving to jest and rail on it ; yea, though no fault at all, yet rather babblers. will so do of all that pleaseth them not, than to come to the remnant in the justification of the matter. We most entirely pray you, loving readers, that if any such ye now, or hereafter shall hear of, which would contradict or again say this poor treatise of truth, not to give credence unto them till they can prove the contrary hereof; and that sothly not by their gestes, their faces and crakes, which is all out of frame, but (as it 86 'this,' Tanner. 87 Tanner inserts here ' Veritas odium parit/and omits it in the margin. B e 2 eth to. 420 RECORDS OF ought truly) only by good Scripture, good ancient authors, general councils, virtuous and holy Popes' own sayings, famous universities, and infinite clerks' and learned men's opinions concurring with old ancient customs and usages ; and that since our Saviour Christ's own time, as we have declared in this our poor treatise already for our part. And another thing The sure there is also which we trust shall cause you to give the less credit pillars this ,.,......, work lean- to whosoever would malign at this work, which is this : that this work standeth with virtue and cleanness, the which truth 88 all. the contrary part cannot deny, and therefore it ought rather to be embraced ; and doubtless tbe contrary thereof is vice and, uncleanness, which ought utterly therefore to be despised. And this sure we are, that divers of the most reputed personages in learning, which taketh the contrary part of that we do, have said to men of great credit, that if this matrimony were to be made, they would never condescend unto it, nor ever advise any man to attempt any such : whereof we now gather that they judged it nought, though for some respect now in this time they do cloak the contrary ; for if it were good or lawful (as now they would make pretence it were), why should they have said as tofore is rehearsed ? And since they have con fessed so far, this urgent reason must keep them within the lyst, which is this : that thing, which is once nought in God's law moral, can never be good but by his only allowance, as most part of councils general and good authors do determine. Wherefore in this their so saying we may well think that they verily confessed the effect of this our treatise : which if they now contrary in word or deed, or hereafter shall, cannot be well taken in indifferent ears, but esteemed to proceed of too much lightness or of suborning, or else of too great affection and cleaving to their own opinion : wherefore, if they so do, we think that little credit should be given unto them. And we doubt not but that your minds and affections are such to your most loving prince, that now since ye know them, such their sayings shall nothing hinder his well-deserved estimation among you ; and therefore, eftsone we most heartily pray you, gentle readers, that nother sinister affection nor yet malicious report do hinder the accepting of this our treatise 88 'traugbt,' Tanner. THE REFORMATION. 421 in your hearts and judgments otherwise than that, if you had matters to do before our prince and his council, ye would they should do in your just petitions and causes; for you must re member that Christ commandeth us to do as We would be done to. Where he wiUeth it of each to other among us all, will he not that most of all we observe it enempst our most loving prince and sovereign? No doubt but so wiUeth and com mandeth our Saviour Christ : in whom fare-ye-well most gentle readers, ever to incUne and favour most the truth. Imprinted by Thomas Bbbthblbt, CUM PRIVILEGIO. The copy formerly in possession of Bishop Tanner, cited in the notes to this document as ' Tanner,' concludes as follows : — Imprinted at London in Flete- Strete by Thomas Berthelet printer to the Kinges Moost noble Grace. Cum privilegio. 422 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXI. Documents of the yearsitp3, 1504, and 1528, extracted from a treatise published at Luneburg in the month of July, 1533, in answer to the work entitled 'A glasse of truth.' PHILALE- TH.E HYPERBOREI in Anticatoptrum suum, quod propediem in lucem dabit, ut patet proxima pagella, Parasceue, Sive adversus improborum quorundam temeritatem Illustrissi. An gliae Reginam ab Arthuro Wallia? Principe priore marito suo co gnitam fuisse impudenter et inconsulte adstruentium, Susannis extempo- raria. 'A\A0eta Qe&v o/uo-jroXi"?, pAvn Ocdis crvvbiai.T0Dp.4vov. Va qui dicitis malum bonum et bonum malum ponen- tes tenebras lucem, et lucem tenebras, ponentes amarum in dulce, et dulce in amarum. Esa. 5. 0 EXCUSTJM LUNBNBUB- gi, per Sebastianum Golsenum, An no M.D.XXXIII Mense Julio Cum gratia et privilegio. THE REFORMATION. 423 INTRODUCTION. The copy from which the three following documents have been printed is No. 1238, under the head Henricus VIII, in the Grenville Collection. It is of a very small size, and is neither paged nor foliated, but consists of 44 leaves, signat. A, B, C, D, E, all of 8 leaves, and F of 4, the last page being vacant. The writer calls it a Parasceue, intending it as the introduction to a larger work to be entitled Anticatoptron, which was designed to contain more ample evidence of the assertions made. The preface implies that the last resource the king had to rely on was the assertion of the consummation of the marriage between Prince Arthur and Catharine ; and the object of the book is to prove that in any case the Pope's dispensation rendered the marriage valid, and ex abundanti that the previous marriage had never been consummated. The treatise begins with alluding to the manner in which the matter had been handled in the last parliament in England, and proceeds to give the history of the transaction, alluding to the letter of Adrian de Castello to the king, which had been raked up, and which stated that in the first mention of the affair to Pope Julius, the new Pope had expressed his doubt whether he had the power to dispense in the case. This is the letter which is printed as Number I. in this collection. The passage in question is underlined in the original document in the Record Office, and is printed in Italics in this edition of it. The answer to this is, that it may perhaps* be true that Julius at first mention, before consulting with the Cardinals, did not know whether his power extended so far; but that he, after consultation and thought, decided as he did. It pro ceeds, in answer to the ' Glasse of Truth/ which is Latinized as Speculum veritatis, to examine the case as it stood under the Levitical and Deuteronomical law ; and disparages the Judgments of the Universities, alleging that many more had decided or would decide in the opposite sense. He alludes 424 RECORDS OF playfully to Previdellus' argument in behalf of the king, say ing that he ought to be called PostvideUus. He appears to be acquainted with the author of the ' Glasse of Truth,' whom he speaks of under the designation of Catoptropaeus, and who is said to be l magnus Rabinus in auld Regid.' He then addresses himself to the adjustment of the Bull and the Breve, and their apparent contradiction, the Bull asserting the pos sible consummation and the Breve the actual consummation of the marriage. Then follow the three documents here printed. The first attested by a Spanish notary and extracted from the Spanish Archives. This is printed with a few mistakes of spelling and is followed by a Latin translation. After this the author calls attention to the fact that Ferdinand's letter to the Pope implies that Henry VII was fully cognizant of all the facts stated in it, and then appends the copy of the Latin Protestation of Catharine that the Breve had been obtained by her parents without any knowledge on her part of its con tents; and that she declined being bound by the assertion contained in it of the consummation of her first marriage, which she steadfastly denied. Then he inserts- the letter (E. 2) which follows, written by the king to the Pope Nov. 28, 1504. After Henry's letter he inserts a previous letter (E. 4) of Julius, written July 6, 1504, which is identical with the letter printed as Number II. of these Records. He then disposes of the indelicate allusions made by Prince Arthur on the morning after his marriage; argues that Ferdinand had no reason whatever for inventing such a story, if the virginity of Catharine was a fiction; that Henry VIII had frequently boasted that Catharine had been left a virgin widow, and states the fact that Prince Arthur and the princess had occu pied the same bed only seven nights ; that a nurse and others had always been present ; and that there were many nobles living who could testify to this fact, if only they dared. He then goes on to notice the argument for the probable consum mation of the marriage, which it appears had been aUeged, but which never appeared in print till 1845, when Henry's letter of July 10, 1531, was published in State Papers, vol. vii. p. 305 ; and notices the assertion that there had been a month's delay before the new Prince of Wales had been allowed to assume the title, till it could be known whether THE REFORMATION. 425 Catharine was pregnant or not. And here he adds, that it was quite certain that Henry VII had contemplated marrying his daughter-in-law himself. After this he states that the autographs of most of the letters are at Rome, but that some few had been kept by the queen for her own use. Amongst other things he complains that the bishops in England were only appointed for purposes of State, and that one of them had boasted that he could, without consulting the Pope, and in spite of everybody, give the king a new wife ; that the Catholic king had demanded the return of his daughter, through Estrada, but that Henry VII had treated for her marriage with Henry Prince of Wales ; first, with Alexander VI; then with Pius III; and lastly, with Julius II, from whom the dispensation had been obtained. 426 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXII. Letter from Ferdinand to De Rojas explaining the real state of things as regards the consummation of the marriage of Prince Arthur and the Princess Catharine ; written August 23, 1503. Signat EL REY C 3 ' Francisco de Roias del nuestro conseio y nuestro embaxador en corte de . Roma, sabed que nos, veyendo las guerras y dis- cordias que hay en la Christiandad ; y quanto cumple al ser- vitio de nuestro Senor, y al bien y seguridad della la union y concordia de los principes Christianos, como quiera que entre nos y el Serenissimo Rey de Inglaterra nuestro hermano, antes de agora stava assentada confederation y amistad per- petua, pero porque aquella sea mayor y mas firme entre nos- otros y nuestros successores, plaziendo a nuestro Senor para que con mayores fuercas podamos emplearnos sunta mente con nuestro muy sancto padre, como es nuestro desseo en todo lo que fuere servicio de nuestro Senor y bien de la Christi andad. Nos y el dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, have- mos agora concluido y assentado el casamiento dela Illustris sima princessa, dona Catharina, muy cara y muy amada hija, con el IUustrissimo don Henrique principe de Gales, hijo legi- timo y beredero del dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro her mano; y porque, como sabeys, para el dicho casamiento es menester dispensation de su Santidad, y esta assentado que nos y el dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, lahayamos de procurar, como vereys por el trassado de un capitulo del dicho assiento que faze mincion de la dicha dispensation que va aqui, senalado de Miguel Perez de Almacan, nuestro secre- tario; y ahun que en el dicho capitulo dize quel matrimonio dela dicha princessa, nuestra hija, con el principe de Gales, Arthur, ya deffuncto, que gloria haya, fue consumado, pero la verdad ps que no fue consumado, y que la dicha princesa THE REFORMATION. 427 nuestra hija quedo tan entera como antes que se casasse, y esto es muy cierto y muy sabido donde el la sta ; mas ha parecido a los letrados de Inglaterra, que los Scrupulos y dudas que la gente de aquel reyno suele poner en las cosas, que ahun que es assi verdad que la dicha princesa, nuestra hija, quedo entera y ahun que se velaron ella y el principe Arthur, no consummaron el matrimonio, y que por quitar toda duda para adelante en la succession de los hijos que plaziendo a nuestro Senor nasceran deste dicho casamiento, que agora seha assentado se deve dezir en la dispensation que consuma- ron el matrimonio, y que sobre esto su Santidad dispense, conforme a la contenido en el dicho capitulo, para que estotro matrimonio se faga, y como quiera que en todo tiempp somos ciertos que paraciera muy bien a su Santidad la union nuestra y "del Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, por el bien que della se espera seguir a la Christiandad, y a su Santidad, y a la silla apostolica, en cuyo favor principalmente la havemos de emplear, pero tenemos por cierto que agora le parecera mucho meior, porque la Christiandad tiene mas necessidad della que en otro tiempo, y por los bienes que deste casami ento plaziendo a nuestro Senor sesperan seguir en eUa. Porende direys a su Santidad que gelo hazemos saber como a quien creemos que habra della tanto plazer como nosotros mismos, y sabed primero del embaxador del dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, que reside en essa corte, si tiene mandami- ento del dicho Rey, nuestro hermano, para que ambos iuntos pidays y procureys la dicha dispensation, y si lo teviere, como creemos, quelo terna suplicareys ambos iuntos a su Santidad de nuestra parte y de parte del dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nue stro hermano, que, atendidos los dichos respectos, y el bien que deste casamiento se spera seguir en la Christiandad, le plega otogarnos la dispensation necessaria para el conforme al dicho capitulo, que nos lo recibiremos en muy singular gratia de su Santidad, y tanto mayor quanto mas presto la conce- diere, y porque creemos que por haver esto respecto al bien pubUco de la Christiandad, y por tocar a nos por la mucha afficion que tenemos a su Santidad, lo concedera assi Uberal- mente no dezimos aqui mas sino que entendays en ello conla diligentia que de vos confiamos y trabageys, deenbiarnos la dicha dispensation, lo mas presto que ser pudiere, et mirad que 428 RECORDS OF venga muy cumplida, y si por ventura, quando esta recibi- eredes, el embaxador del dicho Rey de Inglaterra, nuestro hermano, no tuviere ahun letras de su Rey sobre esto, y no quisiere el iuntamente con vos procurar la dicha dispensation, fasta tener mandamiente sobre ello, entretanto que le Uega procuradla vos solo, y fazed nos luego saber lo que en ello habreys hecho. De Barcelona a 23 del mes de Agosto de MU quinientos, y tres anos. Yo el Rey Almagan Secretarius 89. 89 A copy of this letter exists at raised by Bergenroth in the first Simancas, and has been fully epito- volume of his Calendar, p. 309. THE REFORMATION. 429 Number CCCXXIII. Letter from Henry VII to Pope Julius II, urging him to grant the dispensation as speedily as possible; written November 28, 1504. SANCTISSIMO ac clementissimo Domino nostro, Papae. Signat Beatissime Pater, post humillimam commendationem ' 2' et devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Cum superiori anno emanasset a serenissimis Regibus His- panis, certa quaedam commissio, ad suos oratores hie apud nos tunc manentes data, super tractatu Matrimonii inter illustrissimum dominum, Henricum Principem Wallia-, Ducem Cornubiae, ac Comitem Cestria?, filium nostrum charissimum, et illustrissimam Principem, dominam Catherinam, eorundem dominorum, Regum Hispaniarum filiam contrahendi, vigore cujus commissionis, per Oratores ipsos et nostros Commissa- rios ad hoc per nos deputatos, post longam inter ipsos habitam superinde communicationem et tractatum, tandem conclusum et determinatum esset ut, legitime, sufficientique a Sede Apos tolica obtenta dispensatione, hujusmodi matrimonium foret con- trahendum. Ad quam dispensationem infra sex mensium ex tunc proxime futurorum spacium, tam nos pro nostra, quam ipsi Domini Reges pro sua invicem parte, obligaremur. Scrip- simus ad foelicis recordationis Alexandrum sextum, necnon ad Pium tertium, Pontifices, Vestrae Sanctitatis immediatos prae- decessores, quos ek in re adeo propicios et favorabiles inveni- mus, ut, nisi repentina, morte sublati essent, Sispensationem ipsam longe antea fuissemus consecuti. Postea vero diu et sa?pe antea in eadem causa scripsimus ad vestram Sanetitatem, pro ipsa dispensatione obtinenda, ostendimusque nostra sen tentia rationabiles, legitimasque et urgentes causas, nos mo- ventes ad hujusmodi matrimonium contrahendum, et renovan- dam cum ipsis Catholicis Regibus affinitatem, quas imprsesen- tiarum repetere non est visum, quandoquidem illas toties per literas nostras et Oratores, Vestra? Sanctitati demonstravimus, 430 RECORDS OF ut non dubitemus illam in sua recenti memoria eas tenere. Promisit autem nobis Vestra Sanctitas, pro sua solita dementia et paterna, dilectione, qua nos prosequitur, praedictam dispensa- tionem quam primum nobis concessuram, atque cogitare ut illam, per dominum Robertum Sherburne, Oratorem nostrum, ad nos mittere, quo tute ac secreto ad nos perferretur, quod non modo suis iteratis Brevibus nobis indicavit, sed et Orato ribus quoque nostris, vivae vocis oraculo affirmavit. Verum ad hunc usque diem, nihil tamen, ut audimus, est ea in re actum. Quocirca eidem Vestra? Sanctitati humiliter sup- plicamus, quatenus ipsam dispensationem, a qua, multa et prope infinita commoda, tum publica tum privata, dependent, gra- tiose velit nobis concedere. Et quoniam ipse Robertus Sher burne adversa valetudine correptus, re infecta, discessit a Curia, dignetur ilia sic concessam et expeditam alus nostris Oratoribus tradi facere ad nos mittendam. In quo nempe nostram, quam de ilia semper habuimus spem et fiduciam re ipsa comprobabit, et rem summo opifici, Deo, ut firmiter putamus, gratam, ac Sedi Apostolica? honorificam, universa? denique ReipubUcae Christiana? apprime commodam et utilem efficiet Vestra Sanctitas. Qua? diu fcelix sit et inco- lumis ad vota. Ex Palatio nostro juxta Westmonasterium 28 Novembris 90 Millesimo quingentesimo quarto. Ejusdem Vestra? Sanctitatis humilis et devotissimus filius Rex Angliae et Francia? et dominus Hiberniae. Hbneicus. 90 Two copies of this letter exist it is given by Bergenroth, vol. i. at SimEm,cas, and an epitome of p. 341. THE REFORMATION. 431 Number CCCXXIV. The Protest of Queen Catharine that she would not be bound by the assertion contained in the newly-discovered Breve, to the effect that the marriage with Prince Arthur had been consummated ; dated November 7 , 1528. IN Dei nomine. Amen. Signat. . D-S- Per praesens publicum instrumentum, cunctis appareat evi- denter, quod anno domini Millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo octavo, Indictione secunda, Pontificates sanctissimi in Christo Patris et Domini Nostri, Domini Clementis, divina providentia Papae septimi, anno quinto, mensis vero Novembris die septimo, in aedibus Serenissimi Principis et Domini nostri, domini Henrici, Regis Angliae et Francia? fideique defensoris, et domini Hibernia?, vulgariter nuncupatis Bredewill, in suburbiis civitatis Londini situatis, in quadam alta, Camera, ibidem in mei Notarii publici, subscripti et testium inferius nominatorum praesentia constituta personaliter, Serenissima Domina Cathe rina, Anglia? et Franciae Regina, alta et intelligibili voce sua,, fatebatur, asserebat, affirmavit, et recognovit, ac protestata fuit tunc ibidem, quod quatenus in Brevi Sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri, Domini JuUi, bona? memoriae, illius nominis Papa? secundi, de data vigesimo sexto die mensis Decembris anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo tertio, Ponti ficates sui anno primo, sic directo, — dicto nostro Serenissimo Henrico Regi Anglia? et Franciae, fideique. defensori et Domino Hibernia?, illustrissimi Henrici, nuper Regis Anglia? et Fran cia? nato, praenominata? Serenissima? Catherina? Angliae et Franciae Regina?, Illustrissimi Ferdinandi Regis et Serenissi ma? Elizabeth Regina? Hispaniarum et Sicilia? nata?, — inseritur et narrator, quod matrimonium inter Illustrissimum Principem Arturum, dicti Serenissimi Henrici septimi, tunc Anglia? et Francia? Regis, Primogenitum, et antedictam Serenissimam Catherinam, per verba legitime de pra?senti fuit contractum, illud quoque carnali copula consummatum, per qua? verba, in 432 RECORDS OF dicto Brevi inserta, apparere videtur praenominatam Serenissi- mam Catherinam se ab eodem Serenissimo Principe Arturo fuisse carnaliter cognitam; nihilo minus tamen dicta Serenis sima Catherina Regina, tunc ibidem protestabatur et decla- ravit, ac deinde non rogata, neque requisita, sed sponte, pure, simpliciter et absolute, sacrosanctis Dei Evangehis per eam corporaliter tactis, in testium infrascriptorum praesentia, jura- vit, quod ilia verba in dicto Brevi inserta, copulam carnalem intervenisse, de facto narrantia, per impetrantes dictum Breve, absque scitu et scientia suis, fuerunt apposita. Insuper dicta Serenissima Catherina Regina, tunc ibidem protestabatur, quod non intendit per exhibitionem aut usum illius Brevis coram quibuscunque personis, Judicibus, Sedis Apostolica? Legatis ordinariis, aut eorum commissariis quibuscunque, fac tis aut faciendis, per ilia verba consentire, aut confiteri, quod unquam fuit per praefatum Serenissimum Arturum Principem carnaliter cognita, attento quod de facto Veritas se habet, quod nunquam per dictum Serenissimum Arturum Principem carnaliter cognita fuit ; licet per eos qui nomine ipsius Sere nissima? Catherina? Reginae dictum Breve impetraverunt, se quentes magis praesumptionem juris quam rei gesta? veritatem, ilia verba fuerunt apposita. Super quibus praemissis, omnibus et singulis, praenominata Serenissima Catherina, Anglia? et Francia? Regina, me Joannem Talcarne, Notarium publicum subscriptum, sibi publicum Instrumentum conficere requisivit. Acta fuerunt haec omnia et singula praemissa, prout supra scribuntur et recitantur, sub anno Domini, Indictione, Ponti ficate, Mense, Die et Loco praedictis, praesentibus tunc ibidem Reverendis in Christo Patribus et dominis, Dominis Wilhelmo, permissione divina Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, totius Anglia? Primate et Apostolica? Sedis legato ; necnon Reverendis in Christo patribus, Dominis Cuthberto Londoniensi, Joanne Bathoniensi et Wellensi, Joanne Roffensi, et Henrico Assa- vensi, respective Episcopis, testibus praemissa audientibus, vocatis specialiter et rogatis. Et ego, Johannes Talcarne, Oxoniensis Dicecesis publicus, auctoritate Apostolica, Notarius, quia supradictis protestationi et juramenti praestationi, caeterisque praemissis, omnibus et sin gulis, dum sic, ut praemittiter, sub anno Domini, Indictione, THE REFORMATION. 433 Pontificate, Mense, Die et Loco praedictis, agebantur, et tie- bant, una cum praenominatis testibus personaUter interfui, eaque omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi. Ideo hoc prae- sens publicum Instrumentum manu mea, propria scriptum ex inde confeci, subscripsi, publicavi, et in hanc publicam formam redegi, signoque et nomine meis solitis et consuetis signavi, rogatus et requisites in fidem et testimonium omnium et sin- gulorum praemissorum. Sic signatum, Joannes Talcarne. vol. II, f f 434 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXY. Draft of a despatch to the ambassadors at Rome, considerably corrected and altered by the king's own hand ; written at the end of January, 1533. Eecord TRUSTY and right well beloved, we greet you well. Office. And forasmuch as not only by the relation and report of our trusty chaplain Master Doctor Boner 91. but also by cer tain instructions delivered unto the same by Sir Gregory de Cassalis, containing divers overtures made by the Pope's holiness — It 92 appeareth unto us that his holiness, favouring the justice of our great cause, maketh countenance and demonstration93 to shew himself more propense and ready to the administration of justice to our contentation therein, than he hath been accustomed in times past, descending 94 to these particularities95, that96, in case we will be content to send a mandate requiring the remission of our cause into an indifferent place, he would be content to appoint locum indifferentem, and a legate and two Auditors from thence ad formandum processum, reserving always the judgment thereof to himself ; or else, if we will consent and be agreeable, inducing also our good brother and perpetual ally the French king to be also content to conclude and establish for 3 or 4 years a general truce, that therein the Pope's holiness is 91 This draft has been carefully written by Sir Gregory afore the corrected throughout, by the king's despatch of Doctor Boner, upon own hand, partly by interlineations, the lively communications had by partly by marginal additions, some the pope to the emperor in justifi- of the larger additions having been cation and favour of our cause by written on a loose sheet of paper which it which is entirely in the king's ** now hand. There is no date of any M for demonstration thereof, as kind, but from its allusion to the you take it recent arrival of Boner in Eng- ^ following, which Sir Gregory land, it must have been written hath also sent by way of instruc- towards the end of January, 1533. tion to Bonner 92 but also by certain letters 90 is to say that THE REFORMATION. 435 pleased, if we and our said good brother will agree thereunto, to indict with all celerity a general Council, whereunto his holiness would remit our cause to be finished and determined ; which overtures being also proponed and declared unto us by the^ Pope's nuncio here, be set forth 9? as though they had been by the said Sir Gregory, in our name, desired of the Pope's holiness, and by him assented to for our conten- tation and satisfaction in that behalf. Whereof we do not a little marvel, considering that we98 never gave unto the said Sir Gregory or any other any99 commission or instruc tions for the same 10°. Nevertheless, for as much as both by the relation of our said chaplain, and by the purport and effect of the 1 said2 instructions, and also by the behaviour of the Pope's ambassador here and by such overtures as he on the Pope's behalf hath made unto us, We now considering the benevo lent and toward mind of bis said holiness, expressed and de clared in the same, have much cause to conceive in our mind, as we do indeed, good hope that he, deeply pondering the justness of our said cause, will now take more respect to put us in more quietness therein than we had any expec tation heretofore. And therefore our pleasure is that ye, discreetly relating to his holiness in what good part we do accept and take his overtures and persuasions, do give unto him our right hearty thanks for the same, adding thereunto that we verily trust, and be now of that opinion, that his holiness calling to his remembrance the manifold commodities, profits and gratuities heretofore shewed by us to him and the see Apostolic, demanding nothing for reciprocation of friendship and mutual amity, to be shewed at his hands, but only justice in our great matter according to the laws of God and the ordinances of the holy Councils, for the increase of virtue, extirpation of vice, and quiet of all Christendom, established by our forefathers, will now in discharge of his duty towards God, shewing unto us correspondence of friend- 97 by him and also in letter to him 10° that purpose, but fully to the 98 of late contrary 99 such * fore 2 letters F f 2 436 RECORDS OF ship according to our deserts, putting apart all shadows of delays, more benevolently extend his good wiU and gratuity towards us in the acceleration and speedy finishing of our said cause than those overtures do purport3, whereby he may be well assured to have us and our realm as benevolent and loving towards him and the see Apostolic as hath at any time heretofore been accustomed. And as concerning the gene ral truce for three or four years, albeit we do inwardly consi der the great good thereof, and be of our own nature as much inclined thereunto as any prince christened, and on the other side as much desirous to avoid contention, whereupon many times ensueth extremity to the hurt of many. Yet never theless two things at this time enforceth us to abstain and forbear suddenly to consent to the same. One is, that we being afflicted, troubled and encumbered in our own conscience, and our realm thereby greatly perplexed, cannot suddenly resolve to intimate4 or renew any perfect establishment of peace with others till we may be satisfied, and have pure and sincere peace with our own heart5. Another6 is, that we being, most perfectly by an indissoluble7 league, unite and knyt unto pur good brother and perpetual ally the French king, may not, ne in any wise will, put our consent to any such request without the knowledge and assent of our said good brother 8. And now touching our consent to the indiction of a general Council. Though sundry respects and considerations at the time now present move us to think it necessary, and that 3 which, if it come so to pass, 7 amity and his holiness 8 and other our and his con- 4 innovate federates. Notwithstanding, if his 6 and cause, seeing that it is holiness thinketh mine endeavour only will and unkind stubbornness, and labour herein may do him any with oblivion of former kindness, gratuity and pleasure or confer to which occasions the let of the his purpose in any thing, he adver- speedy finishing of our cause, which tising us thereof shall well perceive your ye may say that his holiness, that there shall lack no good dili- if it please him, may soon redress, gence in us to set forth such things having so good grounds for our part, as may stand with our honour, and as he hath, will heartily thereto be a]so pleasant to hinlj he shewing apply him and then some good t0 us some correSp0ndence of kind- ertect might happe to come thereof. • ., • . , ¦ i_. 8 cause there is also neSS m thls our Just and ™«U* cause. THE REFORMATION. 437 we nothing doubt but, our cause being remitted to the same, we should with all convenient celerity 9 have our desired end therein ; yet we, being now in very good hope that the Pope's holiness at the last digesting thoroughly the justice of our cause will so use us in the same that according to truth and equity 10 good and speedy success thereof shall follow at his hands, according to our desire and expectation ; we have n also suspended 12 our 13 good will and consent thereunto upon two respects. Whereof the first requireth a necessary suspen sion of our said consent, forasmuch as the same dependeth upon the assent of our said good brother 14, and that the one of us without the other can ne will in any wise consent to any act of such high importance as this is, which toucheth the whole body of Christendom. The second is, that in our opinion, which our pleasure is, ye with good dexterity declare unto his holiness, the good respect had of the state of the world and of the time present, it were not expedient for the Pope himself to consent thereunto, considering that the emperor is in manner compelled by the importunity of the Germaynes and the Lutheran sect to cause the Pope to indict the said Council. And how the, said Germaynes be minded towards him and the see Apostolic we doubt not but his holiness doth deeply ponder and consider. But ye shall say unto the Pope's holiness in our behalf that, finding him towards us good and kind 15 in the adminis tration of justice in our said cause, whereof we now perceive some likelihood, and perceiving him to continue and persevere, earnestly minding the speedy end and determination thereof for our satisfaction, we can do no less for reacquital thereof than to procure and practise by all ways and means as well with our said good brother as with all other our alhes, confederates and friends, to do all things that may be most 9 that begun in his commission given unto the 10 in other admitting the excu- cardinals for this purpose, satory, or else in remitting both " now the knowledge of the fact and final 12 therefore decision of the cause unto this realm " assent and where it was begun, according to M and other our confederates the old sanctions of general coun- 15 briefly expediting our cause cils and divers of his predecessors, as afore is rehearsed assents, and as he himself confesseth 438 RECORDS OF for the surety of his holiness and the commodity of the see Apostolic, and also for the peace, tranquillity and public weal qf all Christendom16. And17 as touching the sending of a mandate to require that the cause might be heard in an indifferent place, with reservation of the sentence to himself, ye shall- signify unto his holiness that, albeit we, well con sidering his toward mind for the speedy finishing of our said cause, if we were a private person would nothing mistrust to consent to his said overtures, ne the good effects that might ensue of the same, yet nevertheless this persuasion so toucheth 18 the prerogative and privileges of our realm whereof we be head and sovereign, within the which by the 19 laws and customs of the same all causes of matrimony there "° done and solemnized, coming after in question, ought to have their original commencement and final discusse21 by the English church 22, this privilege also be consonant to general 16 which we shall not fail to do, if he will disclose to us the means how. 17 For 18 contrary to general Councils to the liberty, regality, and juris diction of all princes, and most especially to our prerogative royal, 19 ancient 20 begun 21 and discition 22 well trusting therefore that these urgent causes shall be so indifferently pondered and weighed in the balance of the Pope's judg ment and heart, and also his own duty, which things well considered, be having also regard to his oath in the receipt of his dignity which he there actually giveth for obser vance both of the general Councils and the antique laws of tbe fathers of tbe Church, considering also with himself how we at the time of our coronation be likewise obliged both to support and maintain tbe immunities and princely liberties of our realm and crown, which to contrary I make myself sure his holiness well informed will never require, since it is prohibite both by God's precept and law of nature by these words, Quod tibi non vis fieri alter\ne facias. Wherefore we firmly trust that his holiness pondering and weigh ing in the balance of his just heart and equal judgment these most urgent both reasons and causes, with the respect of his duty to God in ministering justice and equity, and considering also the obliga tion which we as king (though not worthy but by his election) be bound to our realm {silicet defendere previlegias corona et regni), will not at this time think any unkindness in us though that this his request (silicet to send a mandate or to have it in any other place than in,'!, this realm de termined) by us at this time be not accepted, for surely it so highly toucheth the prerogative royal of this realm that though I were minded to do it I yet must abstain, without the assent of our court of Parliament, which I think surely will never condesent to it; never theless ye may shew unto his holi- THE REFORMATION. 439 Councils and the laudable customs pf old fathers whereunto the Pope's holiness ought of good equity to take good effect. We therefore, observing the duty of our regality whereunto we be astricted by our oath, may not honourably of our self, without express consent of our realm upon a deliberate consultation thereof, be suddenly agreeable to submit ourself immediately to any foreign jurisdiction, trusting that, all things considered, it shall manifestly appear 23 that we nor our realm have hitherto given any occasion to his holiness whereby he should be moved at the contemplation of any person to 24 the violation of the immunities and liberties of our realm or to bring the same in any public contention25, which always hitherto hath been observed and quietly enjoyed without interruption or contradiction of the see Apostolic. And ye shall further understand that we have received by certain letters lately sent unto us by the said Sir Gregory de Cassalis, that the Pope's holiness, amongst other persuasions in the furtherance of our cause, shewed unto him that the lawyers being of the contrary part of our cause, do agree that the Pope in our cause may not dispense without an urgent cause; which opinion his holiness thinketh much more doth advance the goodness of our matter than the general opinion ness that for this offer we ascribe Z4 attempt the violation of none unkindness to him but rather 2S whereby he may compel us in take it in good part, considering the maintenance of them to shew that by his ambassador we do per- and declare many things peradven- ceive that his mind was to gratify ture it unknown, prejudicial and and do pleasure herein to us, this hurtful to the Papal dignity as it overture proceeding upon Gregory's is now used, which not compelled motion wherein to speak of that we intend not to do. Yet another sort I ensure you of us he had great reason as we think you may none commission but rather to the shew his holiness is to be gathered contrary, and so we will you shew out of his own law, which is this : the Pope, assuring further his holi- being a common person am not I ness that we be right sorry that bounden in re ardud (as this is) this overture was no more reason- to appear in his court, and I being able or consonant to our honour, not bounden to appear am not for surely in all reasonable things bound to send a prowtour, where- we would gladly shew ourself be- fore his own law sheweth evidently nivolent to him as long as we per- that this matter ought not to be ceive any manner of gratuite in determined by his court, but per him. Anglicanam Ecclesiam for if his 23 and furthermore ye may , say court were judge I should be that we think obliged to appear there. 440 RECORDS OF of the divines and lawyers on our part, which do affirm that the Pope in no wise may dispense. Which matter being also persuaded by his holiness to the emperor, who declared .that at the time of the dispensation there was extreme wars between our dearest father of noble memory, whose soul God pardon, and king Ferdinando, father to the queen, and for pacifying thereof the said dispensation was obtained, where upon the marriage ensued which beareth the visage of an urgent cause, if it were true, as it is not. And therefore, as well for the satisfaction of the Pope's holiness in that behalf, as for a clear resolution of the doubt by his holiness proponed, whether the queen were cognita by our brother prince Arthur or no, our pleasure is that ye shall signify to his holiness that in the league between our said dearest father and the said Ferdinando, renovelled and concluded, sealed and signed with the said king Ferdinando and the queen his wife's hands, whereupon the dispensation for the marriage between us and the queen was obtained, appeareth no manner of cause, but plainly declaring the said two princes to be then and afore more perfectly established, united, and confederate in friend ship and amity than any other princes of Christendom, setteth forth the cause of the dispensation and agreement for the said marriage, to be only for continuance and augmentation of their said amity, and for the virtuous modesty and other qualities of the queen ; in which league is also plainly men^ tioned and expressed, in two places thereof, that the marriage between our said brother and her was solemnized and per fectly consummate, whereby and by the depositions of a great number of noble and honourable personages which heretofore by their oaths have been examined upon the same, manifestly and plainly appeareth to all indifferent hearers without doubt thereof that the queen was carnally known by our said brother prince Arthur, and the same dispensation so proceeding with out urgent cause to be reputed invalida, the transcript of which league authenticly transumed we send unto you here with to the intent ye may the better perctive the effect of the same. And finally, ye shall further signify to his holiness that of the good success of this our cause, dependeth the surety of our succession, and thereupon ensueth the rest, peace and THE REFORMATION. 441 tranquillity of all our realm, and by the protracting thereof many perilous dangers may and is like to ensue to the same, which above all things we and our realm ought to have respect unto. Wherefore it is more convenient and consonant to reason and equity that this our said cause should be determined by them to whose damage or commodity the success of the cause may ensue, and not by his holiness which can have no certain knowledge of the state of the same. And yet nevertheless if his holiness, remitting the final discuss of the principal cause to our English Church, as appertaineth, and after that of his gratuity ratify and confirm such sentence as they shall deter mine in the same, shall thereby not only acquire Christen obedience of us and our people, much to his commodity and contentation, and also profitable to the see Apostolic, but also pacify the contradiction to the rest and quietness of all Chris tendom. Willing you by these and other discreet persuasions as ye can with all diligence and dexterity to allure his holiness, being now somewhat attempered and disposed to do us good, to condescend to more benevolent gratuities than as yet is set forth by the said overtures, and to ascertain us with all dili gence and celerity what towardness ye shall perceive in him in this behalf, not minding that ye shall declare this as our resolute answer, but upon other and further overtures and after more deliberation and consultation upon these weighty causes, we will study and ensearch by all laudable ways and means that we can, to concur with the towardly mind of his holiness, if he earnestly will apply himself and persevere in such opinion as may be for the acceleration of the end of our said cause. Willing you with all diligence and dexterity to put your good endeavour to the same, and likewise to procure the said Sir Gregory according to our expectation in that behalf. 442 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXVI. An account of the proceedings in Convocation from the 26th qf March, 1533, to its prorogation. Wilkins' Convocatio proslatorum et cleri provincia Cantuariensis lll°7t;6 continuata ad 26, diem mensis Martii, in ecclesid S. Pauli London. Ex reg. convoc. et excerptis Heylin. TOTA hujus anni synodus consumebatur in tractate de divortio inter regem Henricum et reginam Catha- rinam. Primo die (26 Martii) habita fuit communicatio de examina- tione magistri Hugonis Latymer, et de confessione, et submis- sione, et subscriptione ejus certis articulis facta de purgatorio, de veneratione sanctorum, de peregrinatione ad imagines sanc torum, contra quos ille in villa Bristollia? contra promissum suum pra?dicasse dicebatur ; ubi decretum fuit, quod hujus modi submissio in ea parte facta, et manu sua, subscripta mit- teretur ad aliquem probum et doctum virum in partibus illis, ubi idem Latymer praedicasse asserebatur, aut pra?dicare con- tigerit in futurum. Eodem die dominus praeses convocationis regium beneplaci- tum proposuit de opinionibus, sententia, et determinatione qua?stionis agitata? inter regem et reginam. Ha?c ut eo faci- lius a synodo obtineret, praesentavit quosdam libros, conti- nentes, ut asseruit, dicta et depositiones testium productorum et examinatorum in dicta causa, una cum quodam instrumento tractates inter Henricum VII et Ferdinandum Hispania? re gem plumbo sigillato, ac alio instrumento confecto super tran- sumptione cujusdam brevis apostolici, causam praedictam con- cernentis, ad quos pro informatione eorum evolvendos horta- batur. His subjunxit publice et aperte legendo sententias, decreta, et determinationes (in quodam libro impresso com- prehensa) quarundam universitatum in partibus transmarinis dictam causam concernentia, quorum originalia se illis osten- THE REFORMATION. 443 surum promittebat. Tunc quaestio vertebatur, an liceret dis- putare in negotio regio, eo quod negotium pendebat coram summo pontifice indecisum ; et dominus praeses respondebat ostendendo quoddam instrumentum confectum super transump- tione cujusdam brevis apostolici, in quo inter alia continebatur, quod summus pontifex voluit unumquemque declarare mentem suam et opiniones suas in dicta causd libere et impune. Et insuper tunc dictus praeses instanter, et ex parte regis rogavit, et requisivit reverendos dominos episcopos, confratres suos, et alios praelatos, necnon clerum tunc pra?sentes, tam theologos quam juristas, quatenus diligenter volverent et inspicerent li- bros illos super pra?missis, et quod cum celeritate, qua com mode poterint, referrent quid inde sentirent.' In proxima, sessione (Mart. 28) dominus praeses episcopus Londoniensis produxit instrumenta originalia sub sigillis uni versitatum Parisiensis, Aurelianensis, Bononiensis, Patavinae, Bituricensis, et Tholosana?, qua? publice perlegi jussit. Deinde post multas et longas disputationes de causa, pra?dicta factas, praeses requisivit praelatos, ut ipsi dicerent suas opiniones de et super quaestione iis prius et tunc proposita ad normam et for mam determinationis facultatis theologicae Parisiensis, compre- hendentis effectum determinationis aliarum universitatum, et hoc quam citius commode poterit. Nonnulli autem prselato- rum a?stimantes quaestionem esse valde arduam, magnique momenti, petierunt tempus deliberandi, quod communi con sensu ad horam 4. pomeridianam protrahebatur. Ibi ex in strumento Parisiensi dominus praeses proposuit hanc quaes tionem : An nuptia cum relictis fratrum decedentium sine liberis sint sic naturali jure pariter et divino prohibita, ut super talibus matrimoniis contractis sive contrahendis summus pon tifex dispensare non posset ? Ad illam quidem qua?stionem post nonnullas disputationes, episcopi Londoniensis, Assavensis, et Lincolniensis, cum 36. abbatibus et prioribus respondebant, opiniones suas super quaestionem hujusmodi conformes esse determinationibus uni versitatum praedictarum. In sequent! sessione (Mart. 29) rursus disputatum est de quaestione praedicta, cui abbates Gloucestria?, Thorney, Ber- mondsey, Vallaecrucis, Crolandiae, et Lilshul respondebant 444 RECORDS OF priori determination! assentientes, hoc addendo ; ' si dicta re- licta prius erat carnaliter cognita afratre mortuo.' Ultimo die Martii commissio episcopis Londoniensi, Win- toniensi, et Lincolniensi, ab archiepiscopo facta exhibebatur, et convocatio in primum diem Aprilis continuabatur, ubi reve rendissimus comparens in domo capitulari, diversas habuit communicationes de et super rebus ac negotiis causam dicta? convocationis concernentibus. Sequenti die reverendissimus convocavit inferiorem domum, ut audiret eorum opiniones de quaestione, viz. ' An ducere liceret uxorem cognitam a fratre decedente sine prole, et an sit prohibitio juris divini indis- pensabilis a papa?' Et affirmavit prolocutor, tunc et ibidem ex opinionibus et Sententiis majoris partis theologorum, casum quaestionis prae- dicta? de jure divino esse indispensabilem ; cui, juxta schedu- lam Willielmi Say, registrarii, 14. consenserunt ; 7. iUud ne- gaverunt, et unus dubitavit, et unus affirmavit casum esse juris divini et moralis, sed dispensabilem. Sequenti die (April 3.) prolocutor cum clero exhibuit epis- eopo Londoniensi pra?sidi opiniones canonistarum super se quenti qua?stione, viz. : ' An carnalis copula inter serenissimum principem Arthu- rum et serenissimam dominam Catharinam ex propositis, exhibitis, deductis, et allegatis in domo inferiori, sit suffici- enter probata ?' quod scilicet carnalis copula inter pra?dictas illustrissimas personas sufficienter probata extitit ; et ita uno ore et omnium illorum consensu determinabant, salvis quibus dam ex iis protestationibus quibuscunque coram reverendis simo Cantuariensi archiepiscopo in domo superiore exhibendis. Eodem hoe die Dominus Wolman prolocutor a?grotus existens, magistrum Fox, archidiaconum Leicestria? et magistrum Bell, archidiaconum Gloucestria? consensu domus superioris in suum substituit locum. Sequenti die (Aprilis 4.) episcopi Wintoniensis et Exoniensis expresse consenserunt conclusioni canonistarum ; sed episcopus Bathoniensis et Wellensis dissentiit. Quinto die Aprilis reve rendissimus cum magistro Fox, prolocutore, habuit communi- cationem de computo reddendo de subsidio regio. Deinde statim comparuit Johannes Tregunwell, LL.D. consiliarius regis, et ex parte et nomine dicti illustrissimi principis, et nobilium, THE REFORMATION. 445 ac procerum hujus sui regni allegavit, quod qua?dam qua?s- tiones dictum dominum nostrum regem et exonerationem con- scientiae illius concernentes, in hac convocatione proposita? fue runt, ut assertiones et opiniones praelatorum, et cleri in hac convocatione praesentium desuper haberentur; et quod dictus illustrissimus rex ex fide dignorum relatione accepit, quod hujusmodi assertiones et opiniones tam praelatorum quam cleri sunt apud acta hujus convocationis declarata, et ideo ex parte regis requirebat, quatenus ipse dignaretur mandare et praeci- pere notariis hujus convocationis acta originalia, in eadem con vocatione facta et habita scrutari, ac de et super compertis in iisdem unum vel plura, instrumentum vel instrumenta, de et super opinionibus et assertionibus praelatorum et cleri, quoad quaestiones in hac convocatione propositas, demandaret confi- cere, et in publicam formam redigere/ quod et factum est. Deinde post continuationem convocationis de die 7. ad 8. Aprilis, breve regium exhibebatur reverendissimo per Domi num Clayborne, de proroganda convocatione ad 7. Junii. Deinde intravit domum capitularem magister Fox cum clero, qui petierunt computum fieri ; ad quam petitionem reveren dissimus decrevit computum fieri per episcopum Londonien- sem. Per aliud deinde breve regium convocatio ad 4. No- vembris, et ab eo die ad 30. Januarii fuit prorogata : et sic per varias alias prorogationes convocatio centinuabatur usque ad ultimam diem Martii anni sequentis. 446 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXVII. Copy of the Determination of the Province qf Canterbury on the two questions in debate as to the King's marriage. Rymer Determinationis pralatorum et cleri Cantuariensis pro- ex auto-5 vincice in convocatione de duabus qucestionibus inslru- grapho. mentum publicum. IN Dei nomine, Amen. Per praesentis publici instrumenti seriem cunctis, et prae sertim invictissimo, metuendissimo, ac potentissimo principi et domino nostro supremo, Henrico octavo, Dei gratia Anglia? et Francia? regi, fidei defensori, et domino Hibernia? illustrissimo, ca?terisque sui regni nobilibus et proceribus appareat eviden- ter, et sit notum, quod anno Domini M.D. XXXIII. indictione sexta, pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini no stri, domini Clementis, divina providentia illius nominis papa? septimi, anno decimo, mensis vero Aprilis die quinto, in domo capitulari ecclesiae cathedralis divi PauU Londoniae, in notari- orum nostrum publicorum et testium inferius nominatorum pra?sentiis, coram reverendissimo in Christo patre et domino, domino Thoma, permissione divina Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, totius Anglia? primate, et apostolica? sedis legato, praelatisque et clero provincia? Cantuariensis, tunc et ibidem in convoca tione praelatorum et cleri dicta? Cantuariensis provincia?, in pra?dicta domo capitulari congregatis, et personaUter pra?sen- tibus, comparuit personaUter egregius vir, magister Johannes Tregunwell, legum doctor, a consiliis dicti domini nostri regis, ac nomine ejusdem nobiliumque et procerum dicti regni Anglia? eundem reverendissimum- patrem ad mandatum ilUus illustris simi principis, ut asseruit, requisivit, quatenus nobis, notariis publicis infrascriptis, mandaret et praeciperet, quod acta origi- nalia in eadem convocatione habita et facta scrutaremur, et instrumentum vel instrumenta unum vel plura publicum seu THE REFORMATION. 447 publica, de et super compertis in aetis originalibus ejusdem convocationis de et super assertionibus et opinionibus dictorum praelatorum et cleri quoad quaestiones infrascriptas confice- remus. Ad cujus petitionem dictus reverendissimus pater, dominus Thomas, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, juxta et secundum re- quisitionem, ex parte ejusdem invictissimi principis, et dicto rum nobilium et procerum, ut praefertur, factam, nobis notariis publicis subscriptis mandavit et praecepit in praelatorum et cleri ejusdem convocationis tunc et ibidem existentium pre sentia, nemine eorum reluctante, dissentiente, aut contradi- cente, quatenus acta originalia hujusmodi diligenter et fideliter scrutaremur, ac de et super compertis in eisdem actis origi nalibus unum vel plura, publicum seu publica instrumentum sive instrumenta conficeremus. Quare nos notarii publici subscripti mandatis dicti reveren- dissimi patris obtemperare volentes, acta originalia in dicta convocatione nobis praesentibus habita et facta scrutavimus, et per illud scrutinium comperimus et invenimus, quod nuper in dicta convocatione provinciali praelatorum et cleri provin cia? Cantuariensis, in domo capitulari ecclesiae cathedralis divi Pauli Londoniae praenominata, quinto die mensis Novembris, anno Domini M.D. XXIX. inchoata,, et de diebus in dies hac tenus continuata, et prorogata, proposita? fuerunt dua? quaes tiones ; quarum unius decisio et determinatio spectat ad theo- logos, alterius vero ad canonistas et jurisconsultos, ut pra?lati et clerus antedicti easdem quaestiones cum matura deliberatione pro veritate in hac parte eruenda, et habenda, quatenus ad eorum facultates respective attineret, diligenter examinarent, et opiniones suas, quid ipsi de et super eisdem sentirent, osten- derent et declararent. Prima vero quaestio ad theologos pertinens talis est ; ' An ducere uxorem cognitam afratre decedente sine prole, sit prohibitio juris divini indispensabilis a papa.1" Ad quam post nonnulla argumenta et disputationes hinc inde per praelatos et clerum praedictos diversis et separatis diebus habita et facta, praelati et clerus antedictus, existentes theo- logi in numero sexaginta sex, personaUter tunc et ibidem prae sentes, habentes etiam procuratoria episcoporum, abbatum, et aliorum praelatorum, ac clericorum absentium ad numerum 448 RECORDS OF centum nonaginta septem quibusdam in numero novem- decim duntaxat exceptis, asseruerunt, casum hujusmodi de jure divino esse indispensabilem per papam, prout ex actis origi- nalibus in registro dictae convocationis remanentibus plenius liquet. Secunda vero quaestio ad canonistas et jurisconsultos per- tinens est ha?c ; 'An carnalis copula inter illustrissimum principem Ar- thurum et serenissimam dominam Catharinam reginam, ex propositis, exhibitis, deductis, et allegatis sit sufficienter probata ? ' Ad quam praelati et clerus, canonista? et jurisconsulti per sonaUter in dicta convocatione praesentes, et numerum qua draginta quatuor facientes, quorum unus etiam habuit pro- curatoria pro tribus episcopis tunc absentibus, quinque aut sex duntaxat exceptis, affirmarunt se sentire, ex propositis et ex hibitis coram eis in convocatione praedicta,, carnalem copulam inter dictum illustrissimum principem Arthurum et serenissi mam dominam Catharinam fuisse, et esse sufficienter pro- batam. Prout ex actis originalibus in eadem convocatione, et nobis notariis publicis subscriptis praesentibus habitis et factis mani festo liquet et apparet. Super quibus omnibus et singulis prsedictus egregius vir magister Johannes Tregunwell, nomine, quo supra, nos nota- rios publicos subscriptos, unum vel plura, publicum seu publica instrumentum sive instrumenta exinde conficere requisivit. Acta fuerunt haec omnia et singula, prout suprascribuntur et recitantur, sub anno Domini, indictione, pontificate, mense, die, et loco praedictis. Praesentibus tunc ibidem magistris WiUielmo Bretteyn, utriusque juris, et Johanne Barbour, legum doctoribus, testibus ad praemissa vocatis specialiter, et ro- gatis. Et ego Willielmus Potkyn, clericus Cantuariensis dicecesis, publicus auctoritate apostolica notarius, quia requisitioni et petitioni dicti egregii viri magistri Johannis Tregunwell, su- pradictique reverendissimi patris mandato et praecepto, necnon actorum originalium, de quibus superius fit mentio, scrutinio, caeterisque praemissis, dum sic, ut praemittitur, sub anno Do mini, indictione, pontificate, mense, die, et loco praedictis age- THE REFORMATION. 449 banter, et fiebant, una cum praenominatis testibus, qui tem pore requisitionis et petitionis praesentes fuerunt, praesens per sonaUter interfui, eaque omnia et singula sic fieri vidi, audivi, et inactitavi ; ideo hoc praesens publicum instrumentum manu alterius, me aliunde occupato, scriptum, exindeque confectum subscripsi, publicavi, et in hanc publicam formam redegi, et signo et nomine meis solitis et consuetis signavi, rogatus et requisitus in fidem et testimonium praemissorum. Et ego Johannes Heryng, Herefordensis dioecesis, auctori tate apostolica notarius, quia requisitioni et petition! dicti egregii viri magistri Johannis Tregunwell, supradictique reve- rendissimi patris mandato et praecepto, necnon actorum origi- nalium, de quibus superius fit mentio, scrutinio, caeterisque praemissis, dum sic, ut praemittitur, etc. Et ego Thomas Argall, Wintoniensis dioecesis, publicus auctoritate apostolica notarius, quia, etc. Nomina Theologorum utriusque dom4s in propriis personis comparentium die et anno supradictis. Johannes Episcopus Londoniensis. Johannes Episcopus Lincolniensis. Henricus Episcopus Assaphensis. Georgius Episcopus Landaffensis. Thomas Abbas de Forda,. Johannes Abbas de Boxley. Robertus Abbas de Bermondseye. Thomas Prior de Spalding. Gervasius Prior de Dunstable. to Willielnius Abbas de Stratford. Johannes Abbas de Tavestocke. Willielnius Abbas de Cliva. Robertus Abbas Sancti Albani. Johannes Abbas de Waverly. Robertus Prior Sanctae Catherina? Lincoln. Willielmus Abbas Sancti Petri Gloucestriae. vol. ii. a g 450 RECORDS OF Willielmus Abbas de Hulmo. Robertus Abbas de Waltham. Johannes Prior de Newenham. 20 Johannes Abbas de Titchfield. Ricardus Abbas de West Derham. Johannes Abbas de Bury Sancti Edmundi. Johannes Prior de Merton. Johannes Abbas de Hyda. Johannes [Abbas] de Burgo Sancti Petri. Robertus Abbas de Thorney. Thomas Prior de Coventry. Robertus Prior de Lewis. Ricardus Prior de Horton. 30 Thomas Abbas de Norton. Robertus Abbas de Walden. Rogerus Prior de Ealsinge Spittle. Robertus Abbas de Lilleshull. Franciscus Prior de Sancti Andrea? Northampt. Johannes Prior de Anglesey. Robertus Abbas de Valle Crucis. Henricus Abbas de Graciis. Ricardus Abbas de Nottely. Willielmus Prior de Brymmore. 40 Johannes Abbas de Bileigh. Thomas Abbas de Burton. Robertus Abbas de Thoma. Laurentius Prior Roffensis. Johannes Abbas de Croyland. Johannes Abbas de Chertesey. Anthonius Abbas de Evesham. Ricardus Abbas de Winchecombe. Robertus Prior [Ecclesiae CathedraUs] EUensis. Ricardus Prior de Walsingham. 50 Willielmus Prior Sancti Gregorii Cant. Hugo Abbas de Reading. Ricardus Tresham. Ricardus Croke. [Edvardus] Leighton. Cheesewright. Robertus Carter. THE REFORMATION. 451 Ricardus Cooren. Robertus Sherton. Robertus Wakefield. Ricardus Fetherston. Willielmus Buckemyster. Edvardus Powel. 60 Idem Willielmus. Nicolaus Metcalfe. Edvardus Fox. jo Gilbertus Smith. Robertus Aldrich. Thomas Wadelowe. Johannes Booth. Ricardus Ducke. Simon Mathew. Thomas Baugh. Nicholaus Wilson. 74 Thomas Godericke. Nomina Theologorum, viz. Episcoporum, Abbatum, Priorum et Clericorum comparentium per Procuratores. Per Johannem Episcopum Lincoln. Ricardus Episcopus Norvicensis. Nicholaus Episcopus EUensis. Laurentius Episcopus Sarum. Ricardus Episcopus Menevensis. Per Johannem Episcopum London. Carolus Episcopus Herefordensis. Per Abbatem de Waltham. Johannes Prior de Wilmington. Galfridus Prior de Dunmore. Ricardus Prior de Hatfield Regis. Johannes Abbas Sancta? Osytha?. 10 Willielmus Prior de Southwicke. Willielmus Prior de Mottesfont. Ricardus Abbas de Glaston. Johannes Abbas de Keynsham. Willielmus Prior de Taunton. Johannes Prior de Berwich. Johannes Abbas de Oseney. Galfridus Prior de Ulvescroft. Johannes Prior de Launda,. Nicholaus Prior de Barnewell. 20 Thomas Prior de Buttely. Robertus Prior de Penteney. Willielmus Prior de Westacre. Thomas Prior Sancta? Trinitatis Gippovici. Gg 2 452 RECORDS OF , Per Abbatem de Waltham. Henricus Prior de Woodbridge. Willielmus Prior de Herringfleet. Ricardus Prior de Beston. Johannes Abbas de Hertland. Johannes Prior de Plympton. Ricardus Prior de Ederoso alias Ivechurch. 30 Thomas Abbas de Darley. Willielmus Abbas de Roucester. Thomas Prior de Erdbury. Johannes Prior Sancti Thomae juxta Staff. Thomas Prior de Renton. Johannes Prior de Gresely. Robertus Prior de Burslough. Johannes Abbas de Cirencester. Willielmus Abbas Sancti Augustini Bristolli. Stephanus Abbas de Hales. 40 Ricardus Prior de Lanthony. Thomas Prior de Michelham. Thomas Prior de Hastings. Johannes Abbas de Wigmore. Griffinus Abbas de Carmerden. Johannes Abbas de Ossulstone. Prior de Merton. Per Abbatem de Graciis juxta Turrim London. Thomas Prior de Folkeston. Johannes Abbas de Tiltey. Thomas Abbas de Letley. Willielmus Abbas de Quarera. 50 Ricardus Abbas de Kirkested. Georgius Abbas de Parco ludo. Henricus Abbas de Valle Dei. Johannes Abbas de Rivesby. Ricardus Abbas de Bruei-a. Johannes Abbas de Regali loco. Robertus Abbas de Salteria. Robertus Abbas de Woborne. Augustus Abbas de Wardone. Henricus Abbas de Sibton. THE REFORMATION. 453 Per Abbatem de Graciis juxta Turrim London. 60 Ricardus Abbas de Newenham. Johannes Abbas de Navenham. Johannes Abbas de Dunkeswell. Thomas Abbas de Byndon. Thomas Abbas de Stanley. Thomas Abbas de Dieulacres. Oliverus Abbas de Cumba,. Willielmus Abbas de Mira Valle. Stephanus Abbas de Buildwas. Willielmus Abbas de Kingswood. 70 Thomas Abbas de Ponte Roberti. Johannes Abbas de Dora,. Johannes Abbas de Flaxley. Nicholaus Abbas de Basingwerke. Ludovicus Abbas de Kymer. Morganus Abbas de Lauterham. Thomas Abbas de Garadon. Per Abbatem de Bermondsey. WiUielmus Prior Ecclesiae CathedraUs Bathon. Capitulum ejusdem Ecclesiae. Robertus Abbas de Monte Acuto. 80 Thomas Prior de Castle Acre. Thomas Prior Sanctae Mar. Mag. Sarum. Ricardus Prior de Tutbury. Thomas Prior Majoris Malvorne. Johannes Prior de Wenlocke. Per Priorem de Dunstable. Robertus Prior Sancti Germani. Thomas Prior de Frithelestocke. Per Abbatem de Stratford. Willielmus Abbas de Cockeshall. Johannes Abbas de Buckefast. Johannes Abbas de Valle Regali. 90 Christophorus Abbas de Cumbermere. Johannes Abbas de Hilton. Thomas Abbas de Stonely. 454 RECORDS OF Per Abbatem de Stratford. Galfridus Abbas de Conwey. Johannes Abbas de Borderly. Per Abbatem de Tavestocke. Henricus Prior Ecclesiae CathedraUs Winton. Capitulum ejusdem Ecclesiae. Per Priofem de Newenham. Thomas Prior de Elsham. Georgius Prior de Thorneholm. Johannes Abbas de Thorneton Curtis. too Johannes Abbas de Wellowe. Robertus Prior de Bissemede. Per Abbatem Sancti Albani. Eligius Abbas de Wymondham. Lancelotus Prior Sancta? Fidis de Horsham. Johannes Prior de Bynham. Willielmus Prior de Thetford. WilUelmus Prior de Bromholme. Thomas Prior de Cotton. Willielmus Prior de Hurley. Johannes Prior de Birkehened. no Clemens Abbas de Evesham. Per Abbatem Sancti Petri Glouc. Ricardus Abbas de Malmesbury. Per AbbatenfSancti Bene.dicti de Hulmo. Thomas Abbas de Muchilney. Willielmus Prior Ecclesiae Cath. Norwic. Capitulum ejusdem Ecclesiae. Willielmus Prior de Eya. Johannes Prior de Ingham. Thomas Abbas de Salop. Per Abbatem de Croyland. Johannes Abbas de Bourne. THE REFORMATION. 455 Per Abbatem de Thame. Willielmus Prior de Kirkeby. 1 20 Thomas Prior de Caldewell. Thomas Abbas de Pipewell. Johannes Abbas de Bitlesden. Thomas Abbas de Croxden. Johannes Abbas de Whalley. Per Abbatem de Burgo Sancti Petri. Johannes Abbas de Ramsey. Per Abbatem de Tytchfield. Thpmas Abbas Sanctae Radegundae. WiUielmus Abbas de Langdon. Mattheus Abbas de BarUng. Johannes Abbas de Tupholme. 130 Ricardus Abbas de Newbee. Robertus Abbas de Sulby. Georgius Abbas de Leyston. Thomas Abbas de Wenlinge. Simon Abbas de Torre. Johannes Abbas de Bello Capite. Johannes Abbas de Dala. WiUielmus Abbas de Hailes Owen. Johannes Abbas de Dureford. Per Abbatem de Westderham. Elias Abbas de Croxton. 140 Robertus Abbas de Newson. Robertus Abbas de Langely. Georgius Prior de Shelbrede. Rodericus Abbas de Talley. Per Priorem de Merton. Johannes Prior de Novo loco. Johannes Prior de Twyneham. Walter Prior Sancti Dyonysii juxta Cute*. Johannes Abbas de Bruton. Ricardus Abbas de Pratis Leicester. Johannes Prier de Buckenham. 456 RECORDS OF Per Priorem de Merton. i So Robertus Prior de Hickelinge. Johannes Prior de Coxford. Henricus Prior de Hempton. Robertus Prior de Lanceston. Thomas Prior de Bodmyne. Thomas Prior de Tywardereth. Ricardus Prior de Bustlesham. Willielmus Prior de Bradstocke. Ricardus Prior de Mayden Bradley. Per Abbatem de Hyda. Thomas Abbas de Haughmond. 160 Willielmus Abbas de Kenelworth. Willielmus Prior de Stowe. Willielmus Prior de Mackestocke. Thomas Prior de Trentham. Johannes Prior de Repingdon. Willielmus Prior de Wembrige. Johannes Prior de Stodely. Robertus Prior de Hardham. Robertus Prior de Wormesley. Johannes Abbas Sancti Aug. Cant. 170 Johannes Prior de Feversham. Johannes Prior Sancti Martini Dover. Thomas Abbas Sancti Johannis Colcester. Willielmus Abbas de Bardeney. Willielmus Abbas de Abbots Bury. Thomas Abbas de Abyndon." Johannes Abbas de Milton. Petrus Prior de Holand. Johannes Abbas de Werburge Cestr. Johannes Abbas de Tewkesbury. 180 Johannes Prior de Minore Malvorne. Johannes Abbas de Bello. Per Abbatem de Enshara. Thomas Prior de Wroxton. Per Abbatem de Notely. Radolphus Prior, de Kyme. Johannes Abbas Sancti Jacobi juxta Northt. THE REFORMATION. 457 Per Abbatem de Notely. Thomas Prior de Chawcombe. Johannes Abbas de Missenden. Johannes Prior de Sancto Neoto. Hugo Frior Canonicorum Huntingdon. Edmundus Prior d > Stoneley. 190 Thomas Ratcliffe magister de Burton Sancti Lazari. Ricardus Frior de Ashby Canon. Willielmus Prior de Burcester. Per Abbatem de Reding. Johannes Abbas de Shirbourne. Johannes Rector de Edington. Johannes Abbas de Pershore. Per Willielmum Buckmyster. Edwardus Fynch et Arthurus Wilter. 197 Johannes Lountley, Arthurus Cardigan. Numerus Theologorum prcedictorum comparentium, viz. In propriis personis suis . 75 Et per procuratores suos . . 197 In toto . . . 272 Ex his qucestionem prcedictam affirmantium . 253 Non affirmantium duntaxat 19 Quorum nomina sequuntur. PersonaUter prcesentes. Non Affirm antes. Johannes Episcopus Roffensis. Georgius Episcopus Landaffensis. Richardus Abbas de Winchecombe. Robertus Prior Ecclesiae Cath. EUensis. Ricardus Prior de Walsingham. Willielmus Prior S. Gregorii Cantuar. Hugo Abbas de Reding. Nicholaus Willson. Robertus Sherton. 458 RECORDS OF Non Affirmantes. 10 Richardus Fetherstone. Edwardus Powell. Nicholaus Metcalfe. Gilbertus Smith. Thomas Wadelowe. Richardus Ducke. Thomas Baugh. Per procuratorem suum Abbatem de Reading. Non Affirmantes. Johannes Abbas de Sherebourne. Johannes Rector de Edington. 19 Johannes Abbas de Parshore. Nomina Canonistarum et Jurisconsultorum in propriis personis suis comparentium. Stephanus Episcopus Win- toniensis. Johannes Episcopus Exoni- ensis. Johannes Episcopus Bathon. et Wellensis. Ricardus Woolman. Willielmus Fleshmonger. Gamaliel Clifton. Georgius Hennage. Willielmus Knight. Johannes Bell. loRolandus Lee. Thomas Bedell. Willielmus Clyff. Ricardus Rawson. Willielmus Boleyn. Robertus Awdely. WiUielmus Clerburgh. PoUdorus Vergilius. Georgius Wyndham. Thomas Newton. 20 David Pole. Ricardus Strerey. Thomas Berewood. Thomas Roncorne.Lupton. Johannes Underhill. Johannes Leffe. Elizeus Bodely. Johannes Incent. Thomas Thureby. 30 Thomas Bagard. Leonardus Savile. Robertus Bysse. WiUielmus Rivet. Ricardus Roberts. Johannes Oliver. Arthurus Buckely. Henricus Morgan. Johannes Raine. Radulphus Sneade. 40 Adam Tr avers. Petrus Ligham. Ricardus Harrison. Robertus Clyff. 44 Laurentius Woodcocke. THE REFORMATION. 459 Nomina Jurisconsultorum absentium etper procuratorem com parentium, viz. per Stephanum Episcopum Wintoniensem. Robertus Episcopus Cicestrensis. Thomas Episcopus Bangorensis. Hieronimus Episcopus Wigorniensis. Numerus Canonistarum et Jurisconsultorum pradictorum comparentium, viz. In propriis personis suis . . -44 Et per procuratores suos tres 3 In toto . . . -47 Ex his quozstionem ad ipsos spectantem affirmantium . 41 Non affirmantium sex . .... 6 Quorum nomina sequuntur. Non Affirmantes. Johannes Episcopus Bathon. Ricardus Harrison. et Wellensis. Robertus Clyff. Adam Travers. Laurentius Woodcocke. Petrus Ligham. Numerus totaUs omnium comparentium tam per se quam procuratores . . 319 Ex his affirmantes pro Rege . . . 294 Non affirmantes ... . 25. 2? 27 This document was first printed copies have been collated, but they in 1701 by Atterbury in the Appen- presented no material variations of dix to his ' Rights, Powers and Pri- reading. The names are evidently vileges of an English Convocation,' not from the autographs, as is evi- p. 508. It afterwards appeared in dent from their form. In some Rymer's Foedera, torn. xiv. p. 484, few cases there were errors perhaps in the year 171 2, from which it was of printing, but more frequently copied into Wilkins' Concilia, vol. blunders of transcribing, owing to iii. p. 757. None of these copies the writer not being able to read contained the names of the mem- the copy from which he wrote. bers of Convocation which were These have been corrected by a first published appended to the comparison with other signatures document in 1724 by Fiddes in the of the same individuals, or by re- Collections at the end of his Life ference to Dugdale's Monasticon of Wolsey, p. 195. The Records Anglicahum. The names of the of Convocation are destroyed, and 19 Divines and 6 Canonists who the original from which Rymer opposed the king were printed in printed ex autogr. has not been 1693 by Wharton in Anthony Har- found by the editor. All the printed mer's ' Specimen of Errors,' p. 195. 460 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXVIII. statutes Hi. < _£n j^ci f^f fne appeals in such cases as have been used to be forwarded to the See of Rome sliall not be from hence forth had ne used but within this realm. The pre- - WHERE by divers sundry old authentic histories and eminence, . ,,*' ¦<¦ , , i power, and ' chronicles, it is manifestly declared and expressed, that this of the Km ' re3^m °f England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in of Eng- ' the world, governed by one supreme head and king, having ' the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the ' same; unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and ' degrees of people, divided in terms, and by names of spiritu- ' alty and temporalty, ben bounden and owen to bear, next ' to God, a natural and humble obedience ; he being also ' institute and furnished, by the goodness and sufferance of ' Almighty God, with plenary, whole, and entire power, pre- ' eminence, authority, prerogative and jurisdiction, to render ' and yield justice, and final determination to aU manner of ' folk, reseauntes, or subjects within this his realm, in all causes, ' matters, debates and contentions happening to occur, in- ' surge, or begin within the limits thereof, without restraint ¦ or provocation to any foreign princes or potentates of the The power, ' world ; the body spiritual whereof having power, when any and wis- ' cause of the law divine happened to come in question, or of dom of tbe < spiritual learning, then it was declared, interpreted, and spiritual. ' shewed. by that part of the said body politic, called the spiritu- ' alty, now being usually called the English Church, which ' always hath been reputed, and also found of that sort, that ' both for knowledge, integrity, and sufficiency of number, it ' hath been always thought, and is also at this hour, sufficient ' and meet of itself, without the intermeddling of any exterior ' person or persons, to declare and determine all such doubts, 1 and to administer all such offices and duties, as to their rooms ' spiritual doth appertain ; for the due administration whereof, ' and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection, the THE REFORMATION. 461 ' king's most noble progenitors and the antecessors of the nobles Power, &c. ' of this realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church, both p0raity.em' ' with honour and possessions ; and the laws temporal, for ' trial of proprietie of lands and goods, and for the conservation ' of the people of this realm in unity and peace, without ravyn ' or spoil, was and yet is administered, adjudged, and executed ' by sundry judges and ministers of the other part of the said ' body poUtic, called the temporalty ; and both their authori- ' ties and jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due adminis- ' tration of justice, the one to help the other. ' II. And whereas the king's most noble progenitors and Law? and ' the nobility and commons of this said realm, at divers and by former ' sundry parliaments, as well in the time of King Edward the 3Hnga' ' First, Edward the Third, Richard the Second, Henry the and III., ' ' Fourth, and other noble kings of this realm, made sundry ^hardI1' 1 ordinances, laws, statutes, and provisions for the entire and Henry IV. ' sure conservation of the prerogatives, liberties and pre-emi- intrusions ' nences of the said imperial crown of this realm, and of the of the See ' jurisdictions, spiritual and temporal of the same, to keep it ' from the annoyance as well of the See of Rome as from the ' authority of other sovereign potentates attempting the dimi- ' nution or violation thereof, as often, and from time to time, ' as any such annoyance or attempt might be known or espied : ' And notwithstanding the said good statutes and ordinances ' made in the time of the king's most noble progenitors, in ' preservation of the authority and prerogative of the said ' imperial crown, as is aforesaid ; yet, nevertheless, sythen the ' making of the said good statutes and ordinances, divers and ' sundry inconveniences and dangers, not provided for plainly ' by the said former acts, statutes and ordinances, have arisen ' and sprung by reason of appeals sued out of this realm to Appeals ' the See of Rome in causes testamentary, causes of matri- and tne ' mony and divorces, right of tithes, oblations and obventions, evils i . ¦ A , i thereof. ' not only to the great inquietation, vexation, trouble, costs ' and charges of the king's highness, and many of his subjects ' and reseauntes in this his realm, but also to the great delay ' and lette to the true and speedy determination of the said • causes, for so much as the parties appealing to the said Court ' of Rome most commonly do the same for the delay of justice. ' And forasmuch as the great distance of way is so far out pf 462 RECORDS OF ' this realm, so that the necessary proofs, nor the true know- ' ledge of the cause, can neither there be so well known, ne ' the witnesses there so well examined, as within this realm, ' so that the parties grieved by means of the said appeals be ' most times without remedy : ' In consideration whereof the king's highness, his nobles, and commons, considering the great enormities, dangers, long delays and hurts that as well to his highness as to his said nobles, subjects, commons, and reseauntes of this his realm, in the said causes testamentary, causes of matrimony and divorces, tithes, oblations and obven- tions, do daily ensue, doth therefore by his royal assent, and by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present ParUament assembled, and All testa- by authority of the same, enact, establish and ordain, That and matri- a^ causes testamentary, causes of matrimony and divorces, monial rights of tithes, oblations and obventions (the knowledge causes, and . „ . , . c,. , , , , all suits for wnereol by the goodness ot princes ot this realm, and by the lati68' °& 'aws an<^ customs 0I" the same, appertaineth to the spiritual shall be jurisdiction of this realm) already commenced, moved, de- bVthe6 pending, being, happening, or hereafter coming in contention, king's debate or question within this realm, or within any the king's spiritual dominions, or marches of the same, or elsewhere, whether and tem- they concern the king our sovereign lord, his heirs and sue- without cessors, or any other subjects or reseauntes within the same, to an6gard °^ W^at degree soever they be, shall be from henceforth heard, process of examined, discussed, clearly, finally, and definitively adjudged iurisdio- an^ determined within the king's jurisdiction and authority, tion, or and not elsewhere, in such courts spiritual and temporal of bition, ex- *ne same, as the natures, conditions, and qualities of the causes communi- and matters aforesaid in contention, or hereafter happening cation, or . . . . no interdict, in contention, shall require, without having any respect to any &c- custom, use, or sufferance, in hindrance, lette, or prejudice of the same, or to any other thing used or suffered to the con trary thereof by any other manner person or persons in any manner of wise ; any foreign inhibitions, appeals, sen tences, summons, citations, suspensions, interdictions, excom munications, restraints, judgments, or any other process or impediments, of what natures, names, qualities, or conditions soever they be, from the See of Rome, "or any other foreign courts or potentates of the world, or from and out of this THE REFORMATION. 463 realm, or any other the king's dominions, or marches of the same, to the See of Rome, or to any other foreign courts or potentates, to the lette or impediment thereof in any wise not withstanding. And that it shall be lawful to the king our sove reign lord, and to his heirs and successors, and to all other subjects or reseauntes within this realm, or within any of the king's dominions, or marches of the same, notwithstanding that hereafter it should happen any excommengemente, excom munications, interdictions, citations, or any other censures or foreign process out of any outward parts, to be fulminated, provulged, declared, or put in execution within this said realm, or in any other place or places, for any of the causes before rehearsed, in prejudice, derogation, or contempt of this said Act, and the very true meaning and execution thereof, may and shaU nevertheless as well pursue, execute, have and enjoy the effects, profits, benefits and commodities of all such processes, sentences, judgments and determinations done, or hereafter to be done, in any the said courts spiritual or tem poral, as the cases shall require, within the limits, power and authority of this the king's said realm, and dominions and marches of the same, and those only, and none other, to take place, and to be firmly observed and obeyed within the same. As also, that all the spiritual prelates, pastors, ministers and Prelates curates within this realm, and the dominions of the same, jJJ^"1^?7 shall and may use, minister, execute and do, or cause to be minister used, executed, ministered and done, all sacraments, sacra- ments°and mentals, divine services, and aU other things within the said service of realm and dominions, unto aU the subjects of the same, as notwith- Catholic and Christian men owen to do ; any former citations, standuif . . . such inter processes, inhibitions, suspensions, interdictions, excommum- diets, &c. cations, or appeals, for or touching the causes aforesaid, from °° ^ ty or to the See of Rome, or any other foreign prince or foreign year's courts, to the lette or contrary thereof in any wise notwith- n^ent.S condition or degree soever he or they be, at any time Rome, hereafter, for or in any the causes aforesaid, do attempt, the penal-r m°ve, purchase, or procure, from or to the See of Rome, or ties of from or to any other foreign court or courts out of this realm, under st. any manner foreign process, inhibitions, appeals, sentences, 16 Ric. II. summons, citations, suspensions, interdictions, excommunica tions, restraints, or judgments, of what nature, kind or quality soever they may be, or execute any of the same process, or do any act or acts to the lette, impediment, hindrance or dero gation of any process, sentence, judgment or determination had, made, done, or hereafter to be had, done or made, in any courts of this realm, or the king's said dominions, or inarches of the same, for any of the causes aforesaid, contrary to the true meaning of this present Act, and the execution of the same, that then every such person or persons so doing, and their fautors, comforters, abettors, procurers, executors, and counsellors, and every of them, being convicte of the same, for every such default shall incur and run in the same pains, penalties and forfeitures, ordained and provided by the Statute of Provision and Pramunire, made in the sixteenth year of the reign of the right noble prince King Richard the Second, against such as attempt, procure, or make provision to the See of Rome, or elsewhere, for any thing or things, to the derogation, or contrary to the prerogative or jurisdiction of the crown and dignity of this realm. Appeals V. And furthermore, in eschewing the said great enormi- shall be ties, inquietations, delays, charges and expences hereafter to ™w th ^e sustained in pursuing of such appeals and foreign process, realm; fof and concerning the causes aforesaid, or any of them, do Aronde™ therefore by authority aforesaid, ordain and enact, That in cons to the such cases where heretofore any of the king's subjects or Bishops ; THE REFORMATION. 465 reseauntes have used to pursue, provoke, or procure any appeal to the See of Rome, and in all other cases of appeals, in or for any of the causes aforesaid, they may and shall from hence forth take, have and use their appeals within this realm, and not elsewhere, in manner and form as hereafter ensueth, and not otherwise ; that is to say, first from the archdeacon, or his official, if the matter or cause be there begun, to the bishop diocesan of the said see, if in case any of the parties be grieved. VI. And like wise if it be commenced before the bishop from the diocesan, or his commissary, from the bishop diocesan, or his thg Arch-° commissary, within fifteen days next ensuing the judgment bishops ; or sentence thoreof there given, to the Archbishop of the pro vince of Caunterburye, if it be within his province ; and if it be within the province of Yorke, then to the Archbishop of Yorke; and so likewise to all other archbishops in other the king's dominions, as the case by the order of justice shall require; and there to be definitively and finally ordered, decreed, and adjudged, according to justice, without any other appellation or provocation to any other person or persons, court or courts. VII. And if the matter or contention for any of the causes from Arch- aforesaid be or shall be commenced, by any of the king's sub- to^113 jects or reseauntes, before the archdeacon of any archbishop, Arches' or his commissary, then the party grieved shall or may take and tbenco his appeal within fifteen days next after judgment or sentence *° *^e there given, to the Court of the Arches or Audience of the bishop. same archbishop or archbishops ; and from the said Court of the Arches or Audience within fifteen days then next ensuing after judgment or sentence there given, to the archbishop of the same province, there to be definitively and finally deter mined, without any other or further process or appeal there upon to be had or sued. VIII. And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, No appeal That aU and every matter, cause and contention now depend- t,;shoPs ; ing, or that hereafter shall be commenced by any of the king's subjects or resiauntes for any of the causes aforesaid, before any of the said archbishops, that then the same matter or matters, contention or contentions, shall be before the same archbishop where the said matter, cause or process shall be so VOL. II. h h 466 RECORDS OF commenced, definitively determined, decreed, or adjudged, without any other appeal, provocation, or any other foreign process out of this realm, to be sued to the let or derogation of the said judgment, sentence or decree, otherwise than is by saving for this Act limited and appointed ; saving always the prerogative gativTof °f the Archbishop and Church of Caunterburye, in all the the Arch- foresaid cases of appeals, to him and to his successors, to be Canter- sued within this realm, in such and like wise as they have bury- been accustomed and used to as heretofore. Appeals ix. And in case any cause, matter or contention now de- touching pending for the causes before rehearsed, or any of them, or the king that hereafter shall come in contention for any of the same shall be . . ,¦,,,, made to causes, in any of the foresaid courts, which hath, doth, shall HouYePofr or mav toucb the king, his heirs or successors, kings of this Convoca- realm ; that in all and every sucb case or cases the party grieved, as before is said, shall or may appeal from any of the said courts of this realm, where the said matter, now being in contention, or hereafter shall come in contention, touching the king, his heirs or successors (as is aforesaid), shall happen to be ventilate, commenced or begun, to the spiritual pre lates' and other abbots and priors of the Upper House, as sembled and convocate by the king's writ in the Convocation being, or next ensuing, within the province or provinces where the same matter of contention is or shall be begun; so that every such appeal be taken by the party grieved within fif teen days next after the judgment or sentence thereupon given or to be given ; and that whatsoever be done, or shall be done and affirmed, determined, decreed and adjudged by the foresaid prelates, abbots and priors of the Upper House of the said Convocation, as is aforesaid, appertaining, concern ing, or belonging to the king, his heirs and successors, in any of these foresaid causes of appeals, shall stand and be taken for a final decree, sentence, judgment, definition and deter mination, and the same matter, so determined, never after to come in question and debate, to be examined in any other court or courts. Persons x. And if it shall happen any person or persons hereafter appealing x l -1 * \ , . contrary to to pursue or provoke any appeal contrary to the effect ot this shainncur Act' or refuse to obey; execute and observe all things corn- penalties prised within the same, concerning the said appeals, provoca- THE REFORMATION. 467 tions and other foreign processes to be sued out of this realm, of premu- /•••iii nlra un(ier for any the causes aforesaid, that then every such person or st. 16 Ric. persons so doing, refusing, or offending contrary to the true "¦¦ u 5' meaning of this Act, their procurers, fautors, advocates, coun sellors, and abettors, and every of them, shall incur into the pains, forfeitures and penalties ordained and provided in the said Statute made in the said sixteenth year of King Richard the Second, and with like process to be made against the said offenders, as in the same Statute made in the said sixteenth year more plainly appeareth 28. 23 This Act was repealed by an Act passed in the first and second years of Philip and Mary, cap. 8, entitled ' An Act repealing all sta tutes, articles, and provisions made against the See Apostolic of Rome, since tbe 20th year of King Henry thej Eighth ; and also for the es tablishment of all spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions and here ditaments conveyed to the laity.' It was revived in tbe first year of Elizabeth, cap. 1, by ' An Act re storing to the crown the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesi astical and spiritual, and abolish ing all foreign power repugnant to the same.' H h 2 468 RECORDS OF RecordOffice. Number CCCXXIX. Accusation brought against a priest named Jackson of having charged the King with adultery committed with Anne Boleyn and Lady Boleyn. March, 1533. CERTAIN Articles deposed against Sir Thomas Jakson, Chantree priest of Chepax, for certain words spoken by him maliciously against our sovereign lord the king and the queen's grace by John Kepar and Bryan Banke of the said town, which things also they have confessed before Mr. William Fairfax, Esquire, Sheriff of the county of Yorke : First. The said Chantry Priest said that the king's grace had lived before this his marriage lawfully made with the queen's grace, not after the laws of God, but in adultery with her grace and so doth now still continue, putting away from him his lawful wife. Item, He said maliciously that the king's grace should first kepe the mother and after the daughter, and now he hath married her whom he kept afore and her mother also, upon which words we presented the said priest unto the sheriff aforesaid, upon which presentment the said priest was attached with all his goods, and the said John Kepar and Brian Banke were by the said sheriff made to bind them selves to come hither and present the same to the king's grace counsel ; which they have now done, most meekly desiring to be at your pleasure demitted, for they be poor men, and to lye long here should be to them great hindrance. Which thing to be true the said John Kepar and Brian Banke will stand by at all times and have bounden them selves before the sheriff by their hands and seals. Endorsed — Certain Articles deposed against Sir Thomas Jakson priest. THE REFORMATION. 469 Number CCCXXX. Copy of a letter from Henry VIII to a French bishop ex- ? horting him to excite the French King against the Pope ; written April 20th, 1533. HENRY the 8 to a Bishop in France to persuade the vitell. King of [France to break] with the Pope for breaking J3- xiii- his promise with Henry the 8 and the [giving] sentence against Hen 8, in the cause of Divorce. Rewrend father in God, We have received your [letters of the . ] and 7th of April, for the which, and also for [the travail] and dexterity whereof ye have used, and for the most [welcome report] that ye make unto us by your letters of your perpetu[al amity] which of good will we do accept, We thank y[ou heartily and] affectuousl-y. Praying you that whereas your dili[gence in] the solicitation that might be done could not tourn [the bishop] of Rome nor the see (that called himself) aposto[lic nor move] them that they in our great cause and matter, should not ... . usurp judgment, and to give sentence inciville, inique . against the Justice of our present matrimony. Wh[ich thing being] done against God's law ; thinking thereby only to con- ty[nue] . . . entertayne always their usurped Juris diction . . . . . as much as was in their power, displeasure and not only to us and to you that have taken so m[uch pains] and labor to put them and reduce in the good way . ... unto teem the pytt wherein they were about to 0 . themselves ; but also to the contempt and mesp[rision of our ally] and best beloved brother the king your master, that hath prayed and advised them. Notwithstanding [sithence now] (as ye write) they be ashamed and repentant .... because all their deeds be. but dissimulation and hypocrisy and th[ey cannot now] re- doube the same that they have marred. And th . 470 RECORDS OF not perceive in them any puissance, strength, fidelity wherein any trust might be had, but that, rather to [the con trary], they have given manifest cause to all the world [to suspect] them, specially to us and our good brother w[ho] [also is] highly touched in this case. Ye our fob 1 73 b.* and diligence upon the reception of these presents (as we think ye shall have already begun) inculcate to the king our good brother, the manner and fashion whereof they have abused against us ; not only proceeding to take the knowledge of that wherein they have no jurisdiction, but also therein to give sentence unadvisately and against God. Soliciting and per suading him as reason and the truth is that, for his honour and yours, which by his sending have taken so much labour; and [also for the fraternal amity and union between us and our said good brother that he wyll ressente hym and take to his lively heart the injury which the said bishop and syee of Rome have done unto us, and to the weal, profit and honour of him and all his royaulme; he will relinquish and forsake the alliance that he hath or may have with the said bishop ; whose puissance is so weak that they cannot redress the same that they have misdone ; and who will now say that he hath been constrained, against his will, to give sentence against us, contrary to the law of God, as he himself can and knoweth well. The surplus of the reasons that shall conduce to the per suasion which we pray you to do thereupon to the king our good brother, we remit it to your good [discretion which can fob 174. well ampliate and deduce them to that purpose; hoping well that ye will . . . [not be] slack therein and likewise to do to our well-beloved [brother, and] the great master and the admiral and to such oth[er as ye shall] think good and ex pedient. Wherein ye shall [perform the] office of a good counsellor, that loveth the ho[nor.] . . . weal of his master of all the realm and .... . and to us pleasure right agreeable ; which [we shall] not fail with other precedents to knowledge a[ccording to your] desire. Thus reverend father in God and our lord have you in his blessed keeping. Wr[itten at] our manor of Grenewiche the 20th of Ap[ril.] THE REFORMATION. 471 Number CCCXXXI. Original letter, in Bonner's hand, from Came and Bonner to the King alluding to the Breve of the 15th of November, 1532 ; written May $th, 1533. PLEASETH it your highness to be advertized that having Record knowledge of a brief monitory pretensed to have come from 0ffice- the Pope, and granted privily by the same at the importune sute of the emperialles the 15th day of November last past, whereof we did not a Uttle marvel ; and after that your high ness' ambassador, Mr. Benett, according to his instructions, very diligently and with good dexterity practised with tbe Pope as well to search whether such things were passed in deed, as also (the same so being) to labor as of himself by all good means and persuasions as might be most for the conten- tation of your highness' desire and pleasure for redress thereof, we, receiving copy thereof and studying diligently the same, perceived divers notable errors therein, which briefly drawn out and afterwards in most secret manner conferring with your highness' learned counsel here, it appeared the same to be such that they could not be in law justified and maintained, the copy whereof your highness shall receive herewithal. And after that, according to the order given by the Pope, which referred himself always to the law in this behalf, and said that if it could be shewed the foresaid brief to be granted against the law, he would reform it, we informed the Cardi nales de Monte and Campegius (appointed to take information of us therein), and so clearly in the judgment of your high ness' learned counsel and other indifferent, that it was impos sible in law to avoid the same. Nevertheless upon diverse advices and relations which came to the Pope from thence during the information, such informa tion (date whereof was taken the 9th day of the last as of a thing fully intended of all Ukelihood to have succeeded) was and is as yet differred. And we therefore be as yet uncertain 472 RECORDS OF what the Pope will do therein or otherwise. Albeit, Syre, if the Pope shall, in the same or otherwise, attempt or do any thing prejudicial to your highness, we shall according to your highness' pleasure, and as is our most bounden duty, set forth and do all things that we can excogitate or devise possible with learning, study, diligence and otherwise to the uttermost. And thus most humbly we recommend us unto your highness, beseeching Almighty God long to preserve the same in much good health. At Rome the 5th day of May, 1533. Your highness' most humble subjects and poor servants, Edward Karne, Edmond Boner. THE REFORMATION. 473 Number CCCXXXII. Holograph letter from Bedell to Cromwell, detailing the proceedings at the opening of the Court at Dunstable, May 10, 1533. IN my most hearty wise I commend me to you, doing you Vitell. to understand that this day after noon my lord of Caunterbury f0jx0^'D. began his process in the king's great matter, whereat were present my lord of Wynchester and my lord of Lyncoln. The late queen appeared not by herself ne by her procurator, whereupon she was declared contumax ; and it was declared that further process shall be made in pain of her contumacy. Here were looked-for witnesses to prove such words as the late queen spake at the time of the execution of the citation against her, as Master Brian and other, whose presence might have done much good for divers causes. Also it was looked for that my old lady of Northfolk and my lady Guild ford should have been here this day which can very well depose in this matter. Also here should have lakked the king's grace protestation being, as I understand, in my lord Chauncellor's hands, if some had not been ready to make a new. But I trust that these lakkes notwithstanding, the king's grace's great matter, shall proceed according to the king's expectation. If the said ladies might be here at nine of the clock on Wednesday next, they should do much go[od] in the said cause. It may please you to remember [that] the censures of the universities and the answers of cunning men touching the said cause be sent hither in as m[uch s]pede as may be, and also the instrument of the opin[ion of] the convocation. All things be here very quiet, as far as I can understand little communication is of . . . [com]ing here. And at the sitting of my lord [of C] aunterbury this day, few or almost none were presen[t at] the place of judgment, but such as came thither ... . ause with their lords and 474 RECORDS OF masters. And I assure y[ou that] such as be here at the king's grace's comman[d] . . . . r diligent and studious to do the best . . . the satisfying of the king's grace's pleasure as . is, as knoweth God who preserve you. Fro[m Dunstable] the ioth day of May. [After this letter] was written, I was spoken unto by my lord [of Canterbury and] other of the king's grace's council here to move ... . . . . . se Master Doctor Legh to be here on Wen[sday] ... other citation. Ever yours, Thomas Be[dtll]. Folded, sealed, and endorsed — To the right wor shipful master Crom well one the king's grace most hono rable counsell my singu- ler frende. THE REFORMATION. 475 Number CCCXXXIII. Holograph letter from Bedell to Cromwell, written May 1 7, 1533, describing the method of procedure which was to take place on that day. AFTER my most hearty commendations according to . . Otho, c. &. accepted and approved by your last letters, I send 5' unto y[ou an account] . . . .of the third coort in the great matter of the king's high [ness] . . . .by which ye may perceive how the cause goeth for w[ard] the said third coort-day was yesterday the 16th day [of May]. And this day, the 17th of the same month, these shal[l be the acts] . . . First my lord of Caunterbury according to the directions given] for that day, shall demand of the king's grace pro- curato[r that if] he have anything conducing to the said cause he sbal[l produce] it. And also shall enquire, if any will pur pose any [thing in] behalf of the lady Katerine, concerning the said ma[trimony] . . Secondly, he shall take into his hands all such w[ritings as he] hath at the acts or else shall be brought in that day to . ... cause, and shall exhibit them and purpose them o And thirdly, shall admonish the king's grace's procurator to appear] the 23rd day of this month, that shall be on Fri[day next], here and see the sentence given in the said c[ause. And on] Friday, by the grace of God, sentence shall be given .... to the contentation of Almighty God and to the honor of conscience of the king's grace's majesty. And I t[rust th]at night next coming to see you at home at your [house] Not being letted by the rogation days, the se[ntence should have been] . . ... given sooner by three or four days. From Duns[table the 17th] day of May. Your [own] [Thomas Bedyll]. 476 RECORDS OF Number CCCXXXIV. Bedell's letter to Cromwell sent with the account qf proceed ings in the Court up to the 17th of May; written May »3rrf» J533- Otho ex * SEND unto you the acts of the 17th day of May, and so fob 166 b. now ye have all the acts made in this cause except the acts of this day, mentioning the giving of the sentence. I send unto you also here enclosed the copy of the articles upon whom my lord of Caunterbury hath made process and the answers of the king's grace procurator to the said articles received with out oath. Item, I send unto you a very copy of the sentence, collationat with the original, of which things ye may perceive the process and diffinition of the said cause. And because percase the king's highness will be desirous to see what an swer was made in his name by his procurator, and will also desire to see the very sentence in formd ; therefore I have sent unto you the said answers and sentence, that (if it shall please you) ye may shew them to the king's grace, if ye shall think it expedient. I think the sentence will please the kings's grace very well, for in very deed it is much better now than it was when it was first devised, and ye know who emended it very singularly. From Dunstaple the 23th day of May. By your own Thom[as] [Bedyll]. THE REFORMATION. 477 Number CCCXXXV. Copy of Croke's accusations against Sir Gregory Cassali and his brother John. ARTICLES against Sir Gregory Cassalis and his brother, Eecord which shall be perceived partly with their own letters, partly ce' with the letters of divers other men of good and substantial credence. In primis. — Whereas the king's case was proposed tacitis nominibus by Franciscus Crucinus unto the most excel lent doctors of Myllayne, and they all have concluded and promissed to write in defence, favor and confirma tion of the same, Sir Gregory Cassalis, advertised by the Bishop of Worcester of the great success of the king's cause in Myllayne, opened unto certain noblemen, long ing unto the Duke of Myllayne, that the case pertained unto the King of Englande, in such wise that they all were afraid any farther to intermeddle in the same. Item. — The said Sir Gregory delivered the king's book made and written in Englande, in defence of his most honor able cause, to divers the king's enemies, which wrote against the same. Item. — The said Sir Gregory delivered unto a black friar, called Vincentius de Cremona, which friar caused the determination of Ferrare to be taken from me, an ab stract of all the arguments and counsels made in confir mation of the king's causes, as it appeareth, to solicit men to write against the same. Item. — After that the determination of Ferrare was taken from me, Paulus Cassalis came in his brother's name to Ferrare and promised the duke's factor there that he would by his good labor bring to pass that the King should take no displeasure with the Duke of Ferrare for that matter. Also, Jhon de Cassalis, at my first coming to Venice, delivered unto me a false index of Saint Mark's 478 RECORDS OF Library, because that I should not search there for Basi- lius' epistle. Item. — The said Jhon exhorted Simonetus, ordinary in divi nity at Padua, to suppress the subscriptions gotten by the said Simonetus of divers doctors and well learned men. And so writ unto my lord of London that he could nothing further the king's cause, forasmuch as the same had been evil handled and divulged unto so many. And herein he desired Symonetus in his letters to my lord of London to take him for witness. Item. — The said Jhon to divulge the said cause and put men in fear to say their minds in the same, caused the king's case in the king's name to be printed, and sent them abroad into Lombardy. Item. — The said Jhon at divers and sundry time brought unto my lord of London and me, divers the king's enemies, pretending that they were the king's sure friends, and such as after wrote against the king very odiously, slanderously. THE REFORMATION. 479 Number CCCXXXVI. Imperfect letter from Sir Gregory Cassali defending the conduct qf his brother the protonotary at Venice. Pro bably written in May, 1533. . . . Regiis negotiis gessisse, fratremque ilium Francis- vitell. cum Georgium, et [alios quibus] Crocus utebatur, malignos, per- ?jX1U' fidos et fraudulentos esse, [una cum] fratre meo condemnari contentus sum. Et si Majestas sua non [velit mihi fidem] habere, interrogentur omnes illi Angli qui Venetiis et [Bononiae erant,] quique cum Croco quotidie versabantur. Illorum re- lationib[us credat]. Praeterea latet me penitus quam causam habuerit unquam f [rater meus agendi] quicquam pro Pontifice : opinor tamen ilium cupere Re[giam Majestatem et] Venetos Pontifici hostes esse. Ne illius sententiis et Censu[rae] . . ... quae impraesentia emanant contra ipsum fratrem meum ut ... . . . dam privet et spoliet. Sed quoniam de injuriis detr[imentisque] quae nos a Ponti fice accepimus, et de odio quo nos prosequi [tur, saepius] dixi mus, et nihilominus Regia Majestas dicit, sibi fuisse aliqfuam suspicionem] nos Pontificis amicos esse, et propterea de nobis suspic[ari ... . suspi]cio hujusmodi nobis maximi sit detrimenti, nihilque boni Regia [Majestas] .... Illam humillime supplicamus, ut velit super his veritatem [inquirere], praesertim quum nihil sit facilius. Nam si virum aliquem [fide dignum] miserit in Italiam, reperiet, num sint publicae et notoriae [famae] gravamina, et injustitiae, quibus a Pontifice affecti sumus, [et an] amore nos prosequatur, et an quicquam nobis dederit an .... Haec enim in facto cognosci possunt : Reperiet etiam . Bona uxoris meae injustissime detineat, et an dederit, an potius monasterium abs[tu- lerit] . ... . . . • patruelis . . .... 480 RECORDS OF fob 137 b. . . pollebamus. Reperiet praeterea an ditiores an pau- periores simus [quam antea] fuerimus, quum Regiae Majestati inservire coepimus. Haec quoque in facto sunt ; [neque] peni tus ignota doctoribus Karne et Bonar. Reperiet denique [omnino fal] sum esse id quod domino Crumveli relatum fuit, dominum scilicet Hieronymum [Prejvidellum fuisse pluribus et maximis dignitatibus a Pontifice [orn]atum, eumque in Car dinalem creaturum. Reperiet, inquam, relationem hujusmodi falsam esse. Bononiae enim in foro idem Previdellus fuit pu- gione occisus. Nee contra homicidam a gubernatore Bononiae pro tanto scelere al . . . . non secus ac si canis occisus. Morte tamen tanti viri, tan[ti no] minis et famae, non solum Bononia, sed universa Italia sane dolupt. Si igi]tur hisce modis a Majestate Regia. veritatem indagari cognovero, nil aliu[d qui] dem ab ea petam ; ut id igitur faciat eam humil lime et vehementissime [precor] atque oro. THE REFORMATION. 481 Number CCCXXXVII. Imperfect copy of part qf the Articles of the Process before Cranmer at the Court at Dunstable, May, 1533. INPRIMIS, quod dicta serenissima domina Katherina et Ex collect. clarae memoriae Arthurus perhennis famae, Henrici septimi ^' Twvne- nuper regis Angliae primogenitus, matrimonium verum, pu- fob 57. rum et legitimum, per verba de praesenti ad id apta, mutuum eorum consensum hinc inde exprimentia, ad invicem legitime contraxerunt, ac illud in facie ecclesiae inter se ut moris esset solennizari fecerunt, et carnali copula inter eos postmodum subsequuta, consummarunt; necnon ut vir et uxor toto et omni tempore vitae dicti clarae memoriae Arthuri a tempore dicti matrimonii solennizati, invicem cohabitarunt, atque pro conjugibus legitimis communiter habiti, nominati et reputati fuerunt. Haeeque fuerunt et sunt vera, publica, manifesta et notoria ; ac de et super eisdem laborarunt et laborant publica vox et fama, ac objicimus et ministramus eis praemissa con- junctim ac divisim et de quolibet. Item, quod dictus illustrissimus princeps, Henricus Octavus et praefatus clarae memoriae Arthurus, dum ambo in humanis agerent, fuerunt fratres naturales et legitimi, ex eisdem pa- rentibus geniti, et procreati, ac pro talibus et ut tales commu niter habiti, nominati et reputati palam, publice et notorie; haeeque fuerunt et sunt vera, publica, manifesta et notoria ; ac de et super eisdem laborarunt et laborant pubjica vox et fama, ac objicimus et ministramus eis haec conjunctim et divi sim ac de quolibet ut supra. Item, quod praefato clarae memoriae Arthuro, sicut altissimo placuit, vita, functo, praelibatus illustrissimus princeps, Henricus Octavus et memorata serenissima domina, Katherina matri monium de facto ad invicem contraxerunt, ac illud in facie ecclesiae solennizari fecerunt, et carnali copula postmodum consummarunt, prolesque exinde suscitarunt. Haeeque fuerunt et sunt vera, publica, manifesta et notoria, ac de et super vol. 11. 1 i 482 RECORDS OF eisdem laborarunt et laborant publica vox et fama, ac objicimus et ministramus eis praemissa conjunctim ac divisim ac de quo libet ut supra. ' Item, quod praedictus illustrissimus princeps, Henricus Octa vus et praefata serenissima Domina, Katherina fuerunt et sunt nostrae Cantuariensis provinciae et nostrae Jurisdictionis in hac parte. Haeeque fuerunt et sunt vera, publica, manifesta et notoria, ac de et super eisdem laborarunt et laborant publica vox et fama ac objicimus et ministramus ut supra. THE REFORMATION. 483 Number CCCXXXVIII. Copy of a letter from Osiander to Cranmer, Archbishop Elect of Canterbury, on the delay of his book De Incestis Nuptiis; written January 2\th, 1533. GRACE and peace from God the Father and our Lord Otho. c. x. Jesu Ch[rist]. The cause that I have so seldom written unto you, and not [so] tymely as I ought to do, hath been not for lack of mate[r, as] it chanceth ofttimes, but for certain suspicions which [have] troubled me sore. For it chanced when I was about [to put] forth my book De Incestis Nuptiis, our high conseill h[adj\ the matter in deliberation ; whereupon at their desire to [hear] mine opinion, I declared it with almost the same self words [in which] the same matter was treated in the book. After that, they [issued] a prohibition that the same book which was printed al [ready] should not be sold, and that with as straight a command[ment as] heretike book was for bidden before. They alleged th [e reason of] that prohibition to be because it was not lawfull [for any to] publish such thing that they had afore asked mi of Counseill. But I answered precisely unto th[em in] such sort as they were ashamed and afraid. I [know] well enough there were some other causes why [they would] have the book suppressed. And, doing all that [I could] most diligently to know the same, I found that [the book] displeased them because the cause of the most . . . England was declared by it; which they tbin[k will incur] the emperor's displeasure. Therefore fearing lest tha[t] what affection I bear to the king and to you . . I should write unto you, they should have caus[ed then to] have been intercepted, for this cause I have a ... .to write unto you; now that I think there is [occasion] I have thought to keep no longer silence. T . . the Turks gave a great overthrow to 1 i 2 484 RECORDS OF our [army] in Hungrye. The captain of our men Ca[cian led] rashly our army into such a place as they [could get no] maner vitailles ; at the which time tw (unwitting our men) joined together. Whereb[y] forsaken shamefully by Cacian their cap [tain] in the night. The next day they w[ere all slain] save a few that were taken pre[soners] threescore fob 162 b. and ten great pieces of ordinance excellent which were upon whills, and 25,000 men of war or thereabouts. The captain Cacian fearing himself desired King Fernando to give him a safe conduct to come and purge himself; and when it was offered he refused it, and desired that he might have the same safe conduct under another form than he had caused it to be made, adding a condition thereto that, in case he could not purge himself within a year, he should remain in .the king's power. The king, gladly accepting that condition, gave him a safe conduct, under such words as he desired. Whereupon, when he was come to the king and could not make his sufficient purgation, he was, whether he would or not, interroged : ' What and thou canst not purge thyself within this hole year, hast thou not promised to remain at the king's pleasure ? ' He could not deny it. ' Is it not then reasonable that the king have sureties that thou shalt keep thy promises?' He durst neither refuse this. Then, foras much as he was accused of treason, in the which crime the laws do accept none other surety than to have the body re maining in pres[on], he was by his own words with a mar vellous craft entang[led;] so that, without infraction of the safe conduct granted, as [he] devised it himself, he neverthe less remaineth in prison. W[hat] shall be done of him the year passed, when the safe con[duct] shall be expired, we shall then know. These be old ne[ws] but nevertheless true. Before time this matter h-ith been [by] marvellous and sundry lies hyden unto the people aft as the same over throw might be hyden. Besides these n [ews] and beside the comete which we see blasyng in the [sky] there have also be seen two swerds in the sky after [the] fashion of the swerds that the duke elector of Saxony beareth. [He hath] his armies at a town in the borders of Franken which is three days journey hence. There is now a common [disputation THE REFORMATION. 485 what these two swerdes betoken. Some say [that they] con sult secretly to drive out the King of Romaynes and to put the Elector of Saxony in his stead. Some suspect [that] there fob 163. shaU be war against the bishops because the [Elector] of Saxony hath a proces with the Bishop of Meyntz fo[r some] jurisdictions the which his predecessor which was [of the] house of Saxony did usurpe, the duke then wyn[ning] The matter hath been put in compromise; and is now [put in] hand before the arbitrors. And if the Bishop of Mey[ntz shall] refuse to obey thereto doubtless there shall be wars . . . against him. And if the other bishops shall go ab[out to] rescue him they shall be all undone. And such a[s will] remain still in peace, yet shall they be driven out [by the] princes their neigh ' ours, under color of the defence [of their] bishoprics and for to defend that other shall n[ot molest] them. Some think that the landtzgrave o[f] wolld give ayde to the Duke of Geldr[es] occasion shall trouble sore the Bishop of Ley[k whom he] hateth most for some injurious words. Th ... ... brute that the said Bishop of Leyk a good wh[ile ago] called the lansgraf foule ; and that he jay .... ... his mother. All these things are yet uncertain. Bu[t what ever] shall be done of those, it shall be to the detriment . . • . . I think that ye took but for trifles such th[ings as] of late De Anulo Papistico, yet nevertheless . [may I] not freely jest with you ? it meaneth somew . self declareth for my cardinalis have se . . unto me as thou seest, the which I have s . . and unwilling mine other enemy. I meane . for it was sent to me from Bononia upon . I think that Luther writeth his adnotati [ons] . . conseill to be set furth at the next f I will grant him 144,000 years of pardo[n] . in good transquillite. The Switzers Zu . . . opinion and retorn unto ours, with the grete J . . We desire the peace between the emperor and . ... hope it not. The book that hath been written for the one fob 163 b. part hath moved many men here which do marvel that the emperor maketh no answer thereto. The next spring, of the which when the practises thought on at home this writer shall 486 RECORDS OF begin to be open, I shall write more and more exactly, and that often, if I shall have oft matter so to do. I suspect the year shall be of sundry diverse chaunces. Given at Nuremberg the 24th day of January. Your fathershipp's most affectuouse Andreas Osiander. To the Archbishop of Canterbury, from Osiander. THE REFORMATION. 487 Number CCCXXXIX. The opinion of an anonymous writer on the point of Cran mer' s instructing the clergy on the subject of the King's marriage and the abolition qf the Papal Supremacy. June, 1533. THERE be I think in this realm that be not in their minds Record full pleased and contented that our sovereign hath married as he hath done; some bearing their favour to the lady Katheryn princess dowager, • some to the lady Mary, some because the Pope's authority was not therein. And for this they lay the blame alonely in some of the prelates. And albeit -that the prelates have none otherwise done in this mat ter but as it became them and according to the very law of God ; yet many of the inconstant commons be not therewith satisfied. And though they forbear to speak at large, for fear of punishment, yet they mutter together secretly ; which muttering and secret grudge within this realm I think doth not a little embolden the king's adversaries without the realm. And forsomueh as this muttering and grudge is not against our most gracious sovereign lord the king ; for every man seyeth that he is the most gentillest prince and of the most gentillest nature and the most upright that ever reigned among men, but only against some of the prelates and specially against the Archbishop of Canterbury; therefore I would deem it right expedient that he should shew himself to have done nothing (as he hath not in very deed) but accord ing to the very law of God. And although the suspicion and muttering be both false and untrue, and of the people unrea sonably conceived against him, yet must he endeavour himself to pluck it out of their heads, and that by loving manner. And also if the Pope be excluded out of this realm, the arch bishop must be chief of all the clergy here, the which will not lightly be accepted in the people's hearts, because it hath of so long time continued otherwise, except that the people 488 RECORDS OF perceive themselves (by reason of the said alteration) to be in better ease than they were before. Wherefore I think it were very necessary for these considerations that the said arch bishop should make out a book, not over long, to declare that it that he hath done is not only according to the law of God, but also for the great wealth and quietness of all this realm. And this book would be from him written to all the clergy of this realm ; and in the said book let him exhort, in charit able wise, all the said clergy, and specially such as be in great authority, and advanced to dignity in the Church, as bishops, abbots, priors, deans, provosts, and such others, that they at length now call to their remembrance that they be not called unto those rooms and dignities for their own sakes, but for the people ; not for their own ease, rest and quiet, but for the quiet, rest and ease of the people ; not for their own winning and lucre, but to make the people rich and plentiful; not to the intent to eschew labour and travail, but by their labor and travail to ease the people of their burdens ; not to reign in abundance of all delights and pleasures, and the people in misery, but by their temperance and sober living to help the people at the least to plenty of suffisaunce ; and finally not to be served worshipfully, but for Criste's sake (like as he did) to serve others, for Wo to us (let him say) if we do not thus : and let him thunder out here and there the vehement excla mations of the prophets, and specially of Jeremie against spiritual pastours; and let him persuade the said clergy to avoid clean, all pomp, all pride, all vainglory, and specially all manner of covetousness that hath been occasion of so many evils in the Church of Criste. Let them avoid all ambition, all delicate fare, and to be ready with heart and mind to de part and dispose among the people of this realm lands, goods, money, and whatsoever other thing they now possess super fluously, and that they never hereafter seek for the riches or lordship of this world, nor shew themselves desirous of any honor in this world; but diligently to seek for the kingdom of heaven, and there to make their treasury, and clean cast away all care of this world, and let him say — Most dear brethren in Criste, let it never be seen in us that we seek for any ease or for any pleasure, in this world, but only to joy in the cross of Criste, and in the health and THE REFORMATION. 489 salvation of the people, both in body and soul ; for this is our charge, and for this we shall give a streight account. If you, most dear brethren, will gladly go with me this way, at my loving exhortation, ye shall greatly merit for your obedience ; but in case ye will not, I will compel you by the law of God thus to do, and then ye shall lose your merit of obedience. Thus our lord Jesu Criste send us grace, both you and I to accomplish this mine intent, to the wealth of all the people both in body and soul. Amen. I am very sure, if he would set out a little book after this tenor, though he could never bring his purpose about, , yet should he by this mean greatly content the people's minds, and make them think that they be happy thus to be rydd of the Pope's oppression, and that the archbishop is a perfect and a good bishop, and that he intendeth truly according to the word of God, and that he never did anything for the prince's pleasure so much to win him promotion, as he did for the truth's sake ; seeing he pretendeth to stamp under foot aU pleasure, all ease, all delight of this world, and utterly give himself to travail and pain in this world ; for my mind is and ever hath been that the king's highness should not be seen to be most busy to defend his most righteous cause himself, but let the clergy specially do it, and namely the archbishops. But if there be any so stubborn that he will not believe the truth, then the king's highness to punish him according to the laws in that case provided. For, I wot well, if it come to the hearing of the Pope and the emperor that the whole clergy of Englond is fully bent to defend our sovereign lord the king's cause to the very death, they will not meddle much further. Endorsed — Reasons to clear the Clergy for condescending to the King's second marriage and for abolishing the Pope's supremacy. 490 RECORDS OF Number CCCXL. Copy of the King's defence of his proceedings, intended for the ambassador to instruct the Emperor as to the lawful ness qf the marriage with Anne Boleyn. July 6, 1533. Record TRUSTY and right well beloved, we greet you well. And forasmuch as having here, as well in our high Court of Parliament, with the consent of our nobles and commons, as also by the judgment and decree of the archbishop and metro politan of this our realm, deduced and brought our great cause to such end and perfection as we know well to be plea sant and acceptable to God, for the discharge of our con science, and ought of congruence therefore to be agreeable to all other whomsoever it should wordly concern or touch ; and have now the lady Anne to our lawful wife, whom we have not only according- to the lawes of God married but also caused with the whole consent of our nobility spiritual and temporal, with the singular rejoice of our commons, caused to be crowned and anointed as to the estate of our queen it appertaineth ; we have thought good to advertise you thereof, and to instruct you also what to say to the emperor in that behalf. Unto whom our pleasure is ye as by our special commandment open and declare our doings herein, using for an introduction and entry with further declaration of the cause as followeth : — Sir, the king my master, taking and reputing you as his perfect friend, confederate and ally, and not doubting but ye, remembering the mutual kindness between you in times past, will shew yourself in all occurrents to be of such mind and disposition as the justice, truth and equity doth require, hath willed me by his letters to open and declare unto you what he hath done, and in what wise he hath proceeded concerning such marriage as by many princes was supposed to have been between your aunt and his grace. In which matter, being two principal points specially to be regarded and considered, that is to say the justice of the cause and the order of process THE REFORMATION. 491 therein, his highness hath so used him in both as no man may righteously complain of the same. First, as touching the justness of the cause, that is to say, for declaration of that marriage between us and his said aunt to be nought, of no moment, ne effect, but against the law of God, nature and manner indispensable by the Pope and in no wise vailable. We have done therein as much as becometh us for discharge of our conscience, and have found so certain, so evident, so manifest, so open and approved truth as whereunto we ought of good congruence to give place, and which by aU other ought to be allowed and received, not as a matter doubtful, disputable, or depending in question and ambiguity, but as to a plain, determined, and discussed verity of the true understanding of God's word and law, which all Christen men must follow and obey, and to all other wordly respects prefer and execute. In attaining the knowledge whereof if we had used only our own particular judgment and sentence, or the mind only and opinion of our natural subjects, although the same might in our conscience have sufficed ; yet we would not much have repugned, if some other had made difficulty to assent to us in the same till further discussion had been made thereupon. But now, forasmuch as besides our own certain understanding and the agreement of our whole clergy to the same in both provinces of our realm ; we have also for us the determinations of the most famous Universities of Christen dom, and most indifferent to pronounce and give judgment in this case, and among them the University of Bononye, all fear of the Pope set apart, concluding against his power, and also Padua, the Venetians' threats not regarded, giving their sen tence for the truth and evident words of God's law ; there should no man, as seemeth us, gainsay or withstand either ia word or deed the truth thus opened, but for our honor and duty to the conservation of God's law willingly embrace and receive the same. According whereunto we perceive also as well in our realm as elsewhere a notable consent and agree ment, amongst all divines and such as have studied for know ledge of God's law, without contradiction of any number unless it be such as apply their minds to the maintenance of wordly affections, doeth in defence of such laws as they have studied or satisfaction of their private appetite, forbear to 492 RECORDS OF agree unto the same. The number of whom is so small as in the discerning of truth we ought not to regard in a case so plainly described and determined by God's word as ours is. And if percase the emperor shall say he regardeth not the number but the matter, and therefore shall say he considereth not so much who speaketh as what is spoken, ye shall then say — Sir, the king my master is of the same mind for his own satisfaction, and taketh himself to be in the right, not because so many saith it, but because he, being learned, knoweth the matter to be right. Nevertheless reason would, and enforceth also, that strangers to the cause and not parties therein should be induced to believe that to be truth that such a number of clerks do so constantly affirm, specially not being otherwise learned to be judge of these sayings, as the emperor is not, and if he were, then could you, ye may say, shew him such reasons, authorities and grounds as cannot be taken away and be so firm and stable as they ought not of Christen men in any part to be impugned. Like as hath been partly heretofore shewed by our counsel to the said emperor and should eft- sones be clone were it not too great an injury to that is already passed here to dispute the same again in any other country, which being contrarious to the laws and ordinances of our realm we trust the emperor will not require, but take that is past for a thing done, and justly done. And as for God's part to leave us to ourself qui Domino nostro stamus, and for the world to pass over as friend that nothing trusteth him. And not to marvel though we, regarding the wealth of our soul principally, with the commodity of our person and so great benefit and quiet of our realm, have percase done that he for his private fantasye would have not chanced. Like as we also would wish it had not happened that such cause was given unto us to compel us so to do. But these things ye may say in the outward visage be worldly, and inwardly touch and concern the soul. Quid prodest homini si univer- sum mundum lucretur, anima vero suos detrimentum pad- atur? Primum qucerite regnum Dei etc. We know respect is to be had unto the world, and how much we have labored and travailed therein we trust we have sufficiently declared and shewed in our acts and proceedings. If we had utterly centemned the order and process of the THE REFORMATION. 493 world or friendship and amity of the emperor, we needed not to have sent so often and sundry ambassadors to the Pope and himself, ne continued and spent our time in delays as we have done, but might many years past have done that we have now done, if it had so liked us, with as little difficulty then as now, if we would have without respect followed our pleasure in that behalf. But we doubt not, ye may say, the emperor remembereth how often we have sent unto him, and that he hath heard also what suit we have made to the Pope, and how he hath handled us again, only in delay and dalli ance with open commission given to his legates to determine and give sentence for us by a Commission Decretal, and secretly to give them instructions to suspend and put over the same ; by which means and other semblable we perceive plainly our self brought in such a labyrinth as going forward that way, we were like to come to no end, and were therefore compelled to step forth right forth at once, to the mase's end, thus to quiet and repose ourself at the last. And is it not time to have end in seven years, or else to seek for it another way ? The Pope hath shewed himself both unwilling [to have] an end, and also so ready and prone to do us injury as well in citing us to Rome, as also sending forth certain breves, to us slanderous, and for the injustice and iniquity of them to him self dishonorable. As he gave us good and just cause to sus pect lest any end to be made at his hand, if any he would make, might be in our conscience received and followed; for the Pope doing injury in some point, why should he be thought convenient judge, not using himself indifferently in the matter as [in] many more particularities may be shewed and de clared. So as, in this point, considering there is a general Council willing all matters to be determined where they first began, and that the whole body of our realm have for the wealth of the same by a law established the determination of such causes, by reason whereof the bishop of Canterbury as metropolitan of our realm hath given sentence in due judg ment for our part ; it is not to be asked ne questioned whether our matter hath been determined after the common fashion, but whether it hath in it common justice, truth and equity of God's law. For observation of the common order we have 494 RECORDS OF done that lay in us, and, enforced by necessity, have found the true order maintenable by God's word and general Councils, which we have in substance followed with effect, and have done as becometh us, tendering either God's law. our person, or the wealth of our realm. Like as we doubt not he, as a wise prince, remembering our cause from the beginning hitherto, will of himself conclude and think that among mortal men, nothing should be immortal, and suits must once have an end, si possis recte, si non, quocunque modo, and if we cannot as we would, that we then do as we may. And he that hath a journey to be perfected, must, if he cannot go one way, assay another. Whatsoever we have done, necessity hath enforced us, that is to say, God's law in the matter ; and in the manner such dealing of the Pope as he hath shewed unto us, doing sundry injuries without effect of justice, when he promised the same. But as for our matter to the Pope, we shall entreat with him apart ; as touching the emperor, ye may say we take him for our friend. We will you to open these matters unto him and for your further instruction to acquiet his mind concerning the whole process of our cause, whereby ye may be bable to dissolve all such questions as he may percase move unto you concerning the same; as well what proofs were here received,' ad pro bandam carnalem copulam Arthuri as otherwise de contu- macid Catharina quondam Regina etc. Like as by the same process ye shall perceive wherein our pleasure is ye ripe your self, not shewing the same to the emperor as sent from us for that purpose, but only as of yourself for his better contenta- tion if any communication between you shall so require. For else, the cause being by sentence here decided, and acts of parliament passed that it may not be entreated in any foreign place ; we should not do well to give you commission to shew the process made here, thus to give occasion of contention or alteration thereupon. Endorsed — Instructions given to the King's ambassador with the Emperor to intimate to the said Emperor the King's marriage and coronation of Queen Anne and the consent of Parliament thereunto. THE REFORMATION. 495 Number CCCXLI. A passage prepared for insertion but not inserted in the instructions to the King's ambassador to the Emperor. July 6, 1533. IF ye shall think good, the effect hereof may be inserted Record in the instructions. Office. Item, a certain book (the copy whereof ye now receive) was brought in afore the two legates sitting in judgment, by the late queen's learned counsel : In which be contained divers answers to the objection then made against the Pope's bull of dispensation concerning the old marriage bytwixt the late queen and the king's grace; which answers and every one of them were read particularly and deliberately to the said late queen, and she consented and assented that they should be exhibited afore the said legates, as her said counsel doth knowledge. Ye shall well perceive by the answers made to the 8th and 9th argument of that book, that her said counsel and she also were inevitably strained to confess and knowledge in the said answers that the marriage between Prince Arthur and her was consummate by carnal copulation ; or else they must needs have granted that the said bull had been of none effect, as ye may gather of the said 8th and 9th arguments and of the answers to them. For in the bull is expressed that the Pope dispensed, upon affinity, which springeth not without carnal copulation, and no mention is made of the impediment called justice of public honesty. Wherefore, if there were no carnal copulation, by reason whereof he dispensed upon affinity, then the Pope dispensed upon nothing. And so his bull was nothing worth, and consequently for lack of a sufficient dis pensation, the marriage was not good, the impediment of jus tice of public honesty letting the same. Item, in the breve, whereof ye receive here a copy (the 496 RECORDS OF original whereof is in the emperor's custody) it is expressed that narration was made to the Pope of the said carnal copulation, and that supplication was made to the Pope to dispense upon affinity so contracted. If the said narration or suggestion were true, then Prince Arthur knew the said late quene carnally ; by reason whereof the marriage betwixt the king's grace and her is not good and never was good by the prohibition of the law of God forbidding the brother surviving to marry his dead brother's wife by him carnally known. And if the said narration or suggestion was false then the said breve is and was of none effect ; for a rescript gotten upon a false suggestion is of no force. And so the bull and the breve be of none effect, unless the lady Katerine late quene were carnally known of Prince Arthur. And so, whether she were known or not known by prince Arthur, the marriage betwixt the king's grace and her ought to be of none effect ; For, if she were not known, the bull and the breve for the causes after expressed were of none effect ; and so for lack of sufficient dispensation, the marriage was not good. If she were known, the marriage was not good by the prohibition of God's law 29. 29 Foxe has printed with toler- have been printed in these Records. able accuracy ' The Oration of the Herbert has given an analysis of it, King's Ambassador before the Em- with a reference to Foxe in the peror in defence of his cause.' It margin, and supplies the date here was probably taken from the same given, viz. July 6, 1533. copy from which the instructions THE REFORMATION. 497 Number CCCXLII. Instructions drawn up in June, 1533, how the Commissioners otho, c. x. were to deal with the Quet and to submit to the King. were to deal with the Queen to get her to forego the title ° ' abhominable 30, execrable, and directly against the laws of God and nature and the laws of natural reason, was therefore law fully separated and dyvorced from the said Dowager, and now hath, by the advice and whole consent and assent of all his nobles spiritual and temporal and all the commons of this his realm, married and espoused according to the laws of God and holy Church to the lady Anne, his lawful wife, who as apper taineth to the estate is by the said assent anointed and crowned Queen of this realm. Which being so done, his highness considering, and most prudently resolving, that it cannot stand with the law of God and man, ne with his honour, to have two Queens named within his realm, whereas indeed he hath but one lawful wife, which he hath lawfully married ; and forasmuch as the said Dowager, notwithstanding the premises so done and accom plished, as is aforesaid, doth still take upon her the nam[e] of Queen, and so is and will be named and call[ed] by the 50 The document begins abruptly which that in the Cotton Library in the middle of a page at this word, was evidently made, begins at the Probably no complete copy exists, top of a page in the same way, so The copy in the Record Office, from, that one leaf or more has been lost. VOL. II. K k 498 RECORDS OF servants and family, being all the [king's] subjects. His highness therefore willeth [that ye] shall declare unto her that forasmuch as [his grace is] a prince of such benignity, munifi cence and liberality, having regard to his honor above all things, and also remembering how honorably the said Dowager hath been by long time entreated within this his realm, and so may continue if she can be content to do as she is bound ; which only must proceed of the honorable, meek and humble dealing, whereby she is like rather to enlarge and augment the same her entertainment, than in any wise to diminish any part thereof; doth therefore exhort and advise her to desist and leave to arrogate and ascribe unto her that name of Queen, contenting herself with that living and name of Dowager to her limited and prescribed by Act of Parliament, with the whole assent and consent of the nobles and commons of this realm, the rather considering, all things consonant and agree able to the said lawful matrimony to be already passed, and con cluded, with the no little study, mature advisement, and good deliberation, assent and consent of all the estates spiritual and temporal of this realm. And further ye shall say unto her that in case she will stiU continue in obstinacy towards the king, unto whom she is none other than subject, and will not upon your declarations, utterly refuse, renounce, and abrogate that name of Queen, she shall thereby not only declare and shew herself to be much obsti nate and vainglorious in appeting and desiring the glory of that name, but also to have determined a manifest pretence of dis- sention to ensue thereof. Whereby shall appear to all the world to be in her such enmity, hatred and disdain, as un doubtedly shall be a mean to evil, and take away from her as well the good hearts, zeal and affection of the people of this realm, which always hitherto have had a good opinion in her [v]ertue, meekness and humility, as also the goodness [of] the prince ; considering it should appear in her bere so arrogant, vehement, and pompous, that for [the] attaining and acquiring the glory of that name [she] could be contented to suffer and desire the [dissen]sion of this realm and the succession of which being published and declared, fob 169. it shall manifestly appear to remain in her a great iniquity and also much vainglory, pomp and pride, contrary to the THE REFORMATION. 499 good opinion heretofore conceived in her, of all the peeple pf this realm. And also ye shall say unto her that, if she, well considering and perpending this marriage betwixt the King and the Queen Anne to be already justly and lawfully passed and concluded, by the whole opinion and determinations of all the most part pf most famous clerks of Christendome, as is aforesaid, can be contented to relinquish that name of Queen, and to repose herself (like a woman of that virtue and obedience towards her prince that she always hath been noted to be of) and to acquiet herself with such honorable living and also name, as unto her is now limited and prescribed as afore ; the king's highness, like a prince of honor, much virtue, benignity and gentleness, will not only liberally see her endowed with all the possessions and hereditaments heretofore to her allotted by Act of Parlia ment, as aforesaid, and peradventure of his bounty and princely goodness and zeal towards her then enlarge and aug ment the same ; which being by her advisedly and deliberately weighed, pondered and considered, with also the whole circum stances of the premisses ; ye may say unto her that she can no less do (doing like a wise and virtuous woman) than conform herself to the same accordingly. And finally ye shall say unto her that if she, notwithstand ing the premisses will stiU so contemptuously remain in that arrogancy, not conforming herself to these motions according to the king's desire and pleasure ; his highness then as of force shall be constrained te divulgate, publish and openly declare his honorable and most gentle offers made unto her (the like whereof hath undoubtedly not been seen granted heretofore). So as there shall and may appear her manifest contumacy and disobedience, in that, for the attaining of a Uttle vainglorious name and pride, she shall refuse those most honorable and gentle offers of her Prince and Sovereign. Which undoubtedly if she shall [continue] and still persist in her old opinion, shall perch [ance] be a mean, not only to relent and with draw [e] from her the hearts and good opinions of al[l the] people of this realm, but also in such wise irritate, move, and exagitate the king's highness, being a prince of such courage, magnanimity and noble heart as he is, and may cause him to conceive some evil ppinion towards her. Wherefore it shall k k 2 500 RECORDS OF be good that ye, having a mere affection and zeal to the very truth of the premisses, sincerely and deeply weighing and considering the same, as to the justness and indifferency of the cause appertaineth, do effectually move, consult and persuade with the said Dowager, the rather to allect and induce her to good conformity in accomplishing the king's highness' plea sure, and commandment in this behalf, than presumptuously to contend. And in case all those persuasions cannot move her from that vain desire and appetite of glory, yet may ye say further unto her, that percase that obstinacy and pre sumption may so vehemently be entered into the king's head, (who is a prince of excellent wisdom) by meane his grace might so be moved, irritate and provoked against her and all hers as might be the occasion not only of her utter grief, sor row, and displeasure, but also the undoing and confusion of her whole family and servants; so as if there were none other cause to withdraw and relent her vehement arrogancy, stomach and courage in this behalf, yet were this an urgent and singular occasion to persuade and allure her unto the same rather than to suffer her family and faithful servants which of long time have spent their life and goods in her ser vice to be now by her ungentle means and contemptuous deal ing, utterly abject and destroyed ; and chiefly above all to have regard to her honorable and most dear daughter the lady Princess, from whom percase the king's highness (being thus enforced, exagitate and moved by the unkindness of the Dow ager) might also withdraw [hi]s princely estimation, goodness, zeal, and affection [to] her no little regret, sorrow and extreme [calamity. Which being tenderly considered by the [said] Dowager, she can no less do but of mere . ... rlite either evite and eschew the danger [and inco]nvenience thereof, or fob 170. else must needs shew herself to be much unnatural and full of impiety, arrogancy, and pride to the high and singular im peachment and empairing of her honour and estimation for ever. And for fine and conclusion herein, ye shall further say unto her that considering the marriage had, concluded and. solemnized as it is already done between the King's highness and the Queen Anne, and also the name of Dowager with a right honorable dowry to be unto her limited and prescribed THE REFORMATION. 501 by Act of Parliament, which things, with all their leng cere monies of the law and circumstances are already so lawfully, sincerely and inviolately passed and brought to end and effect by the whole assent, consent and final determination as well of the wisest men and most famous clerks of Christendome, as also of aU the estates nobles and commons of this realm, both spiritual and temporal, that the same is irrevocable and indissoluble by all law and reason ; so as, notwithstanding all that she can wrest or do in the same, she cannot in the least point violate, dissolve, or annul any part thereof, but rather in travaUing so to do, shaU not only more and more incur the contempt, danger and displeasure of Almighty God, the king and his law, and bring herself into a further calamity, but also by such extremities, be a mean clearly to evicte and take from her the hearts and good will of all the nobles of this realm, which at this time been right well minded and inclined to do her good, towards the advancement, maintenance and increase of her honor and estate. It shall therefore be best for her and also most for her honor, surety and quietation to conform and establish herself in the premisses as shall be to the high pleasure of God, the; preservation of His law, [and] to her honor and the good contentation of [the] king's highness, the nobles and commons [of] this realm, and most principally to her own quietness 31. 31 This is plainly a copy of the 397. It is clear that the portion articles delivered to the Queen, the lost at the commencement must report of her answer to which is have contained besides technical printed in State Papers, vol. i. p. expressions very little matter. 502 RECORDS OF Number CCCXLIII. A Proclamation devised by the King's highness with the advice of his Council, that his subjects be* warned to avoid (in some cases) the danger and penalty of the Statute of Provision and Premunire. June, 1533- FOR as much as the unlawful matrimony between the king's highness and the Lady Katherine, princess dowager, late wife to Prince Arthur, by just ways and means is law fully dissolved, and a divorce and separation had and done between his said highness and the said Lady Katherine by the most reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canter bury, Legate and Primate of all England, and Metropolitan of the same : and thereupon the king's majesty hath lawfully married and taken to his wife, after the laws of the Church, the right high and excellent princess Lady Anne now Queen of England, and she solemnly crowned and anointed as apper taineth, to the laud, praise, and honour of Almighty God, the surety of the king's succession and posterity, and to the great joy, comfort, and contantation of all the subjects ef this realm. All which premisses have groundly proceeded and taken their effects, as well by the common assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal and the Commons of this realm, by authority of Parliament, as also by the assent and determinations of the whole clergy in their several convocations holden and kept in both provinces of this realm, and for perfect and sure estab lishment thereof it is enacted among other things, that what soever person or persons of what estate, degree, or condition they be of, do attempt or procure any manner process, or do or move any act or acts to the let or derogation of any such proceedings, sentences, and determinations as is and have been done and had, as well in and about the said diverce, as in the solemnization of the lawful matrimeny had and concluded be tween the king's highness and the said Queen Anne, shall incur and run in the pains and penalties comprised in the THE REFORMATION. 503 Statute of Provision and Premunire made in the sixteenth year of the late King Richard the Second, which is no less pain than the offenders to be out of the king's protection, and their goods and lands to be forfeited, and their bodies im prisoned at the king's will as by the said Act more at large is expressed: By reason whereof and forasmuch as the said divorce and separation is now had and done, and the king's highness lawfully married, as is before rehearsed, it is there fore evident and manifest that the said Lady Katherine should not from henceforth have or use the name, style, title, or dignity of Queen of this realm, nor be in any wise reputed, taken, ac cepted, or written, by the name of Queen of this realm, but by the name, style, title and dignity of Princess Dowager, which name she ought to have, because she was lawfully and perfectly married and accoupled with the said Prince Arthur. And whatsoever officers, ministers, bailiffs, receivers, farmers, servants, keepers of parks or chases of the said Princess Dow ager, or any other person or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition they be of, contrary to the premisses, do name, repute, accept, and write, or in any wise obey the said Lady Katherine, by virtue of any manner of warrant or writing to them directed by the name of Queen, or attempt, do, or move any other act or acts, thing or things to the let or derogation of such doings and proceedings as is determinedand accom plished, as well for the dissolution of the said unlawful mar riage as for the solemnization and confirmation of the said lawful matrimony justly finished and concluded, as is above rehearsed, shall and doth plainly and manifestly incur and run in the said great dangers and pains comprised and speci fied in the said Act. In consideration whereof, albeit that the king our most dread sovereign lord nothing mistrusteth his loving subjects for any attempt, act, or acts, or anything to be done, moved, or spoken by them contrary to the true meaning of the said Act, and the due execution and proceedings in the premisses ; yet, nevertheless, to the intent that his said humble and loving subjects shall have plain, open and manifest notice of the great perils, dangers, and penalties comprised and speci fied in the said Act, whereby they may eschew the dangers thereof: His Majesty therefore, of his most gracious and be nign goodness, more coveting and desiring the good obediences 504 RECORDS OF and "conformities of his said subjects, than to be advanced and enriched by their offences or contempts, by the advice of his said council hath caused this Proclamation to be made for a plain overture and publication of the premisses : whereby, as well aU and every his loving subjects as others may (if they will) avoid and eschew the said great pains, dangers, and penalties above specified — Whereunto his Grace's pleasure and high command ment is, that every person from henceforth take good heed and respect at their perils. And yet, nevertheless, the king's most gracious pleasure is, that the said Lady Katherine shall be well used, obeyed, and entreated, according to her honour and noble parentage, by the name, title, state, and style of Princess Dowager, as well by all her officers, servants, and ministers, as also by others his humble and loving subjects in all her lawful businesses and affairs : So it extend' not in any wise contrary to this Procla mation. God save the King. W. Berthelet, Regius impressor, excudebat. Cum Privilegio 32. 32 The only known original Society of Antiquaries was made, printed copy of this Proclamation as also the reprint in the 21st is in the possession of the Cor- volume of Afchseologia. Both poration of Norwich. From this copies have been collated. the copy in the possession of the THE REFORMATION. 505 Number CCCXLIV. A fragment of news from Flanders, mentioning the Pope's Record indignation at the King's marriage. July, 1533. an T5 FRAGMENT. News from Flanders. .THE Pope hath send a post to the French king that he wUl cause the duke of England home again, or else he would not come down to. speak with him. . Also the said Pope hath cursed the four bishops of England the which have been, cause of the king's grape's marriage, and that the Pope hath more indignation and. displeasure against them than he hath , to the. king; forasmuch he knoweth that they could not dp it pf right. And that the French king will keep part with the emperer as lpng as the king shall keep his new queen. 506 RECORDS OF Number CCCXLV. Original letter of Cranmer's to the King, giving his opinion qf Cochleus's book against the King's marriage; perhaps written in 1533- Vitelb PLEASETH [it your highness to be advertised, according foi. 41. to your] grace's [most gracious letters of addressed al- 43- unto [me] cencerning a cert[ain book which] the said [Cochleus hath written] causes which be so made I cannot for my Sire, I have had the [book in my] custodie more than this monethes, and have diligently perused the ho[le contents of] the same. And in case I had thought it to [contain any] mater worthy answer or advertisement, I would [have declared] the same unto your highness long before this. [But the] truth is that there is no new thing in that [book, but foo]lish lies and slanderous reports of your highne[ss, nor aught] which hath not been written already, and also a[nswered] as sufficiently as can be required. And on the [other hand I con]sidre the person of the said Cochleus to be of so [little repute and] estimation in all Germanie, and the residue of the that in mine ppinion it should nothing advance [your highness' cause] to dissolve his reasons, or to make him any answe[r, but only] acquire unto him some glory thereby, which sure [is not your] study and purpose. And to the intent your highness sh[ould be the] better in structed of what qualities and reputation [the said Co]chleus is, I have sent unto your highness this be[arer, my] chaplain, who doth perfectly know him, and can re[port unto] your high ness much of the communication had between [me and THE REFORMATION. 507 the said] Cochleus at my being in Ratisbone. Tp [whom I] beseech your highness to give credence as well h me to be of the made unto the [re]ferys me holy unto t your highness shal not fail to beseching your high ness to ascertain me of your plea]sure therein by this [bearer, and I shaU behave myself hejrafter accordingly. From [my manpr at] Our lprd and preserve yeur highness. Yeur highness' most humble Chaplain, and bedesman, [T. Canttjar.] 508 . RECORDS OF Number CCCXLVI. Copy qf Previdello's letter to Sir Gregory- Cassali 'offering to justify the marriage of the King with- Anne Boleyn; written August 9, 1533- Record EXEMPLUM litter-arum . Domini Hieronymi PrevideUi ad Dominum Equitem Cassalium. Illustris Domine Eques. Studui sane diligenter in casu secundi matrimonii a sere nissimo Angliae Rege contracti ; et ita sum paratus, ut possim polliceri me contra omnes [contrarium as]serentes probaturum, novum hoc matrimonium validum [es]se, quousque de primi matrimonii validitate non sit declaratum, et prolem nasci turam legitimam fore, et quod Pontifex non debuit facere quae fecit; et quid facere potuisset, quum simul erimus, ex me cognoscetis. Profecto ego quam bene hanc causam teneam, et funditus cognoscam, incredibili ardeo desiderio ostendere, et errores quamplurimos indicare et declarare per Pontificem in ipsa causa contra Regiam Majestatem commissos. Et facilius etiam quae dico praestare posse confido, si huic conventui viri non mediocris doctrinae affuerint, quemadmodum futurum credo. Voti enim compotes erimus et toti orbi palam faciemus, Curiam Romanam non omnia scire, et ipsam quoque errare posse. Unde spero Regiae Majestati per me satisfactum iri. Opus equidem aliud omne posthabui, quum primum de Pontificis sententia accepi; et totus huic rei dies noctesque sedulo in- cubui, itineris et viatici curam dimittens Dominationi Vestrae ; Cui me commendo et Domino Benetto commendatum faciat rogo. Bononiae die 9 Augusti, M.D.XXXIII. THE REFORMATION. 509 Number CCCXLVII. Holograph letter from Bedell to Cromwell, in answer to a demand for the copies qf the Decrees of the Universities ¦¦;-' written September i, 1533. PLEASE it you to understand that this day at five of the Otho, C. x. clock at night I received your letters in which ye will me to ° ° ' ' ' receive of my lord of Caunterbury such counsels of Univer sities and learned men as were exhibited to his lordship at Dunstaple, and to bring to London this night the said coun sels ; for so it is my lord of Canterbury had letters from the court this night past about midnight, by reason whereof he rydd to the court this day in the morning, I suppose for the same cause whereof ye write to me. And as far as I can learn he will not come to Otford to-morrow night, so as I can not afore that time receive those counsels of him, neither 1 come to London, seeing it is not your mind I should come without them. If his lordship have not brought them to the king's grace already, I will not fail to be at London with all speed, as soon as I may after the receipt of them at his grace's hand. And I beseech you to be so good . . unto me as to send me knowledge by the bearer whether I sh[all] come to London or not at this time in case these counsels be had already. And I will follow your advertisement. Further if these counsels or the transumpts of them sha[ll he] sent out of this realm, I beseech you to advertise the [king's] most noble grace secretly betwixt you and him that I [have] signified unto you, as I do now by this bearer, that it sha[U be] very expedient that these counsels be substanti ally looked [over] and faithfully perused, afore they be sent further; for some o[f them] make not best for the purpose and leaneth much to this [point,] Quod Papa ex causa possit dispensare contra jus divinum. My lord of Wynchester and maister Almoner, giving dili gence,] will and may shortly secerne such as make most for 510 RECORDS OF [our] purpose from them which halt in any part. And [thus] fare ye as well, as I would myself to fare. From 0[tford] in haste about six of the clock towards night this m [onday,] the first day of September. [Ye also] make mention in your letters, that ye sent a copy of a scedu[Ie of a] byl endented, by which my lord of Caunter bury received th[e bil]ls of the notaries; but I found no such copy with the [letter, not] her joyned with your letters and the messenger ceuld shew an thereof By your owne assured [to his] ppwer Thomas Bed[yll]. To the right worshipful and my very singular good maister and friend Maister Thomas Cromwell one of the king's grace honorable coun- sell. THE REFORMATION. 511 Number CCCXLVIII. Sir Gregory Oassali's defence qf his own and his brother's conduct, addressed to the Duke qf Norfolk ; written after September, 1533. UNTO all things contained in the writings of Croke, being Eecord very like [unto his] witte, me seemeth nothing is to b[e an swered but that he goeth about to minister [unto me] all the inconvenients and displeasures which of his mere lightness and folly he hath gathered he himself shall be wytnes trust shall have many wytnes. That he saith first, that Fraunces Crucinus said he could nothing do, because the king's business was dyvulgate by me ; I answer that the said Fraunces said those words afterwards, when he knew that he could not, as he desired, extort and get money from me. But I declared and opened the king's business to a much more honest and wise man than he is. As touching those things which he said were done at Ferrarie, I will answer nothing at all ; for at that time I was at Rome ; but the reverend father the bishop of London was present at all those doings, and therefore ye shall ask him. Touching things which he saub. of Bpnonie, ye shall ask also the said bishop ; for of him ye shall knpw all as the very truth is. But I pray yeu ask pf Croke what business he had at Bononie, and for what cause he did then and there treat and meddle with those things which by us were pbtained and to the king's majesty. Touching those things which he goeth about to say of the doctors and our friends, which we proponed to the bishop of London, I believe the same bishop and other the king's ma- 512 RECORDS OF jesty his servants which have used and amended the labour, diligence and industry of the same our friends, have known and do know much better than Croke what con ditions and qualities they be of. And therefore of them in quire the truth, and trust not Croke in his proper cause and against them whom he specially hateth. As touching that he saith, that we have divulged the king's cause, I answer that before anything that was done by me or my brother about those counsels, it was first patefied and di vulged by Croke, and specially at those days which he speak eth of. At that time universities and colleges were every where obtained, so as then there was nothing more notorious in Italie. But by this ye may perceive the wisdom of Croke,- that he in these his writings (as indeed he hath done) doth so much ground himself upon that freer Fraunces Georgius, P- 3- whose. malignity, fraudulyte and iniquity, yea and how ill he hath born himself in the king's cause ye may well understand and know both of Doctor Kerne,, who then was at Rome, and also of the bishop of Wynchester w[ho knoweth] all things by Mr. Benet. As to that that my brother hath procured [and] written to: the bishop of London, that the king's business and affairs were evil governed and handled, This I believe for a certainty, yea and I know that he hath many times written both to the same bishop and to Mr. Benet, and hath come himself to Bononye of purpose to require some of them to go to Venyce, to see how lightly and foolishly the king's affairs were ordered, treated, handled and governed by Croke. But think ye not that I have written so prolix for the levi-. ties and lucubrations contained in the writings of Croke, but for the words of the most noble duke and Mr. Crumwell; which words seemed unto me to be such that to write this I am constrained, beseeching you therefore that ye will vouch safe for my justification to read over all. p. 4- As touching the business at Millayn I will say this. We then [accom]panied to my lord the earl of Wilshire at Millayne ; . one Claud us being learned in the law came unto me and said. that one of my colleagues was . . » the letters of Fraunces Georgius [to the] intent to know, the opinions of; certain doctors. in Millayn; which when tbe. same Claudus hadj. THE REFORMATION. 513 procured, he trusted himself if he had money to be able to satisfy the king's majesty. But when I perceived and under stood these things of that man whom I never had seen before, seeming unto me by his words and aspect not to be mete to be much trusted, thought to have some knowledge of him by Mr. Dominic Saule, who though he shewed me nothing good of that man, yet left I in the hands of the said Mr. Dominic seventy pieces of gold on that condition and order that, if Claudus should perform those things which he said, he should have the money. After that, because the said Mr. Dominic was a great friend to one freer Hierom whom Claudus said he could not have to his desire, I required Mr. Dominic that by all means and study he would labour to reduce that freer to our purpose. He truly was an honest man and indued with p- 5- much soberness and virtue, and to me in great need a very friend, for the mutual benevolence betwixt us and old famili arity I have many times gratified the Duke of Millayn and amongst other . . mdem . . d and brought to pass th[at the lor]de of Lautrech hath restored unto him Alexandrie. Furthermore let the king's majesty himself judge whether I ought to trust in this Mr. Dominic, when by him I was admonished that the bank of the Saules which was at Rome, and in the which the money of Pope Julius was deponed and laid, had obliged themselves in the name of the same Pope to the King of Spayne in the sum of fourscore or seventy thou sand ducats, and that the Pope would not deliver the dispen sation until the same obligation were restored unto him by the King of Spayne, whereby it appeared that Julius corrupted with money did dispense. Of all these things I had credible relation of thagovernor of that bank in writing by the industry and means of the said Mr. Dominic, and also I had like credible relation by the said Mr. Dominic together with the copy of the said obligation. And all these things out of hand I sent to the king's ma- p. 6. jesty. Therefore forasmuch as I knew the said Dominic to have done those things for the king's majesty and for me to the so great dishonour and shame of the King of Spayne, I might well enough use his industry in gaining the opinion of one freer. But I know that he will shew himself to have VOL. II. l 1 514 RECORDS OF done these things only to do the king's majesty service, and not to have opened nor declared ever the king's name to any man. These things therefore were not the cause nor occasion of the divulgation of the king's business, but the lightness of Croke and his foolishness, who handled the matter with cer tain so abject and babeling freers that by and by opened and published all things, as ye may know of the king's servants which now be here. Furthermore the said Claudus being a simple and abject person had not come to me as the king's ambassador unless he had first known by Croke that that business did appertain to the king's majesty. Touching those things which were done at Ferrarie, because P- 1- there were present many masters of divinity being friends of the Bishop of London, the bishop himself being present and I then being at Rome, therefore I think that he is sufficiently instructed in those things . . . him lerne yt tbe truth. And yet by that I harde of all these inconvenients I believe [it] was written to the king's majesty hereupon that the lightness and madness of Croke was only the cause, as ye may of this most facilly be ascertained. There be many alive which were present there for the king's majesty, and it is more honest, yea and mpre equal that ye be informed by the king's servants than of Croke, to whom no faith is to be given against those whom he most hateth. Ye may also know by the said bishop that he had and ob tained all things that he wished and desired at Bononye for the king's majesty whilst I was there. And I and my cousin had the authority of the college and university of the divines of Bononye. And after that I departed thence towards Rome, Croke went to Bononye, where (what moved him I know not) he would treat with those divines the selfsame things which by us were obtained and sent to the king's majesty, wherefore p- 8. he patefied, manifested and divulged to all men the king's matter and her .... to the governor of Bononye. Why he did these things I know not except that as I think he did it partly by folly and partly for malice. But the Bishop of London knoweth all these things ; for he was present at aU the doings, but I was at Rome and there were all these things shewed unto me. Ye shall know also by the said bishop that, whilst I was at Bononye and Venyce, he desired to have cer- THE REFORMATION. 515 tain divines and Hebrewes learned in the law of Italie, and had them ready and used their policy and industry in the king's cause. Further the said bishop knoweth that, when the governor of Bononye had perceived this cause to be treated by Croke with the theologians or divines of Bonony, he commanded those theologians to be called unto him, willing them to revoke all things that they had at that time written for us and to write clean against it, threatening to detain and keep them in prison but if they would so do ; howbeit by the meanes and policy of Mr. Andrew mine uncle at Bononye and by mine industry at Rome we so defended them and maintained their cause and quarrel that the governor could by no means hurt p. 9- them. But afterwards for that cause my said cousin, who is one of the primats [th]at rule the regyment of Bononye, was had and brought into the great disdain and hatred of the governor and of the Pope so that he was constrained to fore- sake the country, and by the Pope his domynyon was taken away, [as] the king's grace [well] knoweth, for he wrote many times and laboured to the Pope to restore the said domynyon to my said cousin but all [in vai]ne. But I would that ye would animadvert and consider that those things which might be done by me in this cause, and where the things were of great moment, were so faithfully and prudently handled and done that nothing could be added thereunto; and to begin from Bononye, where somewhat I prevailed, had not I the counsels of every doctor as well lawyer as divine of that city confirmed and approbate by the authority of the college and university against the express commandment and prohibition of the Pope and the governor of Bononye, which Pope said many times with his own mouth both to me and my colleagues that he would not suffer by no means that we should have the universities. And whilst I was at Bononye for the same cause, James Salviati wrote unto me in the Pope's name that his holiness was not contented that I should procure those coun- p. 10 sels against his will, as the king's majesty may know, [to] whom I sent those letters and which the Bishop of London before had sent and overredde. Furthermore where I knew that I could do anything, as it was at Parma and Placentia, albeit that they be s[ubject] to the Pope I had [opinions] l 1 2 516 RECORDS OF of [many] men learned in the law strengthened and forti fied with the authority of the university]. Also in the city of Regius, which is under the [dominion] of the Duke of Fer rare, and in the which it was prohibited by the duke that nothing should be written by any man in the king's cause, yet did I my business so prudently that I had the counsels of the doctors of that city with the authority of the university. Had not I also the counsels and opinions of many the most cunning and best learned theologians of Italie 1 as I suppose the king's majesty knoweth, to whom I sent a great many of those coun sels ; and the names and fame of them which have so coun selled be so notorious and known to all men that it may soon be seen whether I have said truth. All these things which I did with the said theologians were only at my cost ; for I by the means and help of my friends rewarded them with offices and benefices, and that notwith standing they put mo still to trouble and charge. But all these things were done by me in the dominion of the see p. ". apostolic, yea and that against the will of the legate apostolic who greatly was against me in those things. But in the realm also of Naples being subject [unto the em]peror we had the counsels in the favor of the king's majesty [in] the procuring whereof Mr. Paule my brother was slayne. Furthermore [when all the] colleges knew, that the Pope [had] grounded himself upon the sentence of Mr. Normanotius tus learned in the law, a Florentine, being a faithful servant of the Pope's; went not I to Florence and reduced him to our purpose 1 as it appeareth in his counsel which I sent together with his letters directed to the king's majesty. In which matter the Pope greatly complained of me. And further (which is much more) did not I bring to pass that one of the best learned Cardinals of the Consistory did write in the favor of the king's majesty without any reward ? for the which the Pope and the Imperials were so angry. And was not the Cardinal of the Mcunte by mine only means and industry in duced into the favor of the king's majesty without any re ward, who afterwards what he did for the king's majesty I am sure it is not unknown to his highness and his, nor yet to the ambassadors and cardinals of Fraunce. Let us pass and omit to speak what I did in the conducing of Mr. Hyerom Previ- THE REFORMATION. 517 dellus, who was so great a mirror to the king's cause ; yet did I also many other things of much greater moment, which p. 12. for good considerations I will not rehearse, chefely when ther some of you which I know not to be ignorant in the ma[tter]. Furthermore not alonely to [have done] the office and duty of a servant but also to have [done] more than one brother would do for another [that] is to say insomuch as I h[ave done for the] king's highness that I never durst do for myself. And through the sufferance of God, there are yet many living which can witness who was the cause that it, was openly spoken in the court of Rome and in the emperor's court that the king's highness did minister true and good law in the principal cause ; and whether I was the only and chief cause and let that the emperor did not obtain the sentence in the principal cause which he so greatly desired ; and whether I was in cause that the empe ror himself was deluded and frustrate of the great hope he had in the Cardinal of Anconitan. Furthermore, because I would accomplish and do the king's commandment, I sent my kinsman Mr. Vincent to execute the same, wherein he must needs both use his wits and policy, and also offend the Pope with many other, yea and God himself also. In which business through the difficulty of the times and country my kinsman there died. Consider ye therefore whether these things be correspondent to those things which are so unjustly objected against me. p. 13- And what service I did the king's highness in the time of the Cardinal of Yorke I will not express, the matter would make so long a book, but it sheweth enough to know this, that first, as it was laid and prescribed unto me, I obtained the king's cause to be committed to the said Cardinal of Yorke and the Archbishop of Caunterbury. Afterwards I so handled the Pope that he promised to confirm and approbate such sen tences as the said judges commissioners should pronounce and give in the same cause. Which promise I had in writing sub scribed with the Pope's own hand. I obtained also a Bull Decretal which was delivered (as the Cardinal of York in the king's name commanded) unto the Cardinal Campegius. I spared not also to shew unto the Cardinal of Yorke that Campegius was neither profitable, ne yet to be trusted in this 518 RECORDS OF cause, wherefore it was to be required that the legacie should be committed unto an other. I declared also to the king's ambassadors (as Mr. Bryan and Peter Vannes being then at Rome know well enough) all such things as Campegius pro cured against the king's highness. Neither I omitted to fore warn the Cardinal of York of all such things as hath followed p. 14. and to propone and provide remedies which he might have used. Also the said Mr. Bryan and Peter Vannes know well enough what I had prepared and practised with the new Pope for [the king's] cause, if the Pope that now is should (as it was thought) have died. I will also shew unto you, for meseemeth it shall help somewhat to [my defense] that now four years are passed sithen it was both written and shewed unto the king's highness that I ruled the Pope at mine own pleasure, that he wrought all by my counsels, and that there were many things given me of him. Furthermore because I was against the king's highness, his majesty there fore could not obtain his purpose ; which when the king's ma jesty had shewed unto my friend Gurone, and he had written it unto me, I would answer none other thing but that the end of the matter should declare such tales not only not to be true but also directly contrary to the truth. Now would I require you to be judges in this cause. Ye know well that those men which brought those tales and complaints of me to the king's majesty are now in great favour with the Pope, and as for me (as it is openly known) and specially to many of you, the Pope hath, most unjustly and not without his own great shame, p. t5. taken from me six thousand ducats which lawfully belonged and appertained unto me, given of my wife's patrimony. Also against all law and righteousness he hath taken from my brother a certain monastery which the [Venecy]ans had committed unto him ; for which cause my said brother is now excommunicate. Furthermore my cousin is of the said Pope derobed and spoiled of such honor, dominion and authority as he greatly flourished with in Bononye ; with all which things the Pope cannot yet satisfy himself but daily afflicteth and oppresseth us with divers molestations and troubles. Therefore syth these things are manifestly known unto you, meseemeth the same ought to be sufficient to purge me of such things as are objected against me, specially by such a light THE REFORMATION. 519 person. These things by me above rehearsed I am at aU times ready to prove and justify ; shew ye me therefore what things are to be excused and justified, and I promise that with all diligence I will right gladly do it. Neither yet it should seem inconvenient if the king's majesty, in reward of our ser vice, would for the nones send some just and sober man into Italie to examine and be instructed of those things which in so grave and weighty a cause are very necessary and requi site ; for sith that (as it is known to all the world) I have not p. 16. sticked so often to put my life in hasard for the king's cause, have consumed and spent the most part of my . . . . lod and patrimony in his service, have lost my n and brought myself in hasard both with the Pope and the whole court of Rome, and finally have [suffer] ed such things as are above rehearsed, it should be undoubtedly a great im piety and a thing never heard of before, if the king's majesty for my recompense and reward would so ignominiously de fraud me of mine honor and good fame, which only is left unto me; which thing I will take to be done by his grace so long as these things shall not be by you clearly manifested, seeing that the words, Ues and vanity of that so light a fellow have been so highly extemed with you that ye would vouchsafe to hear him above all other, and interrogate him of such things as he hath so published, opened and divulgated that they are well known and comune not only in Englonde but also in Fraunce and Italie ; therefore I had rather die than suffer one spark of those things which are objected against me to remain in men's hearts. Inquire therefore I pray you of the king's servants which are here present and have been colleagues with me in Italy many years past in the king's affairs whose names are these — The Bishop of Bath, Mr. Russell, Doator Knight, the Bishop of Wynchester, Mr. Almoner, Mr. Bryan, Mr. p. 17. Peter Vannes, the Bishop of Caunterbury, the Bishop of London, Doctor Kerne and Doctor Boner. These are they which I pray you examine upon their oath that they upon their mere and pure conscience do protest and witness with what industry, study, diligence, labor, [care]fulnes and zeal I have ever handled the king's affairs ; which if ye will not do as I require and obteste you, I will appoint you both the times and facts whereby ye shall know that I at all times 520 RECORDS OF have had witness of my service done, and ye shall find that always I have served the king faithfully. But I am pryvate of an ancient, and. grave witness of my labor, diligence and fidelity, Doctor Benet, who I would to> Criste were now living, for of him ye might learn all these things ; and yet I fear not but he hath in his Ufe time testified unto the king's majesty his servants and ministers what service I have done. I remit myself to their relations and reports. Of truth I will not deny that it is high wisdom sometime to have servants in suspicion but yet for a cause ; but why ye should suspect me, I cannot imagine any other cause but that p. 18. ye take me for a fool and judge me to have played the fool in that I have preferred the king's service above my own profit without any cause or utility, and also in that I would lose all mine own estimation and good fame to profit the king's ma jesty, but rather ought to have profited myself and mine own doings, which hath been far contrary to the things which ye suppose to be in me. I think there be no man in Christendom hath had more occasion to attain high honor and promocion than I. I saw the Pope both before and after his captivity in such calamity and misery that he had no man besides me that either would or could help him, such was the king's mind. If at that time I would have esteemed honor, dignities and promotions better than the king's service, who doubteth but I might have had a great many and of the best ? The Duke of MiUayn offered me a lordship being of the yearly value of four thou sand ducats if I would assent that the lord of Lautrech should not go out of Lombardy (as all the Frenchmen required). Yet because it pleased not the king's highness so, I resisted all their sentences and minds, and threatened that I would not deliver the money unless they would go further. P 19. I could have assented unto other men's wills and done such things as did redound unto mine own profit, which I might have done the more facyllie because I had no commission to do such things only as I myself should judge to be most necessary for the victory to be obtained. But I would ever keep myself syncere and faithful in all things, nor it shall [n]ot be found that ever I took any bribe or reward, which that ye may know be true, behold the inopye and poverty of my house. I THE REFORMATION. 521 know not therefore by what means ye are induced to suspect me, but if ye think not these my words to be true though they be known well and evident enough, yet shall ye do a thing most acceptable unto me to try out the truth, ye shaU very facyllie perceive that, syth I began to serve the king I have spent and consumed of my father's goods more than 30 thousand duccats, insomuch that if I had not had much substance come to me of my wife's dowry, I should now have been in an evil case. And yet the Pope doth daily so trouble and molest me that I think all that is left will shortly be brought to nought. Ye shall find also that I and my kindred shall be an example to every man of the ingratitude of princes ; and besides that, a common jesting stock to all men which for our service with great loss have no reward at all. Albeit I had daily so many promises that the purse wherein they be kept is now full. And now that I thought the time of my reward to be at p. 20. hand, I have perceived a right good one to be prepared for me, and precious one, and well coloured, that is to be released from the pains which servants taketh. Finally, I have thought this not to be omitted, that where as by the help and means of the Cardinal of York the French king gave me an annual pension of five [thousand] ducats, which pension was paid me many years, forasmuch (as according to my duty) I shewed as I thought of the French men and perceived them sometime to break from the king's party, and saw the king's highness defer all unto them, Joachim shewed unto me that my pension was restrained and that I should obtain nothing of that the king's highness procured for me in Fraunce. And yet I never spared to signify unto his ma jesty all things as his highness knoweth well, and you most noble duke also ; for which cause at the_ last the said pension was taken from me, nor I never think nor hope to recover it. If I would have left off in such things as I might (with more honor) I had now had my pension. And my brother which giveth himself to the warre and chyvalrie should have had of the French king his fifty speres and his annual pension of a thousand ducats, like as the said French king promised unto the king's highness with his own mouth. Of all these things both the king's- highness and the Duke of Norfolk can p. 21, 522 RECORDS OF affirm that I lie not. But for this doing many and speciaUy the French men account me a fool. Nevertheless that that I have done pleaseth me right well, and if it so required I would do it again, and I am glad that I have done it ; for I think myself rich enough [a]s long [as I] may save mine honor and fame without corruption. Wherefore I heartily require you either to take my life from me or else to restore me my honor and fame taken from me 33. 33 This document is in a very rotten condition, but has been patched together so that but little has been lost. Number CCCXLIX. Original letter in Carne's hand sent with an enclosure to Cromwell by Came and Bonner from Susa, October 28, I533- Record AFTER due considerations had to your mastership with ce" like thanks for the singular goodness ye have always ex pressed towards us, for which we stand your bounden debtors, it may like the same to take the pain to deUver these letters here enclosed unto the king's highness as speedily as ye can. And thus eftsones most humbly recommending us unto your good mastership, we pray Almighty God to send you as much good health with encrease of honors as your own heart can desire. At Susa the 28th day of September, 1533. Your own most bounden Edward Karne. Edmond Boner. Endorsed — To the right honorable Master Thomas Crpmwell one of the King's Privy Counsell. THE REFORMATION. 523 Number CCCL. A pamphlet published towards the end of the year 1533 ^n justification of the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn. ARTICLES DEVI- SID by the hoUe consent of the Kynges moste honourable counsayle, his gratis licence optei- ned thereto, not on ly to exhorte, but also to enfourme his louynge subiectis of the trouthe. < 524 RECORDS OF The Kynges moste honourable counsale to the residue of his louynge subiectes. SINCE it is the part of all honourable and elect persons. chosen by the prince, when they do declare and utter matters' of weight, to observe an equity and truth in uttering of them, and to shew benevolence to the people, which be under, their prince, in admonishing them of things which are necessary for them to know; we therefore, the -king our sovereign's most faithful counsellors and subjects, with whole assent and by his license, have thought most convenient and necessary to intimate unto you (the rest of his subjects) these articles fol lowing for your better condition and knowledge, and to open unto you truly the manifold injuries done unto our king and sovereign, which (we being his true and faithful subjects) may in no wise sustain or suffer : but study and endevoyr our selves by all ways to us possible, to redoube and requite the same, and to take the injuries and wrongs done to his person (in whom is all our wealth and joye) more earnestly than if it were done to us alone. And so shall we do acording to our duties, and thereby deserve merit of God, to whom most humbly we pray, that he will vouchsafe to have, support, defend, and keep under his wing and tuition our most noble prince, the queen now being his wife, with their issue and all us his true and loving subjects. Quia in te Domine speramus. THE REFORMATION. 525 The first Article. First the mere truth is, that no living creature of what fol. 3. astate, degree, or dignity so ever he be, hath power given him by God to dispense with God's laws or law of nature. Which thing is confirmed and determined in our prince's case, by an infinite number of well learned men, strangers, by the most part also of all the most famous universities of Christendom, and specially, and above all (to our estimation,) he wholet clergie of this realm. Whereupon and in discharge also of his conscience, being auctorized by act of Parliament, our Metropolitan Archbishop of Canturbury hath adjudged the first matrimony to be contrary to God's laws and thereby not lawful and this present matrimony now enjoyed, lawful and perfect. Wherefore we all (that be our prince's true subjects) ought in this his just and true matrimony e, to Uve and die fob 3 b. with him, and his, of this venter come or coming. The second Article. Secondly, the councils of Nyce, Melyvence, and Aphricane, with others also, have determined that causes of strife or con troversy being once begun in any region, shall there and in the said region be finally determined, and none other where, expressly denying the courts of beyond the sea to oblige any man to appear at them, for divers weighty considerations in them expressed, which notwithstanding the bishop of Rome by some men called Pope, the usurper of God's law and in fringer of general councils, hath hitherto wrongfully detained at Rome, and would do still, except otherwise our prince and his parliament had provided, his great and weighty cause, contrary to all right and conscience to the utyer undoing of fob 4. this realm. Which things the prince and his whole Parliament, con sidering and taking some light upon the foresaid general councils and, weighing also other wise and politic reasons, thinking verily this amongst other considerations, that it were not mete that the inheritance of this realm should depend upon the bishop of Rome, or any other stranger's -will and pleasure, which other by affection, mede, or fear might and ¦would order it after his worldly affections and appetites, as it 526 RECORDS OF well appeareth this holy bishop of Rome would have made a commodiously and wealthy law lately both for us and him, By which, good people (living within the limits of true matri mony within this realm) shall not by malice or evil will be so long detained and interrupted from their right and as in times passed they have been, Nor injuste matrimony shall have his unlawful and incestuous demoure as by delays to Rome it was wont to have, which may evidently appear now, by that, that our Prince's weighty and long protracted cause of Matrimony. hath now here his final and prosperous end, with brefe success of issue already had and other Uke to follow, lauds be unto God, the only worker of the same : with which issue both you and we must both live and die, according to our aUegiance. The third Article. Thirdly, it is to be taken for a truth and equity agreeing with learning that an excusator in any bishop's court ef the world ; the party either not being bound personally to appear there, (as by all learning our Prince is not at Rome) or being impedite by any other lawful causes, which they by their own law have limited, should be admitted to answer for the past fob 5. against which equity, the bishop of Rome hath also rejected our prince's excusator, which injury although it be not yet put in execution against any other person, (saving our prince and king) yet that example shall remain for a prece dent in prejudice of all princes and potestates. Wherefore we would advise them briefly to look upon it, and we and ye the rest of his subjects, so to detest this great injury done to our prince and consequently to us, that the bishop of Rome and all his shall see that except it and aU other injuries done to our prince and sovereign be shortly redoubed, we will revenge it to the uttermost of our power, and in so doing we do but our duty, yet surely we doubt not but it shall be very accept ably taken by our prince and king. w The fourth Article. Fourthly, the right belief of all true Christian people is that fob s b. the general council (lawfully gathered) is superior and hath power over all bishops and spiritual powers, not excepting the THE REFORMATION. 527 bishop of Rome. In ccnfirmation of which opinion the appro bate council of Basil saith these words — Whosoever opposeth himself obstinately against this truth is to be taken by all true Christian people as an heretic. Wherefore, loving friends, let us so handle ourselves both in words and deeds, that we be not taken, for any fond scruple in this trap, and let not herein our eyes be so blinded, nor our ears made so deaf with the sayings or preachings of any papists, that we run headlong against the true belief of aU right Christen people. The fifth Article. Fifthly, by the law of nature, it is granted and admitted for lawful, that a man being grieved, vexed or troubled injustly, may appeal from the bishop of Rome, to the general council, fol. 6. which so being, then specially such liberty is most convenient for princes, and they not to be rejected therefrom, nor it not a thing by them to be neglected or omitted, which have but two ways principally where none other can prevail, to attain right, the one against the other, that is to say in causes con cerning the soul and mere spiritual appellation to the general Council. In temporal the sword only, except by mediation of friends, the matter may be compounded, so that whosoever would go about to take away any of these natural defences from them is to be manly withstande both by the prince and his subjects. And thereto we be animate by our right father which redeemed us, our lord Jesu Christe, in that he saith — Obey ye princes above all, and then their deputies not giving power to any other within their rules and dominions. fol. 6 b. The sixth Article. Sixthly, after that appellations be lawfully made from the bishop of Rome (which calleth himself Pope) unto the General Council he is bound by the law neither to do, ne attempt any further process, in prejudice of the appellant, which if he do, by the forsaid laws, his doings cannot prejudice the appellant, and also it standeth void. The effect of which law must now take his strength in the benefit of our prince except too great injury be ministered unto him. For our prince and king according to the liberty of nature and constitutions of General 528 RECORDS OF Councils (as afore) hath both provoked and appealed to the General Council, next ensuing, rightfully congregate, from the usurper of God's laws and infringer of General Councils which fob 7. calleth himself Pope. In the which our prince's doings all just and true Christen men, I doubt not, will support and maintain him, which provocations and appellations also stand ing in force, and being intimate to the person of the said usur per (as indeed they be), sequestr-eth him rightfully from all manner of process belonging or in any wise appertaining to our prince's fact and matter, in any of his courts ; other dia bolic acts and statutes by some of his predecessors made as hereafter shall appear notwithstanding. Wherefore what cen sures, interdictions or other his cursed inventions, whatsoever they be, ought to be despised and manfully withstande, for they be nought indeed, and we (so doing) shall have for our buckler the latter and better part of this verse ensuing, and Psal. 36. the maligners the fore part of the same, which is, Quoniam qui malignantur, exterminabuntur ; sustinentes autem Dominum, ipsi hereditabunt terram. The seventh Article. Seventhly, the sentence of excommunication ought not to be executed by any minister of Christ's church, against any creature, except it be for deadly sin prohibite by God's law and Scripture, nor yet then, «xcept the party stand in contu macy or be heddye : howe sklenderly should we then esteem his censures and curses, which extendeth them upon us chiefly because we have made wholesome laws for the commodity and wealth of our prince and realm, secondly because they do prejudicate his worldly appetites and profits, thirdly because our prince will not (contrary to his conscience, directed by God's law, and the opinions of the most part of all the fob 8. best learned men in Christendome, as afore is rehearsed) live an incestuous life and abhomynable. These things be so contrarious to equity, reason and justice, that by his doings it may appear what manner a man he is, according Mat. 7. to a text of Scripture, which saith : Ex operibus eorum. co- gnoscetis eos. Wherefore we all (our prince's true subjects) ought to reckon, as reason and learning leadeth us, besides the THE REFORMATION. 529 due obedience to our prince, that the curse of him, which ministereth but injustly, as this is ministered, though it were within his jurisdictien, as it is not : shall redound to himself and hurt no man else. Wherefore in this let us all shew our selves like true and obedient subjects, not esteeming or hang ing upon any living creature, save only our prince and king, according to an old proverb here in England, of old time past, much wont to be set by, and oft times by true men rehearsed, which is, One Ged .and one king, minding thereby that all other folks' doings should be despised, which in any point may be contrary to them, in confirmation whereof the prophet David sayeth these words, Inimici vero Domini mox honorifi- Psal. 36. cati fuerint et exaltati, deficientes quemadmodum fumus de ficient. The eighth Article. Eighthly, it is the office of all manner of bishops, and a grant also indifferently made to them aU by God, that they should first friendly admonish and secretly reprove. Secondly afore record, charitably to reform (if they can) all manner of offenders of God's laws within their diocese, not using -any compulsories, except the parties persist obstinate and in con tumacy, which happening, then is it lawful for them to use censures and excommunications. And this manner of ways fob 9. only ought every bishop to use, although the bishop of Rome would them to do never so much to the contrary ; for they be bound more to obey God than mari, which office and ways (according to his duty) our good bishop of Canturbury (now living) hath begun to shew and follow. For first he apper- ceiving when he came to his dignity, that his prince and sove reign lived in unlawful and unfitting matrimony (according to his duty) meekly did admonish him and therein also reproved him, exhorting him to leave it, or else he would do further his duty in it, So that at the last, according to God's laws he did separate his prince from that unlawful matrimony. In which doing, we think that every true subject should much the better esteem him, because he would execute God's com mandment and set this realm in the way of true heirs. And how God herewith is pleased, we think it doth evidently ap pear by many things, First, so briefly upon this latter and vol. n, Mm 530 RECORDS OF lawful matrimony, so soon issue had : Secondly, so fair weather with great plenty of corn and cattle : Thirdly, peace and amitie lately sought by divers princes and potentates of our prince : Fourthly, the pureness of air without any pestilential or contagious disease, by so long time during, which things we ought to thank God for, and to take them for demonstrations that he is pleased both with our prince and his doings. Where fore let us all that be his true subjects both rejoice in it and apply us accordingly to serve both God, him and his in it, according to our bounden duties. The ninth Article. fob 10. Ninthly, that where indeed by Scripture there is none authority ne jurisdiction granted more to the bishop of Rome than to any other extra provinciam, yet because that suffer ance of people and blindness of princes with their supportacion hitherto hath sustained the same, doing themselves thereby too great injury and more than necessary, to open the same to the world, to the intent it esteem not, ne honor him as a God for fear of idolatry, he being but a man and what manner a man, a man. neither in life nor learning, Christ's disciple, a man also, though the see Apostolic were of never so high autho rity, contrarious, unlawful also by their own decrees to occupy and enjoy his usurped place. For first he is both baste and came to his dignity by Symony, and now in denying the provocation and appeal of our sovereign lord the king and supporting the diabolic decree of his predecessor Pius, is determined by a general council Vere hcereticus, that is to say an heretycke. Wherefore all we (being true Christen people, he thus con tinuing) ought to despise both him and his facts, and be no longer blinded with him, but give ourselves whoUy to the ob servance of Christ's law in which is all sweetness and truth, adjoining with it the laws of this realm, utterly relinquishing the other, in which is nothing else but pomp, pride, ambition and ways to make themselves rich which is much contrarious to his profession, our lord amend him and give him grace no longer to be blinded with him. Amen. Finis. THE REFORMATION. 531 Londini in JSdibus fob n- Thomae Bertheleti M.D.XXXIII. Cum privilegio 3*. 34 This document has been printed ter, the Latin quotations being in from a transcript made from the Roman character. It consists of Grenville Library, 1237, bound up eleven leaves foliated, eight of sig- with ' A Glasse of the truthe.' It nat. A, three of signat. B. is beautifully printed in black let- M m 2 532 RECORDS OF Number CCCLI. The final sentence pronounced by Clement VII affirming the validity of the marriage of Henry and Catharine. Grenville, ANGLICI MATRIMONII ' SENTENTIA DIFFINITIVA. Lata per Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum, Deminum Cle- mentem Papam Septimum, in sacro Consistorio de Reveren- dissimorum Dominorum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalium consilio, super validitate Matrimonii inter Serenissimos Hen ricum Octavum et Catherinam Angliae Reges contracti. PRO eadem Serenissimd Catherine/, Anglia Regind CONTRA Serenissimum Henricum Octavum Anglia Regem. Clemens Papa Septimus. Christi nomine invocato in Trono justitiae sedentes, et solum Deum prae oculis habentes, Per hanc nostram diffinitivam sen tentiam quam .de Venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalium Consistorialiter coram nobis congregatorum Consilio et assensu ferimus in his scriptis, pronuntiamus, decernimus, et declaramus, in causa, et causis ad nos, et Sedem Apostolicam per appellationem, per charissi- mam in Christo filiam Catherinam Angliae Reginam Illustrem a nostris, et Sedis Apostolicae legatis in Regno Angliae depu- tatis interpositam legitime devolutis et advocatis, inter prae- dictam Catherinam Reginam et Charissimum in Christo filium Henricum VIII. Angliae Regem Illustrem, super Validitate et invaliditate matrimonii inter eosdem Reges contracti, et con- sumati rebusque aliis in actis causae et causarum hujusmodi latius deductis, et dilecto filio Paulo Capissucho causarum sacri palatii tunc decano et propter ipsius Pauli ahsentiam THE REFORMATION. 533 VenerabiU Fratri nostro. Jacobo Simonetae Episcopo Pisauri- ensi unius ex dicti palatii causarum Auditoribus locumtenenti, audiendis, instruendis, et in Consistorio nostro Secreto refer- endis commissis, et per eos nobis, et eisdem Cardinalibus Relatis, et mature discussis, coram nobis pendentibus, Matri monium inter praedictos Catherinam, et Henricum Angliae Reges contractum, et inde secuta quaecunque fuisse, et esse validum et canonicum validaque, et Canonica, suosque debitos debuisse, et debere sortiri effectus, prplemque exinde suscep- tam et suscipiendam fuisse, et fore legitimam, et praefatum Henricum Angliae Regem teneri, et obligatum fuisse, et fore ad cohabitanditm cum dicta Catherina Regina ejus legitima, conjuge, illamque maritali affectione et Regio honore tractan- dum, et eundem Henricum Angliae Regem ad praemissa omnia, et singula cum effectu adimplendum condemnandum omni busque juris Remediis cogendum, et compellendum fore, prout condemnamus, cogimus, et compellimus, Molestationesque et denegationes per eundem Henricum Regem eidem Catherinae Reginae super invaliditate, ac foedere dicti Matrimonii quomo- dolibet factas, et praestitas fuisse, et esse illicitas, et injustas, et eidem Henrico Regi super illis ac invaliditate matrimonii hujusmodi perpetuum Silentium imponendum fore, et impo- nimus, eundemque Henricum Angliae Regem in expensis in hujusmodi causa pro parte dictae Catherinae Reginae coram nobis, et dictis omnibus legitime factis condemnandum fore, et condemnamus, quarum expensarum taxationem nobis impos- terum reservamus. Ita pronunciavimus I. Lata fuit Romae in Palatio Apostolico publice in Consistorio die 23 Martii, M.D.XXXIIII. Blositjs 35- 35 This document has been printed Roman type. The Sentence has from a transcript made from the been printed by Legrand, from original, broadside in the Grenville whom it was copied by Tierney, Library, 1542. The large type is and appears also in a correct form in the original in black letter, the in Foxe, from whom it was care- small type in Italics, the words lessly copied by Wilkins, Pro and Contra being alone in 534 RECORDS OF Number CCCLII. Holograph letter from Sir Thomas faux to the Duke qf Norfolk, reporting the Queen's protest against the title of Princess Dowager; written April 18th, 1534. Otho, C. x. MOST humbly beseeching your grace to take the rudeness fob 177. of [these] my simple letters but as a declaration of the good [wnT] which of duty I ought to bear unto the king [his] high ness my sovereign lord. By the which a[lso] I am constrained to advertise unto your grace how [that], notwithstanding the monycion given here by my lorde [Montjoy] in the king's behalf unto all such usshers of ch [ambers] and other ministers of the same as were there prese[nt on] gppde Friday in the even, and en the merrow all [the princess'] officers by me warned that from thenceforth she [be caUed] and be served at all offices for such things as [shall] appertain, in the name of a princess dowage[r, yet daijly now they serve and call for the queen, [which thing] my said lord for his part in the cham ber nor [in the] houshold can well reforme, notwithstanding d[ivers attempts] made therefore. For here now they say that [they have] seen none authority why they should not so ca[ll] her, but only by our rapportes. Also, perceiving h[ow] our maistres the princess here doth often and [vehemently] protest that she is queen crowned and ano[ynted, as] I have myself heard her say, especially o[n Saturday] last to the sergient of thaccatry 3o' Mr. Hennynge and [other] the king's servants hither at that time resort[ing, how] that she suffered for the wrong, from the [which God] should deliver her, and how that she was the [king's] wife and queen of England, and that so she [would call] and take herself, howsoever any other should [repute] her, life enduring, not seying by wha[t cause she] should lose her name or dignity, not b[eing put away] nor divorsed, with many other words openly [said in the] 36 The accatry, sometimes spelled acatry. THE REFORMATION. 535 chamber of presence, which were very [long and tedious] to rehearse. Wherefore these premis[es weighed] and considered, it may please your grace [as soon] as ye can, that some letters under the [king's hand] may be hither directed, declaring [our duties] as touching the name and service of our maistres fob r77 ' here, so that the same expressly pubUshed may be obeyed and my said lord Montjoy and I discharged from the blame and suspect which by our said maistres and divers other of her servants is daily imputed unto us, insomuch that for my part I had rather die in some other of the king's service than here to continue much longer. I have spoken to divers calling for the queen to use such term and name as was declared unto the[m] by the king's cpmmandment, saying that if the sa[me w]ere not foUowed the offenders should be punished, [w]hich if it might stand with the king's pleasure [this] advice is thought very requisite that so [me m]ight suffer for the ex ample of other. My lo[rd M]ontjoy will depart for four or five days on Mon [day ne]xt, to keep certain observances and festin h[is h]ouse, in the honor of the noble order of the gart[er, Sai]nt George day, and as I think the rather [wi]U thither resort because my lady his wife [is ve]re sick. In whose absence (I fear me) I [hav]e much to do, if I should rebuke or contrar[y them] of their negligence. Therefore under [your gra]ce's favour, I would beseech that it might [please you] to write unto Mr. Brian, that he should d . . ure into this house, in the absence of my [lor]d, to assist both me and other in the king's [service if cau]se should so require, or else at least [to order me to] depart or be sent for unto your grace for men wax here very strange. Thus of your favourable pardon, I have presum[ed] write re quiring that I may somewh[at be inform] ed of the king's pleasure and yours, whereby I [shall be] instructed and com forted. At Ampt[hill the 18th day] of this present month of Aprill. 536 RECORDS OF Number COOLIIL Holograph letter from Gardiner to Cromwell concerning the imposing of the Oath of Succession ; written on Tuesday, May $th, 1534. otho, c.x. MASTER Cromwel, fob 171. After my most hearty cemmenda[tiens] ye shall understand that receiving the commission from the king's highness for taking othes according to th[e late] Acte of his grace's succession, upon Wednesday last t[he 29th of April] I used such diligence for the execution of the said com [mis sion] that upon the Monday foUowing which was yesterd[ay were] net only assembled here at Winchester my lord .... Chamberlain and as many of the other commissione [rs] .... as were within the shire and might travail but [there also] appeared before us in the great hall of the caste [1 there] my lord Audeley, a good number of ge[ntlemen], all Abbotts, pryors, Wardens of fryers and the gov[ernor] of the fryer obser vaunts at Hampton now in the abs[ence of] the war den with all the curates of all the [other] churches and chapels within the shire, the [Isle of] Wight only except, which all did take [the said] othe very obediently, as this bearer can s[ignify unto] you. And at the same time the abbo[ts and priors] and curates did according as I had ord[ered, viz. all of] them, present unto us bylles'of all [the names] of the religious and servants in their hou[ses and of the] parishioners in their parishes menkind only [which are] above the age of 14. So as having befor[e marked out] the country and distance of one villag[e from] an ether and made such a limitation in . . . townes to fitte as the people shal n[ot have muche] travayle in their apparaunce abov[e] We know what is to doo by the in . . . . it should be execute for the cem people, and by all lightlywod wyl fob 171 b. be or we canne overcume it. And in this latter ppint, if ye have respect to the acceleration of the matier, it is necessary THE REFORMATION. 537 ye knowe our lak here which is not I assure37 of good will in those that be named cemmissioners, who have gladly and wil lingly taken upon them to do their parts allotted unto them. But of all that be named we be but 12 that be in the shire present and can attend it, and yet of those 12 two be cus tomers of Hampton and say they must attend upon the galeys and spend some time there ; for the remedy hereof, if it be thought requisite to be remedied, I send unto you the names of such as be thought here mete to be [in the] commission for this purpose. Wherein ye shall perceive [is] a long work and will require a long tracte of ty[me], and it be not divided among many commissioner [s], considering specially that every man's name mus[t] be written as our commission purporteth and certified] .... And yet hitherto we take men only for men a[nd] not women. Wherein I pray you write somewh[at] again of the king's pleasure that we err not. I [have] com mitted the effect of this matter to be declared un[to] you to this bearer whom I have likewise desi[red] to solicit your speedy answer. And thus m[ost he]artily fare ye well. From Winchester, 5th [day of] Maye. Your assured frie[nd] Ste. Win[ton]. 37 you has been omitted by accident. 538 RECORDS OF Number CCCLIV. Letter from Fitzwilliam to Cromwell about the Queen's keeping her Maundy ; written in May, 1534. otbo, c x. MASTER Secretary, 168. b. After most hearty recommendations ; these shall be to ad vertise you that the king's highness hath had consultation with [my] lord of Norfolk and with me upon the contents of the letter here inclosed; And forasmuch as it appeareth by the said letter that the lady princess dowager intendeth to keep a Maundy, aUeging for herself that my lady the king's Graunt dame during her life kept a yearly Maundy and that divers and many houses of religion within the realm doth yearly the same, she thinketh herself as far bound, and may as well keep a Maundy as they. His highness' pleasure [is] that ye do advertise her officers whose names be subscribed in the said letter that in case she will be contented to keep her Maundy in her chamber secretly or openly in the name of princess dowager in like manner as my lady the king's Graunt dame did, in the name of Countesse of Richemount and Derby his highness is right well contented that she shall keep her said Maundy, as honorably and liberally as any lady hath within this realm (the queen's grace excepted). And [if] she will refuse so to do, but allege that she will keep her said Maundy in the name of Queen, T[hat] then they shaU shew unto her that if she should attempt so to do, that not only she but also [her officers] and all such poor people as should receive her said Maundy should encurre too far in danger of [the] laws and pf high treason. Which they er in any wise may suffer. And that they see [that she kep]e no Maundy, otherwise than in the name of prin[cess do]wager. And thus the blessed Trinity have y[ou in his] blessed preservation. At Richemount this ... . May at night. Your servant THE REFORMATION. 539 Number CCCLV. A Pamphlet printed in the year 1534, in defence qf the Abolition of the Papal Supremacy. A LITEL TREATISE agegnste tjje muttergnge of somt papfstfs fa tomra. LONDINI IN iEDIBUS THO. BEETHELETI. AN. M.D.XXXIIII. CUM PEIVILEGIO. 540 RECORDS OF TREATISE. FORSOMUCH that some controversy, at the first sight of certain books of late put forth concerning the bishop of Rome called the Pope, rose among the People, some marvelling that we should so suddenly relinquish and forsake that custom that had so long continued, and some were so blinded that they thought it should be against our faith, to forsake the Pope (but I think they that so supposed, did put more their trust in the Pope than in Christe). And the most part of that sort made none other reason but this : That if we do well now, thus to forsake the Pope, then all our forefathers did amiss, and so A. ii. did we also, till this present time, which were under obedience and subjection of the bishop of Rome named Pope : and they believed that he had authority and power to make laws and to bind and leuse what and whom he would. This was the greatest reason that many men made ; which I suppose they did either of affection or else through ignorance. I have thought it therefore very expedient to labour for my power to answer and partly to satisfy their doubts to the intent that after they know the truth they should be ashamed so to clatter in corners against it and also (all things known) against their own profit. And shortly to answer unto their fore made reason, I say that if our forefathers did believe the Pope to have had such a power and authority given him by God that he might make laws and order all matters and businesses of Christendom after his owne lust and pleasure (like as very many of them have done this viii. c. years and more), then were they blind and in a wrong belief, which thing I think verily they did not, but that all our forefathers as many as were learned and wise knew it for certain, that all such autho rity and power as the Pope had more than all other bishops or over and upon the same was not immediately given him by God, but he. had it granted him by kings and princes and the consent of men, or else came by it by wrong usurpation and tyranny'. For the same fathers knew right well that by the laws of God, all bishops were and yet now be in power and authority equal, and that the bishop of Rome in all points pf THE REFORMATION. 541 our faith and belief is subject unto holy Scripture and the General Council and may by the authority of the same as well be deposed for sufficient causes as any other bishop mav. And this right well may they know that read such holy fathers as both for life and learning have been ever most approved in Christes Church, as Saint Ciprian, saint Hierom, saint Am- A. iii. brose, seint Augustine, with other like. The which thing surely could never have been true, if that the Pope (as some Papists both' write and say) be head of the Church, and may do in earth what he will, and albeit that many good simple and unlearned folke have thought the great usurped power of the bishop of Rome to have been given to him by the law of God (hereunto induced by such as seeking their own profit in the maintenance thereof have been accounted learned), yet was not this matter unto them damnable, nor they therefore so much to be blamed but rather such as have seduced them herein. But this notwithstanding, to say truly in this matter, that is not so much to be regarded what our forefathers have done as what they ought to do. For as their good examples must be followed, so their yvel must be fled. Almighty God by the mouth of his prophet Ezechiel saith : Walk not in Eze. 20. your fathers' rules, neither keep their judgments, ne be not polluted with their idols ; for I am your lord God, but walk ye in my commandments (saith he) and keep my judgments and fulfil them, etc. Also Sainct Paule, one of our best fore- 1 Cor. ii. fathers, biddeth us follow him even as he followed Christ. Mark now. He saith even as he followed Christe ; meaning that in no case we should-follow him whereas he swarved from Christe. Wherefore if any of our forefathers, of ignorance, or for their own glory or lucre, have brought any custom into Christis church contrary to truth and his holy doctrine we ought of duty (refusing such erroneous custom) to follow the truth ; for if Sainct Paule himself which with a fervent zeal kept his fathers' traditions and laws, yea, and fiercely persecuted the transgressors of the same, had walked still in his fathers' steps, and had not forsaken them to come to the truth, he had never been saved. Hereunto accordeth Sayncte Augustine's words in his second book entitled De unico baptismo. Truth once known, saith he, custom must give place to the truth ; for who doubteth that custom ought to give place to the truth once 542 RECORDS OF C. si con- suetud. di. 8. Io. 8. 2. q. 7. c. Admo-nendi. Gal. 2. published. Nor let no man prefer custom afore reasen and truth, for always reason and truth putteth custom out of place. To this saying of Saint Augustine agreeth saint Gregori writing thus. If per case thou layest against us custom, it must be regarded that our Lord saith : I am the way, I am the truth, I am the life. He said not that I am old usage and custom but the truth. And certainly (as Sainct Cyprian saith) every custom, be it never so old, never so common and general, is to be utterly forsaken for the truth's sake ; and that usage that is contrary to the truth is utterly to be destroyed. Where fore notwithstanding any usage or custom, it is lawful and standeth very weU with God's word, the truth once known, to withdraw our obedience from the bishop of Rome ; by over much obedience unto whom of long season we have been se duced and led out of the right way, and have aUowed many of his vices for high virtues. Hereof Saincte Gregorie warneth us to take heed, saying, Subjects ought to be admonished not to be obedient unto their prelates mere than is expedient, lest whiles they endeavour themselves to be obedient to men more than need is, they should be compelled to reverence, allow and preyse their vices. See here Saint Gregori alloweth not such obedience whereby prelates' vices should be maintained. And surely in such things wherein they openly slander the Church, it standeth right well with the law of God openly to reprove them ; and from this the bishop of Rome although he were ten times called Pope, is not except ; or else we must needs grant that Saint Paule did amiss which reproved Peter (that is called the prince of the Apostles) even in the face, that is to say before the whole congregation of the Church. If Saynt Paule did thus to saint Peter, that was instituted by Christe himself and when Saincte Peter erred not in his faith, but for eating o.f meats prohibite to the Jewes, which was but a ceremony and at that time having no strength ; how much more then ought the Pope to be reproved of all good Christen people, the which being chosen and instituted by men without miracle or revolation (I will not say ofttimes by symonie) doth not only flee from the following of our saviour Jesu Christe, and his THE REFORMATION. 543 blessed Apostle Peter, whose successor the Pope and Papists say that he is, but also he excludeth clene Christe with his mekeness, poverty and obedience expressed in the holy evan gelists, and for Christe he wolbe knowen, and for Christis laws he bringeth forth laws and traditions of his own devising, the which wollen him to be lorde and syre over all, to be strong, rich and mighty, and that all men should be obedient to his will. And although some bring in, in this place here, this text Credo sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam, it can little help their argu ment; for I suppose that there was never wise men so far overseen, neither of our forefathers nor pf thpse that be in our time that believed that the Pope is the Catholic holy Church, but they knew well that he is but a member thereof, and the child of our mother the holy churche (if he be a true Christen man) and brother to every Christen man. And for a plain proof that this is true, our Saviour Jesu Christ taught us all to pray one prayer — Our Father that Mat. 6. art in heaven, etc. Then seeing that we all have but one Father which is in heaven and one mother, the holy Church, in earth, it is manifest and clear to all the world that the Pope and we be all brethren (if he be a true Christen man). And then. seeing the Pope is our brother, why should not he have and abide brotherly correction, according to the law of the Gospel; where Christe saith, If thy brother offend thee Mat. r 8. correct him between thee and him alone. ¦Luc' I7' And if some will yet say (supposing that he hath such authority of God -as he presumeth to have) that the Pope ought not to be thus laid unto, and so sharply constrained to shew to the world what authority he hath to do, as he long hath done, as for example to dispense in any case against the law of God : then the Apostles and brethren ought not in Act n. Judea to have laid it to Saint Peter's charge, when he was come to Hierusalem, and constrain him to shew the reason why he visited and taught Cornelius the Gentile, with whom by the Jews' laws he ought not to have companied, and there fore let no man think but that our forefathers took the Pope alway to be a man, a sinner and such a one as might well err and such a one as ought much rather to be examined of his life and state than the holy Apostle Peter for visiting of Cor- 544 RECORDS OF nelius : yea and our forefathers never took him for any other but such one as might well and ought to be reformed, cor rected, yea and clene deposed and put down as many Popes have been in times past, by kings and princes, whereof no man is ignorant, that hath read the stories that intreat of the busi ness of Christendome. And therefore no man ought to mar vel and mutture in corners, as though we should now attempt a thing in Englande which our forefathers had never at tempted in times past. For undoubtedly all men that were before time which were wise and well learned, and that knew Christe and his doctrine, and that willed Christe and his doctrine to reigne and to be known and followed of all Christen people, did abhor the pom pous and worldly state of the Pope and his traditions that he made to uphold the same : and they spared not to speak and write against his abominable abusions ; and for that cause they were alway put either to silence or else to death by the great princes of the world, at the instance of the Pope and his papists, of whom there is sprung up too great a number in every region and country : and all that was by reason that the noble princes themselves were unlearned, and could not judge in such matters but they gave alway credence to the false, subtle and sly persuasions of the Pope and his bolsterers. But now, thanks be to Almighty God from whom cometh all Jac. r. goodness, the father of lights, the princis hartis beginne to be lighted with the knowledge of Christis doctrine, and they begin to perceive what wey this wily wat hath walked all this long while : and what great hurt wrong and oppression they have suffered. And how much more injury he intended to do to our most gracious sovereign lord the king, whose highness, with his most honorable council have been constrained by their great labour and study to try out the truth. For if they themselves had not by their diligent study sought out his false fraud, the Popish forme should never have been re formed, nor it should never have been knowen that the Pope is but a bishop in his own diocese, and that he ought to preach and teach the people, and that he ought not to occupylord- ships of this world, but utterly to refuse all worldly honour, delight or pleasure, in riches and renome as Christe and his blessed Apostles did, whom he ought to follow. THE REFORMATION. 545 f AND furthermore to say, that the king's highness is displeased because the Pope will not foUow his grace's mind in his most weighty cause, is a saying both false and untrue, and it beseemeth us loving subjects se to surmise. For the very truth is that his grace hath of long season utterly refused the Pope's judgment in his great and weighty cause, and not now suddenly, as these men imagine, and hath committed the handling thereof unto all the best learned universities and to all the best learned men in Christendome, as unto such that for their learning could best judge in Goddis law, whereon his grace's cause wholly hangeth, never intending to stand to the Pope's judgment, unless he judged the same that the law of God would him herein to do, and that not because of his power and authority but for the truth's sake. To the which learned men and universities' determinations (as a prince most just and virtuous) he always offered himself to stand and abide, and according thereto hath now prosecuted his cause; which thing ye may well wit his grace would never have done except he had seen the law of God clerely on his side. Nor so many universities and excellent learned men would never have so determined except it had stande stiffly with the law of God. If his grace's matter had not been, as afore is said, it had been far more easy for his highness, if he had reck- b. oned the Pope's authority sufficient therefore, to have shortly corrupted him, being but one man the which thing is easy to be done; than with so great and importable charges, and with so long tract of time, to have sought for the truth in so many universities, in which are so many men of divers opinions and wits. And according to the truth, thus well and orderly known, his grace's cause hath been by sufficient authority of the Church of Englande, fully ended and determined : wherein no man ought to doubt the holy goste to be resident as well as at Rome, as right well may appear by the epistle of Affricane Council written unto Pope Celestine. 1 And yet for further contentation of all men, so that none, either learned or unlearned, should be with his grace's most just cause and doing herein offended, considering that a great part of the world did believe, as many yet doth (other. vol. n. n n 546 RECORDS OF wise than truth is), that the Pope by Goddis law hath autho rity above all other bishops to hear and determine causes within this realm of Englande : his highness attempering him self to the infirmity of the multitude, when he might lefully have withstanded by his own authority the Pope's usurped jurisdiction (whereby he would have enforced our sovereign to the breach of the law of God), and might right well unto Act 5. him have said, — We must rather obey God than men, he hath from all such usurpation and other injuries wherewith the Pope would, if he had been suffered, have aggreved his high- nesse : from all these (I say) he hath appealed unto the Gene ral Council and is herein like a true Christened and catholike b- ii. prince very well contented to abide such determination as the said Countil next to be assembled in our Saviour Jesu Christe shall ordeyne. Nothing hereby doubting the justness of his cause, so manifest to all the world : nor hereby bringing his said just cause already well and sufficiently determined into con troversy and new suit; the which to do is not his grace's purpose. And admit that the Pope had as great authority as he usurpeth, and as the Papists would fain bear men in hand that he hath, yet could he lette no man to appeal from him : fpr that were clerely against the law of Nature, which is not contrary to the law divine. For then a man being harmed or wronged by the Pope, either in body, members or fame, should not in this case be holpen nor eased. And if it be leful for any Christen man whatsoever he be, to appeal to the Council General as it is indeed : then what injury doth the Pope to our sovereign which doth- all that he can to drive him from his appeal. Yea what injury intendeth he to all men which labouring to make our prince and king a president, woll in time to come suffer no man to appeal from his cursed court. If AND though it were so that the Pope (admitting him to have such authority) did to no man but according to the will and word of God : yet he can not choose, but is bound to shew the reason why he so doth, before the Church, which the General Council gathered in the holy goste doth repre sent : like as Saincte Peter in Hierusalem, where the church THE REFORMATION. 547 was, did mekely make answer unto those that were of the Act n. circumcision, which disputed against him, saying — Why hast thou entered in among and eaten and dronke with those that be not circumcised ? To this the holy apostle did not only humbly and mekely and werynge, shew them the cause why he did it; but also he gave a lesson to all them that should follow him, humbly to do likewise. Be ye ready alway, saith i Petri 3. he, to answer and satisfy every man that asketh you a reason of your faith and hope with meekness and reverence. If BY all these reasons it is to you evident that our seve- reign hath now right good cause to open unto you what man ner of person the bishop of Rome is, the which after many monitions, refuseth at length to hear the church, that is to wit, the General Council, but will himself be judge at his own pleasure : he forcethe not for the doctrine of Christe, nor for the example of Peter, nor his teaching, but saith he will be obeyed, and according to his laws, the which be none other but his own will he wol have us do. ijr MORE over, if any Papist will come yet forth and tell you that the Pope may do what he will, and may bind and leuse what he lysteth here on earth, because Christe said to Peter, I wol give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, Mat. 6. let him not therewith blind and deceive you : for sainct Augustine, speaking of these keys in his first book De doc- trind Christiana saith thus : Those keys he gave to his church, that what soever the church would leuse in earth should be lowsed in heaven ; and whatsoever the church should bind in earth should be bound in heaven. Now it is well proved to you before that the Pope is nother the Church nor the head thereof, but a member (if he be a Christen man) and the child of our mother the holy church^_i AND further if any will yet tell you that at the least wise the Pope hath the keye of divine knowledge, whereof Christe speaketh, Lucae xi., whether he so have or no, ye shall perceive it thus : The gloss saith that this key is the humihty of Christe, the which whoso hath, hath the gate open to the understand ing of Scripture. Now take heed and see whether the Pope have this humility. Christe the very son of God did humble himself even to the very death, yea to the shameful death of the cross. The Pope (ye see very well) woU be exalted above Philip. 2. n n 2 548 RECORDS OF all other, in so much that kings, princes, dukes and lords must kneel to him and kiss his feet, and do him all the honor and worship that can be devised in this world. Wherefore it appeareth plainly that he hath not this key of knowledge which is Christis humility. If ALSO this key of knowledge may be taken and called- Esaie. 7. the faith according as Esaye the prophet saith. Except ye woll believe ye cannot understand. Now mark well whether the Mat. 1 7. Pope have this key of faith or no. Christe saith that he that hath as much faith as a little mustard seed shaU be able to command mountains to remove from one place to another, and there should be nothing impossible unto him. And again Mat. 19. Christe saith : All things are possible to him that believeth. Jo. 14. And again yet he saith in another place : He that believeth in me shall do the works that I do, and greater than those. This is to understand that, if the Pope were joined to Christ in his faith, as the Apostles were, he should be able to do like as the Apostles did, that is to wit, by his preaching of the Gospel truly he should convert and turn nations of misbe lieving people to the faith of Jesu Christe, which thing all the world seeth plainly he doth not : but by his pride, his tyranny and most grievous exactions he hath and doth (I fear me) compel great multitudes of people and whole countries and nations to forsake the faith of Christe. Wherefore seeing he hath nother the keys of heaven, nor the key of divine know- Mat. 5. ledge, nor the key of faith, I can perceive none other but that Mar. 9. he is the unsavery salt whereof our Saviour Christe speaketh in the Gospel, which is no better worth but to be thrown out of the doors and to be trodde under men's feet. AND now to come to a conclusion of this little treatise. Whereas it hath been spoken of many and divers that it was a merry world before men spake of any such matters, that is to wit, to have any reformation among them of the clergy, and before that men began to set light the Pope and to call him the bishop of Rome : that is as wise a saying and opinion as this is of them that say, since the crying down of Galy halfpens the learning of Duns never prospered. And also since Tenterdyn steeple was builded Sandwiche haven hath ever more decayed. But I pray you behold how the favourers pf blind abusipn wpuld fain bbw abroad smpky and misty THE REFORMATION. 549 reasons to dark and dim men's eyes withal. They say it was merry before such matters were moved, but they tell not what time it was, with whom, nor wherein it was merry. And if they mean that the nobUity and commons of this realm of Englande had more riches and greater plenty of food and vitaile, and lived in much more wealth and more at their heart's ease in lawful liberty ; then let them consider that this was before the Pope and his clergy were grown so great, so strong and mighty, and to so huge possessions and riches as they welde at this day ; for before that time they preached the Gospel truly, they were meek and lowly spirited, and suffici ency was to them abundance ; they were charitable, they were mild and merciful and gave good example, and men gladly followed them; then reigned love and liberality, then there was peace and unity that caused great plenty in every place. But after they were once endowed with possessions and their minds inordinately drowned in them and that covetousness began to creep in among them, after that (I say) followed all mischief and misery, all wretchedness and penury. The Pope he polled a pace for his part ; yea whom would it not make right sorrowful and heavy in heart to remember what ryches this cursed caytiffe the Pope hath polled out of this realme by the space of these three hundred years, yea within these 40 years, or within these 20 years. What pilleth he yearly, what mischievous means doth he invent and seek out to rob and spoil us of our wealth. What laws hath he devised, what legations, what and how many divers courts, what dispensa tions, what pensions out of abbeys exempt, what Peter pens out of parishes, what reservations, what constitutions, what citations, what suspensions, what pardons, what kind of curs ings and blessings and absolutions, what wyles, what gyles, what frauds, what devilish deceipts and snares are daily covertly couched to catch coin from the people. Oh good lorde, how the Pope and his ministers daily devise and prac tise to polle and pylle the people of this realm of their money. And yet I speak nothing of the great unquietness and vexa tion that many sely souls have, over and besides the loss of their goods, He the most unhappy patron and his, be the very cause of all our misery, of all our scarcity, and of all our vexation and trouble. Who be the occasion and stirring up 550 RECORDS OF of war and strife in Christendome but'the Pope and Papistis? Look, who so lysteth, and he shall surely find that the Pope and his, to save and keep up still their pompous and worldly state, have alway been the inventers of mischief, and destruc tion of people, by their ungodly instigations of princes to wars. Yea, if the truth should be shewed of the great ruin that hath risen by them and their means in Christendome, it would abhorre any man, were he never so partiall on the Popis side, either to read or hear it. But I will let that pass. I am right sorry that we should have cause to shew you so much of him as I have, save alonely I would all such as be blinded or be ignorant should perceive, that our most gracious sove reign lord the king is most specially moved to do as he doth of his princely pity and zeal that his highness beareth to his true and loving subjects. Surely I say this his tyranny and pillage in manner constraineth the king his grace to deliver this his realm from the captivity and bondage of the Pope and keep within the said realm (for the wealth and safeguard of the same) the great and huge sums of money that were wont to run to Rome. If AND if it be not sufficient enough to persuade some of you to see and so clerely to behold how clene contrary to the law of God the Pope demeaneth himself, the which he is bounde, in all that ever he may do, to follow, then at the least wise, let the great misery and pore state that this most noble and sometime the most flourishing realm of Christendome, is brought into by the pollynge of the Pope, move and stir you to stand stiffly with our most benign and loving sovereign lord and prince, that is fully bent and goeth about to rid his realm of this thraldom, and to restore and bring it again out of poverty to plenty, and from ravyne to riches, and from trouble and grievous vexation to quietness and rest, and so finally to all the former wealthy state, whereunto as good and true sub jects, with all your hearts ye are also bounde by the laws of God, his quarrel being thus just, and he intending so great a commodity to all the realm. According as the holy Apostle Eo. 13. Paule saith : Let every soul be subject to the high powers, for the powers that be are ordained of God. So that he that resisteth the high power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And they that resist seek their own damnation. Look how straitly THE REFORMATION. 551 the Apostle bindeth us to the obedience of our prince : for in the same chapter he nameth none other powers but only of princes. And the holy Apostle Peter likewise doth command us to 2 Petri . demean ourselves like lowly and obedient subjects, whether it be to the king himself as to the most chief and excellent of all, or else to the dukes and governors that are sent by him. And consequently he saith, Honour the king. Now seeing that we be commanded by the holy Scripture to love, to obey, and honour our prince not only outwardly in our bodies but also inwardly in our hearts, without any dissimulation or feigning, and that because he is the minister of God — and doth repre sent and occupy the place of God here in earth : how much more then are we bound to love, to obey, to honour and aid 0. our most gracious prince with all our very hearts which speci aUy for our sakes taketh so great pain and that so diligently doth seek the means how to rid us out of bondage, out of misery, out of need and vexation, that we be brought unto by the covetousness of the bribing bishop of Rome (the which by that name of Pope polleth and pilfer eth away the riches of this realm), and that so much mindeth to restore us to all our old wealthiness and liberty again. THUS ye see plainly proved to you by reason and autho rity of holy Scripture that we do none otherwise in our time now than our wise and well learned forefathers did, though the time would not suffer them to bring to pass their well in tended purpose. And it is shewed that the old holy doctors of Christis Church affirm that nother custom nor usage should c. i. be regarded when the truth once appeareth, but the truth should be embraced and followed. AND also it is well proved that our prince and sovereign doth it not now for or of any yvell will or displeasure : for they that either so think or say, do think and say untruly, and besides that, in their so doing, they greatly offend God: for it is written : Thou shalt not speak yvell by the prince of Gen. 22. the people. And again it is written : In thy thought thou Eccl. 10. shouldest not detract the kinge. AND it is likewise manifestly proved that though the Pope had as great authority as he usurpeth and taketh upon him to have; yet could he let no man to appeal from him. 552 RECORDS OF AND it is likewise proved that the Pope is neither the eatholyke holy church of Christe, nor yet the head of the same, but if he be a Christen man, he is the child of our mother the holy churche, and brother to every Christen man. AND finally it is likewise shewed that the misery, need, poverty and scarcitie that we be in cemeth altogether by the Pope and his means, from whom and whose captivity Christe deliver us that bought us on a tree. Amen. FINIS. THE REFORMATION. 553 Number CCOLVI. A contemporary account of Fisher and More, preserved at the Vatican. DE Joanne Fischero Episcopo Rpfensi, et Thema Mprp, Vatican V- ./ . Tran- .Britannis. scripts. ^ , ,.,.,. Addl.MSS. Exempla casuum humancrum nusquam alibi crebriora, quam 15,387. apud Britannos invenias ; apud quos vis et potestas nimia Regum saepe in Principum caedes, suppliciaque erumpit. Nee Regum ullus plura quam Henricus de quo supra retulimus suppeditavit, tot viris fama, genere, opibus, claris truculenta rabie necatis ob negatum sibi divinarum rerum jus, quo se in Anglia sacrorum Principem et caput Ecclesiae appellari habe- rique volebat, ut tantae crudelitatis causa crudelitate ipsa, im- portunior ac detestabilior esse videatur. Nos perpauca sele- gimus. Maxime autem illustria fuisse sunt visa quae in Joanne Fischero et Thoma Moro idem edidit Henricus. Quae qui dem virorum ipsorum dignitas, atque virtus, haud minus quam fortuna atque amplitudo nobilitavit. Nobis conjungere utrum - que, ac in unam conferre narrationem titulumque, consilium fuit, quod eodem mortis genere, iisdem diebus ab eodem Ty- ranno, eandem ob causam interfecti, parem quoque constan- tiam in perferenda injuria praestitere, pari uterque gratia apud ipsum floruerat Regem, denique pares utrique doctrinae atque innocentiae laudes summo omnium consensu tribuuntur. Fischerus Episcopus Rofensiuin fuit, in eoque obeundo atque implendo munere magnopere hominis diligentia sanctitasque enituit. Nam et sacra pie casteque procuravit, et commen- datos fidei suae Populos in coelestis vitae praeceptis gravibus, crebrisque concionibus studiose erudivit, et salutaribus legibus revocatis, aut novis conditis, ita corruptissimo saeculo rexit hominum mores, ut speciem antiquae probitatis in suis homi nibus retulisse videretur. Et ut religionis studio, et amore in Populos curae suae traditos non cupidine aut ambitione ulla haec ita facta institutaque fuisse ab illo intelligas, ne Regis 554 RECORDS OF quidem auctoritate adduci unquam potuit, ut se ad amphorem opulentioremque ecclesiam transferri pateretur. Negabat enim deserturum se sponsam, quae primum sibi obtigisset, et in qua ornanda, excolendaque tantopere laborasset. Ad haec, scriptis atque editis libris, Catholicae pietatis fidem illustravit, confutavitque haereticorum pravas opiniones, et maxime Mar tini Lutheri causam egregio voluraine jugulare est visus, ipso statim initio furentem egressus. His excellentem religionis atque ingenii laudibus Henricus, praeclarus tum verae virtutis fautor, Londinum ad se evocavit, ac adjutus maxime ab illo esse creditur in eo componendo et conficiendo libro, quem Henricus ad Leonem Decimum contra Lutherum scriptum vulgavit. Caeterum Fischerum, et in praecipuo semper honore atque dignatione habuit, et multis ac magnis in rebus opera et consilio ejus est usus, donee ex summo illo, ac praestanti, et viro et Rege in tetram ac feram mutatus belluam omnia jura humana, divinaque libidini suae subjecit, ac furiis ac furore percitus confudit et perturbavit, Reginae injuria, foeminae cla- rissimo genere, claro item Rege ortae, spreto Pontificis max ima judicio, tam contumeliose Regno conjugioque objectae, cum omnes ingemuere boni, turn prudentissimi quique id ve- luti futurarum cladium omen aceeperunt. Quidam ne ilia videre, neu serinones hominum, vultusque, et inde offensio- nem incurrere Regis cogerentur, per excogitatas sibi quisque causas, Republica Regeque omisso, Londino domum discessere. Quibusdam manere, et rem sibi non probari haud obscure ferre audacia fuit; atque in his fuere Morus et Fischerus, quibus, ab optimae mentis conscientia,, instar culpae est visum ullius metus suspicionem praeferre : et ut Regia haud inviti cessere, ita ab oculis Civium abscedere neutri consilium fuit. Et Rex implacabilem in hos iram conceperat ; ipso statim initio conatui ejus adversati fuerant, et palam Reginae faverant causae, et cum utriusque summa dignitas, summaque apud omnes prudentiae atque integritatis opinio esset, eorum auctori tate magnopere multitudinem permoveri intelligebat. Ergo utrumque, post abjectam Reginam, in vincula conjecit, ac diu- turno quindecim mensium carcere maceravit. Interea lata lex est quod sanctius ipsi habent, et delectis ex omnibus Regni ordinibus constat, qua., ut summus in Anglia arbiter, ac ma gister sacrorum, et, ut ipse se dixit, supremum Ecclesiae Caput THE REFORMATION. 555 Rex ab omnibus et haberetur, et appeUaretur, sciscebatur, et capite sanciens si quis huic legi assentire abnueret. Quod adeo exactum ab omnibus est, ut ne tacitis quidem dissimulare rem non novam modo, nee ante auditam, sed impiam prorsus, et execrabilem, liceret. Interrogabantur enim nominatim omnes quicumque in aliquam Regi suspicionem venissent ; et ante alios a Fischero et Moro, quid de ea lege sentirent est quae- situm. Etsi enim hos maxime oderat Rex, quibus sua scelera etiam arcana cognita esse haud ignoraret, tamen quia magnum ad multitudinem pondus habiturum videbatur, si et novam legem, et remissum Reginae Nuntium approbasse viri pari doc- trinae atque innocentiae fama, spectati dicerentur, magnopere eos trahere in sententiam cupivit, ac saepe qui constantiam tentarent, atque eos ad gratiam Regis recuperandam, omissa pertmacia hortarentur, unde non libertas modo iis, sed reditus quoque ad pristinam dignitatem esset futurus, summisit. Verum illi, ut dignum moribus atque anteacta vita fuit, neque mete abduci a fide ac studio veri unquam potuerunt. Et Fischerus quamquam imbecilla valitudine, et gravi aetate, et carceris fes- sus incommodis, etiam libros scripsit, quibus de matrimonii sanctitate, deque nova Regis appellatione luculenter suam est sententiam prosecutus, quos postea libros Henricus magna diligentia conquisitos supprimendos abolendosque curavit. In terea Romae Paulus Tertius Pontifex Maximus, quo Regi verecundiam ultra saeviendi in virum tantis et literarum et fidei ornamentis praestantem injiceret, simul constantiam ac virtutem ejus remuneraret, eximioque honore illustriorem redderet, cumulatum amplissimis atque veris laudibus in Car dinalium Collegium cooptavit. Verum quod sedaturum remo- raturumque acerbitatem atque impetum Regis crediderant homines, apud trucem atque efferatum animum irritamento, ad exsatiandam immanem rabiem, accelerandumque sanctis simo viro exitium fuit. Eo quippe honore perstrictum se contumelia, atque injustum importunumque odium in virum, cujus virtus externis luceret nationibus, sibi exprobratum existimans, atque inde iram intendens, conditionem Fischero ferri jussit, aut Regi, quod leges Patriae in sanctiore Angliae concilio latae honoris decrevissent, ratum haberet atque in id jusjurandum daret, aut supplicium quod Majestatis violatoribus deberetur subiret. 556 RECORDS OF Cum ille cumulatum se quidem omnibus honoribus Regem cupere, sed qui tribui salva religione possent respondisset, pro- ductus, ut mos genti, ad judicum Tribunal sistitur, a quibus indicta poena est ut per urbem unco tractus, postremo strangu lates laqueo suspenderetur. Quo facto nihil tam ignominiosi ac foedi supplicii denuntiatione territus, in carcerem ea die est reductus. Non multo post ad X. Cal. Julii, concesso minus turpi genere mortis, securi est percussus, cum ante omnibus coram pre- catus Deum esset, ut Regi cum prospero ac secundo vitae cursu, sanam bonamque redderet mentem. Caput ejus, cui tributa paulo ante purpurei galeri ornamenta deberentur, quo majore ludibrio spectaculum atrocius populo praeberet, prae- longae hastae infixum, ostentari in eodem foro, in quo truncum jacebat cadaver, Henricus jussit ; quod nullo turpi pallore de- forme, et adhuc constantiam, quo senile gutter feriendum Carnifici praebuerat, in vultu retinens, multi obliti metus, ac perpetuae hominis innocentiae, sanctitatisque memores venera- bundi cum lacrimis fletuque adorasse dicuntur : eoque amo- tum Regis jussu, ne quid tumultus in multitudine excitaret. Ferunt non multos ante mortem dies perlatam ad eum Cardi- nalatus sui famam, acceptamque laeto animo fuisse, dixisseque id purpurei coloris insigne -datum Cardinalibus esse, ut memi nerint vitam atque sanguinem, cum usus posceret, pro fide erga Catholicam Ecclesiam non dubitanter profundere ; id unum se honoris ejus munus brevis impleturum. Tertio decimo post die quam Fischerus ab insano et furenti Rege infando decreto est occisus, eadem procella, ac turbine im- mitis animi Morus quoque est abreptus. Is magnam ingenii vim, quam naturae munere fuerat adeptus, egregie ingenuarura ar- tium studiis excoluerat; eo majori comitatis ejus atque solertiae admiratione quod pedem non solum Insula, sed Londino ubi erat ortus nunquam extulit, ibique non aliis fere, quam qui in ludis mercede docent, in prima aetate usus praeceptoribus, non Lati- nas modo, sed Graecas quoque literas perdidicit, atque in omni liberali disciplina, magis contentione animi et, ut dicitur, marte suo, quam ullis doetorum adjumentis usque adeo profecit, ut mox prolatis validi excultique ingenii monumentis magnopere inclaruerit. Quorum praecipua, approbatione est acceptum volumen, quod Utopia inscribitur, in quo novae Insulae com- THE REFORMATION. 557 mento optimae Reipublicae leges formamque exprimere est co- natus. Aliarum gentium res, mores, instituta, percunctando legendoque, magna in id cura, studioque adhibito explorata, -cognitaque habuit, et exterorum amicitias, eruditionis fama conciliatas, absens diligenter coluit. A juris civilis studiis, quibus adolescens intentam operam impendit, ad causas agendas in foro cum descendisset, et neque malas susciperet, et bonas summo studio conatuque defenderet, brevi fide atque industria tantum sibi nomen inter omnes fecit, ut unus maxime cujusque causae patronus adoptaretur. Ab harum igitur fama,, et com mendatione artium ascitus in Regiam, ac rebus adhibitus, ea gravis et constantis cum animi tum specimina consilii dedit, tantaque in homine ad magnas res, et gerendas, et sustinendas indoles enituit, ut eum Henricus Cancellarium Regni crea- verit. Cujus magistrates ea vis atque dignitas est, tantumque ei Anglorum legibus tribuitur, ut Regi proxima auctoritas habeatur, custodiaeque ac potestati ejus Regium sigillum, quo literae ac tabulae publicae obsignantur, tradatur. In quo qui dem Ule magistrate non prudentiae atque industriae minores, quam integritatis, fidei, modestiae, religionis, humanitatis, laudes est promeritus. Quibus virtutibus, et Regi percharus, et magna, apud omnes gratia fuit ; magnum quoque apud exteras nationes nomen famamque adeptus. Sed tanta et tam illus- tria vitae ornamenta facile gloria mortis pro Christianae pie- tatis institutis fideque constanter oppetitae superavit. Prin- cipio ubi Regem amore perditum ad cupiditatem repudiandae Reginae incubuisse sensit, pro sua, fide atque officio, quanta" negotii moles moveretur monitum, ut matrimonii foedus sanc tum haberet magnopere est hortatus. Deinde cum ob id alienatum haud dubie a se intelligeret, magisque non adulari jam ille se, quam impedire aut retinere mentem posse, ne aut assensum quod abominaretur animus, rei novi ac pestilentis exempli praebere, aut gravius offendere cogeretur, reddito Regi signo, sponte se magisfratu abdicavit, et a Regia se, reque publica removens, quasi familiarium rerum curis et studiis literarum domi attineretur, raro in pubUcum prodire, et maxime congressus et coetus vitare hominum instituit, haud ignarus apud insensum, aut invidia, sui, aut assentatione in Regem multorum se criminationibus peti, ut mos Aulae, dimo- tos semel loce delapsesque premendi certatim atque impel- 558 RECORDS OF lendi. Cunctabatur tamen Rex aggredi hominem insontem, ac secundo claroque rumore apud vulgus, et cui adversae res favorem addidisse viderentur. Donee abrupto non pudoris modo, sed Religionis quoque respectu, ac omni divino huma- noque spreto jure, Reginam conjugio Regiaque privatam in domum exigit, et cujus impotenti amore agitabatur Boleniam in thorum ejus induxit, et imposito solemni rite diademate, Reginam appellavit. Tum demum rem improbantibus indita vincula, et Moms ante omnes detrusus in carcerem. Et lex inde lata ut Regi sacrorum Principis, et supremi capitis Ec clesiae jus esset. Postremo amissa spe comminui aut labefac- tari fidem constantiamque ejus posse, interfecto, ut ostendimus, Fischero, Morum quoque tolli imperavit. Mos Britannis rerum capitalium reos ducere ad judicum tribunal, ut coram aut diluant crimen, aut facti pcenam meritos se, damnationi suae assentiantur. Inter judices (sic praeceperat Rex) sedebant Dux Nortfolcis, et Cancellarius, qui Moro nuper in eo Magis trate successerat. Hi, recitatis quae crimini dabantur qua? multa et atrocia erant, qualia impio ac nefario Patriae prodi- tori objici possent, adductum in conspectum Morum nomine compellant et tamquam ultima merito, tollen.tes verbis cle- mentiam Regis, spem non veniae solum, sed pristinae gratiae faciunt, si in animum induxisset absistere aliquando pertinaci sententia. Morus tametsi inviso damnatoque supervacuam defen- sionem rebatur, tamen ne silentium, aut segnitiae sibi, aut super- biae aut adeo conscientiae delicti alicujus verteretur, se vero nihil causae videre respondit, cur sententiae suae poeniteret, sed sibi adeo multa objici ut fesso debilitatoque diuturna valitudine, car- cereque vereretur, ut satis memoriae aut virium ad ea refu- tanda suppeteret. Tum afferri Dux sellam, et considere eum jussit. Et ille multa paucis complectens, cunctaque ad duo capita revocans, — Arguor, inquit, quod novissimi Regis consilii novae ducendae uxoris, veterisque repudiandae dissuasor fuerim, nee ego inficior. Atqui quod sentiebam, quodque minime dubium arbitrabar, id summa cum Religione, atque fide pro sententia attuli Regi, nee crimen hoc, sed officium fuit. Quid enim aut falsa pro veris, aut contra quam animus ferebat meus, quod sine perfidia ac scelere fieri non poterat, Regi suaderem ? Et tamen ob id quando fides in crimine ponitur, satis videre possum mulctae satis poenarum dedisse, qui bonis THE REFORMATION. 559 fortunisque amissis, et in Fiscum redactis, aeternis damnatus vinculis, site, squallore, sordibus, ut cernitis, obsitus quintum et decimum jam mensem carceribus claudor. Alterum accu- sationis caput est, negatus a me legi assensus, qua, Rex sacro rum arbiter constituitur. Quam legem conditam post me conditum in carcere nemo vestrum ignorat : neque ego de ea appeUatus ab uno scribarum, qui missus ad me in Carcerem venit, aliud respondi, quam ista ad me non magnopere jam pertinere, quem capite diminutum, ac Civium nomen exemp- tum de legibus respondere quid attineret, qui denique abjectis prichem humanarum rerum curis ad ccelestium contemplationem animum traduxissem ? Id vos responsum seu contumaci mihi, seu cautioni, sive etiam calliditati vertere malitis, ad atrocis certe, atque capitalis rei crimen revocari, silentium non potest. Multo minus ego ob id majestatis a vobis condemnari. Neque enim ullae leges, nisi maleficiis poenas statuunt, reticentiae sane nullae. Hie cum unus Judicum interpellans, eo ipso in- quit, quod judicare te, et promere quid sentires, tam astute renuisti, satis est perspicue deprehensus animus alienus a lege tuus ; satisque ex eo ipse manifesto Majestatis crimine teneris, neque enim cunctanter tibi, quae amplificandae Regis dignitati sit, sed aperte, ac studiose approbanda lex fuit. Atqui in- quit Morus jurisconsult! assentionis vim silentio tribuunt : quo rum est dictum, tacentem consentire videri. Et prompte quidem nee dubitanter, quae in honorem Regis decernuntur, amplecti atque comprobare omnes debent ; sed quae Religioni non sint, quaeque divina, ac sacrata jura non prohibeant. Magna pro- bis omnibus Regis auctoritas, magna legum, sed major multo est Dei, et insidentis animo non vanae, ac nuper adinventae, sed con- firmatae, constantis, ac yerae religionis, cui humanarum rerum praevertere quicquam magnum est nefas. At etiam scriptae a me e carceribus ad Fischerum literae in spretae ac violatae novae legis crimen trahuntur. Quas ego literas proferri, legique palam pervelim. Sed quando inflammatas dicitis a Fischero, sic habetote non aliud in iis, quam familiares, et suetos nobis sermones fuisse, et mutuas cohortationes ad contemptum rerum humanarum, quas fragiles, fluxasque esse magno uterque no strum malo usuque didicisset. Unae omnino fuerunt, quae hanc attingerent causam. Cum enim ille ad me mississet, "ogatum, quid ego nuper in quaestione de nova, lege respon- 560 RECORDS OF dissem, id modo rescripsi, animum me meum officiis, ac religi- onis memorem consuluisse : idem ipse faceret ; nee (quod sancte affirmare possum) plura respondi, neque aliud his literis continebatur. Accusor postremo dixisse me in eadem quaestione legem hanc ancipiti gladio similem videri, cujus esset acies utrinque acuta, ut in alterutram induci necesse videretur. Sic aut vio- landam Religionem, animumque fraude ac scelere inexpiabili obligandum, legem hanc si approbes, aut grave majestatis crimen subeundum, et corpus vitamque supplicio, ac poenae obnoxiam habendam, si refutes. Cujus dicti culpam magno pere onerat Fischeri responsio eadem similitudine usi, unde conspiratum inter nos condictemque insimulamur. Equidem me ita memini locutum ; ut non tam esse ancipiti acie hanc legem dixerim, quam si qua lex hujusmodi ferretur difficilem habiturum alter utrius offensionis vitandae rationem. A Fis chero responsum idem si est, id evenit, ingenii, morum, studi- orum similitudine, non ulla in id nostra consensione. Atque haec a me sic dicta factaque sunt, ex quibus non ego improbe ac dolose ad infirmandam infringendamque novae legis vim fecisse, sed multa de me ad vos Regemque falso ac malitiose delata fuisse convincuntur ; neque meum crimen ullum esse hujusmodi, ex quo capite damnari juste possim. Haec cum Morus esset locutus, Judices, suo more, consilio habito, Chillini pronuntiarunt, quae vox damnatum significat. Tum Morus non ignarus inquit, quid decreturi essetis dubiis ambiguisque responsis effugere quaestionis vestrae laqueos, at que ancipites mucrones novae legis, et falso mihi objecta cri- mina paucis refellere sum conatus, sed ut illustrior Judicis hujus calumnia, iniquitasque appareret. At vero nunc quid de lege, ac de hoc statu Regis facto sententiae habeam libet planius, apertiusque disserere, quo meam saltem Uberem peni tus fidem atque exsolvam. Septimus evolutus est annus, ex quo Rex cupiditate ista dimittendae uxoris agitari est coeptas, et mihi totum est hoe in libris literisque tempus consumptum. Multa pervolvi legique volumina beneficiario nomine accepissent, divinamque inde sibi arrogans potestatem, se ipsum summum in Britannia Sacrorum antis- titem, et ecclesiae caput appellavit, proque eo haberi colique a suis jussit. Adversantes, et religione se ac divinis jussis THE REFORMATION. 561 excusantes atrocibus poenis cupiditati suae parere subegit. Thomam Volseium Eboracensem Cardinalem, quem ipse ad summam potentiam summasque opes extulerat, novae uxori gratificans, judicii metu ad mortem adegit. Ita qui primus Regi nefarii consiUi auctor extiterat primus ultori Deo pcenas pe- pendit. Thomam Morum, scrinii Regis Magistrum, et Joan- nem Fischerum, Episcopum Roffensem, duo clarissima Britan- niae lumina, carceribus prius et vinculis trahere in sententiam eonatus, ut a fide Romanae Ecclesiae et tradita a Deo Religione nulla, posse vi, nullis aerumnis deduci inteilexit, in forum abduc- tos, inspectante atque in eo oblita, servitii ingemiscente Civitate, securi percuti jussit, quorum Rofensis paucis ante diebus in Cardinalium Collegium fuerat a Pontifice Maximo cooptatus. Eidem suppUcio et pari causS, Excestriae Marchio, vir Regiae no- bilitatis, et Henricus Montacuti Regulus, et Edvardus Henellus sunt traditi: Arturus Plantagineta, ortus Edoardo Rege cum Honoria uxore, magnae dignitatis homines, aeterna in vincula sunt conjecti. Sed ne Thomae quidem Havardo, viro bellicis laudibus Britannorum clarissimo pepercit, cujus virtute geminas de Sco- tis victorias retulerat, navalem alteram, qua Andream Bartola- num hostium ducem, victa, ac profligata, ejus classe, cepit ; ter- restrem alteram, multo nobiliorem, qua, Jacobum eorum Regem in acie occidit ; sed apud amentem scelere atque impietate nul- Uus meriti memoria satis efficax erat. Thomam non solum ipsum in custodiam abscissa spe libertatis tradidit, sed, quo geminaret infelici seni calamitatem, de Henrico ejus filio Surrei Comite palam supplicium sumpsit. Reginaldum Polum Car dinalem, virum eruditionis et innocentiae gloria clarissimum, absentem proscripsit, praemia interfectoribus ejus constituit, tantaque libidine hauriendi sanguinis ejus flagravit ut percus- sores in Italia usque transmiserit qui aditus egressusque ejus captantes ex insidiis adorirentur, quinquaginta nummum aure- orum millia iis pollicitus, qui Poli caput ad se in Angliam retulissent, irritatus maxime quatuor voluminibus, quae Polus ad eum magna gravitate atque copia, scripta misit, quibus suam interrogates a Rege sententiam, haud minus libere quam pie ac discrete prompsit de novo titulo quo se Henricus sacro rum in Anglia antistitem summumque Ecclesiae caput nuncu- parat. Cumque potiri ad caedem Polo aut cum per immissos sicarios obtruncare nequivisset, fratrem ejus natu majorem, vol. n. o o 562 RECORDS OF et quod multo immanius fuit, Margaretam matrem, anum sep- tuaginta transgressam annos, fceminam optimam ac sanctissi- mam, et regia, stirpe ortam, quia Reginaldum genuisset, et a Christianorum sacrorum fide abduci se non pateretur, securi percussit. Ac ne aliarum quidem foeminarum caede cruentas abstinuit manus. Catherinam Reginam non contentus matri monio suo exturbasse, summaque ignominia fceminam clarissi- morum Regum stirpe genitam affecisse, etiam veneno (ut fama tulit) aut certe perpetuis injuriis, et mcerore, et lacrimis confec- tam mori coegit, cum usque eo fureret, ut communem filiam abdicaret, et omni principali honore spoliatam remitteret matri, ac utrique sumptus vix in necessarium victum, privatumque cultum suppeditaret. Elisabetham Berthoniam Sacratam Vir- ginem multa Britannis ob scelus Regis adversa vaticinantem, hortantemque precibus placare coelestem iram, et Mariam, tum spretam abjectamque, post Patrem regno potituram prae- dicente, e sacrario Templi abstractam cum sacerdotibus aliquot divinarum literarum doctoribus idem incusantibus foro medio laqueis strangulatos, latronum more, suspendit. Alias item aeque levibus de caussis, quod caedem virorum lamentarentur, necari jussit. Sacerdotum, et maxime Monachorum strage et sanguine omnia Monasteria inundarunt. Multos tetris Carceribus conditos foetore, fame, aerumnis con- sumpsit, alios unco tractos per Urbem, atque omnibus cruci- atibus tortos laqueo suspendit, abscissaque inde reste, ante quam exanimarentur exenterari, secarique in partes jussit, alios vivos circumdatos flammis combussit ; in quibus eximia con- stantia Carthusianorum fuit, quorum integrum Londinense Collegium juxta juvenes senesque varie laceratos necavit, quod se dicerent prohiberi Religione ne Regem sacrorum Principem appellarent, ut utra major insani ac furentis Regis immanitas, an Monachorum ipsorum ne fidem Religionis de- sererent, in perferendis cruciatibus animi firmitas fuerit, dis- cerni haud facile possit. Libet subjicere judicii formam. Adducebantur vincti ante Judicum Tribunal, inter quos digni- tate ac saevitia, eminens Cromvelius quidam quaerebat ab Reis, an Regem sacrorum in Anglia Principem agnoscerent. Co- nantes declinare tam praecisae interrogationis telum, ac se Regi omnem cultum, fidemque, quae divinis jussis non adver- saretur, debere profitentes interpellabat Cromvelius, exige- THE REFORMATION. 563 batque, ut, sine exceptione ulla, Regi tam divinarum, quam humanarum rerum jus, arbitriumquetribuerent ; tergiversantes, ac Religionem objicientes carnifici ad supplicium statim tra- debat, atrocius in eos qui constantius respondissent. Ab eadem causa Franciscani, quorum erat in Anglia ingens numerus, edicto Regis capti uno tempore omnes, et in vincula conjecti, ac diu rerum omnium egestate vexati sunt, quorum cum aliquot statim occidisset, reliquis, partim oblivione Regis, partim unius e Ministris studio, producta magis vita quam concessa est, nam denique omnes, aut palam supplicio affecti, aut fame necati, aut malo diuturni carceris confecti periere. Quorum Joannes Forestus quia sanctitate emineret, atque adeo quia Catharinae Reginae plures annos a sacris fuisset, eique piam ac fidelem operam navasset, exquisitis cruciatibus est occisus. Brachiis enim deductis, et ferrea catena ad patibulum revinctis, penden- tem subjecto igne, lento supplicio tam diu torruerunt, donee totus inassatus atque exustus exanimaretur. Postremo ipsum Cromvelium, a quo incitari sae vitia ejus consuevit, et quo cru- delitatis ministro diu fuerat usus, interfecit, iratus illi, quod auctor implicandi se Germanorum fcedere extitisset, atque ei in suspicionem Luteranae haeresis venisset. Ita Cromvelius, qui saevienti Regi materiam subjicere, et per ludum ac jocum supplicia exercere, et atrocia et insontes exempla edere, ac saepe cum voluptate, ac risu spectare erat solitus, laetum ipse Populo spectaculum supplicio suo praebuit. Id quoque in Henrico mirum videri potest, quod qui a communione et socie- tate Ecclesiae, et Pontificum Maximorum fide non desciverat solum, sed hostilem in eos animum induerat, idem tamen haere- ticos cujusvis sectae omnes acriori prope quam nos odio insec- taretur. In utrosque certe veluti ex aequo nocentes pariter animadvertit. Nam damnatos forte tres Calvinianos cum tri bus Catholicis eodem tempore, eodem supplicio affecit, rarum exemplum simul damnari, simul duci, simul puniri, quique de- fendissent Catholicae pietatis fidem, quique oppugnassent, ac parem poenam tam dispari causae constitutam. Per omnes denique ordines suppliciis grassatus, multa hominum millia carnificum manibus interfecit. Crudelitatem secuta avaritia est, sublatis templorum sacerdotibus, templa ipsa per Insulam omnia, ut suam praedam expilavit, auro, argento, donisque, atque omni sacrorum instrumento, apparatuque detracto, latis- 0 0 2 564 RECORDS OF simosque fundos, justis dominis per supplicia extinctis, sibi de fisco adjudicavit. Nee contentus tam foeda expilatione delubra omnia poUuisse, ne quid sanctum inviolatumque immanitati suae relinqueret, Thomae Bechetii Cantuariensium Archiepiscopo quadringentos ante annos ob defonsam constanter Religionem, ac jura sacrorum fortiter vindicata interfecti, et in Divorum inde numerum ob edita miracula relati, sepulchrum direptis donariis diruit, ac viri sanctissimi reliquias, ossaque disjecit ac dissipavit, ipsumque pro Divo haberi, aut omnino ullum ei cultum, hono- remque tribui vetuit. At ne nova quidem nupta, postquam am- plexibus ejus exsatiata libido est, saevitiam ejus effugit. Quam adulterii compertam cum Georgio fratre, ac reliquis flagitii ejus sociis capite plecti in foro jussit. Ac die postera Joannam Semeriam duxit, cui parturiendi difficultate graviter laboranti, laxatis omnibus membris, quo partui egressum patefaceret, necem attulit, sive (ut alii tradidere) antequam exanimaretur secari uterum, atque extrahi fcetum imperavit, maturum, et qui Patri superfuit regnavitque. Tam atrociter matrimonia exercenti, quartae tamen non defuere nuptiae, Annae Clivensium Reguli filiae. Quam ipsam libidinoso, et novas quotidie formas appetenti, minus placentem, septimo postquam duxerat mense dimisit ; et Catherinam Havardam insigni pulcritudine, et mollioribus commendatam moribus duxit. Verum ne in hanc quidem clementior est inventus. Pari enim crimine ac prio- rem Annam damnatam publico supplicio affecit. Atque ad sextas inde nuptias transiit, Catherinae Pariae, qua, ut poti- retur, virum cui nupta erat fraude sustulisse est creditus. At ne sic quidem effrenatam libidinem domi continuit, quin per matronarum nobilium stupra vagaretur. Sed usque adeo licenter, et legibus et hominibus illusit, ut qui uxores contra omne jus atque fas ex libidine ducere, ac dimittere consu&set, legem de nuptiis ferre, ac matrimonii jura statuere matrimoni- orum eversor non sit veritus, sciveritque, ut inter quos con sensu primum, deinde etiam concubitu contractae nuptiae essent, iis vera conjugii necessitudo, quae nisi morte dirimi non posset maneret, immemor prorsus non Catharinam modo ab se, sed Annam Clivensem paucis ante diebus repudiatam fuisse. Nee magis pius in Mariam filiam priore uxore Caesaris matertera natam, fuit (filius enim eadem matre nates adhuc infans de- cedens paternae saevitiae injuriam praematura, morte effugit). THE REFORMATION. 565 Hanc invisam, quia matris ignominiae indoluisset, et a priori Religionis fide abduci se non patiebatur, abjectam, servUemque in modum habitam, lege de ConsiUi sententia lata, ut matri monio non justo ortam, paterni Regni haereditate privavit, translato jure in Elisabetham novo matrimonio genitam, quam et Principem Angliae appellavit, quamquam id quidem ultimis annis, cum poenitere eum impii.consilii, flagitiorumque coepis- set, mutavit, ac testamento Elisabethae praelatam primo loco post filium haeredem dixit. Per haec scelera cum cresceret illi ex ipsa, saevitia, saeviendi materia, et plerique Principum tenaces priscae sacrorum disciplinae in peregrinos se rites compelli non sinerent, execrarenturque inde liberius Tyranni mores, etiam gravis eum seditio excepit, et aliquot Populi arreptis armis priscae religionis jus vindicaturi videbantur. Sed Henricus missis, qui blando alloquio mulcescerent iras, atque prolixe omnia pollicitus quae multitudo postulasset sedavit in praesentia tumultum, et mox per varias causas traditos in custodiam multitudinis duces numero ad triginta interfecit. Postremo, tot facinorum conscientia stimulante animum, sibi ipse invisus esse coeperat. Nam scelera plerumque auctoribus ipsis in suppli- cium vertunt. Ac ferunt eum quotidianis prope conviviis et comessationibus studiose operam dedisse, ut multo vino ob- ruta mens a cogitatione tot facinorum, et prioris vitae atque gloriae memoria averteretur. Cujus desiderio saepe ingemu- isse eum, nee lacrimis temperasse satis constat. Ultimi anni cum Regnum peregrinis Religionibus oppletum atque omni bus sectis, doctrinisque patefactum animadverteret (neque enim rescisso vinculo, quo Ecclesiae Catholicae jungebatur, ar- ceri Anglia ullis poenis hae pestes potuerunt) seque ingenti omnium odio, invidiaque flagrare sentiret, sui adeo poenitere eum coepisse Britanni ferunt, ut de reconciUanda, gratia cum Pontifice Maximo agitasse, idque Regi Galliae primum, deinde Episcopis aliquot Regni sui aperuisse affirment, sed rationem viamque ejus rei exquirentem mors, intemperantia ac nimia sagina, corporis accersita, oppressit virum, cujus neque virtutes neque vitia exponi satis pro merito tradique posse videantur, in eo certe memorabilem, quod repente vitam, mores, ingenium, seque ita immutavit, ut ab numine aliquo transformatus in alium videre potuerit. 566 RECORDS OF Number OCOLVII. Letter to the King from the Earl of Derby and Sir Henry Farington reporting the evidence for the slanderous words of a priest named James Harrison. Record PLEASE it your highness to be advertized, that whereas Sir William Fitzwilliam, knight, one of your counsellors and trea surers of your most honourable House, lately directed his several letters unto us, your humble subjects and servants, Edward Earl of Derby and Henry Faryngton, knight, whereby we perceive your grace's pleasure is that a lewd and naughty priest inhabiting in these parts, who hath of late reported and spoken before and in the audience of certain persons sundry and diverse unfitting and slanderous words, as well by your highness as by the queen's grace, should not only be attached and sent up to your highness, but also that we should in the accomplishment of your said pleasure take the examinations and sayings of such persons as were present and heard the same unfitting and slanderous reports and sayings of the said priest in the premises ; and the same to send in writing to your highness subscribed with our hands : We, according to our bounden duties in the accomplishment of your grace's pleasure, have called before us such persons whose names and depositions hereafter do ensue ; and the same persons did examine upon their oaths at Ley, in the county of Lancaster, the i oth day of August, in the 25th year of the reign of your noble highness, Sir Richard Hoghton, Sir William Leylond, knights, and Thomas Howcroft, your servants and other of the counsel of me the said earl being present with us. And the said Sir Henry hath attached the said priest and sent him to your highness. And Sir Richard Gierke, vicar of Leegh, deposeth and saith that the 20th day of July last past he read a procla mation at Crofton, in the house of John Blackeston's, concern ing Lady Katharine, princess-dowager, which Sir James THE REFORMATION. 567 Harrison, priest, hearing the said proclamation, said, that Queen Katharyne was queen. And that Nan BuUen should not be queen, nor the king to be no king on his bearing. Also, Sir John Haworthe, priest, examined, saith upon his oath that he heard the said Sir James say that Queen Katha ryne should be queen, and as for Nan BuUen, who the devil made her queen 1 and as for the king should not be king but on his bearing. Also, William Dalton, esquire, examined, and sworn upon a book, deposeth and saith, that after that one Sir Richard Clerke had read the said proclamation, he read certain articles in the said proclamation to the said Sir James with certain persons there being present : the said Sir James said, I will take none for queen but Queen Katharine ; who the devil made Nan BuUen, that whore, queen? for I will never take her for queen and the king on his bearing ; and then the said William said, Hold thy peace, thou wots not what thou sayest ; and, but that thou art a priest, I should punish thee that other should take ensample. John Dalton, the elder, gentleman, sworn and examined, saith, that he was present when William Dalton, esquire, read the said proclamation, and the said Sir James said, I will call her Queen Katharyne, letting for no man ; for Nan BuUen, that naughty pake (or whore, I do not remember whether,) who the devil made her queen ? and the king shall be no king but on his bearing. Thomas Lathom, the younger, sworn and examined, de poseth and saith that, after that, another time the same day and year above said that Sir James Harrison said that Nan BuUen, that whore, shall not be queen. James Woddes, sworn and examined, deposeth and saith that he heard the proclamation read in the house of John Blackiston's, and the said Sir James said then that he would not take none for the queen but Queen Katharine ; and as for Nan Bulleyn, that whore shall be no queen. Adam Banaster, sworn and examined, deposeth and saith, that Sir James Harrison, the 24th day of July, in the house of Thomas Gravesyns, said that he would never take Nan Bulleyn for queen, to be hanged for the same, but for Nan Bulleyn. 568 RECORDS OF Richard Sumner and John Clayton sworn and examined, depose and say, that they came in company with the said Sir James Harrison from the town of Perbalt to Eccleston, where the said Sir James said unto them, This is a marveUous world ; the king will put down the order of priests and destroy the Sacrament ; but that will be as Thomas Dykonson said, that it cannot reign long, for he saith that Yorke will be Lon don hastily. By your humblest and obedient servants, E. Derby. Henb. Fabtngten, Knt. 38 38 This letter has been printed the end of the English translation from the original in Ellis' First of Audin's Life of Henry VIII. Series, vol. 2, p. 42 ; and also at The latter copy is very incorrect. THE REFORMATION. 569 Number CCCLV III. Original letter from Lee Archbishop qf York, and Tunstall Bishop of Durham, reporting the circumstances qf their interview with the Queen; written May 21, 1534. PLEASE it ypur highness to understand, that this day we Record repaired to the princess dowager, and there I, the Archbishop oe' of York, for an introduction, to declare tp her the effect of our commission, said to her : ist. That your highness had often sent to her divers of your counsel, and amongst them me one, to declare to her the invalidity of the marriage between your highness and her. 2ndly. That carnal know ledge, which is the great key of the matter, is sufficiently proved in the law, as also some that were of her counsel do avow. 3rdly. That uppn prpof so sufficiently made of carnal knowledge, divorce was made between your highness and her. 4thly. That upon divorce made by lawful sentence, she was admonished to leave the name of a queen, and not to account or caU herself hereafter your highness's wife. 5thly. How that after your highness was discharged of the marriage made with her, you contracted new marriage with your dearest wife queen Anne. 6thly. That forsomuch as (thanked be God) fair issue is already sprung of this marriage, and more likely to follow by God's grace, that the whole body of your realm gathered together in parUament hath for the establishment of this issue by ypur dearest wife queen Anne, and the succession coming of this marriage, made acts and ordinances against all them that would in word or in deed withstand them : and that for these purposes we were sent to her grace, to the intent she might understand the true purport of these acts with the pains, lest by ignorance she should fall in any of them, and I declared the act. Which thing being thus declared unto her, she being upon it in great choler and agony, and always interrupting our 570 RECORDS OF words, to the foresaid points made these answers following. To the ist, that she took the matrimony between your high ness and her for good, and so always would account herself to be your highness's lawful wife ; in which opinion, she said, she would continually till death persist. To the 2nd, she utterly denied that ever carnal knowledge was had be tween her and prince Arthur, and that she would never con fess the contrary; and with loud voice, when mention was made of this point, she said, they lied falsely that so said. To the 3rd, she answered, that she is not bound to stand to that divorce made by my lord of Caunterbury, whom she called a shadow ; and that although he had given sentence against her, yet the Pope had given sentence with her, whom she took for Christ's vicar, and therefore would always obey him as his faithful daughter. To the 4th she answered, that she would never leave the name of a queen, and would always take herself for your highness's wife. To the 5th she said, that this marriage, made after her appeal, which she made by your highness's leave and consent, is of no valeur. To the 6th she answered, that she is not bound to the acts of parlia ment, forsomuch as she is your highness's wife, and not sub ject to your highness, and also because these acts were made by your highness's subjects in your favour, your highness being party in this matter, with diverse other unseamyng words. Unto which her answer, I, the Bishop of Duresme, replying, forasmuch as she had said in her communication, that both I and the residue of her counsel had always showed unto her that her matter was just and good, I said that all the question whereupon we were consulted at such time as the legates were here, depended only upon the validity of the bull and brief. Albeit I said, that sith that time divers other questions had risen, and had been debated by many universities, the chief of Christendom, of which one was Bonanie, the Pope's own town, and by them concluded, that after the decease of the brother who had had carnal knowledge with his wife, the brother living might not marry the said wife by any dispensation of the Pope, because it was forbidden by the law of God. And forasmuch as the Pope (albeit the said conclusions have been THE REFORMATION. 571 by learned men sent from your highness declared unto him) never made answer, to maintain lawfully his power to the oontrary, but rather, in confirmation of the opinions of the said universities, said at Marsile, that if your grace would send a proxie thither he would give the sentence for your highness against her, because that he knew that your cause was good and just ; which his saying was according also to an epistle decretal, sent hither by the legate Campegius, whereof the effect was, that if marriage and carnal knowledge was had betwixt prince Arthur and her, the legates should pronounce for the divorce, according whereunto proofs were brought in before the legates, and also since, before the convocations of this realm and the bishops of Cauntorburye, and by them allowed and approved as sufficient and lawful ; whereby it doth plainly appear that the sentence given by the Pope to the contrary was not vaileable, because it pronounced the dispensation, which he had no power to grant, seeing it was against the law of God, to be good, therefore I had now changed my former opinion, and exhorted her to do the sem blable, and to forbear to usurp any more the name of a queen, specially for that the sentence which she sticketh so greatly unto, was given after your grace's appeal to the council general, and intimate to the Pope, so that it could not be vaileable, and that if she would so do, she might thereby attain much quietness for herself and her friends, and that she being conformable so to do, I doubt not but your high ness would suffer her to have about her such persons as should be to her pleasure, and intreat her as your grace's most dearest sister, with all liberty and pleasure ; with divers other things which by her much entrelacing I was forced to answer unto. The specialties whereof and of her obstinacy, that she will no wise ne for any peril or loss of her life or goods, relinquish the name of a queen, we do remit for tedi- ousness unto the wisdoms and discretions of my lord of Ches ter, master almoner, and Mr. Bedell, who like as they have very substantially, wisely, and effectually ordered themselves in the execution of the premises, so we doubt not but that they will sincerely report the circumstances of the same unto your highness : whom we beseech Almighty God long to 572 RECORDS OF preserve in much honour, to his pleasure, and your heart's desire. At Huntington, the 21st day of Maie. By your highness's most humble subjects, servants, and chaplains, Edotjarde Ebok. Ctjthbebt Dukesme. 39 39 This document appears in State Papers, vol. i. p. 419; and also in Collier's Ecclesiastical His tory in the Collection of Records at the end of vol. 2, p. 15. Col lier's transcript is very incorrect. Both this and the preceding docu ment have been produced from a comparison of the two printed copies, and without collating the originals, which the editor has by some accident missed. THE REFORMATION. 573 Number CCCLIX. A document in French written during the reign qf Elizabeth, giving some account of Anne Boleyn. LA vie de roy Henry d'Angleterre,. laquelle a este si Lansdowne monstrueuse que je pence que a l'advenir l'on l'egalera evec ou I05, Neron et Caligule sur le fait de ses cruautes et ses paillar- fol- l8- dises, ne seront moins vituperes que les gestes lascifs d'un effemine Heliogabale : C'est luy qui ayant espouse Catherine fille de Ferdinand et d'lsabeau, roy de Castille et d'Arragon, laquelle avoit este promise et fiancee a son frere aisne, feme bien sehaste et fort vertueuse, et laquelle ne estant point suffisant pour contenter a ses lubrisetes se enamora du feme de mon sieur de Boulan, laquelle estoit enfantie de luy en l'absence de son mary, estant a ce fois aux garres en France pour le roy, de un fille nome Anne de Boulan. Son mary apres son retour, voyant sa feme d' avoir un enfant apres son parti- ment, prenoit de proces contre elle pour estre devorcee. Mais le roy, entandant sela, comandoit a luy de reprendre sa fame, disant que seste fille estoit engendre de luy; ce que luy entendant et craignant la cruautie de ceste tirant, n'oseroit que reprenait sa feme, nourait la fille come la fylle du roy, et non come le sien, jusques au temps que le roy le faisait contes de Pembroke, et le envoit en France pour estre enstruit en langue Fransaise. Ceste belle fiUe estant aytant a la aige de quinse ou sease ans, estant appelle a la court d'Angleterre, ou le roy, regardant la beautie de ceste jeune fille, estoit encontinent ; il s'enamora foi. 18 b. de elle come un autre Neron et bouc ensatiable pour satisfier a ses lubriseties, et le voyant enfantee de luy, il repudia sa femme legetime pour espouser cette Anne Boulan, laquelle depuis il feit decoler come le plus paiUarde et lubrique femme qui ayt este de nostre temps. De ce devorse, d'autant que le Pape n'y voulut point consentir, come celluy qui avoit ap- prouve le premier mariage, advint le changement de reUgion 574 RECORDS OF en l'ile des Anglais, lors que ce roy inconstant, qui avoit escrit contre les erreurs de Luther, embrasse puis apres sa doctrine et ne se contenta point de pillier, miner et gattier les monas- toirs, aynsi schassoit les religieux hors du lurs cloisters, mais aussi hors de ses terres, ayant l'esprit si aigrement contre les prelats, que ce bon et sainct personage l'evecque Roffense y perdit sa vye, la sainctete duquelle laysse si bon tesmonaige a leggliese qui aveu la doctrine il point estre esquale a ces primers martiers qui ont espandu leur sange pour la confes sion de la verite40.. Et ausi il n'avoit ny craint ne hont de en- voir les Carthusians de Londres d'estre pendu sur le jebit, pourceque iis ne voudroient point consenter que le roy usur- poit I'auctorite du Pape, se faisant schefe de 1'eggliese. Par mesme destroit passa le Cardinalle de Yorke, lequelle avoit auparavant governe toute l'isle (a pene estre a bon droit) ; car Ion dit que ce fut luy qui causa le devorce fait au de la royne fob 19. Catherine, fille de Espaigne. Quoy qu'U soit, ce cardinal craig- nant de tomber entre les mains de ce roy tyran, se feist em- poisonner, allant a Londres, ou le roy l'avoit comande venir ; en quoy il monstra le peu de Constance qu'il avoit, estant appelle pour la cause de la religion, de laquelle tant de bons avesques se declarafis protecteurs et tesmoigns finerent heu- reusement leur vie. Mais aucun ne peut taire de quelle cru- aute il feist decapiter ce grande et excellent en tout scavoir, Thomas Morus, son Chancelier, pour ce qu'il contredisoit aux cruautes et ribaudises de son prince ; le quel estoit si corrom- pu que, vivant sa femme, il tenoit pour espouse Anne plus belle que chaste, et qui ne se contenta point des imbrasse- ments d'un gentilhome Anglois nomme Bricton, ny de seux du seigneur Nioris, qu' ancore a l'adultere elle adjousta un abominable inceste, usant trop familierement, mais diray de- testablement, avec son proper frere, que le roy a sa faveur avoit fait un des plus grands milords de sa terre. Et pour plus discouvrir sa meschancete et paillardise, elle attira a sa couche un joueur d'instruments, homme de basse condition, lequeUe accordait sa harpe sur le corps de la royne avec pare- iUe mesure et venant a mesure cadence que les susdictes serviteurs de couche de ceste belle louve. Mais toutes ses folles 40 From la sainctete to verite is inserted in the margin. THE REFORMATION. 575 pratiques furent descouvertes par un autre des concubines du roy, seour de un medecin nomme Antoine Brun, laquelle ayant comandement de par le roy de se retirer de court a cause qu'elle prestoit a de autres que a ce bouc royall, fut si merrie qu'elle dist a celuy qui luy porta ceste nouvelle qui estoit ce medecin, son frere, que le roy seroit mieux de prendre fob 19 b. garde a sa femme que de estre si curieux de celles qui ne luy touchent pas si pres. Henry qui aimoit Anne de tout son coeur, et qui jamais ne eust pense qu'elle se fust oubliee jusques a la que de le envoir en Cornvaille sans bouger de Londres, fust extremement marry et voulut scavoir tout le discours de ceste farce. La dame luy dist que Marc (aynsi s'appelloit le Jou- eur d'instruments) et un des damoiselles de la royne nommee Marguerite l'en fero yent assez certain qui en savoyent plus que personne qui fust . . . . 41 41 Here the Manuscript termi- King H. ye viiith.' Otherwise there nates in the middle of a line half- is no evidence to shew who the way down the page. The following writer was. It has been here printed leaf contains an endorsement writ- as] nearly as possible in accordance ten upside down at the bottom of with the original. The style of the page, ' A horrible, false and spelling as well as the handwriting traytorouse description of Kyng seems to indicate a German writer. Henrie the 8 his hfe,' and another Of whatever value the account endorsement in Burleigh's hand as given may be, it is plainly inde- follows : — ' A vile false report of pendent of Sanders' narrative. APPENDIX. VOL. II. Pp APPENDIX. 579 Number I. Letter from the King to the Cardinal Ridolphi, asking him to meet Wolsey to treat of matters for the liberation of the Pope; written July 10, 1527. HENRICUS Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei Theiner, defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae, Reverendissimo in p- Christo patri, Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinali, Rodulfo, amico nostro carissimo, salutem. Arbitramur mortalium neminem esse qui cladem et contu- meliam almae Urbis Romae, quam Apostolorum Sedem ad haec usque tempora summa- omnium veneratione intemeratam Christus esse voluit, aut siccis oculis videre, aut non gemen- [do tam] triste nuncium audire poteerit. Quod enim faci- nus excogitari potuerat sceleratius ab his praesertim qui [se dederant] vel addixerant religioni, quam ut eam modis omni bus nunc perdere conentur ? Quorum certe tam praeceps ex- titit [furor, ut] durissima et crudelissima quaeque in Sanctissi mum Dominum Nostrum, verum et unicum in terris Christi vicarium, patrare sint ausi; eo [scilicet ca]pite sublato, Domi- nicique gregis percusso pastore, sancta corrueret ecclesia, lupis- que rapatibus, asservante [nemine, ov]es laniendae traderentur. Ad haec, quae nefanda scelera Catholicum pectus meminisse horret, a c[ruore] non abstinuerunt, sed crudelissimum faci- nus crudelissimo facinore superarunt, sanctaque Civitate [om nino per] rapinam occupata, sacra atque profana nullo dis- [crimine dis]ponunt; et ut omnis generis mala sileamus, [hoc praesertim] luctu et miseratione dignum putamus, quod magno illo s[acerdo]te et summo in humanis antistite, et cui .... , tale divina instituta in hominum salutem moder- [et]ur, in.turpissimam nunc attracto captivitatem, [imagine] s Dei, Sanctorumque reliquias inaudita, foeditate con[tamin]a- p p 2 580. APPENDIX. runt, conculcandasque passim disjecerunt, . . _. mum vernaculum quod admirabili veneratione a Christi fidelibus colebatur, atrotissime concremarunt, nobilissimum Christi san- guinem et preciosissimum corpus per injuriam, [insolentiam et] contemptum effuderunt, quae certe tam gravia et non [f]erenda mala ad sui restitutionem Christianos omnes, nedum principes, permovisse debent. Nos, vero officii nostri memores, et tituli fidei defensoris non obliti, statutum [animo im]motumque habemus, quoad fieri per nos potest, [nostrae] vocation! re-i spondere, huic procellae succurrere, nihil non facere, et omnes tentare modos, omnes experiri vias ad sanguinem usque no strum quibus lapsam Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae dignitatem inter [sepi] re, resarcire, capiti communique parenti libertatem asserere, et Christo illatas injurias reparare possumus. Q[uia au]tem pro ea quam obtinetis dignitatem, Reverendissimam Dominationem Vestram caeterosque suos confratres, quos divina misericordia, a tam atroci captivitate, sanctae Romanae Apostolicaeque Sedi integros reservavit, et quorum imprimis- interessent tanto malo in tempore mederi, paris animi ardoris ac voluntatis esse non ambigimus, magnam restituendae rei spem fiduciamque concepimus. Hujus igitur tam necessarii operis gratia, Reverendissi mum atque Illustrissimum Dominum Cardinalem Eboracen-. sem Sanctae Apostolicae Sedis de Latere Legatum, observan- tissimum Vestri Senates membrum, nostrumque locum tenen- tem, et de quo non aliter quam de nobis ipsis plenissime confidimus, ad Christianissimum Gallorum Regem, fratrem nostrum carissiinum, impraesentia misimus, in mandatisque dedimus ut ad eum locum mox se recipiat, ubi de re tantaV, eommodius consuli tractarique possit. Vestram proinde Reve rendissimam Dominationem rogamus et obtestamur, ut ad eum locum qui veluti commodior assignabitur convenire velit, et: causae [hujusmodi] omnium gravissimae labores omnes post- habere, quo una cum eodem Reverendissimo Domino Legato, aliisque qui illic aderunt confratribus, communi consilio pro Sanctissimi Domini nostri liberatione et pro tam saevis aver- tendis malis ille ineatur modus qui expeditior et conducibilior. fuerit habitus. Quicquid vero una cum ille nostro nomine statuetur, gratum APPENDIX. 581 et ratum habebimus, et omni nostra authoritate, opera, ac viribus praestare conabimur. Et feliciter valete. Ex Regia, nostra Wyndsore die 10 Julii M.D.XXVII. Vester bonus amicus Henricus. Petrus Vannes. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, Domino Car dinali Rodulfo etc., Legato Patrimonii, Amico nostro carissimo. 582 APPENDIX. Number II. Letter from Sir Gregory Cassali to Wolsey, giving an account of the Pope's plan of going into Spain with Wolsey to arrange a peace; written January 3, 15^9. Vitell. ILLUSTRISSIME et Reverendissime Domine, Domine foi. 7, ' mi colendissimo etc. al. 2. Tandem Generalis Cardinalis Sanctae Crucis hue applicuit. Quid ipse attulerit e[t ad] comunem pacem, et ad alias res privatas tractandas cum Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, ex literis q[uas] ad Dominum Vicentium Casalium, meum patruelem, in praesentia scripsi, Dominatio Vestra -Reverendissima ac [Illus trissima] copiose cognoscere poterit. Praeterea Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam scire volo me ex multis [serm]o- nibus, quos cum Sanctissimo Domino Nostro habui, collegisse Ejus Sanctitatem indubitanter opina[ri, quod] nunquam pax ista confici poterit, nisi ad eam cum Caesare tractandam [sua Sanctitas] ac Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima ac Illustris sima in Hispaniam proficiscantur. Dixitque Sanctissimus Dominus Noster [se, quum] tantam hujus pacis necessitatem esse videat, libentissime et hunc e[t omnes] labores pro pace conficienda subiturum ; nihilominus nullo pacto [se istam] pro- fectionem velle suscipere, nisi Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima idem faciat. Quam s[ibi vult adjumen]to esse, ejusque con silio et autoritate uti, ipsamque fratris habe[re loco, ita ut] ambo conjuncti quasi duo legati videamini ad id negotium perage[ndum profecti, et] adhibita Dominationis Vestrae Reve- rendissimae autoritate, consilio ac prudentia,, sperat a[d opta- tum finem] facile deduci posse. Qua de re in animo habet ad Regiam Majestatem [impraesentia] nuntium mittere. Quod ego praesentibus literis praecurrere [volui, et] certiorem facere Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam, quae dignabitur (oro) APPENDIX. 583 id inspicere q[uod super] hoc negotio per Uteras ad Dominum Vicenthjm cpnscripsi. Optime val[eat] Dominatio Vestra Reverendissima ac Illus trissima. Cui me humiUter etiam atque etiam commendo. Data Romae Die 3 Januarii M.D.XXIX. Ejusdem Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimse ac Illustrissimae, humiUimus Servitor, Gregobius Casalius. 584 APPENDIX, Number III. Extract qf a letter from Sir Gregory Cassali to Vincent Cassali, sent with the foregoing letter of January 3, 1529. Vitell. EX literis Domini Gregorii Casalii ad Dominum 7in- foj Xg' cent[ium patruelem] suum die 3 Januarii Roma al- 3- datis. Iste generalis Cardinalis Sanctae Crucis tandem hue ap- plicuit qui ad por [tum ex] navi descendit, deinde per ter ras usque Romam venit, ubi jam p[ermansit] tres dies, toti- dem etiam permansurus absque publicatione sui advent [us], quia prius vult ire Neapolim, ut secum Romam triumphaliter reducat [istos] Cardinales qui obsides erant. Sanctissimus Dominus Noster legit ejus literas in consistorio ; quae [con]ti- nebant, dictum generalem habere in mandatis restitutionem Cardinalium et arcium necnon 150 millium ducatorum, quos Caesarei milites ab ea, extorserunt ; praeterea, quod [ipse] coram intelligeret nonnulla bona nova quae cederent in gloriam et exaltati[onem] domus suae Sanctitatis. Quod quum ego a nonnullis ex his Reverendissimis Cardinalibus, nostris am[icis, in]tellexissem, volui antequam alloquerer Pontificem, tentare si quid ret[egere pos]sem, et inter caetera effeci quod Cardi nalis de Mantua et Cardinalis Farnesi[us loque]rentur cum ejus Sanctitate, eamque hortarentur ut nollet hanc occasio[nem conclu]dendi pacem omittere, quum sit1 quod res esse non possunt in statu [magis apto] nee magis ad propositum, super qua re dicti Cardinales longum sermonem [habuerunt cum] Sanctissimo Domino nostro, quibus ejus Sanctitas adeo aperuit hanc commissionem gen[eralem, ut ego] perceperim quo ten- dere volebat. Deinde me contuli ad [ejus Sanctitatem, et] cum ea diu locutus sum, eique affirmavi meam ita ferre opi[ni- onem quod] pax omninp succederet, ad qued credendum ad- 1 This may possibly be a mistake of writing for sett, but both copies have sit. APPENDIX. 585 ducebar,, q[uod is est hodie] status rerum ut meliorem pro facilitanda pace nullo pa[cto optare pos]semus; quia et Caesar ipse saepe indicavit, et Imperiales [semper praedijcarunt, ejus Majestatem esse prius morituram quam coactam aut per [vim ad] pacem deventuram. Sed si videret ab ejus Sanctitate et a Rege [Christianissimo] se ad pacem attrahi, aut similibus mediis ad eam induci, quod, s[alvo] suo honore, ne videretur per vim coacta, pacem faceret. [In] quo res hodie bene conveniunt, quia diei potest quod1**1' Caesar sit rerum dominus in Lombardia, quum nullum obsta- culum illic habeat ab exercitu Confcederatorum, et postquam , recuperavit tanta, sua cum gloria et honore Regnum Neapoli- tanum, ut a JuUo Caesare hue usque nulli alii tam feliciter ces serit. Quare si ejus Majestas nunc se resolveret ad pacem concludendam, acceptando eas conditiones quas in magis ad- versis suis temporibus recusavit, persuaderet toti orbi se ad bonum finem tendere. Quod non solum magnae gloriae ei esset, sed etiam extingueret ejus patrata facinora, et ostenderet Italiae ruinam et destructionem Sedis Apostolicae per suos fac tam causatam fuisse propter suam defensionem, et non propter aliquem malum effectum 2. • Praeterea, licet status rerum in apparentia videatur tam glo- riosus pro Caesare, tamen si ejus Majestas bene considerare voluerit, inveniet ilium magis debilem quam unquam fuerit. Nam quum parvae illae copiae Domini Renzii sint in Apulia, et Caesarei nequeant de suo exercitu disponere, non possunt eas neque obsidere neque expellere. Unde si in proximo vere copiae in Apulia a Confoederatis conservarentur, et gereretnr bellum in Lombardia aut in Flandria,, obtineretur quicquid vellent Confcederati ; et revera si fieret bellum in regionibus Caesaris, esset via destruendi eum. Ideoque non possum non judicare ejus Majestati persuasum et consultum esse ut pacem concludat; dixique ejus Sanctitati, quod si cognoverit Caesa rem esse hujusmodi opinionis, non deberet temporis momentum amittere; nam si expectetur novum ver (ut supradictam est) res ita se habebunt, ut postea non sit futurus iste. honor Cae-, sari. Nam necesse est ut principes Confcederati provideant 61 As far as this word there is some use in filling up the gaps of a very mutilated copy in Vitellius, this copy. B. xiv,- fol. 6, which has been, of 586 APPENDIX. ea quae bello sunt nccessaria, nisi pax componatur. Itaque quicquid faciendum est, fieri deberet antequam praeparetur bellum. Praeterea dixi Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, quod unum imprimis caveret, ne quid particulare cum Caesare trac- taret, nam si id faceret, causaretur duo mala. Primum poneret zelotipiam inter principes, et multum augeret arrogantiam et fob 9. insolentiam Caesari. Super hoc ejus Sanctitas longioribus verbis mihi respondit, asserens quicquid dicebam esse . . . . , tum et meram veritatem, sed quod Cardinalis Sanctae Crucis praeter restitution [em Cardinalium et] arcium nihil aliud attulerat; et quoad pacem generalem Caesar vult quod et serveter capitulatio Madricii, et instat super eo quod dedi vobis in instructionibus, videlicet componendi res Italiae per ejus Sanctitatem ; ad quae ego primu[m] respondi, Caesarem non recte intelligere, et palam toti orbi facturum co[ntra]rium ejus, quod ipse et Imperiales omnes praedicarunt semper, si nunc [amitjtere voluerit Burgundiam, propter hanc novissi- mam victoriam, quam ade[ptns est], et quod ego non pote- ram adduci ut credam ejus Majestatem tam malum consilium] inire : et si hoc sequetur, non potest non causari a malo consilio. [Ejus Sanctitas] ad haec mihi respondit, quod iste generalis fatetur verum esse quod loq[uuta est] ejus Sancti tas : idem illi dixerat, et super hoc eum interrogavit, qu[alem pacem] se facturam si in propria persona ipsa in Hispaniam iret, ad q[uod Cardinalis] respondit, quod si ejus Sanctitas tantum honoris exhiberet Caesari [per hanc] viam revera ad- duceret ilium ad omnia honesta, nam poterit [allegare] quod alias facere voluerit talia, et eas accipere conditiones qu[as Caesar ejus] Sanctitati denegare nequibit, videns quod ipsa moveatur propter ruin [am Ecclesiae] cui ob particularem injuriam Caesar omittere non debet ut v[idetur, et si] miles alias afferens rationes, quae super hac re adduci poss[unt], Sanctissimus Dominus Noster pro certo habet, quod quum tantum honoris ejus access[us in Hispaniam] sit allaturus Caesari, non posset ipse hujusmodi petitionem ejus Sanctitati den [egare] . Ad haec ipsa sperat se hujusmodi rationes Caesari super ejus commodo et m ostensuram, quas ejus Consiliarii ignorant, et non intelligunt. Hie ego [mul]ta ejus Sanctitati respondi ; et inter caetera duo imprimis, unum videlicet qued APPENDIX. 587 ipsa antehac perspexit, quanto magis se dedit in manus Imperi- f°l- 9 b. alium pro eorum ut[ili]tate, tanto magis crevit eorum arro- gantia, unde postea exorta est ruina suae Sanctitatis ; et super hoc allegavi pro exemplo omnia anteacta, praesertim quum impraesentia Caesar videatur ob hanc victoriam longe magis insolentior factus quam unquam antea fuerit. Alterum est quod iste accessus suae Sanctitatis ad Caesarem posset in- ducere alios principes in suspitionem, attenta bonitate suae Sanctitatis et astutia Hispanorum ; haeeque dixi veluti pro discursu rerum super id quod facile comprehendi potest; ac insuper non destiti ei facere animum ad pacem tractandam, quam certissimum est quemlibet Christianum principem et praecipue Christianissimum Regem et Caesarem, tum ob pri vatum interesse, tum ob publicam quietem, desiderare debere ; et quominus pax sequatur, id solum obesse videtur, quod non inveniatur modus et via eam tractandi; ac deinde quum vi- deam ejus Sanctitatem cupidissimam pacis, nee minus cupidos agnoscam Serenissimum Dominum Regem nostrum et Reve rendissimum Dominum Eboracensem, videbatur mihi, si hi simul conjuncti deliberarent componere pacem, constituto uno capite, non esset admodum difficile promovere rem, si diligen ter et cito tractaretur. Respondit mihi super his Sanctis simus Dominus Noster, quod si iret in Hispaniam, vellet Reve rendissimum Dominum Eboracensem eo etiam ire, ut una cum ejus Sanctitate pacem tractaret, et in [hoc c]asu nollet ipsa ire ut pontifex neque quod ejus Reverendissima Domi natio ut Cardinalis, sed dicit [quod vult] praesuponere se esse duos legatos conjunctim ad hunc effectum [et] habere Reve rendissimum Dominum pro fratre, consiliario et adjutore in hoc incepto, et quod ejus Reverendissima Dominatio pari loco suam Sanctitatem haberet, nee aliter nee alio modo, quia ita sibi necesse videtur pro inducendo Caesare ad votum op- tatum. Videtur etiam Sanctissimo Domino Nostro quod in progressu hujus sui itineris alloquatur Christianissimum Re gem, quod hoc pacto fieri posset. Ejus Sanctitas (si eundum sit) putat velle petere a Caesare ut dimittat Andream Dau- riam, quem ipsa postea conducet suo stipendio, et cum ejus triremibus Rhodiis, hoc iter prosequi posset, aliquantisper morari Massiliae, ut Christianissimum coram alloqueretur ejus- que mentem bene perciperet. Noluisset Sanctissimus Dominus 588 APPENDIX. Noster me quicquam his de rebus scripsisse, nisi leviter rationem propositi mei super hac re attigisse, et significasse fob 10. Reverendissimo Domino quia ejus Sanctitas vult mittere certum nuneium ob hoc ad Ser [enissimam Majestatem] et ad Reverendissimum Dominum, quem ut quanto citius fieri potest, mittere [urgebam], ostendens quam breve sit tempus propter necessaria praeparamenta pro bello. Nihilominus ego scribo ad Reverendissimum ex voto Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, sed ex altera parte volo ut ejus Reverendissimae Dominationi significetis quicquid his literis continetur. Ad haec scire [vos] debetis longe abhinc Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum hoc desiderio teneri, de quo multis abhinc [mensi- bus] scriptum fuit ad legatum qui est in Gallia ut loqueretur de [hac re] cum Christianissimo. Legates rescribit id se fecisse, et quod Christianissima Majestas multum l[audat] optimum desiderium Suae Sanctitatis, "et si aggrediatur hoc iter, obviam illi v[enturam ad] ejus sanctissimos pedes de- osculandos. Dominus Jacobus Salviatus osten[dit mihi] has literas Domini Legati. Hoc vobis significare volui ut videat Reverendissimus [Dominus Eborajcensis non fore admodum difficile, ut Christianissimus de hoc contentetur ....... nui pontificem, ut bene caveat, ne quid privatim agat aut tracte[t de arce et Cardina]libus. Nam si vel tantillum de hoc inteUigeretur, interrumperet [omnes nostras] actiones, praecipue quum omnes Italiae potentatus ejus inimi[ci sint, et] modo invigilent ut eam cum Caesare habere intelligentiam [prohibeant]. Rem vobis narro, ac se habet, et quoad meum judicium attu rem ipsam vitam, quod Sanctissimus Dominus Noster in hac re procedit tam sy[ncere ac caute] quam fieri potest, et eam reverentiam haberet Reverendis simo Domino quae hab[ita est unquam] cuivis principi, et pro certo scio quod Reverendissimus gubernaret ejus Sancti tatem de . , trium disponeret. De reli quis nihil dicam. Ejus Reverendissima Dominatio est pruden- tis[sima] et novit necessitatem orbis. Commissio generalis concernens honorem et exaltationem domus Pontificis sic habet, quod Caesar profert se in matri monium suam filiam daturum Nepoti suae Sanctitatis, et resti- tuere ilium in patriam, multaque alia ab eis considerat juxta APPENDIX. 589 affectus et cupiditates ejus Sanctitatis ; verum hujusmodi pro fecto est ipsius desiderium ad pacem ut credam omnes alios fob 10 b. appetites ejus nunc sopitos esse. Omnis iste sermo, quem super hac re habui cum Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, videtur mihi non posse non prodesse, nam saltem erit in causa ne ve- niat ad declarationem pro Caesare, de quo admodum veren- dum erat. Ego insinuavi ejus Sanctitati ut hac ratione potest se ex- imere ab Imperialibus, si eam sollicitaverint pro declaratione, videlicet affirmando se ire velle in propria persona ad Caesarem pro pace tractanda, ideoque non oportere impraesentia ad ali quam conventionem cum illis venire. Dicatis Reverendissimo Domino me haec omnia longioribus Uteris ad vos scripsisse, ut singula ejus Reverendissimae Domi nation! referatis. Quum diebus superioribus Dominus Sancti Pauli esset qui busdam in castris Alexandriae vicinis Genuae, eo misit quin- gentos equites et tria millia peditum ut deprehenderet Domi num Andream Dauriam, qui aedes suas habet in suburbio prope portam Genuae. Istae copiae clam venerunt nocte, adeo quod nihil de eis intellectum fuerat, usque ad horam fere prandii, quod nunciatum fuit Domino Andreae, qui tantum temporis habuit, ut miserit in urbem quaedam sua scrinia, et supervenientibus dictis copiis Domini Sancti Pauli, Doriiinus Andreas, cum circiter viginti hominibus quos domi habebat, restitit ante portam suae domus tantisper dum pons urbis levaretur, et ipse incolumis per secretam portam in urbem se, recepit. Dicitur quod Genuae dubitabatur de aliquo tractatu. Sequenti nocte Genuam applicuerunt tres naves, quae attule- runt mille et septingentos Hispanos qui existimatur quod ibunt Mediolanum, etc. 590 APPENDIX. Number IV. The King's letter to his ambassadors about the election of a new Pope on the supposition qf the death qf Clement VII; written February 6, 1529. Vitell. INSTRUCTIONS sent by the king's highness to his foi. 67. trusty counsellors and servants, Mr. Steven Gardiner, doctor of both laws, Sir Fraunces Brian and Sir Gre gory de Cassalys, knights, and Mr. Peter Vannes, the king's secretary for the Latin tongue, his ambassadors in the Court of Rome. First, whereas a good season since the despatch of the said Mr. Stevyn Gardiner on ambassiate towards the said Court, the king's highness, by sundry ways, hath been advertised of the death of our holy father the Pope, Clement of that name the Seventh, whose soul Jesu pardon, by meane whereof the charge heretofore committed by his grace unto his said orators to have been now executed with the said late Pope, cannot at his hands take effect, his highness pondering and profoundly considering the present state of Christendom, miser ably and piteously afflicted with the intestine wars, dissensions, and discords reigning amongst the princes of the same, and how the dignity of the See Apostolic, by such trouble and persecution as hath been inferred thereunto these years passed, is not a little diminished and impaired, like to come unto total ruin, if by the help and assistance of good and virtuous princes, the ambition of those which study the ex- termynion thereof be not in time repressed : considering, furthermore, that as well to conduce rest and tranquillity in Christendom, as to restore, repair, and reintegrate the state, authority, and reputation of the said See Apostolic, nothing is more requisite and necessary than that such a head and com mon father be now at this time of vacation of the dignity Papal provided and elected to succeed in the same, as both APPENDIX. 591 may, can, and will purvey to the restoration of the said See, and that hath and may have the assistance of such virtuous and puissant princes as tender the defence, maintenance, and increase of the dignity aforesaid, and that may meet with the inordinate ambition of the emperor, who nothing more studieth than for his own exaltation to suppress the Church and See Apostolic : remembering, also, the high importance of the king's great and weighty cause of matrimony, committed to the charge of his said orators, and how manifold dangers and irreparable damages depend upon the tract, delay, or disap pointment thereof, which by no way or mean can be cenduced to the king's purpose and desire, by the authority of the Church, but only by the special, assured, and perfect favour of the head of the same Church : also his highness being as loth as any living prince or person may be to recur unto other refuge, succour, or remedy in his said cause than to the autho rity of the See Apostolic, if his grace may there find the fob 6S. favour and benignity that to his merits towards the same be correspondent, of which favour his highness should be clearly deprived and frustrate in case the election of the future Pope should pass upon any person of whom his grace were not per fectly assured. His highness, for the respects and considerations before specified, perceiving his good brother and perpetual ally the French king in the said intention to be unite, knit, and in all actions and doings of importance, assuredly combined unto his grace, proceeding together in one will, mind, purpose, and conformity, hath by good and mature de liberation, studied, devised, and excogitate with himself who were and might be the most able, meet, and convenient per son, having the qualities before specified, to be advanced at this time unto the said dignity Papal. And finally, when his grace hath well revolved with himself, all the respects and considerations before said, noting also all things meet to be re garded in every of the cardinals of the Church of Rome, both present now in the Court there, and absent from the same, it cannot be found that there is any person sufficiently fur nished with the requisites before specified but only the most reverend father in God, and his most trusty counsellor, the Lord Legate, Cardinal Archbishop of York, Primate and 592 APPENDIX. Chancellor of this realm; who being well known to have as fervent zeal, study, mind, and desire to the universal weal,. repose, and tranquillity of Christendom, to the reintegration. and restoration of the dignity, authority, reputation, and rights of the Church and See Apostolic, to the surety, wealv and exaltation of the king's highness, the French king, and other their confederates, and finally to the perfection of the king's said great and weighty cause, whereupon dependeth the surety of his royal person, succession, realm, people, and dominions, as any person living can or may have; and that the said most reverend father hath the fast assured favour herein of the said French king (who of his own mere motion hath frankly and liberally offered unto him all that by him self, his friends, his power, his agents, or otherwise he may or can possibly do for his advancement to the said dignity Papal) is the person who for his singular virtue, his entire devotion to peace, and restoration of the said See, the exceUency of his wisdom, learning, and experience, the magnanimity in his actions and doings, the dignity wherein he is already consti-- tute, the promotions which he hath attained, the substance that he is of, his reputation, his conduct, his diligence, his fol. 69. dexterity, his discretion, his policy, and finally the notable and high favour that the king's highness and the said French king bear unto him, is only he, that called to the said dignity Papal, may, can, and will meet with the inordinate ambition' of the said emperor ; and consequently, with establishment of. tranquillity amongst Christian princes, is, by the assistance of his friends, meet, convenient, and able to succour, relieve, and clearly to repair the piteous jacture and decay that the Church and See Apostolic hath so long suffered and taken, and to defend the same from the imminent danger now apparent to ensue thereunto, if the said Emperor (who as the king's high ness is credibly ascertained) determined, in the beginning of January now passed, to take his journey towards Rome, should, upon this vacation of the said See, chanced (as it is upon many evident presumptions to be thought, by some detestable act committed, for the said late Pope's destruction) now by force, violence, cautele, blandishing promises, or otherwise, have the election to proceed at his will, favour, and devoticn : whereby, having a Pepe at his arbitre, either he should not APPENDIX. 593 fail to usurp and take from him the rights, provents, and patrimpny pf the Church, using him as his chaplain and vassal, cr else by little and little utterly to exclude and ex tinct him and his authority. For this cause, if ever it were expedient that good Christian princes should look to the tuition, maintenance, defence, and continuance of Christ's Church, faith, and religion, now is it the time, above all other, to provide and beware, by all ways possible, lest the same neglected, forgotten, and not in time relieved, be brought unto extreme ruin. And therefore the king's highness, having singular and special trust and confi dence in the wisdoms, discretions, fidelities, diligence, and circumspections of his said orators (to whom no part of the premises is unknown, ne how necessary and in any wise ex pedient it shaU be for perfection of the king's said great and weighty matter to them committed, to have the said Lord Legate of Yorke, and none other, advanced to the said dignity Papal), willeth, desireth, ordaineth, and expressly chargeth and commandeth his said orators, and every of them, no less to employ, endeavour, and determine themselves to solicit, set forth, further, procure, labour, and conduce the advancement of the said Lord Legate of Yorke to that dignity, than they would that thing which the king's highness most highly, next God and his soul, with all earnestness and fervent mind, doth, above all other things, covet and desire, ne also less than they would the speedy obtaining and perfection of all such things touching the king's said great and weighty matter committed to their charge : the making or marring whereof, fob 70. being now the said late Pope deceased, consisteth only in the advancement of the said Lord Legate of Yerke to the dignity Papal. For (as the king's said ambassadors may by theft wisdoms well think and consider) the same must pf necessity come, and fortune either to one that is an assured friend to his grace and the French king, or to one that is a manifest enemy to them, favouring the emperor's part, or to one indifferent and mean between both. And if it should chance upen a manifest enemy, it is evident that the king's desire at his hand were merely impessible to be had, and never were to be accepted that way. If it should come to one being indifferent and vol. 11. q q 594 APPENDIX. mean between both, it is more than notorious that his grace, at the least, should be contained with fair words and promises, and yet such respect should be had to the emperor, that finahy under hope of attaining something, there should be no more but tract, delay, and finally no manner fruit or effect : whereof experience hath already been seen in one that had cause to be more friendly to the king, than indifferent or mean between both, and yet how long the matter hath depended is to the king's said ambassadors well known. So that of necessity this thing must be conduced to one that is an assured friend. Then, noting substantially the things necessary to concur in such a friend, both for the weal of Christendom, the relief of the Church, the firm adhering to the king's highness and the French king, with other their confederates, and the perfect conducing of the king's great matter, which suffereth no tract, delay, or negative, it shall be found that there is none other- for this purpose but only the said Lord Legate of Yorke. The king's said ambassadors shall therefore plant the foun dation of all their study, labour, and solicitation only to that purpose. And for the better introduction of the ways and means hew this thing shall be solicited, they shall receive herewith a schedule wherein is mentioned and noted by name how many and what cardinals of Ukelihood shall be present at the elec tion, and how many and which of the other shaU be absent. Semblably, how many of them that be like to be present may be thought to be friends to the king's highness and the French king, whose names in the said schedule be noted with A, and how many are thought to be imperial, whose names be noted with E. In the same schedule be also set out the number fob 71. and names of those that be thought to be neutral or indif ferent, marked with N. And furthermore, they be first men tioned therein which be thought most like to aspire unto that dignity. Herein be many things well to be regarded. First, the number of the cardinals that are like to be present, which (as is thought here) shall not exceed thirty-nine. Secondly, that to have election to the king's purpose shall be requisite to have two parts of the three of the said number, which two parts must be twenty-six. Then is it to be noted that they which be thought to be friends to the king's highness and the French king be in number twenty : so that if they, may be APPENDIX. 595 made sure to the king's devotion, there shaU lack but six of the number which shall suffice to make the election ; which number the king's said ambassadors shall mpve, win, and attain either ef them that be thought to be indifferent, or some other. In the conducing whereof two ways be to be specially to be remembered. One is, if the cardinals present, having God and the Holy Ghost before them, shall be minded (as to their duty appertaineth) to have respect unto the present calamity of the Church and all Christendom, intending the relief, suc cour, and restoration of the same, and to preserve themselves and the dignity of the See Apostolic : then, looking profoundly upon the state of the things, they cannot fail facilly of them selves to find and perceive that to conduce their purpose there is only the said Lord Legate of Yorke. And in this case it is verily to he thought that the very reason itself, and their own conscience, shall lead them like virtuous fathers to have their principal respect hereunte, and (all particular affections set apart) to accord and agree without difficulty to that which so manifestly is known to be the thing, above all other, expedient. Nevertheless, because percace human fragilite suf- fereth not all things to be pondered, trutynate, and weighed in just balance, but that (as we be men) errors may run, un less their remedy be provided : it appertaineth in matter of so high importance, to the comfort and releve of all Christen dom, to succour the infirmity that may chance, not for cor ruption or to any perverse, unlawful, or -evil intent, but rather to help to the lacks and defaults which, by such fragilite, might else take place ; and therefore expedient shall it be that the king's said orators, to so notable a purpose, where they shall perceive the consideration and respect whereunto fob 72. reason leadeth, to be in any part to be aided or supplied, do the same with policitations of promotions spiritual, offices, dig nities, rewards of money, or other thing, such as they shall seem meet to the purpose : inculking into the minds of such persons as shall be requisite, first, what things the said Lord - Legate of Yorke shall leave, if he should be advanced to the said dignity, which be such, as, the establishment of his state considered, be far more to his commodity (if he should regard bis private weal) than to enter into this dangerous storm and q q 2 596 APPENDIX. troublous tempest for the relief of the Church and all Christendom, whereunto (his said private weal set apart) he is totally devoved and dedicate, to the exposition of his body, blood, and Ufe, glad and ready with the sacrifice thereof, to do service to God, his Church, his faith and rehgion : which said promotions the king's highness, finding cause given unto him by the gratitude and conformity of his friends, will not fail to bestow to their benefit, besides large rewards, to have this so virtuous an act brought to perfection. For policitation whereof the king's said ambassadors be fur nished at this time with ample commission, as by the same they shall perceive: the effect whereof they shall execute without exception as by their wisdoms shall be thought con venient, so always as it may be done with such circumspection as may be appearance of gopd fruit to ensue. And semblably they be furnished with letters, as well to the College of Car dinals in general, as to them all that be like to be present in particular : which they shall now deliver to the best further ance and advancement of their purpose, not sparing to declare unto them the liberality of the said Lord Legate of Yorke, the substance that he is of, the assured assistance that he shall have of these princes and their confederates, whereby he shaU be able, above any other that they can devise, to reward, pro mote, advance, and recompense his friends to the uttermost, assuring them that these two princes will not fail also highly and in the best sort to consider their gratitudes, with anything that they may excogitate to their profits and promotions, or any of their friends. So that by this mean, and with such good policitations, grounded upon a lawful, honourable, and just cause, and not upon any corrupt or indue intent, to con duce thing to sinister purpose, the king's said orators shall, by their good policies, attain the perfect and sure good will of a great many of them, and by that way shall, with good fob 73. dexterity, combine and knit those which will adhere hereunto in a perfect fastness and in an indissoluble knot, firmly to stick and hold together, without variation or declining from their purpose, for any persuasion, practice, or mean that can be made to the contrary : which thing surely to be provided, and such a knot of twenty, eighteen, or at the least, if it may be, of sixteen cardinals to be had, is in anywise expedient. For APPENDIX. 597 they, persisting in their determination, shall not fail to empeche that no adverse part can have a full number to make a due and lawful election ; and yet they, being found in a con- stantness to this good purpose, shall by little and little allure and bring other unto them, so as the residue, perceiving so great a towardness, and fearing a sufficient number to accede without them, and thereby the election to pass against their wills, shall percace be the more prone and ready to come unto that party : whereunto nothing should of reason sooner move them than the very respect to the infinite goodness that thereby to themselves in particular, and the universal Church and religion Christian in general, is apparent to ensue. Nevertheless, if leaving the direct way, they will be abused with any other incantations, or, for private ambition, persist in contending for themselves, then is it evident they search nothing more than the ruin of the said See Apostolic. In which case other ways be to be devised, and their indue de meanour to be remedied and resisted. For this cause, and to be sure in all events, the king's said orators shall by their wisdoms find the means to have some fast and sure persons in the conclave, such as may not only practise and set forth things there to the purpose, but also give such knowledge outward as the king's said orators may thereby the better know how to order their proceedings. And, amongst other, it is thought that Monsieur de Vaulx, one of the French am bassadors (whom the French king hath commanded expressly to further this matter by all the means to him possible) should be one to enter the said conclave, not as an ambassador, but as the minister of some cardinal, friend of the French king. And, semblably, Sir Gregory de Cassalis, who for his wisdom, conduct, language, acquaintance, and other gppd .qualities, may do excellent good in that behalf. And, in this matter, it is to be considered, that since this election in the person of the said Lord Legate of Yorke, by one way or other, suffereth no negative, albeit the king's highness trusteth that the same shall have his course directly : yet, if for lack of grace or entendement, there should be any despair thereof, other ways be to be provided. And, for that cause, to shew the said orators secretly there is a protestation passed by the cardinals being in England and in France, 598 APPENDIX. fob 74. according to a copy which the said orators shall receive here with, which is and shall be kept secret, unless then, by the undue proceeding used in the election, the same shall need to be published. So that the king's said orators, now adver tised thereof, shaU note for a special ground that if it shall appear that the election cannot be had in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, the band and number unite and knit together to the king's devotion in finding none other remedy, must be instructed beforehand, in that case, to per sist in their determination ; and when time shall be, by reason of such despair, to protest, grounding the same their protes tation upon such respects as cannot lack to be introduced for the avoiding of the extreme dangers by the pertinacity and wilfulness of the adverse cardinals, imminent to the ruin of the Church and of all Christendom : which protestation may be forehand be couched and devised by the said Mr. Stevyn Gardyner, and by the poUcy of the said Monsieur de Vaulx and Sir Gregory, be set forth in time convenient ; and thereupon the cardinals of the king's and the French king's adherents to depart the Conclave, whereby, repairing to other sure place, they, with the residue of the cardinals absent, may proceed to such an election as may be to God's pleasure, the weal of his Church and faith, and of all Chris tendom, any election that thus by pertinacity may ensue at Rome notwithstanding. And to the intent the cardinals may be the better animated to finish the said election to the king's desire, the king's said orators shall, as they see good, offer them a presydye of two or three thousand men to be in the city of Rome for the time of the same election, which, if they will accept, the said orators shaU see furnished, taking money by exchange and otherwise for their entertainment as shall be requisite : which money, or any other, that they shall take for conducing this the king's purpose, shaU be truly repaid with interest and all requisites as they shall assign. And, semblably, lest terror or dread of the imperials in Naples should induce the cardinals to any error, the French king hath ordained that Seignior Renzio shall lie in a presydye, between the army of Naples and the city of Rome, like as the Viscount of Tureyn is also commanded to lie on the other side, and semblably the Venetians. So that, by APPENDIX. 599 those means, not pnly shall they be out of all fear of the im perials, but also in the more devotion of these two princes, which shall much confer to the king's purpose, and embolden the cardinals favouring the desire of these two princes, both to persist in their deliberation and also, in time of extreme despair, to protest and depart as is aforesaid. And because nothing should withdraw the minds of the cardinals from this purpose, who percase might think that the fob 75. said Lord Legate of York, being elected, would not repair to the court of Rome, but demore in Avinion or some other place out of Italy, the king's said ambassadors shall remove all such suspicion by two evident arguments and reasons : one is, that the said Cardinal of York, advanced to that dignity, must thereby leave all other his promotions, and consequently should be dispurveyed of any habitation, place, or convenient living, if remaining in another strange ceuntry, he should differ to come unto Rome, where should be the place of his See and entire living; wherefore it were far from reason to think that he, which hitherto for his estate hath lived in such abundance, should be so pusillanime for this promotion, to bring him self into condign penury and poverty, or to live in place pri vate, to the hindrance of his honour, profit, or reputation. Secondly, the thing principally moving him to be contented at these princes' requests to change his state present is the fervent zeal he hath to expone his study, travail, labour, sub stance, wit, body, blood, and life in the quarrel of God's Church, faith, and of Christendom, which is too high an ex ception and a ground to be taken to remain and lie in a corner pr private place ; but that rather than he would suffer so high an exception to be found in him, he wpuld exppne all that he might dp : who, having the assistance of these two princes, should not fail (God wilUng) to pass directly to his See with honour and comfort unto all Italy, and the discouragement of the party that would be adverse thereunto ; and therefore the cardinals should not need to fear of any such thing, but might be well assured to have his presence there tc their comfort in all celerity and diligence possible. Furthermore, to the intent the king's said ambassadors may have all the friends that may be to this purpose, expe dient it shall be that they with the Venetians, the Florentines, 600 APPENDIX. the Duke of Ferrare, and all ether whom they shall think good to win unto their party, use the ways that may best conduce thereunto. And, amongst other, forasmuch as they which depended upon the Cardinal de Medicis, shall doubt in this case to be rejected, the king's said orators shall inculke unto them the singular devotion and special favour that the said Lord Legate of York hath always borne unto their family, assuring them that he will take them in no further distance of entire love than they were with Pope Leo, Clement, or any other. And, semblably, they shall put the Florentines in comfort of the exclusion of the governance of the said family fob 76. De Medicis in Florence, and of their enjoying of their liberty : likewise putting the cardinals in perfect hope of recovery of the patrimonies of the Church ; to contain the Venetians in good trust of a reasonable way to be taken for Servia and Ravenna, to their contentment ; and also to shew the Duke of Ferrara how the said Lord Legate was the meane of the con junction of him in league with the French king, with assured pro mise of his continuance in as much love and favour as he may bear unto him in all his causes and affairs. And thus having those folks to their friends whose orators shall have the utter most custody of the conclave, and the king's ambassadors and the French ambassadors being in the interior parts thereof, they being so amply instructed and furnished, shall not fail (God willing) by one or other of the said two ways, and speciaUy by the direct election at Rome, if it be possible, or, at the least, by the way of the said protestation and departure of the car dinals, to conduce the king's purpose in the said election to the desired end. In the doing whereof, albeit there is no doubt but that the French orators will join with them sincerely to the perfection of the premises, in omnem eventum, it shall be well done that the king's said orators have a substantial and politic regard to the proceeding of the same French orators, lest that if percase they should find any despair in the election to pass in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, they making some other cardinals to their side for the advance ment of any of them to the said dignity, should be the more strange, alien, or peradventure refuse to come unto the said protestation and departure out of the Conclave, which is the only remedy and refuge (the cardinals persisting in their wil- APPENDIX. 601 fulness) te interrupt, disappeint, infringe, and make veid their election. One other thing there is to be well noted by the said am bassadors, and by them to be inculcate in the minds of the cardinals, that if any manner of difficulty shall be made by the imperials to condescend unto this election upon the said Lord Legate of York, and that they of the emperor's part would refuse aU ways of good order and reason, proceeding to any election without the consent of the residue that would protest, they may be sure that unto that their sinister and undue way they should have no prince or potentate adhe rent, but only the emperor and his brother, and that the other part should have the rest of all Christendom, that is to say, the king's highness, the French king, the king of Hun gary, Polonia, Scotland, and Denmark, with the Venetians, fob 77. the dukes of Ferrara, Milan, the Florentines, and the rest of all Italy, besides the merchants of the Almaine or Hanse, and other leages being in the dominion of the said king of Polo nia; and over that the king of Portugal, who is lpth and sorry to see the emperor come unto so great height as he aspireth unto. So that having these mighty and notable puis sances to their assistance, and the corroboration of their act, it is fatile to think the other could be of no validity, ne have or take any manner of place : which is no small ground whereupon the»said cardinals may be the better animate to the king's and the French king's said devotion, and therefore it is to be imprinted in their minds accordingly. Finally, if the king's said orators, endeavouring themselves to the conducing of the said election in the person of the said Lord Legate of York, should, at the last, find that there were none other difficulty but only that the election in his person being totally desperate, the same were conducible to the Car dinal Campegius: then, rather than aU should fail, if the other could by no means be brought to pass, the king's plea sure is, that being assured it may, the other lacking, be con duced to the same Cardinal Campegius, they take such way as in that case the protestation be foreborn, and for the last refuge, if the other may not be, the election, at the least, to pass in the person of the said Cardinal Campegius : whereof there is no appearance, considering that the respects for the 602 APPENDIX. which the said Lord Legate of York should by the king's and the French king's means be brought hereunto, do for the greatest part fail and cease by the election of any other than himself, which is in this case to be remembered accordingly. Thus be the king's said orators instructed, as far as man's reason can here devise, what is to be done for conducing the king's purpose to effect, knowing well of what importance the thing is, and what consequences depend upon it, namely, for the perfection of the king's high and weighty matter, which otherwise, than by election of the said Lord Legate of York, hath no manner way to be conduced by authority of the See Apostolic. There resteth no more but they who weU know the same great matter to suffer no nay ne repulse, but by the election in the person of the said Lord Legate, do employ the uttermost -that in their hearts, powers, wits, bodies, and minds may be, to the perfection thereof, whereby they shaU do the greatest service that can be for this time excogitate to do unto their prince, deserve immortal laud, thanks, and praise, and be sure to consecute thereby such reward as shaU be to their comforts, rejoice, and honour, besides manifold other notable goodnesses, whereof they shaU be the procurers and solicitors to their merit perpetual. AU which, they may be sure, shall be considered accordingly 3. 3 This document was printed by and B to represent the first two Foxe, p. 1 1 26, ed. 2, with several letters of the alphabet; whereas mistakes, most of them of no great they stand for those who favour importance. In the schedule he the Anglican side or the Emperor's read the letter E as B, taking A respectively. APPENDIX. 603 Number V. Draft of the King's commission to his Orators to treat with the Cardinals about the election of a new Pope. February 7, 1529- HENRICUS etc [omnibus praesentes literas visuris vel Vitell. audituris] salutem. Cum nos certiores facti simus, Cle- foi.^s mentem [cujus animae propitieter Christus, fatum] obiisse, quod fatum nendis sit manifest Nostrarum propterea partium esse duximus [necnon officii] Christiani principis, quoad per nos fieri possit, [precibus ac] votis omnibus ab omnipptente Dep exposcere ut sum [mum Pontificem divijnae suae Majestati acceptum, Christianae rei- publicae salutarem, et s[anctae] ecclesiae dignitatis studiosum et amantem nobis concedat providentia in hac proxima electione Reverendissimis Dominis Car[dinalibus] communibus sententiis eligendi mentem conferat. Qua in [re, ne nos Christiani] principis ac sanctae sedi dedi- tissimi officium omisisse [videamur, dile]ctos nobis Dominum Stephanum Gardinerum, Juris utriusque Doctorem, [Dominum Fran]ciscum Bryanum, Dominum Gregorium Casalium, et Dominum Pe[trum Vannes, le]githnos nostros Consiliarios, oratores, ambassiatores, [commissarios,] deputatos, nuncios et procuratores nostros facimus, ord[inam]us et constituimus per praesentes, dantes et conceden[tes eisdem] et, conjunctim, vel eorum alteri per se divisim, potestat[em generalem] et tam generale quam speciale mandatum pro nobis ac vice [et auc toritate nostris, Reverendissimos patres Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales [conveniendi], adeundi, et cum eisdem super summo Pontifice eligen[do com]municandi, ipsosque ad Pontificem quem religione, p[ietate,] atque prudentia magis habilem et idoneum judicaver[int, omni] inordinata affectione seposita, eligendum, nostro no[mine] . et suadendi ac omnibus melioribus via ... . . . 604 APPENDIX. et suppetias in hac re ad opta- servanda offerendi, ac prom[it- tendi] m nostros Consiliarios, oratores, [ambassiatores, deputatos, commissa]rios et procuratores ob- Iata et pro [missa] a effectualiter obli- gandi, ac caetera nomine nostro faciendi, gerendi, procurandi, et expediendi quae in praemissis et circa ea necessaria fuerint seu quomodolibet oportuna, etiam ei mandatum de se magis exigant speciale quam praesentibus est expressum, et quae nos ipsi faceremus vel facere possemus, si praesentes istis inter- essemus, bona fide promittentes in verbo regio nos ratum, gratum et firmum habituros, ac bona fide perimpleturos, totum et quicquid per dictos nostros oratores, ambassiatores, coromissarios, deputatos, nuncios et procuratores, aut eorum alterum nomine nostro actum, gestum et procuratum sive promissum et oblatem fuerit in praemissis vel aliquo prae- missorum. In cujus rei testimonium his literis nostris patentibus manu nostra signatis magnum sigillum nostrum duximus apponen- dum. Dat etc. 4 4 This document has been slightly scribed wrongly in the Cotton Cata- corrected in tbe original. It is de- logue as belonging to the year 1534. APPENDIX. 605 Number VI. Arrangement qf the names of the Cardinals as they were supposed in England to stand affected towards the election of Wolsey. February 7, 1529. Cab[dlnales]. Vitell. B. xiv. fol. 10, Farnesius. Pap. X. Valle e. Monte. Anconitanus. Columna e. Campegius a. Senensis e. Sanctae Crucis e. Eboracensis a. IX. Ursinus a. Anconitanus n. Perusinus n. Ravennatensis. Cibo n. Cortonensis n. Mantuanus n. iEgidius fr. n. 5 Gonzaga n. Gaddi n. XXVII. Senensis e. Moguntinus e. Valle e. Leodiensis e. Columna e. 6 [Cesarinus e. Gaietanus e. Grimaldi e. Evouort e. Cornaro a. Neapolitanus e. Grimani a. Matera e. Santi Quattri a.] Santo-Severinus e. Burbo[n a.] Curcensis e. Cancell. fr. [a.] 6 Between jEgidius and Gaddi occurs Gaietan erased. 6 Five names here have been lost. 606 APPENDIX. Ursinus a. Cesis a. Salviati a. Rodulfus a. Triultius a. Pisanus a. Lothoringiae a. Cornelius a. Hippolitus a. 7 7 Le Grand has published a similar list of Cardinals, which ex hibits a tolerable correspondence with this list. They are divided into four classes : the imperials, the anti-imperials, the doubtful, and the absent. The imperials corre spond nearly to the beginning of the third list in this document, and consist of 15. St. Giles and Per- ouse and Gonzaga are counted im perial instead of neutral, and Cam- peggio imperial instead of anti- imperial. The reasons for their being so counted are added. In the second list of anti-imperials there is but little agreement; but in the French catalogue only three, the Cardinals of Ancona, Ravenna, and Medici, are considered doubt ful ; and the remaining six, the Cardinals of York, Mayence, Saltz- burgh, Portugal, Liege, and Sens, are classed as certain not to be pre sent at any election. APPENDIX. 607 Number VII. Holograph letter from Wolsey to Gardiner, urging him to do all he can to secure his election to the Papal chair ; written February 7, 1529. MASTER Stevyns, albeit ye shall be sufficiently with your Vitell. coUeagues, by such instructions as be given to Monsieur Vin- foj X1" cent, informed of the king's mind and mine concerning my advancement unto the dignity Papal, not doubting but that for the singular devotion which ye bear towards the king and his affairs, both general and particular, and perfect love which ye have towards me, ye will omit nothing that may be excogi tate to serve and conduce to that purpose; yet I thought convenient, for the more fervent expression of my mind in that behalf, to write unto you (as to the person whom I most entirely do trust, and by whom this thing shall be most pyghly 8 set forth) these few words following, of my own hand. I doubt not but ye do profoundly consider as well the state wherein the Church and all Christendom doth stand now pre sently, as also the state of this realm, and of the king's secret matter, which, if it should be brought to pass by any other means than by the authority of the Church, I account this prince and realm utterly undone : wherefore it is expedient to have such one to be Pope and common father of all princes as may, can, and wiU give remedy to the premises. And albeit I account myself much unhable, and that it shall be now incommodious, in this mine old age, to be the said common father, yet when all things be well pondered, and the quaUties of all the cardinals well considered (absit verbum jactantia), there shall be none found that can and will set remedy in the foresaid things, but only the Cardinal Ebor., whose good will and zeal is not to you, of all men, unknown. 8 This word was printed by Foxe pithely, which is probably what is meant. 608 APPENDIX. And were it not for the reintegration of the state of the Church and See Apostolic to the pristine dignity, and for the conducing of peace amongst Christian princes, and specially to relieve this prince and realm from the calamities that the same be now in, all the riches or honour of the world should not cause me, nedum aspirare, sed ne consentire, to accept the said dignity, although the same, with all commodities, were offered unto me. Nevertheless, conforming myself to the necessity of the time, and the will and pleasure of these two princes, I am content to appone all my wit and study, and to set forth all means and ways, ut bene faciam rebus Christianitatis, for the attaining of the said dignity. For the achieving and attaining whereof, forasmuch as thereupon dependeth the health and wealth, not only of these two princes and their realms, but of all Christendom, nothing is to be omitted that may conduce to the said end and pur pose. Wherefore, Master Stevyns, since you be so plainly ad vertised of my mind and intent, I shall pray you to extend, omnes nervos ingenii tui, ut ista res lad effectum produci possit, nullis parcendo sumptibus, policitationibus, sive labo rious; ita ut hominum videris ingenia et affectiones, sive ad privata sive ad publica, ita accommodes actiones tuas. Non deest tibi et collegis tuis amplissima potestas, nullis terminis aut conditionibus limitata seu restricta, et quidquid feceris, scito omnia apud hunc regem et me esse grata et rata. Nam omnia (ut paucis absolvam) in tuo ingenio et fide reposuimus. Nichil superest aliud scribendum, nisi quod supplex orem, ut omnes actiones tuas secundet Deus optimus maximusque, et ex eorde vale. Ex cedibus meis Westmonast. 7 Februarii. Tucb salutis et amplitudinis cupidissimus. T. EBOR.9 9 This letter was printed by Foxe, p. 1226. APPENDIX. 609 Number VIII. Copy of the Queen's Appeal, drawn up June 16, 1529. IN [Dei nomine, Amen. Per hoc publicum instrumentum] Vitell. cttnctis [appareat evidenter et sit notum, quod anno Domini foi. l7't miUesimo] quinge[ntesimo vicesimo nono, indictione secunda, al- l8- pontificatus Sanctissimi] in Christo [patris et Domini nostri, Domini Clementis] divina providenc[ia illius nominis Papae septimi anno] sexto, mensis vero Junii [decimo sexto, in aedi- bus] Illustrissimi principis et domini nostri, dom[ini Henrici,] Dei gratia Regis Angliae et Franciae [fideique] defen- soris et domini Hiberniae, vulg[ariter nuncupatis] Barnerd's Castell, civitatis L[ondoniensis, in quadam] alta camera ibidem in nostrorum Johannis [Clerk et] Johannis Talcarne, notari- orum pu[blicorum, subscriptorum et testium inferius norain]a- torum praesentia, const[ituta, serenissima Domina K]atherina, Angliae [et Franciae Regina, querelam, supplicatione]m, provo- cacionem et . . . [appellationem,] petitio ners, ac pro [testation em hujusmodi i]n scriptis redactam fecit provocavitque, et appellavit, ac apostolos pluries petiit, atque protestata fuit, ac cetera fecit, sub eorum qui seqnuntur tenore verborum. In Dei' nomine. Amen. Coram vobis publicis et authenticis personis ac testibus fide dignis, hie praesentibus, Nos, Katherina, Angliae .et Franciae Regina, potentissimi et invictissimi principis et domini Hen- [rici, Dei gratia Regis Angliae et Franciae] fid[ei defensoris et domini Hiberniae, uxor] et c[onjux legitima, dicimus, allegamus,] et in hii[s scriptis animo querelandi, supplicandi • et] appellandi, prop[onimus. Quod licet] idem potentissimus princeps [Dominus Henricus et] nos, praefata Katherina, spon salia invicem et] matrimonium verum, purum et legit[imum, etiam] auctoritate apostolica, nobis in ea parte c[oncessa,] legi time contraxerimus, atque in poss[essione praemissorum] seu vol. 11. b r 610 APPENDIX. quasi ejusdem matrimonii [notorie extiterimus] . . os que Katherina seu quasi [ejusdem matrimonii] et mariti mei . . per tempora [supradicta fu]erimus, prout in praesenti notorie sumus, omnibusque et singulis Judi cibus et sanctae matris ecclesiae mandatis canonicis, licitis et honestis quibuscunque obedire et parere prompta et parata. Metuentes tamen ex quibusdam causis probabilibus, et verisi- libus10 conjecturis, nobis et st de nuper ... . ... recuse . . ... ... .... parte nostra ... ... forma coram Sanctiss[imo Domino Clemente Papa] moderno, et ad ipsum interposita[s et factas] atque per eum receptas, et earum ca[usas aliis] Judicibus etiam commissas, necn[on post et contra revo]cacionem et advocationem literarum com- missionalium quarumcunque Reverendissimis in Christo pa- tr[ibus et] Dominis, Domino Thomae mise [ratione divina tituli Sanctae Ceciliae] Eboracensi et [Domino Laurentio, eadem miserati]one tituli [Sanctae Mariae in Transtiberijm, de Cam- pegio, [nuncupatis Presbiteris C]ardinalibus, dicti [Sanctis simi Domini nost]ri, Papae et sedis apostolicae in Regno Angliae de latere legatis, commissariis et vicegerentibus, (ut praetenditur) ac totius negocii in eiisdem specificati, per eun dem Dominum nostrum Papam factas, ac eiisdem Reverendis simis patribus etiam intimatas. Et postquam nos praedicta omnia et singula . . .... al ... . .... a . . adh . ... omnibus ... ... . . ... quibus d expedit, et non . . commissarii et vicegerentes praetensi [de facto,] cum de Jure non possent, nos [Katherinam] praedictam ad comparendum coram [eis, certo] die et loco nobis incompetentib[us], contra formam dictarum literarum com [missionalium] praetensarum 10 A mistake of copy for verisimilibus. APPENDIX. 611 praedictarum, ad nullius [instanciam sive petitionem, citare, licet nulliter, decreverunt] et fecerunt [commis] sarii et vice[gerentes] .... . . ter seu quivis . . . dato praetenso aliquid . . . . nit nostri matrimonii pri . sive possessionis seu quasi juris que nostri praedicti praejudicium attemptent vel attemptet, faciantve aut faciat aliqualiter attemptari, in Judicio vel extra, ex officio mero, mixto vel promoto, aut ad alicujus partis in stanciam, peticionem, persuasionem inj . . . . . Pr statui ..... ... divorciam . . sentenciando d . . . . ... seu quicquam aliud quocunque .... . . .... quaesito colore per modum inquisic[ionis,] citacionis, promo- tionis, accusacionis, [ad] alicujus partis instanciam seu aliter Et simili modo ne aliquod g[ravamen] vexatio, molestatio, inquietatio perti[mescentia, im]pendium, praejudicium, aut de- tri[mentum per]sonam seu quascunque . .... . . s dignitatis aut . . t circa matrimonium ... . si nostram praedictam sine . . . nobis inferatur, attemptetur aut ingeratur, ad eundem Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum Papam, et sacrosanctam sedem apostolicam omnibus melioribus modo, via et juris forma, quibus melius possumus, in hiis scriptis provocamus et appellamus, apostolosque, quatenus hie sunt petendi, petimus, primo, secundo et tercio instanter, instantius et instantissime, nobis trad[i, dari, et liberari cum effectu.] Ka app ab eiis . inque meUore .... . ... ! magistrorum, Jurisperitorum . . [prout moris est,] | Juris, atque stili. Super quibus [omnibus] et singulis praemissis, praefata [Katherina] Regina, nos Johannem Clerk et [Johannem] Talcarne, notarios publicos subs[criptos, exinde] unum vel b r 2 612 APPENDIX. plura, publicum seu pu[blica, instrumentum,] sive instrumenta conficere re[quisivit]. [Acta fuerunt haec omnia et singula,] prout supra scribun- tur [et recitantur, sub anno Domini,] Indictione, [Pontificate, mense, die et] loco praedictis, praesentibus [tunc ibidem Reve rendissimo in] Christo, WiUelmo Cant. [Archiepiscopo, nec non] Reverendis in Christo patribus, Cuth[berto Londinie]nsi, Nicholao Eliensi, Johanne Batoniensi et Wellensi, Johanne Roffensi, Georgio Landavensi, et Henrico Assavensi respec tive Episcopis, ac venerabili viro, Magistro Roberto Shurton, sacrae theologiae professore, testibus praemissa audientibus, specialiter rogatis et requisitis. Et ego Johannes Clerk, Bathoniensis et Wellensis dio- cesis publicus auctoritate Apostolica notarius, necnon al Q • • • ap . ... que p[raemissis omnibus et singulis, prout praemittitur] simili . . . [sub anno Domini, indictione, Pontificate] mense, die [et loco praedictis agebantur et fiebant] una cum testibus [praenominatis et Johanne] Talcarne notario p[ublico] . . . . praesens personaUter interfui, eaque [omnia et singula] sic fieri vidi et audivi. Ideo [hoc publicum] instru mentum, manu aliena, me inte[rim legitime im]pedito negociis, scriptum, ad specia[lem peticionem] et requisitionem dictae serenissimae [Dominae,] Katherinae Reginae exinde confeci, [subscripsi] publicavi, atque in hanc publicam [formam re- degi] signoque et nomine meis solitis [et consuetis signavi] in fidem et testimonium praemissorum [omnium et singulorum ad id] rogatus specialiter et requisites [in fidem et testimo nium omnium et singulorum praemissorum] . .... [Et ego Johannes Talcarne] Exoniensis dioce[sis publicus auctoritate Apostolica, notar]ius, quia supradictis [juramenti praestitioni, pe]ticioni ac pro[testationi ceterisque praemi]ssis omnibus et [singulis dum sicut] praemittitur, sub anno [Do mini, indictione], pontificate, mense, die [et loco praedict]is agebantur et fiebant, una cum praenominatis notario publico et testibus, praesens personaUter interfui, eaque omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi. Ideo hoc praesens publicum instru mentum manu aliena, me aliunde occupato, scriptum ad speci- APPENDIX. 613 alem requisicionem dictae serenissimae dominae Katherinae Re ginae Angliae exinde confeci, subscripsi, publicavi, et in hanc publicam formam redegi, signoque et nomine meis solitis et consuetis signavi rogatus et requisitus in fidem et testimonium omnium et singulorum praemissorum. [Per me] Florianum Montinum notarium in causa, assump- tum collatio [natum] cum originali. [Ita testor, Willelmus] Claiburgh, notarius etiam as- snmptus. 614 APPENDIX. Number" IX. a Clement's letter to the King apologizing for being unable to grant the request made to him by the Ambassadors ; written July 8, 1529. Eay.mld. REGI Angliae. p. 126. Charissime, etc. Dilectum filium Willelmum Benet, qui proxime a serenitate tua ad nos venit orator, libenter vidimus, virum gravem ac prudentem ; sed id nobis maxime molestum est non posse nos serenitati tuae quantum vellemus gratificari in iis, quae per ipsum atque alios oratores suos ac proximas literas a nobis petit : sed tamen consolamur nos, quod Deum testem habemus, nos quidquid potuimus ne pene plus quam tribuisse amori nostro erga serenitatem tuam, ejusque in nos atque in hanc sedem meritis possemus11 : nunc vero, quae causae nos studio tibi gratificandi longius provectos impediunt audiet ex dilecto filio Cardinali Campegio legato nostro. Ab ea peti- mus, ut sua virtute atque prudentia circumspiciat quanain ratione possimus, quod jus et consuetudo exigit, alteri parti denegare ; consideretque tempora sedis Apostolicae ac Christi anitatis in praecipiti positae ; quamvis nulla, re possemus retrahi a studio tibi gratificandi, nisi etiam ratio officii nostri ac per- sonae, quam sustinemus, nos impedirent : quod si majestas tua fecerit, non dubitamus quin ejus benevolentiam erga nos, pieta- temque erga hanc sedem retenturi simus, ut pluribus idem Cardinalis tuae majestati explicabit, cui solitam fidem babebit. Dat. Romae 8 Julii M.D. XXIX. pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 11 There is some confusion in the shews that it has been wrongly wording of this sentence which copied ; though the sense is clear. APPENDIX. 615 Number X. .Clement's letter to the King explaining how considerations of justice compelled him to grant the advocation qf the cause ; written July 19, 1529. REGI Angliae. Raynald.torn. xiii. Charissime, etc. Qua, instantia et quamdiu nostras aures pul- p. 126. saverint Caesarei agentes, ut causam istic ad instantiam tuae serenitatis commissam avocaremus, non dubitamus ad sereni tatem tuam per oratores tuos saepius esse perscriptum : quod autem interea nobis fuerit gratificandi tibi studium, res ipsa hactenus docuit, qui tanto tempore tam justas petitiones susti- nuimus, ne tuae serenitati, cui placere semper cupimus, in eo displiceremus : sed tamen victa est ad postremum patientia nostra ratione justitiae, coactique sumus omnibus non solum referendariis et advocatis palatii nostri auditoribus, sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalibus, ita judicantibus, advocationem ipsam concedere, et jus, quod unicuique debemus, ipsi etiam Caesari aliquando reddere : quod ipsum quam molestum animo nostro inciderit, si non dilatio rei ipsius multo antea debitae, praeterita certe erga serenitatem tuam stadia nostra confir- mare, ut credimus, tibi possunt, nos ad hoc, quod sero deveni- mus, etiam valde invitos devenisse, cum etiam omnia prius tentaverimus, quemadmodum tui ad te perscribere potuerunt, ne ad hoc descendere cogeremur. Quare serenitatem tuam pro tua, singulari aequitate exhortamur, et omni studio requi- rimus in Deo domino, ut aequi bonique consulas, necessitatem hanc nostram justitiae administrandae, nihilque ob eam causam de nostra veteri ac mutua benivolentia imminutum velis. Quod si feceris, ut quidem cupimus, et a bonitate tua, expectamus, nihil a te nobis gratius fieri poterit ; quemadmodum dilectus filius noster Cardinalis Campegius haec plenius tuae serenitati referet. Datum Romae etc. die 19 JuUi M.D. XXIX. pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 616 APPENDIX. Number XI. Copy of a letter sent from Bologna to Croke informing him that as yet no provision had been made for the dispensations he asked for ; written January 12, 1530. foi. 43, Ad literas tuas quas recepi non est quod responde[am, Viteil. FRATER carissime, B. xiii. . fol. 43, Ad Uteras tuas quas ab 44. praeterquam] quod laudo operam tuam, et hortor ut procedas ad impediment[um removendum] quod providebitur, prout brevi ad te copiosius scribam. Inter [ea mihi] videtur quod isthinc non discedas; non enim multi dies postquam has [lite ras] receperis transibunt, donee copiosiores habueris literas. Scripsi [de eo quod] cupis et de omnibus quae ad me scribis significavi ; de dispensationibus nihil adhuc factum ; de officio quod cupiebas jam ali[is] literis significavi id obtentum esse. Bene vale. Bononiae die 12 Januarii M.D. XXX. Tuus frater Robeb[tus] APPENDIX. 617 Number XII. First draft qf a letter from Croke to the King, describing' his plan of operation ; written January 24, 1530. DOMINUS Wigorniensis, illustrissime et potentissime prin- ViteJ}: ceps, ut est in tuis [rebus] fideUssime solicitus, et per amicos f0i. 7 b. cum Theologo quodam eximie erudito [fidefjiter se egisse ait, et iUius scripta quottidie expectare. In causa tamen [Majes] - tatis tuae, praesente saltim Pontifice et Caesare, aliquid hie at- temptare nee [au]sus est nee putavit consultum. Porro ab ipsorum discessu et cum Judaeis, quod mihi faciundum suasit Stoxleius, molietur, et cum Theologis qui (quoniam hie omnes Thomisticae sectae sunt) ut pro te pronuncient non desperat effecturum. Certe anxie videtur in hoc negocio diligens. Proinde, ne ullus suspitioni locus detur, quid hie ille mecum communiter tractemus neque hie neque Rhomae mihi cum ipsis, aedibus habitandum putat. Vult tamen, absente Pontifice, ut Rhomae suas aedes habitem, et hie mihi sibi vicinas assignavit. Quoque res magis ab omni suspitione procul sit, visum illi est ut non recta hinc Rhomam, sed primo Paduam, tentaturus Theolo gorum illic animos ac inde ut Venetias, bibliothecam scruta- turus Graecam, contendam ; rursum ab urbe Veneta Rhomam, illicque (si vacet) Poenitentiarii munus ambiam. Quod ut asse- quar, omnem suam operam opemque policetur, et si assequar, non modo rem extra omnem suspitionem fore sperat sed etiam liberius mihi semper ad quamlibet bibliothecam fore ac- cessum, quod hoc nomine Pontificiae non tuae Majestatis minis ter sim habendus. Porro ut videat regia bonitas-tua quam eximia quamque anxia, diligentia doctissimus et idem fidelis- simus subditus tuus Dominus Joannes Stoxleius hanc tuae Majestatis causam sustineat, mitto ad celsitudinem tuam ipsius ad postulata mea instructiones, ex quibus quot scripturaruin loca mihi sunt evolvenda, quot item interpretes super ipsis singulis mihi sunt consulendi. Cum viderit prudentia tua, non 618 APPENDIX. aegre regia, ist& dementia tua. spero me impetraturum ut cogitet quantum oneris tenuitati meae imposuerit Majestas tua, cui mandavit ut tot tamque varias auctorum interpretationes, si quod causam adjuvet tuam, id ego non semel, sed ter et eo amplius describam, relictis apud Reverendum Wigorniensem singulorum duplicatis triplicatisque. Serenissime Rex, ego magna spe sum ut omnis eruditorum cohors pro te pronunciet. Quod autem jussit Stoxleius ut cum Judaeis Rhomae id ego si commode fieri posset cum his qui Paduae sunt primum transigam obliqueque velut aliud agens Theologorum animis illic exploratis discedam Venetias. Spero fore ut et diligentiam et fidem in hac re meam non sit im- probatura Majestas tua. Non 12 sinit tenuitas mea ut hoc celem clementiam tuam, Bononiae tribus ducatis in diem aegre mihi vitam tolerari. Et Rhomae quam hie, omnia triplo esse chariora constanter affir- mat Dominus Wigorniensis cujus consilium est propter ocu- latam in exquirendis archanis alienis hospitum Rhomanorum curiositatem ut solus Rhomae solas habitem. Neque cum alio quopiam quam se [quip]piam habeam commertii. Haec sunt quae modo oratoribus tuis putavi committenda. Faeliciter vale illustris princeps. Bononiae 9 Ka. Feb. 12 This paragraph is added after- It is full of erasures and alterations, wards in a larger hand, and, being and in some cases it was difficult without erasures, apparently was to decide what was meant to be copied from the complete letter, erased and what to stand. of which the above is the first draft. APPENDIX. 619 Number XIII. Copy of a letter from Croke to Ghinucci, asking for instruc tions; written January 29, 1530. NOS ad te scripsimus, et oramus ut ad Veronensem saltim Vitell. et Theatinum scriberes, ostendim usque quanta apud illos libro- f0i, 30^ rum esset supellex, et nihil scripsisti porro ut videas quo pacto nn- J5- cum Theatino et Aleandro egeram. Finxi esse multos principes qui molirentur extruere bibliothecam, et mihi datum nego tium libros per bibliothecas disquirendi. Pudet esse tam Ion- gum, pudet esse tam garrulum. Sed quia tu tam surdus es, cogor vociferare, clamare, exclamare, tonare etiam si possem ; nisi accurate respondeas ad omnia, nisi de pecunia prospicias, video mihi cum ea quae superest pusilla, redeundum in Angliam ; nam, cum quo me Rhomae alam non habeam viaticum, non est illic eundum, ubi ne deo quidem mendicanti darent aliquid homines parum misericordes. Haec sunt quibus ut respondeat Reverenda Dominatio tua expecto. Primum, an velis pro his libris vel omnibus vel aliquibus ad Veronensem scribere, scilicet, Nazianzeni et Basilii epistolis, Chrysostomo super Pauli epistolas, et Maximo super vetus Testamentum ? An velis mihi de pecunia qua hie et Rhomae me alam, Romam que possem ire, prospicere et quando ? An velis ad patrem Franciscum scribere, et gratias agendo ilium confirmare, ut qua ccepit, pergat ; item polliceri, quic quid ille et alii scripserint, secretum habiturum, donee ad publicam disputatienem veniatur ; et ut penes te unum et me ipsius consilium esse scias, negavit protonotario aliquid se in hac re scripsisse aut scripturum nisi venia, Pontificis et rogatu regis? An velis ut per patrem Franciscum aliquis subornetur, qui cum Senatu agat Veneto, ut has conclusiones committat 620 APPENDIX. scholae Patavinae, per Scripturas et Canones deterrainandas ? Quod si fiat, nihil dubitat bonus pater effecturum, ut tota schola pro nobis pronunciet. Ego scio bonam partem Theolo gorum [et doctorum] Venetorum et Patavinorum sic ab eo pendere ut impellere [eos possit si ve]lit. Nee mirum, cum fob 31. ejus consobrinus Marinus Georgius ex iUis duodecim primariis consiliariis, et sena[tiis] . sit, et Patavinae scholae praefec^ turam habeat, publicisque in ea, l[ectoribus] stipendia persol- vat. In quo numero, fuit ante susceptum h[abitum] etiam pater Franciscus. An leges judiciales Veteris Testamenti sint in toto abolitae; vel in parte per advenientem legem evangelicam ? An judiciales sic a moralibus distinguantur ut nulla earum, in parte moralis, in parte vero judicialis esse posset ? An morales omnes naturales sint ? An morales et naturales leges, etiam Veteris Testamenti, ejus semper fuerint roboris, ut si novum ad ipsorum confirma- tionem statutum unquam ab ecclesia factam fuisset, illae tum et semper et omnes obligassent ? An contra sic morales et naturales ex potestate legittima et ordinaria Papa dispensare posset ? An literas quas ad Stoxleium [scripsi] adhuc in Anglia An aliquid nobis ex AngUa scriptum sit, aut ad te de nob [is] ? Quid de dispensationibus Foxus et ego expectemus ? Quid cum Cardinale Grimanno pro his libris feceris ; obsecro etiam ut literas impetres ad monachos Antonii uti ipsi quos illinc velim libros domi mihi legendos concedant ? An librum patris Francisci et quot a nobis literas acceperis, ut videas, si fuerint interceptae, tibi ascribendum non mihi semper. Vidi in ministri tui literis inclusas meas et a Pandul- pho Nerone intellexeram omnes tibi traditas ; quo magis miror, cum sic tuam operam petat causae regiae necessitas, quod ante facturum te policebaris nihil ad me. Sed neque pro me ad eorum aliquem voluisti. Nunciavit mihi frater Georgius protonotarium illi dixisse et me Anglum esse, et regia hie tractare negocia, Caesaremque maxime regiae causae adversari, pontificemque, licet occulte nobis fav[et], non audere per Cae sarem illud profiteri, denique maximas esse de hoc negotio in APPENDIX. 621 ipsa Anglia controversias. Quibus verbis mirifice exterruit fratrem Franciscum et in me incitavit. Placavi tamen homi nem utcunque, ita ut post illas primas, mitiores ad me mit- teret. Heri, hodie se curaturum dixit de Cassalis ut biblio thecam sancti Marci viderem. Hodie remittit, neque secretario otium esse dicit qui sibi libros traditurus est policitus ; sic nobis cum nugatur iste. Sed istud probe occurrit scrip [sisse] me ad te, munera et scriptores et libros me exhausisse. De scrip- tori[bus] adhuc plenam summam non cognosce Quare eam adhuc tacebo. Sed ne prodigum putes, consumpsi in libros et munera, viginti duntaxat scuta, et tamen ex quadraginta cen tum scutis, non plura mihi quam quinqua[ginta] supersunt, ex quibus ministri mei ad vos iter decern absumet. Sic sunt omnia chara; tales habent latrones hospitia. Jubebam ut minis ter] taus, cui non immerito fido et te fidere puto, scriberet quantum in scriptores et monachos et libros et victum insu- merem, ne to . nos" profundere temere omnia, dabimus rationem cujus nos non pud[ebit] . in tempore respondisses, si pecunia ad sing .... Cassalis nos non irrisisset, jam fuissemus Romae . . Patavium pronunciasset. Cras haud dubie libros [Sancjti Marci quos quaeri- M. 31 b. mus opera, Francisci Georgii et tamen [pri]die mihi signifi- caverat, ministro tuo interprete, de Cassalis quod index ille quem mibi tradidit erat verissimus. Qui cum non habeat quos [quaer]imus, quid aliud dixit quam nolle se ut viderem quae illic sunt et quos ipse regi persuasit ante hie non esse. Nomina eorum qui pro nobis favent. In primis nobilis sacerdos laicus, Philippus de Chremis doctor et in utroque jure et in theologia, qui pro nostra parte scribet manifestissime Deinde frater Franciscus Georgius, cujus libro subscripsere doctores 13 Scripsit etiam pro nobis doctor Joannes Maria, et doctor Valerius Bergomensis, Patavini, et alii quorum opera, quo niam adhuc non sunt ita absoluta ut cupio, mittam postea. Per Deum, si vel mihi pecunia adfuisset vel consilium tuum, jam cum tua magna gloria Rex voto suo in Italia fuisset potitus. 13 Blank, as if meant for some numeral to follow. APPENDIX. Number XIV. Copy of a letter from Croke to Ghinucci detailing his pro gress in reading up the subject in the Fathers; written February 2, i53°- Vitell. REVERENDE in Christo pater et domine, salutem et foi.TgV felicitatem. lin. 9. Venerat ad me multa nocte heri de Cassalis, attulitque secum non sermones modo Nazianzeni, sed etiam epistolas tam Nazianzeni quam Basilii, illas inquam ab Aldo ante annos viginti excusas. Sed de illo quem nos hie tam diu quaesivimus ne ullum quidem verbum tum, quod ille non libenter de eo au- diat, et quod, si nos nimium urgeremus, faceremus nostra soli- citudine ut ille multo esset solitior 14 in eo subducendo. Certe hactenus ne unum quidem librum ejus beneficio vidi mus, et quam ille cupiat ut Nazianzenum videamus, tibi ex eol- latione indicum (quos jam mittimus) relinquimus judicandum. Magna tamen humanitate cum apud eum de inopia quaere- remus, nobis decem ducatos hesterna nocte est policitus, donee a te rursum audiat. Venerat etiam ad me pridie sub idem tempus, retulitque de frequentibus interim ex quo hue venit ad se et ab Anglia et Bononia missis literis ; et tua tamen Domi natio ad nos nihil, post tot et tam longas litteras. Obsecro te quid times ? At illos fortasse nolis offendere. Quis a te hoc exegit ; et tu, quid putas velle me litteras tuas cuiquam prodere, qui tam sum anxius ne te cuipiam quippiam prodas. Si hoc non putas, cur nihil seribis, cur tot obrutum curis nihil Solaris ? Ut mihi nolles credere, ut illos nolles offendere, certe debuisses principis mei causam consilio saltim promovere tuo. Sed quid ego haec ad te, cujus tam obstinatum silentium est ut neque amor in te meus, neque principis aut causa aut nomen toties inculcatum vel unicum potuerit verbum extorquere. Uti- nam te jurgare possem, utinam possem irasci tibi; non dicam plura, ne te, quem maxime et amo et veneror, iratum habeam. 14 Probably a mistake for solicitior. APPENDIX. 623 Quod ad moram hie meam attinet, imus, redimus ad biblio- thecas quottidie ; totos dies, totas noctes libris legendis immo- ramur, scribimus, disputamus, et aliis quae scribant indicamus. Quid ego plus possem homo unus et solus ? Jam certum est hie libros omnes illos esse quos mihi Rhomae legendos per- scripsit Stoxleius, et Nazianzeni epistolas illas quas nos maxime cupimus, et Rhomae non esse et hie esse a fide dignis Utini uterque accepimus. Jam ut scias quos hie libros hie percur- rimus, primo rapsodiam Macarii, Theodori, Acacii, Apollinarii, Origenis, . Gregorii Nisses et Nazianzeni, Chrisostomi, Cyrilli, Severiani, Genadii, et aliorum multorum in Pentateuchum et Ruth percurrimus. Ex quibus aliqua descripsimus, et plurima tamen describenda reliquimus, ex rapsodia in Lucam quam mihi a Theatino, pater Franciscus Georgius [mujtuatus est quae utcunque pro nobis facerent jam excerpsi calamo . . oi prater ista ethica et aschetica, Basilii ad monachos omnia, [Origenis He]xameron et Chrysostomi bonam partem in Genesim. Restant legendi Chrisostomus in loca Matthaei, et in Pauli fob 3°. e[pistolas] ad Romanos, Corinthios, Galatas, et Hebraeos. Item epistolae Nazianzeni, et Basilii quae [extant] ut percurram et describajn (quae pro nobis faciant) loca omnia occupab . . plus minus mensem. Rogo ergo ut sumptuum nostrorum rationem habeas, temp[ore] nobis succurras, ne, dum nos regi velim us inservire non possim [us] . . non majore meo incommodo quam tuae famae fideique in regem dispen [dio]. Si te offendat quod tot contra de Cassalis negligentiam scripserim, memineris obsecro quanta cum perfidia et meo periculo ista fuissem tacit [urus], et quam modeste faciam, qui ad te unum scribam, et nolim alii cuipiam indicari quod eo majore fide et prudentia facio, quo magis timeo, ut vel mihi illi nocerent vel regiis negotiis per invidiam obstacu[lum] po- nant. Sed obsecro te, cum ita habeat, annon erit in manu tea ut mihi horum oblivionem imperes. Deum testor, nollem ego nocere illi. Sed neque velim ut ipsorum negligentia vel mihi vel principis mei causae noceat. Sed jam ad patrem Francis cum veniamus, cujus ad me acerbas literas per hunc meum ad te mitto, quas, si bene et attente legeris, non erit quod te apud regem excuses, nisi humanissimas ad ipsum scripseris. Ausu [s 624 appendix; sum] ego periculo capitis spondere ejus authoritate futurum ut tota acede[mia] lfl Patavina (quod ad Theologos attinet) pro nobis pronunciet modo tu disce[dente] Caesare alterum effeceris, scilicet ut vel citra indignationem pontificis the[ologi] hie libere sententias suas dicant, vel Senatus Venetus permittat nostras quaestiones Patavii publice disputandas. Jovis 16 ejus opera ha- bemus ex bibliotheca Veneta", Nazianzeni volumina duo, et Maximum et cui debemus liberum ad Antonii accessum. Cui ad Pauli non accessum mo [do] sed permissos fidei mei, domi legendos libros. Idem nobis rapsodiam in . ... Idem mutuatus est indices et Marci et Antonii fecerat exhiberi. In summa quidquid hie boni fecimus, illi debet rex referre acceptum, ut interim a quattuor probatum Theologiae docto ribus opus per me suum taceam, et ipsorum et multorum aliorum in scripturis eruditorum subscriptis nominibus. Sed et Petrum de Cremis doctorem jure, legibus et Theo- logia vere doctissimum et maximse hie authoritatis virum, huic uni debemus. Huic Marcum Hebraeum. Haec omnia nihilne merentur gratiarum? Jamque mihi qui[dem] (tuum me familiarem putaverant) exhibuit humanitatem, puto ego pluri- [mum], vel privato nomine, a te meritum esse, ergo et nihil ad hunc, nihil ad me scribe. Jubebas, ut (si quem invenerim nostrae causae faventem) te tantum facerem certiorem, et te reliqua transacturum. An credam hoc tibi qui, cum in hoc uno viro jam nobis conciliato et confirmato, solidam posses nobis conciliare Academiam, ne unum quidem gramma dig- naris scribere. Sed tu dubitas, ne ille literas prodat tuas, et ille rursum timet, ne tu ipsius scripta, ante impetratam pub licam de his rebus disputationem, pon [tifici] velis prodere ; et igitur subtrahet ilia sua scripta quae nobis maxime su[nt] pro- futura, donee tu fidem per literas dederis et regem gratum habiturum quod in ips[ius] causa scribat, et utrumque vestrum sua scripta secreta servaturum donee [res] ad publicam per- venerint disputationem. Certe mihi decem aureorum jac[tu]ram facit et protonotarii garrulitas et tua tacitarnitas. Ille enim me regium esse non perdidisset jam omnia citra tumultum . .... subscriptis nominibus habuissemus in 15 This portion of a word is be a mistake of writing for acade. plainly written acede, but it must 16 Probably a mistake for Ivonis. APPENDIX. 625 manibus nee minus . . in Academia, secreto quem modo palam sumus facturi. Et s[ublatis] impedimentis tuo per literas consUio occurrisses jam non m ere tanta pecuniae jactura ministrum meum. Rogo ergo ut [et] fob 30 b. de pecunia prospicias, qua, hinc me Rhomam proripiam post mensem [et] qua interim, dum hie sum, me alam. Simul etiam accurate ad patrem Franciscum scribere, et quas debes gratias age ; postremo noli ad me siccas scribere, sed fecundas literas, ut sciam quomodo me posthac in omnibus geram. Ubi videro Nazianzenum, scribam ad regem. Tu rogo ut dispensationum memineris, ut ad Foxum de augendis mihi dietis scribas, et si quid ad me literarum venit ex Anglia ut per hunc meum transmittas. Si pecunia tibi in promptu non sit, perfice ut dominus Carru ad quendam Herewel mercatorem hie Anglicum vel leviter me commendet, et ille literis tuis facile mihi, quantum tibi videbitur justum pecuniarum, suppetet. Vale, hoc Purificationis mane. Tuus ex animo Dominationi tuae addictissimus R. Ceo. 62(5 APPENDIX. Number XV. Copy in Croke's hand of a letter written on February 3, with a postscript of February 4 from Croke to Ghinucci de tailing his interview with John Cassali. Vitell. MERCURII, aedes de CassaUs adii, ut scirem an ille ali- foi ""ib I1"** ^e bibliotheca, Sancti Marci. Qui, ubi horam et dimidiam lin. 15. fecerat expectare, tandem renunciari jubet ut a prandio ad se redeam sedenti. Indicem profert, quem omnium in Sancti Marci sacrorum verissimum elenchum esse saepe mihi dixit. Rogo concedat describendum, et impetrato ut tu videas quam diligenter et fideliter principi meo isti inserviant, descriptum manu ministri tui, et ilium adulterinum et (qui apud me opera, patris Francisci erat) Sancti Marci genuinum mitto. Obsecro te cur omnium eorum quos habet verus index, adulterinus iste tacet. Dixit mihi de Cassalis non tunc solum, immo alias saepissime, ilium verissimum esse indicem, et principem non permissurum ut aliquem librum e bibliotheca extraherem ; effecisse tamen se ut in bibliotheca unam aut alteram horam legem quandocunque vellem. Idem significari mihi per secretarium suum fecit, cum ex praescripto ad ilium Jovis irem, non iturus modo, sed ut spera- bam accepturus e Sancti Antonii, ipsius authoritate et fide, aliquem librum. Sed in itinere occurrit seer etarius ; dicit mihi eo die dominum suum vacare mihi non posse ; esse ergo mane redeundum. Redeo ; iter ad Sancti Antonii sed nulla fruge ; ubi rogo ut Basilii opera aliqua mutuo mihi petat, dicit se velle videre indicem ; impetrat, acceperat enim eum antea mutuo pro cognato quodam suo pater Franciscus. Itaque ilium adit, ne impetret. Nos ante habebamus, et ejusdem ejus patris opera, in bibliothecam liberrimus patebat mihi ingressus. Vides ergo quantum, hujus moris, nobis perit et laboris et temporis. Eodem mane cum ad ilium venissem, statim vocat ad se (de quo proxime scripseram) Judaeum Jacobum ; rogat ut cum eo disputem. Ubi nego, et indignor sic me omnibus APPENDIX. 627 per ipsum prodi ; Hie, inquit, pro nobis scripsit, et apud fratrem meum Bononiae reliquit. Non esset malum [ut] tu a fratre an hoc verum sit prudenter rogaveris. Nam ubi ego [rogo] ut Judaei scripta videam, et unicum dicit fuisse exemplar dere Judaeum profiteri quod pro nobis scripserit. Quod ubi [audivi, Quid,] inquam, nobis cum illo qui cum res in lucem venerit, factum negabit suum. Non triduum est ex quo mihi dixit nullo [modo] posse nos Theatino confidere, et eo tamen mane probum et fide[lem] et interim saepe alias Thea tinum esse adseruit, adeo ut rogaret [utrum] disputaturus ad Theatinum cum eo concederem. Ego id, sine singrapha e[jus] quod ipse jusserit, et quod Rex ut ipse faceret voluerit, nego me facturum. At tu, inquit, librum a Theatino habes mutuo, fide fratris Francisci, et cum de eo restituendo dubitaret, ego pro te me vadem obtuli, dixique probum virum esse te et Anglum. Et ego me prius Flandrensem et Johan [nem] vocari me dixi; nimirum usurus episcopi opera, in illo libro conciliorum e manibus Aleandri extorquendo. In quo desyderatam a nobis cpistolam esse, et legisse se jam dicit de Cassalis ; nee esse Nazianzeni sed Basilii, cujus rei ut faceret fidem, ostendit in Bibliis textum ilium Levitici 18. Sororem uxoris tua inpelli- catum ejus non accipies. Super hunc, inquit, textum scribit Basilius, et infert rationem de ea quae duobus fratribus nupsit ; utque verum se dixisse probaret, ostendit concilium Neocaesariense, omnibus regiis jam olim notum. Hie ego ad- verto, librum ilium Aleandri esse ; suspicatus, curiosius inspicio ; inter nomina quae concilio praescripta sunt Basilii et Gregorii invenio. Verto folium et in extrema. pagina Ulud Ancirani concilii, de eo qui duas sorores duxerit decretum invenio, et rursum inter praescri[pta] nomina Basilium offendo, ut non temere conjiciam inter eas quas illorum conciliorum episcopi mutuo scripsere eam esse quam nos quaerimus. Quem li brum, inquam, conciliorum et Aleander habet, et ego jam habuissem nisi de Cassalis illi me a rege missum aperuisset. Vide ergo ut nostrae diligentiae obstant isti. Et cum ad te scribimus, nihil consulis, nihil seribis, sed ne pecuniam quidem mittis aut missurum polliceris17. 17 The passage ' Et cum polliceris ' is marked for erasure. S S 2 628 APPENDIX. Sed, ut ad CassaUs redeam ; ne aliqua non noceat, narrat fratri Francisco me Anglum esse a rege missum. Aperit secreta omnia. Immo addit adversari Regiae causae Cae sarem, et de ea re maximas quoque in Anglia esse con troversias; postremo autem pontificem (Ucet rei18 faveat) non audere metu Caesaris aperte favere nobis. Quibus verbis ita exterruit bonum patrem, ita in me irri[tavit] ut ad me acerbe scriberet, et subtractum longum illud multorum doc- to[rum] consensu in regis favorem factum opus minaretur. Bone Deus, ut ego haec dissimulo, ne mihi noceatur, aut re giis negotiis aliquid accedat impedimentum. Debui certe an tea multum patri Francisco, non ob labores quos mea causa suscepit plurim[as], non ob paratos mihi indices et libros e biliothecis ejus fide mihi desumptos, sed eciam ob prospectum hospitium, ubi cum me spoliari sens[it] inique omnium rerum preciis, impetravit mihi monasterii sui aedes quas [ipse] per amicos omni supellectile instruxit, pro quibus et domo m[ea solvo] Marcellos tantum duos. Jam ut videas quantum illi debeat regis [causa, scripta] ipsius, breviora quidem iUa, et Judaeorum duorum scripta [pro rege etiam] mitto. Sed et Marci scriptum Hebraicum qui a fol- 32 b. re scriptum Hebraicum quod unicum habeam apud me servo. Subscripsere operi Francisci quod penes me servo doctores tres, lectores Canonum et Theologiae publici quinque. Scripsere etiam in causa regis Doctor Joannes Maria et, rogatu patris Francisci, nobilis ille Venetus, Philippus de Cremis, in legibus et Canonibus et sacra, Theologia doctor. Pollicitus est etiam alter se scripturum, homo ut audio Graece et Latine doctissimus. Vale, 24 et 29 Januarii et 3 Februarii sub vesperam, Venetiis. Tuus Heri, opera patris Francisci, domum nobis permittebantur legendi Canones Conciliorum cum commentis in Graeco, synodi quattuor, et alter etiam consiliorum Graecorum liber, Chrisos- tomi Margarita, et Maximi quaestiones super sacram Scriptu- ram, postremo Nazianzeni epistolarum volumina. Sed pul- chrum illud cum Basilii epistolis de quo ante scripsi heri non 18 Probably a mistake for regi. APPENDIX. 629 erat in capsa, ubi id reliqueram ; policiti sunt procuratores habiturum me, ubi istos restituero. Jam audio non a protono- tario solo sed a pluribus aliis fide dignissimis, habere Cardi nalem Grimanum et epistolas Nazianzeni omnes et Basilii, et concilia omnia Graeca, cum epistolis et decretis et Canonibus hie Venetiis ; obsecro ergo sentiat rex industriam et fidem tuam. Utere saltem authoritate tea,, ut hie mihi tradantur legendi. Omnino oportet ut in eorum aliquo epistola quam quaerimus lateat. Jam quod scripsimus libros munera et scrip tores nos exhaurire ne nos prodigos putes, seias munera mea esse inter tredecim scuta, quibus plus pro principe meo fecisse me eventus probabit quam alii quidam quinque millibus. Vale. Februarii 4. De Cassalis quottidie mecum agit ut pariter ad regem scribamus. Obsecro consulas mihi quid putas faciundum. Nol- lem enim suspicaretur me sentire ejus fraudes aut ab eo alienatum esse. 630 APPENDIX. Number XVI. The King's letter to the Pope agreeing that nothing shall be done in the cause till the following September; written April 10, 1530. Theiner, SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Domino nostro Papae. Beatissime Pater, Post humillimam commendationem et devotissima beatorum pedum oscula. Accepimus Breve Sanctitatis Vestrae, datum die 26 Marcii, in quo multis gravissimisque sentenciis amoris etiam benevo lentiae et gratitudinis significationem prae se ferentibus, Sanc titas vestra vehementer nos hortatur ne in hac nostra causa, quam judiciorum examinatio jamdiu suspensam tenuit, praeter solitum morem quicquam innovare velimus ; qua in re, ut quae nostra sententia fuerit intelUgere posset eadem vestra Sanc titas causae nostrae processum, quem adversarii multum urge- bant ad quadraginta dies, differ endum duxit in Septembrem etiam et eo amplius, ut nostri quidem oratores nobis signifi- carunt, dilatura modo nos nihil interea facturos promittere velimus, quod a communi justiciae ordine videri possit ali- enum. Ad quas Sanctitatis Vestrae litteras ut ingenue atque ex animo responderemus, tametsi verbis, vultu, Utteris, nihil un quam praetermiserit Sanctitas Vestra quod paternus amor in filium vel amicitiae vices in amicum praestare potuerint, quo nomine ingentes gratias habemus ; tamen quum ad facta ventum est, nonnihil est semper quod desideramus, et quod conceptam opinionem ita dejiciat ut in certa aliqua spe et firma animi tranquillitate nen liceat acquiescere. Quod cum antehac sae- APPENDIX. 631 pius experti sumus, tum vero nuperrime quum ad Sanctitatem Vestram Dominum Stokesleium Electum Londoniensem mitte- remus, causae nostrae justiciam eidem expositurum. Neque enim hunc misissemus, nisi id Sanctitas Vestra nostris Ora toribus significasset multum se animo cupere ea intelligere quae Stokesleius ad causae nostrae justificationem reperisset. Et tamen magno suo labore nee minori nostra impensa praesentem noluit audire, videlicet de causae meritis disceptantem, quo consilio, certe nescimus, nisi forte ut ignorantia ad dilationem temporis liceat abuti, et semper de causa, secure dubitare ; quod dum fit, nostri certe respectum non eum haberi quem multis nominibus sperare debuissemus magis in aperto est quam ut pectoris no stri candor queat dissimulare. Amicitia sincera a fucis ab- horret, et quanto magis Sanctitatis Vestrae personam diligimus, tanto Uberius cum eadem quasi nobiscum loquimur, et animi dolores communicamus, factum si quod doleat non tacemus, culpam certe ipsam ita cupimus purgari ut ex futuro in prae- teritum edita praesumptio eam in quidvis quam in Sanctitatem Vestram, quam ex eorde semper amavimus, rejiciat. Nos qui dem interim sperabimus meliora. Quod si Sanctitas vestra judicialem causae processum, quemadmodum nostris Oratoribus jam significavit, in mensem Septembrem sistere decrevit, et ne quid istic attemptetur procurare, a nobis interim nihil agetur quod causae statum videatur innovare. Quamobrem quam- cunque securitatem de ea re faciet Sanctitas vestra, parem etiam de nobis sibi posset polUceri, ac nostrae in hiis lite ris promissioni credere, quod, curante Sanctitate Vestra in mensem Septembris processum istic differri, atque illud nobis per Breve pollicente, ut hactenus fecimus, conquiesce- mus etiam nos interea temporis, et ad molestiarum cumu- lum adjicere non gravabimur, ut frustra tamdiu remedia expectantes aliquorum mensium intervallum assueto dolore transigamus. Cujus rationem aliquam habituram Sanctitatem Vestram non prius diffidere volumus quam extrema tentaverimus, et dum respirandi spatium Vestrae Sanctitati manet, semper ab amico aque et justa sperare, quemadmodum Sanctitati Vestrae Domi nus Electus Londoniensis, Dominus Wigorniensis, Dominus Benet, et Dominus Gregorius, Oratores nostri quamplurimum 632 APPENDIX. dilecti, latius exponent ; quam ut in omnibus certissimam illis fidem habere velit, impense rogamus. Et felicissirae ac diutissime valeat. Ex RegiS nostra Wyndsore die 10 Aprilis M.D.XXX. Ejusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae, Henbicus. APPENDIX. 633 Number XVII. Clement's Breve qf Excommunication against those who shall be induced by bribes to judge, advise, or write anything in the King's cause contrary to their conscience; issued May 21, 1530. CLEMENS P.P. VII. Theiner, p- 592- Universis et singulis praesentes litteras inspecturis, salu tem etc. Cum omnes judices ecclesiastici qui causas eorum sententiis habent terminare, ac juris periti quibus interpretandi consu- lendique est tributa facultas, responsa sua, praesertim in causis matrimonialibus, juxta Canones Romanorum Pontificum et juris dispositionem proferre et terminare debeant ; eapropter om nium Christi fidelium animarum saluti consulere cupientes, Omnibus et singulis judicibus ecclesiasticis, coram quibus causam validitatis vel invaliditatis matrimonii alias inter charis- simum nostrum Henricum VIII Angliae Regem, et fidei defen sorem ac dominum Hiberniae, et charissimam in Christo filiam nostram Catherinam Angliae Reginam illustrem, ac clarae me moriae Ferdinandi Hispaniarum Regis Catholici natam, ex dis pensatione apostolica contracti et carnali copula consummati pro tempore pendere contigerit ; necnon advocatis, procura toribus, notariis publicis ac testibus, et quibusvis aliis personis quae in hujusmodi causa pro aliqua dictarum partium tam in judicio quam extra illud intervenire, aut pro partibus ipsis verbo vel scriptis allegare, consulere vel in causa ipsa deponere, aut alias publice vel occulta aut secrete vel quomodolibet de ipsa, causa, per se vel alium intromittere habuerint, sub excom- municationis latae sententiae poena, a qua ab alio quam ab Romano Pontifice nisi in mortis articulo nequeant absolutionis beneficium obtinere, mandamus ne, in dicta, matrimoniali causa, contra conscientiam, spe praemii aut prece, odio vel timore aut gratia ducti, verbo aut scriptis aliquid allegare, scribere aut 634 APPENDIX. consulere, aut aliquid aliud dicto vel facto attemptare praesu- mant, sed solum Deum prae oculis habentes juxta Canonum et Juris dispositionem et quod eorum dictaverit Conscientia, faciant et dicant. Volumus autem ad hoc, ut praesentes lit terae omnibus innotescant, quod in quibusvis Cathedralibus Ecclesiis publicari possint, et illarum transumptis manu publici notarii subscriptis et alicujus praelati seu Ecclesiasticae Curiae sigillo munitis eadem fides tam in judicio quam extra illud habeatur quam praesentibus adhiberetur si illi essent exhibitae vel ostensae. Datum Romae etc. die 31 Maii M.D.XXX. Pontificatus nostri anno septimo. APPENDIX. 635 Number XVIII. Copy in Croke's hand of a letter from Croke to Ghinucci com plaining of John Cassali; written from Venice at the end of May, 1530. PLEASE it your lordship to be advertised that I this Vitell. night have received from the same two letters, the one dated fo'j ^ the 38, the other dated the 39. And to answer to the last first, I trow it will be hard to have and find any more in Venice to subscribe and favor our cause than we have found already. Albeit I do npt npr have not, as mine acts shall prove at your coming, slept nor been slothful in this matter. And as touch ing your advice, to cause them that as yet dare not for the Pope openly say their minds, to get their subscriptions to be dehvered to the hands of their friends, after my poor judg ment, this is a way to beguile ourselves ; for it is not to be thought that their friends which shall collude us peradventure with them, shall at our request other do or say anything with us against their friends. And I have had the experience, and also so hath other men, that men hath pretended earnestly to favor our cause, the which hath been our adversaries, to know our reason and arguments. So that the hope that your lordship hath to force them by shame, at the least, not to be against us, because the other peradventure lack shame, or are sure that their friends wiU do nothing to their hurt and shame, shall be utterly frustrate. And, God be thanked, as yet we need no such slack dealing with them, and in other places, where our ambassadors hath not encomberyd us, we find in a manner no earthly stop as shall appear at your coming. And where your lordship assureth me of your old favor, I thank your lordship ; and doubt not but I have largely de served the same, and if there were nothing else but my good heart and true diUgence to serve the king upon the only affi ance of your conscience and learning in this cause, whereunto 636 APPENDIX. I came and was forced to come as nakedly as any man might come, without any instructions of words or writings. As touch ing the leaving of good Mr. Cranmer behind, to solicit you to be good lord to me ; it seemed me then greatly to need of the same ; for I perceived well, that by Doctor Benett's and other men's procuration ye seemed to be displeased with me for opening unto you the untrue dealings and crafty letts that I found Cassalis to work in the king's matters ; which, what he hath done at Verone, what at Vincence, more than your lord ship as yet knoweth, what in the senate, I had lever ye know at your coming by other men than by me. Arid the slander ous reports made of the king's cause to Crucinus was the [ca]use, as your lordship shall see at your coming, by Cru cinus' own letters, that [father Fraunces] surceased of his good mind that he bare to the king. The which father Fraunceys is won again, as by the copy of his letter [written unto me shall ap]pere. As concerning all your ex hortations in your your lordship's hands, will shew that letter 19. 19 There does not appear to have ends the first page of leaf 87, the been any other line after this, which back of the leaf being vacant. APPENDIX. 637 Number XIX. Copy of Croke's letter to Ghinucci complaining of the mis representations of his labours and diligence in the king's cause; written from Venice, June 9, 1530. I ASSURE you they were and ever shall be unto me Vitell. a great [encombrance] considering my pains and diligence, f0i. 88. taken with such effect as four [out of the] six afore me brought to no like compass. And where your lordship [now] writeth that ye reckon that I left the letter to Peruse with you, mynd[ing] more such brabelling as I encumbered you with at my being there than othe[r]. First, ye shall understand that the cause why I sent not that letter at the first was lack of money and of a trusty messenger, and I l[eft] it you, be cause I was informed that Peruse was in the way to Rome, thinking that no man might more effectually deliver it than one of them which was especially sent for that cause. That if your lordship be not contented to be encumbered with the advertisements of mine encombrance in the king's causes, but will at other men's pleasures wink at them, the which fearing that by your lordship's fidelity and my poor diligence in the king's causes, their long infidehty and negligence should be espyed, I pray God your lordship may return without dis pleasure ; for I am sure ye shall lose some honor, the which else ye might have. That if I wist that all the bills and writings that I have procured the king should be no more available to his grace than this letter, for very shame and sorrow I would burn them all. Albeit, if all my writings and papers were nought, yet were I worthy excuse, following in procuring of the same, partly your lordship's instructions, partly other men's. And other things had I now to order myself by, that if I had not done well, yet have I done better and more than any other that hath had the handling of this matter afore me. But I may be glad to labour and travail and jeopard my life to serve my prince truly, and for the same 638 APPENDIX. and for opening the tratorouslye deaUng of his familiar adver saries to be called a brabeller. God knoweth it was full sore against my will to intermeddle with this matter, the which I never before had studied nor would not have meddled therein, for nothing, had not the love and affiance that I had in your lordship's learning and goodness have been. Nor now can be content to meddle any more, but will make all the suit I can to the king to repair home, and to send some other that can better skill of such matters than I ; for I wol be loth to come in displeasure of your lordship or any other the king's ambassadors for shewing of such things, the which, if I shewed not, I should nother be true to my prince, but yet highly see all his matters com mitted to my charge hinde[red]. And I dare be bold to say to your lordship, if any of the Cassalys do ever the king any good, or in all things that they may know do not utterly hurt the king and his causes, and beguile you and all his ambassa dors, that they can hang me, draw me, and quart [er me]. Jacobus and other Jews, coming of late from Bononye, hath made [here] a rumor of the Pope's displeasure in this cause, that Helias to m opinion, and so many subscribed afore tymes gladly and without cannot now have one to subscribe to him, ... that if ye come not hither betimes by his good happen lose both father Fraunceys byl hereyn enclosed 20 fob 88 b. and fellowship than the king's profit and pleasure in this high and good cause set light of my information, nor of such hand-- ling and dealing of them that are bound to farther his causes, nor by no means trust them whom ye see thus deal. And as for me, nother for your lordship's commandment, nor no man's alive, I wol never make them privy, nor trust them more than I nede. When ye come, ye shall hear and know that ye wol never else believe, and be full sorry to know. There was never noble prince so disappointed of his purpose, and delayed by traitors as he is. The which, because I see the king's am bassador partly to wink at, partly to cloke, I see well that the king's matters, the which else should no doubt do marvellously 20 Here there is at least one whole line lost. APPENDIX. 639 well, is like to miscarry. And then every man wol be glad to lay the fault from himself. And then considering that men be so ready now to misreport my labors and pains, working so directly to the king's purpose, and that the same now nothing contenteth your lordship, at length I must, if chance of displeasure happen, needs look to abide the burden by the misreport as well of your lordship as of other. Wherefore I think best to depart betimes, with little displeasure, than to tarry for more ; for more must I be assured of, if I will, like a true man to God and my prince, plainly always utter the untruth of these Italians toward the king, and ye take dis pleasure with me for the same, by the provocation of them that care not what they spend the king and do him good 21. Paduanus, of whom the protonotary writeth, hath subscribed his own hand to father Fraunceys' work, the which the king hath in his hands. And as for all them that ye have spoken with at Bononye, ye be as sure of them as of a flea in your purse ; and I pray God that aU their reasoning with you be not to espy your reasons and to shew them unto the Pope. Here is an Augustine friar called Felix, which was some time a Jew, which hath written against us, and I do all that I can to get a sight of his work, to know what favourers the emperor hath in Padua and Venice. First, Aleander, the Bishop Theatinus, and as many in Padua and Venice as our ambassador can make him. As for being were, I am so were 22 that some men call me suspicious. All other things I have answered unto in my last letters. My lord, if ye resort to Cassalys ye shall have none of the king's friends to resort to you, nor ye cannot be there privily. My poor house vtill not displease [your lordship], and albeit it be not so big as the ambassador's, yet is [it both] pleasant and coinmpdious for your purpose. And thus fare [ye well] [my] good lord. At Venice the 9 of June, with [the rude hand of your humble bedeman] and servant, [Richaed Cboke]. 21 Probably intended for ' spend for the king and do him no good.' 22 i. e. wary. 640 APPENDIX. Number XX. Imperfect copy of a letter from Croke to Stokesley, Bishop Elect of London, again complaining of misrepresentations ; written June 19, 1530. Imperfect at the commencement. Vitell. as I am informed by great learned men, in Greek, Lat[in] foi To an<* a^ other things, passeth all the friars in Italy ; and I [also] have sundry letters to get him to the king's part. How- beit Paulus de Cassalis hath been all these parts over, and has spoken with them that were afore retained by me. And thus he and his brother hath gotten into their hands Petrus Zamniboni de Verona, prior of Servites' counsel, written at my instance; the which I have seen, and given him many more and better instructions, and he hath promised me to write again, and to get as many subscriptions as he can. And he shewed me there a friar Angelus de Bononia, and told me of another called Dionisius, being procurator of their order, the which pretendeth to have written for us, and hath written against us, and that this Dionysius is, with his writings and Angelus', gone to Rome. Also he hath attempted Jews here, and I also, and they say they have such advice from Venice that they dare not write. Now, to come to Vincentia, I have spoken with Anshelmus, and shewed him a copy without names of the ambassador's letters to friar Fraunceys, the which, as soon as he had read, he in a fume ran to an altar, and took out the super altare and kissed the m and sware per altare summi Dei and sancta Dei evangelia, he never told Vasonus, nor wrote to him of the subscriptions, or friar Fraunceys, or any man that should move him in the king's cause at Vincence ; and further desired me to tell friar Fraunceys that in this great heat he would go to Rome to defend his honor in this behalf; APPENDIX. 641 farther he said there was never man moved him of any matter in the king's cause. And as touching Silvester, he said he never saw his name subscribed, and therefore that that sug gestion could not be true. He added to this that ambassadors lay in the country with the Bishop Vasonus, and in Vincenee at Marcus Antonius de Godis' house. And that Vasonus came unto Vincenee to hear friar Fraunceys preach, and after had this matter disputed in his house. At the which disputation he being, said that at the propounding of the question he said these words, Olim hanc qucestionem novi tractari Bononice et nunc Venecice. And this he sware was all that he spake . afore or after. As touching the surmise to win favor of Va sonus, he said that Vasonus and he were of older and greater familiarity than that it needed by such ways to go about to win favor ; for he said that they were brought up of children a decennio together. And that Rome were the place and not Vincenee to make suit for the Pope's favor. And thus your lordship may see the good endeavour of our ambassadors. I have things to shew you of friar Fraunceys which I will not commit to writing, but I pr[ay] you as you love the advance ment of the king's matters not to delay any longer your coming hither. And a[s] far as I can perceive I shall not much more prevail t[here in the] king's causes than I have, nor then nother. They . so encombered the king's causes themselves for e ... Paulus de Cassalis hath been renude . . and therefore I despair to 23 [at] this time at Padua more than had subscribed afore I fob remember [t]hat in time past the ambassador told me that the Bishop of Verona would not intermeddle in this case. I now have shewed your lordship all men's words and sayings, with out color or adding or minishing ; every man's words, doings, and sayings, I say, because I wol your lordship should ponder them and upon your judgment advertise me how I shall use me in all things, and what remedy is best for me to use against all mischiefs. I am sick, and this is not the first time that I have put my life in jeopardy to serve the king. And 23 Here there is perhaps a whole line destroyed. T t 642 APPENDIX. yet I fear that of my fidelity, by misreport, I shall have no thank, but blame, both of the king and of them the which most ought to thank me and love me for the same. And thus I commit your lordship to God this present Sunday in the [b]erge toward Venice from Padua the 19 of June. APPENDIX. 643 Number XXI. Draft of a letter written from England to Reginald Pole at Paris, thanking him for his great services in the King's cause; perhaps written in April, 1530. CLARISSIME Domine Pole, Salutem plurimam. vitell. Versan[ti] in aula principis nostri mandavit m [ihi] Dux foi. 298. Norfolciae ut tibi per litteras sig[nificarem se] tum sibi, tum tibi vehementer gratula[ri quod tu]te tam strenue ibidem gesseris pro causa, regia, ; fuisse vero illud officium tuum multo gra[tius, eo quod] non rogatus, regio jussu aut Cujus rei et ego testis esse possum Lo qui saepissime Regiam Majestatem de t[e tuisque] locutam audivi, et hinc nonnihil gl[oriatur] quod te tandem habeat caussae suae quasi p[atronum] ; cujus sane eruditioni et gravi- ta[ti tantum] videtur tribuere illius Majestas quantum pro fecto e[go] .... consequi non possum. Porro fuit [haec mihi] ad te scribendi injuncta provincia [gra] tissima, vel meo ipsius nomine ar . . . ... . team amicitiam me quacumque ratione insinuare magnop[ere] vel tuo ut jam me te ut quum hiis pulcherrimis .... . . . tuis regiam erga te benevolentiam, [paratus] eris majori cum alacritate perg [ratum operi] colophonem impo nere. Quod [si feceris], et generis et litterarum tuarum [faci- nus] dignum feceris pariter et tuis 24 24 This draft is exceedingly muti- exhibited in the document, the in- lated and has a good many inter- terlineations being inserted in their lineations and erasures. The words proper places and the erasures that seemed intended to stand are having been omitted. T t 2 644 APPENDIX. Number XXII. Draft of a letter from the King to Reginald Pole, accom panying the letters which at his request the King had written to the doctors qf Theology of the University of Paris ; probably written in June, 1530. vitell. EXHIBUIT nobis non ita pridem Mag . . foi. "97. ac* se tuas; quibus praeter caetera visus e[s] cupere ut nos litteras ad Decanum ac regentes facultatis Theologiae Parisi- [ensis] scriber [emus] . Quod consilium tuum, ut ab amico erga nos pecto[re pro- fectum,] ita et libenter admodum secuti, mittimus hic eas ad te litteras ad illos nostras una cum [earundem] minuta. Quae si tuo pariter et D. [consan]guinei nostri judicio ejusmodi vide- buntur q[uae caussam] nostram apud illos promovere poter- [int, rogo] ut eisdem quam officiosissime caussam nostram commendetis. Qua, in re tamen summam cautionem vobi[s adhibendam] censemus, ut certi videlicet prius sitis de [propensa] majoris partis illorum erga nos bene [volentia,] ne hinc fortasse, si adversarii su[periores] evaserint, arripiant aliquam ansam ca- lum[niari] nos, quemadmodum in litteris nostris ad Francis cum Bryan] aliquanto copiosius descripsimus. Credentias autem ceteras nostro nomine i[tem per] vos communicandas, partim in superioribus Iptteris] nostris expli- cavimus, partim vero [vobis] permittimus ut pro personarum conditione eas tem . . totam hanc caussam in vestra . . . ponimus [potestate] 25. 25 Neither of these documents words * To induce Cardinali Pool has anything written on the back, to aff [ord help in the King's] great At the head of the letter occur the cause.' APPENDIX. 645 Number XXIII. Clement's Breve in explanation of the meaning qf the Breve qf May 21, 1530, permitting Canonists and Theologians to express their judgments freely according to their con sciences ; issued August 4, 1530. CLEMENS P.P. VII. Theiner, Universis et singulis praesentes litteras inspecturis salu- p' 592- tem etc. Nuper omnium Christi fidelium animarum saluti consulere cupientes, per alias nostras in forma, Brevis litteras, omnibus et singulis judicibus, coram quibus causam validitatis et inva hditatis matrimonii alias inter charissimum in Christo filium nostrum Henricum Angliae Regem Illustrem fidei defensorem et Dominum Hiberniae, ac charissimam in Christo filiam no stram Catherinam Angliae Reginam ac clarae memoriae Ferdi- nandi Hispaniarum Regis Catholici natam, vigore dispensati ons apostolicae contracti et carnali copula consummati pro tempore pendere contigerit ; necnon advocatis, procuratoribus, notariis publicis ac testibus, et quibusvis aliis personis quae in hujusmodi causa, pro aliqua dictarum partium tam in judicio quam extra illud intervenire aut pro partibus ipsis verbo vel scriptis allegare, consulere, vel in causa, ipsa deponere aut alias publice vel occulte seu secrete vel alias quomodolibet de causa, ipsa per se vel alium intromittere haberent, sub excom- municationis latae sententiae poena, a qua ab alio quam a Ro mano Pontifice nisi in mortis articulo nequirent absolutionis remedium obtinere, mandavimus ne contra conscientiam, spe praemii aut prece, odio vel timore aut gratia ducti, verbo aut scriptis aliquid allegare, scribere, vel consulere, seu aliquid aliud dicto factove attentare praesumerent, sed solum Deum prae oculis habentes juxta Canonum et Juris disposi tionem, et prout eorum dictaret conscientia, facer ent et dicer ent, prout in illis plenius continetur. Et quia, sicut accepimus, a nonnullis nimium curicsis revo- 646 APPENDIX. catur in dubium an nostrae mentis et intentionis fuerit per ipsas litteras excommunicationis sententise omnes et singulos in hujusmodi causa se quomodolibet intromittentes ligari, necnon in causa, ipsa jus canonum duntaxat attendi debere voluisse ; Nos igitur ad quos spectat hujusmodi ambiguitates, cum de mente nostra et resultantibus ex Utteris nostris dubitationibus quaeratur, declarare, motu proprio et ex nostra^ mera, delibera- tione, auctoritate apostolica tenore praesentium declaramus, illos dicta excommunicationis sententia duntaxat ligari voluisse qui prece, aut precio, seu spe praemii, contra conscientiam ac Canonum Sacraeque Scripturae dispositionem, Sacrain Scrip- turam perperam et male interpretando, in favorem aliqua- rum dictarum partium aliquid scribere, aut in scriptis redigi facerent. Et propterea omnes et singulos Theologos aut in sacra Theologia eruditos aut Canonistas, aliosve Juris divini et sacro rum Canonum peritos quoscumque, id quod in dicta causal ex conscientia, sua, divinae legi et canonibus consonum et congruum esse putaverint libere proferre et pronunciare posse aequum esse censemus. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die 4to Augusti M.D.XXX. Pontificatus nostri anno septimo. Sumptum a minuta Brevium Apostolicorum per me Evangelistam Tarasconutn Sanctissimi Domini Nostrae, Papae, Secretarium dom- esticum ; et collatione facta, concordat. APPENDIX. 647 Number XXIV Copy of a letter from Croke advising his correspondent how to act; written October i, 1530. QUONIAM bellua quam nosti nuUam vel officii aliorum in se, vitell. vel honoris aut sui aut regii rationem habet, ut nomine nostro ^"3'^ se vereatur illudere, nomine nostro imponere, modo quadrantis lin. 17. compendium faciat, si tu velis, probe ulciscemur impudentissi- mam istam perfidiam, neque sine tui in se favoris maximo apud regem compendio. Modus quo id fieri queat hic nobis excogitatus est, ut a me reliquum pecuniae per literas petas, urgens quod pro- miseram et quid dederam narrans, contendasque non equum modo sed longe majora meritum te. Quippe qui praecipuus fueris author omnium amicorum regi Patavii comparatorum, sed et ipsius instrumenti Patavini quod plurimi facit rex. In qua, parte Simonetum velim celebres, doceasque sine ipso nihil voluisse facere Ambrosium. Sed haec in forma, quam tibi scribimus aptius ; omnino temperes a maledicentia in episcopum, et ita sordes ipsius mihi narra, ut lamentari vide- aris amore regis, his moribus ipsius causam perditam. Quae scribere nolumus ex aliorum relatione ipsi testabimur apud regem esse verissima ; litteras binas velim scribe, in quibus conqueraris quod gratiam tuam etiam in alios audias ilium velle transferre, alterum exemplar, si tibi videatur, ad ipsum ; primas mittam, hoc agens ut pudore metuque impellamus ho minem ut non sine foenore policita praestet. Quod si mox non faciat, curabo ut alterum exemplar rex legat, et ab eo asse- quaris quod ipse fortasse non speraveris omnino. De Croco tibi persuadeas quidquid vel per se vel per amicos posset. Bene vale. Venetiis, primo Octobris. 648 APPENDIX. Number XXV. Continuation of the account of Croke's expenses during the year 1530. Vitell.B. xiv. fol. 283, al. 302. Roma 1530. BononiaCurticella usque Turra de la Fossa Bentivolium Malehelberga GodefredTurre de la Fossa usque Ferrariam Ferraria pro curru usque Francolin Francolin pro nave usque ad Chiodi CamnovaCapos CorbulaLoredi Turre nove Chiodi pro nave usque Venetias Malemogcha Venetia pro nave ad Paduam Padua usque Venetias Venetia usque Paduam Padua usque Venetias tria [scuta]. unum s[cutum]. unum sc [utum]. quattuor [scuta]. unum sc[utum], unum seu [turn]. unum seu [turn]. unum seu [turn]- unum [scutum]. Eundo ad Episcopum Veronensem. Venetia usque Paduam pro nave unum s[cutum]. Padua usque Vincentiam pro 3 equis unum sc[utum]. Vincentia usque Veronam pro 3 equis unum seu [turn]. Verona usque Vicentiam pro 3 equis unum sc[utum]. Vincentia usque Paduam pro 3 equis unum sc[utum]. Padua usque Venetias pro nave unum sc[utum]. Eundo ad patrem Franciscum ad Asola. A Venecia usque Mergera pro nave dups [marcellcs]. APPENDIX. 649 Mergera usque Trevisum pro curru Treviso usque Asola pro tribus equis Asola usque Citadella 3 equi Citadella usque Vicentiam 3 equi Vicentia usque Paduam 3 equi '"' '"i usque Venetias pro nave Padua unum [scutum] unum scutum] unum [scutum] unum [scutum] unum [scutum] [unum scutum] Eundo ad patrem Franciscum quando episcopus Londoniensis fob 283 b. misit pro eo. Venecia usque ad Paduam pro nave unum scutum. Padua usque Vincentiam 3 equi unum scutum. Vicentia usque Citadella 3 equi unum scutum. Citadella usque Asola 3 equi unum scutum. Asola usque Camp. S. Petro 3 equi unum scutum. Campe S. Petro usque Paduam 3 equi unum scutum. Padua usque Venetias pro nave unum scutum. Eundo a Venetiis versus Bononiam ad episcopum Londoni- ensem cum quatuor equis. Venecia usque Paduam pro nave Padua usque Rodigo quatuor equis Rodigo usque Ferrariam quatuor equis Ferraria usque Turre de la Fossa pro nave Turra de la Fossa usque Curticella pro nave Godfrede Malelberga Bentivolio Curticella usque Bononiam pro equis unum scutum. duo scuta. duo scuta. unum scutum. quattuor scuta. medium scutum. Redeundo versus Venecias. A Bononia usque Ferrariam pro quattuor equis quattuor scuta. Ferraria usque Rovigo quattuor equis duo scuta. Bovigo usque Paduam quattuor equis duo scuta. Padua usque Venecias pro nave unum scutum 4 marcellos. Eundo ad episcopum Veronensem. A Venecia usque Paduam pro nave unum scutum et 8 marcellos. Padua usque Vincentiam pro 3 equis unum scutum. Vincentia usque Veronam 3 equi unum scutum. 650 APPENDIX. fob 284, al. 303. Verona usque Vincentiam 3 equi Vincentia usque Paduam 3 equi Padua usque Venecias pro nave A Venecia usque Paduam pro nave Padua usque Venecias Venecia usque Paduam pro nave [Pa] dua usque Venecias pro nave [A Venec]ia usque Paduam pro nave [Padua usque] Venecias Eundo ad episcopum Veronensem die Venetia usque Paduam pro nave Padua usque Vincentiam Vincentia usque Veronam A Verona usque Vincentiam Vincentia usque Paduam Padua usque Venetias pro nave unum scutum, unum scutum. unum scutum 4 marcellos. unum scutum 4 marcellos. unum scutum 4 marcellos. unum scutum 4 marcellos, unum scutum 4 marcellos. unum scutum et 4 marcellos. unum scutum 4 marcellos. unum [scutum et 4 marcellos]. unum [scutum]. unum [scutum]. unum [scutum]. unum [scutum]- unum [scutum et 4 marcellos]. Eundo ad Paduam ex mandato episcopi Londoni[ensis], eundo et redeundo in posta xxx die A [ugusti] . A Venetia usque Paduam unum [scutum]- A Padua usque Venecias duo [scuta]- Eundo cum episcopo Bononiam versus j [die] Septembris. me[dium scutum]. Item pro curru a Francolin usque Ferrariam Item pro curru a Ferraria usque Bononiam Item pro equo eundo post episcopum ad Rhegium cum instrumentis et tran- sumptis die 8 Septembris unum et medi- [um scutum]. unum [scutum]. APPENDIX. 651 Eundo in posta, a Bononia usque Rhegium ad episcopum Londoniensem die 8 Septembris. Bononia unum et medium. Ansola unum et medium, Castel Franco unum et medium. Modena unum et medium. Ruberium unum et medium. Rhegium redeundo Bononiam unum et medium. Ruberium unum et medium. Modena unum et medium. Castel Franco unum et medium. Ansola unum et medium. Redeundo a Bononia die 18 Septembris. A Bononia usque Ferrariam Tr [ia scuta] . A Ferraria usque Francolin pro curru A Francolin usque Chiodum pro nave A Chosa usque Venecias pro nave 1 8 die Octobris. med[ium scutum]. [medium scutum]. [medium scutum] . I scutum, fob 284 b. 1 scutum- [A Venec]ia usque Paduam [A Padu]a usque Venecias Eundo ad Utinum 10 Decembris. A Venetia usque portum 2 scuta. A porta usque Utinum 1 scutum. Redeundo ab Utino Venetias in posta, 34 Decembris. A Utino usque ad portum A porta usque Venecias 26 Item pro nave in Angliam Item pro equis Item scuta cix Solidi st. xiB fac. singul. decem iiij8 sterling Marcelli 3 scuta. 2 scuta. scuta iii. grossi iii. x9 y scuta viiid. xxix11 xvjd- xvi" xu. 119 scuta grossi vj. 354 scuta xxd. 3^4 scuta et 7d. Scutorum 117 et iiii" vjd ultra = xxvij11 x9 via. Here the handwriting is different, and the ink darker. 652 APPENDIX. fob 285, Hic inferius scribam. al. 304. Ego Antonius de Monte sancti Sa et solutam a me pro equis et navibus et curribus. 0. li. Ad portum Gruarium primo Pro nave ad portum Pro curru ad Udinum Pro equis ad Sanctum Vidum Pro equis ad Aquileiam Redeundo. Pro curru ad portum Pro nave ad Venetias Ad Patavium. Pro equis a Leccefucina Pro nave redeundo Ad portum iterum. Pro nave ad portum Pro equis trahentibus navem Pro curru ad Udinum Redeundo. Pro curru ad portum Pro nave nuntii a portu ad Pataviuin Pro nave ad Mestre et redeundo Pro nave ad Patavium nuntii Pro nave ad Venetias nuntii Ad Ferrariam. Pro nave ad Chioggia Pro equis usque Ferrariam Pro navibus fluminum Redeundo. Pro curru ad Francolinam Pro nave ad Chioggia APPENDIX. 653 Pro nave ad Venetias Pro nave ad Mestre et in reditu Pro nave nuntii ad Patavium 2? Marcelli ijc iiijxx 28 ( Sterling [Sum] ma < Summa totalis librae sterling fac. scuta xxiiij = v1! xijs [Ite]m for guides maronys over Monte Synay for to lede my horse and myself Item from Laneburg to Termino Item from Termino to Burght [It] em from Termino to Anzeze [Ite]m from Anzeze unto Saint Michaells To Novalesia over Monte Synay for maronys to lede my [h]orse and make the ways for depeness of the snowys ij crouyn. marcellos. i crouyn. i crouyn. i crouyn. 286 b. 2» [Item] From Laneburge to Termino [Item] From Termino to Anzese [Item] From Anzese to Saint Michaell [Item] From Saint Michael to Saynt Jhon Maur- inians [Item] Over Gabella scuta V di. = xxvs viiid. 30 3 crouy [11] . di. scuto. scuto. di. scuto. di. scuto. 1 scuto. 27 A whole line has been lost here. 28 There is perhaps an omission of viii here, that being the number necessary to make up the sum of 24 crowns, which is equal to 51. 12s. 29 fol. 286 a is altogether vacant. 30 This means 5^ scuta, which is equivalent to 25 shillings and eight- pence, at 4*. 8d. to the scutum. 654 APPENDIX. Vitell. Roma 1530. B. xiv. a° 300.1' Hebraeis. Item Marco Raphaelo Christiano sex [scuta]. Item Heliae Judaeo et sociis suis octo [scuta]. 18 octo. Summa; — scuta xiiij=lxv[B. 4d]. fob 281 b. Nunciis. [Item] pro nuncio qui ivit ad Episcopum") Wigorniensem ad Bononiam J sex scuta. ") quinque marcel- Item, pro portitura literarum a Mediolano > , Item, praefecto postarum pro expectatione "| quattuor postae J scuta. Item, nuncio qui ivit Paduam unum scutum. Item, Bartholomaeo pro eundo ad patrem") -c • rt ¦ f tria scuta. franciscum Georgium J Item Antonio eundo ad Paduam ad Leo--j unum et medium nicum j scutum. Item Philippo pro expensis eundo ad R0--1 unum et medium }' vigo ad patrem Franciscum Marinum J scutum. duo scuta. Item Philippo eundo ad Oratorem ad Vin-") centiam pro literis Domini Stoxleii Item, Philippo eundo a Veneciis usque \ Bononiam ad Dominum Londonien-V sex scuta. sem ) Item pro posta, qui ivit in Angliam quattuor scuta. Item, magistro postarum unum scutum. Item, Joanni Mariae eundo ad episcopum Londoniensem, Bononiam tria scuta. Item, nuncio qui ivit Udine tria scuta. Item Antonio qui ivit Bononiam ad Epis copum quinque scuta.- * * * * Item illo qui portavit literas in Angliam unum scutum. Item pro portitura literarum episcopi Lon- "") doniensis per Lugdunum v Augusti > unum scutum. per manus Alexandri de Horatio J APPENDIX. 655 Item Antonio eundo a Verona usque Vene cias ad episcopum Londoniensem Item pro portitura literarum per Anto- nium die 3 Octobris Item postae pro portitura literarum ab Ant- werpiS in Angliam die 18 Octobris duo scuta. medium scutum. 18 Octobris. Item, Philippo eundo Ferrariam Item, alio nuncio qui etiam ivit Ferrariam [Ite] m magistro postarum pro expectatione postae [Pri]mo Novembris. [Item nuncio qui ivi]t Paduam Item, pro nuntio ad portum Gruarium pro nave eundo et redeundo ad . . 7 scuta. 2 scuta. 2 scuta. 2 scuta. 1 scutum. [unum] scutum. fob 282. 31 Item, Harwello, pro literis et libris missis Item, Hieronymo Molyns Item, Domino Antonio Bonvixi {scuta iiii** vijd. = libri Flandriae x1! = xxx Marcelli. Scuta 196 ija iij s ;;;d 32 31 Here the ink and the handwriting is changed. 32 282 b is altogether vacant. 656 APPENDIX. Number XXVI. Original letter of Bryan's to the King ; written from Paris April 20th, 1 53 1. Addl. PLEASETH it your highness to understand that your 2, ' letters given under your signet at your manor of Grenewyche, fob 92. the 6th day of April, I received here by my cousin Semare on Easter Day 33, about midnight. And the next day following I went to the king, being at Bero de Vyncent, and shewed him, as your letter commanded me, who made me answer that if I thought any other personage within his realm more conve nient to be sent for the setting forth of your highness' cause than this cardinal, he should go. To whom, after your most hearty thanks given, I answered saying I knew none so mete, considering he had before intermeddled in your said cause, and knew the justness thereon ; and likewise took the unjust promise of the Pope for the furtherance thereof; finally con cluding with him, that if his highness would give him straight commission on his behalf to be plain with the Pope, and to do that to him were possible, I said I knew none so convenient a personage. Whereunto he answered, and said to him be fore me, that as he would desire his favor and thanks, and avoid his extreme displeasure, he should with all study endea vor him to set forth your said cause, who made answer that hitherto he had done his best, and would at this time do no less, but rather more if to him it were possible. I then on your behalf gave to him your most cordial thanks, and said in his so doing he did according to the trust ye put in him. Many other loving and hearty words the king your brother spake after his accustomed manner, which scantly I can so vehemently recount as they were spoken. I desired him to despatch this said Cardinal, who shewed me that within four days he should set forth. Assuring your highness, as they 33 Easter Day fell on April 9 in 153 1. APPENDIX. 657 report to me, the Instructions given to him for the setting forth of your cause are very effectual and greatly for the advancement of your said cause, if the Pope exteme your said fob 92 b. brother, his own honesty or promise. I have also delivered all your highness' letters, which were very thankfully taken, the parties affirming themselves ready to do you any service ye should command them. The great master shewed me that your highness could do him no greater honor than in commanding him to do anything that might be pleasure to you, saying no servant ye had should more wil lingly do it. Farther34, pleaseth your grace that the Viscount Tyrayne> two dayis passyd, showyd me in gret secretnesse that letters were cum from Rome to the French king for the which the councell there beyng assemblyd them seluys together and debatyd the same ; whereby he said he perceyved that the Pope's hart was sumwhat relentyd and that he thought he would yet shewe himself at the instance of hys master more favorable in your hyghnesse sayd cause then hetherto he had. He shewyd me in councell, that the emperor's ambassadour tretyd of many matters here and had but dull and slacke answers, and the emperor desyred grettly a metyng but in nowjse hys master would agre unto yt, and for conclusyon he sayd I myght be assuryd that the French king and the chefe of the nobles of hys realme not only dyd sett lyght the emperor but also in ther hartys dyd abhorre him and not withowt iust cause. Sir, the voice goes here that the emperor should determine himself to make war with your highness; in so much that three days passed there came to the king your brother a cap tain of Almayne, to make him reverence, and immediately after came to me, and shewed me that it was said that the emperor should make you war ; and that if he so did, he bad me shew your highness that he would do you the best service he could, and would bring your highness a great number of men; to whom, on your behalf, I gave most hearty thanks, saying I heard of no such thing ; and that I thought the 34 This paragraph is in cipher, the deciphering being on fol. 94, but carelessly executed. VOL. 11. U U 658 APPENDIX. emperor too wise a prince and to have about him too sage fob 93- councillors to make any war or quarrel against your highness ; and that if he so did, I thought he should be the first should repent it. This captain is of good reputation here ; but what he is I yet know not. This day he came to dinner to me, who recited again the good mind he had to serve your high ness, in case ye should be provoked to war, I making to him my former answer. Your highness shall also know that the king your brother takes his journey a hunting into Normandy ; the queen and my lady tarry I think a day or two, and so go to Saint Ger- maynys, if the health of my lady may so bear it. She has long time been sick and thought here in great danger. Sir, the great master told me this afternoon that he would send to Monsieur de Vaux all the demands that the emperor has desired of the king your brother, and likewise the answers of him made, and further shewed me that your highness could not desire to have that thing done here that willingly should not be granted you, as well for the advancement of your great cause as of any other matter ye have to do; if they mean as they speak, 1 believe verily ye may be perfectly assured of them. Syr 35, touchyng the clause your hyghnesse did write to me in cipher. I can yet perceive no lykelyode of any suche thyng but shall dayly lye in a wayte to knowe the truth thereon and apon such knowledge shall in cipher advertyse your hygh nesse in diligence. Sir, the saying is here that the French queen is with child. Sir, after this much of my letter was written, it was shewed me that without fail the Cardinal of Gramounde this day [will] take his leave of the king and set forward towards Rome upon Friday or Saturday next coming; but so many such promises they have broken that I dare not take upon me to say to your highness that this shall be true. Yet I think he will not tarry long, seeing he has taken leave of his master. Thus Jesu preserve your highness with long life in health, much honor, and the accomplishment of your most gracious heart's desire. From Parrys the 20th day of April. 36 This passage is in cipher. APPENDIX, 659 Ppst Scripta. The Marquis of Guast is come to the empe ror's army in Italy, and of it is made captain general ; and Farnando Gonsago, brother to the Duke of Mantua, who before was captain general, is discharged, and is gone into Napuls to be married ; and the saying is here, that shortly after his marriage he will return to the emperor and pass by this court. The saying is here also that there is descended in the duchy of Myllane 14 or 15 thousand Suchys, and have laid siege to a town that the Castylyan of Murke holds. What will come of this no man can tell as yet. Your most humble subject and obbeyssant servant, Feanssts Bbtan. v u a 660 APPENDIX. Number XXVII. Clement's letter to the King asking for aid against the Turks; written August 18, I531- Raynald. REGI Angliae. torn xiii. p. 224. Etsi scimus tuam majestatem pro sua pietate et boni prin cipis officio egregie sic animatam ad communem salutem et religionem a communi hoste Turca, defendendam, id quod ex ejus literis, et sui etiam oratoris sermone saepius intelleximus; tamen cum nuperrime allatum hue sit, sicut et ad tuam sereni tatem esse credimus, ipsum Turcam, non obstantibus induciis, ea loca Dalmatiae invasisse et communire, quae sibi ad bellum mari terraque gerendum usui esse possint, et praeterea multa alia apparatus maximi signa dedisse, et in dies dare in ver proximum eruptura ; nos vocati a Deo in hujus solicitudinis principaliorem partem, et ad agendum ipsi pro virili nostra et ad caeteros in diem cohortandum ; optantesque ut prae hostis vigilantia et nimia cunctatione nostra tempestivum esse possit quodcumque parabitur, scripsimus super his latius ad nuncium nostrum, ut cum tua serenitate colloqueretur, omniaque, quae nobis in commune conferenda et agenda viderentur, ei referret. Te igitur, fili charissime, hortamur in Deo domino, ut ipsius Dei, a quo regnum et omnia es adeptus, communisque fidei et salutis memor ejusdem Dei honori, tuorumque subditorum et aliorum Christum colentium securitati et saluti prospicere pro tea virili velis, sicut tea dignum est celsitudine, et a te tuisque majoribus fieri consuevit: quemadmodum haec ipsa copiosius ex ipso nuntio nostro intelliges, cui fidem solitam in his habere velis. Dat. Romae die 18 Augusti M.D. XXXI. pontificatus nostri anno octavo. APPENDIX. 661 Number XXVIII. Allegations for the Queen by Jerome Novato, a Milanese advocate; dated April 25, 1532. HIERONVMI Novati Medio- Grenville, lanensis Advocati pro sere- I23S- nissima, Domina Catherina de Castiglia,, de Aragonia, Angliae Regina al legationes. e' Reverendissimo Domino meo observandissimo, Domino Petro de Accoltis de Aretio, Sabinensi episcopo, Car dinali Anconitano. Reverendissime inter omnes prioris etiam saeculi Cardinales Sanctaeque sedis Apostolicae reliquos praesules, utriusque cen- surae decus in aeterna secula memorandum : Hanc profecto lucubratiunculam in summa, librorum mea, praesertim familiarium penuria,, nullo processu, nullisve scrip tis aliorum visis exaratam, non ideo, ut ullo unquam tempore imprimeretur, edideram, cum eam statim publica discepta tione peracta Magnificentissimo Sacratissimi Caesaris oratorb ejusve consumatissimis supremi consilii jureconsultis, Sancti- tatique suae, ac aliis quampluribus (id etiam infrascriptis attes- tantibus epistqliis) nil ulterius cogitans exhibuerim. Verum posteaquam in disceptatione diei 17 Aprilis mox, pro Rege impressa, tenentes 1. Cum post. C. de appell. copulative lon- gmquitatem itineris et causae mediocritatem exposcere, ut de- legari debeat, immerito erroris argui perspexi, tanquam id contra dictam 1. ac. § in causis de pace constantiae Directo nrmaverint, ipseque hunc intellectum ut communem, et verum, quamvis 1. alternative loquatur, illico praedicta disceptatione transacts (quam meram potius dixerim, nullo contradicente, propositionem) spectatissimo Caesaris oratori retulerim ; mox praedictis omnibus scriptum transmiserim, ea praesertim ratione 662 APPENDIX. summo dolore affectus, quod mihi respondendi locum (sed jure merito, ne res ab ipso celeritatem desiderante protelari ex ad- versantium sententia videretur) abnuisset, honoris potissimum mei gratia, fortunis, vitae, ac liberis praeferendi, cui juxta doc torum nostrorum praecipua dogmata nisi 1. vel ratione com muni sententiae non refraganti fuero convictus, nemini cedere unquam decreverim, utque ipsosmet accusatores (salva eorum pace) non nos, errare quicunque legalis scientiae professores oculata fide perspiciant, exque praesentium articulorum dis ceptatione (nunc primum id vere nomen adepta,) circa princi palis negotii merita toto terrarum orbi simiUs conjectura prae- beatur (quod etiam re ipsa propediem favente Deo optimo maximo) si justitia (ut arbitror) annuerit, judicabitur nulla penitus, quae post ultimam propositionem illico scripserim, os- tentandi alliciente jactantia, nee ullo alios accusandi studio, sed potius legato Caesaris obsequendi, eandem (paucis additis) im- praessoribus tradere coactus, Reverendissimae Dominationi Vestrae dedicandam censui : ut sub ejus venerandi nominis immortalis permansuri auctoritate amplissima, quippiam digni nominis assumere, ac veluti tutissimo vallo munita, a nullo prae tor fas mordaci dente lacessiri, et facilius illaesa subsistere pos sit, Reverendissimamque Dominationem Vestram contra omnes (sint qui velint) obtrectatores justissimum moderatorem et ar- bitrum, vel saltem certissimum defensorem, obtineat, cujus unico infallibili judicio invictissimaeque tutelae cuncta tam scripta quam scribenda, et me quoque ejusdem protectionis sublimitati perpetuo celebrandae devotissimum servum ex in- timo eorde dedo : et plurimum comendo. Ex sacro palatio 16 Iunii M.D.XXXII. Reverendissimse Dominationis Vestrae, Deditissimus et obsequentissimus servus Hieronymus Novatus, Mediolanensis Advocatus. APPENDIX. 663 Hae proximae sunt clarissimorum Serenissimi Angliae Regis advoeatorum conclusiones pro clariori intelligentia hic insertae, quae ex aliis duabus praefati Novati conclusionibus, ut in subse- quenti lucubraciuncula continetur, cessare videntur. i. Regia dignitas non impedit, quo minus de jure in causa de qua agitur, juxta tenorem materiarum possit objici de loco non tuto regi, secundum communem opinionem. 2. Ad allegandum justum impedimentum necessarium tem- porale admittitur excusator sine mandato, secundum commu nem opinionem. 3. Impeditus probabili et necessario impedimento temporali non cogitur constituere procuratorem, secundum communem opinionem. 4. Ex materiis nostris elicitur etiam probabile et necessa rium impedimentum, secundum communem opinionem. 5. Ad allegandum notorium et justum impedimentum tem- porale citati, admittitur excusator sine mandato, secundum communem opinionem. 6. Deci. Bar. et seq. in § Ad crimen in versiculo quaedam sunt excusationes probabiles. L. Accusatore ff. de publ. Judi. non obstat, quo minus consideratis materiis admittendus sit excusator regius, secundum communem opinionem. 7. Et concessa obstancia sine praejudicio veritatis, dicimus quod requisitum Bar. in dicto membro, ut excusator admittatur a iii. coUigitur, et de jure inducitur ex litteris regiis. 8. Tenor materiarum non concludit tale impedimentum (regia, dignitate non considerate) propter quod de jure in hac causa rex cogatur constituere procuratorem, secundum com munem opinionem. 9. Immo, stantibus praedictis materiis et consideracione, rex in hac causa, non cogitur constituere procuratorem. 10. Rex Angliae invictissimus non est citatus a Papa,, et hoc concesso sine veri praejudicio, 11. Citacio facta a Papa in causa, de qua, agitur, justo impe dimento detentum ut in materiis non cogit constituere procu ratorem, secundum communem opinionem. 12. Citacio, ut supra, ut compareat, per se vel per procura torem, impeditum non cogit constituere procuratorem, secun dum communem opinionem. 13. Stantibus materiis, et intellectu Inno. et seq. ad c. 664 APPENDIX. Cum dilecti, de dolo et contuma. non juridice infertur ad causam de qua, agitur, secundum communem opinionem. 14. Nee illatio communis ex dicto intellectu de jure, causam de qua, agitur comprehendit, secundum communem' opinionem. 15. Exceptio loci non tuti competit, nedum quum locus quo agitur judicium non est tutus, sed etiam quum loca media per quae de necessitate eundum est ad locum judicii non sunt tuta, secundum communem opinionem, 16. Causa, de qua agitur, est gravis, secundum communem opinionem. 17. In causa,, de qua agitur, locus debet esse tutus, nedum procuratori, sed etiam domino. 18. Stantibus materiis praedictis, regi IUustrissimo debet de loco idoneo provideri etiam quod non petatur, secundum com munem opinionem. 19. L. 1. C. Quum Imp. inter pupil, et vidu. de jure non obstat quominus excusator regis cum praedictis materiis sit admittendus. 20. Nee propter ejus dispositionem rex, stantibus praedictis in causa de qua agitur, cogitur constituere procuratorem, secundum communem opinionem. 21. Assertum juramentum perhorrescentiae de jure non im- pedit quominus materiae excusatoriae admitti debeant, secun dum communem opinionem. 22. Causa de qua agitur, non est reservata sedi Apostolicae privative, secundum communem opinionem. 23. Praetensus stilus curiae, quo dicitur, caveri causam semel in curia, commissam, amplius extra curiam committi non de bere, non obstat quominus, stantibus materiis, Papa causam, de qua, agitur, de jure debeat committere extra curiam. 24. In causa de qua agitur, procurator debet admitti ad allegandas et probandas materias praedictas, nee citatus cogitur constituere procuratorem, cum quo possit procedi in causa, virtute deeis. x. de dolo et contuma. in antiq. vel DCCXXIX. in eisdem, quae de jure non obstat. 35. Stantibus materiis et causa, de qua agitur, Jura dicentia cognitionem et decisionem causarum Regum et principum ad sedem Apostolicam spectare, non fient ludibrio, nee debito frustrabuntur effectu. APPENDIX. 665 Hieronymi Novati Mediolanensis Advocati Conclusiones. Reginae causa per Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum met Prima Con- discuti, et examinari, sive in hac curia tantum delegari, et oluB10- sive ipsius audientia committi debet; et ideo in commissione jam facta, Reverendo patri Domino Paulo Cappisuccho, quod earn audire debeat, magis esse persistendum. Rex (etiam in consequentiam prsecedentis) procuratorem Secunda ... . . Conclusio. constituere tenetur. Magnificentissimo D. Michaeli Mayo, Sacratissimi Caesaris Caroli V penes Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum Cle- mentem VII, oratori meritissimo, Domino meo obser- vandissimo. Cum in praesentis causae meritis scribenda (si rectitudo jus titiae reginam juverit) Sacratissimo Caesari Carolo dedicare constiteerim, haec etiam ex ordine judicii compendiuncula Ma jestati suae inscribenda videbatur. Verum cum hujuscemodi disceptatio nullam principalis negotii veritatem sed meras, data defensione regi per procuratorem, subtilitates ac pernici- osos stricti juris apices, rigorosasve processus exceptiones per summum principem, appensata facti sola veritate, funditus ex- tirpandas, concernere videatur, tanquam modicae rei lucubrati- onem haud imperiali culmine dignam censui. Cum autem, vir sapientissime, haec alias, prius quam apud sunimos principes majora tractares, accuratissime revolveris, nuncque etiam Ma jestatis suae obsequia justissimo roborata desiderio ad eadem priora munimenta Dominationem Vestram accumulatissime revocent, ipseque vices gerentibus Majestatis suae, cui, sua- dente justitia, perpetuo totis viribus inservire conabor, rem gratissimam facere cupiam, eandem praedictorum omnium va- dem proque insolubilis meae fidei pignore, Dominationi Vestrae inscribendam esse decrevi ; quam obtestor et obsecro, ut si circa praesentium articulorum discussionem minus fortassis quam de cisio super eis facienda postulare videbatur in praesentiarum scripsero, me posthac in altissimae indaginis causae meritis, habita librorum meorum copia, suppleturum fore certo confidat : 666 APPENDIX. sibique ipsi met hoc nomine meo promittat et spondeat. Meque summopere comendatum habere dignetur. Ex sacro palatio Die 35 Aprilis, M.D.XXXII. Magnificentissimae Dominationis Vestrae Deditissimus ser- vus, Hieronymus Novatus, Mediolanensis advocatus. IUustrissimo Domino, Don Gratiae de Padilla, Comenda- tori majori ordinis de Calatrava, ex supremis sacratissimi Caesaris Caroli V. consiliariis meritissimo, Domino meo observandissimo. Invictissimo Caesari Carolo disceptationis Anglicanae munus- culum, meae in sacratissimam Majestatem deditissimae servi- tutis exiguum pro tenui facultate testimonium, libentissime dedicassem, ni prius exactissimam consumatissimi jurecon- sulti moderationem, ex longa, studiorum intermissione familia- risque bibliothecae carentia, necessariam omnimodo fore cogno- vissem. Verum sublimitati virtutum tuarum, quibus plane obnoxius moriar, cumulatissime fidens, ejus rectissimae censurae in primis subjiciendum, mox vel lacerandum vel ejusdem aus- piciis, si dignum videbitur, quod in publicum prodeat, Majes tati suae inscribendum tradidi : postea, quia Viginti quinque conclusiones his duabus unica disceptatione tollere non licuit, quas dictis cum primum visis multorum testimonio editas (si meae partes fuissent) in primo pro ultimo consistorio disputas- sem, verum ab initio obstitit absentia, sique affuissem, clarissi- morum aulae consistorialis advoeatorum constitutio caeteros pro- hibens obstitisset ; mox cum, re ad alios deducta, liceret, fato meo contrario spectatissimus orator Caesaris sed jure merito, ne res ab ipso celeritatem desiderante, protelari ex adversan- tium sententia videretur) abnuit ; cujus ac Sanctissimi Domini Nostri prope mandatis accuratissime semper parere conabor. Bene valeat Illustrissima Dominatio Vestra, cui deosculatis manibus me devotissimum dedo, et saepius comendo. Ex sacro palatio 6 Idus Mayas, M.D.XXXII. IUustrissimae Dominationis Vestrae Deditissimus servus Hieronymus Novatus, Mediolanensis Advocatus. APPENDIX. 667 IUustrissimo Domino, Nicolao pernoti Granvillae Domino ex supremis Sacratissimi Caesaris Caroli V. consiliariis meritissimo, Domino meo observandissimo. Quum causam Anglici matrimonii totiens agitari viderem, impulsus sum mea in Caesaream Majestatem observantia quan dam lucubratiunculam edere ; verum cum in aUenis bibhothecis peregrinandum fuerit, minus tam gravi provinciae satisfecisse videbor, quam si libris meis familiaribus (vicem memoriae obti- nentibus) uti potuissem ; eam itaque licet a clarissimo oratore Caesareo, aliisque plurimis probaretur, haud tamen recta ad suam Majestatem sed ob nimias Dominationis Vestrae occu- pationes Sapientissimo domino de Calatrava transmittendam duxi, ipsius exactissimo judicio prius examinandam, cui si digna videbitar quod in publicum prodeat, Dominationi Vestrae confidentissime supplico, ut una cum praefato eandem, ac meam servitutem Majestati suae in perpetuum dicatam eidem offerre dignetur, quod si Dominationi Vestrae plus ne- gotii quam deberem, tribuo, innatae humanitati suae ascribat, quae me hoc audere suasit, felixque valeat, et mihi suo jure mandet, cui, manibus deosculatis, me plurimum comendo, Ex sacro palatio 6 Idus Mayas, M.D.XXXII. IUustrissimae Dominationis Vestrae Deditissimus servus, Hieronymo Novatus, Mediolanensis Advocatus. Sanctissimo Domino Nostro, Domino Clementi VII. Exoptabam, Beatissime Pater, in Anglicana disceptatione Sanctitati Vestrae cumulatissime indicare quonam pacto ab advoeatorum Mediolanensium ultimo, caeterorum in perorandis causis imaginem oculata'fide perspiceret. Idque post clarissi- mos aulae consistorialis advocatos, re ad alios deducta,, cum prius non liceret, peregissem, ni fato meo contrario spectatis- simus orator Caesaris abnuisset, ex quo dolorem animo meo abditum eidem pandere saltem cupiens, has duas conclusiones, 668 APPENDIX. visis statim contrariis, multorum testimonio editas (quas, si meae partes fuissent, prima, disceptationis die, ut Vigintiquinque funditus corruerent disputassem) Sanctitatis Vestrae pedibus exhibendas duxi, humillime supplicans, ut, si quidpiam minus accurate praestitero, eadem ex longa studiorum intermissione, familiarisque Bibliothecae carentia, meam excusationem acci- pere, hisque appensatis, quid, ubi hic judicandi provinciam (Novennio Mediolani, simul cum patrociniis pro Vestra etiam Sanctitate dum in minoribus ageret) emeritam reassumpsero, de me sibi polUceri poterit, conjicere dignetur, ac felicissime va leat, cui me post pedum oscula beatorum humillime comendo. In sacro Ejusdem Palatio Die 35 Aprilis, M.D.XXXII. Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissimus servus Hieronymus Novatus, Mediolanensis Advocatus 36. 36 This is exactly copied from and stops ; and several evident the volume in the Grenville Li- misprints have been corrected, the brary, which consists of six leaves usual Italian method of spelling of a small 4to. size. It is very care- such words as comendo having been lessly printed as regards capitals preserved. APPENDIX, 669 Number XXIX. The King's letter to the Pope recommending Sir Andrew Cassali and Sir Gregory to his good offices ; written May 18, 1532- BEATISSIME pater, post humillimam commendationem, Theiner, et devotissima pedum oscula. Quanto studio et affectu omnem v' °2' familiam de Casaliis, quorum in nos officia extant complura et fidelia, prosequamur, Sanctitati Vestrae compertius esse arbi tramur, quam quod necessarium esse videatur id nunc velle litteris commemorare, summopereque cordi habemus, quicquid nostra gratia vel opera, in eorum commodum vel ornamentum effici queat. Quum itaque intelligamus Sanctitatem Vestram in Magnificum equitem et nobis earum, Dominum Andream CasaUum (qui ut de Sanctitate Vestra ejusque rebus bene mere- retur, nullos unquam labores, sumptus aut pericula subter- fugit) Comitatum quendam Montis Georgii non admodum magni proventus in sua, Bononiensi ditione jampridem contu- lisse ; postmodum vero, non ut illi injuriam faceret, sed forsan ut ea ratione rebus suis ex animi sui sententia melius prospi- ceret, hujusmodi omnes tam illi, quam multis aliis in Bononi ensi ditione antea concessos Comitatus in suas manus revoc§-sse : dictum nos Dominum Andream, quem ob singulare suum erga nos studium vehementer amamus, nostris nunc litteris voluimus Sanctitati Vestrae commendare, rogareque, ut nisi dictum Co mitatum ei velit restituere, de aliquo saltem alio in provincia Romandiolae praecipuo nostro interventu illi, ut aliis multis jam provisum esse audimus, providere non gravetur : idque eo ardentius a Vestra Sanctitate nunc petimus, quod praeter amo- rem, quo dictam familiam de Casaliis amplectimur, moleste quoque ferremus, ut quisquam ex hac occasione suspicaretur, amicos nostros nostroque tempore suis ornamentis spoliari. In caus& vero Domini Gregorii oratoris nostri non possumus non vehementer mirari, quod cum ille sit de Sanctitate Vestra universaque ejus familia, quam optime meritus, in controversial, 670 APPENDIX. quam de uxoris haereditate istic habet, non satis ex aequo et bono, ut intelUgimus, tractetur: quod si in hoc negocio parva ipsius forsan ratio habeatur, nostri tamen respectus, quod cum primis ilium earum habemus, quod fidelissime nobis inservit, huic causae, quam justissimam esse putamus, deberet quam maxime suffragari. Sic enim praefatum Do minum Gregorium amamus, ut illius etiam causas defendendas promovendasque libenter suscipiamus ; nee potest nobis non esse molestissimum, si orator istic noster sua fide et officiis de nobis tam bene meritus parum juste in causa justissima, trac taretur. Hoc igitur negocium sic ex animo Vestrae Sanctitati com mendamus, ut ex ilUus eventu judicaturi simus, quanti sint nostrae commendationes apud eam ponderis : Dominoque Benet oratori nostro mandamus, ut has causas Sanctitati Vestrae nostro nomine copiosius vehementiusque commendet. Et felicissime ipsa valeat. Ex Regia nostra Grenwici die 18 Maii M.D.XXXII. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae, Henbicus 3?. 37 This is the letter in the form Benet at Rome in March, 1532, m which it reached tbe Pope. The forms No. CCLXXI of this series. draft, as drawn up by Cassali and APPENDIX. 671 Number XXX. Letter from the King to the Pope, repeating his request for the admission of Came as Excusator ; written February 28, 1533. BEATISSIME pater, post humillimam commendationem, Theiner, et pedum oscula devotissima. Graviter admodum molesteque p- accipimus, neque minus, quam pro rei indignitate par est, dolemus, quod subditus iste noster Doctor Carne adversario- rum quorundam artibus, et pertinacia, nimis improba quidem ilia, a legitimo excusatoris munere impediatur. Est certe illud longe praeter expectationem ac merita in istam Sedem nostra, et tamen utcumque tolerabile foret, si in nos duntaxat nostram- que injuriam hoc malum recideret. Ceterum cum hac ratione jura omnia cum divina tum humana violenter, naturalis etiam aequitatis et justitiae ratio pervertatur, et pietatis denique affec tus, quem subditus Principi debet, frustretur, vestrae prudentiae ac sollicitudinis pastoralis esse arbitramur, curare sedulo, ut plus apud Tribunal istud vestrum justitia, aequitas et naturalis quaedam pietas, quam fraudes et aliorum potentia valeant. Non hie lubet commemorare et quotidie ad aures Sanctitatis Vestrae acclamare, quam justis fundamentis dicti subditi nostri petitiones nitantur, et de voluntate nostra, approbentur ea, quae executoris nomine ab eo gesta sunt; satis jam pridem per lit teras nostras, quas ad eum dedimus, eidem Sanctitati Vestrae constare nequaquam dubitamus ; et tamen prohibere subditum nostrum, quominus erga nos Principem suum id officii praestet, et beneficii, quod subditus in Principem naturali quodam jure collocare tenetur, et quod publice interest, ut ab omnibus erga ceteros praestetur ; illud vero, si non est contumeha, et non toleranda injuria, Vestra Sanctitas etiam atque etiam viderit. Nos interim, quod unum possumus, quodque antea saepissime fecimus, rogamus Sanctitatem Vestram quam possumus vehe mentissime pariter et Reverendissimos Dominos Cardinales in Consistorio existentes, ut non amplius differant dictum sub- 672 APPENDIX. ditum nostrum pro certissimo excusatore admittere, et causam nostram benigno et paterno quodam favore prosequi, quo no mine gratiam apud Deum optimum maximum, justitiae asser torem et vindicem, simul et apud mortales omnes laudem et gloriam Sanctitas Vestra magnam haud dubie promerebiturj quae felicissime ac diutissime valeat. Ex Regia, nostra, Londini die 28 Februarii, 1532. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae Heneicus. APPENDIX. 673 Number XXXI. Letter from the King to the Pope assuring him that he will, after consultation with the French King, do all that he can for the preservation of the faith; written May 20, 1533. SANCTISSIMO Clementissimoque Deminp nostro Papae. Vitell. B. xiv. Beatissime pater, post humillimam commendationem, et fo1' 38' devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Reddidit nuper nobis Reverendus Dominus Ubaldinus, Sanctitatis Vestrae Nuncius, ipsius ad nos breve ; quod ubi perlegissemus, ac omnia accurate audivissemus, quae ille de rebus publicis suae commissa fidei prudenter, distincte et copiose nobis exposuit, non potuimus Sanctitatis Vestrae in iis tractandis promovendisque actionibus, quae commune omnium bonum, publicam tranquilUtatem et Christianae in primis religionis propagationem et conservatio- nem concernere videntur, flagrans studium, sollicitamque men tem non summopere laudare, optimique pastoris pectore dig- nam existimare. Licetque omnia officia libenti promptoque animo (ut semper antea) suo loco et tempore praestituri simus, quae in christianae nostrae fidei augmentum et confirmationein cedere posse viderimus : quum tamen negotium istud gravis- simi sit momenti, unaque nobiscum extet cum Christianissimo Franccrum Rege, fratre et perpetuo confoederato nostro ca rissimo, rerum omnium mens, firmissima conjunctio, eadem- que voluntas ; prius cum eo consilia nostra communicanda esse censuimus, quam de re tam gravi, quae omnes omnium causas complectitur, quicquam soli statuere velimus. Matura igitur cum eodem carissimo fratre nostro super hac re consultatione habita, per eum dicto Sanctitatis Vestrae Nuncio quid agi expediat, et quae communis nostra sit sententia, copiosius de- clarabitur ; quod nostrum responsum, et super hiis mentem Vestrae Sanctitati probatam iri confidimus. Nihilque nos um- quam omissuri sumus, quod e christianae nostrae religionis vol. 11. s x 674 APPENDIX. universahsque quietis incremento futurum perspexerimus. Et felicissime ac diutissime valeat eadem Sanctitas Vestra. Ex Regia nostra Grenwici, die 30 Maii M.D.XXXIII. Ejusdem Vestrae Sanctitatis Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae Hestbious38. 38 This document has been printed exists in the Vatican Transcripts in extremely incorrectly from the Vati- the British Museum, from which can Manuscript by Theiner, No. the letter was printed in State Pa- mxxxv. p. 603. A better copy pers vii. p. 459. APPENDIX. 675 Number XXXII. The King's letter to the Pope recommending Guron on his return to Italy to his good offices; written May 27, *533- BEATISSIME pater, post humillimam commendationem, Theiner, Bt devotissima pedum oscula beatorum. Quum dilectus nobis Guronus Bertanus Italus ad aliquot annos honeste apud nos egerit, prudenterque ac diligenter in iis se gesserit, quae suae fidei commissa erant, et ingens quoddam de nobis quam optime merendi studium semper prae se tulerit, non possumus eum non vehementer amare ; qui quum bond nostra; venia priva- tarum suarum rerum causa, in Italiam nunc redeat, ilium com mendatione benevolentiaque nostra prosequi voluimus, ex ani mo cupientes, ut hunc nostrum in se affectum sibi aliquando usui esse perspiciat. Proinde Sanctitatem Vestram impense rogamus, ut praefatum Guronum velit in suis agendis occur- rentibusque negociis praeter id, quod illius virtutes quam plu rimum merentur, nostra quoque commendatione et intuitu chariorem sibi commendatioremque suscipere, id quod nobis gratissimum acceptissimumque est futurum. Et felicissime valeat eadem Sanctitas Vestra. Ex Regia, nostra Grenwici, die 37 Maii M.D.XXXIII. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Devotissimus atque obsequentissimus filius, Dei gratia Rex Angliae et Franciae, fidei defensor ac Dominus Hiberniae Henricus. 676 APPENDIX. Number XXXIII. Letter from the King of the Romans to the Pope recommend ing the cause of his Aunt, the Queen of England; written July n, 1533. Theiner, BEATISSIMO in Christo Patri et Domino, Domino Clementi VII, Divina providentia SS. Rom. ac Uni versalis Ecclesiae Summo Pontifici, Domino nostro Reverendissimo. Beatissime in Christo Pater et Domine, Domine Reveren- dissime. Post humilem commendationem filialis observantiae nostrae continuum incrementum. Commisimus honorabili Wolf- gango Prantner, magni Magistri Ordinis S. Georgii Coadju- tori, Consiliario et Oratori nostro, Sanctitati Vestrae quae- dam in Serenissimae Dominae Reginae Angliae, Materterae nostrae carissimae, causa nostro nomine referenda, sicut ab eo coram intelligere dignabitur. Quae cum et Sanctitatis Vestrae Sanctaeque Sedis Apostolicae sublimitatem, et conservationem non secus quam Majestatis Caesareae et nostrum aliorumque consortium honorem, publicaeque pacis et honestatis rationem concernant : Eandem ideo Sanctitatem Vestram obnixe roga mus, et hortamur etiam, ut eidem Coadjutori plenam nostri respectu fidem habere, seque in eo negotio pro expedita bre- vique justicia consequenda ita exhibere et gerere velit, prout ejus et dictae Sedis pariter et nostrae videat incolumitati expe- dire. In quo Sanctitas Vestra rem ut Sedi ApostoUcae prae- cipue importantem, ita se quam maxime dignam, et cumprimis Deo gratam, omnique honestati consonam faciet, nostra in eam filiali perpetuaque observantia promerendam. Cui nos quoque offerimus et commendamus. Ex Civitate nostra Vienna, die 11 mensis Julii Anni Domini M.D.XXXIII. Regnorum nostrorum Romani tertio, aliorum vero septimo. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Humilis et obsequens filius Ferdinandus. APPENDIX. 677 Number XXXIV. The Pope's sentence, annulling the marriage of Henry with Anne Boleyn, issued July ii, 1533. SENTENTIA diffinitiva dementis Papa septimi pro Sanders, matrimonio Henrici Octavi Anglia Regis cum Catha- p- ' rind et contra secundas ejusdem nuptias cum Anna Bolend. Data Roma anno Domini 1533- Pontifi catus Clementis decimo. Cum, pendente lite coram nobis, dilecto filio Capisuccho capellano nostro, ac sacri Palatii Apostoliti causarum auditore et decano, a nobis in consistorio Reverendissimorum commissa, inter charissimos in Christo filios nostros Catharinam et Hen ricum Octavum, Angliae Reges, de et super validitate matri monii inter eos contracti, praefates Henricus dictam Catharinam ejecerit, et de facto cum quadam Anna matrimonium contraxe- rit, contra mandata et decreta tam admonitionis quam inhi- bitionis in literis in forma Brevis, etiam de consilio fratrum nostrorum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalium emanatis contenta, temere et de facto attemptando. Idcirco nos, de illius potestatis quam Christus Rex regum nobis, licet immeritis, in persona, beati Petri concessit, pleni- tudine, in throno justitiae pro tribunali sedentes, et solum Deum prae ocuUs habentes, per hanc nostram sententiam, quam ex nostro mero officio, ac de venerabilium fratrum nostrorum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalium consistorialiter coram nobis congregatorum consilio, ferimus, ejectionem et spolia- tionem dictae Catharinae Reginae a quasi possessione juris con- jugalis et Reginalis dignitatis in qua, tempore hujusmodi motae litis erat, et matrimonium inter praedictum Henricum Regem et Annam praedictam contractum, cum praedicta omnia notoria et manifesta sint, prout ita esse declaramus, nulla, injusta, et attemptata fuisse et esse, ac nullitatis, injustitiae, attemptato- rumque vitio subjacuisse et subjacere ; prolemque susceptam seu suscipiendam illegitimam fuisse ct esse, praefatamque Ca tharinam Reginam, ad suum pristinum statum et quasi posses- 678 APPENDIX. sionem juris conjugalis et Reginalis dignitatis restitui et reponi debere, dictumque Regem dictam Annam a cohabitatione sua et quasi possessione juris conjugalis et Reginalis ejicere et amovere debere, in his scriptis pronuntiamus, decernimus et declaramus, restituimus et reponimus, ejicimus et amovemus. Eademque nostra sententia et ex consiUo et mero officio nostro praedicto, praefatum Henricum Regem majoris excommunica tionis et alias censuras et poenas in dictis literis contentas ob earum non paritionem et contemptum damnabiUter incurrisse et incidisse, ac ab omnibus Christi fideUbus evitandum fuisse et esse declaramus et mandamus. Et nihilominus volentes cum eodem Henrico Rege, nomine pii patris benigne et clementer agere, censurarum praedicta- rum declarationem usque et per totum mensem Septembris39 proximo futurum, ad hoc, ut sententiae et mandatis nostris praedictis commodius parere possit, suspendimus. Et si infra dictum tempus parere distulerit, ac dictam Catha rinam in pristinum statum, quo tempore litis motae erat, non restituerit, praefatamque Annam a sua, cohabitatione et quasi possessione juris Conjugalis et ReginaUs non abjecerit, et dicta attemptata cum effectu non purgaverit, ex nunc, prout ex tunc, praesenti declaration! locum esse volumus et decernimus 40- 39 On the following day Boner *° This sentence was printed from wrote to Cromwell giving an ac- Sanders in RayDald. torn. xiii. p. count of the passing of the sentence. 32 7. This letter is printed in State Papers, vii. p. 480. APPENDIX. 679 Number XXXV. The King's letter to Boner intimating the appeal from the Pope's sentence of July ii ; written August 18, 1533. By the King. Strype's HENRY R. Cranmer- Truly and well-beloved we greet you well. Signifying unto the same that we have appealed frem the Pope's sentence lately given against us ; which appeal ye receiving herewith with a proxy devised for that intent, our mind and pleasure is that if it is thought to you good and beneficial, for conserva tion of the same, ye intimate the same to the Pope after the order and form of law, and according to our said proxy sent unto you. And if not, to advertise us of your mind and opinion in that behalf. Given under our signet at our castle of Windsor the 18th day of August. To our trusty and well-beleved Mr. Doctor Boner 41. 41 This letter appears as Number Strype gave to Sir W. Hickes' IV in the Appendix to Strype's Manuscripts ; but the editor had Memorials of Cranmer. It has apparently not been able to trace been reprinted in the last edition it, neither has the present editor with the marginal reference which been more fortunate. 680 APPENDIX. Number XXXVI. Letter from the King qf the Romans to the Pope thanking him for what he has done in giving his sentence in favour of Catharine; written September n, 1533. Theiner, BEATISSIMO in Christo Patri et Domino, Domino r' °3- dementi VII, divina Providentia etc. Summo Ponti fici, Domino etc. Beatissime Pater et Domine, Domine Reverendissime. Post humilem commendationem et fiUalis observantiae nostrae con tinuum incrementum. Ex brevibus Sanctitatis Vestrae Utteris et relatione honorabUis Wolfgangi Prantner ConsiUarii et Oratoris nostri ad nos reversi accepimus, quanta sui laude et bonorum omnium applausu Sanctitas Vestra in sententia pro Serenissima Domina Catherina Regina Angliae, Matertera nostra dilectissima, suo in Deum et justiciam officio functa fuerit. Quod ut, aequitate et honestate omni sic poscente, cum sacra Caesarea et Catholica Majestate etc., ceterisque consorti- bus toto pectore votisque omnibus expectabamus, ita votivo ejus, quod modo fieri potuit, successu ex auctoritate Sancti tatis Vestrae consecuto et obtento, eidem quas debemus gra- tias reverenter agimus et habemus ; in eam quippe hoc insigni ejus in nos pietatis et justiciae testimonio spem erecti, caetera quoque in negotio principali pro summa animi sui rectitudine, Sanctaeque Sedis Apostolicae subUmitate et honore asserendo, secundum paternam illius oblationem jamdiu speratum et ex- pectatum a nobis finem quoque habitura. Ad quod tantum abest, ut Sanctitatem Vestram prsesenti causae tam propensam et intentam urgere, aut instimulare, vel minus, ut quidvis potius inpraesentiarum agere cogitemus, in summa quidem illius erga nos benignitate et dementia, et quam cordi semper habet, et cui deesse non potest, aequitate et justiciar sua plane conquiescentes. Cui nos etiam humiliter et devote offerimus et commendamus. Datum in Civitate nostra Vienna, die 11 mensis Septembris Anno Domini M.D. XXXIII. Regnorum nostrorum Romani tertio, aliorum vere septimo. Ejusdem Sanctitatis Vestrae Humilis et obsequcns filius Ferdinandus. APPENDIX. 681 Number XXXVII. Copy of Carne's last appeal, dated April 14, 1534. BEATISSIME pater, Theiner,p. 604. Licet in causis praesertim gravibus, altera parte absente et juste impedita, in loco eidem et causae suae notorie non tuto, sicque hoc ad notitiam Sanctitatis Vestrae legitime in judicio deducto, eadem Sanctitas Vestra non deberet contra absen- tem indefensum procedere, suamque defensionem a jure na turae concessam tollere, eadem tamen in quadam praetensa causa, matrimonii inter Illustrissimam Dominam Katerinam bonae memoriae Principis Arturi, Serenissimi ac Invictissimi Domini, Domini Henrici Angliae et Franciae Regis fratris et germani, relictam, ex una, et praelibatum Serenissimum ac In- victissimum Regem partibus ex altera, coram eadem Sancti tate Vestra ut praetenditur mota, post ac contra quasdam materias excusatorias justas et necessarias absentiae causas praefati Serenissimi Regis continentes, ac inter cetera Cu riam Romanam locum notorie sibi et causae suae non tutum ex causis alias per me Eduardum Carne legum doctorem, ac dicti Serenissimi Regis legitimum excusatorem, coram eadem Sanctitate Vestra saepe allegatis, rite et legitime da- tas, contra eundem Serenissimum Regem absentem non con- tumacem et indefensum, nulla causae cognitione saltem legi- tima premissa, meritis ac juribus dicti Serenissimi Regis et causae suae non visis, aut ullo modo per Eandem Sanctita tem Vestram intellectis (Ucet in hujusmodi causis eadem Sanctitas Vestra debuisset ex aequo vicem absentis etiam contumacis veritatem in ea parte inquirendo et indagando supplere) contra omnem sequitatem et justitiam (salva, sem per reverentia vestrorum beatissimorum pedum) milliter et inique contra jus tam divinum quam humanum ad malam relationem factam, et permulta minus vere coram eadem deducta et allegata, necnon ad importunam partis adversae instantiam, propterque favores inordinatos, quibus dicta pars adversa, et Serenissimus Imperator modernus, ipsi parti ad versae et illius causae assistens, apud Sanctitatem Vestram 682 APPENDIX. praepoUere [videbantur] seu saltem timore ac metu potentiae Caesareae Majestatis processit, ac paribus nullitate et iniqui- tate (salva, semper Sanctitati Vestrae debita reverentia) in causa, in qua notorie agitur de periculo animarum, male consulta et informata quandam praetensam sententiam diffini- tivam in praefata praetensi matrimonii causa contra dictum Serenissimum Regem, ac pro -parte Illustrissimae Dominae Katerinae dicti Principis Arturi relictae contra jus tam divi num quam humanum, ut praemittitur, inconsulte in dicti Sere-* nissimi Regis ac Regni sui et omnium subditorum suorum, atque etiam mei excusatoris praefati gravamen, praejuditium," injuriam et defensionis et naturalis aequitatis, divinique juris subversionem, ac totius Christianae religionis scandalum et ruinam manifestam tulit et promulgavit. Quare ego praefatus excusator, dicti Serenissimi Regis subditus, sentiens dictum Serenissimum Regem ejusque Reg-: num et subditos, et me praesertim praefatum excusatorem graviter ac enormiter ex praedictis processu et sententia laedi et gravari, ac timens in futurum magis posse gravari, inhaerendo omnibus et singulis protestationibus, exceptioni bus, appellationibus, provocationibus, defensionibus ac aliis juris remediis antehac per me, aut quemcunque alium in hac causa quocunque modo factis atque interpositis, a quibus nullo modo, si et quatenus faciunt, pro parte dicti Sere nissimi Regis recedens, nee recedere intendens, ab Eadem Sanctitate Vestra, sicut praemittitur male consulta et infor mata, nee in plena libertate tempore dictae praetensae sen tentiae, ut praemittitur, nulUter et inique latae existente, et ab ejus sententia licet nulliter et inique lata,, si qua tamen est, ad eandem Sanctitatem Vestram Sanctamque Sedem Apo stolicam plenius, meUus, syncerius et securius consulendam et informandam, atque pleniore libertate existentem in his scriptis omnibus mehoribus modis et v'lis, quibus efficacius de jure possum, provoco et appello, apostolosque peto primo, secundo et tertio, instanter, instantius et instantissime. Ac insuper protestor, quod libenter appellasse in praesentia: Sanctissimi Domini Nostri si potuissem commode habere ipsius copiam seu praesentiam, scilicet, quia non possum, appello ut praemittitur in praesentia clarissimi viri Domini APPENDIX. 683 Andreae de Casalis, Equitis aurati, civis Bononiensis, et Venerabilis viri Guilielmi Revett legum doctoris .... diocesis, apostolosque peto, ut praemittitur. Et ulterius pro testor et dico, quod non sint decem dies elapsi, ex quo dicta praetensa sententia ad mei praefati excusatoris notitiam per venit, omni meUori modo etc. salvo jure etc. Bonpnise etc. sub die decimequarto mensis Aprilis 1534. 684 APPENDIX. Number XXXVIII. Copy of Ferdinand's letter to the Pope thanking him for the final decision in favour qf Catharine. Theiner, BEATISSIMO in Christo Patri et Domino, Domino Clementi VII, Divina, providentia Sacrosanctae Ro manae ac UniversaUs Ecclesiae Summo Pontifici. Beatissime in Christo Pater et Domine, Domine Reveren- dissime. Post humilem commendationem et filialis observan- tiae nostrae continuum incrementum. Ex litteris honorabiUs Gabrielis Sanchez, nostri apud Sanctitatem Vestram Agentis, abunde cognovimus, Sanctitatem Vestram de Romanorum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalium, consistoriahter apud eam congregatorum, consilio et assensu sententiam in princi- paU causa, Serenissimae Dominae Catharinae Reginae Angliae etc., Materterae nostrae charissimae, tulisse et promulgasse. In quo sane Sanctitas Vestra bonum opus operata est, suoque in Deum et justiciam officio satisfecit. Cui propterea ingentes, ac quas possumus et debemus gratias reverenter agimus et habemus, et vicissim eidem pro honore et commodo suo Sanc- taeque Sedis Apostolicae conservando pariter et promovendo, nos et nostra offerimus, semperque studebimus hanc insignem ejus benemerendi propensionem jamdiu nobis testatam omni filiali obsequio et amore nostro promereri. Cui nos devote et enixe commendamus. 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