I'sleliniyefsilyLiliraf)/ £/ ^.^..V-f • '(O Vis S 1. K*' J9002005988606 .*5L'.vS»t! »,*¦.'- , ;* ¦t'.'''i* (. V .- ^ \ T h ,- I,, jl. / -^ * ^ 1 4 - t 638 A>/.V>;- ..1.*' 'V ¦¦ LisS.^aS' "J give thefe Booh ; for thefau/iabugiif a. College. tn-^iF Colony" «T^LE«¥]MH¥JlI^S2irY- WILLIAM H. DILLINGHAM'S ORATION, /.>^^^ ; ;. FEBRUARY 22, 1837. DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL GRAYS AND THEIR FELLOW CITIZENS, AT THE COURT HOUSE IN WEST CHESTER, Pa., ON THE 22d OF FEBRUARY, 1837., By HVm. W. DILIillVGHAM, Esq. )-i< AFTER THE READING OF WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. PHILADELPHIA : BROWN & SINaUET, PRINTERS. 1837. To Wm. H. Dillingham, Esq. West Chester, Feb. 24, 1837. Sir: The undersigned on behalf of the volunteer company of " National Grays," tender you the thanks of the corps for the able, patriotic and eloquent Address, delivered by you be fore them on the late anniversary of Washington's birth day, and respectfully solicit a copy of thc same for publication. With much esteem, Yours, &c. JAMES DAVIS, ) JOHN HALL, ) Committee. NELSON TAYLOR, ) To Messrs. James Davis, John Hall, and Nelson Taylor, Committee on behalf of the Grays. Gentlemen : The kind expressions in your note requesting a copy of the Address delivered by me at your request on the 22d inst. for publication, call for my sincere acknowledge ments. Through you I beg leave to convey them to the Corps. Nothing but the grateful sense awakened by an unexpect ed invitation from men of different political sentiments, gener ally opposed to my own, could have induced this humble ef fort. Let the short time allowed me, and my various interfering duties, excuse its imperfectionfwhich, but for your partiality should have prevented its appearing in print. I am, gentlemen, with true respect. Your friend and fellow citizen, Wm. H. DILLINGHAM. February 25, 1837. ORATION. If there is any thing in the signs of the times which we can hail as of good omen for our free institutions, it is the evidence furnished by this anniversary. Its general obser vance proves that there is something which all -regard as high er and bettar than party. While men of all parties can unite in celebrating the birth day of Washington, our liberties are safe. Washington warned us of the danger of party excess. He had seen and felt its evil tendency ; but he had magnani mous opponents : the acknowledgment of one of the most dis tinguished, of the injustice into which he had been betrayed towards him, is scarcely less honorable to the individual him self, than to the memory of the illustrious dead. A gentle man who had occupied a place in his cabinet, and in those times of high party excitement which grew out of the French revolution, forfeited his confidence, some years afterwards wrote thus to the honorable Bushrod Washington, and trans mitted a copy of the same letter to the historian of his life, that it might be preserved for posterity. " I do not retain the smallest degree of that feeling which roused me fifteen years ago against some individuals. For the world contains no treasure, deception, or charm, which can seduce me from the consolation of being in a state of good-will towards all mankind ; and I should not be mortified to ask pardon of any man with whom I have been at variance, for any injury I may have done him. If I could now present myself before your venerated uncle, it would be my pride to confess my contrition that I suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it might, to use some of those expressions con cerning him, which, at this moment of my indifference to the ideas of the world, 1 wish to recall,'as being inconsistent with my subsequent conviction. My life will, I hope, be sufficient ly extended for the recording of my sincere opinion of his virtues and merit, in a style which is not the result of a mind merely debilitated by misfoftune, but of that christian philoso phy on which alone I depend for inward tranquility." In this language of Edmund Randolph, a proud son of the ancient dominioil, who had filled the high trusts of Attor ney General and Secretary of State of the United States, is an illustration of the saying, that " it is sometimes more noble to atone for a fault, than not to have committed it.'"' -• ' Suph are the feelings, and such is the spirit which we should all cherish on this day. One day in the year is still left to us amid the conflicts of party, on which we can il|^ meet as fellow citizens of a common country. One cause still remains which cari unite men of all parties — ihe defence of the coun try. Again, therefore, I would repeat, if one cheering and consoling hope can yet be cherished for the sacred cause (sf Liberty, it is awakened here. We have hete pr6sentrf a- sacrifice of those animosities and resentments which pervade the bitter waters of political strife, and too often, for the mo-' ment, betray us into forgetfulness of the duties we owe each other, as fellow citizens. We here see men of all par ties banded together as brothers in support of a cofnmon cau.se, and that by a tie, a banner, and a badge, which pledges life and blood to its support : — pledged to stand by each other in the hour of battle, and when.j'our country calls, " shoulder to shoulder" face the cannon's mouth. We here see all pro fessions, all ages, and all sexes, uniting ih a common tribute of veneration to the memory of " the father of Hi's country.'" This is no glorification of a name, or a victory ; but a tribute of patriotism to the cause of Liberty. Let subjects bend the knee in servile homage and idol-\\orship, to tyrant rulers Or wicked kings — celebrate vindictive conquests, and comfort themselves with their loyalty and their glory: be ours the • duty to love our country and rejoice in her independence. It is, perhaps, more than can be expected from human na ture, that all men should always see alike, br frohi human x institutiohs-, that any plan can be devised under a free govern ment to pre\>'ent th^' e'xis'tence bf parties. "All that we should hope or eXpe'ct is,' that tbete may not be suffered to run into the extremes of violence. To discharge the afctive duties of citizenship and avoid such extremes, calls fbr the constant exercise of 'charity, forbeurarice and magnanimity. Nothing is b'ette'r calculate to allay this spirit than associ ations in a eoinmon object' for the common good. When we see a man pledge himself" ^to go forth beside us to defend his coutitry, and bare 'his breast td tbe common enemy, it is not a slight nor yet a deep shade bf difference in party politics which will make us distrust his patriotism. Men of all par ties have bled and died for the country, from the first founda tion of 'ou'r republic ; but all require to be reminded, constant ly, that We owe this higher allegiance. The Address "we have just heard, should be regarded by us, as 1:he last ¦Words of a father to his children. ' ¦ The histo~rian • records of it, that when Washington was about to retire from the public service, at the expiration of his second presidential term, " he had prepared for the occa sion a Valedictory Ad'dress, in which, with the solicitude of a person, who, in bidding "a ffnal adieu to his friends, leaves his affections and his anxieties for their welfare behind him, he made a last great effort to' impress upon his countrymen those great political truths wliich 'had been the guides of his own administration, and Could ' albne, in his opinion, form a sure and solid basis for the happiness, the independence, and the liberty of the United States." It is also "recorded df it, by his illustrious biographer, now himself gone to joiri his great. Compjatriot in the ¦ mansions of rest, that, — ^" The 'sentiments of veneration with which the address was generally received, were manifested in almost every ^art of the Union. Some bf the State Legislatures directed it to be inserted at large on their journals." - Its straight forward, practical good sense commends itself to every man's judgment, while its maxims of' deep political philosophy command our admiration, and its affectionate, fervent linterest in our tvelfare, calls for the unceasing ex pression of our gratitude and veneration. Let us hallow the anniversary of his birth then, by d review of our duties as citizens. Let us endeavour to forget for the moment that any thing less than our country can have para mount claims upon us. The obligations we are under to our country, are only second to those we owe to the power which created us. To the great power above we are indebted for life, and health, and strength, the means of subsistence and of happiness, ^nd our first duty should be to cultivate that sense which such blessings are calculated to inspire. To our country we owe the enjoyment of our equal rights ; of liberty, security, and property. In a popular government, we have just heard, as it were from the mouth of wisdom herself, that virttie must be the moving spring. It is another maxim in political philosophy, scarcely less obvious, that private interests should be sacri ficed to the public good. We are constantly called upon to exercise towards our country, therefore, a noble generosity. This claim does not stop with money, and time, and care, and labour, and watchfulness : it extends to life itself Yes, every good citizen should be prepared at all times to die for his country : and whenever a citizen puts on the livery of his country's defence, from that moment let him take his life in his hand. In no other way will he be able to resist the temptations by which he must be surrounded, or keep him self ever ready for the high and solemn appeal to which he . may at any moraent be summoned. Nor must we wait till war's shrill clarion proclaims that the enemy is at our door — till the tocsin sounds the actual alarm, and the beacon's flame shows us the very faces of the enemy — it will then be all too late to buckle on our rusty armour, and hurry forth to meet the disciplined and well trained foe : Too late — too late, indeed, will it then be, as the conflagration of our own capitol, and the still defaced monument of our heroes who died in battle against the enemies of the human race, bear witness. " In peace prepare for war." We do not, perhaps, properly estimate in this community, the character of the citizen soldier. The reason lies deep, and is inseparably connected with the tenets of our early settlers. They were men of peace, and in principle opposed to war. They took for their standard the faith of the early Christians and sought to give a practical illustration of the precept to return good for evil, in all their intercourse with the human family. Feeling that it was better to suffer wrong than to do wrong, they hoped and believed that a community which should carry out these principles, would somehow be protected and defended without resort to arms. But no so ciety has ever yet existed without law, ahd the very term implies a penal sanction to enforce its observance. Every infraction of the law is a warfare against the social system. The application of the most simple rule of discipline to any individual of the most peaceful society, is so far an act of war. Should the rule be reasonable and the individual resist, there must be power to sustain it, or society is at an end. Should the resistance extend to an attempt to take life, and this only to be prevented by taking the life of the offender, the question at once arises, wh ther the peaceful and the good should yield themselves a willing sacrifice to violence and wickedness. To illustrate the principle more clearly, suppose an assassin aims hisdagger at the heart of a citizen, from motives of robbery ^fKt revenge, and that citizen the father of a family dependant upon his life, the friend of his country which looks to him for counsel and defence ; — can it be that there is law, human or divine, which prevents his taking the life of the assassin to preserve his own ? So in the great family of nations — how is right to be enforced or wrong redressed 1 We are placed in a world where nine- tenths of our race can only be governed by despotic power, and that usually concentrated in an individual whose ambi tion is the law of his will. We are surrounded by nations strong and mighty, some of whom profess no rule of right for the government of nations, feel no motiv^e but selfishness, and acknowledge no restarint but fear ; — others again, the most civilized and enlightened, are too often seduced by their interests to disregard the laws of nature and of nations in their 10 conflicting intercourse with neighbours. A peaceful and un offending nation is assailed by such— must we all lie down and die — or, worse — must we see our country over-run — our hearths desecrated — our cities sacked, and submit ourselves to the yoke of some proud, vindictive conqueror, his willing but miserable slaves? Forbid it that instinct which teaches us that selfdefenee is nature's first great law. Forbid it that strength of muscle and that high-born courage which the God of nature gave us, wherewithal to enjoy and defend our fair heritage. Forbid it that immortal part which requires all the brief space it can secure for itself here to prepare for brighter worlds. Thus have 1 endeavoured, fairly, to statq the argument; — and vihen wc have reflected that as man is constituted, civil society is necessary for mutual protection — that society can not be maintained without law — that law can not be enforced without power — and that all concentration of military power is dangerous to a fi'ee government, we shall be prepared to appreciate the character of the citizen soldier. Besides the prejudices which are iu some measure peculiar to this community, there are two other considerations which tend to bring the military character into disrepute. First, the broad farce into which the whole railitia system has de generated; and, next, the je^ijjlus eye with which liberty always watches the engines of power. I do not here stop to dwell upon the horrors of war, its too frequent injustice and cruelty ; because against these, some might be disposed to set off its development of high virtues, its " pomp and circumstance," and its brilliant achievements. As our militia system has come to be regarded here, and as it works, after much experience in this comniunity, we see it the subject of general ridicule. Nor am I aware that an attempt to organize the whole yeomanry of a country into an army, and discipline it for service, has succeeded well any where in time of peace, much less in a country essentially peaceful in its objects and pursuits. It vvould be strange in deed, if, while every other, trade and, ^JUsiness requires years of training, the science and the art of war, the business and 11 the duty of a good soldier could be acquired by the entire community, from a few holiday parades in each year. Be assured, citizen soldiers, it requires sacrifices, great sacri fices, to acquire this knowledge and perfect yourselves in these duties — sacrifices of time and money, such as your country should be ever ready to appreciate. Hence the duty generally falls upon the youthful, the generous, the ardent, and the patriotic. All now agree that the militia, strictly so call ed, is only to be relied upon in an emergency, when a lofty sense of patriotism can be made to supply, for the moment, the want of regular discipline. What a patriotic militia can do in such emergency, Bunker Hill and New Orleans attest. With such a prevailing sense, it would seem to have been unwise in this community to attempt to enforce the militia system. Its application to one particular sect, is against their religious scruples, and drives them to the alternative of either violating conscience or the law. The petty vexations and annoyances of such an attempt might well bring it into general disfavour, and hence, by common consent, it has here be come a dead letter. The last of our militia captains, regularly commissioned by the governor of the commonwealth, under the great seal of the commonwealth, was a redoubtable wood- sawyer. Wherever the attempt to enforce it is made under similar circumstances, we see public opinion manifested in fantastic parades and Colonel Pluck personifications, tricked out in all the grotesque paraphernalia of mock knight erran try. Thus difficult, always, will it be found, to enforce laws contrary to public sentiment ; and thus ever will the ridicu lous ahd the fantastical be resorted to, when laws which offend the public sense are to be brought into disrepute. It is highly to the credit of our recent legislation, that a more just regard has been paid to conscientious scruples in this respect ; every thing not inconsistent with the preserva tion of the social system, should be conceded to religious liberty. Just in proportion as our law-makers have found it neces sary to withdraw their confidence from the militia system, have they encouraged the formation of volunteer corps. B 12 Mine has been the humble effort this day to rally public opinion also to their side. The militia system had its day of favor — it was acquired by the long years of bloody strife through which our fathers passed in the war of the revolution to gain our independence. During that struggle every man was compelled to be a soldier by profession — when every able-bodied man in the country was under arms ; our infan^ array was still less than the regular army of the rriother country which sought to enslave , us. Militia duty was then no holiday business ; it had its hours of trial and its deeds of daring ; British soldiers were wont to retreat from the botheration which their own strains of Yankee Doodle brought upon them. With the aid of a strong right arm, and a mighty effort of patriotism it helped our sires through the war of the revolution ; and no wonder that they should have felt an attachment to it, or that it should have taken the experience of another generation to find out its defects. Turning to that other extreme which makes us all in this land of liberty jealous of military power : wherever there is a despot we see him surrounded by life-guards. His great employment is the shedding of blood ; he holds life cheap, and rejoices in the miseries which he creates ; battle and con quest, power and glory, these fire his ambition and fill his soul. Peace, charity, mercy, benevolence, piety, friendship, he feels not, knows not. And what is the composition of that mighty scourge with which he afflicts mankind? The mate rial of a standing army must always, necessarily, consist of men who are capable of becoming mere machines — the very compact of enlistment is one of abject and servile vassalage. From that moment, the common soldier can have no will but that of his commander, and he must be a brave fellow indeed, after having touched the king's bounty, who dare say " his soul's his own." Do the endearments of his hearth-stone, parental yearnings, or the bright recollections of happier days, tempt him to leave his post — he dies. Scarce a day passes under the iron rule of military despotism, in which some poor deserter, for this " fault which leans to virtue's side," is not shot like a dog, to teach his comrades not to think of home. 13 Well may such a power be regarded with a jealous eye by the friends of Liberty. Washington fills up our idea of the character of a citi zen-soldier. Citizen first, and soldier next: the citizen al ways paramount, and the soldier always the friend of the citi zen. The historical associations with which we are sur rounded, point distinctly to those traits of character, in which his virtue contributed most to his fame. Our own county was the scene of his severest trials. The Brandywine — the Paoli — the Valley-Forge — what sacred and solemn emotions are awakened by the mention of these names, now famed in story ! Within our own horizon was enacted one of those fierce and bloody conflicts, where the overwhelming power and discipHne of foreign mercenaries, prevailed for the mo ment against our patriot bands. There stood Washington, with Lafayette, and Green, and Wayne at his side, between his country and dismay and ruin. Gallant indeed was the stand which our own Wayne made against Knyphausen at the Ford, and freely flowed the blood of that noble ycJung Frenchman in our cause, and bold, and skilful and tremen dous was the effort of the brave son of Rhode Island* to cover the retreat on that disastrous day. Dark was the cloud which then lowered over the destinies of this infant Republic. The last barrier for the defence of our fair capital seemed broken down — the last arrow shot — ^the last bow broken — our own troops defeated and dispirited, and the enemy flushed with victory in hot pursuit. Hitherward from the battlefield and * A Virginia Regiment commanded by Col. Stevens, and a Pennsylvania Regiment, commanded by Col. Stewart, first broaght the Britisli Army to a stand. It is related of another Virginia Regiment, commanded hy Colonel Marshall, {father of the late Chief Justice of the U. States,) in this battle, that, " Though attacked by much superior nurabers, it maintained its position without losing an inch of ground, until both its flanks were turned, its ammunition nearly ex pended, and more than half the officers, and one third of the soldiers, were kill ed and wounded. Col. Marshal], whose horse had received two balls, then retired in good order to resume his position on the right of his division ; but it had already retreated." 14 across this very site did that victorious army wend its way — the ground where we stand was trampled by that haughty foe in following up his success, and might the brick walls of the Old Turk at the opposite corner be permitted to speak, they could tell you of many a proud vaunt from Howe and Corn wallis and their Hessian comrades breathing vengeance against the defeated rebel.-;. Many a floating banner and wav ing plume and glittering bayonet did the Old Turk see pass in review before him on that day. Host after host, strong armed — thousands upon thousands,* artillery, horse and foot, British and Hessian, swept by him in long array, on that victorious march. The trumpet's warlike blast then filled this space with sounds of martial triumph: " And ever and anon ihe'y beat The doubling drum with furious heat" The fortitude of our great commander was destined to an other trial, and yet another within these precincts. Had the laws of honorable warfare governed the enemy we should never have had occasion to allude to the Paoli massacre: one stain would have been kept from the page of history — and there would have been one argument less against the cause of civilization. Or could that brave soldier who was born on the spot have conceived that a British foe would descend to savage artifice and savage barbarity, the massacre could not have been perpetrated. Stony Point soon taught them both his vengeance and his prowess. When this mighty army took possession of Philadelphia, and Washington, after various manoeuvres and retreats, found it necessary to entrench himself behind the hills of the Valley Forge, had the sentiment which actuated him been under no higher impulse than merely ihaX oi animal courage, his heart might well have quailed and his hopes and spirits sunk. Here it was in this dark and trying hour that the noble * " The British army, at its disembarkation, (at the head of Elk,) has been generally computed at eighteen thousand men. They were in good health and spirits, admirably supplied with all the implements of war, and led by an e.tperinced general, of unquestionable military talents." — MarshaWs Life of Washington. 15 qualities of his great soul shone forth, resplendent amid the general gloom. Instead of succumbing to the all powerful enemy and negociating for his own comfort and safety, he withdrew with his own soldier into their huts, shared their privations, sympathised in their sufferings, exerted him self zealously and industriously, and plead most earnestly and eloquently and perseveringly in their behalf Such conduct and such appeals to his countrymen, "suiting the action to the word" so well, rallied them to the rescue. Thus, within our own County, among the hills of Valley Forge, in the win ter ol 1777-8, did Washington evince that true moral cour age which should be the aim of every citizen-soldier. Other associations are awakened here deeply interesting to every patriot. On yonder hill sleep the remains of one dear to us all while he lived, whose manly yet modest bearing we have often witnessed in this hall of justice, but whom we shall no more see till the last trump summon us all to judgment. To many cf us, from early and intimate connections, his memory will be forever sacred. We saw him, when quite a youth, gird on his sword and go forth to fight the battles of his country. We saw him, while a soldier, resisting all the temptations and allurements of his profession, contenting him self with a quiet, unostentatious, and faithful discharge of its severest duties. We saw his name recorded as the hero of many battles, and our hearts rejoiced in his fame. We saw him suffering under repeated attacks of disease, brought on by exposure in the pubhc service, without repining or retiring. • We saw him after the close of the late war reject the honor able proposals made to continue him in the army and resume again the habits and the garb of the citizen. As this was the scene where he first unfurled his country's banner to recruit for her service, so, here also did he make his first essay in his profession as a citizen. Within these walls his voice often resounded in the cause of justice ; how faithfully he labored, and how useful he proved himself to this community, we all know well. Much of his time and attention were devoted to the organization and disciplining of volunteer corps, which, he ever regarded as the only practicable military organisi'ation in 16 this community. His patriotic efforts and services were ap preciated — pubhc honors followed, and few in so short a time, have achieved a more brilhant political career. Let us never meet as citizen soldiers to celebrate the birth day of the great est of all citizen soldiers without a tribute to the memory of Barnard. A brief sketch of the life and character ofthe patriot, hero, sage, and chief whose name we commemorate seems called for by the occasion and is all our limits leave to us. Washington was born on the 22d of February 1732, in Westnioreland County, Virginia, near the banks of the Poto mac. At the age of ten years he lost his father. It is to his mother, therefore, principally, that we are indebted for having impressed those " principles of religion and virtue on his ten der mind which constituted the solid basis of a character that was maintained through all the trying vicissitudes of an event ful life." At the age of twenty two he was sent by the Governor of Virginia on a dangerous and highly responsible mission to the commander of the French posts on the frontier. On this mission he designated the spot where Pittsburg now stands as a site to be fortified — the same spot where the French af terwards built Fort du Quesne, and which the British, after it feU into their hands, called Fort Pitt. The faithful and suc cessful accomphshment of this arduous mission, as exhibited by his journal which was published at the time, laid the foun dation for that confidence which his countrymen ever after wards reposed in him. When war subsequently broke out between the British and French, he was appointed aid to the commander-in-chief, and was by his side when he fell in that celebrated affair, known in history as Braddook's defeat. When these Colonies resolved upon a united struggle for Independence, he was unanimously chosen "General and commander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies," on the 14th of June, 1775, and when, of course, he was still but forty three years of age. His course through the war of our Revolution, it may be taken for granted, is famihar to all. The struggle lasted for 17 eight years. On the 4th of December, 1782, he bid adieu to his comrades in aims. This affecting interview, which took place in New York, is thus described by his biographer: "At noon the principal officers of the army assembled at Frances' tavern, soon after which their beloved commander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be con cealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them and said — 'With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' Having drank, he added, 'I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take my hand.' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. General Washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tear of manly sensibility was in every eye ; and not a word was articulated to interrupt the dignified silence and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light-infantry, and walked to White Hall, where a barge waited to convey him to Powles Hook. The whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu."* You ah know his course in the formation of the consti tution, — his caU to the Presidency — his retirement after hav ing served two terms — his subsequent appointment to the command of the army, on the apprehended difficulty with France — and his chastened ambition throughout his whole career, both military and civil. I have but to speak of his death. This event took place on the 15th of December, 1799. One lesson from his death bed. " During the short period of his illness he economised his time, in arranging with the utmost serenity those few con- * Marshall's Life of "Washington. 18 cerns which required his attention, and anticipated his ap proaching dissolution with every demonstration of that equa nimity, for which his life was so uniformly and singularly conspicuous."* Who can describe the wide-spread grief occasioned by this melancholy event? Upon its annunciation to Congress, then in session, it was said by the member who spoke — " More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western world in dependance and freedom."! After the lapse of thirty-eight years, we would endeavor again, however faintly and feebly, to kindle up those swelling emotions of gratitude and veneration which then pervaded the land. Can a parting word properly be added here, to the patri otic and interesting corps of young men, who have invited their fellow-citizens to join them in the celebration of this anniversary ? Make Washington your pattern and your guide. Would you elevate the military character — this can only be done by cultivating also the virtues of the citizen. Would you be at all times prepared to do battle for your country and die in her defence? 0 how high and fast should your hopes be fixed — how solemn and unwavering should be your determination to keep the path of rectitude — and when that hour comes, as come it may to each of you, when mid trumpets' clangor and cannons' roar, you shake hands with death, how infinitely small will then seem to you all that can now fill the eye or delight the ear. * Marshall's Life of Washington. t Ibid. 3 9002 00598 8606 I . ,"¦• 1 %>,,-' '''ft. V^-'S'^. ' ' J '^ 'I