«lifK^:Vl
'<' ,* ,'•
Ai'JV'.i.r..
«i-k
*Kt;<;"^
!'>>i:-i!iJHjv
i^!?;
YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

THE WRITINGS

GEORGE WASHINGTON

VOL. X.

1 782-1 785

Of this Letter-press Edition
750 Copies ha ve been Printed for Sale

No...f^_

^r

June, iSpi

THE WRITINGS

GEORGE WASHINGTON

COLLECTED AND EDITED

WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD

Vol. X.

1782-1785

NEW YORK AND LONDON
G. P. PUTNAM 'S SONS
1891

G. P. Putnam's Sons
New York

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

1782.
PAGE
To Brigadier-General Hazen, May 3d . . . i
A British officer to be selected by lot to suffer for Huddy —
An unconditional prisoner wanted — Every possible tenderness
to be shown.
To Lieutenant-General Robertson, May 4th . . 2
Retaliation determined upon — Desirous for humanity in war
— The case of Badgely and Hatfield — Recrimination useless.
To the Secretary at War, May 4th .... 4
Directions for receiving the officer chosen by Hazen — May
be permitted to communicate with the British general — Will
receive nothing short of full satisfaction.
Circular Letter to the States, May 4th ... 5
To the President of Congress, May loth ... 9
Correspondence respecting Huddy — English intelligence —
Proposals of pacification delusory.
To Sir Guy Carleton, May loth ..... 12
Has ever been against inhuman excesses of war — Passport
for Mr. Morgann — Regulation of flags.
To Robert Morris, May 17th  15
Circular letter to the States — The contract with Sands — Con
tractor taking unwarranted measures — Hardship to officers — We
may spin the thread of economy till it breaks — Mutiny and
desertion — Prompt payment of salaries of civil officers — Com
plaints from the officers — Alarming situation at West Point.
To Colonel Lewis Nicola, May 22d . . . . 21
Surprise and astonishment over his letter — No conduct of his
could give occasion for it — Wishes ample justice to be done to
the army.
To Brigadier-General Hazen, June 4th ... 23
Much concerned to find Asgill is sent on, though there were
two unconditional prisoners — May give the British an advantage
— Lieutenant Turner to be sent on.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE

To Colonel Elias Dayton, June 4th .... 25
Directions as to Asgill — Ludlow to be permitted to go to New
York — There can be no discussion on the retaliation.
To Major-General Lincoln, June 5th .... 27
Wishes his opinion as to Asgill — His distressing dilemma.
To Archibald Cary, June 15th  28
Resolutions of the Virginia Assembly — Enemy to be convinced
that it is both their interest and policy to be honest— Men and
money can alone attain the desired end — Congress should be the
central power — Vigorous exertions can alone end the war — His
desire for peace.
To Robert Morris, June i6th . . . . . 31
The army not captious — Character of Sands — His desire to
make his contract profitable — Position of the officers — The civil
establishment — Patience and forbearance, and the necessity of
taxation, inculcated on the army.
To the Secretary at War, June 17th .... 35
Reorganization of the army — Reduction of the cavalry —
Difficulty of selecting officers to be retained— The artillery
regiments — Hazen's and the southern regiments.
To John Dickinson, June 19th  37
Retaliation— Unless he had acted the people would have
taken up the matter— Supported by Congress — Error in selecting
the object— To far committed to recede— Remedy lies in
Carleton's hands.
To Lieutenant-Colonel Tench Tilghman, July 9th . 39
Meeting with Rochambeau— Attitudes of Carleton and Digby
— His tour of inspection.
To the President of Congress, July 9th . . . 41
His journey northward— Occupation of Oswego by the Brit
ish—His correspondence with Carleton.
To Major-General Greene, July gth . . . . .2
Doubt of the future— Impossible to move by land what is
essential to besiege Charleston— Cannot avail ourselves of the
enemy's weakness— Movement and disposition of the French
army— The States urged to supply men and money— Wishes
information.
To Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens, July loth . 48
Not astonished at the failure of his plan-Private interest
influences the generality of mankind-Conduct of the British
commander.';.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Jam^es McHenry, July i8th .... 49
His presence in Philadelphia' — Band of music.
To Major-General Greene, August 6th . . . 51
Disposition of the court of Britain — Advances for peace —
Enlargement of Laurens — Movements of the French fleet and
army — Conway's speech.
To John P. Posey, August 7th . . . . 55
His dishonesty towards Mr. Custis — Conscience not a factor.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil, August 10th . . 58
His plan to attack Penobscot — Reasons against such an en
terprise — Chain of expresses.
To the Chevalier de Chastellux, August loth . . 61
His stay in Philadelphia — The talk of peace.
To the Secretary at War, August nth . . 62
As to the intentions of General Gates.
To the Count de Rochambeau, August i6th . . 63
Sincerity of the British offers of peace — Intelligence from
France — Movement of the French army.
To the Secretary at War, August i8th ... 66
Extraordinary conduct of Congress respecting the release of
Cornwallis — His delicate situation^Embarrassments concerning
a cartel — Reasons for the failure of the last conference — Con
gress must be full and explicit.
To the President of Congress, August 19th . . 69
The case of Huddy — Acquittal of Lippincott — Evil to be
apprehended from an act of retaliation while an inquiry wa.<;
pending — Action of Carleton — Wishes the opinion of Congress
— Carleton's charge of a want of humanity.
To Major-General Knox, August 29th ... 72
Instructions.
To the Secretary at War, September ist . . . 73
Reported evacuation of Charleston and movements of the
army in consequence — Troops to be kept at the south — Dispo
sition of the northern army.
To Sir Guy Carleton, September 8th . • • 75
The commissioners for a cartel — Cannot interfeire with what
concerns the civil power — The suspension of hostilities — Must
be on sea as well as land — Inroads of savages instigated from
Canada.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE

To James McHenry, September I2th . . . T7
Change in the prospects due to the change in the British
ministry — War will be pushed.
To Joseph Reed, September 15th .... 78
The use of private letters — Never suspected of infidelity or
want of integrity — Marks of confidence — Gives his consent,
should the letters be needed to justify him.
To Thomas Paine, September i8th .... 80
His last publication — The period of seven years — Prospects
of peace.
To Robert R. Livingston, September 19th . . 82
Intelligence from Europe.
To Robert Morris, September 22d .... 83
An application to the States — Can hardly proceed of his own
accord — Personal entreaty better than circular letters.
To Major-General Greene, September 23d . . 84
Congress and the southern army — Immediate removal of
troops from thence no longer essential — Disposition to be made
of them— Future operations to the southward — Prospects of
peace.
To James Duane, September 30th .... 87
What will be done in Huddy's case— Delicacy of his situation
— Reasons for pressing the matter.
To the Secretary at War, October 2d • . . 90
Hardships of the officers— Civil officers paid their salaries-
Stopping of promotions— Danger of reducing the army while
discontents are rife— Patience and long-suffering of the army
almost at an end— High time for a peace— Labor performed out
side of the regular duty of a soldier.
To James McHenry, October 17th
Engineering for news— Britain awaiting the issue of the cam
paign—Intelligence from many hands— Only hard knocks and
no pay for the army— A new contract to feed the army.
To Governor Clinton, October 19th
Cannot interfere with the internal police and regulations of
the French army-Wishes to preserve harmony between army
and mhabitants-Troops to be withdrawn from the northward
To the Marquis de Lafayette, October 20th
Approves his remaining in France-Outline of the inactive'
campaign-Great harmony between French and Americans—
^/ir'T^""^''°"' °^ *' enemy-Opinions on the evacuation
of New York— Death of Laurens.

94

98

TOO

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PACS
To Doctor William Gordon, October 23d . . . 103
Was more sanguine of peace — Earnestly desires it — Histori
ographer.
To Captain Charles Asgill, November 13th . . 105
Sends his release and congratulations — Never influenced by
sanguinary motives, but sense of duty.
To Lund Washington, November 21st . . . 107
Has borrowed money to purchase Dow's land — Wishes to be
assured that an exchange may be made — Value of improved
meadow land.
To Lund Washington, November 2ist . . . 11 1
Dow's land to be carefully examined before purchasing —
Valuers to be named.
To Count de Vergennes, November 2 1st . . . 113
His letter on the Asgill affair.
To Major Benjamin Tallmadge, December loth . 115
World judges only of success — High opinion of his attempt.
To Count de Rochambeau, December 14th . . 116
Testimony of regard.
To Joseph Jones, December 14th . . . .117
Address of the army — Temper more irritable than ever
before— Officers hitherto have sto9d between the soldiers and
the public — Danger of allowing them to become discontented —
Invidious distinction in favor of the civil officers.
To Bartholomew Dandridge, December i8th . . 119
Posey a consummate villain — Valuation of stock — Intelli
gence.
To Major-General Greene, December i8th . . 122
Evacuation of New York— Sailing of a British fleet— Orders
to the French — The northern army. 1783-
To Robert Morris, January 8th  126
Payment of a sum in Philadelphia— His distresses for ready
money — The army and the contractors.
To Tench Tilghman, January loth . . . .129
Prospects of peace— Progress of the negotiations— Newspaper
misrepresentation.
To Bushrod Washington, January 15th . . . 133
Letter of counsel— Road to honor and profit in his profession
—Choice of company— Charity and clothes— Gaming.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE

To John Augustine Washington, January i6th . 135
Samuel's debts — Bushrod's studies — His mother's complaints,
and her plantation matters — The proposal to pension her — Peace
prospects — Condition of the army.
To Samuel Ogden, January 19th .... 141
On behalf of the refugees — Conditions of securing his recom
mendation — Interpretation of their address.
To Major Thomas Lansdale, January 25th . . 143
Poor appearance of his detachment— Distinction between a
fine and an indifferent regiment — Ignorance of orders cannot
be pleaded — An admonition.
To the President of Congress, January 30th . . 146
Preparations for the next campaign— Negotiations for peace
a disturbing influence— Congress to decide what is to be done-
Embarrassments for want of money- Essentials to be provided
—One great effort to expel the enemy better than to be ruined
by expensive defensive measures.
To Major-General Greene, February 6th . . . 151
Parliament and peace— Marvels of the contest— The celebra-
tion.
To Joseph Jones, February nth .... 153
The remonstrance of Vermont— An uncandid performance-
How far is coercion to extend— Strength of the protesters— Diffi
culties of subduing them— Sentiments of the army— Congress
should have acted.
To Lund Washington, February 12th
Excuses for not rendering an account— Must have full accounts
of his stewardship.
To the President of Congress, February 26th
Miscarriage of an intention against Oswego— Success of Major
TaUmadge— Illicit intercourse with the enemy.
To Benjamin Harrison, March 4th .
Virginia and the impost law-Futile jealousy of Congress-
Anarchy must result unless Congress is possessed of «eater
power. *^
To Alexander Hamilton, March 4th g
Commander-in-chief should be told more of the politics and ' ^
finances-Non-payment of taxes-His position as a citizen and
soldier critical and dangerous-The old leaven at work-No
great apprehension that the army will overstep bounds of modera
be b^^Jr 1 trr' '\ ""^^-^^^-^^ °f *e constitution shouTa"
be boldly laid before the people. snuma

157
159
162

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Robert Morris, March 8th  167
His intended resignation— Fears that the States will not be
aroused.
To the President of Congress, March 12th . . 168
The anonymous addresses to the army — Measures taken to
neutralize the dangers to be feared.
Address to the Officers  170
To Joseph Jones, March 12th ..... 174
Reports of dangerous combinations in the army and their
consequences — Belief that a double game is being played —
Explanation of his conduct — Accounts should be liquidated
and certified.
To the President of Congress, March i8th . . 178
Proofs of the officers' patriotism — Intercedes in their behalf
— What rewards were promised — Confirmed in his opinions —
Debt of gratitude will not be unpaid.
To Joseph Jones, March i8th  182
Officers will not be touched much longer upon the string of
forbearance — A liquidation of accounts desired — Situation of the
officers — Nothing too extravagant from men who conceive in
gratitude and injustice.
To the President of Congress, March 19th . . 184
Signing of the preliminary articles of peace.
To Lund Washington, March 19th . . . .185
Author of the anonymous letters — Virtue and forbearance of
the army have again conquered — Results of the neglect of the
States to provide funds.
To Robert R. Livingston, March 19th . . .187
Policy of Great Britain — Avidity of the people and weakness
of government — Trade with the enemy.
To Benjamin Harrison, March 19th . . . .188
Provision for the army — Reasons for the discontent — Congress
powerless — The anonymous addresses — End of the agitation —
Without a remedy, ruinous consequences to be apprehended —
Evil tendency of procrastinated justice.
To the Marquis de Lafayette, March 23d . . .192
His zeal for the American cause — Future operations uncertain
— No requisitions by Congress yet made — Strength of the army
— Little or no reliance to be placed in having troops other than
Continentals — The force of the enemy — Personal intelligence.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE

To the Chevalier de la Luzerne, March 29th . . 197
Intelligence of a general peace — Magnanimous conduct of
France.
To Robert R. Livingston, March 29th . . . 198
The general peace — The wish of Lafayette.
To Colonel Theodorick Bland, March 31st . . 200
Negroes in the hands of the British.
To Alexander Hamilton, March 31st . . 201
State politics and unreasonable jealousies must be set aside —
His wish to see union established upon liberal and permanent
principles — Necessity of reforming the confederation.
To Theodorick Bland, April 4th .... 203
Peace has given a rest to speculative opinions — Local preju
dices to be removed — A national character to be established 
The claims of public creditors — Those of the army— What would
gratify the officers— Effects of discriminations.
To Theodorick Bland, April 4th .... 206
Opinion attributed to the officers not general— A liquidation
before dissolution indispensable— Part of the balance should be
paid — One month's in cash, two months' pay in expectation 
Effects of a failure— An address to the States proposed— A
committee should confer with the army— The peace establish
ment — Terms of service.
To Alexander Hamilton, April 4th . . . .214
Idea of redress by force chimerical— Suspicions of the officers
afloat— The policy of Continental funds and the use made of it
—Financier believed to be at the bottom of it.
To the Marquis de Lafayette, April sth . . 216
Sense of the conduct of the French nation— A character to
establish— The true interest of the country must be measured
by a Continental scale— His return to America— Discontent of
officers— Virtue and forbearance of the army— Emancipation
of the blacks — Personal.
To Sir Guy Carleton, April gth .
Official notice of the suspension of hostilities— Congress must
direct measures for carrying the treaty into effect.
To Alexander Hamilton, April i6th .
Meaning of his former letter-The army a dangerous weapon
to work with-He is opposed to State funds and local prejudices
-Justice must be done to the army-Urges the appointment of
a committee-Recommendation of Congress respecting the treaty

221

223

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To the President of Congress, April i8th . . .225
Temper ot the army — Men engaged for the war expect a
speedy discharge — Suspicions that the official declarations of
peace have been delayed through design — The proclamation,
unaccompanied by directions for discharging the men, places
, him in a disagreeable predicament — The proclamation pub
lished, but Congress must speedily act — A committee to attend
the army — Many questions to be determined — Suggests that
arms and accoutrements be donated to the men who have
served during the war.
To Sir Guy Carleton, April 2 1st . . . .231
A cessation of hostilities proclaimed — The release of prison
ers of war — Proposes a personal interview.
To Alexander Hamilton, April 22d . . . 234
Reasons controlling his action respecting prisoners — An
impolitic measure, unless dictated by necessity — Relaxation of
discipline — His wish to discharge the men at once — Dangerous
tendencies — Matters should be adjusted.
To Tench Tilghman, April 24th ....
Rejoices at the return of peace — Delays, disappointments,
and difficulties — Liberality must supply the place of prejudice.
To the President of Congress, May 3d . . .
The northern and western posts in British hands — Wishes
instructions as to receiving and garrisoning them — Unless occu
pied they may be destroyed.
Conference with Sir Guy Carleton, May 6th
To Sir Guy Carieton, May 6th 
Points respecting the treaty — Wishes his views in writing —
The embarkation of negroes.
To Major-General Putnam, June 2d . . . . 247
Letter of compliment — Ingratitude of republics — The ques
tion of his pay.
To Robert Morris, June 3d  250
The granting of furloughs — The issue of notes.
To Major-General Heath, June 6th . . . .251
Address of the army— Strongly impressed with their distresses
—Does not despair of relief— Morris' letter— The granting of
furloughs.
Circular Letter to the States, June Sth . . . 254

237 239

241244

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Lund Washington, June nth .... 265
Hiring of the prisoners — His aversion to going from home
— Results of his neglect — Payment of his own wages — -The
purchaser of Barry's land.
To the President of Congress, June 17th . . . 267
Petition of soldiers entitled to lands — Advantages of the
proposed settlement to the settlers and to the government.
To the President of Congress, June 24th . . . 270
Mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops — A corps sent on —
Character of the mutineers — Contrast of the behavior of the
regular army — Organization of the new force— Route of the
corps.
To Doctor William Gordon, July 8th ... 274
Future policy of the States— Powers of Congress— Known
only as the United States— Interference of the States— Conse
quences of a want of power — An objection answered  The
impost — His papers.
To M. Marbois, July gth  279
Attempts at vine culture— Kindness of M. de Malesherbes.
To George William Fairfax, July loth . . .281
Loss of Belvoir— Cause of the war and early measures in it-
Hopes for the future— Care of his estate— Suffering general—
The Custis family— Mrs. Washington's health— Only awaiting
the definitive treaty.
To Baron Steuben, July 12th  28=;
Instructions.
To the President of Congress, July i6th . . 288
Hazen's regiment— A grant of unlocated land suggested— His
awkward position and intended journey.
To the President of Congress, August 6th . . 290
His journey- Will set out for Congress-Objects of his tour
-Measures taken to preserve evacuated posts-Provisioning the
western posts.
To Robert Stewart, August loth
Renewal of intercourse-Places of honor and profit should be"
bestowed on those who fought for liberty-Proposed visit to
France.
To the President of Congress, August 14th . . 307
Delay in setting out for Congress. ' * "
Address to the President and Members of Conp-res<=
August 26th . . ^ '
• 299

295

CONTENTS OF VOL. X. xv

To Lieut.-Col. William S. Smith, August 31st . . 300
Violent policy — Discharged British and foreign soldiers may
remain — Loyalists and passports.
To Mrs. Richard Stockton, September 2d . . . 301
An indulgent ghostly adviser — Penitence for poetical tres
passes — Sheltered by prescription — His deserts.
To James Duane, September 7th .... 303
Policy to be pursued towards the Indians — Manner of settling
the country — Obtaining land from the natives — Line to be de
termined restraining the whites — Generous policy needed — The
intention of New York may induce another Indian war — Procla
mation against passing beyond the line — Cheaper to buy land
than to expel the Indians — Appointment of Indian agents-r-In-
dian trade on government account — The settlers at Detroit — A
proposed State outlined.
Observations upon a Peace Establishment, Septem
ber 8th  312
To Governor Clinton, September nth . . . 316
Congress and the peace establishment — Impossible to come
to an agreement.
To Lund Washington, September 20th . . . 317
Advice on matrimony.
To Major-General Knox, September 23d . . -319
Officers' petition before Congress — A difficulty in the way-
Claims of Virginia— Resignation of Lincoln — Engineers — What
is expected of the President of the Cincinnati — Personal.
To 3amuel Huntnigton, September 25th . . .322
Comments upon the report and proclamation.
To the Chevalier de Cha.stellux, October 12th . . 324
Desire" for retirement — Proceedings of Congress — His north
ern tour — Impressed with the importance of developing the
waterways.
To Major-General Knox, October i6th . . .326
French members of the Cincinnati— Major L'Enfant to go to
France.
To Major-General Knox, October 23d . . .328
Celebration by the army postponed — Date of the evacuation.
Farewell Orders to the Armies of the United States,
November 2d  33°

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE

To the President of Congress, November i8th . . 334
Carleton has fixed the day of evacuation.
To Sir Guy Carleton, November 22d .... 335
State government prepared to receive New York — Rumor of
an intention to plunder the city.
To James McHenry, December loth .... 336
His movements after leaving New York.
To the President of Congress, December 20th . . 337
Arrival at Annapolis — Asks for the intentions of Congress on
the day of resigning his commission.
To Baron Steuben, December 23d .... 338
Entire approbation of his conduct — His last moment of public
life.
Address to Congress on Resigning his Commission,
December 23d ....... 338
1784.
To Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., January 5th . . . 340
The Governor's address to the General Assembly and freemen
of Connecticut — Good sense of the people must eventually con
quer their prejudices — Signs of improvement.
To the President of Congress, January 14th . . 342
Resolution of the Pennsylvania executive.
To Benjamin Harrison, January i8th . . . 344
Prospect before us— Jealousy of the States— Effect in Europe
—No fears from an extension of federal powers— Members of
Congress cannot be dangerous.
To the Marquis de Lafayette, February 1st . . 346
A private citizen— Sketch of events since the evacuation-
Congress and the contractedness of some of the States— Not
likely to visit Europe.
To Thomas Lewis, February 1st . . . .350
His land rights and their foundation— Measures taken to
establish his claims — The lands at the Forks.
To Gilbert Simpson, February 13th . . . oco
The mill partnership— Report says it has been very profitable
to Simpson — A call for an accounting.
Memorandum to John Lewis, February 14th . . 355

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Major-General Knox, February 20th . . . 356
A visit to his mother — Allowances — The Cincinnati meeting
— Why to be held at Philadelphia — His freedom from care.
To Dolphin Drew, February 25th . . 359
Reasons for renting his lands in small tenements.
To Fielding Lewis, February 27th .... 360
In no condition to advance money — Words of advice.
To John Witherspoon, March loth . . . .361
His lands west of the Alleganies — Patents from Dunmore —
Situation and quality of the land — Title indisputable — Manner
of granting leases — Desires to seat the land by particular socie
ties or religious sectaries — Capacity of the land.
To Edmund Randolph, March i8th . . . . 367
The depending petitions for land — What he has done to
establish his claims — Wishes him to do all that is necessary in
the matter — General Lee's will.
To Major-General Knox, March 20th . . . 370
The Cincinnati — The meeting ought to be full and respect
able — Prejudices and jealousies to be removed — Wishes Greene
to attend.
To Tench Tilghman, March 24th . . . -371
Some Palatine tradesmen — Qualities that are essential or
unnecessary.
To Dr. James Craik, March 2Sth .... 372
Bowie's request to examine his papers — Averse to having a
memoir written of his life — Vanity not a trait of his character.
To Thomas Jefferson, March 29th • • • • 375
Communication between the waters of the Ohio and Potomac
— Difficulties in the way — Early measures to effect the enter
prise — Opposition of the Baltimore merchants — Interests of the
two States — Virginia should not grasp at too much — Annual
sessions of Congress.
To Hugh Williamson, March 31st . . . .381
The Swamp Company — Project for a canal — Conclusions
from his own observations — Conditions for the proposed com
pany.
To the Marchioness de Lafayette, April 4th . . 385
Letter of friendship.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

395

To Thomas Jefiferson, April 8th .... 387
Asks for a frank opinion of the Cincinnati — Prejudice en
gendered by Burke's pamphlet.
To Governor Trumbull, May 15th .... 389
The pleasures of retrospection — Desires his correspondence.
To Rufus Putnam, June 2d ..... 391
The officers' petition for lands on the Ohio — The new Con
gress will be the agent — Arguments used against the grant— His
own lands.
To James Madison, June 12th ..... 39:5
The claims of Paine upon the gratitude of the States-
Wishes a decent independency.
To Dr. James Craik, July loth 
His proposed trip to the western country— Wishes his com
pany.
To Clement Biddle, July 28th  397
His negro servant Billy.
To Jacob Read, August nth  398
Policy of the British cabinet— In no condition to quarrel with
America.
To Count de Rochambeau, August 20th . . . 400
His appointment to Picardy— The King of Sweden and the
Cincinnati.
Certificate to Jatnes Rumsey, September 7th . . 402
To Benjamin Harrison, October roth . . .402
His opportunity to mark his administration as an important
era in the annals of the country— Virginian rivers the shortest
path to the western country— Routes and distances from Detroit
—The interests of Pennsylvania and New York— Unfortunate
jealousies— Objections raised— Virginia should share in the trade
—Political consideration— Western settlers stand upon a pivot-
Looking towards Spain-British interests-Preliminary steps to
be taken— Surveys of the James and Potomac— May be a pri
vate venture-Passage through Pennsylvania-Not in a position
to refuse — Rumsey's discovery.
To Jacob Read, November 3d
Cessions of lands by the Indians-Rage for speculating in
lands-Pohcy to be adopted by Congress-The western country
as a source of revenue-Evils of the delay in Congress-The
occupation of the posts.

415

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Governor Clinton, November 25th . . . 421
Internal dissensions produce distrust in Europe — British
retention of the western posts — Some land ventures in New
York — Trees and vines — George Augustine Washington.
To Richard Henry Lee, December 14th . . . 424
Treaty with the Six Nations and its effect as an example —
Slow formation of Congress contributes to lessen importance of
government — Legislation in States hostile to England — Suggests
a survey of the western waters — The Miami village an important
post — Reservation of mines and salt springs — Price of lands and
emigration. 1785.
To Major-General Knox, January 5th . . . 429
Correspondence — Feels the want of exercise — Has been to
Annapolis with a bosom friend — Legislatures decided to en
courage private adventurers — Intends to build at Alexandria,
and wants lime.
To Benjamin Harrison, January 22d .... 433
The gift of shares by the Assembly in the Potomac and
James companies — Grateful for the proof of good opinion and
affection — Wishes his actions to be wholly free and not sus
pected of being influenced by other motive than the public
good — Shares in the light of a pension — Asks for advice.
To Richard Henry Lee, February 8th . . . 437
Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland pass acts for internal
improvements — The scheme of the Countess 'of Huntington —
Refers the papers to him, and gives his own views — Temporary
and permanent seat of government.
To Rev. William Gordon, March 8th . . . -442
Profiles — Character of Col. John Laurens — The surrender of
Fort Washington — Gossip.
To Hugh Williamson, March 15th .... 445
Rumsey's boat— The Indian treaty and ceded lands— Manner
of disposing of them — A new State proposed.
To Richard Henry Lee, March 15th . . . . 447
The Indian treaty — Progressive seating of lands the most
eligible — The Mississippi.
To James Duane, April loth  44^
Rutgers vs. Waddington — Evil of local and independent
policies — The impost — Personal.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

PAGE
To Francis Hopkinson, May i6th .... 450
In the power of the painter — Mr. Pine.
To Major-General Greene, May 20th . . . .451
Approves his declining a duel with Gun — His affair with
Banks — -Back lands — Intelligence from Europe — Subscriptions
to the Potomac Company — His gift of shares.
To Burwell Bassett, May 23d . . . . . . 454
Return of George Augustine Washington — His attentions to
Fanny Bassett — His own attitude.
To William Minor, May 27th  456
His charges for what was not done — Lawrence Posey.
To Tench Tilghman, June 2d  457
Falconer and his needs for a secretary — What is expected of
one.
To William Goddard, June nth .... 459
Manuscripts of General Lee — His difference on public, not
on private, grounds — Will not recriminate.
To Major-General Knox, June i8th .... 460
Congratulations upon his appointment as Secretary of War —
The Potomac shares — Congress and the western posts — Sugges
tions for stations — Distribution of troops.
To William Grayson, June 22d  463
Congress and the western lands — The permanent seat of
Congress — Soldiers should receive what is their due — The navi
gation works.
To Richard Henry Lee, June 22d .... 465
The ordinance for governing the western territory— The
Macaulay Grahams— Inadequacy of the powers of Congress.
To George William Fairfax, June 30th . . . 466
The pictures and Mr. Pine— Disposition of the British court
—Commercial policy of Great Britain— Likely to unite the
States — Wishes to improve his methods of fanning, and needs
an English farmer.
To David Humphreys, July 25th .... 472
Wishes to see the plague of war banished from the earth— As
to a suggestion that he write commentaries on the Revolution-
Domestic intelligence— The navigation schemes.
To the Marquis de Lafayette, July 25th . . . 476
Increase and multiply— Progress of the improvement schemes
—Commercial policy of Great Britain towards America— Results
in the States— Ordinance for disposing of lands— The Spanish
jacks and hounds— Seeds from the west— Personal.

CONTENTS OF VOL. X.

To Edmund Randolph, July 30th . . . .481
The disposition he will make of the shares voted him by the
Assembly — Probable interpretations of his conduct — The James
River meeting.
To Edmund Randolph, August 13th .... 483
The two river improvements — Wishes them to progress
equally — His subscriptions — Presidency of the James Company
— His western lands and the claims.
To Richard Henry Lee, August 22d .... 487
Great Britain and the western posts — The Mississippi — No
cement to the union but interest — Paper money in Virginia.
To James McHenry, August 22d .... 490
The powers of Congress — Reasons for increasing them —
Policy of the southern members — Unreasonable jealousies — A
war of imposts — A navigation act.
To William Grayson, August 22d .... 493
Coinage plans — Always a friend to adequate congressional
powers — The ordinance on western lands — The Potomac navi
gation.
To John de Neufville, September Sth . . . 496
Reported desire to obtain a loan — Wanted for the Dismal
Swamp Company — Money and labor needed.
To Edmund Randolph, September i6th . . . 497
Declines the presidency of the James River Company — Sur
veys between the James and Kanawha — Slaves and an engineer
— Plans of the Potomac Company — Results of Rumsey's dis
covery — Cost of miners — Subscriptions.
To Thomas Jefferson, September 26th . . . 501
Houdon — Dismal Swamp surveys — The gift of shares —
Kentucky — Bushnell's torpedo.
To George Mason, October 3d  506
The assessment bill.

THE WRITINGS OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL HAZEN.
gjj^ Head-Quarters, 3 May 1782.
The enemy, persisting in that barbarous line of
conduct, they have pursued during the course of this
war, have lately most inhumanly executed Captain
Joshua Huddy, of the Jersey State troops, taken
prisoner by them at a post on Tom's River ; and in
consequence I have written to the British Com
mander-in-chief, that, unless the perpetrators of that
horrid deed were delivered up, I should be under the
disagreeable necessity of retaliating, as the only means
left to put a stop to such inhuman proceedings.
You will, therefore, immediately on receipt of this,
designate by lot for the above purpose, a British
captain, who is an unconditional prisoner, if such a
one is in our possession ; if not, a lieutenant under
the same circumstances from among the prisoners at
any of the posts, either in Pennsylvania or Maryland.
So soon as you have fixed on the person, you will
send him under a safeguard to Philadelphia, where
the minister of war will order a proper guard to re
ceive and conduct him to the place of his destination.

THE WRLTLNGS OF [1782

For your information' respecting the officers, who
are prisoners in our possession, I have ordered the
commissary of prisoners to furnish you with a list of
them. It will be forwarded with this. I need not
mention to you, that every possible tenderness, that
is consistent with the security of him, should be
shown to the person whose unfortunate lot it may be
to suffer. I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO LIEUTENANT-GENERAL JAMES ROBERTSON.'
gjj^ Head-Quarters, 4 May, 1782.
I had the honor to receive your letter of the ist
instant. Your Excellency is acquainted with the
determination expressed in my letter of the 21st of
April to Sir Henry Clinton. I have now to inform
you, that, so far from receding from that resolution,
orders are given to designate a British officer for re
taliation. The time and place are fixed ; but I still
hope the result of your court-martial will prevent this
dreadful alternative.
Sincerely lamenting the cruel necessity, which alone
can induce so distressing a measure in the present
instance, I do assure your Excellency, I am as ear
nestly desirous as you can be, that the war may be
carried on agreeable to the rules, which humanity
formed, and the example of the politest nations
' For nearly three years Sir Henry Clinton had from time to time solicited
his recall, and at length the King granted him permission to return to Europe,
which he received the last week in April. The command then devolved on Gen
eral Robertson. He retained this station, however, only about a week, when
Sir Guy Carleton arrived in New York, and took command of the British
armies in America, as the permanent successor of Sir Henry Clinton.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3
recommends, and shall be extremely happy in agree
ing with you to prevent or punish every breach of
the rules of war within the sphere of our respective
commands. I am unacquainted with the circumstances of the
detention of Badgely and Hatfield. The matter shall
be examined into and justice done ; but I must inform
you, that in my opinion deserters, or characters, who
for crimes they have committed are amenable to the
civil power, cannot on either side be protected under
the sanction of a flag. I do not pretend to say, the
abovementioned persons are in that predicament.
Recrimination would be useless. I forbear, there
fore, to mention numerous instances, which have
stained the reputation of your arms, marked the pro
gress of this war with unusual severity, and disgraced
the honor of human nature itself. While I wave this
ungrateful discussion, I repeat the assertion, that it
is my most ardent desire, not only to soften the in
evitable calamities of war, but even to introduce on
every occasion as great a share of tenderness and
humanity as can possibly be exercised in a state of
hostility.' I have the honor to be, &c.
' " In answer to my letter the British general informs me, that a court-mar
tial is ordered for the trial of the persons complained of ; but at the same time
says, that those people offer, in justification of the fact, a number of instances
of cruelty committed by us, and particularly in Monmouth county. Though
this is by no means admitted, but on the contrary orders are given to designate
and send to camp a British officer, who, if my demand is not complied with,
will be executed ; yet I cannot forbear observing to your Excellency, that, whilst
we demand satisfaction from the enemy for the violences they commit, it be
comes us to be particularly careful, that they hare not a like claim on us ;
and I must beg you to make it known to all persons acting in a military capa
city in your State, that I shall hold myself obliged to deliver up to the enemy,
or otherwise to punish, such of them as shall commit any act, which is in the

THE WRITINGS OF [1782

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.
DfaR Sir head Quarters, Newburg, 4 May, 1782.
By the letter to Brigadier-General Hazen, which I
have enclosed to you under a flying seal for your in
spection, you will observe the distressing alternative
to which we are at last reduced. I must request you
will give that letter a safe and speedy conveyance.
As soon as the British officer, whose unfortunate lot
it is to be designated as the object of retaliation, shall
arrive in Philadelphia, it will be necessary to have a
suf^cient escort, under the command of a very dis
creet and vigilant officer, in readiness to receive and
least contrary to the laws of war, I doubt not of your doing the same with
those, who come under the civil power.
" The enemy also complain of the detention of Hatfield and Badgely, who,
they say, were out by direction of our commissary of prisoners under sanction
of a flag. I must beg your Excellency to inform me, as soon as possible, of the cir
cumstances attending their capture, and the causes of their detention. If those
causes are not strictly just, I could wish they were sent in." — Washington to
Governor Livingston, 6 May, 1782. One Hatfield had offered in the springol
1780 to supply Washington with intelligence, and though the General was
" suspicious of the man " he did employ him, but to what extent is not known.
This was thought to be Moses Hatfield, and may have been the same who is
thus associated with Isaac Badgely. These two men were condemned as guilty
of treason by the civil tribunal of New Jersey.
" As I had the honor in my last [June loth] of transmitting the circumstances
relating to Hatfield and Badgely, to inform you, that, finding them entirely in
the hands of the civil power, it was not within ray line to say any thing further on
the subject ; so, from the tenor of your letter, it becomes necessary for me now i
to be very explicit in mentioning to your Excellency, that, in matters of civil
resort, I am not authorized, in any case, to make the least interference. The
civil laws, within the several States, having been passed without any agency ol
mine, I am equally excluded from any part in their execution ; neither is it to he
supposed, that they are under any control or influence from me. The dvil
power, therefore, of the States only being competent to the discussion of civil
points, I .shall leave them solely to their consideration, being determined to
confine myself to the proper line of my duty, which is purely military. " — Wash
ington to Sir Guy Carleton, 22 June, 1782.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5
conduct him to the cantonment of the troops of New
Jersey. I pray you will be pleased to give the orders
proper for the occasion, and direct the officer com
manding the party to apply to the commandant of the
Jersey line, who will have final instructions respecting
the matter.
Keenly wounded as my feelings will be, at the de
plorable destiny of the unhappy victim, no gleam of
hope can arise to him but from the conduct of the
enemy themselves. This he may be permitted to com
municate to the British Commander-in-chief, In whose
power alone it rests to avert the impending vengeance
from the innocent by executing it on the guilty. At
the same time it may be announced, that I will re
ceive no application nor answer any letter on the
subject, which does not inform me that ample satis
faction is made for the death of Captain Huddy on
the perpetrators of that horrid deed. * * * '
I have the honor to be, &c.

CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE STATES.
Head-Quarters, 4 May, 1782.
Sir, I find myself arrived at that period, at which I hoped to have
seen the battalions of the several States completed to their estab
lishment, in conformity to the requisitions of Congress of the 19th
of December last.
The enclosed returns of recruits, v*rhich I have caused to be
made up to the ist instant, vyill show hoAv totally short of my ex-
' General Lincoln, by some error, informed Washington that there was no
" unconditional prisoner of war" available, and Washington on the I Sth di
rected Hazen to carry out the instructions of the 3d.

6 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
pectations the exertions of the States have fallen. From your
State you will find that only recruits have joined the
army in consequence of the above requisition.'
All my accounts from Europe concur in declaring, that the
British King and ministry are still determined to prosecute the
war. It becomes, therefore, our decided duty to be prepared to
meet these hostile intentions, in whatever way they are to be car
ried into execution ; to do which, our utmost exertions are now
called for. You will suffer me therefore to entreat, that, if your
State has any expectation from the military operations of this
season, not another moment may be lost in providing for and
carrying into most effectual execution the full completion of their
battalions. It is scarcely necessary to inform you, that on this
expectation all our calculations must be formed, and on this
event must rest the hopes of the ensuing campaign.
My intelligence of the actual aid we may expect from our
allies is not yet so explicit as will lead me to decide absolutely
on the mode of operations for this campaign ; but were our
expectations of support from that quarter ever so promising,
yet, from the negligence and languor of the States, from whence
our own exertions are to spring, I am not at this day enabled to
give any assurance of our being prepared to cooperate with our
allies in any great objects equal to their expectations of our own
ability. I am sorry to acquaint your Excellency, that I have
the best authority to assure you, that the court of France is much
dissatisfied with this want of vigor and exertion in the States, and
with that disposition, which appears willing at least, if not desir
ous, to cast all the burthen of the American War upon them.
Waving the injustice and impolicy of such a temper, (which to me
appear very conspicuous,) how humiliating is the idea, that our
dependence for support should rest on others, beyond that point
which absolute necessity dictates ; how discouraging to our aUies,
and how dishonorable to ourselves must be our want of vigor and
' The second paragraph in the letter is altered to Virginia and Maryland, and
the following substituted, viz. :
" From the returns I have been able to obtain of recruits furnished by the
several States, I am very sorry to observe that their exertions to this time have
almost totally disappointed this expectation." — Note by Washington.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 7
utmost exertion, at a time when, if we are not wanting to ourselves,
our prospects are the fairest that our wishes could extend to.
I find from the proceedings of the several States, that their cal
culation of deficiencies, formed on application to the several towns,
who furnish the men, are greatly different from the returns sent
from the army. I forbear mentioning many reasons, which might
be assigned to produce this difference, and which in my opinion
originate principally within the States, and will content myself
with this one observation, that, should the States deceive them
selves in this respect, and fail to furnish the expected force in the
field, they will not only cast an essential injury upon the army,
but the unhappy consequences of a failure in their expectations
from a military operation will reverberate upon themselves, whilst
recrimination can have no effect towards alleviating our protracted
misfortunes and distress.
Although money matters are not within the line of my duty, yet,
as they are so intimately connected with all military operations ;
and being lately informed by the financier in answer to some small
requisitions upon him, that he has not yet received one penny in
money from any one State, upon the requisition of Congress for
the eight millions of dollars, but that, on the contrary, some of
the States are devising ways to draw from him the small sums he
has been able otherwise to establish, and that he is at this time
barely able to feed the army, and that from hand to mouth ; I
cannot forbear to express my apprehensions from that quarter,
and to urge, with the warmth of zeal and earnestness, the most
pointed and effectual attention of your State to the actual raising
and collecting of its proportion of the requisition. Upon the
present plan of non-compliance with requisitions for men and
supplies, let me seriously ask your Excellency, How is it possible
for us to continue the war ? How is it possible to support an
army in money or recruits ? To what a wretched state must we
soon be reduced ? How dangerous is it to suffer our affairs to
run at hazard, and to depend upon contingencies ? To what do
the present measures tend, but to the utter ruin of that cause,
which we have hitherto so long and nobly supported, and to crush
all the fair hopes, which the present moment places before us,
were we only to exert the power and abilities with which Provi-

8 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
dence has bountifully blessed this country ? But if the States will
not impose, or do not collect and apply, taxes for support of the
war, the sooner we make terms the better ; the longer we con
tinue a feeble and ineffectual war, the greater will be our distress
at the hour of submission. For my own part, I am fully con
vinced, that, without the means of execution, no officer, whoever
he may be, who is placed at the head of the military department,
can be answerable for the success of any plans he may propose
or agree to.
Upon this subject I will only add, that, from past experience
and from present prospects, I am persuaded, that, if the States
would furnish the supplies agreeable to the late requisition, and
would suffer the pay, clothing, and subsistence of the army to go
through one common channel, that two thirds of their former ex
penses would be saved ; and many partialities, discontents, and
jealousies, which now subsist, would be removed and cease, and
an establishment of order, regularity, and harmony in our general
affairs would be experienced, which cannot arise from the
present disjointed and different systems of finance adopted by
separate States.
While acting in my military capacity, I am sensible of the im
propriety of stepping into the line of civil polity. My anxiety for
the general good, and an earnest desire to bring this long pro
tracted war to a happy issue, when I hope to retire to that peace
ful state of domestic pleasures, from which the call of my country
has brought me to take an active part, and to which I most
ardently wish a speedy return, I hope will furnish my excuse with
your Excellency and legislature, while I request your pardon for
this trespass. I have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. May 8M.— Since writing the above, I have been fur
nished with sundry New York papers, and an English paper,
containing the last intelligence from England, with the debates of
Parliament upon several motions made respecting the American
war. Lest your Excellency may not have been favored with so
full a sight of these papers as I have, I take the liberty to men
tion, that I have perused these debates with great attention and
care, with a view if possible to penetrate their real design ; and,
upon the most mature dehberation I can bestow, I am obliged to

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 9
declare it as my candid opinion, that the measure in all their
views, so far as they respect America, is merely delusory, hav
ing no serious intention to admit our independence upon its true
principles, but is calculated to produce a change of ministers to
quiet the minds of their own people, and reconcile them to a
continuance of the war ; while it is meant to amuse this country
with a false idea of peace, to draw us off from our connexion
with France, and to lull us into a state of security and inactivity,
which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute the war
in other parts of the world with greater vigor and effect. Your
Excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe, that, even
if the nation and Parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace
with America, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them
with great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep
our arms firm in our hands, and, instead of relaxing one iota in
our exertions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that
we may take the advantage of every favorable opportunity, until
our wishes are fully obtained. No nation ever yet suffered in
treaty by preparing, (even in the moment of negotiation,) most
vigorously for the field.
The industry which the enemy are using to propagate their
pacific reports, appears to me a circumstance very suspicious ;
and the eagerness with which the people, as I am informed are
catching at them, is in my opinion equally dangerous.'

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
5jj^ Head-Quarters, 10 May, 1782.
I do myself the honor to transmit to your Excel
lency the enclosed papers, No. i to — inclusive. They
contain a continuance of the correspondence, which
' " If I should have occasion for the Militia of your state, the call will be
sudden, and their movements must be rapid, otherwise great expense will ac
crue and only disgrace and disappointment will ensue. For these reasons I
beg leave to recall your Excellency's attention to my letter of the 5 March
last, and to pray most earnestly that every previous arrangement may be taken
to facilitate their march when requested." — To Virginia and Maryland. Note
by Washington.

THE WRITINGS OF [1782

li.i'; l.c.(;ii produced between me. General Robertson,
.111(1 Sir Henry Clinton, in the case of Captain Hud
dy. That from Sir Henry Clinton did not come to
hand till some days after the receipt of General Rob
ertson's letter, and after my reply to the latter. I
am in daily expectation of an answer from General
Robertson, which I hope will bring this ungrateful
business to a conclusion.
I take this opportunity to convey to Congress sun
dry English and New York newspapers, which have
within a few days past been put into my hands. Their
contents are new and interesting, and I take the
earliest occasion to present them to Congress.
Although I view the debates, so far as they convey
proposals of pacification to America, to be idle and
delusory, yet I cannot but express my fears for the
effect they may have upon the exertions of the States,
which are already too feeble and void of energy. The
people, so far as I am informed, are catching at the
idea of peace with great eagerness ; and the industry
which the enemy are using for its propagation is to
me a very suspicious circumstance. For my own
part, I view our situation such, that, instead of relax
ing, we ought to improve the present moment as the
most favorable to our wishes. The British nation
appear to be staggered and almost ready to sink be
neath the accumulated weight of debt and misfortune.
If we follow the blow with vigor and energy, I think
the game is our own.^

'"We wanted no fresh opiate to increase that stupor into which we had fallen,
Imt I much fear that the idle, and delusive offers of Peace with which the
Country resounds, will, if it is not powerfully counteracted, be exceedingly

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Just as I was closing these despatches, I received
a letter from Sir Guy Carleton, covering sundry
printed papers, a copy of which, with the papers, I
have now the honor to enclose to your Excellency,
together with the copy of my answer to him ; and I
flatter myself, that my conduct therein will be agree
able to the wishes of Congress. I have the honor
to be, &c. ¦
injurious to us — not 'I apprehend) from any dispo.sition in the people to li =ten
to improper terms, but from a misconception of what ;.? really meant, and the
arts which are used to make them believe that Independence, and what not.
are proffered to them. Under these ideas they ask, why need v.e be taxed, or
why need we be put to the expence and trouble of compleating our Eattalioris ''.
" It is to be hoped that the despatches v.hich are nov.- on their passage to
Congress, will aimounce the aids which are intended for us by the Court of
France, as it is high time the plan of campaign was knovi-n, which cannot be
the ca.se till we have materials to project one. Would to God there may not
be too much trath in tbe British account f;n the Vor",: Gazettes; of the advan
tages gained by her in the naval action off Gnadalo-.;pe — it may be productive
of a total derangement of the plans of the French Court, this campaign.'' —
Washington tv R. R. Livingston, 22 May, 1782.
" What may be the real intention of the present MinUtr)-, respecting America
— or what effect the naval action in the West Indies may have upon the in
tended operations of this year, and consequently upon tbe conduct of the
Powers at war, is difficult to say. There is, howe^.-er, one plain line chalked
out for us ; by pursuing which we cannot err ; and it gives me pleasure to hear
that Congress are inculcating this by a deputation from their own Body.
If Rodney's victory is as decisive and important as the -¦.'e-.v York gazettes
endeavor to make it ; and the new Ministry should not l,e too much buoyed
up by it ; there is no measure vi likely to produce a speedy termination of the
War as vigorous preparations for meeting the enemy in fuU expectation of it,
if they are only p!a;.-ing the insidious game. This will make them think of
Peace in good earnest." — Washington to Robert R. Livingston, 5 June, 1752.
' Read in Congress, May 13th.
The papers enclosed in the letter were printed copies of the proceedings of
the House of Commons, on the 4th of March, I7?2, respecting an address
to the King in favor of peace ; and also a copy of the bill reported in conse
quence thereof, enabling his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce with the
revolted colonies in North America.
The French cabinet were somewhat concerned as to the effect, which thes;
movements of the British Parliament might have in America, .^s soon as

12 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO SIR GUY CARLETON.
Cjj^ Head-Quarters, 10 May, 1782.
I had the honor last evening to receive your Ex
cellency's letter of the 7th, with the several papers
enclosed. Ever since the commencement of this
unnatural war, my conduct has borne invariable testi
mony against those inhuman excesses, which, in too
many instances, have marked its various progress.
With respect to a late transaction, to which I pre-
they were known at Versailles, Count de Vergennes wrote to M. de la Luzerne
expressing his apprehensions.
" The object of the British King," said he, " in acceding to these resolutions,
is obvious. He would persuade the Americans, that he is sincerely disposed
to a reconciliation, and would spare nothing to impress this persuasion by
influencing their feelings towards England, and causing them to be unfaithful
to France. On examining the comparative situation of England and America,
one could hardly hesitate to decide what impression these resolutions should
make ; yet the strong propensity of the Americans to inactivity ; their need of
peace and the desire they manifest for it ; the embarrassment as to their means
of continuing the war ; the great number of English partisans among them ;
all these causes united are enough to excite the fear, that the wishes of the
people may prevail over the patriotism and zeal of Congress, and that this body
will be forced to lend an ear to the pretended pacific overtures of the court of
London. Such a step would of course be infinitely disagreeable to France,
because it would effectually change the object and mode of prosecuting the
war ; it would augment the hostile resources of England, and would cause
France to lose a great part of the fruit of-her offensive efforts in carrying on
the war for the independence of America. It is therefore of the highest import
ance, that the United States should continue of the same principles as hereto
fore, remain immovably attached to the alliance, and follow the example of
France in refusing to listen to a separate peace with England. Every principle
of honor and interest requires this conduct in the Americans.
" It should not be concealed from you, that the English ministry have
recently sent a secret emissary to us, with propositions for a separate peace.
The conditions, which he offered, were such as would have satisfied the King,
if he had been without allies. He stipulated, among other things, the uti
possidetis, the suppression of the English commission at Dunkirk, and advan
tages in India. But these offers did not move the King. His Majesty
acknowledges no other rule, than that which is traced in his engagements;
and he answered, that, however ardent might be his wishes for the reestablish-
ment of peace, he could not commence a negotiation to that end without the

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13
sume your Excellency alludes, I have already ex
pressed my resolution, a resolution, formed on the
most mature deliberation, and from which I shall not
recede. I have to inform your Excellency, that your
request of a passport for Mr. Morgann, to go to
Philadelphia, shall be conveyed to Congress by the
earliest opportunity ; and I will embrace the first mo
ment, that I shall have it in my power, to communi
cate to you their determination thereon.'
participation of his allies. The English commissioner replied, that he perfectly
understood this answer to refer to America, as well as Spain, but objected,
that recognising the independence of the colonies did not enter into the system
of England. I replied, that this was the basis of the system of the King. Upon
this he asked, if there was no mode of treating with France without involving
the affairs of America. I sent to him for answer the first pacific overtures, which
we had communicated to the mediators. I added, that, whether England
should treat of the affairs of America with us, or hold a direct negotiation with
the United States, she could not avoid treating with the deputies of Congress ;
and thus she would be compelled to recognise the authority of that body. I
cannot say whether any thing will result from this advance on the part of the
English ministry, whether it was meant as an apple of discord between us and
our allies ; but, whatever may have been the intention, the issue ought at least
to be a new and strong proof to the Americans of the fidelity of the King to his
engagements, and to convince them of the extreme injustice of deviating from
his example." — MS. Letter from Vergennes to Luzerne, Versailles, March 23,
1782. A few days afterwards, in writing again upon the same subject, Count de
Vergennes said ;
"Although we desire that Congress may neither open a direct negotiation,
nor make a separate peace, yet we have no wish to prevent that body from
following the system, which we ourselves have traced in our answer to the
mediating courts. We are and always shall be disposed to consent, that the
American plenipotentiaries in Eur pe shall treat, in conformity to their
instructions, directly and without our intervention, with those from the court
of London, while we shall be engaged in a. negotiation on our part ; provided
that the two negotiations shall proceed with an equal progress, that the two
treaties shall be signed at the same time, and that neither of them shall take
effect without the other." — MS. Letter, April gth — Sparks.
' On the very day on which Congress received Washington's letter, Madison
could write that the request of Carleton " will certainly be refused, and Gen
eral Washington directed to receive and forward any despatches which may be

14

THE WRITINGS OF [1782

Many inconveniences and disorders having arisen
from an improper admission of flags at various posts
of the two armies, which have given rise to com
plaints on both sides; to prevent abuses in future,
and for the convenience of communication, I have
concluded to receive all flags, from within your lines,
at the post of Dobbs's Ferry, and nowhere else, so
long as the head-quarters of the two armies remain as
at present. I have the honor to be, &c.'
properly addressed to Congress," and when an audience was given to the
French minister, on the 13th, "it was deemed politic at this crisis to display
every proper evidence of affectionate attachment to our ally."
" Sir Guy Carleton attempted to commence a correspondence with Congress,
but that assembly wholly declined his advances. He then wrote to some of the
governors of the States, but their answers were equally pointed and repulsive.
He next addressed himself to the people, not directly, but through the channel
of the newspapers in New York ; exhorting them to change their leaders and recall
their present members of Congress, and speaking of the new disposition for
reconciliation and peace on the part of the mother country ; but all without effect.
Another attempt is to humiliate Congress by representing them to be under the
influence of France, and particularly of the French minister in the United
States. But he has used another instrument more powerful than these. He
treats all the Americans, who fall into his hands, with extreme kindness;
exhorts them not to bear arms against Great Britain ; admits freely into New
York the wives of the captains of vessels, which have been taken and brought
into that harbor, and at their solicitation releases their husbands. And he has
even written to General Washington, that he will send back the captured Caro
linians in the King's ships and at the King's expense ; and that he would do all
in his power to cause them to forget their past injuries." — Luzerne to Ver
gennes, 14 June, 1782.
' It was decided by Congress, that the Commander-in-chief should be
directed to refuse a passport for Mr. Morgann to bring despatches to Phila
delphia.— >«?-«a/j, May 14th. The advances of Sir Guy Carieton bore so
strong a similarity to those of the commissioners in 1778, which proved de
lusive and fruitless, that Congress deemed it advisable not to open any door
for an intercourse through this channel, and more especially as the business
of negotiating a peace was entrusted to the American commissioners in
Europe. Had the tenor of Sir Guy Carieton's instructions been known in America, it
is probable that a more conciliating temper would have been shown by Con-

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15
TO ROBERT MORRIS. HrCADQUARTERS, 17 May, 1782.
Sir :
I have been honored with your Favor of the 23d of
April — The Information it contains is in some Re
spects, pleasing and important — I thank you for the
Communication ; and need not assure you, that your
Confidence shall never be abused by me.
gress. The late change of ministry had produced a change in the determina
tions of the British Cabinet, and in the measures for prosecuting the war,
wholly unexpected and as yet not even conjectured in the United States.
This will appear by the following extracts from the directions of the new
secretary at war to Sir Guy Carleton when he left England :
" The first object of your attention must be the withdrawing of the garrison,
artillery, provisions, stores of all kinds, and every species of public property
from New York and its dependencies to Halifax. The same steps are to be
taken with reference to the garrisons of Charleston and Savannah. The garri
son of St. Augustine you will determine upon according to circumstances on
your arrival.' The execution of the whole, both in point of mode and time, is
left to your discretion. In case you .should meet with obstructions by any
attack supported by a formidable force, or from disappointments, so that it will
not be in your power to effect the evacuation without great hazard of consider
able loss, an early capitulation, which may secure the main object, is thought
preferable to an obstinate defence of the place without hope of answering any
national purpose by it.
" In the execution of his Majesty's command you must always bear in recol
lection, that the removal and reservation of his Majesty's troops for his service
is the immediate object, to which all other considerations must give way. But
you must likewise lose no time to avail yourself of the change of measures
which has lately taken place, for the purpose of reconciling the minds and
affections of his Majesty's American subjects, by such open and generous
conduct as may serve to captivate their hearts, and remove every suspicion of
insincerity. With this view, it may be well worthy of your most serious
consideration, whether, though you should not meet with the obstructions we
have now too much reason to apprehend, it would not be best to take the part
of communicating, immediately upon your arrival, the enclosed resolutions of
the House of Commons, bearing as they do incontestable marks of the universal
sense of the kingdom, and his Majesty's resolution, in consequence, of with
drawing the troops. You may state every circumstance, if occasion offers,
which has passed or is passing here, which can tend to revive old affections or

i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

In a circular Letter which I have lately written to
the States, I have taken occasion to mention the fail
ure you experience from them, in their non-payment
of the Sums demanded by the Requisition of Con
gress for the 8.000.000 Dollars. — I have represented
in the most pointed terms I could use, the ill Effects
this failure must have upon our military Operations ;
extinguish late jealousies. You may obsei"ve, that the most liberal sentiments
have taken root in the nation." — MS. Instructions to Sir Guy Carleton,
April 4th.
It is obvious from these instructions that Sir Guy Carleton had a very deli
cate and difficult task to perform, especially as in the present state of feeling in
America it would have been impossible for him to make himself believed for a
moment, if he had communicated the sentiments of the British ministry.
Even the cautious course which he found it necessary to adopt excited sus
picions of his sincerity, and an apprehension that some design was at bottom
which required to be guarded against, as is manifest from Washington's letters
and all the proceedings of Congress. No one had dreamed that it was seriously
the purpose of the British ministry at this time to evacuate all the maritime
posts in the United States. The object of the ministry was a vigorous prosecu
tion of the war in the West Indies against France and Spain, having already
determined to concede the independence of the thirteen colonies.
The real intentions of the British cabinet, however, were early penetrated
by Count de Vergennes. Within three weeks after the departure of Sir Guy
Carieton from England, that minister wrote as follows to M. de la Luzerne.
"Every appearance indicates, that the British intend withdrawing their
forces from the United States ; or, at least, that the war will not be prosecuted
there any more. They are probably preparing to continue the war in the
Islands against the House of Bourbon. Attempts are made for a separate
peace. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams will undoubtedly render an account ot
the proposals which have been offered to them. Their language has been firm,
and m the true principles of the alliance. In this respect we cannot applaud
them too highly, and you may testify to Congress our entire satisfaction. If
tne English continue hostilities on the continent, it will be interesting to see in
what manner the Americans will endeavour to render themselves useful to an
ally, who has served them so largely. I do not expect from them much effec
tive aid ; but I hope they will be sufficiently enlightened not to ascribe to the
good-will of the new ministry that which cannot and ought not to he
considered m any other light than as the effect of their weakness. "-J/i.
Letter from Vergennes to Ltizerne, Versailles, May 2&.~-Sparks

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17
— and have urged them, with the warmth of zeal &
earnestness to a full & speedy compliance with your
Expectations. — I wish this application may have its
desired effect.
I am experiencing much Trouble from Complaints
of the Army against Mr. Sands's execution of his
Contracts. By last post I transmitted to the Secre
tary of War, Copies of proceedings respecting the
Contract for West point and its dependencies;. &
inclosed you will have those under the Contract for
moving the Army. — It appears pretty evident to me,
that the Contractors for the latter have availed them
selves of Mr. Sands's knowledge and Experience to
reject every thing in the new one, that did not imme
diately tend to his ease and emolument in the old
one ; — and which like every thing else of the kind,
that is not attended with mutual convenience, must
effect its own reformation or destruction. — For it
cannot be expected that an Army which has suffered
every species of hardship and distress, that cottld arise
from want of pay, deficiencies in their rations, and
(till now) want of Cloathing, will submit contentedly
to a measure which is not warranted by the Usage
and customs of any other Arm,y, merely because it
is convenient and beneficial to the Contractors — Every
man must know, and Mr. Sands acknowledges it, that
issuing to a Regiment at one Draft, does not give to
each Man the Ration which is prescribed for him
by the Contract ; and to compell the Ofificers, who
may wish to corn a little Beef, or, by way of change
to furnish their Tables with Poultry, or the smaller

1 8 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
kinds of Meat — or who may sometimes be from
camp, or Quarters, and at other Times wish to
entertain a friend, to take their Allowance in the
same draft, and at the same time with the Men,
whether their necessities call for more or less, or for
feit it, is not only unusual, but extremely hard and
disagreeable to them ; and will, if continued, be pro
ductive of serious Consequences — not only from their
disquietudes, but the Jealousies which will prevail
among the Men, who with or without cause, will
suspect that the Officers not only take their full
Allowance, but will have it of the choisest pieces leav
ing them to share the deficiency in that which is more
indifferent. ¦"' " '* Besides, as the Contractors
seem to think themselves under no legal Obligation,
or controul to fulfill their Contract, — and are deter
mined to encounter no Expence which they can pos
sibly avoid, — I may be thwarted by & by in my
Disposition of the Troops ; because, by increasing
their Clerks, it will add to their Expence. These
Considerations, & the incessant Complaints which I
am obliged to hear, & which engages a large portion
of my Time, induces me to urge again, that the per
son who is to be the Arbiter of them may come for
ward without delay.
I have not made these observations from a disincli
nation to support this Contract, or any other System
by which the public interest can be promoted ; and 1
should do injustice to the Officers of this Army, was
I not to declare, that as far as my opportunities have
gone (and I have conversed freely on the subject

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19
from the General to the Ensign) they seem equally
well disposed to carry it into execution ; but they
can see no reason why the Contractors should pocket
the benefits which flow from their distresses.
If the Officers could receive their pay, or even their sub
sistence regularly, more especially, if they could, as I am,
told is the Custom with the British Service, have always
a month of the latter in advance it is possible they zvould
renounce both Sands & his Issties ; but having none of
the former & ivith difficulty come at the latter, it is both
inconvenient and mortifying to them to be tycd tip as they
are, when it does not appear that the ptiblic interest is
advanced by it ; but admitting it is so in a small degree,
we may spin the thread of (Economy 'till it breaks. —
Minds sowered by distresses are easily rankled— as a
specimen of it, the privates of the Connecticut Line were
the other day upon the eve of a general Mutiny, the vigi-
lence of the Officers discovered it a few hours before they
ivere to parade & the ring leaders have been tryed &
executed — besides this, desertions are more prevalent than
ever ; by the last Returns a greater number went off than
ever did in the same space before, — and tho / know how
much you have laboured for the means of paying the
Army, & how inapplicable the remark is to you, 'till yoti
are furnished with these, I cannot help adding, that it is
very difficult, if not impracticable to convince Military
Men whose interests, feelings & wants are continually
goading them, that people holding Civil offices are better
entitled to receive the wages of service, punctually than
they are. — / mention these things, my Dear Sir, not so
¦much because I think it in your power to afford redress,

20 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
as because, T think you should be acquainted with the
temper that prevails.
I might have mentioned too in a more proper
place, that while Mr. Sands was saving fifty or an
hundred pounds in the establishment of his Issues,
the public have expended, from the information I
receive, at least 4000 pair of shoes & 1000 blankets
extraordinary in transporting, two or three miles
over rugged roads, the provision from these places on
Men's shoulders, — however I do not blame Mr. Sands
more for this, than the Officer who permitted it.
May 25th.
I had written the foregoing part of this Letter
before I received the inclosed complaints, from which
it appears that the Officers do not agree in sentiment
with me in receiving their subsistence in money &
purchasing their own provisions ; But placing the
matter as they do upon the footing of Right, their
Observation shows that without their concurrence,
the difficulties cannot be compounded in that way.
Upon the whole matter, that the Army may not
appear to be forming complaints without pointing
to a remedy, I have prepared the general Outline of
a System of Issues, which if adopted would in my
Opinion, be equitable & satisfactory— This I intended
to have sent to you by this Conveyance but to save
Trouble & Delay have concluded it will be best to
take the Sentiments of Mr. Sands & some of the
most sensible & judicious Officers upon it ; that all
parties here may be agreed previous to communicatg.
it for your Approbation.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21
(Althd Mr. Sands has been repeatedly urged to
furnish the stiptclated Deposits for West point, yet
that important post is now almost without a Barrel of
salted provisions ; by tvhich means it is in a most
alarmg. Situation, not being able, were the Enemy to
make a sudden Attempt upon it, to hold a seige of
three Days.) Add to this Omission, the whole Army
have been without Meat of any kind, for three or four
Days past. — I am at a loss to account for these
neglects — I can only tell you the serious truth & ask
what Remedy is provided in such Cases ? — how is
Mr. Sands to be compelled to perform his Duty ? and
where is the compulsory power lodged ?
I fear you will think this Letter very tedious — but
the subject required much to be said. I have men
tioned to the Secy, at War, this Communication &
have desired him to assist you in its Consideration.
— I hope, that on Consultation, you will afford us
speedy Relief, as I know not to what Extremities
the present Uneasiness may push us. I am &c.'

TO COLONEL LEWIS NICOLA.
gjj;^ Newburg, 22 May, 1782.
With a mixture of great surprise and astonish
ment, I have read with attention the sentiments
you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured. Sir,
no occurrence in the course of the war has given
me more painful sensations, than your information
of there being such ideas existing in the army, as
' The italicized parts of this letter were written in cypher.

2 2 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
you have expressed, and I must view with abhorrence
and reprehend with severity. For the present the
communicatn. of them will rest in my own bosom,
unless some further agitation of the matter shall
make a disclosure necessary.
I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my
conduct could have given encouragement to an
address, which to me seems big with the greatest
mischiefs, that can befall my Country. If I am not
deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not
have found a person to whom your schemes are more
disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my
own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a
more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the
army than I do ; and, as far as my powers and influ
ence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be
employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it,
should there be any occasion. Let me conjure you,
then, if you have any regard for your Country, con
cern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to
banish these thoughts from your mind, and never
communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a
sentiment of the like nature. I am. Sir, your most
obedient servant.'

1 The above remarkable letter is a transcript from the first draft in Washing
ton's handwriting. The following certificate is appended to it, and is also
in the same handwriting, except the signatures, which are autographs of the
signers.
rn'l'J»fM°''T'"! it''" "'''"'' ""Py °f ^ '^''^i'' wh'<:h we sealed and sent off to
Colonel Nicola, at the request of the writer of it.
" D. Humphreys, A.D. C.
" Jonathan Trumbull, Jun., Secretary."
Ihe discontents among the officers and soldiers in the army, respecting the
arrearages of their pay and their future prospects, had already increased to an

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23
TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL HAZEN.
Head-Quarters, 4 June, 1782.
Sir, I have received your favor of the 27th of May,
and am much concerned to find, that Captain Asgill
has been sent on, notwithstanding the information,
which you had received, of there being two uncondi
tional prisoners of war in our possession. I much
alarming degree. Colonel Nicola, being a man of respectable character,
somewhat advanced in life, and also on terms of intimacy with the Commander-
in-chief, seems to have been much consulted by the other officers, and made a
medium for communicating verbally their complaints, grievances, and appre
hensions. To these Washington had listened with his usual complaisance,
with an unfeigned expression of feeling for the distresses of the troops, and an
unqualified declaration, that no efforts on his part should be wanting to pro
cure for them the justice and remuneration which their long services and sac
rifices had merited.
In this stage of affairs, either of his own motion, or from the instigation of
others. Colonel Nicola addressed to the Commander-in-chief a paper of an
extraordinary tenor, which drew from him the above reply. After some gen
eral remarks on the deplorable condition of the army, and the little hope they
could have of being properly rewarded by Congress, the Colonel proceeds to a
political disquisition on the different forms of government, and comes to the
conclusion that republics are, of all others, the least susceptible of stability,
and the least capable of securing the rights, freedom, and property of individu
als. His inference is, that America can never prosper, or become a nation,
under such a form. The English government he considers the most successful
experiment that has yet been tried. Then reverting somewhat in detail to the
financial operations of the war, and to the multiplied and increasing burdens
which everywhere bore heavily upon the people, he added :
" This must have shown to all, and to military men in particular, the weak
ness of republics, and the exertions the army had been able to make by being
under a proper head. Therefore I little doubt, that, when the benefits of a
mixed government are pointed out, and duly considered, such will be readily
adopted. In this case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted, that the same
abilities which have led us through difficulties, apparently insurmountable by
human power, to victory and glory, those qualities, that have merited and
' obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely
to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace.
" Some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy, as to

24 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

fear, that the enemy, knowing our delicacy respecting
the propriety of retaliating upon a capitulation officer
in any case, and being acquainted that unconditional
prisoners are within our power, will put an unfavor
able construction upon this instance of our conduct.
At least, under present circumstances. Captain Asgill's
application to Sir Guy Carleton will, I fear, be pro
ductive of remonstrance and recrimination only,
which may possibly tend to place the subject upon
a disadvantageous footing.'
find it very difficult to separate them. It may therefore be requisite to give
the head of such a constitution, as I propose, some title apparently more mod
erate ; but if all other things were once adjusted, I believe strong arguments
might be produced for admitting the title of King, which I conceive would be
attended with some material advantages."
That this hint was well understood by Washington, is evident from the tone
of his rebuke, which is stern, direct, and severe, and such as to preclude most
effectually any further advances. Nor is it to be presumed, that Colonel
Nicola was alone in the scheme thus put forward under the sanction of his
name. There was unquestionably at this time, and for some time afterwards,
a party in the army, neither small in number, nor insignificant in character,
prepared to second and sustain a measure of this kind, which they conceived
necessary to strengthen the civil power, draw out the resources of the countiy,
and establish a durable government. — Sparks.
' " At the drawing of lots, which was done in the presence of Major
Gordon and all the British captains within the limits prescribed, the unfortu
nate lot has fallen on Captain Charles Asgill, of the guards, a young gentle
man nineteen years of age ; a most amiable character ; the only son of Sir
Charles Asgill ; heir to an extensive fortune and an honorable title ; and of
course he has great interest in the British court and army. The British officers
are highly enraged at the conduct of Sir Henry Clinton ; they have solicited
my leave to send an officer to New York on this occasion, or that I would
intercede with the minister of war to grant it. Being fully convinced, that no
inconvenience could possibly arise to our cause from this indulgence, but, on
the contrary, that good policy and humanity dictate the measure, I was pleased
at the application, and with cheerfulness have recommended to the minister of
war to gi-ant the honorable Captain Ludlow, son to the Earl of Ludlow, leave
to carry the representations of those unfortunate officers, who openly declare
they have been deserted by their general, and given up to suffer for the sins of
the guilty." — Hazen to Washington, 27 May, 1782.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25
To remedy, therefore, as soon as possible this mis
take, you will be pleased immediately to order, that
Lieutenant Turner, the officer you mention to be
confined in York gaol, or any other prisoner, who
falls within my first description, may be conveyed on
to Philadelphia, under the same regulations and
directions as were heretofore given, that he may take
the place of Captain Asgill. In the meantime, lest
any misinformation respecting Mr. Turner may have
reached you, which might occasion further mistake
and delay, Captain Asgill will be detained until I can
learn a certainty of Lieutenant Turner's or some
other officer's answering our purpose ; and, as their
detention will leave the young gentleman now with
us in a very disagreeable state of anxiety and sus
pense, I must desire, that you will be pleased to use
every means in your power to make the greatest
despatch in the execution of this order.
I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO COLONEL ELIAS DAYTON.
Head-Quarters, 4 June, 1782.
Sir, I am just informed by the secretary at war, that
Captain Asgill, of the British guards, an unfortunate
officer, who is destined to be the unhappy victim to
atone for the death of Captain Huddy, had arrived
in Philadelphia, and would set off very soon for the
Jersey line, the place assigned for his execution. He
will probably arrive as soon as this will reach you,
and will be attended by Captain Ludlow, his friend,

26 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
whom he wishes to be admitted to go into New York,
with an address to Sir Guy Carleton on his behalf.
You will therefore give permission to Captain
Ludlow to go by the way of Dobbs's Ferry into New
York, with such representation as Captain Asgill
shall please to make to Sir Guy. At the same time,
I wish you to intimate to the gentlemen, that, al
though I am deeply affected with the unhappy fate,
to which Captain Asgill is subjected, yet, that it will
be to no purpose for them to make any representa
tion to Sir Guy Carleton, which may serve to draw
on a discussion of the present point of retaliation;
that, in the stage to which the matter has been suf
fered to run, all argumentation on the subject is
entirely precluded on my part ; that my resolutions
have been grounded on so mature deliberation, that
they must remain unalterably fixed. You will also
inform the gentlemen, that, while my duty calls me
to make this decisive determination, humanity dictates
a tear for the unfortunate ofTering, and inclines me to
say, that I most devoutly wish his life may be saved.
This happy event may be attained ; but it must be
effected by the British Commander-in-chief. He knows
the alternative, which will accomplish it ; and he
knows, that this alternative only can avert the dire
extremity from the innocent, and that in this way alone
the manes of the murdered Captain Huddy will be
best appeased.'

In the draft of this letter the following paragraph is struck out : " I wish
you also to inform Captn. Asgill, with all the tenderness possible, that no ad-
dress from him or any of his friends can be admitted from them directly to

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27
In the mean time, while this is doing, I must beg
that you will be pleased to treat Captain Asgill with
every tender attention and politeness (consistent with
his present situation), which his rank, fortune, and
connexions, together with his unfortunate state,
demand. I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL LINCOLN.
5 June, 1782.
My dear Sir,
Col. Hazen's sending an Officer under the capitu
lation of York Town for the purpose of retaliation,
has distressed me exceedingly^ — Be so good as to give
me your opinion of the propriety of doing this upon
Cap: Asgill if we should be driven to it for want of
an unconditional prisoner. —
Presuming that this matter has been a subject of
much conversation ; pray, with your own, let me
know the opinions of the -most sensible of those with
whom you have conversed.
Congress by their Resolve has unanimously ap
proved of my determination to retaliate — the Army
have advised it — and the Country look for it — But
how far it is justifiable upon an Officer under the
faith of a Capitulation, if none other can be had, is
the question ?
Hazen's sending Captn. Asgill on for this purpose
making the matter more distressing, as the whole
me — that I can attend to no application but such as shall be made by the Brit
ish Commander in chief."

28 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
business will have the appearance of a farce, if some
person is not sacraficed to the mains of poor Huddy •
which will be the case, if an unconditional prisoner
can not be found, and Asgill escapes —
I write to you in exceeding great haste ; but beg
your sentiments may be transmitted as soon as pos
sible (by Express) as I may be forced to a decision
in the course of a few days. * * *'

TO ARCHIBALD CARY.
Head Qrs., Newburg, 15 June, 1782.
My dear Sir,
I have been honored with your favor of the 25th
ulto. enclosing sundry resolutions of your Assembly,
respecting the insidious manoeuvres of the enemy,
who, it is evident, cannot mean well, because they
take indirect steps to obtain that, to which a plain
' " You will inform me, as early as possible, of the present situation of Cap-
tain Asgill, the prisoner destined for retaliation, and what prospect he has
of relief from his application to Sir Guy Carieton, which I have been informed
he has made through his friend Captain Ludlow. I have heard nothing yet
from New York in consequence of this application. His fate will be suspended
till I can be informed the decision of Sir Guy ; but I am impatient, lest this
should be unreasonably delayed. The enemy ought to have learned before this,
that my resolutions are not to be trifled with. I am, &c.
"P. S. I am informed that Captain Asgill is at Chatham without guard,
and under no constraint. This, if true, is certainly wrong. I wish to have the
young gentleman treated with all the tenderness possible, consistent with his
present situation ; but, until his fate is determined, he must be considered as a
close prisoner, and be kept in the greatest security. I request, therefore, that
he be sent immediately to the Jersey line, where he is to be kept close prisoner,
in perfect security, till further or^^r^."~Washington to Colonel Dayton, II
June, 1782. ¦' '

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29
road is opened, and every good man is desirous of
obtaining upon honorable terms. I thank you, my
good Sir, for the resolves, whh. you did me the honr.
to enclose. They breathe a proper spirit, and with
others of a like kind in the different assemblies will,
it is to be hoped, convince the enemy, that it is both
their interest and policy to be honest.
I very sincerely condole with you on your late
heavy loss, but he that gave has a right to take away,
and it is the duty of us all, to submit to his will,
altho' we cannot but feel the strokes we sustain. —
I should have been very happy to have seen you
while I was in Virginia, if it had been but for a mo
ment — indeed the pleasure must have been momen
tary^ — for my hours all the while I was in that State
were so occupied by the constant duties of my station
that I could devote no part of them to the enjoyment
of my friends which was not only mortifying to me,
but, probably displeasing to some of them.
It gives me much pleasure to learn from so good
authority as your pen, that the Assembly of Virginia
is better composed than it has been for several years.
Much, I think, may be expected from it ; the path we
are to tread is certainly a plain one ; the object is full
in our view, but it will not come to us ; we must work
our way to it by proper advances, and the means
of doing this is men and money. In vain is it to
expect, that our aim is to be accomplished by fond
wishes for Peace ; and equally ungenerous as fruitless
will it be for one State to depend upon another to
bring this to pass. For if I may be allowed to speak

30 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
figuratively, our Assemblies, in Politics, are to be
compared to the wheels of a clock in mechanics.
The whole, for the general purposes of war, shd. be
set in motion by the grt. wheel, (Congress ;) and, if
all will do their parts, the machine works easy ; but a
failure in one disorders the whole, and without the large
one, (wch. sets ye whole in motn.,) nothg. can be done.
It is by the united wisdom and exertions of the whole
in Congress, who I presume do justice to all (but if
they fail by being disproportionate in the first in
stance it should in my opinion be sought for and
remedied in the second rather than derange the whole
business of a Campaign by the delays incident to
contention) that we are to depend upon. Without
this we are no better than a rope of Sand, and are as
easily broken asunder.
I write thus openly and freely to you, my dear Sir,
because I pant for retirement, and am persuaded that
an end of our warfare is not to be obtained but by
vigorous exertions. The subjugation of America, so
far at least as to hold it in a dependent state, is of
too much importance for Great Britain to yield the
palm to us whilst her resources exist, or our inac
tivity, want of system, or dependence upon other
powers or upon one another prevail. I can truly
say, that the first wish of my Soul is to return
speedily into the bosom of that country, which gave
me birth, and, in the sweet enjoyment of domestic
happiness and the company of a few friends, to end
my days in quiet, when I shall be called from this
stage. With great truth and sincerity, I am, &c.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Head Quarters, 16 June, 1782.
My DEAR Sir,
Your two favors of the fourth Instant were deliv
ered to me by General Lincoln. — It is an easy matter
to perceive by the tenor of one of them you have
imbibed an Opinion that the Officers of this Army
are captious, and that by attempting to remove one
complaint, a Door is opened to others. — I am not
much surprized at this — You have probably adopted
it from the Representation of Mr. Sands, of whom
without doing him injustice, it may be said he is
extremely plausible — extremely narrow minded —
disingenuous and little abounding in a temper to
conciliate the good will of the Army or to adopt any
measure for the convenience and accommodation of
the Officers. — These traits of Mr. Sands's character
are not drawn by a pen under the influence of preju
dice, or of one improperly biassed in favor of the
Army ; they are facts of which I have and can produce
proofs, and 'till the happening of which, I, upon the
spot, was deceived.
Mr. Sands, Sir, if I have not formed a very errone
ous opinion of him, is determined to make all the
money he can by the Contracts — Herein I do not
blame him, — provided he does it honestly, and with a
reciprocal fulfillment of the agreement. — Of a want
of the first, I do not accuse him ; but his thirst of Gain
leads him in my opinion into a mistaken principle of
Action. — He is very tenacious of all those parts of
the Contracts which point to the convenience and

32

THE WRITINGS OF [1782

Emolument of the Contractors, and till very lately
was determined to be his own Judge of them, but is
regardless of other parts which enjoin certain [stipu
lations] upon them. — To these causes, and these only
is to be ascribed I conceive, the present deplorable
state of the Magazines, and the dangerous conse
quences which may flow from it, our frequent want
of daily food, and the little prospect of better supplies,
and the inconveniences which the Army experience in
the mode of issuing. He cannot I presume charge
these neglects to a failure on your part ; and sure I am
he cannot do it to the scarcity of Provisions, for the
Country is surcharged with all kinds of it — But in ex
pectation it is said of reducing the price of salt meat
(which unfortunately it seems has risen upon him),
he, notwithstanding the contract and repeated calls
and the consequences of a failure, has neglected it to
this moment. And to avoid the expence, it is moreover
added, of Pasturage (for how else is it to be ac
counted for ?) and perhaps a little diminution in the
weight which all Armies, and all Contractors in the
world are obliged to submit to, this Army became
the sport of and suffered by every accident or delay,
which happens to the droves of Beef cattle.
I should not, my Dear Sir, have given you, who
I know have business and perplexities enough with
out the trouble of reading these observations, (after
being told that the Secretary at War would inquire
into and redress grievances), but from a love of Jus
tice, and a desire that every Man and description of
Man, should be known and rewarded or punished

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. t,t,
according to their deserts, and because it would seem
that your opinion has been founded on the represen
tations of Mr. Sands, who yielding nothing himself,
requiring every thing of others, and failing in the most
essential parts of his Contract, adopts as is too com
monly the case with little minds, the policy of
endeavoring to place the adverse party in the wrong,
that he may appear in a more favorable point of view
himself. The very thing which you and every body else
points out as so easy to do, is not done, and is the
principal hardship complained of by the Officers, who
think it surprizing that they cannot enjoy a benefit
which is essential to themselves and costs the public
nothing, because it will give a little trouble to the
Contractors. Those Officers who claim the specific ration as a
matter of right could not in justice, and I persuade
myself would not in decency, complain if they should
be compelled to draw or forfeit them. But the ques
tion in my Opinion is, whether they ought to be com
pelled to draw them (whether they want them or not)
and whether (as it costs the public no more to give
them the alternative of drawing the specific Ration
or its value) it is not reasonable, especially under the
deprivation of pay, to gratify them in it, as it is all
they have to live upon.
I shall beg your indulgence but a little while longer
till I subscribe fully to your observation that, without
a Civil list, neither Civil nor Military Men can exist ;
but I must beg leave to add to it as my own that, if

34 THE WRITINGS OF [,782
the Military should disband for want of Pay (while the
war continues to rage) a period will ver}- soon be put
to the Civil Establishment under our present Con
stitution — the Civil and Military Men, having a recip
rocal dependance upon each other, taxation of the
property of one being equal to that of the other, and the
wants of both the same, it is worthy of some consid
erations whether the first is to receive all and the
other no part of their pay.
These Sentiments, my dear Morris, are between
ourselves, and tho' freely communicated to you are
concealed from the Officers of this Army, on whom I
am constantly inculcating patience and forbearance;
adding that their relief must flow from the Taxes, and
that it is incumbent upon all and every of them to
impress the necessity of Taxation upon their several
Connexions and Friends as the only source of redress,
for that you are totally unsupported and cannot work
miracles. As I never say any thing of a Man that I have the
smallest scruple of saying to him, I would not be un
derstood to mean by this being between ourselves that
any part of it that effects Mr. Sands should be hid
from him. You are perfectly at liberty if you think it
necessary to communicate these my Sentiments to him.
I hope some good will result from the deputation
of Congress to the several States— I nclo.sed I send
you a Copy of my Letter to them of the 4th of May,
and should have done it sooner, if I could have trusted
the conveyance without putting the Letter in Cypher.
I pray you to make a tender of my best respects, in

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35
which Mrs. Washington joins me most cordially, to
Mrs. Morris & Miss Livingston, and to believe that
with every sentiment of esteem and Regard I am, &c.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.
Head-Quarters, 17 June, 1782.
Dear Sir,
When pressed by necessity to adopt a measure, a
choice is scarcely left to us. In answer, therefore, to
your letter of the 1 2th instant, I am obliged to ob
serve, that the tardiness of the States will compel us
to that, which in my opinion policy forbids.
At this critical moment, inclination would not lead
me to consent to disbanding any corps of the army.
But if the States cannot, or, what is the same, will
not recruit the regiments, which are quotaed nor fur
nish the supplies which are necessary for their support,
we must next consider what kind of troops under the
present view of the matter can best be dispensed with ;
in doing which, I cannot hesitate to declare, that cav
alry, in present circumstances and the probable opera
tions of the campaign, will be least useful, and for
that reason ought to be the first to be reduced. But
how to effect this purpose appears difficult, the corps
being very much dispersed, and the sentiments of the
officers quite unknown to me. I confess I am at a
loss how to point out any particular mode. To make
it a matter of arrangement with the officers to deter
mine among themselves who should go out, and who
should remain in service, would be a work of time.

36 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
To select the best from among the whole, is not only
an invidious business, but requires a perfect knowl
edge of each individual character, a knowledge, which,
with a few exceptions, I confess myself unpossessed
of. And to retain the corps or officers by seniority
may, and I am sure in some instances would, give
the most indifferent officers in the whole line of the
cavalry. Not being able to hit on any method, which
is satisfactory to myself, I submit this point to your
decision. If the regiments of artillery, allotted to the States
of Pennsylvania and Virginia, cannot be completed,
an event of which I see but little prospect, however
inconsistent it may be with policy, and whatever con
sequence it may involve, I readily subscribe to the
opinion of blending the two into one. Nothing
surely can be more inconsistent with every principle
of economy, than to keep up whole corps of officers
for the sake of a few or a handful of men. There
cannot, I think, be a doubt of the propriety of redu
cing Hazen's regiment. The Canadian part of it may
be formed into one or more companies according to
their number, and be employed as watermen, or in
other services suited to their circumstances ; the re
mainder to be turned over to the States to which they
respectively belong.
What prospects the States south of the Delaware
have of getting their regiments filled, under the sev
eral modes adopted by them, I know not ; therefore
can give no opinion respecting them, but am certain
that no regiment of infantry belonging to any State

1782 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37
north of the Delaware ought to be reduced. Most
of the staff departments of the army have undergone
a recent change. Those, I presume, cannot want a
revision. The quartermaster's department has been
regulated without any participation of mine, and I
know too little of its present constitution to form any
judgment upon it. The same is the state of my
knowledge respecting the clothier's department. I
can only observe to you that, upon an application to
me from the assistant clothier here for provisions, it
appeared to me, that he had more persons employed
under him than I thought necessary, and on that
principle I refused to give him an order for his full
request. Thus, Sir, I have given you my sentiments on your
queries. If they shall prove of any use in effecting
the salutary purposes you wish, I shall think myself
happy in contributing in this way to the general weal.
I have the honor to be, &c.

TO JOHN DICKINSON, PRESIDENT OF DELAWARE.
Head-Quarters, ig June, 1782.
Sir, I feel myself much obliged by the friendly commu
nication of your sentiments to me on the subject of
retaliation, conveyed under your favor of the 30th
May, a subject truly disagreeable and distressing to
me. The horrid circumstances of barbarity, which
introduced the instance which now gains our partic
ular attention, came to me under the representation

38 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
of SO respectable a body of citizens, that they could
not but gain my notice and interposition ; especially
from a consideration, that, if it was not taken up in
this line, the people, strongly provoked by their feel
ings, on the occasion would probably have assumed
the matter upon their own decision, and brought it to
an issue under their own power, which mode of pro
ceeding, if permitted, would have involved circum
stances still more lamentable and calamitous.
In taking my resolutions, I also found myself sup
ported by many repeated declarations of Congress on
this subject. And, after my resolutions being taken,
I had the satisfaction to receive the fullest and most
decided approbation of that honorable body in this
particular instance. But, under all these circum
stances, although I never had a doubt on the general
propriety of the measure, yet it was not my intention,
could it be avoided, to have taken, as a subject of
retaliation, an officer under sanction of capitulation
or convention ; and my first orders were issued agree
able to that idea ; but unfortunately it was reported
to me, that no officer of an unconditional description
was in our possession, which laid me under a neces
sity of giving further orders, exceeding my original
intentions, in consequence of which the unhappy lot
has fallen upon Captain Asgill, a prisoner under the
capitulation of Yorktown.
I feel myself exceedingly distressed on this occa
sion ; but, my resolutions having been taken upon the
most mature deliberation, supported by the approba
tion of Congress, and grounded on the general concur-

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39

rence of all the principal officers of the army, who
were particularly consulted on the subject, cannot be
receded from. Justice to the army and the public,
my own honor, and, I think I may venture to say,
universal betievolence, require them to be carried into
full execution. It rests, therefore, with the British
commander-in-chief to prevent this unhappy measure
taking effect. An application is gone to Sir Guy
Carleton from Captain Asgill, begging his interposi
tion to avert his fate. The matter is now in agita
tion ; and I am told that a strict inquiry is making
into the conduct of Lippincott, who is charged as
being the principal perpetrator of the cruel murder
of Captain Huddy. Should this inquiry lead to giving
satisfaction, by a compliance with my original demand
to Sir Henry Clinton, my feelings will be greatly re
lieved, and I need not assure you, that I shall receive
the highest pleasure from such an event. I am, &c.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL TENCH TILGHMAN.
Head Qrs., Newburgh, 9 July, 1782.
My dear Sir,
'Till your letter of the 28th ulto. arrived (which is
the first from you, & the only direct acct. of you,
since we parted at Philadelphia, we have had vari
ous conjectures about you — some thought you were
dead — others that you were married — and all that
you had forgot us. — Your letter is not a more evident
contradiction of the first and last of these supposi
tions than it is a tacit confirmation of the second ;

40 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
and as none can wish you greater success in the
prosecution of the Plan you are upon than I do, so
believe me sincere, when I request you to take your
own time to accomplish it, or any other business you
may have on hand — at the same time I must be allow
ed to add, that you have no friend that wishes more
to see you than I do. —
I have been in constant expectation ever since my
arrival at this place, of a summons to meet Count
Rochambeau at Philadelphia to settle a plan for the
ensuing Campaign — The non arrival of the dis
patches from his Court has hitherto prevented it—
but the absolute necessity (to avoid delay after they
do arrive) — has induced me to propose a meeting at
all events, that we may settle such hypothetical plans
as will facilitate our operations, without waiting an
interview after the dispatches shall arrive. I shall
know the result of this proposition in the course of
a few days, as my dispatches left on the 24th ulto.
We have nothing New in this Quarter — Sir Guy,
gives strong assurances of the pacific disposition of
His most gracious Majesty — by Land — Sir (that is
to be) Digby, gives proofs, if he is deficient in assur
ances, of His said Excellent Majesty's kind intention
of Capturing every thing that swims on the face of
the Waters ; and of his humane design of suffoca
ting all those who are found thereon, in Prison Ships,
if they will not engage in his service— This, to an
American, whose genious is not susceptable of refined
ideas, would appear somewhat inconsistent ; but to
the expanded mind of a Briton they are perfectly

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41
reconcilable. Whether they are right or wrong, time
must determine.
I am just returned from a Visit to our Northern
Posts, in which Albany, Schenectady, Saratoga, the
 and the Fields of Burgoyne were visited^ —
Mrs. Washington who sets out this day for Mount
Vernon thanks you for your kind remembrance of her
— she wishes you, as I do, as much happiness as
you can do yourself.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Newburg, gth July, 1782.
Sir, Having found a moment's leisure to examine, my
self, into the situation of affairs on the frontiers of
this State, I have lately made a journey up the Hud
son and Mohawk Rivers as far as Saratoga and
Schenectady.^ Just before my arrival there, a party
of three or four hundred of the enemy, consisting of
British, refugees, and savages, had made an incur
sion down the Mohawk, attacked and captured (after
a gallant defence) a small guard of Continental
troops, who were stationed at the only remaining
mill in the upper settlements, which they also
destroyed. By a deserter from this party we are informed, that
the enemy are taking post at Oswego, and are either
rebuilding the old, or erecting new fortifications there.
' He set out on the 24th June.
' Haldimand thought this visit was caused by a suspected movement on the
part of Vermont.

42 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
Whatever the design of the enemy may be by thus
occupying a new post, and extending themselves on
the frontier, I consider it my duty to inform Congress
thereof, and have for that purpose taken the liberty
to forward this by the earliest safe conveyance since
my return from the northward.
I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency
copies and extracts of sundry letters, which have
lately passed between the British commander-in-chief
and myself. The subjects contained in them being
principally of a civil nature, I must beg leave to sub
mit them to the consideration and direction of Con
gress. I think it only necessary to remark, that,
notwithstanding the plausibility of the terms on which
Sir Guy Carleton proposes the exchange of Ameri
can seamen for British soldiers, in his letter of the
7th instant, it must still be obvious, that it would
amount to nearly the same thing to have the prison
ers so exchanged employed against our allies in the
West Indies, as it would to have them acting against
ourselves on the continent.' I have the honor to be, &c.^

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.
My DEAR Sir, Newburg, g July, 1782.
Your letter of the 2 2d of April, also your two
favors of the 19th of May with the returns ofthe
i"^^"^^"" y^""" command, have been duly received ;
' The refusal of General Washingtoi^to correspond with Sir Guy Carleton on
civil affairs met with the full approbation of Congress.->«r««/^, August I2th.
Read m Congress July 15th, referred to Witherspoon, Madison, and Rutledge.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43

but, having been in momently expectation, that intel
ligence would arrive from Europe, or some other
event turn up, which might disclose the intentions of
the enemy, and give a clue for the final determination
of the operations of the campaign, I have delayed
for a few days giving you my answer. Notwithstand
ing I am at this hour as much in the dark as ever, I
can defer no longer the pleasure I always experience
from indulging myself in a free communication and
interchange of sentiments with you. To participate
and divide our feelings, hopes, fears, and expectations
with a friend, is almost the only source of pleasure
and consolation left us, in the present languid and
and unpromising state of our affairs.
It gives me infinite satisfaction to find, that, by
your prudence and decision, you have put a period
to the progress of a dangerous mutiny, and, by your
example of patience and firmness, reclaimed the army
amidst all their agravated sufferings to that good dis
position, which it has been your great merit to pre
serve in your command through the worst times.
Their distresses are truly deplorable ; and, while the
almost insurmountable difficulty of transporting cloth
ing and the smaller supplies (which. General St. Clair
reports, are still detained on the road for want of
the means of conveyance) gives me the most sensible
pain and anxiety, it but too clearly proves the imprac
ticability of removing by land, under our present
prospects of finance, the artillery of siege and immense
quantity of stores necessary for a serious operation
against Charleston.

44 THE WRITINGS OF [ijgj
The disastrous event of the naval action in the
West Indies may, indeed, and probably will now give
a total alteration to the complexion of the campaign.
This will, in all human probability, operate more
than any other circumstance against the evacuation
of the southern States ; for what would have been a
very hazardous line of conduct, and would have ex
posed the enemy to a fatal blow in case of a naval
cooperation on this coast, may now be considered as
a rational and prudent measure, on their part. But
the mode of defensive war (which the enemy affect to
have adopted, in which I would however place but
very little confidence), and especially the detachment
from Charleston, which must have weakened them
considerably, will, I hope, enable you in all events to
hold your own ground until the southern and middle
States shall have made some efforts for your rein
forcement, and until the pecuniary affairs of the con
tinent in general shall be put in a better situation.
Some little, I flatter myself, will be done, although 1
must confess my expectations for the campaign are
not very sanguine. I feel with you, my dear friend,
all the regret and mortification, that can possibly be
conceived, from a consideration that we shall be able
to avail ourselves so imperfectly of the weakness and
embarrassments of our enemy ; while, on the other
hand, I think there is reason to apprehend from some
late indications the enemy have given, by taking post
at Oswego and extending themselves on the frontier,
that they mean, availing themselves of our languor
and looking forward to the hour of pacification, to

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45
occupy as much territory as they are able to do, be
fore a negotiation shall be entered upon. I wish we
may be in a capacity to counteract their designs.
I have given my opinion to Congress through the
secretary at war, that it will be advisable to make a
permanent incorporation of all the troops southward
of the Delaware in the manner you propose ; but, as
the observations did not apply to the other troops,
these regiments ought to remain on their present
establishment. As to the movement and disposition of the French
army, I will tell you exactly my idea and plan respect
ing it, and how the matter now rests. While we
continued in the state of uncertainty, which has so
long perplexed and prevented us from forming any
projects whatever, I wished to have the corps of the
Count de Rochambeau remain in a situation equally
capable of looking either way, as circumstances might
eventually require, being well persuaded in my own
mind, that with their assistance (without the aid of a
naval force) we should not at this time be able to do
anything effectual against New York, defended by
its present garrison ; and, presuming still greater dif
ficulties would oppose themselves to an attempt
against Charleston, I proposed to postpone my final
resolution until we should hear from the other side of
the Atlantic. For, allowing your army, in conjunc
tion with the French troops, to be completely com
petent to the object, the transportation by land of
heavy artillery stores and apparatus appeared to me
an inevitable obstacle, which I have fully explained

46 THE WRITINGS OF [,782
in my letter of the 23d of April last. Besides, the
diminution of an army in so long a march, and the
innumerable advantages the enemy must derive from
the command of the water, were considerations with
me. And, as I flattered myself we might be able to
keep the enemy in check with our present force, both
in the northern and southern departments, I there
fore thought it expedient, that the select corps of our
allies in Virginia should continue unimpaired as a
corps de reserve in that State, until new information
or circumstances should produce new orders from
me ; unless the Count de Rochambeau should first
be apprized of some contingence or event, which
should render a movement in his opinion proper ; in
which case the matter was left to his determination.
I have this moment learned from his Excellency, the
Minister of France, that the Count has already com
menced his march northward. What circumstances
have led to this, I am unable to say ; but expect to see
the Count himself in a few days (by appointment) at
Philadelphia, where it is proposed to enter into a
discussion of the possible objects and views of the
campaign, so far as our general and imperfect knowl
edge of affairs will admit, and from whence I shall
have the pleasure to inform you of any thing of
moment, that may in the mean time take place, or
ultimately be in contemplation.
Under an idea, that the French troops would cer
tainly be withdrawn from Virginia at some moment
of the campaign, and perhaps unexpectedly, I have
long since written to Governor Harrison on that sub
ject, and requested that a body of men might be in

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47

readiness for the defence of the State on that occa
sion. Indeed I have written almost incessantly to all
the States, urging, in the most forcible terms I could
make use of, the absolute necessity of complying with
the requisitions of Congress in furnishing their con
tingents of men and money, and am unhappy to say
the success of these applications have not been equal
to my expectation.
I am happy to assure you there was no foundation
for the report of my having had a narrow escape in
passing the Clove. In return, we have had a similar
account respecting yourself, which I hope was equally
groundless. Believe me, my dear Sir, I shall always
consider myself deeply interested in whatever con
cerns you, and shall ever rejoice at your health, safety,
and felicity.
Mrs. Washington, who is just setting out for Vir
ginia, joins me in most affectionate regards to Mrs.
Greene and yourself. I am, dear Sir, with the most
perfect esteem, &c.
P. S. Although the campaign does not promise
much activity, yet I shall wish you to keep me as
regularly and accurately informed of the state of your
department as possible, noting the strength, move
ments, and position of your own army, and that ofthe
enemy. It may also be essential for me to be made
acquainted with the resources of the country and
every thing of a military or political nature, which
may be interesting to our future plans and operations.'
' According to the proposal of Count de Rochambeau, a conference was held
at Philadelphia, respecting the future operations ot the campaign. The two
commanders met there on the 15th of July. As no instructions had been re-

50 THE WRITINGS OF [1^82
At present we are enveloped in darkness ; and no
man, I believe, can foretell all the consequences which
will result from the naval Action in the West Indies
— to say no worse of it, it is an unfortunate affair—
& if the States cannot, or will not rouse to more vig
orous exertions, they must submit to the conse
quences. Providence has done much for us in this
contest, but we must do something for ourselves, if
we expect to go triumphantly through with it.
My coming to this place was sudden as unexpected
— Mrs. Washington left Head Qrs. on Tuesday. — On
Thursday I rec'd a letter from Count De Rocham
beau by one of his aids, which induced me to set off
on Friday, and I arrived on Sunday ; so that my being
at the Minister's celebration of the birth of the Dau
phin, was purely accidental.^ I heard with concern
by Colo. Rogers of your indisposition, but rejoice
at your recovery. — As your fever has been obstinate
may not change of air be of service to you — whether
for this, or other purposes, allow me to add that I
should be very happy in your spending some time
with us at Head Quarters. In a letter which I have
lately received from the Marqs. De la Fayette he de
sired to be particularly remembered to you.— I am
with much truth, &c.
P. S. Since writing the foregoing, I am informed
by one of my Aids who I sent with Mr. Lindsay to
the Secretary at War, that certain plans have been
' Dr. Rush gave a full account of this celebration in a letter dated l6 July,
1782, printed in the Portfolio of 1817, and again in the Magazine of Ameri
can History, 1877, p. 506.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51

adopted by him, and sanctioned, that will prevent Mr.
Lindsay getting the Music in the manner he at first
proposed — but on terms which he (Lindsay) will
readily accede to if the prisoners can be engaged to
yield their acquiescence.
Since writing the above I have received your Let
ter respecting the Interview which Majr. Lynch reqs.
with persons at New York. Please to inform that Gen
tleman that it is a rule Established by me (and I
think by Congress) for all Citizens, to bring certifi
cates from the Executive of the State in wch. they
reside that they are permitted to their indulgence —
it is then no more than an act of official duty with
me — Let Mr. Lynch bring this to Head Qrs. at New
burgh, & I will order the officer commanding on the
Lines, to furnish him with a Flag.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
6 August, 1782.
My dear Sir,
In my last letter, of the 9th of July in which I ac
knowledged your several favors of the 22d of April and
19th of May, I mentioned my expectation of soon
meeting the Count de Rochambeau in Philadelphia,
and my intention of writing you from that place, in
case any thing of moment should turn up in the mean
while ; but as our hopes, that public despatches would
have arrived from France before our meeting, have
been disappointed, I can only inform you, that mat-

48 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN LAURENS.
Head-Quarters, 10 July, 1782.
My DEAR Sir,
The last post brought me your letter of the 19th of
May. I must confess, that I am not at all astonished
at the failure of your plan. That spirit of freedom,
which at the commencement of this contest would
have gladly sacrificed every thing to the attainment
of its object, has long since subsided, and every self
ish passion has taken its place. It is not the public,
but private interest, which influences the generality of
mankind, nor can the Americans any longer boast an
exception. Under these circumstances, it would rather
have been surprising if you had succeeded, nor will
you I fear succeed better in Georgia,'
ceived from the French court, it was not in the power of Count de Rocham
beau to give any decided information as to the time a French fleet might be
expected on the coast from the West Indies, or its strength when arrived. He
had reason to suppose, however, that it would come to the northward ; and, as
the sickly season was approaching in Virginia, he had put his troops under march
ing orders about the 1st of July, and expected they would reach Baltimore before
the end of the month. It was agreed, therefore, that the French army should
remain a few days at Baltimore, till further instructions or intelligence should
be received, and that, unless special reasons might appear to the contrary, the
army should continue its march northwardly, and join the American forces on
the Hudson. This plan was thought advisable, moreover, to prevent Sir Guy
Carleton from sending detachments from New York to Jamaica, where they
might be turned against the French in the West Indies.
An elaborate memoir, pointing out various plans of a campaign, was pre
sented by General Washington to Count de Rochambeau, who forwarded it to
the French court. Immediately after the interview General Washington re
turned to Newburg, where he arrived on the 27th of July.
' The plan here mentioned, which Colonel Laurens was extremely anxious
to carry into effect, was to raise a regiment of black levies in South Carolina.
He brought the subject before the legislature of the State, and pursued it with
all his zeal and influence, but the measure was not approved. " It was some
consolation, however," said he, "to perceive that truth and philosophy had

[782] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

49

In the present moment, there is very little prospect
of the campaign being much more active in this quar
ter than in yours. However, little can be positively
determined on, till we have some advices from Eu
rope, which I am anxiously waiting for. When they
arrive, I shall be better able to tell you what we
may expect.
Sir Guy Carleton is using every art to soothe and
lull our people into a state of security. Adml. Digby
is capturing all our vessels, and suffocating all our Sea
men who will not enlist into the Service of His Bri
tannic Majesty, as fast as possible in Prison Ships ;
and Haldimand, (with his savage allies,) is scalping and
burning the Frontiers. Such is the line of conduct
pursued by the different commanders, and such their
politics. You have my best wishes, being always
sincerely yours. TO JAMES McHENRY.
TiT r- Phila., 18 Tuly, 1782.
My dear Sir,
Mr. Lindsay handed me your favor of the 14th.
The disposition of the Prisoners is not with me, but I
have accompanied your request to the Secretary at
War, and have no doubt of his acquiescence. If the
Ladies should derive as much additional pleasure
from the allurement of this Band, as I wish them,
they will soon be at the summit of happiness.
gained some ground, the suffrages in favor of the measure being twice as nu
merous as on a former occasion. Some hopes have been lately given me from
Georgia ; but I fear, when the question is put, we shall be outvoted there with
as much disparity as we have been in this country." — Bacon's Bridge, South
Carolina, May 19th.

52 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
ters now rest in the same situation as described in my
former letters, except with regard to the negotiations,
which are said to be carrying on by the belligerent
powers in Europe.
Indeed, I hardly know what to think or believe of
the disposition of the court of Britain. Certain it is,
the new administration have made overtures of peace
to the several nations at war, apparently with a design
to detach some one or another of them from the gen
eral combination ; but, not having succeeded in their
efforts for a separate negotiation, how far the neces
sity of affairs may carry them in their wishes for a
general pacification upon admissible terms, I cannot
undertake to determine. From the former infatua
tion, duplicity, and perverse system of British policy,
I confess I am induced to doubt every thing, to sus
pect every thing ; otherwise I should suppose, from
the subsequent extract of a letter from Sir Guy Carle
ton and Admiral Digby to me, dated the 2d instant,
that the prospects of, and negotiation for, a general
peace would be very favorable.'
' In sending the same extract to Doctor McHenry, Washington wrote:
" Here then, if these expressions are not Intrenched in General Conway's
speech (when he threw out an Idea of giving to America the same kindai Inde
pendency that they were about granting to Ireland) is a solid basis for our Com
missioners to raise their superstructure upon ; and things may, & probably soon
wiU be brought to a speedy and happy Issue. — But, if the Ministry mean no
more than Genl. Conway has hinted at, 'tis plain their only aim is to gain time,
that they may become more formidable at Sea— form new Alliances, if possible
—or disunite us.— Be their object what it may, we, if wise, should push our
preparations with vigor ; for nothing will hasten Peace, more, than to be in a
Condition for War, and if the contest is to continue, 'I is indispensably necessary.
"One thing however is certain, but how it came to pass is not very well un
derstood ; and that is, that the Letter of Carleton & Digby to me, has been
published in New York, and has spread universal consternation among all the

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53
" We are acquainted. Sir, by authority, that negotiations for a
general peace have already commenced at Paris, and that Mr.
GrenviUe is invested with full powers to treat with all parties at
war, and is now at Paris in the execution of his commission.
And we are likewise. Sir, further made acquainted, that his Ma
jesty, in order to remove all obstacles to that peace, which he so
ardently wishes to restore, has commanded his ministers to direct
Mr. GrenviUe, that the independency of the thirteen provinces
should be proposed by him, in the first instance, instead of mak
ing it a condition, of a general treaty ; however, not without the
highest confidence, that the loyalists shall be restored to their
possessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever confis
cations may have taken place."
These communications, they say, had just arrived
by a packet. They further add, that Mr. Laurens was
enlarged from all engagements,^ and that transports
were prepared for conveying all American prisoners
to this country to be exchanged here. Whatever the
real intention of the enemy may be, I think the
strictest attention and exertion, which have ever been
practised on our part, instead of being diminished,
ought to be increased thereby. Jealousy and pre
caution, at least, can do no harm. Too much confi
dence and supineness may be pernicious in the
extreme.Tribes of Refugees ; — who, actuated by different Passions — or the same passion
in different degrees & forms & are a mere medley of confused-enraged & de
jected characters. — Some it is said are cursing — others crying — while far the
greatest part of them are struck dumb, and do not know what to do." — Wash
ington to James McHenry, 15 August, 1782.
' Congress had directed Washington to "remand immediately Lieutenant-
General Earl Cornwallis to the United States, unless the Honorable Henry
Laurens be forthwith released from his captivity, and furnished with passports to
any part of Europe or America, at his option, or be admitted to a general pa
role." Sir Guy Carleton replied that Laurens had been for some time in perfect
freedom, and had considered Cornwallis as exchanged.

54 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

'l\ivcf^ having been a vague report, that a small
embarkation of cavalry^ and infantry was to take place
at New York, to relieve part of the garrison of
Charleston, I have made use of this occasion to de
sire the secretary at war to put Armand's legion
immediately in motion to join you, and have requested
he will use his endeavors to have the means afforded
to facilitate and expedite the movement.
A mail has lately been intercepted by the enemy
between Philadelphia and Trenton, in which, I am
informed, there were letters from you to me. These
by the time of their capture were probably of the
same date as your despatches to Congress, wherein
the correspondence between General Leslie and
yourself was enclosed. I mention these circum
stances, that you may forward duplicates in case you
should judge it necessary.
You will, I imagine, have heard, before this reaches
you, of the arrival of M. Vaudreuil with a fleet of
thirteen ships of the line on this coast. I can give
you no particulars, as I have no official account of
his arrival. The army of the Count de Rochambeau,
having, as I advised you in my last, marched towards
the northward, at our meeting in Philadelphia, (it
was concluded) upon a consideration of all circum
stances, that this corps should proceed to join the
army on the Hudson. They were at Baltimore by
the last intelligence from that quarter.
Since the receipt of the letter from the commission
ers. Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, I have
seen a New York paper of the 3d instant, in which

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55
is a speech of General Conway, and some other arti
cles, which appear to be designed to propose inde
pendence to America on certain conditions not
admissible, namely, that the legislature of America
should be totally independent of the Parliament of
Great Britain, but that the King of England should
have the same kind of supremacy here as in Ireland.
I have not information sufficient to determine,
whether this is the kind of independence alluded to
in the letter of the cotnmissioners, or not. I wish my
suspicions, however, may be ill-founded. Wishing
you all the success and happiness you can desire, I
am, my dear Sir, with the highest sentiments of regard
and esteem, &c.'

TO JOHN P. POSEY. Head Quarters, Newburgh,
7 August, 1782.
Sir, With a mixture of surprize, concern, and even hor
ror, have I heard of your treatment of the deceased
Mr. Custis ; in the abuse in misapplication of the
estate which he had committed — with much confi
dence I am sure, and I believe personal regard — to
your management.

' " As a result of this conference [at Philadelphia], I was sent on the 19th [of
July] to York, in Virginia, on a mission then secret but no longer so ; this was
to embark, as soon as possible, our ¦ siege artillery, which we had left at West
Point, 8 leagues above York on the same river, and move it up the Chesapeake
Bay to Baltimore. . . . The army is to leave Baltimore the 15th, to pass
here [Philadelphia] and to march to the North River." — Fersen to his Father, 8
August, 1782. The army did not begin to move until the 20th.

0

6 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

If what I have heard, or the half of it be true, you
must not only be lost to the feelings of virtue, honor,
and common honesty — but you must have suffered an
unwarrantable thirst of gain to lead you into errors
which are so pregrant with folly and indiscretion, as
to render you a mark for every man's arrow to level
at. Can you suppose. Sir, that a manager can dissi
pate his Employer's Estate with impunity? That
there are not Lav.^s in every free country by which
Justice is to be obtained ? — or that the Heirs of Mr.
Custis will not find friends who will pursue you to the
end of the Earth in order to come at it ? If you do,
you are proceeding upon exceedingly mistaken prin
ciples — but, for a momeint only, let us suppose that
you have taken the advantage of an unsuspecting
friend — for such I am sure Mr. Custis was to you,2.x\\
that you have acted so covertly, as to elude the Law ;
do you believe that in the hours of cool reflection — in
the moment perhaps, when you shall find that ill-
gotten pelf can no longer avail you ; that your con
science will not smite you for such complicated ini
quity as arises not only from acts of injustice, but the
horrors of ingratitude ; in abusing the confidence of
a man who supposed you incapable of deceiving him,
who was willing, and I believe did, in a great degree,
commit his whole property to your care ?
But this by the by — I do not mean to put this mat
ter upon the footing of conscience. Conscience might
have been kicked out of doors before you could have
proceeded to the length of selling another man's
negroes for your own emolument, and this too after

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57

having applyed the greatest part, or the whole of the
profits of his Estate to your benefit. — Conscience
again seldom comes to a man's aid while he is in the
zenith of health, and revelling in pomp and luxury upon
illgotten spoils. It is generally the last act of his life,
and comes too late to be of much service to others
here, or to himself hereafter. But, Sir, the footing I
expect to see you put this matter upon is, to settle
without delay, such acc'ts with the administrator of
Mr. Custis's Estate, whose duty it is to have it done,
as you can support by authentic vouchers — That you
will show by what authority you have sold any of his
negroes, and to what purposes the money has been
applied — and lastly, what crops you have made, what
stocks you have raised, and how they have been dis
posed of. A settlement of this kind, altho' it should
appear by it that you have applied the greatest part,
or even the whole of the money arising from the sales
of them, to your own purposes, will be the next best
thing to never having committed the wrong. How
far Mr. Dandridge, as an Administrator, may chuse
to push matters, I cannot undertake (never having
heard from him on the subject) to say — but this you
may rely on, that this affair shall be most critically
investigated, and probed to the bottom ; let the
trouble and cost of doing it be what it may — as
a man therefore who wishes for your own sake
as well as that of an injured family, to see you
act properly, I advise, and warn you of the conse
quences of a contrary conduct, being, Sir, yr. most
h'ble Serv't.

58 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL.
Head Quarters, id August, 1782.
Sir, I have the Honor to address you, at the particular
Request, in Consequence of a Letter which I have
just received from his Excelly. the Count de Rocham
beau, inclosing to me the copy of a correspondence
between him and you, relative to the Operations of
the Fleet under your Command on the Coasts of N.
America ; wherein you mention to him a Wish, that
while your Fleet should remain in the Neighborhood
of Boston, you might be enabled to make a stroke at
the Enemy's post of Penobscot ; and in the Discus
sion of which point, the Count de Rochambeau has
referred you to my Opinion upon that Enterprise.
While I applaud, Sir, the generous Disposition de
clared in your Intentions for our Assistance, Candor
requires me to be very explicit upon the subject — 1
am obliged therefore to say that it is my decided
Opinion that, considering the Hazards that will attend
the Enterprise, the Object is by no means equal to
the Risque that will attend the attempt.
Among many Reasons which influence my Mind
in forming this Opinion, the great and very principal
One, appears from your own Letter to Count de Ro
chambeau, where you mention to him, that you ex
pect immediately to be followed into these Seas, by a
superior British fleet. Admitting this Event to take
place, and that your fleet should have proceeded to
Penobscot (which is near One hundred Leagues from
Boston, the only secure Harbor which you will find

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59

Upon all those Eastern shores, and lies almost at the
Bottom of a deep Bay,) it appears to me that your
Fleet will be placed in the greatest Hazard of being
totally destroyed. For in that Situation they will be
compleatly imbayed, and a brisk S. Westerly Wind,
which will be most favorable for the British fleet from
N. York — and which would bring them into the Bay in
a shortTime, would be directly opposed to your Escape.
So that was you to receive the earliest Intelligence
of the Enemy's fleet leaving N. York, under such
Circumstances, yet you could not avail yourself of the
Information, and at the same time would be placed
in a position where no Harbor or fortification could
give you any protection or shelter.
Was this Argument of Danger to his Most Chris
tian Majesty's Ships not sufficient to govern your
mind, I could mention that the Time that must be
employed on this attempt will probably be much
greater than you seem to apprehend. A month is as
short as I should estimate, taking together all the
necessary preparations and little cross events that
must probably interpose. For I have not an Idea of
the object being to be attained by a Coup de main,
as I am lately informed by good Intelligence that the
Fort is the most regularly constructed and best fin
ished of any in America, is well situated, and garri
soned by the 74th Regiment, consisting of 800 Men,
which will require a Regular Seige, to be conducted
by cautious Approaches, with a considerable Addi
tion of Men to the Number of Troops which are on
Board your Fleet ; with their necessary Cannon and

6o THE WRITINGS OF [1782

Mortars, .Stores, &c., the whole of which in all proba
bility, was the Seige to be undertaken, and your fleet
obliged to make a sudden departure, must all be sac
rificed ; as their Retreat by Land, (as has been here
tofore experienced) would be almost totally impossible
and impracticable, to be effected thro' a Country
which is as yet a mere Wilderness of large Extent
and difficult passage.
Even supposing the best, that the Attempt should
succeed and the object be gained, I am much in doubt,
whether, without a superior naval force to be main
tained on these Coasts we should be able to retain
the post, as it would ever be subject to a renewed
Attempt from the Enemy in Case we should keep up
a Garrison there : or in Case of Evacuation, they
might at any Time repossess the post, and continue
the same Annoyance, that they now give up.
Under these Considerations (without giving you
any further Trouble) it is my Decided Opinion that
the Object in contemplation is not of Importance,
sufficient to justify the Hazzards and Risques which
must probably be encountered in the Attempt to
obtain it.
While I offer you this Opinion, Sir, I beg you will
esteem it as coming from a Heart not only candid in
its Sentiments, but at the same Time penetrated with
a Sense of the Highest Gratitude to you for the
noble Offer of your Assistance, which, it is our mis
fortune, that under present Circumstances, we are not
able to avail ourselves of.
After giving you the foregoing Opinion upon
present Appearances, I have only to add that in Case

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61
Circumstances should turn up so differently to our
present Ideas, that you should, with the Advice of
Genl. de Choisy think the attempt practicable, I can
only refer you to the State of Massa. for such aid in
Men, Cannon, Mortars, & Stores, as you shall judge
necessary, it being the only practicable mode in which
I can cooperate with your designs — and this Recom
mendation shall be most cheerfully given.
The Chevalier de la Luzerne has requested me to
establish a regular Chain of Communication between
my Head Quarters and Boston, for the purpose of
giving you the earliest Intelligence of every minute
Circumstance that may occur respecting the Arrival
or Operations of the British fleet at N. York, and
for the purpose of free Intercourse with you on any
other Circumstance that may turn up. You may
depend. Sir, that this Establishment shall be immedi
ately formed, and that every Service I can possibly
render you in this or in any other Way in my power
shall be most cheerfully afforded.
With the purest sentiments of Respect and Esteem,
I have, &c.' TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX.
[extract.] Head Quarters, Newburg,
10 August, 1782.
My time, during my winter's residence in Phila
delphia, was unusually (for me) divided between par
ties of pleasure and parties of business. The first, —
' Count Rochambeau did not approve of the plan, and the project was
abandoned.

62 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
nearly all of a sameness, at all times and places in this
infant country — is easily conceived ; at least is too
unimportant for description. The second, was only
diversified by perplexities, and could afford no enter
tainment. * * * My time, since I joined the
army in this quarter, has been occupied principally in
providing for disciplining and preparing the troops
for the Field. Cramped as we have been, and now
are for want of money, every thing moves slowly ;
but as this is no new case, I am not discouraged by it.
The enemy talk loudly, and very confidently of
Peace — but whether they are in earnest, or whether
it is to amuse and while away the time till they can
prepare for a more vigorous prosecution of the war,
time will evince. Certain it is, the refugees at New
York are violently convulsed by a letter which, ere
this, you will have seen published, from Sir Guy Carle
ton and Admiral Digby to me, upon the subject of a
general pacification and acknowledgement of the In
dependency of this Country.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.
Newburg, ii August, 1782.
Sir, Having been informed that Major-General Gates
is in Philadelphia, and being now about to make my
ultimate arrangements for the campaign, I take the
liberty to request, that you will be pleased to inform
me by the earliest conveyance whether he wishes to
be employed in this army or not. As it is now in my

[782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63

power to give General Gates a command suitable to
his rank, and as I have not heard from him since I
wrote to him on the i8th of March last, I trouble you
with this request, that I may be still made acquainted
with his determination before the disposition of com
mands is finally concluded. * * ""¦ I have the
honor to be, &c.'

TO THE COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. Head Quarters, Newburg,
16 August, 1782.
Sir, I have been honored with your Excellency's favor
of the 13th by Mr. Lauberdiere who made so much
despatch that he delivered it last night about 1 1
o'clock. Were we certain, that a pacification had advanced
so far as your Excellency thinks it has, or could we
' This notice was conveyed to General Gates, who answered: "General
Lincoln has acquainted me, that it is your Excellency s desire to know, if I
wish to take command in the army this campaign. I beg your Excellency to
believe, that I am always ready to obey your commands, and shall be most
happy when I can execute them to your satisfaction. I have but to entreat,
that no attention to me or my rank may interfere or break in upon any part of
your arrangments. My zeal for the public interest makes me exceedingly
anxious to be present at the great concluding stroke of this war." — MS. Letter,
Philadelphia, August 17th.
Since the unfortunate battle of Camden, General Gates had been in retire
ment at his seat in Virginia. The court of inquiry, ordered by Congress to ex
amine into that matter, had never been convened. The subject was at length
brought forward anew, and it was resolved, " That the resolution of the 5th of
October, 1780, directing a court of inquiry on the conduct of Major-General
Gates be repealed ; and that he take command in the army as the Commander-
in-chief shall direct."— yi^ar/aa/j-, August 14th. This resolution passed with
only three dissenting voices. He rejoined the army on the 5th of October, and
took command of the right wing as senior officer.

64 THE WRITINGS OF [1782

be assured that the British ministry were really sin
cere in their offers, which have been communicated
through their Commander-in-chief, Sir Guy Carleton,
I should think your Excellency might, without any
inconvenience or danger, await the orders of your
court where you now are,' and dismiss all your wagons,
But when we consider, that negotiations are some
times set on foot merely to gain time, that there are
yet no offers on the part of the enemy for a general
cessation of hostilities, and that, although their com
manders in this country are in a manner tied down
by the resolves of their House of Commons to a de
fensive war only, yet they may be at liberty to trans
port part of their force to the West Indies, I think
it highly necessary, for the good of the common
cause, and especially to prevent the measure, .which I
have last mentioned, to unite our force upon the
North River ; and in this opinion I am confirmed by
the sentiments contained in a letter from the minis
ter of France to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, which
he has been good enough to leave open for my
inspection. " From the different accounts I can collect,
it seems to be the design of England to make a
general peace ; but the demands on one side and the
other will render a conclusion extremely difficult ; and
in that case that power will spare nothing to effectu
ate a peace with the United States, and turn all their
efforts against us. As to a separate peace with the
United States it will not take place. I am certain they
' At Baltimore.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65

will not make peace but in concert with us." The
rninister also says to me; "You will judge better than
us, if it is proper to march the French army or not.
It is certain, that it will be necessary, if the English
show any disposition to detach any considerable force
to the West Indies." What are the intentions of the
enemy in this respect, it is impossible for me precisely
to determine. Accounts out of New York, but not
on very good authority, still continue to mention an
embarkation to the West Indies. The garrison of
Savannah has arrived at New York, and there are
some grounds for believing that Charleston will be
evacuated. Should that event take place, and the
garrison come to New York also, they might without
danger detach considerably, should our force continue
divided. Upon the whole. Sir, I hardly imagine you will
think it prudent to dismiss your carriages under pres
ent appearances and circumstances ; and, if you do
not, the cattle will be as easily and cheaply subsisted
upon a march as in a settled camp. Should an accom
modation take place, and should the orders of your
court call you from the continent, your embarkation
might be as easily made upon the Delaware or the
Hudson, as upon the Chesapeake. From the forego
ing therefore, I am of opinion, that no good conse
quences can result from your remaining at Baltimore,
but that many advantages may attend your marching
forward, and forming a junction with this army. Ac
tuated by no motives, but those which tend to the
general good, I have taken the liberty of giving your

66 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
Excellency my sentiments with that freedom, with
which I am convinced you would ever wish me to de
liver them. I beg leave to return your Excellency
my thanks for the attention you have paid, not only
to the exchange of Colonel Laumoy, but of several
others of our officers. I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE secretary AT WAR.
Head-Quarters, 18 August, 1782,
My dear Sir,
I have had the pleasure of receiving your private
letter of the 12th instant. I cannot but think the
conduct of [Congress], respecting the release of Lord
Cornwallis very extraordinary. Is it reasonable
that Mr. Laurens should be at full liberty, and acting
as a commissioner in Europe, while Lord Cornwallis,
for whose liberation he pledged his own honor, and
consequently as a public man the honor of the States,
is held bound by his parole ? Either disavow the pro
priety of Mr. Laurens's conduct, and let him be re
manded by the British ministry, or set Lord Corn
wallis at equal liberty. I am placed in a very delicate
situation. Sir Guy Carleton has given me official
information of the transaction, and has called for a
confirmation of Mr. Laurens's act. I have referred
the matter to the proper place, and I can obtain no
answer. In my letters to General Carleton I am
obliged to be for the present silent, but I certainly
must expect to hear from him again. Do, my

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67
good Sir, endeavor to obtain a decision upon this
matter.^ Your public letter of the 1 2th covers a resolve of
the same date, authorizing me to propose a meeting
of commissioners for establishing a cartel, &c. Here
again I am somewhat embarrassed, never having yet
received either the approbation or disapprobation of
Congress upon the proceedings of the former commis
sioners. General Knox and Mr. Gouverneur Morris,
although they were transmitted so long ago as the 30th
of April last. It appears by the report of those gentle
men, that the negotiation was principally broken off on
account of the disposition, which plainly appeared on
the part of the British commissioners to procure the
exchange of their soldiers in our hands without set
tlement of accounts, making any payment, or giving
' The letter from Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby to General Washing
ton was referred by Congress to a committee, who, on the part relating to Mr.
Laurens, " proposed and reported, that the General should he directed to em
power his commissioners [for negotiating a cartel] to release Earl Cornwal
lis from his parole in return for the indulgence granted to Mr. Laurens ; but
Mr. Rutledge, one of the committee, inveighed against this with so much
warmth and indignation, that it was rejected with a loud and general No from
all parts of the House. Nothing was said on the proposition of exchanging
soldiers for seamen. Congress deemed it inexpedient to touch upon that
matter at present, or to do any thing that might serve as a pretext for re
fusing to settle a cartel ; and apprehended, if a general cartel was established,
provision might be made therein for a release of our seamen, as well as for pre
venting the capture of unarmed citizens!" — Charles Thomsons MS. Sketch of
the Debate in Congress, August I2th.
At the solicitation of Mr. Laurens after he was set at liberty, and after the
return of Lord Cornwallis to England, Dr. Franklin sent to the latter a paper
discharging him from his parole, but reserving to Congress the approbation or
disallowance of the act. In consequence of this form of release. Lord Cornwallis
considered himself at liberty, and took his seat in the House of Peers. — Diplo
matic Correspondence, vol. iii., pp, 362, 373.

6;> THE WRITINGS OF [1782

any security for the payment of the large sum which,
we conceive, is due. Now Congress, in the resolve
to which I have just referred, make no reference to
any former transaction, but authorize me to settle a
cartel, " taking care that the liquidation of accounts
and settlement of the balance due for the maintenance
of prisoners be provided for therein." From this it
may possibly be said, it may be inferred, that they do
approve the former proceedings, and mean to make
the settlement of accounts a preliminary ; but this is
an inference only, and maybe a false one ; and there
fore I wish you would be good enough to endeavor
to find out the true meaning of the House, and to
procure a determination upon the former proceedings.
The same commissioners will probably be ap
pointed upon our part, and, could they be assured
their former principles were thought good, they would
proceed with more confidence upon a future occasion.
I confess to you, I have found so many difficulties
thrown in the way of all former transactions of this
nature, that I could ever wish Congress to be as full
and explicit as possible, as to the points which they
would have either conceded or demanded. I would
' On the 28th Washington applied direct to Congress for a determination of
the following points, before he could carry the resolution of the I2th into effect :
" Whether I am to confirm the exchange of Lord Cornwallis for the Hon'ble
Mr. Laurens ; and whether it is their intention, that the proposal contained in the
letter of Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, of the 2d of August, ' ' to exchange
soldiers for sailors," on the conditions mentioned by those gentlemen, should be
acceded to. The last, should we be fortunate enough to obtain a liquidation of
accounts (and we must go prepared to suppose that we shall be able to effect it),
will be the great point in controversy ; and, as it is one of the vast political im
portance, I wish to be explicitly instructed by Congress upon it. " — See Journals
of Congress, 9 September, 1782.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69

prefer that mode on many accounts, as you may
easily conceive, to unlimited powers. But what I
principally now want to be assured of is, whether
they do or do not approve the conduct of the former
commissioners, and the principles which they seemed
desirous of establishing. With much truth and af
fection, I am, &c.^

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
19 August, 1782.
Sir, Congress have been already furnished with copies
of all letters, which had passed between the com
manders-in-chief of the British forces in New York
and myself, respecting the murder of Captain Huddy
previous to the last of July. I have now the honor
to enclose Sir Guy Carleton's letter of the ist in
stant, (in reply to mine of the 25th [30th ?] ultimo,)^
' " What can Induce Congress to restrain the Issues of the full Number of Ra
tions to any Officer in the Army, which his Rank entitles him to? — when if
they mean fair, it is to the public a mere matter of moonshine, whether the Fi
nancier pays the Value of them to that Officer if he does not draw them — or to
the Contractor if he does ?
" Can these things fail to irritate — and irritating, are they not pregnant with
mischief? Is it policy— is it Justice to keep a sore constantly gangreened,
when no good End is, or possibly can be answered by it ? Should men, who
have indured more, & received less of their pay than any other Class of people
in public Service, have so little Consideration or Attention paid to their Inter
ests or Comforts ?
" Would to God, false policy. Inattention or something else, may not be pro
ductive of disagreement which will prove irreconcilable." — Washington to the
Secretary at War, 21 August, 1782.
' Washington, on the 25th, named Heath and two aids to meet a British
officer of equal rank at Phillips House, on August 5th, to receive the proceed-

70 THE WRITINGS OF [lygj
and that of the 13th, which accompanied the pro
ceedings of the general court-martial for the trial of
Captain Lippincott. The proceedings, together with
such Other documents as relate to that unfortunate
transaction, I also transmit by this opportunity.
As Sir Guy Carleton, notwithstanding the acquittal
of Lippincott, reprobates the measure in unequivocal
terms, and has given assurances of prosecuting a
further inquiry, it has changed the ground I was
proceeding upon, and placed the matter upon an
extremely delicate footing.
It would be assuming in me to ascribe causes to
actions different from those, which are ostensibly
and plausibly assigned ; but, admitting that General
Carleton has no other object but to procrastinate, he
has, by disavowing the act, by declaring that it is
held in abhorrence, by not even sanctioning the
motives, which appear to have influenced Lippincott
to become the executioner of Huddy, and by giving
the strongest assurances that further inquisition shall
be made, so far manifested the appearance of an
earnest desire to bring the guilty to punishment, that
I fear an act of retaliation upon an innocent person
before the result of his inquisition is known, would
be considered by the impartial and unprejudiced
world in an unfavorable and perhaps unjustifiable
ings of the court-martial on Captain Lippincott. Sir Guy Carleton, however,
wished to send with the papers Chief-Justice Frederick Smith to make addi
tional explanations, and Attorney-General Kempe to " enter into such explana
tions as might tend to remove all reciprocal complaints in the province of New
Jersey." Washington very properly declined to complicate what was merely
a military question, with another that belonged to the civil government.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71
point of view ; more especially as the great end pro
posed by retaliation, which is to prevent a repetition
of injuries, has been in a manner answered. For,
you will please to observe, by the extract of General
Clinton's letter of the 26th of April to Governor
Franklin,' that he had expressly forbidden the Board
of Directors to remove or exchange in future any
prisoners of war in the custody of their commissary
without having first obtained his approbation and
orders. The same reasons, which induced me to lay the
first steps I took in this affair before Congress, urge
me to submit it to them at its present stage. It is a
great national concern, upon which an individual
ought not to decide. I shall be glad to be favored
with the determination of Congress as early as pos
sible, as I shall suspend giving any answer to Sir
Guy Carleton, until I am informed how far they are
satisfied with his conduct hitherto.
I cannot close this letter without making a remark
upon that part of Sir Guy's, in which he charges me
with want of humanity in selecting a victim from
among the British officers so early as I did. He
ought to consider, that, by the usage of war and
upon the principles of retaliation, I should have been
justified in executing an officer of equal rank with
Captain Huddy immediately upon receiving proofs
of his murder, and then informing Sir Henry Clinton
that I had done so. Besides, it was impossible for
.' President of the Board of Directors of the Associated Loyalists, and imme
diately responsible for the hanging of Huddy.

72

THE WRITINGS OF [1782
me to have foreseen, that it would be so very long
before the matter would be brought to some kind of
issue. I have the honor to be, &c.'

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
instructions.
Sir, You are hereby appointed to the command of West Point and
its dependencies. But, as the army will lie for some time upon
Verplanck's Point, you will consider yourself as relieved till
further orders from the care of attending to that post, Stony
Point, and Dobbs's Ferry, which are part of the dependencies,
except so far as relates to their being constantly supplied with the
proper quantity of ordnance. I have so thorough a confidence in
you, and so well am I acquainted with your ability and activity,
that I think it needless to point out to you the great outHnes
of your duty. I recommend the following matters to your
attention. To visit the redoubts frequently ; to see that they are kept in
proper order ; that the garrisons allotted to them are alert, and
that they make it an invariable rule to sleep within the works.
They should each be furnished constantly with ten days' wood
and water ; and, if the contractors keep up such a magazine
of salt provision upon the Point, as they ought to do by con
tract, the detached works should be provided with ten days' pro
vision also. The rolls to be frequently called. No officer to be
absent without your leave, and no non-commissioned officer or
soldier without the leave of a field-officer.
The quarter-master having reported a scarcity of tents, you will
be pleased to remove the tenth Massachussets regiment into the
barracks, that their tents may be delivered up. No buildings,
either public or private, are to be erected without your knowl
edge ; and, when applications are made to you for that purpose,
' Read in Congress August 26th. Referred to Rutledge, McKean, and
Duane. October 15th, Witherspoon and Wright were added.

1782J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73

you will, if they are admitted, direct the commanding engineer to
point out the situations, that they may not interfere with the
defences of the place. The public buildings now carrying on,
and the alterations and repairs of the works, will engage your
particular attention. You know the necessity of bringing them
to a certain state before the frost sets in. Given at Head-Quar
ters, at Newburg, the 29th of August, 1782.'

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.
Head-Quarters, Verplanck's Point,
I September, 1782.
Dear Sir,
* * -X- -X- * *
The late New York papers announce the evacuation
of Charleston, as a matter which would certainly take
place soon after the 7th of August. I have, upon
this information, written to Major-General Small-
wood and Colonel Butler to send forward to this
army the recruits of Maryland and Pennsylvania,
which are at Annapolis and Carlisle. I enclose the
letters under flying seals to you, that you may take
the sense of Congress upon the matter, before the
orders are carried into execution.
Congress having determined what troops should
compose the southern army, I do not think myself
absolutely at liberty to withdraw those, which are
' The army moved from Newburg, on the 31st of August, to Verplanck's
Point, where an encampment was established. This change was in conse
quence of an agreement with Count de Rochambeau to form a junction of the
American and French armies at that place, and also to be nearer to the enemy
in case any hostile attempts should be made from New York ; although, from
the inactivity and pacific declarations of Sir Guy Carleton, such attempts were
not anticipated.

74 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
already there, or to stop the reinforcements intended
for them, without first consulting Congress, and
which I mean to do through you. So long ago
as the I Sth of March last, I calculated from appear
ances upon the evacuation of the southern States ;
and I then wrote to General Greene to hold himself
in readiness to march to the northward the moment
such an event should seem certain. In my idea,
the infantry apportioned to the two Carolinas and
Georgia will be sufficient to be left in the southern
quarter. The South Carolina regiment of artillery
having been reformed, it may be thought necessary
to leave the small remains of Harrison's and late
Proctor's there. It will be necessary, also, to con
sider what corps of horse shall remain. If Armand's
legion have not yet moved from Charlottesville, they
certainly ought not to proceed. After having con
sulted Congress, and made the proper arrangements,
you will be good enough to inform Major-General
Greene of the result, that he may govern himself
accordingly. The difficulty and enormous expense
of supporting troops to the southward are sufficient
inducements to draw off as many from thence as we
possibly can.
The whole army, the garrison at West Point
excepted, which is left under the command of Major-
General Knox, moved down to this ground yester
day. I have sent Major-General Lord Stirling to
Albany, to take the command of the two Continental
regiments and the State troops upon the northern
frontiers. The New York and Jersey lines have

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75
joined me here. I have received yours of the 20th
ultimo, enclosing a list of the passengers wanting
to go to South Carolina. I shall make the necessary
application to Sir Guy Carleton. I have the honor
to be, &c.

TO SIR GUY carleton.
Head-Quarters, 8 September, 1782.
Sir, I have the honor to reply to your Excellency's
letter of the 23d of August, and to inform you, that
Major-Generals Heath and Knox are nominated by
me to meet Lieutenant-General Campbell and Mr.
Elliot, as commissioners for the purpose of settling
a general cartel for an exchange of prisoners. I pro
pose. Sir, that the meeting be held at Tappan, as an
intermediate and convenient place, and that it com
mence on the I Sth day of this month, at which time
my commissioners will attend, and will be accompa
nied by the commissary of prisoners.' Your Excel
lency's favor of the 29th, enclosing a copy of Governor
Livingston's letter to you of the loth, came in due
time to my hands. I am at a loss to discover for
what purpose it was communicated to me ; especially
as I have more than once observed to you, that in
matters of civil resort I have ever avoided any the
least interference, and have transmitted to you the
' The commissioners met at Tappan on the 25 th of September, but effected
nothing. The powers of the British commissioners were not satisfactory to
the other party, and they separated without commencing a negotiation. —
Heath's Memoirs, p. 354.

76 THE WRITINGS OF [ijgj
approbation of the sovereign power of these United
States for my so doing. And of this nature appears
to be the case of Ezekiel Tilton, who is the subject
of your correspondence with the Governor.
i cannot help remarking, that your Excellency has
several times lately taken occasion to mention, that
" all hostilities stand suspended on your part." I
must confess, that, to me, this expression wants ex
planation. I can have no conception of a suspension
of hostilities, but that which arises from a mutual
agreement of the powers at war, and which extends
to naval as well as land operations. That your Ex
cellency has thought proper, on your part, to make a
partial suspension, may be admitted ; but, whether
this has been owing to political or other motives, is
not for me to decide. It is, however, a well known
fact, that at the same time the British cruisers on our
coasts have been more than usually alert ; and, while
Americans are admitted to understand their real in
terests, it will be difficult for them, when a suspension
of hostilities is spoken of, to separate the idea of its
extending to the sea as well as land.
I cannot ascribe the inroads of the savaiges upon
our northwestern frontier to the causes, from whence
your Excellency supposes them to originate ; neither
can I allow, that they are committed without direc
tions from the commander-in-chief in Canada. For
by prisoners and deserters it is apparent, that those
ravaging parties are composed of white troops, under
the command of officers regularly commissioned, as
well as savages ; and it would be a solecism to sup-

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77
pose, that such parties could be out, without the
knowledge of their commander-in-chief. I have the
honor to be, &c.' to JAMES McHENRY.
Verplanck's Point, 12 September, 1782.
My dear Sir,
* * * Our prospects of peace are vanishing.
The death of the Marquis of Rockingham has given
a shock to the new administration, and disordered its
whole system. Fox, Burke, Lord John Cavendish,
Lord Keppel, and I believe others, have left it. Earl
Shelburne takes the lead, as first lord of the treasury,
to which office he was appointed by the King, on the
instant the vacancy happened by the death of Lord
Rockingham. This nobleman. Lord Shelburne, I
mean, declares, that the sun of Great Britain will set
the moment American independency is acknowledged,
and that no man has ever heard him give an assent
to the measure. On the other hand, the Duke of
Richmond asserts, that the ministry, of which Lord
Shelburne is one, came into office pledged to each
other and upon the express condition, that America
should be declared independent ; that he will watch
him, and, the moment he finds him departing there
from, he will quit administration, and give it every
opposition in his power.
' Sir Guy Carleton had written : "If these Indians come not solely to
revenge the cruelties practised on their brethren, their motives are to me
wholly unknown. To my knowledge, they cannot have directions from the
commander-in-chief on that side ; and these proceedings not only have my dis
approbation, but I shall very willingly assist in restoring tranquillity on that
frontier also." — August 29th.

y8 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
That the King will push the war, as long as the
nation will find men or money, admits not of a
doubt in my mind. The whole tenor of his conduct,
as well as his last proroguing speech, on the nth of
July, plainly indicate it, and shows in a clear point
of view the impolicy of relaxation on our part. If
we are wise, let us prepare for the worst. There is
nothing, which will so soon produce a speedy and
honorable peace, as a state of preparation for war ;
and we must either do this, or lay our account for a
patched up inglorious peace, after all the toil, blood,
and treasure we have spent. This has been my uni
form opinion ; a doctrine I have endeavored, amidst
the torrent of expectation of an approaching peace,
to inculcate, and the event, I am sure, will justify me
in it. With much truth, I am, &c.'

TO JOSEPH reed.
Dear Sir verplanck's point, 15 September, 1782.
The appeal contained in your letter of the nth
instant is equally unexpected and surprising.^
Not knowing the particular charges which are
' The first division of the French Army, under Count de Rochambeau, arrived
at King's Ferry, from the south, on the 15th of September. Count de Rocham
beau describes the junction of the French and American armies as follows :
"General Washington wishing to testify his respect for France, and his
recognition of the benefits she had rendered, caused us to pass between two
lines of troops, clad, equipped, and armed with clothing and arms from France,
and from the English magazines taken at Yorktown, which the French army
had relinquished to the Americans. He ordered the drums to beat a French
march during the whole review, and the two armies rejoined with the most
lively demonstrations of reciprocal satisfaction." — Mimoires de Rochambeau,
tom. i. , p. 309.
- Reed had become engaged in an acrid political controversy with General
Cadwallader, in which it was charged that in December, 1776, he I'^'i medi-

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79
alledged against you, it is impossible for me to make
a specific reply. I can therefore only say in general
terms that the employments you sustained in the year
1776, and in that period of the year, when we ex
perienced our greatest distresses, are a proof that
you was not suspected by me of infidelity, or want of
integrity ; for had the least suspicion of the kind
reached my mind, either from observation or report,
I should most assuredly have marked you out as a fit
object of resentment.
While on our retreat through Jersey, I remember
your being sent from Newark, to the Assembly of
New Jersey, then sitting, to rouse and animate them
to spirited measures for our support ; and at the same
time gen. Mifflin was sent to Pennsylvania for the
same purpose. This employ was certainly a mark of
my confidence in you at that time.
Your conduct, so far as it came to my immediate
notice, during the short period we lay on the west
bank of the Delaware, appeared sollicitous for the
public good ; and your conduct at Princeton evi
denced a spirit and zeal which to me appeared laud
able and becoming a man well effected to the cause
we were engaged in.
It is rather a disagreeable circumstance to have
private and confidential letters, hastily written as all
mine of that class are, upon a supposition that they
would remain between the parties only, produced as
evidence in a matter of public discussion ; but conscious
tated going over to the British. He asked Washington for " ji few lines
expressive of your sense of my conduct in the fall and winter of 1776," and
to give his sanction to using the letters Washington had written to him at that
time.

8o THE WRITINGS OF [1782
that my public and private sentiments are at all times
alike ; I shall not withhold these letters should you
think them absolutely necessary to your justification.
If I have in my possession any such letter as you
particularly allude to, it is not at present with me —
being in the field perfectly light, I have divested my
self of all papers, public and private ; but such of
late date as I thought I might have occasion, in my
present situation to refer to. The others remain at
a considerable distance from me. I am, &c.

TO THOMAS PAINE.
Head-Quarters, 18 September, 1782.
Sir, I have the pleasure to acknowledge your favor of
the 7th, informing of your proposal to present me
with fifty copies of your last publication ^ for the
amusement of the army. For this intention you
have my sincere thanks, not only on my own account,
but for the pleasure, I doubt not the gentlemen of the
army will receive from the perusal of your pamphlets.
Your observations on the period of seven years, as
it applies itself to and affects British minds, are
' Probably one of the numbers of the Crisis. Paine was now writing a
series of articles under that title, suited to the political state of the times. He
had laid aside his pen for several months, when, in the February preceding,
Mr. Robert Morris induced him to take it up again, and promised him a
stipulated sum of money as a compensation for his services. This was done
with the knowledge and approbation of General Washington, who was then in
Philadelphia. The Crisis was accordingly revived, and continued to the end
of the war. See on this subject an extract from Mr. Morris' Diary, in the
Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. xii., p. 95. — Sparks.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81
ingenious, and I wish it may not fail of its. effects in
the present instance.^ The measures and the policy
of the enemy are at present in great perplexity and
embarrassment. But I have my fears, whether their
necessities, (which are the only operating motive with
them,) are yet arrived to that point, which must drive
them unavoidably into what they will esteem disa
greeable and dishonorable terms of peace ; such, for
instance, as an absolute, unequivocal admission of
American independence, on the terms upon which
she can accept it. For this reason, added to the
obstinacy of the King, and the probable consonant
principles of some of the principal ministers, I have
not so full confidence in the success of the present
' " I fully believe we have seen our worst days over. The spirit of the war
on the part of the enemy is certainly on the decline, full as much as we think
for. I draw this opinion, not only from the difficulties we know they are in,
and the present promiscuous appearance of things, but from the peculiar effect,
which certain periods of time have more or less upon all men. The British
have accustomed themselves to think of the term of seven years in a manner
different from other periods of time. They acquire this partly by habit, by re
ligion, by reason, and by superstition. They serve seven years apprenticeship ;
they elect their parliament for seven years ; they punish by seven years' trans
portation, or the duplicate, or triplicate of that term ; their leases run in the
same manner ; and they read that Jacob served seven years for one wife and
seven years for another ; and the same term, likewise, extinguishes all obliga
tions (in certain cases) of debt, or matrimony ; and thus this particular period,
by a variety of concurrences, has obtained an influence in their minds superior
to that of any other number.
" They have now had seven years' war, and are not an inch farther on the
continent than when they began. The superstitious and the popular part will
conclude that it is not to be ; and the reasonable part will think they have tried an
unsuccessful scheme long enough, and that it is in vain to try it any longer ;
and the obstinate part of them will be beaten out, unless, consistent with their
former sagacity, they get over the matter at once, by passing a new declaratory
act to bend Time in all cases whatsoever, or declare him a rebel." — Thomas
Paine to Washington, September 7th.
6

82 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
negotiation for peace as some gentlemen entertain.
Should events prove my jealousies to be ill founded,
I shall make myself happy under the mistake, consol
ing myself with the idea of having erred on the safest
side, and enjoying with as much satisfaction as any
of my countrymen the pleasing issue of our severe
contest. The case of Captain Asgill has indeed been
spun out to a great length. But with you I hope
that its determination will not be unfavorable to this
Country. I am, Sir, &c.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Verplanck's Point, 19 September, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have had the pleasure of receiving your favor of
the nth. The political intelligence which we have
lately had from Europe is so contradictory, that lit
tle dependence can be put upon it, more especially as
we have it principally through the channel of an
enemy's paper, which I take it for granted, shews as
fair a side as possible in their own favor.
Why we have nothing from our ministers is, as you
observe, truly unaccountable. In the Parliamentary
debates consequent of the death of the Marquis of
Rockingham and the resignation of Fox, Burke, &c.,
one side assert, and the other side deny matters so
confidently, that there is no possibility of forming an
accurate judgment. I cannot but look upon Lord
Rockingham's death, however, as the most unfortu
nate event, and that, at best, the negociation if not

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83
broken off, will be spun out to a considerable length.
This, however, will be soon known, for if the minis
try are seriously disposed to Peace, upon such terms
as we can accept, their acts must soon evince it. In
the meantime it will be our policy to proceed as if
no negociations were on foot.
I am extremely glad to hear from good authority
that the Dutch Fleet had put to sea. The arrival of
public cloathing from Holland is an interesting event
— as the army is more in want of Linen just now than
of any other article — except money. * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Head Quarters, 22 September, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I am really more alarmed at the Contents of your
letters of the 29th and 30th of Augt. and 9th of this
month, than at any occurrence which hath lately hap
pened — and I am embarrassed with respect to one
paragraph in that of the 30th of Augt., vizt, " The
other which is the principal one, that you may found a
warm application on it to the States. You will I
hope keep this intirely to yourself. You will see
that I have not intrusted a view of it to my Secretary
or any the Clerks "^ — ^On what am I to found an
application to the States but upon your information
of your inability to comply with your Contracts in
consequence of their tardiness in paying their Taxes ?
Should I proceed of my own accord, as it were, they
will think I am stepping out of my line, and may per

84 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
haps hint to me that this reprehension would come
more properly from another quarter — Until I hear
from you I do not think myself at liberty to make
use of your name. But ought we not, my dear Sir,
to consider the danger of trusting a matter of so much
importance, just at this moment when perhaps the
enemy are balancing upon the total evacuation of
these States, to a circular letter to the Legislatures ?
Letters of this kind are, from their nature, as public
as the prints, and seldom fail by one means or the
other to get into the hands of the enemy. I have
several times found personal applications by Gentle
men of influence have much more effect than letters.
Of this you will judge — and I think another matter
ought immediately to be taken into most serious con
sideration — If you would be of opinion that the
most strenuous exertions of the States will not enable
them to pay in a sufficiency of Specie to comply with
the Contracts, ought not a change of measures to be
resolved on without loss of time ? That if we must,
thro' necessity, revert to the ruinous system of Spe
cifics, it may be done in time to lay up magazines be
fore the Winter sets in. * * *

TO major-general GREENE.
Head Quarters, Verplanck's Point,
23 September, 1782.
My dear Sir,
Since my last of the 6th of August I have received
your favors of the 6th of June, i ith of July and 12 of
August.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85

I hope before this reaches you, you will be in pos
session of Charleston, and will have found a glorious
end to your difficulties and distresses in the southern
quarter. An application from the government of South Caro
lina produced the resolve, of which the enclosed' is
a copy, and which, I doubt not, was immediately
transmitted to you. From your being upon the spot,
and from your thorough knowledge of southern affairs,
I shall leave the execution of the resolve in a great
measure to your own judgment. As you observe in
your letter of the 12th of August, when my directions
of the I Sth March last were given, they were upon a
presumption, that the enemy might evacuate Charles
ton in such season, that the troops destined to return
to the northward might be here time enough to ren
der service before the close of the campaign ; but,
that not being the case, their immediate removal does
not become so essential ; and therefore I leave it with
you, either to retain the corps, which you may ulti
mately determine to send northward, until the weather
becomes favorable for marching in the spring, or to
send them forward immediately, as far as Virginia at
least, if you find their subsistence more difficult
and expensive, than it would be in the middle
States. I will just give you a hint, that I fear sub
sistence will be upon a very precarious footing here
during the winter ; and you know the inconvenience
of having troops arrive at their cantonments late in
the season.
' Resolve of the gth of Sept. respecting Southern Army.

86 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
The arrangement made by you for the distribution
of the southern army agrees perfectly, in the main,
with my own judgment. I think, for the following
reason, that the first and third regiments of cavalry
had best be left in Carolina. They both belong to
Virginia, and will more than probably be incorporated
the next year. Their separation, therefore, would
render the incorporation difficult ; and, as cavalry are
of no great use in this quarter in offensive opera
tions, and more easily subsisted southward than here,
I am not anxious to have Lee's legion. But with this
you will do as you think best. Armand's legion will
not advance. I shall recommend their wintering in
Virginia, as forage will be extremely scarce in all this
country, owing to the severest drought ever known.
By the resolve before alluded to, I am directed to
make the necessary inquiry into the circumstances of
the southern States, and to employ such force therein
as I may think proper, and to direct you, whilst in
the southern department, to employ the troops under
your command offensively or defensively in such man
ner as may be most conducive to the interests of the
United States.
The execution of the foregoing, I must, for the
reasons mentioned in the beginning of my letter,
leave also to you. Should the enemy evacuate the
southern States, I know of no offensive operations
but against St. Augustine, or the savages. The first
I believe is out of our power, even were we authorized
to undertake such an expedition ; and the last must
depend upon contingencies. I do not apprehend

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87
much danger from the savages, when the British
are expelled from the seacoast.
You will perceive it is the intention of Congress,
that you should remain personally at the southward
until further orders. You will, I doubt not, use
every argument to induce those States to exert them
selves in raising a permanent force for their own de
fence. They cannot expect, that, if the enemy evacu
ate the southern States, and keep a footing at New
York, and at other places to the northward and east
ward, that a force of almost half the Union should be
kept in the southern States for defence only.
The situation of politics, I mean European, is upon
so precarious a footing, that I really know not what
account to give you of them. Negotiations were still
going on at Paris in the middle of July ; but the
prospects of a peace were checked by the death of
the Marquis of Rockingham. Dr. Franklin's laconic
description of the temper of the British nation seems
most apt. " They are," says he, " unable to carry on
the war, and too proud to make peace." I am, &c.

TO JAMES DUANE, IN CONGRESS.
Verplanck's Point, 30th September, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I shall be obliged to you, or some friend in Con
gress to inform me what has been or is likely to be
done with respect to my reference of the case of
Captn. Huddy. I cannot forbear complaining of the
cruel situation I now am and oftentimes have been

88 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
placed in, by the silence of Congress in matters of
high importance, which the good of Service, and my
official duty have obliged me to call upon them, as
the sovereign power of these United States, to decide.
It is only in intricate and perplexing cases, that I have
requested their orders, being always willing to bear
my proportion of public embarrassments, and take
a full share of responsibility. Conscious that I have
treated that Honble. Body, and all their measures,
with as much deference and respect as any Officer in
the United States, I expected this aid.
Why, then, if policy forbids a decision upon the
difficult points I have referd., I am not to be informed
of it, is beyond my conception, unless I was to ascribe
it to causes, which I flatter myself do not exist.
When I refer a matter to Congress, every proceeding
on it on my part is suspended, until their pleasure is
transmitted ; and for this it is well known I have
waited with unexampled patience. But when no
notice is taken of my application ; when measures,
which I might otherwise adopt, are suspended ;
when my own feelings are wounded, and others per
haps are suffering by the delay, how is it possible for
me to forbear expressing my disquietude ?
The particular cause of it at this time arises from
two things. First, while I am totally silent to the
public, waiting the decision of .Congs. on the case of
Huddy, I see publications on this head (importing
reflections) in one of the Pennsylvania Papers, which
no man could have made, that had not access to my
official letter of the 19th of August to Congress ; and,

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89
secondly, because I feel exceedingly for Captn. Asgill,
who was designated by Lot as a victim to the manes
of Captain Huddy. While retaliation was appar
ently necessary, however disagreeable in itself, I had
no repugnance to the measure. But, when the end
proposed by it is answered, by a disavowal of the act,
by a dissolution of the Board of Refugees, by a prom
ise whether with or without meaning to comply with
it, I shall not determine, that further inquisition
should be made into the matter, I thought it incum
bent upon me, to have the sense of Congress, who had
most explicitly approved, and impliedly indeed ordered
retaliation to take place before I proceeded any further
in the matter. To this hour I am held in darkness.
The letter of Asgill, (copy of which I inclose,) and
the situation of his Father, which I am made ac
quainted with by the British prints, work too power
fully upon my humanity not to wish, that Congress
would chalk a line for me to walk by in this business.
To effect this, is the cause of the trouble you now
receive from, dear Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant.'
' Captain Asgill had been for some time released from close confinement,
and allowed to go at large on parole at Chatham and in the neighborhood of
that place. He wrote to General Washington, requesting permission to return
to Europe, on account of the illness of his father, and the distressed state of his
mother and sister in consequence of that event, and of their anxiety for the fate
Impending over the son and brother.
In writing to the Secretary at War, a week after the above letter. General
Washington said : " The delay of Congress places me not only in a very deli
cate, but a very awkward situation with the expecting world. Was I to give
my private opinion respecting Asgill, I should pronounce in favor of his being
released from his duress, and that he should be permitted to go to his friends in
Europe." — October 7th.

9°

THE WRITINGS OF [1782

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.'
T, , c „ Head-Quarters, 2 October, 1782,
My DEAR Sir, ^ ' ' '
Painful as the task is to describe the dark side of
our affairs, it sometimes becomes a matter of indis
pensable necessity. Without disguise or palliation,
I will inform you candidly of the discontents, which
at this moment prevail universally throughout the
army. The complaint of evils, which they suppose almost
remediless, are the total want of money or the means
of existing from one day to another, the heavy debts
they have already incurred, the loss of credit, the
distress of their families (i. e. such as are married) at
home, and the prospect of poverty and misery before
them. It is vain. Sir, to suppose, that military men
will acquiesce contentedly with bare rations, when
those in the civil walk of life, (unacquainted with half
the hardships they endure,) are regularly paid the
emoluments of office. While the human mind is in-
fluencd. by the same passions, and have ye same incli
nations to indulge, it cannt. be. A military man has
' This letter was enclosed to Robert Morris, to whom Washington wrote ;
" I confess it seems to me, not only an act of policy but of justice, instead of
irritating the minds of our officers and men, to soothe and accommodate them in
all their reasonable wishes and expectations, as far as the circumstances will
admit it. I am sensible you coincide entirely in the same sentiment." — 20
October, 1782. And to McHenry, whose needs were urgent, he wrote on the 23d
[or 24th] of October :
" To make such an application as you require to the Financier, would, I
know, be unavailing — first, because he has most decidedly refused to adjust,
& discharge the claim of any Officer who is a resident in & the subject of the
United States — and secondly, every other consideration apart what would alone
be a sufficient bar — because he has not the means of doing it — The States are
so tardy in collecting the Taxes, that the most trivial sum cannot be obtained
for the most pressing purposes — and in one sense, it may be said, that the
Officers of the Army are actually starving for want of a small portion of their

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91
the same turn to sociability as a person in civil life.
He conceives himself equally called upon to live up to
his rank, and his pride is hurt when circumstans. re
strain him. Only conceive, then, the mortification
they (even the general officers) must suffer, when they
cannot invite a French officer, a visiting friend, or a
travelling acquaintance, to abetter repast, than stink
ing whiskey (and not always that) and a bit of Beef
without vegetables will afford them.
The officers also complain of other hardships,
which they think might and ought to be remedied
without delay ; such as the stopping promotions,
where there havebeen vacancies open for a long time;
the withholding commissions from those, who are
justly entitled to them, and have warrants or certifi
cates of their appointments from the executive of
their States ; and particularly the leaving the com
pensation for their services in a loose, equivocal state,
without ascertaining their claims upon the public, or
making provision for the future payment of them.
pay — the Horses of it, for want of money to procure forage, are actually in
this condition — In a word. Sir, for want of a little money to pay the transporta
tion of some very essential articles, the Troops have suffered, & continue to suf
fer amazingly ; and for the want of the said money, we have been obliged to
relinquish a contract for subsisting the Army at lod a Ration & give 13d for
the sake of three months credit.
" There have been instances I know, where some foreign Officers, who had
no state to resort to — & who were reduced to the last extremity — have received
a small part of their pay, but trifling in comparison of their demands, or dues.
— Judge ye therefore under these circumstances, how fruitless would be any
application to the Financier for money.
" The only mode I am told, by which you can be relieved, is for me to apply
to Congress to recommend your case to the State of Maryland ; that you may
be included in the Officers belonging to it — this I have accordingly done (as
you may see by the Inclosed) through its proper channel— the Secretary at War
— ^who is now here, and on whom I shall enforce the measure in terms which I
persuade myself will give facility to an official act."

92 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
While I premise, that tho' no one I have seen or
heard of appears opposed to the principle of reducing
the army as circumstances may require, yet I cannot
help fearing the result of the measure in contempla
tion, under present circumstances, when I see such a
number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of re
flection on the past and of anticipation on the future,
about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and
what they call the ingratitude of the public, involved
in debts without one farthing of money to carry them
home, after having spent the flower of their days, and
many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the
freedom and independence of their country, and suf-
ered everything human nature is capable of enduring
on this side of death. I repeat it, in these irritable
circumstances, without one thing to soothe their
feelings or brighten the gloomy prospects, I cannot
avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow, of
a very serious and distressing nature. On the other
hand, could the officers be placed in as good a situa
tion, as when they came into service, the contention,
I am persuaded, would be, not who should continue
in the field, but who should retire to private life.
I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so
far as the real life would justify me in doing, or I would
give anecdotes of patriotism and distress, which have
scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed in the
history of mankind. But, you may rely upon it, the
patience and long-sufferance of this army are almost
exhausted, and that there never was so great a spirit
of discontent as at this instant. While in the field, I

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93
think it may be kept from breaking out into acts of out
rage ; but when we retire into winter-quarters, (unless
the storm is previously dissipated,) I cannot beat ease
respecting the consequences. It is high time for a
peace. To you, my dear Sir, I need not be more particu
lar in describing my anxiety and the grounds of it.
You are too well acquainted, from your own service,
with the real sufferings of the army, to require a
longer detail. I will, therefore, only add, that, exclu
sive of the common hardships of a military life, our
troops have been and still are obliged to perform
more services foreign to their proper duty, without
gratuity or reward, than the soldiers of any other
army ; for example, the immense labors expended in
doing the duties of artificers in erecting fortifications
and military works, the fatigue of building themselves
barracks or huts annually, and of cutting and trans
porting wood for the use of all our posts and garri
sons without any expense whatever to the public.
Of this letter, (which, from the tenor of it, must
be considered in some degree of a private nature,)
you may make such use as you shall think proper,
since the principal objects of it were, by displaying
the merits, the hardships, the disposition, and critical
state of the army, to give information that might
eventually be useful, and to convince you with what
entire confidence and esteem, I am, my dear Sir, &c.'
' To some of the topics of this letter General Lincoln replied, in his private
capacity, as follows :
"You mention as a ground of complaint, that the compensation to the army
for their services is left in a loose, equivocal state, and of this I am fully con-

94 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO JAMES McHENRY.
Verplanck's Point, 17 October, 1782.
My DEAR Sir,
In a visit to the Post of Dobb's Ferry last Satur
day, I accidently met with Majr. Lynch at that place,
and received from him your letter of the 30th ulto.
In a time like this, of general uncertainty, with re
spect to the designs of the British Court, it is not at
all wonderful to find men engineering at every Corner
for News — The North sends to the South, and the
vinced ; and from the knowledge I have of the temper of Congress, I have
little expectation that the matter of half-pay, to which I suppose you allude,
will be in a better situation than it now is, until it shall be recommended by
Congress to the several States to provide for their own officers ; which I am
apprehensive will not be done unless Congress know in some way or other,
that it is the wish of the officers that they should do it.
' ' You know, Sir, that no moneys can be appropriated but by the voice of
nine States. There was not that number in favor of half-pay, when the vote to
grant it passed in Congress, which was a vote before the confederation was
signed and practised upon, but it is not now. I see little probability, that asum
equal to the half-pay will be appropriated to that purpose, and apportioned on
the several States. Massachusetts is one of those States, which have always
been opposed to the measure. Indeed, there is but one State east of tliis, which
agreed to it. In the first place, there is too great a part of the Union opposed
to the half-pay to think of carrying it through. The States in opposition can
not be coerced. They say they are willing to make a handsome compensation
by compromise, and that they will give a sum which shall be just and honora
ble. From this it will be difficult, if not impossible, to persuade them to
depart. I am myself fully of opinion, that it will be much the best for the army
to be referred to their several States, and that their expectations will endin cha
grin and disappointments if they look for half-pay from Congress. Let us for
a moment reflect how Congress will avail themselves of money to discharge this
debt. They cannot appropriate any part of the sum to this use, which shall be
annually apportioned on the several States, for the reasons I mentioned before ;
there are not nine States in favor of it. Should it be said, that it may be paid
out of the revenue of some general tax, it will not remove the objection. The
money arising from these general taxes must also be appropriated, if such taxes
were passed. No one of those proposed has yet passed, and I see little proba
bility that any of them will soon, if ever."— October 14th.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95
South to the North, to obtain it. — But at present, all
I believe are equally ignorant. — My opinion of the
matter is, that you could learn nothing decisive from
the Cabinet itself.- — I have long thought, and still
think, they are trying the Chapter of accidents ; and
the good or ill success alone of this campaign, will
fix their Councils. If they can obtain any advan
tages at Sea, or in the Indies — East or West, no
matter where — I am of opinion they will continue the
War — If their affairs on the other hand stand still, or
continue to retrograde, their stomachs will come to,
& Peace will be seriously thought of —
From a letter I had from Marqs. De la Fayette of
the 29th of June, nothing more could be collected
than that doubts & darkness prevailed — that the busi
ness of GrenviUe, seemed to be that of procrastina
tion. — In a word, that nothing was fixed ; and that
the cause of his stay was to see matters in such a
train as to find the way clear before he left France. —
In New Yk. they are as impatient as us for News —
expecting the August Packet will rernove all doubts,
but herein they will be mistaken — later acc'ts than
the Packet can bring, leave the negotiations at Paris
in as doubtful a state as ever — A Letter which I have
just received from Boston gives me the inclosed as
an extract of a Letter from Mr. Adams (as this is a
private letter, Mr. Adams's name had better be with
held) of the 20 of Augt. from the Hague. — The Bos
ton Gazette says, that the Combined Fleets had left
the Channel, and that the Jamaica Fleet got in four
¦days afterwards. — It also gives an acct. of an Action

96 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
in the East Indies between the French & British
Fleets, in which, after a hard fought action, they say
victory inclined to the latter but that the Ships of
Admiral Hughes were so much damaged he could
not pursue — this is such an acknowledgment (from a
British acct.) as to leave little to be apprehended
from it.
You will recollect the opinion I gave you upon the
receipt of Carleton's letter of the 2d of August to
me. Subsequent events, as far as they have come to
my knowledge prove it was well founded — & I wish
future ones may not evince that to gain time, was all
that the British ministry had in view — The impolicy
therefore of suffering ourselves to be lulled by ex
pectations of Peace, because we wish it, & because
it is the Interest of G. Britain to hold up the ideas of
it, will, more than probably, prove the ruin of our
cause & the disbanding of the Army ; for it should
seem from the conduct the States are pursuing — that
they do not conceive it necessary for the Army to re
ceive any thing but' hard knocks — to give them pay,
is a matter which has long been out of the question ;
and we were upon the point of trying how we could
live on without subsistence (as the superintendent
was no longer able to fulfil his Contract with the
Victualers of the Army, &they relinquishing it) when
fortunately for us we met with Gentlemen, who, for
an advanced price pr Ration, has saved us from .starva
tion, or disbandment by giving a credit — Our horses
have long been without everything which their own
thriftiness could not procure.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97
Let any man who will allow reason fair play, ask
himself what must be the inevitable consequence of
such policy. — Have not military men the same feel
ings of those in the Civil line ? — why then should one
set receive the constant wages of service — and the
other be continually without them ? — do the former
deserve less for their watchings and toil — for enduring
heat & cold — for standing in sunshine & in rain- — for
the dangers they are continually exposed to for the
sake of their Country ; by which means the man in
Civil life sits quiet under his own Vine & Fig tree-
solacing himself in all the comforts — pleasures — &
enjoyments of life, free & unrestrained ? let impar
tiality answr. the question.
These are matters worthy of serious consideration
— The patience — the fortitude — the long, & great
suffering of this army is unexampled in history ; but
there is an end to all things & I fear we are
very near one to this. — Which, more than probably
will oblige me to stick very close to my flock this
winter, & try like a careful physician, to prevent,
if possible, the disorders getting to an incurable
height. I am yr. very obedt. & affectn. servt.
P. S. I have this moment received a letter from
the Marqs. De Vaudreuil informg. me, that a Vessel
just arrived from Cadiz, wch. place she left the 24th
of Augt., brings advices that the day following was
fixed upon for a genl. assault of the Works at Gib-
ralter, by ye combined force of F. & Spn.

98 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
Head-Quarters, 19 October, 1782.
Sir, I have received your favor of the 15th instant with
the enclosures ; and, though at the same time it is
true, I have the general command of the allied army,
as to all its movements, operations, &c., yet I have
never considered myself as having an absolute right
to interfere with the internal police and regulations
of the French army, under the immediate orders of
his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau ; with
which army it appears the persons mentioned in the
papers contained in your letter are connected. I
have, however, in order to produce an amicable set
tlement of the matter, communicated the contents to
Colonel Wadsworth, and requested him to use his
utmost endeavors to prevent any altercations and
quarrels between the citizens of this State and the
people employed by him. As he has engaged, that
they will not impede the due execution of the civil
authority, and as he writes to you by this conveyance,
I cannot but hope matters will be explained to your
satisfaction.' For my own part I shall still continue to exert all
my influence and authority to prevent the interrup
tion of that harmony, which is so essential, and which
has so generally prevailed between the army and the
' Colonel Wadsworth was the contractor for supplying the French army, and
a deputy under him had refused to submit to a constable, who served upon him
a justice's warrant. This was considered a contempt of the civil authority,
and caused a complaint to be forwarded by the justice to the governor of the
State.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99
inhabitants of the country ; and I need scarcely add,
that in doing this I shall give every species of coun
tenance and support to the execution of the laws of
the land.
In the present quiet state of the frontiers, and with
assurances from Sir Guy Carleton, that the incursions
of the savages are stopped by authority, I have it in
contemplation to withdraw the Continental troops
from the northward. There are many reasons, which
will make that measure eligible, unless the troops,
which have been raised on purpose for the defence of
the frontiers of this State, should be thought incom
petent to the duty, even taking into consideration the
inactivity of the season and the situation of affairs ;
for, indeed, I confess, I do not consider the late re
ports of the enemy's being in force at the Isle-au-Noix
to indicate any thing farther than an attention to
their own security. The severity of the approaching
season, and every other circumstance, appear to me
to militate against an attack upon our possessions this
winter, and we shall not be at so great a distance, but
that succor may be afforded as early in the spring as
shall be necessary. At any rate, some measures must
be immediately taken relative to the troops now there.
I should be happy in receiving your sentiments as
soon as may be, and am with great esteem and regard,
&c. P. S. I should be much obliged by an answer at
the return of the bearer.

loo THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Verplanck's Point, 20 October, 1782.
My DEAR Marqs.,
Whilst I thought there was a probability of my let
ters finding you in France, I continued to write to you
at Paris. After that, I ceased to do so, expecting
the more agreeable pleasure of embracing you in
America. Your favor of the 29th of June, placing
the time of your departure from thence on a contin
gency, and our latest advices from Europe, reporting
that the negotiations for Peace were nearly in the
same state as at the commencement of it, I shall
renew my correspondence.
I approve, very highly, the motives which induced
you to remain at your Court and I am convinced Con
gress will do the same — The Campaig'n, as you sup
posed, has been very inactive — We formed the
junction with the French Corps (which is now en
camped on our left ten miles distant) the middle of
September ; and have remained in perfect unison
with them ever since their arrival. It may I be
lieve with much truth be said, that a greater harmony
between two Armies never subsisted than that which
has prevailed between the French and Americans
since the first junction of them last year. I had pre
pared a beautiful Corps for you to command, that
would not, I am convinced, either in their appearance
or action, have discredited any Officer, or Army what
ever. It consisted of all the light Infantry of the
Northern Army, to which Sheldon's Legion would
have been added. But we have done nothing more

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 101
than to keep a watch^upon the enemy this Campaign
except restraining them from detaching ; which I
believe has been the consequence of our junction, and
lying here. A few German Troops, and Refugees
have been sent to Hallifax ; from thence it was sup
posed they were to proceed to Canada. This took
place before I came into the Field, which was on the
last day of August. The cold weather puts us in mind
of warm fire sides, and the two Armies will separate
for this or some other purpose in the course of a few
days. The French Army will go Easterly, we North
erly, and shall fix our cantonments in the vicinity of
West point.
The Enemy in New York make no scruple of de
claring their intention of evacuating Charles town.
Many Transports went from the former about a month
ago ; with design, it was said, to take off the Garri
son ; but whether it is to be brought to the last men
tioned place or carried to the West Indies is mere
matter of conjecture — very probably the British
Troops may go to the latter, and the foreigners to
the former. Time only will shew this, as indeed
it may another thing, viz — that the late changes in
the British Councils may prevent the evacuation of it
at all.
With respect to New York, various opinions have
prevailed. Some thought the speedy evacuation of it
inevitable ; others, that it would be delayed till the
spring ; while a third set, less sanguine than either of
the other two, believed that nothing short of military
force would ever free the city of them, their whole

102 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
design being, to amuse the Belligerent Powers and
deceive America, till they could put their marine and
other matters in a more prosperous train for prose
cuting the war. The first, it is certain, were in an error,
because the Troops are still at New York, but which
of the other two may be right, your knowledge from
what is transacting on the European theater enables
you to judge better of than I. Certain it is, the
loyalists and Refugees in New York are very much
alarmed, and know not what to expect. As certain it is,
Sir Guy Carleton holds himself in readiness to evacu
ate, or perform any other movement with his Army ;
while he endeavors assiduously in the mean while to
propagate the favorable disposition of Great Britain
to grant every thing America can require. Their
Transports have wooded and watered, and lay ready
for any Service ; so have the Ships of War under
Admiral Pigot, but I believe they are designed for
the West Indies, with part of the Troops at New
York, more than for any other purpose. —
You will have heard before this Letter can reach
you, of the loss of the L'Eagle — it will be unpleasant
therefore to repeat it— every body laments the mis
fortune, and pities poor L'Touche. — Duke Lauzun
has been very sick but is now recovering fast — tho'
very thin and pale.
Poor Laurens ' is no more. — He fell in a trifling
skirmish in South Carolina, attempting to prevent
the Enemy from plundering the country of rice.
Genl. Lee is also dead, he breathed his last at Phila-
' Laurens was killed at Chehaw Neck on the 27th of August.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103

delphia about a fortnight ago. Your aid G. W-

has had an intermittent fever ever since April, and by
the last accounts of him from Mount Vernon, where
he is, he was very low and weak. As I despair of see
ing my home this Winter, I have just sent for Mrs.
Washington, who will think herself honored by yours
and Madm. La Fayette's notice. Make a tender of
my best respects to her, and offer a blessing in my
name to your Son, and my God Son. Present me
also to Count Charlux and others with whom I have
the honor of an acquaintance. The Count de Noailles
will have the trouble of reading a letter from me.
Adieu, my dear Marqs. believe me, &c.

TO DOCTOR WILLIAM GORDON.
Dear Sir verplanck's point, 23 October, 1782.
I havebeen honored with your favor of the 2d Inst.,
& thank you for the extract of Mr. Adams's letter.
I never was among the sanguine ones, consequently
shall be less disappointed than People of that de
scription, if our warfare should continue. From
hence (it being the opinion of some Men that our
expectations have an accordance with our wishes) it
may be inferred that mine are for a prolongation
of the War. — But maugre this doctrine, and the
opinion of others that a continuation of the War
till the Powers of Congress — or political systems
— and general form of Government are better estab
lished — I can say with much truth, that there is not
' George Augustine Washington.

104 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
a man in America that more fervently wishes for
Peace, and a return to private life than I do. — Nor
will any man go back to the rural & domestick enjoy
ments of it with more Heartfelt pleasure than I shall.
— It is painful to me therefore, to accompany this
declaration with an opinion that while the present
King can maintain the influence of his Crown, &
extort Men & Money from his subjects, so long will
the principles by which he is governed push him on
in his present wild career. — The late change in his
Ministry is an evidence of this — and other changes
which I suspect will soon take place, will convince us,
I fear of the fallacy of our hopes.
It appears to me impracticable for the best Histori
ographer living, to write a full & correct history of
the present revolution, who has not free access to the
Archives of Congress — those of Individual States —
the Papers of the Commander in chief, & command
ing officers of separate departments. Mine, while the
war continues, I consider as a species of Public prop
erty, sacred in my hands ; & of little service to any
Historian who has not that general information that
is only to be derived with exactitude from the sources
I have mentioned. When Congress then shall open
their registers, & say it is proper for the servants of
the public to do so, it will give me much pleasure to
afford all the aid to your labors & laudable undertak
ing which my Papers can give — till one of those pe
riods arrive I do not think myself justified in suffering
an inspection of and extracts to be taken from my
Records. * * *

1782 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105

TO CAPTAIN CHARLES ASGILL.'
Head-Quarters, 13 November, 1782.
Sir,
It affords me singular pleasure, to have it in my
power to transmit to you the enclosed copy of an act
of Congress, of the 7th instant, by which you are re
leased from the disagreeable circumstances in which
' The case of Captain Asgill was laid before Count de Vergennes by Lady
Asgill, and that minister wrote the following letter to Washington ;
"It is not in quality of a King, the friend and ally of the United States,
(though with the knowledge and consent of his Majesty) that I now have the
honor to write to your Excellency. It is as a man of sensibility and a tender
father, who feels all the force of paternal love, that I take the liberty to address
to your Excellency my earnest solicitations in favor of a mother and family in
tears. Her situation seems the more worthy of notice on our part, as it is to the
humanity of a nation at war with her own, that she has recourse, for what she
ought to receive from the impartial justice of her own generals.
" I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a copy of a letter, which
Lady Asgill has just written me. I am not known to her, nor was I acquainted
that her son was the unhappy victim, destined by lot to expiate the odious
crime that a formal denial of justice obliges you to avenge. Your Excellency
will not read this letter without being extremely affected : it had that effect
upon the King and Queen, to whom I communicated it. The goodness of their
Majesties' hearts induces them to desire, that the inquietudes of an unfortunate
mother may be calmed, and her tenderness reassured. I felt. Sir, that there
are cases where humanity itself exacts the most extreme rigor ; perhaps the one
now in question may be of the number ; but, allowing reprisals to be just, it is
not less horrid to those who are the victims ; and the character of your Excel
lency is too well known, for me not to be persuaded that you desire nothing
more than to be able to avoid the disagreeable necessity.
" There is one consideration. Sir, which, though it is not decisive, may have
an influence on your resolution. Captain Asgill is doubtless your prisoner, but
he is among those whom the arms of the King contributed to put into your
hands at Yorktown. Although this circumstance does not operate as a safe
guard, it however justifies the interest I permit myself to take in this affair. If
it is in your power, Sir, to consider and have regard to it, you will do what is
agreeable to their Majesties ; the danger of young Asgill, the tears, the despair
of his mother, affect them sensibly : and they will see with pleasure the hope of
consolation shine out for those unfortunate people.
" In seeking to deliver Mr. Asgill from the fate which threatens him, I am
far from engaging you to secure another victim ; the pardon, to be perfectly

io6 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
you have so long been. Supposing you would wish
to go into New York as soon as possible, I also en
close a passport for that purpose.
Your letter of the iSth of October came regularly
to my hands. I beg you to believe, that my not an
swering it sooner, did not proceed from inattention
to you, or a want of feeling for your situation. I
daily expected a determination of your case, and I
thought it better to await that, than to feed you with
hopes, that might, in the end, prove fruitless. You
satisfactory, must be entire. I do not imagine it can be productive of any bad
consequences. If the English general has not been able to punish the horrible
crime you complain of, in so exemplary a manner as he should, there is reason to
think he wiU take the most efficacious measures to prevent the like in future.
' ' I sincerely wish. Sir, that my intercession may meet success ; the sentiment
which dictates it, and which you have not ceased to manifest on every occasion,
assures me, that you will not be indifferent to the prayers and to the tears of a
family, which has recourse to your clemency through me. It is rendering hom
age to your virtue to implore it." — Versailles, 29 July, 1782.
Washington sent the letter to Congress by special messenger, without any
observations, and in that body the question was referred on the 29th to Rut
ledge, Osgood, Montgomery, Boudinot, and Duane. On September 7th was
reported a resolution directing the release of Asgill. To the French minister
Vv'ashington wrote on November 19th :
"This moment I received the resolution of Congress in favor of Captain
Asgill. I transmitted it to him and at the same time sent him my Passport to
go into New York. It will depend on him to go to Europe, if he pleases— his
Parole not being limited."
" Your Excellency will have been informed, before this reaches you, of the
liberation of Captain Asgill. I am, notwithstanding, directed to recall your
attention to that part of your letter of the 3d of August last, in which you say,
' I have given orders to the judge-advocate to make further inquisition, and
to collect evidence for the prosecution of such other persons as may appear to
havebeen criminal in this transaction.' In full confidence, that measures have
been taken to carry your Excellency's intentions into execution, I have to re
quest the favor of you to inform me what probability there is, that the persons
who have been really guilty of the action, which has been the subject of former
discussion, will be brought to a proper account." — Washington to Sir Cray
Carleton, 20 November, 1782. Sir Guy deprecated a reopening of the question,
and it rested there.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 107
will attribute my detention of the enclosed letters,
which have been in my hands about a fortnight, to
the same cause.
I cannot take leave of you. Sir, without assuring
you, that, in whatever light my agency in this unpleas-
ing affair may be viewed, I was never influenced,
through the whole of it, by sanguinary motives, but
by what I conceived a sense of my duty, which loudly
called upon me to take measures, however disagreea
ble, to prevent a repetition of those enormities, which
have been the subject of discussion. And that this
important end is likely to be answered, without the
effusion of the blood of an innocent person, is not a
greater relief to you, than it is to, Sir, your most
obedient and humble servant.

TO LUND WASHINGTON. Newburgh, 21 November, 1782.
Dear Lund,
My last letter would have informed you that I was
disappointed in my application at Philadelphia for
money, and that I had given up all thoughts of pur
chasing Dows' land. Since then, I have met with an
offer of ^2000 York currency, for which, if I take it,
I shall have to pay at the rate of 7 pr. ct. per annum
interest. Under this disadvantage and the difficulty I may
experience in procuring money for repayment of the
loan, I would have you before any conclusion is come
to with Dow and comy., wait upon Mrs. French and

io8 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
Mr. Dulany for the last time, and know decidedly of
them, whether, if a bargain is struck with Dow, they
will make an even exchange — tract for tract. You may
inform them as an apology for this application, that
my reasons for requiring a definitive answer to this
question are, that no man is better acquainted with
their land than I am, so consequently, no person can
be more fully convinced that ^2000 is the full value
of it ; — more indeed, than I ever expected it would
cost me, in case I should become the purchaser.
That as this sum is the price fixed upon Dow's land,
and two or three purchasers are ready to strike, and
the sale of it is only suspended on my account, from
a disposition in Mr. Adam to give me the preference,
I cannot avoid deciding thereon immediately. That
as Mrs. French is unwilling to part with her land
without having the value of the two tracts ascertained ;
it is an evidence in my mind, that she has reason to
believe hers will be highest valued, and lastly, if
this should be the case, and I, in addition to the
;^20oo should have a further sum to pay, it would ad
vance the price of her land in the neck so much
beyond its real value, that I think it most prudent to
forego the purchase of Dow's land as the means of
effecting the exchange for hers, rather than run the
hazard of paying too severely for the gratification of
a mere fancy (for it is no more) of putting the whole
neck under one fence ; as it is well known that I stand
in no need of land, or meadow for all my purposes.
In my letter of the 15th of March last to Mr. Du
lany, I observed : " If there are lands for which Mrs.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109
French and you are disposed to barter your tract on
Dogue Run, and these lands can be had upon reasona
ble terms, it will in the end be the same thing to me,
as a direct purchase." Whether the price fixed upon
Dow's land is reasonable or not, I, never having seen
or heard of it, shall not take upon me to determine :
but as it is much higher than I conceived any tract of
its size, adjoining the land on which Mrs. French
lives, could possibly be rated, I have no doubt of its
being optional in me to purchase it or not, as my
abilities and inclination shall decide. If Dow's land
contains half the improved, and improvable meadow
which he says it does, and the difference could be de
termined by northern men, or men experienced in the
worth of grass land, I should be sure of having it valued
to considerably more than Mrs. French's ; and this you
will readily believe when I tell you that improved
meadow in this part of the country, many miles from
any large town, sells from thirty to sixty pounds
an acre. But my countrymen are too much used to
corn blades and corn shucks ; and have too little
knowledge of the profit of grass lands, to estimate
Dow's meadow (if it is really good) at one quarter of
its value ; and as the rest of the tract may be but ordi
nary, or at best middling forest land, I should not be
candid, if I did not declare my apprehension that this
tract would be undervalued, not designedly, but for
want of a practical knowledge of the advantages
which are to be derived from meadows. I therefore
think it more consistent with common prudence,
if there cannot be an even interchange, to relinquish

IIO THE WRITINGS OF [1782
all hope of getting Mrs. French's land, than to run
the hazard of paying infinitely more than the worth ;
especially, as I observed before, when I should only
please my fancy, and that at the expence of my
judgment, by getting in return lands which are very
much worn, without meadow, or ground capable of
making it ; little timber or fire wood, and both very
inconvenient ; decayed fences, and some inclosures
already dependent upon me for their security ; and
this too, when I am conscious that Dow's meadow
alone, if it is as large and as good as he represents it,
would yield more nett profit annually, than the labor
of a dozen negroes on Mrs. French's farm would do,
well-managed. I have been thus particular that you may know my
ultimate determination, and the reasons upon which
it is founded. You have nothing more to do there
fore, than to ask Mrs. French and Mr. Dulany simply
whether they will take Dow's land for theirs, tract for
tract. If they agree to it, then strike the bargain
with Dow & Co., get writings suitable to the purpose
of all parties executed, and draw upon me for the
money. On the other hand, if they do not agree
to it, acquaint Dow & Co. therewith, and thank them
for the preference given me ; and inform me as soon
as possible of the final conclusion of the business, that
the gentleman ' who has offered me the money, may
not be held in suspence. If I could get the money upon
better terms than is offered, or if I knew how, or when
I could replace it, I should have no objection to spec-
' Gov. George Clinton.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. in
ulate in Dow's land, if it has the quantity of meadow
described, for I am sure, so near Alexandria, as it lies,
it will become immensely valuable. Remember me
kindly to your wife & all friends. I am, &c.'

TO LUND WASHINGTON. Newburg, 21 November, 1782.
Dear Lund,
The letter which will be enclosed with this, will in
form you that since my letter by the last post I have had
the offer of _jf 2000 York currency, and the terms of
it. But before you strike any bargain with Dow and
Co. for their land, I would have you view it critically,
and form your own judgment of the quality of it. To
do this with any degree of accuracy, you must esti
mate the quantity of improved and unimprovable
meadow ; the nature of it ; the quantity of Hay the
first will yield ; and the expence which will attend the
cutting and making of it ; how much of the latter can
be added, and the cost of doing it ; these things, with
a proper valuation of the other parts of the tract, will
show you whether I shall be safe in giving the
price asked. Or if Dow will pay such as he once said
he wou'd give to whomsoever should be the purchaser,
there need be no hesitation in that case neither ; be
cause the rent will amount to more than the interest
of the money. If the price of this land will not stand
the test of the first mode of valuation ; and the
second, as I suspect, was nothing more than a mere
puff, and it shall appear that there is some collusion
' See Washington to Robert Morris, 8 January, 1783, p. 126, post.

112 THE WRITINGS OF [,782
or finesse in Dow & Co. to extort a high price from
me, I know of but one other method by which you
can proceed with propriety and safety ; and that is,
to pursue the mode which I have pointed out in the
letter herewith enclosed, and which I have made a
separate one, that you may as irom. yourself candidly
let them see, consider, and determine on it.
If all these expedients fail, (as of your own motion)
you might suggest the following proposition, provided
Dow & Co. will allow time for the operation of it,
vizt : Let the four persons named by Mrs. French to
ascertain the value of the two tracts agree upon the
choice of a fifth (an odd number is essential, in case
of a diversity of opinion, to give a deciding voice. It
is also necessary for another reason which I shall not
name, but which is too obvious not to strike you).
Let these five ascertain, after a thorough review of
both tracts, and due consideration given to the local
situation of each, the advantages and disadvantages
attending both, the quantity ofthe land, &c., &c.,the
value of each tract — as a tract. Let both parties be
at liberty to agree or disagree to this valuation ; but
let Mrs. French and Mr. Dulany declare explicitly if
they are satisfied with the valuation and difference
which shall be adjudged by these five persons, that it
shall be a bargain on their part, if I agree to it, and
you to give me immediate notice of it, that I may
also say yea, or nay.
You will have it in your power to inform Mr. Du
lany, and may do it very truly, that I look upon ;^2000
to be a great price for his land ; that my wishes to

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113
obtain it do not proceed from its intrinsic value, but
from the motives I have candidly assigned in my other
letter. That to indulge this fancy, (for in truth
there is more fancy than judgment in it) I have sub
mitted, or am willing to submit, to the disadvantage
of borrowing as large a sum as I think this Land is
worth, in order to come at it ; but that, rather than
go beyond this, as he and Mrs. French for some
reasons unknown to me certainly expect their land
will be valued higher than Dow's ; — I choose to forego
the purchase of the latter, and relinquish thereby all
prospect of obtaining his land through that means.
As the gentleman of whom I am to borrow the
money will be held in suspense until I get a defini
tive answer from you, you will readily see the pro
priety of bringing the matter to issue some way or
another, as soon as possible, and giving me notice.
I am, &c.' 
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. Head-Quarters, Newburg,
Ctti 21 November, 1782.
After I had the honor of receiving your Excellen
cy's letter of the 29th of July, I lost not a moment
in transmitting it to Congress, who had then under
deliberation the proceedings of the British court-
martial upon Captain Lippincott for the murder ? of
Captain Huddy, and the other documents relating to
that inhuman transaction. What would otherwise
' On December 23d Washington notified Governor Clinton that the bargain
was completed, and he should draw upon him for ;rf 1880 Virginia currency —
that is, six shillings to the dollar.

114 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
have been the determination of that honorable body,
I will not undertake to say ; but I think I may ven
ture to assure your Excellency, that your generous
interposition had no small degree of weight in pro
curing that decision in favor of Captain Asgill, which
he had no right to expect from the very unsatisfac
tory measures, which had been taken by the British
commander-in-chief to atone for a crime of the black
est dye, not to be justified by the practices of war,
and unknown at this day amongst civilized nations.
I however flatter myself, that our enemies have been
brought to view this transaction in its true light, and
that we shall not experience a repetition of the like
enormity. Captain Asgill has been released, and is at perfect
liberty to return to the arms of an affectionate parent,
whose pathetic address to your Excellency could not
fail of interesting every feeling heart in her behalf
I have no right to assume any particular merit from
the lenient manner in which this disagreeable affair
has terminated. But I beg you to believe. Sir, that
I most sincerely rejoice, not only because your
humane intentions are gratified, but because the
event accords with the wishes of his Most Christian
Majesty, and his royal and amiable consort, who, by
their benevolence and munificence, have endeared
themselves to every true American. I have the
honor to be, &c.'
' The army removed from the encampment at Verplanck's Point, crossed the
Hudson at West Point, and, on the 28th of November, arrived at New Wind
sor, where they were cantoned in huts during the winter. The head-quarters
of the Commander-in-chief were in the meantime re-established at Newburg.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115
TO MAJOR BENJAMIN TALLMADGE.
Head Quarters, 10 December, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the Sth last Evening by
Express tho you have not met with that success you
deserved and probably would have obtained had the
Enterprise proceeded, yet I cannot but think your
whole conduct in the affair was such as ought to entitle
you still more to my confidence and esteem — for how
ever it may be the practice of the World, and those
who see objects but partially, or thro' a false medium
to consider that only as meritorious which is attended
with success, I have accustomed myself to judge of
human Actions very differently and to appreciate
them by the manner in which they are conducted,
more than by the Event ; which it is not in the power
of human foresight and prudence to command — In
this point of view I see nothing irreparable & little
occasion of serious regret, except the wound of the
gallant Captain Brewster, from which I sincerely
hope he may recover — ^Another time you will have
less opposition from the Winds and Weather, and
success will amply compensate you for this little
disappointment. I have almost determined to post you with the
Infantry of the Legion contiguous to the Sound, in
which case I shall expect you to persevere in your
endeavors to keep me perfectly advised of the State
of the Enemy, — and perhaps some favorable moment
may yet occur. I am. Dear Sir, &c.

ii6 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. Newburg, 14 December, 1782.
I cannot, my dear Genl., permit yon to depart from
this Country, without repeating to you the high sense
I entertain of the Services you have rendered to
America, by the constant attention, which you have
paid to the Interest of it, by the exact order and dis
cipline of the corps under your command, and by
your readiness, at all times, to give facility to every
measure which the force of the combined armies was
competent to.
To this testimony of your public character, I should
be wanting to the feelings of my heart, was I not to
add expressions of the happiness I have enjoyed in
your private friendship, the remembrance of which
will be one of the most pleasing circumstances of my
life. My best wishes will accompany you to France,
where I sincerely hope, and have no doubt, of your
meeting with the smiles and rewards of a generous
prince, and the warmest embraces of affectionate
friends. Adieu. I have the honor to be, with great
personal attachment, respect, and regard, your obe
dient and most humble servant.'
' Similar letters were written to others of the French commanders. Mr.
Sparks prints one to the Baron de Viomenil, on whom devolved the command
of the French troops after Rochambeau had left them, and to the Chevalier
de Chastellux (vol. viii., 365, 366).
The fleet sailed from Boston on the 24th of December, with all the troops,
on board, except Lauzun's legion.
After Count de Rochambeau left the camp for Philadelphia, General
Washington wrote to him as follows :
"It is with infinite satisfaction, that I embrace the earliest opportunity of
sending to Philadelphia the cannon, which Congress were pleased to present to

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117
TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.
Newburg, 14 December, 1782.
Dear Sir,
In the course of a few days. Congress will, I expect,
receive an address from the army on the subject of
their grievances. This address, though couched in
very respectful terms, is one of those things, which,
though unpleasing, is just now unavoidable. For I
was very apprehensive once, that matters would take
a more unfavorable turn, from the variety of discon
tents which prevail.
The temper of the army is much soured, and has
become more irritable than at any period since the
commencement of the war. This consideration alone
prevented me (for every thing else seemed to be in a
state of inactivity and almost tranquillity) from
requesting leave to spend this winter in Virginia,
that I might give some attention to my long-neglected
your Excellency, in testimony of their sense of the illustrious part you bore in
the capture of the British army under Lord Cornwallis at York in Virginia.
The carriages will follow by another conveyance. But, as they were not quite
ready, I could not resist the pleasure, on that account, of forwarding these pieces
to you previous to your departure, in hopes the inscription and devices, as well
as the execution, may be agreeable to your wishes." — December 2gth.
This letter was answered by Count de Rochambeau from Annapolis, in
Maryland, just as he was on the point of sailing from that port to France.
' ' Though I was gone from Philadelphia, " said he, " before the cannon arrived
there, give me leave to observe, that your usual attention and politeness have
been shown to the last moment, of which this is a fresh proof. I write to the
Chevalier de la Luzerne to keep them till peace, when they may be carried over
without danger of being taken. We are just getting under sail. In this
moment I renew to your Excellency my sincere acknowledgments for your
friendship, and am with the most inviolable personal attachment and respect
your obedient servant." — il January, 1783.
The Marquis de Chastellux and General de Choisy sailed in the same vessel
with the Count de Rochambeau.

ii8 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
private concerns. The dissatisfactions of the army
had arisen to a great and alarming height, and com
binations among the officers to resign at given periods
in a body were beginning to take place, when, by
some address and management, their resolutions have
been converted into the form in which they will now
appear before Congress. What that honorable body
can or will do in the matter, does not belong to me to
determine ; but policy, in my opinion, should dictate
soothing measures ; as it is an uncontrovertible fact,
that no part of the community has undergone equal
hardships, and borne them with the same patience
and fortitude, as the army has done.
Hitherto the officers have stood between the lower
order of the soldiery and the public ; and in more in
stances than one, at the hazard of their lives, have
quelled very dangerous mutinies. But if their discon
tents should be suffered to rise equally high, I know
not what the consequences may be. The spirit of
enthusiasm, which overcame every thing at first, is
now done away. It is idle, therefore, to expect more
from military men, than from those discharging the
civil departments of government. If both were to
fare alike with respect to the emoluments of office,
I would answer for it, that the military character
should not be the first to complain. But it is an in
vidious distinction, and one that will not stand the
test of reason or policy, that one set should receive
all, and the other no part (or that which is next to it),
of their pay. In a word, the experiment is danger
ous ; and, if it succeeded, would only prove, that the

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119
one class are actuated by more zeal than the other, not
that they have less occasion for their money. I am,
with sincere esteem, &c.'

TO BARTHOLOMEW DANDRIDGE.
Newburg, i8 December, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 5th of last month came safe to
my hands — at this place ; in the vicinity of which the
Army is cantoned.
I am fully persuaded from all accounts, that in
Posey you have to deal with a most consumate vil
lain ; and from your own, that you have pursued the
most prudent method of managing him, and for ob
taining that justice which is due to Mr. Custis's Es
tate. I am clear in Sentiment with you, that he
should be removed from his present Stewardship as
soon as it can be done with any degree of propriety ;
for, be assured. Sir, that a man so devoid of principle
as he is, to be guilty, not only of the barefaced frauds
with which he is accused, but the abominable Sin of
ingratitude, will neglect no opportunity of convert
ing to his own use, when he can do it with impunity,
every species of property that is committed to his
care, and will do it the more readily after his reputa
tion will have suffered, than before — The most har
dened villain, altho' he Sins without remorse, wishes
to cloak his iniquity — if possible under specious and
' The reply of Jones, printed in Letters of Joseph Jones, 97, is very impor
tant, as it was the letter that was read at the meeting of the officers called by
the Newburg addresses.

I20 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
[mutilated'] but when character is no more, he bids
defiance to the opinions of Mankind, and is under no
other restraint than that of the Law, and the punish
ments it inflicts. Posey, I am persuaded, will be no
exception to this rule — and that the sooner the Es
tate can be taken out of his hands the less it will
suffer — as it cannot be in worse.—
With respect to the valuation of the Stock, if upon
an investigation of the matter, and comparing it with
the Scale of depreciation as settled by Congress, it
shall be found, when reduced to specie value, that
the sum amounts to more than the number and kind
of cattle had of me are worth, let a just value be
placed on them, and it will meet my entire approba
tion. Mr. Custis, as I wrote him, was alarmed at the
nominal, without attending to the real price of the
stock — for if 20 paper Dollars in those days, was
valued at, and would purchase no more than one
Silver D[ollar] valuing any article at £(> Cur
rency, was neither more nor less than fixing it at a
Dollar specie — If therefore the valuation of Colo,
Bassett when estimated by this rule, and fixed upon
this principle, is not too high, there certainly can be no
cause of complaint ; and upon this footing I am will
ing to place the matter — A Dollar in specie may be
a hundred pounds according to the scale of deprecia
tion, but if no man will give more than Six shillings
for it, that sum is most certainly the intrinsic worth
of it. It never was, nor is it now my intention to put
the Estate of Mr. Custis to the least inconvenience
to pay the Debt it owes me. On the contrary, if I

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121
ever get it at all, to receive it at such a time and
in such a manner as to occasion the least possible
distress is all I aim at. Therefore, as it seemed to
be your opinion and it was clearly mine, that the
stud, and other Horses belonging to that Estate
(which were not wanted for immediate use) had bet
ter be sold — and as I really wanted one, and could
have made it very convenient to have taken both of
his covering Horses, I directed Mr. Lund Washing
ton to get them in discount of my Debt ; but if I can
obtain nothing without advancing the money, as an
indifferent purchaser, I shall certainly decline this
mode of gratifying my wants, as I have no more idea of
advancing money (in truth I have it not to advance)
to an estate that owes it to me, than I have of de
manding it from one that cannot, with convenience
pay it. If therefore you cannot let me have one of
the stud horses upon the above terms, I must not
only do without him, but any other as I have not the
means of purchasing.
The French Army have Embarked at Boston for
the West Indies ; but had not Sailed when I heard
last from that Quarter — Lord Howe has relieved Gib
raltar — The French have taken and destroyed the
British Interest in Hudson's Bay, to the Amount it
is said of 10,000,000 of Livres. The British Fleet
have left New York in two divisions, and a detach
ment of Troops it is reported are going from that
place to the West Indies ; but when they will embark
is uncertain. A number of Transports are collected
there but I believe they are only waiting for decisive

122 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
orders from their Court ; which in my judgment
would not Issue till after the meeting of Parliament,
when the Parties for and against the American War
will try their strength. We shall then know whether
we are [mtitilated] under our Vine and fig Trees
in Peace, or prosecute the War.
It gives me much pleasure to hear that your good
Mother, yourself, Mrs Dandridge, and Family, are
well. My affectionate regards are presented to them
all, in which your Sister, who arrived here the 30th
of last month, joins. I am, &c.

TO major-general GREENE.
Head Quarters, Newburg,
18 December, 1782.
My Dear Sir,
By the Southern Mail of last Week I received your
Letter of the 4th of Octr. enclosing the Returns of
your Army : and I am just now favored with that of
the nth of Octr. covering the Returns for the month
of Octr. : as I find by the latter, you had reed, mine of
the 23d of Septr., I can have no occasion to suggest
anything farther at this time respecting the disposi
tion of the Troops after the Enemy shall have
abandoned the Southern States — the latitude already
given, will in a sufficient manner I believe, enable you
to act for the public good, as the state of affairs may
then seem to demand.
There has been during the Summer much specula-
lation & many conjectures that New York would be

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123
evacuated before Winter, as I informed you in my
last letter which was dated the iSth of Octr. but at
the same time I mentioned " I had no such idea ; "
and the event has justified my opinion. — I am not
without expectations, however, that a detachment
will be made in the course of the Winter to the West
Indies : indeed many appearances strongly indicate
this, or at least, that some orders of embarkation are
expected, such as the great preparation of Transports
there being now about 120, collected from various
quarters, lying in the east River compleatly fitted for
sea — and Reports still continue to assert that several
thousand British Troops will yet be detached.
The sailing of the Fleet from New York in two
divisions, I suppose must have been well known in
Carolina ; as in all probability the last squadron
served to convoy a part of the Garrison of Charles
Town to the W. I ndies agreeably to your expectation — •
But I imagine you could not have learned, (it having
been a secret to this time which it was not prudent to
commit to paper) that the Orders of the Court of
Versailles to the Count de Rochambeau, (who is
himself about to sail for France) were that the Corps
under his orders should go to the West Indies, in
case the evacuation of New York or Charles Town
should take place — In expectation that the latter
would happen, the French Army marched into the
eastern States, towards the last of Octr., under pre
text of taking Winter Quarters there, but in fact,
with the design of embarking on board the Fleet of
M. the Marquis de Vaudrieul at Boston ; whenever

124 THE WRITINGS OF [1782
the event on which their ultimate movement de
pended, became sufficiently ascertained. From the
general concurrence of intelligence & a variety of
circumstances the Enemy's intention to leave Charles
Town has approached so near to a certainty, that all
the Army of His Most Christn. Majesty (excepting
the Legion of Lauzun which remains behind) have
embarked, and are to sail in two days from this time
— As soon as this Fleet is clear of the Coast, & the
destination of the Troops shall be positively known
at N. York, (as I observed before) it appears not im
probable a considerable Corps of British will be sent
to Jamaica ; for the safety of which Island the appre
hensions of the Enemy appear to be very much
alarmed, on account of the large force at the Ha-
vanna & the arrival of the Marquis de Bouilli with a
reinforcemt. from France — How far the Combined
Powers will in reality prosecute a serious operation in
that quarter, since the failure of the attempt against
Gibraltar ; (of the relief of which by the Fleet under
Lord Howe you will I dare say have heard before
this reaches you) or how far the last mentioned cir
cumstance will tend to hasten or retard a general
Pacification, I cannot undertake to determine with
certainty. Many Politicians imagine that the fewer
capital advantages either of the Belligerent Powers
in Europe has over the other, the smaller will be the
obstacles that will present themselves in the course of
the negociation for Peace — but almost everything
respecting this business in my opinion, will rather
depend on the strength or weakness of Shelburne's
& Fox's Parties in the British Parliament.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125
To wait Events, & profit by the occasions which
may occur, I have concentred the Army to a point
as much as possible. — At West Point and the Can
tonment 4 miles from this place is our whole force,
except the Rhode Island Regt. at the Northws. &
one or two Corps on the Lines — this Army indeed is
not numerous, but the efficient strength is greater in
proportion to the total numbers, than ever it has
been ; the Troops are tolerably well appointed, and
have improved very much in their discipline during
the last Campaign. The Enemy's regular Force in
New York I compute to be between ten & eleven
thousand. — Should they weaken themselves by a
detachment of 4 or 5000 men & still attempt
to hold that Garrison another Campaign, it would
be an indelible blot to the reputation of this
Country, not to furnish sufficient means for enabling
us to expel them from the Continent. — And yet I
am free to confess, I have accustomed myself not to
be over sanguine in any of my calculations, e.specially
when I consider the want of energy in government,
& the want of that disposition in too many of the
People, which once influenced them chearfuUy to
yield a part to defend the remainder of their
property. Thus, my dear Sir, have I given for your own
private satisfaction, a pretty general detail of the
affairs of our Allies, ourselves, & our Enemies in this
part of the Continent. — Hoping & expecting the
Southern States will be restored to perfect tranquility
before this is delivered to you, I have only to add
that Mrs. Washington joins me in requesting Mrs.

126 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Greene & yourself to accept our best wishes & Com
pliments — it will ever give me pleasure to hear from
you on matters of business or friendship, being with
sentiments of perfect esteem & regard &c. I am &c.

TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Newburg, 8 January, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The last Post brought me your favor of the 26th
ulto., covering Doctor Smith's Draft of the 23d for
Fifty Guineas. I am obliged to you for paying the
money, and charging it to the account mentioned ;
altho' I was provided for the demand and should
have paid the Bill at Sight.
I have lately purchased a piece of Land near
Alexandria at the price of ^2000 Virginia Curry.
with a view to exchange it for a small Tract in the
centre of the one in which my Seat is — a tract I have
been twenty years endeavoring to obtain with little
or no prospect of success before. To enable me to
pay for it, I have borrowed the money in this State
(of the Governor), and expected to have answered
the Bills at this place ; till by yesterday's Post I was
informed by my Agent Mr. Lund Washington, that
the money was to be paid in Philadelphia ; and that
Mr. Robert Adam & Co. of Alexandria (who have
the Bills upon me,) were to set out in a few days to
receive the money. Under these circumstances, per
mit me to ask, if you can make it convenient, in the
course of business, to pay the sum of Eighteen hun-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127
dred and Eighty pounds Virga. Curry, in Specie dol
lars at Six Shillings, in Philadelphia and receive the
like sum in specie (which I have by me) here ? If
you can, the Inclosed Letter to Mr. Robt. Adam
may be delivered. If you cannot, be so good as to
return or destroy it. I beg leave to suggest that the
specie I have is undipped, consequently if I could
pay it here by weight I should be no looser ; but,
rather than disappoint those who expect to receive
the money in Philadelphia I would pay it to your
order if you answer the Bills upon me at that place
— by tale & abide the loss.
The distresses to which I know you have been
driven from the numerous calls upon you, for money
without adequate funds to answer them, have ever
been a restraint upon my applications for the most
necessary purposes. Perhaps I may have carried it
to a criminal length with respect to secret Services ;
because, rather than add to your embarrassments by
my demands, I have submitted to grope in the dark
without those certain and precise informations which
every man at the head of an army ought, and the
public Interest requires he should have, and this
maugre the aid of my private purse and other funds
which were not applicable to this essentially necessary
purpose. Having given you this information I shall
only add that, if it is in your power to afford me
assistance it will come very opportunely. If it is not,
— I am where I am.
I shall be obliged to you (the Secretary at War
having passed this place before the plan which you

128 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
and he had determined upon for the Issues for the
present year arrived) to inform me why and upon
what principle the regulation respecting the Sixteenth
Ration for the women of the Army was made ?
I have no doubt of a perfect agreement between
the Army and the present Contractors ; nor of the
advantages which will flow from the consequent har
mony. Sure I am, the Army will ask no more of the
Contractors than their indubitable rights ; and I am
persuaded there is too much liberality and good sense
in the latter to descend to the low dirty tricks which
were practiced in the time of Comfort Sands, whose
want of liberality— I will go further, and say lack of
common honesty — defeated his favorite scheme of
making money, which appears to be the only object
he had in view.
It is unnecessary for me I hope to add, in answer
to your favor of the 19th ulto., that every support in
my power towards carrying your schemes of economy
into effect shall be rendered most chearfully — as will
any assistance I can give towards promoting your
plan of revenue. Altho' I am sorry to observe there
does not appear to be the best disposition in some
States to second your views.
Mrs. Washington joins me in respectful & affec
tionate compliments to Mrs. Morris and yourself, and
best wishes for the return of many happy New Years.
The advanced Season and prospect of bad weather
induced her to take the most direct Road to this
place ; otherwise she would have had the pleasure of
seeing Mrs. Morris in Philadelphia. With great truth, &c.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129
TO TENCH TILGHMAN. Newburg, 10 January, 1783.
My dear Sir,
I have been favored with your letters of the 2 2d
& 24th of last month from Philadelphia ; and thank
you for the trouble you have had with my small com
missions. — I have sent Mr. Rittenhouse the glass of
such spectacles as suit my eyes, that he may know
how to grind his Christals.
Neither Duportail nor Gouvion are arrived at this
place. — To the latter, I am refered by the Marqs. la
Fayette for some matters which he did not chuse to
commit to writing.' — The sentim'nt however which
he has delivered (with respect to the negociations for
Peace) accord precisely with the ideas I have enter
tained of this business ever since the secession of Mr.
Fox, viz — that no peace would be concluded before
the meeting of the British parliament. — And that, if
it did not take place within a month afterwards, we
might lay our acc't for one more Campaign — at least.
The obstinacy of the King, and his unwillingness
to acknowledge the Independence of the Country, I
have ever considered as the greatest obstacles in the
way of a Peace. Lord Shelburne, who is not only
at the head of the Administration, but has been
introducing others of similar sentiments to his own,
has declared, that nothing but dire necessity should
ever force the measure. Of this necessity, men will
entertain different opinions. Mr. Fox, it seems,
thought the period had arrived some time ago ; and
' Lafayette had written, June 25, 1782, to Livingston, giving his sentiments
on the negotiations for peace. — Diplomatic Correspondence.
9

I30 THE WRITINGS OF [178-3
yet the Peace is not made — nor will it, I conceive, if
the influence of the Crown can draw forth fresh sup
plies from the Nation, for the purpose of carrying on
the War. By the meeting of Parliament, Lord
Shelburne would have been able to ascertain two
things — first, the best terms on which G. Britain
could obtain Peace. — Secondly, the ground on which
he himself stood. — If he found it slippery, and that
the voice of the people was for pacific measures ; he
would then, have informed the Parliament that, after
many months spent in negociation, — such were the
best terms he could obtain ; — and that the alterna
tive of accepting them, — or preparing vigorously for
the prosecution of the War, was submitted to their
consideration (being an extraordinary case) and de
cision. A little time therefore, if I have formed a
just opinion of the matter, will disclose the result of
it. Consequently, we shall either soon have Peace,
or not the most agreeable prospect of War, before
us — as it appears evident to me, that the States gen
erally, are sunk into the most profound lethargy,
while some of them are running quite retrograde.
The King of G. B. by his letters Patent, (which I
have seen) has authorized Mr. Oswald to treat with
any Commissioner or Com'rs from the United
States of America, who shall appear with proper
powers. This, certainly, is a capital point gained.
It is at least breaking ground on their part, and I
dare say proved a bitter pill to Royalty ; that, it was
indispensably necessary to answer one of the points
above mentioned, as the American Commissioners

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131

would enter in no business with Mr. Oswald till his
Powers were made to suit their purposes. Upon
the whole, I am fixed in an opinion that Peace, or a
pretty long continuance of the War, will have been
determined before the adjournment for the HoUi-
days ; and as it will be the middle or last of Febru
ary before we shall know the result, time will pass
heavily on in this dreary mansion — where we are, at
present fast locked in frost and snow. — '
Nothing new has happened in this quarter since
you left it, except the abuse of me in a New York
' " Ever since the Secession of Mr. Fox and others from the administration,
I have been decidedly of opinion, that Peace would not take place before that
epoch ; that it would depend upon the strength of the contending parties and
their influence on the nation, whether it would then happen or not ; and that
the intermediate space would be employed in Intriguing, in an investigation of
powers, in hearing propositions, and probing the intentions of one another to
the bottom. These I suppose would have been pretty well understood on all
sides by the 26th of Novr. (as the ground on which Lord Shelburne is placed
also would). It followed, then, in my judgment, that the ministry wd. com
municate to, and take the sense of Parliament on the terms upon which Peace
could be obtained ; and leave it with the nation to accept them, or furnish the
means of prosecuting the war vigorously. The Power given to Mr. Oswald,
to treat with any Commissioner or Commissioners properly authorized from
the United States of America, is more than I expected wd. happen before the
meeting of Parliament. But, as the Gentiemen on the part of America could
not treat with Him unless such powers were given, it became an act of neces
sity to cede them to effect their other purposes. Thus I account for the
indirect acknowledgment of our Independence by the King, who, I dare say,
felt some severe pangs at the time he put Ms hand to the Letters Patent. It
is not, however, less efficacious or pleasing on that account ; and breaking the
Ice is a great point gained. There can be but very littie doubt, I believe, of
the conclusn. of the commercial treaty with Holland ; but I have apprehen
sions that that Power will be the most difficult to satisfy at the general Treaty
of Peace.
" It is with great pain I hear of the repeal of the Impost Law in Virginia.
What could induce it ? What office is Mr. Jefferson appointed to, that he has,
you say, lately accepted? If it is that of commissioner of peace, I hope he
will arrive too late to have any hand in it.— Washington to Robert R. Living
ston, 8 January, 1783.

132 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Paper for having given false information to the
Count de Vergennes, which (says the writer) was the
occasion of the insinuation in his Letter to Tne of a
want of British Justice. I have not seen the Paper
but am told the author of the piece is quite in a pas
sion at my want of ingenuity, and ascribes the re
lease of Captn. Asgill to a peremptory order from the
Court of France (in whose service he places me,)
notwithstanding the soft and complaisant language
of the French Minister's Letter.
Mrs. Washington has received the Shoes you
ordered for her, and thanks you for your attention
to her request — I receive with great sensibility and
pleasure your assurances of affection and regard. It
would be but a renewal of what I have often repeated
to you, that there are few men in the world to whom
I am more attached by inclination than I am to you.
With the Cause, I hope — most devoutly hope —
there will soon be an end to my Military Services,
when, as our places of residence will not be far
apart, I shall never be more happy than in your
Company at Mt. Vernon. I shall always be glad
to hear from, and keep up a corrispondence with
you. —
Mrs. Washington joins me in every wish that can
tend to your happiness — Humphreys and Walker, who
are the only Gentlemen of the Family that are with
me at present — will speak for themselves. — If this
finds you at Baltimore, I pray my respects to Mr,
Carroll and Family. — With the greatest esteem and
regard, I am, &c.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133

TO BUSHROD WASHINGTON.' Newburg, 15 January, 1783.
Dear Bushrod,
You will be surprised, perhaps, at receiving a letter
from me ; but if the end is answered for which it is
written, I shall not think my time misspent. Your
father, who seems to entertain a very favorable
opinion of your prudence, and I hope you merit it,
in one or two of his letters to me speaks of the diffi
culty he is under to make you remittances. Whether
this arises from the scantiness of his funds, or the
extensiveness of your demands, is matter of conjec
ture with me. I hope it is not the latter ; because
common prudence, and every other consideration,
which ought to have weight in a reflecting mind, is
opposed to your requiring more than his conveniency,
and a regard to his other children will enable him to
pay ; and because he holds up no idea in his Letter,
which would support me in the conclusion. Yet
when I take a view of the inexperience of youth, the
temptations in and vices of cities, and the distresses
to which our Virginia gentlemen are driven by an
accumulation of Taxes and the want of a market, I
am almost inclined to ascribe it in part to both.
Therefore, as a friend, I give you the following
advice. Let the object, which carried you to Philadelphia,
be always before your Eyes. Remember, that it is
not the mere study of the Law, but to become emi-
' The favorite nephew of General Washington, to whom he left the estate at
Mount Vernon, and who was for many years one of the associate justices of
the Supreme Court of the United States.

134 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
nent in the profession of it, which is to yield honor
and profit. The first was your choice ; let the second
be your ambition, and that dissipation is incompatible
with both ; that the Company, in which you will
improve most, will be least expensive to you ; and
yet I am not such a Stoic as to suppose that you will,
or to think it right that you should, always be in
Company with senators and philosophers ; but of the
young and juvenile kind let me advise you to be
choice. It is easy to make acquaintances, but very
difficult to shake them off, however irksome and
unprofitable they are found, after we have once com
mitted ourselves to them. The indiscretions and
scrapes, which very often they involuntarily lead one
into, prove equally distressing and disgraceful.
Be courteous to all, but intimate with few ; and let
those few be well tried before you give them your
confidence. True friendship is a plant of slow
growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks
of adversity before it is entitled to the appellation.
Let your heart feel for the afflictions and distresses
of every one, and let your hand give in proportion
to your purse ; remembering always the estimation
of the widow's mite, but, that it is not every one
who asketh that deserveth charity ; all, however, are
worthy of the inquiry, or the deserving may suffer.
Do not conceive that fine clothes make fine men
any more than fine feathers make fine Birds. A
plain genteel dress is more admired, and obtains
more credit than lace and embroidery, in the Eyes
of the judicious and sensible.
The last thing, which I shall mention, is first in

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 135
importance ; and that is, to avoid Gaming. This is
a vice which is productive of every possible evil ;
equally injurious to the morals and health of its
votaries. It is the child of avarice, the brother of
iniquity, and father of mischief. It has been the ruin
of many worthy familys, the loss of many a man's
honor, and the cause of Suicide. To all those who
enter the lists, it is equally fascinating. The success
ful gamester pushes his good fortune, till it is over
taken by a reverse. The losing gamester, in hopes
of retrieving past misfortunes, goes on from bad to
worse, till grown desperate he pushes at everything
and loses his all. In a word, few gain by this
abominable practice, (the profit if any being diffused)
while thousands are injured.
Perhaps you will say, " My conduct has anticipated
the advice," and " Not one of these cases applies to
me." I shall be heartily glad of it. It will add not
a little to my happiness, to find those to whom I am
nearly connected pursuing the right walk of life. It
will be the sure road to my favor, and to those honors
and places of profit, which their Country can bestow ;
as merit rarely goes unrewarded. I am, dear Bush-
rod, your affectionate uncle.

TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.
Newburgh, 16 January, 1783.
My DEAR Brother,
Since the letter which Bushrod delivered to me in
Philadelphia, I have received your favors of the 24th
of July from Westmoreland, and 12th of Novr. from
Berkley.

136 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
The latter gave me extreme pain. In God's name,
how did my brother Samuel contrive to get himself
so enormously in debt ? Was it by making purchases ?
By misfortunes ? or sheer indolence and inattention
to business ? From whatever cause it proceeded, the
matter is now the same, and curiosity only prompts
me to the enquiry, as it does to know what will be
saved, and how it is disposed of. In the list of his
debts, did it appear that I had a claim upon him for
the purchase money of the land I sold to Pendleton
on Bullskin ? I have never received a farthing for
it yet, and think I have been informed by him, that
he was to pay it.
I have heard a favorable account of Bushrod, and
doubt not but his prudence will direct him to a
proper line of conduct ; I have given him my senti
ments on this head, and persuade myself that with
the advice of Mr. Wilson, to whose friendship, as
well as instruction in his profession, I recommended
him ; and the admonition of others : he will stand as
good a chance as most youth of his age, to avoid the
vices of large cities, which have their advantages and
disadvantages in fitting a man for the great theater
of public life.
I have lately received a letter from my mother, in
which she complains much of the knavery of the
overseer at the Little Falls quarter. She says she
can get nothing from him. It is pretty evident, I
believe, that I get nothing from thence, while I have
the annual rent of between eighty and an hundred
pounds to pay. The whole profit of the plantation,

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137

according to her account, is applied to his own use ;
which is hard upon me, as I had no earthly induce
ment to meddle with it, but to comply with her wish
and to free her from care. This, like every other
matter of private concern to me, has been totally
neglected ; but it is too much, while I am suffering
in every other way (and hardly able to keep my own
estate from sale) to be saddled with all the expence
of hers, and not be able to derive the smallest return
from it. She has requested that I should get some
body to attend to it : I must therefore ask the favor
of you, to take it under your care. I know of none
in whose hands it can be better placed ; none to
whom it will be less inconvenient ; and who is more
interested in the good management of the land. For
as it lies directly in your rout to Berkley, and in the
neighborhood of our friends, where you must always
make a halt, it will give you very little additional
trouble to provide an overseer ; call upon him as you
pass and repass, and settle annual accounts with him,
by which means I shall have some knowledge of his
transactions, and a certainty that whatever is made
will go towards payment of the rent. I shall by this
post inform my mother of this application to you,
hoping you will find no difficulty in the undertaking.
While I am talking of my mother and her concerns,
I am impelled to mention some things which have
given, and still continue to give me pain. About
two years ago, a gentleman of my acquaintance' in
formed me, that it was in contemplation, to move for
'Benj. Harrison. SeeNoX. IX., p. 182.

138 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
a pension for her in the Virginia Assembly ; that he
did not suppose I knew of the measure proposed,"
and that he did not believe it would be very agreeable
to me to have it done ; but wished, however, to know
my sentiments thereon. I instantly wrote him, that
it was new and astonishing to me, and begged that
he would prevent the motion if possible ; or oppose
it, if made ; for I was sure she had not a child that
would not be hurt at the idea of her becoming a
pensioner — or in other words, receiving charity from
the public. Since then I have heard nothing of that
matter ; but learn from very good authority, that she
is, upon all occasions and in all companies, complain
ing of the hardness of the times, of her wants and
difficulties ; and if not in direct terms, at least by
strong innuendoes, endeavors to excite a belief that
times are much altered, &c., &c., which not only
makes her appear in an unfavorable point of view,
but those also who are connected with her. That
she can have no real wants, that may not easily be
supplied, I am sure of. Imaginary wants are indefi
nite ; and oftentimes insatiable ; because they some
times are boundless, and always changing. The
reason of my mentioning these matters, is that you
may enquire into her real wants, and see what is
necessary to make her comfortable. If the rent is
insufficient to do this, while I have anything, I will
part with it to make her so ; and wish you to take
measures in my behalf accordingly. At the same
time, I wish you to represent to her in delicate terms,
the impropriety of her complaints, and acceptance of

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139
favors, even where they are voluntarily offered, from
any but relations. It will not do to touch upon this
subject in a letter to her, and therefore I have
avoided it.
I do not believe that Sir Guy Carleton gives
countenance to those dirty picaroons that infest your
rivers. If they are encouraged at all, it must be by
the Admiral, in whose element they are ; but I am
rather inclined to think that they are navigated by a
lawless banditti, who would rob both sides with equal
facility, if they could do it with equal impunity.
With respect to Peace, we are held in a very dis
agreeable state of suspence, and shall remain in it, I
expect, 'till some time in February. My opinion of
it, however, has been uniformly the same since the
death of the Marquis of Rockingham, and succession
of Mr. Fox. It is, that nothing would be concluded
'till the meeting of the British Parliament in Novem
ber, and if the influence of the Crown could prevent
it, that it would not take place even then, if the inde
pendence of this country is to be a consequence of it.
That previous to the session, the negotiation from
the Court of Britain would be employed in intriguing,
in an investigation of powers, hearing propositions,
and probing the intentions and expectations of the
belligerent powers, to the bottom. The latter being
accomplished. Lord Shelburne, if he found himself
standing upon slippery ground, or that the voice of
the people was loud for peace, would say to Parlia
ment : that after many months spent in negotiation,
here are the best terms we can obtain ; and, as they

I40 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
involve consequences of great national concern, and
have been the subject of seven years war and debate,
it is fitting that Parliament should decide on them,
and either accept them, or prepare vigorously for the
prosecution of the war. This would put the matter
upon a broad basis, remove responsibility from his
door, and blunt the edge of opposition, which other
wise I am persuaded will be found to be very keen,
The King having by his letters patent (which I have
seen) authorised Mr. Oswald" to treat with any com
missioner or commissioners from the United States of
America, vested with proper powers, is certainly a
great point gained ; but it was unavoidable on their
part, and our commissioners refused to enter upon
any business with Mr. Oswald without. And the
minister dared not to meet the Parliament without
having attempted something under the Peace Bill
which passed the session before. Upon the whole,
I am of opinion that the terms of Peace were agreed
upon before the adjournment for the Christmas holi
days, or that we shall have at least another campaign.
How well the States have provided for the continu
ance of the war, let their acts and their policy answer.
The army as usual is without pay, and a great part of
the soldiery without shirts ; and tho' the patience of
them is equally threadbare, it seems to be a matter of
small concern to those at a distance. In truth, if one
was to hazard an opinion for them on this subject, it
would be, that the army having contracted a habit of
encountering distress and difficulties, and of living
without money, it would be injurious to it, to intro-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141

duce other customs. We have, however, (but this
depended upon ourselves) built the most comfortable
barracks In the vicinity of this place (wch. is near
Wt. Point) that the troops have ever yet been in.
I was very sorry to find that my sister was in bad
health. I suppose you are to be congratulated on
your gouty fit. My love, in which Mrs. Washington
joins, is offered to you both and the rest of the
family. Compliments to all friends.

TO SAMUEL OGDEN. Newburg, 19 January, 1783.
Sir, In every conversation which I have had with you,
on the subject of your letters of the 31st of last
month, and 15th inst, I was pointed, because I meant
to deal candidly, in assuring you, it was not my in
tention to interest myself in behalf of any particular
characters, that my motives were altogether public,
and that if I could not take the business up upon the
broadest basis, and while a defection on the part of
the refugees would be productive of advantages to
the American cause, I would have no concern with it.
I am sorry to observe to you, that there appears to
me to be a delay on the part of the refugees or loyal
ists, which is to be ascribed more to design than to
necessity. It seems as if the object with them was
to get at the ultimatum of Great Britain, before any
decided steps should be taken with the country they
have abandoned. This, sir, you will do me the jus-

142 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
tice to acknowledge, is not only incompatible with
my ideas, but to my express declaration to you : — for
the foundation on which I meant to build, and the
07ily one upon which I could attempt to include and
recommend obnoxious characters, was their decision
and influence ; and the consequent advantages, while
the intention of the enemy should be suspended and
unknown. The matter has already been near three months in
agitation, and for aught that has come to my knowl
edge, is yet in statu quo. One month, perhaps, a
few days now, will unfold the designs of the British
cabinet, or rather those of the Parliament. Let me
ask then, if these be to prosecute the war vigorously,
will the gentlemen of that class, in whose behalf you
particularly interest yourself (after their address to
the king of Great Britain, which I have lately seen)
give any aid to this country ? If the determination
is in favor of peace, and peace takes place on the
terms which are expected, will not their inveterate
obstinacy and procrastination, put it out of the power
of any man, to adduce an argument in their favor?
I confess to you. Sir, their policy strikes me in so
unfavorable a point of view, that I no longer find
an inclination to have any further agency in the busi
ness ; for I am convinced from their address, and
other circumstances, that they will never turn their
faces towards this country until the back of Great
Britain is turn'd upon them. And that their delay
proceeds from no other cause than an intention to
await the event of their application in another quarter.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143
I have only to add that I am the more confirmed in
this opinion, upon observing that there is no idea
held up in the copy of your brother's letter of the 3d
of December (the original of which never came to my
hands,) or in any of the subsequent ones, which gives
the smallest insight into the business; or that will
support me in any deduction favorable to it ; the
former of which is expressly contrary to the informa
tion I received from you at our last interview, as the
letter from your brother to you (which was to pass
through my hands) was to be couched in such terms,
as I should understand, tho' unintelligible to others,
who should be unacquainted with the business. Your
own letter of the 31st, committed to the care of Mr.
Morris, was brought here a few days ago only, by a
common soldier, who delivered it at the office and
retired before I had read, and could enquire how he
came by it, nor do I know at this hour. Upon the
maturest consideration. Sir, I have so fully made up
my judgment on this subject, that I could wish never
to hear any thing farther upon it. I am, sir, &c.

TO MAJOR THOMAS LANSDALE. Newburg, 25 January, 1783.
Sir: I was hurt yesterday at the appearance of the
Detachment under your Command, as I conceive you
must have been, if you viewed and drew a comparison
between it and the Regiment on your Left. The

144 THE WRITINGS OF [,783
Clothes of the latter have been upon the Soldiers
backs almost, if not quite, twelve months, — while it
is scarce Six since any part of yours has been issued.
Dirt and Trash too, of every denomination was so
liberally strewed, even upon your parade, and im
mediately before the doors of your Hutts, that it was
difficult to avoid the Filth.
The true distinction, Sir, between what is called a
fine Regiment, and an indifferent one will ever, upon
investigation, be found to originate in, and depend
upon the care, or the inattention, of the Officers
belonging to them. — That Regiment whose Officers
are watchful of their men, and attentive to their
wants, who will see that proper use is made, and a
proper account taken, of whatever is drawn for them;
and that Regimental and Company Inspections are
frequent in order to examine into the state of their
Arms, ammunition. Clothing, and other necessaries,
to prevent loss or embezzlement ; — who will see that
the Soldiers Clothes are well made, kept whole, and
clean ; that their Hutts are swept and purified ; that
the Trash, and all kinds of Offal is either burnt or
'buried ; that Vaults or proper necessaries are erected
and every person punished who shall on those occa
sions go elsewhere in the Camp ; that their Provision
is in good order well cooked and eat at proper hours;
— those Officers, I say, who attend to these things—
and their duty strictly enjoins it on them— give
health, comfort, and a Military pride to their Men,
which fires and fits them for every thing great
and noble. It is by this means the character of

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145
a Regiment is exalted while sloth, inattention, and
neglect produce the reverse of these in every par
ticular and must infallibly lessen the reputation of
the Corps.
I observed with concern that none of your officers
had espontoons ; that some of them were even with
out side arms ; and of those that had, some were so
remiss in their duty as not to know they were to
salute with them. From these considerations I am
led to point you to the Genl. Orders of the 9th of
August and ist of September, and to recommend in
pointed terms to your Officers the necessity and
advantage of making themselves perfectly masters of
the Printed " Regulations for the Order and Dis
cipline of the Troops of the United States." Igno
rance of them cannot, nor will it be any excuse, while
it may bring disgrace on the Corps they belong to
and produce much confusion in the army if they
should form and manoeuvre with it. —
As it is the first time I have seen them under
Arms, and some allowance is to be made for the raw
ness of the Corps, I will substitute admonition in
place of reprehension — but it is my desire that you
should inform the officers I shall expect to see a very
great alteration in the police of the Corps and ap
pearance of the Men before the next Inspection.
The Soldiers of your detachment, with a few ex
ceptions, would look very well in the line of the
Army if their Clothes were in good order, well fitted,
and the Men made to appear neat and clean. I
am, &c.

146 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO ELIAS BOUDINOT, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.'
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
30 January, 1783.
Sir, I should not have undertaken at this time to ad
dress myself through Your Excellency to Congress,
on the present state of our Military and Political
affairs, (which are so blended as scarcely to admit of
seperation in the discussion,) did I not apprehend
that my silence might perhaps be construed into re
missness in my official duties or inattention to the
public interests, and that some inconveniences might
be experienced by the neglect or delay. Influenced
by these motives, and an ardent desire to carry the
wishes of Congress Into effect, I shall hope to be ex
cused, after suggesting a few things, for entreating
to be made acquainted, so far as may be deemed
expedient, with their sentiments and expectations
relative to our Future Operations.
It scarcely needs be remarked here, as it Is a fact
of great notoriety, that the tranquillity, leisure, and
Inactivity of Winter-Quarters have ever been con
sidered by all well informed warlike nations, when In
a state of Hostility, as the only proper Season for
taking into contemplation the probable operations of
the ensuing Campaign, and for making the best ar
rangements In their power for carrying such projects
as were finally determined upon into execution. It
' Mr. Boudinot was elected President of Congress on the 4th of November.
After the departments of finance, war, and foreign affairs went into operation,
the correspondence of the Commander-in-chief with Congress passed chiefly
through the hands of the secretaries, and his letters were directed to them.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147

was not simply in conformity with this practice, but
upon a perfect conviction of the propriety and expe
diency of it, that at the close of all my former cam
paigns I have thought myself not only warranted,
but impelled by the strongest dictates of reason and
duty, to exert all my influence and abilities in en
deavoring to augment our force, and to make the
greatest possible provision In every Department for
enabling us to act with vigor at the opening of the
next Campaign ; and, in thus attempting to perform
my duty, I derived no small share of satisfaction from
a consciousness, that I should meet with the appro
bation and assistance of my Country ; being at the
same time so fully acquainted with the designs of the
Enemy on the one hand, and with the Inclinations of
Congress on the other, that I could not hesitate a
moment In my own mind to decide what general sys
tem of measures was proper to be adopted. But, as
the complexion of our Political and Military Affairs
Is now entirely changed by the Negotiations for
Peace, which are carrying on in Europe ; as Congress
have determined by the reduction which has lately
taken place, that the number of men engaged on the
present Establishment are adequate to the Services
before us ; and as that Honble. Body have much bet
ter opportunities, than any Individual can have, for
collecting and comparing the Intelligence necessary
to judge, with a degree of certainty, whether Peace
will be concluded in the course of the Winter, so as
to supersede the necessity of any further military
preparations ; I could not think myself at liberty,

148 THE WRITINGS OF [,783
without having recourse to their sentiments, to take
the same measures and give the same orders, that I
had on all former occasions deemed myself competent
to do. On the contrary, I feared to delay any longer
to express my apprehensions, that very fair opportu
nities might be lost, and that very great, if not
irreparable injuries might be experienced (if the war
should be continued, especially if it should begin to
rage again), in case we should not also on our part
be in a state of preparation for such an event.
In addition to every other consideration of a For
eign, a Military, or Political nature, the embarrassed
state of our Finances, the necessity of using the
strictest oeconomy and preventing every unnecessary
expenditure of public money in conducting our Mili
tary affairs, have in an especial manner prompted me
to make this representation, that the Sovereign power
may determine, what is the proper line of conduct to
be pursued under our present circumstances ; whether
any and what preparations ought to be made during
the Winter ; and what our situation will be at the
period proper for opening the Campaign (supposing
the war should continue and require any offensive
operations on our part), unless many of the essential
articles which are wanting, particularly In the Quarter
Master's Department, should in the mean time be
effectually and fully supplied. Amongst the most
indispensable and yet most expensive of which, I
must beg leave to mention the means of Transporta
tion, Horses for Artillery, and Teams and Wheel-
Carriages for Ordnance, Stores, and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149
without which. It Is well known, an army becomes
totally harmless and totally helpless ; for, so far from
being able to annoy and operate against its Enemy,
it is neither able to take the Field, nor to advance
or retire a single step, let the occasions or prospects
be of a nature ever so pressing and Important.
Notwithstanding any of the foregoing observa
tions, I hope it will be clearly understood, that It is
very far from being my wish or desire, that our
Military preparations should be increased In the
smallest degree beyond what the exigence of the
Circumstances may appear to demand. But, while
I candidly confess, that I believe there is no man,
who more earnestly wishes a speedy period may be
put to the contest than myself, I must take the lib
erty to suggest, whether, (in case a peace should not
take place in consequence of the present negotia
tions,) It would not be far more eligible in point of
national policy and oeconomy to attempt, by one
great and decisive effort, to expel the Enemy from
the remaining part of their possessions in the United
States, than to suffer them with their enfeebled force
to hold a Post and protract the war, until the accu
mulating expenses of our languid and defensive
measures only shall amount to such an aggregate
sum, as would have furnished the means of at
tempting the Siege of New York with a prospect
of success ?
In order that your Excellency and Congress may
have as comprehensive and compleat view of our
efficient force, our military apparatus, and the princi-

150 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
pal articles, which would be required for a vigorous
Campaign, I have thought it expedient to forward
the Enclosed Returns and estimates (the Estimate of
the Engineer being omitted, because the articles in
his department will be principally provided by the
labors of the army) ; and I flatter myself it will be
found, that the troops under my orders are at this
moment as much collected and as well appointed, as
could possibly be expected under our circumstances ;
and that all the means, which have been afforded, so
far as depended on military arrangements, have been
oeconomlzed in the most prudent manner. I wait
with great solicitude to hear the sentiments, expecta
tions, and final pleasure of Congress, on the several
points contained in this letter ; and, in the mean
time, I have the honor to be, &c.'

' This letter was referred, 11 February, to a committee composed of Hamil
ton, Peters, Bland, Rutledge, and Mifflin. In consequence of their report, the
following resolves were adopted.
" That the Commander-in-chief be informed, that Congress, always happy
to receive his sentiments either on the political or military affairs of these
States, the utility of which they have upon so many occasions experienced,
have paid all the attention to his letter of the 30th of January, which the
importance of it demands.
" That, should the war continue another campaign, every motive of policy
and economy would operate in favor of the enterprise suggested ; but that,
such are the present situation and prospects of these States, that it would be
inexpedient at this time to determine upon the plan, or to enter upon the
expensive preparations, which it would require.
" That the official accounts received by Congress, corresponding with other
intelligence, afford appearances of an approaching peace.
" Ordered that the secretary of foreign affairs make a confidential
communication to the Commander-in-chief of the state of the negotiations
for peace, when the last advices were received."— &irr^i^ Journal, vol. i.,
P- 254-

[783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151

P. S.
I have directed the Troops of Pensyla., Delaware,
Maryland & Virginia except the Legionary Corps to
be comprehended in the Qr. Master's Estimate, as
they would undoubtedly be employed with this Army
in case of any serious operation.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.
Newburg, 6 February, 1783.
My DEAR Sir,
I have the pleasure to inform you that your Packet
for Govr. Greene which came enclosed to me (In
your private Letter of the 12th of December) was
forwarded in an hour after it came to my hands by a
Gentleman returning to Rhode Island (Welcome
Arnold, Esq.) ; there can be no doubt therefore of
its having got safe to the Governor.
It is with a pleasure, which friendship only Is sus
ceptible of, I congratulate you on the glorious end
you have put to hostilities in the Southern States.
The honor and advantages of it, I hope and trust you
will long live to enjoy. When this hemisphere will
be equally free, is yet In the womb of time to dis
cover. A little while, 't is presumed, will disclose the
determinations of the British senate with respect to
Peace or War, as it seems to be agreed on all hands,
that the present Premier, (especially if he should find
the opposition powerful,) intends to submit the de
cision of these matters to Parliament. The Speech,
the addresses, and Debates, for which we are looking

152 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
in every direction, will give a data, from which the
bright rays of the one, or gloomy prospect of the
other, may be discovered.
If historiographers should be hardy enough to fill
the page of History with the advantages, that have
been gained with unequal numbers, (on the part of
America) in the course of this contest, and attempt
to relate the distressing circumstances under which
they have been obtained, it Is more than probable,
that Posterity will bestow on their labors the epithet
and marks of fiction ; for it will not be believed, that
such a force as Great Britain has employed for eight
years in this country could be baffled In their plan
of subjugating It, by numbers infinitely less, com
posed of men oftentimes half starved, always in Rags,
without pay, and experiencing at times every species
of distress, which human nature is capable of under
going. I Intended to have wrote you a long letter on
sundry matters ; but Major Burnet popped in unex
pectedly at a time, when I was preparing for the
celebration of the day, and was just going to a review
of the troops, previous to the feu de joie.^ As he Is
impatient, from an apprehension that the sleighing
failing, and as he can give you the occurrences of this
' This day was the anniversary of the signing of the treaty of alliance between
France and the United States, and the/^« de joie was in commemoration of
that event. The parole for the day, as entered in the Orderiy Book, was
" America and France " / and the countersigns, " United," "For ever." The
following notice was also published in the general orders. " The Commander-
in-chief, who wishes on the return of this auspicious day to diffuse the feelings
of gratitude and pleasure as extensively as possible, is pleased to grant a full
and free pardon to all military prisoners now in confinement."

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153

quarter more In detail than I have time to do, I will
refer you to him. I cannot omit informing you, how
ever, that I let no opportunity slip to inquire after
your son George at Princeton, and that It is with
pleasure I hear he enjoys good health and is a fine
promising boy. Mrs. Washington joins me in most
affectionate regard and best wishes for Mrs. Greene
and yourself. With great truth and sincerity, and
every sentiment of friendship, I am, &c.'

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.
Newburg, ii February, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I am about to write you a Letter on a subject
equally Important and delicate, which may be exten
sive in Its consequences and serious in its nature.
I shall confine myself to the recital of what I be-
' " Without amusements or avocations I am spending another winter (I hope
it will be the last that I shall be kept from returning to domestic life,) amongst
these rugged and dreary mountains. I have, however, the satisfaction of seeing
the troops better covered, better clothed, and better fed, than they have ever
been in any former winter quarters. And this circumstance alone would make
any situation tolerable to me. In a little time I hope to turn their duty into an
amusement by awakening again the spirit of emulation, & love of military
parade and glory, which was so conspicuous the last campaign. I shall expect
(as soon as the weather will permit in the Spring) to see the general officers
daily on horseback at the head of their commands, teaching them by precept
and example every thing that is reputable and glorious in the profession of
arms ; let me hint in season, I presume you will not choose lo be absent, or
second in exertion on these occasions to any of your brother officers.
" In the meantime I shall struggle to while away this season in laying a
foundation for those things. To-morrow, being the anniversary of the alliance
with France, we shall have a military exhibition. There will be a review and
feu de joie, and afterwards a cold collation at the new public building.'' —
Washington to Major-General Heath, 5 February, 1783.

154 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
lieve to be facts, and leave It with you to make
deductions. The printed remonstrance of Mr. Chittenden and
his Council, addressed to the president of Congress
and founded upon the resolves of the 5th of Decem
ber last, contains a favorable recital In their own be
half, of what I suppose to be facts ; but, if my memory
serves me. It Is an uncandid performance, inasmuch
as it keeps out of view an important transaction of
theirs, which was consequent of those resolves.' Be
this as it may, matters seem to be approaching too
fast to a disagreeable Issue, for the quiet of my mind.
The resolves on one hand, and the remonstrance on
the other, (unless It should be annulled by the Legis
lature at their next meeting, which I do not expect,)
seems to leave little room for an amicable decision.
Matters being thus situated, permit me to ask how
far, and by what means, coercion is to be extended ?
The army, I presume, will be the answer to the latter.
Circumstances (for no determination whatever after
blood Is once drawn) alone can prescribe bounds to
the former. It has been said, but of this you can
judge better than I, that the delegates from the New
England States in Congress, or a majority of them,
are willing to admit these People into the Federal
Union, as an Independent and Sovereign State. Be
this as it may, two things I am sure of, viz : that they
have a powerful interest in those States, and pursued
very politic measures to strengthen and increase It,
' The remonstrance here mentioned is published, and the whole subject ex
plained, in Collections of the Vermont Historical Society, ii., 315 et. seq.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155
long before I had any knowledge of the matter, and
before the tendency of it was seen Into or suspected,
by granting upon very advantageous terms large
Tracts of Land, in which, I am sorry to find, the
army in some degree have participated.
Let me next ask, by whom is that district of coun
try principally settled? And of whom is your present
army (I do not confine the question to this part of It,
but will extend it to the whole) composed? The
answers are evident, — New England men. It has
been the opinion of some, that the appearance of
force would awe these People into submission. If
the General Assembly ratlfie and confirm what Mr.
Chittenden and his Council have done, I shall be of a
very different sentiment ; and, moreover, that it Is
not a trifling force that will subdue them, even sup
posing they do derive no aid from the enemy In
Canada ; and that it will be a very arduous task In
deed, if they should, to say nothing of a diversion,
which may and doubtless would be made in their
favor from New York, if the war with Great Britain
should continue.
The Country Is very mountainous, full of Defiles,
and extremely strong. The Inhabitants, for the
most part, are a hardy race, composed of that kind
of People, who are best calculated for soldiers ; In
truth, who are soldiers ; for many, many hundreds of
them are Deserters from this army, who, having ac
quired property there, would be desperate in the
defence of it, well knowing that they were fighting
with Halters about their necks.

156 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
It may be asked. If I am acquainted with the senti
ments of the army on the subject of this dispute. I
readily answer. No, not Intimately. It is a matter
of too delicate a nature to agitate for the purpose of
Information. But I have heard many officers of
rank and discernment, and have learnt by indirect
inquiries that others, express the utmost horror at
the very idea of shedding blood In an affair of this
sort ; comparing It in its consequences, tho' not In
its principles, to the quarrel with Great Britain, who
thought it was only to hold up the rod and all would
be hush ! I cannot at this time undertake to say,
that there would be any difficulty with the army, if it
was to be ordered upon this Service, but I should be
exceedingly unhappy to see the experiment made.
For, besides the reasons before suggested, I believe
there would be a great and general unwillingness in
it to embrue their hands In the blood of their Breth
ren. I have to add, that almost at the same instant
a number of the printed copies of the remonstrance
were disseminated through every part of the army.
What effect it will have, I know not. The design is
obvious. I promised in the beginning of this letter, that I
should content myself with a simple relation of facts.
I shall only lament, therefore, that Congress did not
in the commencement of this dispute act decidedly.
This matter, as you well know, was much agitated
last winter, and a Committee of Congress, with
whom I had the honor to be in conference, and of
wch. I believe you were one, saw Mr. Chittenden's

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 157
letter to me and approved of my writing him an
answer to the effect it was given.' With great re
gard, (and in much haste, as Col. Pickering is wait
ing) I am, &c.
P. S. Altho' there can be no doubt of Congress
having received the remonstrance alluded to In this
letter, I send, nevertheless, one of the printed
copies.

TO LUND WASHINGTON. Newburg, 12 February, 1783.
Dear Lund,
Your letter of the 29th of Jany. came by the last
Post, — You do not seem to have considered the
force and tendency of the words of yr. letter when
you talk of the probability only of sending me "the
long promised account." " The irregularity of them "
is not, you add, " for want of knowledge In keeping
them, but neglect, your aversion to writing," &c.
&c. These are but other words for saying, " as I
am not fond of writing, and It is quite immaterial
whether you have any knowledge or information of
your private concerns or whether the accts. are kept
properly or no, I have delayed, and do not know
how much longer I may continue to delay bringing
' See the letter to Mr. Chittenden, dated January 1st, 1782.
The effect of that letter is thus described in KWea: s History of Vermont.
" The universal confidence that the people of America placed in their Com
mander-in-chief, from the firm, steady, persevering, and able manner he had
conducted the war ; his known integrity, wisdom, and virtue, gave him more
influence over the legislature of Vermont, than any other man in existence."
p. 223.

158 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
you acquainted with these accts., irregular as they
are. Delicacy hitherto, and a hope that you long ago
would have seen into the propriety of the measure
without a hint of it from me, has restrained me from
telling you, that annual accounts of my Crops, to
gether with the receipts and expenditure of my
Money, State of my stocks, &c., ought to have been
sent to me as regularly as the year came about. It
is not to be supposed, that all the avocations of my
public duties, great and laborious as they have been,
could render me totally insensible to the 07ily means
by which myself and family, and the character I am
to maintain in life hereafter, is to be supported ; or
that a precise account of these matters would not
have been exceedingly satisfactory to me. Instead
of this, except the accounts rendered at Valley Forge
In the year 1778, I have received none since I left
home; and not till after two or 3 applications in the
course of last year, could I get any accounts of the
Crop of the preceding one ; and then only of the
Corn, by the Post on Sunday last.
I have often told you, and I repeat It with much
truth, that the entire confidence which I placed in
your integrity made me easy, and I was always happy
at thinking that my affairs were In your hands — which
I could not have been if they had been under the
care of a common manager. But this did not exempt
me from the desires which all men have, of knowing
the exact state of them. I have now to beg that you
will not only send me the account of your receipts and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

159

expenditures of specie, but of every other kind of
money subsequent to the account exhibited at Valley
Forge, which ended some time in April, 1778. I
want to know before I come home (as I shall come
home with empty pockets, whenever Peace shall take
place) how affairs stand with me, and what my de
pendence is. I wish to know also what I have to
expect from the wheat of 1781 and '82, as you say
the two crops are so blended that they cannot be
rendered seperately ; how are settlements to be made
with and justice done to the several Parties Interested
under these Circumstances ?

TO THE president OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
26 February, 1783.
Sir, I am sorry to have to acquaint your Excellency,
for the Information of Congress, that a project, which
I had formed for attacking the enemy's post at Os
wego, so soon as the sleighing should be good and
the Ice of the Oneida Lake should have acquired
sufficient thickness to admit the passage of the de
tachment, has miscarried. The report of Colonel
Willett, to whom I had entrusted the command of
the party (consisting of a part of the Rhode Island
regiment, and the State troops of New York, In all
about five hundred men), will assign reasons for the
disappointment. Although the expedition has not been attended
with success, the officers and soldiers employed on it

i6o THE WRITINGS OF [1783
are entitled to great credit for the spirit, activity, and
patience exhibited by them in the course of the at
tempt ; and, I am certain, nothing that depended
upon Colonel Willett to give efficacy to it was
wanting.' Major Tallmadge, whom I had placed on the
Sound, with the Infantry of Sheldon's legion, for the
purpose of Interrupting as much as possible on that
side the trade with New York, has been more suc
cessful, as will appear by his report, a copy of which
is likewise enclosed. The zeal and activity of Major
Tallmadge, and the promptness and bravery of the
party acting under his orders on this occasion, have
merited and received my thanks.^ The detachments
' The expedition failed through the treachery or ignorance of an Indian
guide. Colonel Willett approached with his party in the night within five
miles of Fort Oswego, when his principal guide lost his way, and the darkness
and extreme fatigue of walking on snov/-shoes prevented their discovering the
fort, till the morning dawned, and it was necessary to retire. In reply to
Colonel Willett's letter reporting the result, General Washington said :
" Unfortunate as the circumstance is, I am happy in the persuasion that no
imputation or reflection can justly reach your character, and that you are en
abled to draw much consolation from the animated zeal, fortitude, and activity
of the officers and soldiers who accompanied you. The failure, it seems, must
be attributed to some of those unaccountable events which are not within the
control of human means, and which, tho' they often occur in military life, yet
require not only the fortitude of the soldier, but the calm reflection of the
Philosopher to bear.
" I cannot omit expressing to you the high sense I entertain of your perse
vering exertions and active zeal on the occasion of this expedition, and begging
you to accept my warmest thanks, and that you will be pleased to communicate
my gratitude to the officers and men under your command for the share they
have taken in that service." — Washington to Colonel Willett, 5 March, 1783.
' The enemy's armed vessels in the Sound were carrying on and protecting
an illicit trade with the inhabitants along the coast. A privateer of this de
scription, mounting eleven carriage-guns and four swivels, was boarded by a
party sent by Major Tallmadge in a fast sailing vessel, and after a short but
sharp conflict was captured. Major Tallmadge represented the enterprise as
conducted with great courage and gallantry on the part of the assailants.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161

also belonging to the command of Brigadier-General
Hazen, which are occasionally advanced to Bergen,
Newark, and Elizabethtown, to intercept the illicit
commerce in that quarter, appear to have been very
alert, and they have succeeded In several Instances.
I flatter myself Congress will be persuaded, nothing
on my part has been omitted to carry fully into exe
cution the resolution 'of the 30th of October last'
But at the same time I am under the necessity to
declare. In my own vindication, that, unless the civil
powers of the different States will adopt the most
energetic measures, and make the greatest exertions
to carry them Into effect. It will be impossible to put
a stop to an evil, which has increased to an alarming
height, and which, (notwithstanding all our efforts,)
Is still Increasing, and, I am informed, prevails no
where in such an uncontrolled manner as on the
seacoast of Connecticut. I have the honor to be, &c.^
' Directing the Commander-in-chief to take the most effectual measures to
prevent a clandestine intercourse between New Jersey and the city of New
York, by which the enemy were supplied with provisions.
' " It is much to be regretted, that, while I am using every means in my power
to comply with the orders of Congress, founded in my judgment on our true
interest and policy, there should be such a counteraction as we daily experience
from individuals. But lamentable indeed is our situation, when States, or the
administration of them, are leaping over those bounds, which should ever be
deemed the sacred barrier betwn. us and the enemy, without which all opposi
tion to their measures must soon cease, or dwindle into something ridiculous
enough. " That the intercourse with New York by way of the Sound is in a manner
without restriction, I have little doubt of ; and that the very Boats, which are
Armed and Commissioned for the purpose of cutting off the Communication, are
employed in facilitating the Trade, I have a recent instance of in one caught by
Major Tallmadge in the act and with the goods on board. We have only to per
severe, and with the means we possess give all the checks to it in our power.
Every officer, who exerts himself in this business, will meet every support I
can give, and will undoubtedly merit the approbation of Congress." — Wash
ington to Lieut.-Col. William S. Smith, 3 March, 1783.
II

1 62 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO BENJAMIN HARRISON. Newburg, 4 March, 17S3.
* * -x- * * *
What, my dear Sir, could induce the State of Vir
ginia to rescind their assent to the Impost Law?
How are the numerous creditors in Civil as well as
Military life to be paid unless there are regular &
certain funds established to discharge the Interest of
Monies which must be borrowed for these purposes?
and what Tax can be more just, or better calculated
to this end than an Impost? —
The Alarm Bell which has been rung with such
tremendous sound of the danger of entrusting Con
gress with the money is too selfish & futile to require
a serious answer — Who are Congress, but the Peo
ple? — do they not return to them at certain short
periods ? — Are they not amenable at all times to them
for their Conduct — & subject to recall ? — What in
terest therefore can a man have under these circum
stances distinct from his Constituents ? — Can It be
supposed, that with design, he would form a junto —
or dangerous Aristocracy that would operate against
himself in less than a Month perhaps after it should
be established ? — I can have no conception of it.
But from the observations I have made In the
course of this war — and my intercourse with the
States both In their united and seperate capacities
have afforded ample opportunities of judging — I am
decidedly of opinion that If the Powers of Congress
are not enlarged, and made competent to all general
purposes that the blood that has been spilt — the Ex-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163
pences which have been Incurred — and the distresses
which we have undergone will avail us nothing — and
that the band which at present holds us together, by
a very feeble thread, will soon be broken when
anarchy & confusion must ensue.
You will excuse the freedom of these sentiments —
they proceed from an honest heart Altho' they should
be found to be the result of erroneous thinking —
they will at least prove the sincerity of my friendship,
as they are totally undisguised. With great esteem &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.'
Newburg, 4 March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favor of February [7th], and
thank you for the information and observations It has
conveyed to me. I shall always think myself obliged
by a free communication of Sentiments, and have
often thought, (but suppose I thought wrong, as it
did not accord with the practice of Congress,) that
the public interest might be benefited if the Com
mander-in-Chief of the Army were let more into the
political and pecuniary state of our affairs than he Is.
Enterprises, and the adoption of military and other
arrangements, that might be exceedingly proper In
some circumstances, would be altogether Improper in
others. It follows, then, by fair deduction, that,
' Colonel Hamilton left the army after the capitulation at Yorktown, and
took his seat in Congress as a delegate from the State of New York on the
25th of November, 1782.

i64 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
where there is a want of information, there must be
a chance-medley ; and a man may be upon the brink
of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when
a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it.
But this by the by.
The hint contained in your Letter, and the knowl
edge I have derived from the public Gazettes, respect
ing the non-payment of Taxes, contains all the infor
mation which I have received of the danger, that
stares us in the face on acct. of our funds ; and, so
far was I from conceiving, that our Finances was in
so deplorable a state at this time, that I had imbibed
ideas from some source of information or another,
that, with the prospect of a loan from Holland, we
should be able to rub along yet a little further.
To you, who have seen the danger, to which the
army has been exposed, to a political dissolution for
want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licen
tiousness, which it imbibed by becoming in one or
two instances its own proveditors, no observations are
necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a
measure ; but I shall give It as my opinion, that it
would at this day be productive of civil commotions
and end in blood. Unhappy situation this ! God
forbid we should be Involved in it.
The predicament. In which I stand as Citizen and
soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be con
ceived. It has been the subject of many contempla
tive hours. The suffering of a complaining army on
one hand, and the Inability of Congress and tardiness
of the States on the other, are the forebodings of

[783! GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165

evil, and may be productive of events, which are
more to be deprecated than prevented. But I am
not without hope, if there Is such a disposition shown,
as prudence and policy will dictate, to do justice, that
your apprehensions in case of Peace are greater than
there is cause for. In this, however, I may be mis
taken, if those ideas, which you have been informed
are propagating in the army, should be extensive ;
the source of which may be easily traced, as the old
leaven it is said, for I have no proof of It, is again
beginning to work under a mask of the most perfect
dissimulation and apparent cordiality.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the
same steady line of conduct, which has governed me
hitherto ; fully convinced, that the sensible and dis
cerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted,
(altho' I never took pains to Inform them), with the
services I have rendered it on more occasions than
one. This, and pursuing the suggestions In your
letter, which I am happy to find coincides with my
practice for several months past (which has turned
the business of the army into the Channel It now Is),
leaves me under no great apprehension of its exceed
ing the bounds of reason and moderation, notwith-
o
standing the prevailing sentiment there is, that the
prospect of compensation for past services will termi
nate with the war.
The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be
hoped will have their weight with every sensible
legislature In the United States, if Congress point to
their demands, and show. If the case is so, the rea-

i66 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
sonableness of them, and the impracticability of com
plying with them without their aid. In any other
point of view, it would in my opinion be impolitic to
Introduce the army on the Tapis, lest it should excite
jealousy and bring on its concomitants. The States
cannot surely be so devoid of common sense,
common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse
their aid on a full, clear, and candid representation of
facts from Congress ; more especially If these should
be enforced by members of their own body, who
might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences,
of failure will lead to.
In my opinion it Is a matter worthy of considera
tion, how far an adjournment of Congress for a few
months is advisable. The Delegates in that case, if
they are in unison themselves respecting the great
defects of our constitution, may represent them fully
and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know
nothing of the business which is before Congress, nor
of the arcanum, it appears that such a measure would
tend to promote the public weal ; for it Is clearly my
opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to
all general purposes, that the distresses we have
encountered, the Expense we have Incurred, and the
blood we have spilt in the course of an eight years
war, will avail us nothing.
The contents of your letter is known only to myself.
Your prudence will be at no loss to know what use to
make of these sentiments. I have the honor to be, &c.'

' On the evening of February 20th Hamilton said in a private company :
" It was certain that the army had secretly determined not to lay down their

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167

TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Sir; Head Quarters, 8 March, 1783.
Very painfull Sensations are excited in my mind
by your Letter of the 27th of Febry.' It is impossi
ble for me to express to you the Regret with which I
received the Information it contains.
arms until due provision and a satisfactory prospect should be afforded on the
subject of their pay ; that there was reason to expect that a public declaration
to this effect would soon be made ; that plans had been agitated, if not formed,
for subsisting themselves after such declaration ; that, as a proof of their
earnestness on this subject, the Commander was already become extremely
unpopular, among almost all ranks, from his known dislike to every unlawful
proceeding ; that this unpopularity was daily increasing and industriously
promoted by many leading characters ; that his choice of unfit and indiscreet
persons into his family was the pretext, and with some the real motive ; but the
substantial one, a desire to displace him from the respect and confidence of the
army, in order to substitute General , as the conductor of their
efforts to obtain justice. Mr. Hamilton said that he knew General Washington
intimately and perfectly; that his extreme reserve, mixed sometimes with a
degree of asperity of temper, both of which were said to have increased of
late, had contributed to the decline of his popularity ; but that his virtue, his
patrioti.sm and firmness, would, it might be depended upon, never yield to any
dishonorable or disloyal plans into which he might be called ; that he would
suffer himself to be cut to pieces ; that he (H.) knowing this to be his true
character, wished him to be the conductor of the army in their plans for
redress, in order that they might be moderated and directed to proper objects,
and exclude some other leader who might foment and misguide their councils ;
that with this view he had taken the liberty to write to the General on this
subject, and to recommend such a policy to him." — Madison Papers, i. , 350, 351.
Hamilton's letter may be found in his Works (Lodge), viii., 94. In it he said :
"The difficulty will be to keep a complaining and suffering army within the
bounds of moderation. This your Excellency's influence must effect. In order
to do it, it will be advisable not to discountenance their endeavors to procure
redress, but rather, by intervention of confidential and prudent persons,
to take the direction of them. This, however, must not appear. It is of moment
to the public tranquillity, that your Excellency should preserve the confidence of
the army without losing that of the people. This will enable you, in case of
extremity, to guide the current, and to bring order, perhaps even good, out of
confusion. 'T is a part that requires address ; but 't is one which your own
situation, as well as the welfare of the community, points out."
' Announcing his intended resignation of office.

i68 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
I have often reflected, with much solicitude upon
the disagreeableness of your Situation and the Neg
ligence of the Several States, in not enabling you to
do that Justice to the public Creditors, which their
Demands require. I wish the step you have taken
may sound the Alarm to their inmost Souls, and
rouse them to a just Sense of their own Interest,
honor, and Credit. But I must confess to you, that
I have my fears. For as danger becomes further
removed from them, their feelings seem to be more
callous to those noble Sentiments, with which I could
wish to see them Inspired. Mutual Jealousies, local
prejudices, and misapprehensions have taken such
deep Root, as will not easily be removed.
Notwithstanding the Embarrassments which you
have experienced, I was In hopes that you would
have continued your Efforts to the close of the War,
at least ; but if your Resolutions are absolutely fixed,
I assure you I consider the Event as one of the most
unfortunate that could have fallen upon the States,
and most sincerely deprecate the sad consequences
which I fear will follow. The Army, I am sure, at
the same Time that they entertain the highest sense
of your Exertions will lament the step you are
obliged to take, as a most unfortunate Circumstance
to them. I am &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Sir, Head-Quarters, 12 March, 1783.
It Is with Inexpressible concern I make the follow
ing report to your Excellency. Two days ago, anony
mous papers were circulated in the army, requesting

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169
a general meeting of the officers on the next day. A
copy of one of these papers Is enclosed. No. i.
About the same time, another anonymous paper,
purporting to be an address to the officers of the
army, was handed about in a clandestine manner. A
copy of this is marked No. 2. To prevent any
precipitate and dangerous resolutions from being
taken at this perilous moment, while the passions
were all Inflamed, as soon as these things had come
to my knowledge the next morning, I issued the
enclosed order. No. 3. In this situation the matter
now rests.
As all opinion must be suspended until after the
meeting on Saturday, I have nothing further to add,
except a wish that the measure I have taken to dissi
pate a storm, which had gathered so suddenly and
unexpectedly, may be acceptable to Congress ; and
to assure them that, in every vicissitude of circum
stances, still actuated with the greatest zeal in their
service, I shall continue my utmost exertions to pro
mote the welfare of my country, under the most
lively expectation, that Congress have the best inten
tion of doing ample justice to the army as soon as
circumstances will possibly admit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. Since writing the foregoing, another anony
mous paper is put in circulation, a copy of which is
enclosed, No. 4.' 
' Read in Congress, March 17th. Referred to Gilman, Dyer, Clark, Rut
ledge, and Mercer. The committee was composed to " saddle with this em
barrassment the men who had opposed the measures necessary for satisfymg
the army, viz : the half-pay and permanent funds ; against one or other of which
the individuals in question had voted." Madison further recorded that " the

170 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

ADDRESS TO THE OFFICERS.'
Gentlemen, By an anonymous summons an attempt has been made to con
vene you together. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety,
how unmilitary, and how subversive of all good order and disci
pline, let the good sense of the army decide.
In the moment of this summons, another anonymous produc
tion was sent into circulation ; addressed more to the feelings
and passions, than to the reason and judgment of the army.
The author of the piece is entitled to such credit for the goodness
of his pen, and I could wish he had as much credit for the recti
tude of his heart ; for, as men see through different optics, and
are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind to use different
means to obtain the same end, the author of the address should
have had more charity, than to mark for suspicion the man, who
should recommend moderation and longer forbearance, or in
other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he
advises. But he had another plan in view, in which candor and
liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country,
have no part ; and he was right to insinuate the darkest suspi
cion, to effect the blackest designs.
That the address is drawn with great art, and is designed to
answer the most insidious purposes, that it is calculated to im
press the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the
sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all those resent-
steps taken by the General to avert the gathering storm, and his professions of
inflexible adherence to his duty to Congress and to his country, excited
the most affectionate sentiments towards him . . . [The situation] gave
peculiar awe and solemnity to the present moment, and oppressed the minds ol
Congress with an anxiety and distress which had been scarcely felt in any
period of the Revolution."
' "When the General took his station in the desk or pulpit, which you
may recollect, was in the Temple, he took out his written address from his
coat pocket, and his spectacles, with his other hand, from his waistcoat pocket,
and then addressed the officers in the following manner : ' Gentlemen, you will
permit me to put on my spectacles, for I have not only grown gray, but almost
blind, in the service of my country.' This little address, with the mode and
manner of delivering it, drew tears from [many] of the officers." — Colonel
Cobb's letter.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 171
ments, which must unavoidably flow from such a belief ; that the
secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be, intended to
take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the
recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, delib
erate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary
to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious
by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof
than a reference to the proceeding.
Thus much, Gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me
to observe to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the
irregular and hasty meeting, which was proposed to be held on
Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to give you
every opportunity, consistent with your own honor and the dig
nity of the army, to make known your grievances. If my conduct
heretofore has not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful
friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be
equally unavailing and improper. But, as I was among the first,
who embarked in the cause of our common country ; as I have
never left your side one moment, but when called from you on
public duty ; as I have been the constant companion and witness
of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowl
edge your merits ; as I have ever considered my own military
reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army ; as
my heart has ever expanded with joy, when I have heard its
praises, and my indignation has arisen, when the mouth of
detraction has been opened against it ; it can scarcely be sup
posed, at this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its
interests." But how are they to be promoted? The way is
plain, says the anonymous addresser ; if war continues, remove
into the unsettled country ; there establish yourselves, and leave
an ungrateful country to defend itself. But whom are they to
defend ? Our wives, our children, our farms and other property,
which we leave behind us ? Or, in the state of hostile separa
tion, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed)
to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness ? If
peace takes place, neither sheath your swords, says he, until you
have obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful alternative,
of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of distress.

172 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, un
less Congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has
something so shocking in it, that humility revolts at the idea.
My God ! What can this writer have in view by recommending
such measures. Can he be a friend to the army ? Can he be a
friend to this country? Rather is he not an insidious foe?
Some emissary, perhaps from New York, plotting the ruin of
both by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the
civil and military powers of the continent ? And what a com
pliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recom
mends measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their
nature ?
But here, Gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would
be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as
it would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood
in need of them. A moment's reflection will convince every
dispassionate mind of the physical impossibility of carrying
either proposal into execution.
There might. Gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking
notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but
the manner in which that performance has been introduced to
the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some
other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the
tendency of that writing. With respect to the advice given by
the author to suspect the man, who shall recommend moderate
measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every man who
regards that liberty, and reveres that justice, for which we con
tend, undoubtedly must. For, if men are to be precluded from
offering their sentiments on a matter, which may involve the
most serious and alarming consequences, that can invite the
consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us ; the free
dom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may
be led away like sheep to the slaughter.
I cannot, in justice to my own belief, and what I have great
reason to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this
address without giving it as my decided opinion, that that hon
orable body entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the
army, and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 173

will do it complete justice. That their endeavors to discover,
and establish funds for this purpose have been unwearied, and
will not cease, till they have succeeded, I have no doubt ; but,
like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of different
interests to reconcile, their deliberations are slow. Why then
should we distrust them ; and, in consequence of that distrust,
adopt measures, which may cast a shade over that glory, which
has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an
army, which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude
and patriotism ? And for what is this done ? To bring the
object we seek nearer ? No ! Most certainly, in my opinion, it
will cast it at a greater distance.
For myself (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being
induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice),
a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a
recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I
have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of fortune,
and the sincere affection I feel for an army I have so long had
the honor to command, oblige me to declare in this public and
solemn manner, that, in the attainment of complete justice for all
your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so
far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe to my
country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may
freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities.
While I give you these assurances and pledge myself in the
most unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability I am pos
sessed of in your favor, let me entreat you. Gentlemen, on your
part, not to take any measures, which, in the calm light of reason,
will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto main
tained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your
country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the inten
tions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army,
they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as di
rected in their resolutions, which were published to you two days
ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their
power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and
meritorious services. And let me conjure you in the name of
our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as

174 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the mili
tary and national character of America, to express your utmost
horror and detestation of the man, who wishes, under any specious
pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who
wickedly attempts to open the flood gates of civil discord, and
deluge our rising empire in blood.
By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain
and direct road to the attainment of your wishes ; you will de
feat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to
resort from open force to secret artifice ; you will give one more
distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue,
rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated suffer
ings ; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occa
sion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example
you have exhibited to mankind, " Had this day been wanting, the
world had never seen the last stage of perfection, to which human
nature is capable of attaining."

TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS. Newburg, 12 March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I have received your letter of the 27th ulto, and
thank you for your information and the freedom of
your communications. My official Letter to Con
gress of this date will Inform you of what has hap
pened In this Quarter ; in addition to which, it may
be necessary it should be known to you, and to such
others you may think proper, that the temper of the
army, though very Irritable on acct. of their long pro
tracted sufferings, have been apparently extremely
quiet while their business was depending before Con
gress, until four days past. In the mean time, it
should seem, reports have been propagated in Phila-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175
delphia, that dangerous combinations were forming
in the army ; and this at a time, when there was not
a syllable of the kind in agitation In camp.'
It also appears, that, upon the arrival of a certain
Gentleman from Phila. In camp, whose name' at
present I do not incline to mention, such sentiments
as these were Immediately and Industriously circu
lated ; that it was universally expected the army
would not disband until they had obtained justice ;
that the public creditors looked up to them for re
dress of their Grievances, would afford them every
aid, and even join them In the Field If necessary ;
that some members of Congress wished the measure
might take effect, In order to compel the Public,
particularly the delinquent States, to do justice ; with
many other suggestions of a similar nature. From
whence, and a variety of other considerations. It is
generally believed, that the scheme was not only
planned but also digested and matured in Philadel
phia," and that some people have been playing a
double game, spreading at the camp and in Philadel
phia Reports, and raising jealousies, equally void of
' In a letter to General Washington recently received from Mr. Jones, the
latter had written : " Reports are freely circulated here, that there are danger
ous combinations in the army ; and within a few days past it has been said,
that they are about to declare they will not disband until their demands are
complied with." — Philadelphia, February 27th.
^ Col. Walter Stewart.
' In a letter to Hamilton of much the same tenor, Washington wrote it was
believed by some that the scheme " is the illegitimate offspring of a person in
camp," but ran his pen through the words. On seeing the second address, he
added a postscript : " The contents evidently prove that the author is in, or
near the camp ; and that the following words, erazed on the second page of
this letter, ought not to have met with this treatment, vizt., &c.''

176 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
foundation, until called into being by their vile arti
fices ; for, as soon as the minds of the officers were
thought to be prepared for the transaction, anony
mous invitations were circulated, requesting a general
meeting of the officers next day. At the same ¦
instant many copies of the address to the officers of
the army was scattered in every State line of it.
So soon as I obtained knowledge of these things,
I issued the order of the nth, transmitted to Con
gress, In order to rescue the foot, that stood waver
ing on the precipice of despair, from taking those
steps, which would have led to the abyss of misery,
while the passions were inflamed and the mind trem
blingly alive with the recollection of past sufferings,
and their present feelings. I did this upon the
principle, that it is easier to divert from a wrong to
a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and fatal
steps, that have been already taken.
It is commonly supposed, that, if the officers had
met agreeably to the anonymous summons, resolu
tions might have been formed, the consequences of
which may be more easily conceived than expressed.
Now they will have leisure to view the matter more
calmly and seriously. It Is to be hoped that they
will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and
wait a while longer for the settlemt. of their accts;
the postponing of which gives more uneasiness in the
army than any other thing. There Is not a man
in it, who will not acknowledge that Congress have
not the means of payment ; but why not, say they
one and all, liquidate the accts. and certifie our dues?

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177
Are we to be disbanded and sent home without this ?
Are we afterwards to make individual applications
for such settlements at Philadelphia, or any auditing
office in our respective States ; to be shifted perhaps
from one board to another, dancing attendance at
all, and finally perhaps, be postponed till we lose the
substance in pursuit of ye shadow ? While they are
agitated by these considerations, there are not want
ing insidious characters, who tell them it is neither
the wish nor the intention of the public to settle
their accounts ; but to delay this business under one
pretext or another, until Peace, wch: we are upon
the verge of, and a separation of the army takes
place ; when, it is well known it will be difficult If
not Impracticable ; a general settlement never can
be effected, and that Individual loss in this Instance
becomes public gain.
However derogatory these Ideas are with the
dignity, honor, and justice of government, yet a
matter so interesting to the army, and at the same
time so easy to be effected by the Public, as that
of liquidating the accounts, is delayed without any
apparent or obvious necessity, they will have their
place in a mind that is soured and irritated. Let me
entreat you, therefore, my good Sir, to push this mat
ter to an Issue ; and, if there are Delegates among
you, who are really opposed to doing justice to the
army, scruple not to tell them, if matters should come
to extremity, that they must be answerable for all
the ineffable horrors, which may be occasioned thereby.
I am most sincerely and affectionately yours.

178 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
18 March, 1783.
Sir, The result of the proceedings of the grand Con
vention of Officers, which I have the honor of enclos
ing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress,
will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glo
rious Proof of Patriotism, which could have been
given by men, who aspired to the distinction of a
patriot army, and will not only confirm their claim to
the justice, but will Increase their title to the gratitude,
of their country.'
Having seen the proceedings on the part of the
army terminate with perfect unanimity, and In a
manner entirely consonant to my wishes ; being im
pressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for
those, who have so long, so patiently, and so chear
fully suffered and fought under my Immediate direc
tion ; having from motives of justice, duty, and
gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advo
cate for their rights ; and having been requested to
write to your Excellency, earnestly entreating the
most speedy decision of Congress upon the. subjects
' ' ' Yesterday there was a meeting of the officers. The Commander in Chief
came among us, and made a most excellent address ; he appeared sensibly agi
tated ; as the writer advises to ' suspect the man who should advise to more
moderation and longer forbearance,' this expression, together with a second
anonymous letter, which I have not seen, gave reason to suppose that it was a
plan laid against his Excellency, as every one who knows him must be sensible
that he would recommend moderation. The general having finished his address,
retired. Gen'l Gates took the chair ; the business of the day was conducted
with order, moderation, and decency." — Major J. A. Wright to Major John
Webb, West Point, l6 March, 1783.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 179

of the late address from the army to that Honble.
Body ; it now only remains for me to perform the
task I have assumed, and to intercede in their be
half, as I now do, that the Sovereign Power will
be pleased to verify the predictions I have pro
nounced of, and the confidence the army have re
posed in the justice of their country.
And here I humbly conceive it is altogether
unnecessary, (while I am pleading the cause of an
army, which has done and suffered more than any
other army ever did In the defence of the rights
and liberties of human nature,) to expatiate on their
claims to the most ample compensation for their
meritorious Services ; because they are perfectly
known to whole World, and because, altho' the top
ics are Inexhaustible, enough has already been said
on the subject.
To prove these assertions, to evince that my senti
ments have ever been uniform, and to show what my
ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I
appeal to the Archives of Congress, and call on those
sacred deposits to witness for me ; and, in order that
my observations and arguments in favor of a future
adequate provision for the officers of the army may be
brought to remembrance again, and considered in a
single point of view, without giving Congress the
trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg
leave to transmit herewith an Extract from a repre
sentation made by me to a committee of Congress, so
long ago as the 29th of January, 1778, and also the
transcript of a letter to the President of Congress,

i8o THE WRITINGS OF [1783
dated near Passaic Falls, October nth, 1780.' That,
in the critical and perilous moment when the last
mentioned communication was made, there was the
utmost danger a dissolution of the army would take
place, unless measures similar to these recommended
had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the
adoption of the resolution, granting half-pay for life,
has been attended with all the happy consequences
I had foretold, so far as respected the good of the
service, let the astonishing contrast between the state
of the army at this instant, and at the former period,
determine ; and that the establishment of funds and
security, of the payment of all the just demands of
the army, will be the most certain means of pre
serving the national faith, and the future tranquillity
of this extensive continent. Is my decided opinion.
By the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined,
that, instead of retracting and reprehending, from
farther experience and reflection, the mode of com
pensation so strenuously urged in the Enclosures, 1
am more and more confirmed in the Sentiment; and,
if in the wrong, suffer me to please myself with the
grateful delusion. For If, besides the simple pay
ment of their Wages, a farther compensation is not
due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers,
then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole
army have not merited whatever a grateful people can
bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and
built opinion on the basis of error. If this country
¦ The two letters here alluded to were published, and are contained in the
Remembrancer, vol. xvi., pp. 200, 202. See also a series of documents in tne
Journals of Congress, under the date of A pril 24th.

[783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. iBi

should not In the event perform every thing, which
has been requested in the late Memorial to Congress,
then will my belief become vain, and the hope, that
has been excited, void of foundation. And " If " (as
has been suggested, for the purpose of Inflaming their
passions,) " the officers of the army are to be the
only sufferers by this resolution ; if, retiring from
the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretched
ness, and contempt ; If they are to wade thro' the vile
mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant
of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent
in honor ; " then shall I have learned what ingrati
tude Is, then shall I have realized a tale, which will
embitter every moment of my future life. But I am
under no such apprehensions. A country, rescued by
their arms from impending ruin, will never leave
unpaid the debt of gratitude.
Should any intemperate or improper warmth have
mingled Itself amongst the foregoing observations, I
must entreat your Excellency and Congress, It maybe
attributed to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best
of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my
apology ; and I hope I need not, on this momentous
occasion, make any new protestations of personal dis
interestedness, having ever renounced for myself the
Idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of
having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and
the approbation of my Country, will be a sufficient
recompense for my services. I have the honor to be,
with perfect respect, &c.'
' Read in Congress, March 22d. Referred to Osgood, Bland, Hamilton,
Wolcott, and Peters. " It was observable that the part which the General had

1 82 THE WRITINGS OF
TO JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS.
Newburg, i8 March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The storm, which seemed to be gathering with un
favorable prognostics when I wrote to you last, is
dispersed, and we are again in a state of tranquillity.
But do not, my dear Sir, suffer this appearance of
tranquillity to relax your endeavors to bring the re
quests of the army to an issue. Believe me, the
officers are too much pressed by their present wants,
and rendered too sore by the recollection of their
past sufferings, to be touched much longer upon the
string of forbearance, in matters wherein they can
see no cause for delay ; nor would I have further
reliance placed upon any influence of mine to dispel
other clouds, if any should arise from the causes of
the last.
By my official Letter to Congress, and the Papers
enclosed In it, you will have a full view of my assur
ances to, and the expectations of, the army ; and I
persuade myself, that the well-wishers to both and of
their Country will exert themselves to the utmost to
eradicate the Seeds of distrust, and give every satis
faction that justice requires, and the means which
Congress possess will enable them to do.
Ina former letter I observed to you, that a liquida
tion of accts., in order that the ballances might be
ascertained, is the great object of the army ; and cer-
found it necessary, and thought it his duty, to take, would give birth to events
much more serious, if they should not be obviated by the establishment of sucn
funds as the General, as well as the army, had declared to be necessary.
— Madison Papers, i., 404.

1783I GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183

tainly nothing can be more reasonable. To have
these ballances discharged at this or in any short
time, however desirable, they know Is impracticable,
and do not expect it ; although in the mean time
they must labor under the pressure of these suffer
ings, which is felt more sensibly by a comparison of
circumstances. The situation of these Gentlemen merits the atten
tion of every thinking and grateful mind. As officers,
they have been obliged to dress and appear in char
acter, to effect which they have been obliged to an
ticipate their pay, or participate their Estates. By
the former, debts have been contracted ; by the lat
ter, their patrimony Is injured. To disband men,
therefore, under these circumstances, before their
accts. are liquidated and the ballances ascertained,
would be to set open the doors of the Goals, and
then to shut them upon seven years of faithful and
painful services. Under any circumstances, which
the nature of the case will admit, they must be con
siderable sufferers ; because necessity will compel
them to part with their certificates for whatever they
will fetch, to avoid the evil I have mentioned above ;
and how much this will place them In the hands of
unfeeling, avaraclous speculators, a recurrence to past
experience will sufficiently prove.
It may be said by those, who have no disposition
to compensate the Services of the army, that the
officers have too much penetration to place depen
dence (in any alternative), upon the strength of their
own arm. I will readily concede to these gentlemen.

i84 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
that no good could result from such an attempt ; but
I hope they will be equally candid in acknowledging,
that much mischief may flow from it ; and that noth
ing is too extravagant to expect from men, who con
ceive they are ungratefully and unjustly dealt by ;
especially too, if they can suppose that characters are
not wanting to foment every passion, which leads to
discord, and that there are— but time shall reveal
the rest.
Let it suffice, that the very attempt wd. imply a
want of justice, and fix an indelible stain upon our
national character ; as the whole world, as well from
the enemy's publications (without any Intention to
serve us), as our own, must be strongly impressed
with the sufferings of this army from hunger, cold,
and nakedness. In almost every stage of the war.
Very sincerely and affectionately, I am, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, 19 March, 1783.
Sir, I have the honor to acknowledge your Excellency's
favor of the 1 2th instant, and to thank you most sin
cerely for the intelligence you were pleased to com
municate.' The articles of treaty between America
' The packet Washington, commanded by Captain Barney, which sailed from
L'Orient on the 17th of January, arrived in Philadelphia on the morning of the
I2th of March, and brought the news of the preliminary articles of peace be
tween Great Britain and the United States having been signed by the commis
sioners at Paris on the 30th of November.— Zlz>&;«artV Correspondence, vol. x.,
p. 117.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185
and Great Britain are as full and satisfactory as we
have reason to expect ; but, from the connexion in
which they stand with a general pacification, they are
very inconclusive and contingent. From this circum
stance, compared with such other Intelligence as I
have been able to collect, I must confess, I have my
fears that we shall be obliged to worry through an
other campaign before we arrive at that happy period,
which is to crown all our toils.
Any intelligence from your Excellency will at all
times be very agreeable to me. But, should it be in
your power to announce a general peace, you could
not make me more happy than In the communication
of such an event. I have the honor to be, &c.

TO LUND WASHINGTON. Newburg, 19 March, 1783.

Dear Lund,
I did not write to you by the last post. I was too
much engaged at the time. In counteracting a most
insidious attempt to disturb the repose of the army,
and sow the seeds of discord between the civil and
military powers of the continent, to attend to small
matters. The author of this attempt, whoever he
may be, is yet behind the curtain ; and as conjectures
might be wrong, I shall be silent at present. The
good sense, the virtue and patient forbearance of the
army on this, as upon every other trying occasion
which has happened to call them into action, has again
¦triumphed ; and appeared with more lustre than

i86 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
ever. But if the States will not furnish the supplies
required by Congress, thereby enabling the Superin-
tendant of Finance to feed, clothe, and pay the army,
if they suppose the war can be carried on without
money, or that money can be borrowed without per
manent funds to pay the Interest of it ; if they have
no regard to justice, because it is attended with ex-
pence ; if gratitude to men, who have rescued them
from the jaws of danger and brought them to the
haven of Independence and Peace, is to subside, as
danger Is removed ; if the sufferings of the army,
who have borne and forborne more than any other
class of men in the United States, expending their
health, and many of them their all, in an unremitted
service of near eight years in the field ; encountering
hunger, cold and nakedness, are to be forgotten ; if
it is presumed there Is no bounds to the patience of
the army ; or that when peace takes place, their
claims for pay due, and rewards promised may die
with the military non-existence of its member — if
such, I say, should be the sentiments of the States,
and that their conduct, or the conduct of some, does
but too well warrant the conclusion, well may another
anonymous addresser step forward, and with more
effect than the last did, say with him, "You have
arms in your hands ; do justice to yourselves, and
never sheath the sword, till you have obtained it.
How far men who labor under the pressure of ac
cumulated distress, and are Irritated by a belief that
they are treated with neglect, ingratitude and injus
tice In the extreme might be worked upon by design-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187

ing men, is worthy of very serious consideration.
But justice, policy, yea common sense must tell every
man that the creditors of the continent cannot re
ceive payments unless funds are provided for It, and
that our national character, if these are much longer
neglected, must be stamped with Indelible infamy
in every nation of the world where the fact is known.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 19 March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I am much obliged to you for your letter of the
1 2th and for the enclosures — the early communication
of such important occurrances rendered the favor
doubly acceptable. Would to God the articles for a
general pacification were as well advanced as those.
between America and Great Britain ; but I am not
without fears that that event is at a greater dis
tance than the sanguine ones imagine.
The policy of G. Britain now, if I have formed a
right judgment, is to sooth America as much as pos
sible, in order to weaken the bond and make her
uneasy under the Alliance, if the policy, or situation
of France with respect to the other Beligerent pow
ers renders it necessary to continue the war another
Campaign. This, or some manoeuvre, which may be
performed with safety during the equipment of the
Fleet at Cadiz must, undoubtedly, be the cause of
the present procrastination of the negociations at
Paris. What the final issue may be Heaven knows—

i88 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Such an avidity appears among our People to make
money, and so feeble the Reins of Government (where
there is an attempt to use them) to restrain the
illicit and pernicious intercourse of Trade with the
enemy at New York, that the fence between them
and us is entirely broken down, and nothing but an
Army quite sufficient to form a close investiture of
that place can repair It. Five such armies as I have
would be Incompetent, employed In any other way.
The boats which have been Commissioned to ob
struct this trade, are instrumental In carrying It on,
ap.d have been caught In the act as many other
Trading parties also have been by the Guards and
patroles I keep for this purpose. But It avails noth
ing. By Hook or by Crook they are certain of
acquittal. In truth I am quite discouraged, and have
scarce any thing left but lamentation for the want
[of] virtue and depravity of my Countrymen. * * *

TO GOVERNOR BENJAMIN HARRISON.
Newburg, ig March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
About the first of this month I wrote you a long
letter. I touched upon the state of the army, the
situation of public creditors, and wished to know from
you as a friend, what causes had induced the Assem
bly of Virginia to withdraw their assent to the Impost
Law, and how the Continental creditors (without
adequate funds) were to come at or obtain security
for their money. I little expected at the time of

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189

writing that letter, that we were on the eve of an
important crisis to this army, when the touchstone
of discord was to be applied, and the virtue of its
members to undergo the severest trial.
You have not been altogether unacquainted, I dare
say, with the fears, the hopes, the apprehensions, and
the expectations of the army, relatively to the pro
vision, which Is to be made for them hereafter. Al
tho' a firm reliance on the integrity of Congress, and
a belief that the Public would finally do justice to all
its Servants and give an indisputable security for the
payment of the half-pay of the officers, had kept them
amidst a variety of sufferings tolerably quiet and con
tented for two or three years past ; yet the total want
of pay, the little prospect of receiving any from the
unpromising state of the public finances, and the abso
lute aversion of the States to establish any Continental
funds for the payment of the Debt due to the army,
did at the close of the last Campaign excite greater
discontents, and threaten more serious and alarming
consequences, than it is easy for me to describe or you
to conceive. Happily for us, the officers of highest
rank and greatest consideration interposed ; and It
was determined to address Congress In an humble,
pathetic, and explicit manner.
While the Sovereign Power appeared perfectly well
disposed to do justice. It was discovered that the States
would enable them to do nothing ; and In this state
of affairs, and after some time spent on the business
in Philadelphia, a Report was made by the Delegates
of the army, giving a detail of the proceedings. Be-

igo THE WRITINGS OF [1783
fore this could be communicated to the Troops, while
the minds of all were in a peculiar state of inquietude
and irritation, an anonymous writer, who tho' he did
not boldly step forth and give his name to the world,
sent Into circulation an address to the officers of the
army, which, in point of composition, in elegance and
force of expression, has rarely been equalled in the
English Language, and In which the dreadful alterna
tive was proposed, of relinquishing the Service in a
body, in case the war continued, or retaining their
arms In case of peace, until Congress should comply
with all their demands. At the same time, seizing
the moment when the minds were Inflamed by the most
pathetic representations, a General meeting of the
officers was summoned by another anonymous
production. It is Impossible to say what would have been the
consequence, had the author succeeded in his first
plans. But, measures having been taken to postpone
the meeting, so as to give time for cool reflection and
counteraction, the good sense of the officers has ter
minated this affair In a manner, which reflects the
greatest glory on themselves, and demands the highest
expressions of gratitude from their Country.
The Proceedings have been reported to Congress,
and will probably be published for the satisfaction of
the good people of these United States. In the mean
time I thought It necessary to give you these par
ticulars, principally with a design to communicate to
you without reserve my opinion on this Interesting
subject. For, notwithstanding the storm has now
passed over, notwithstanding the officers have in

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191

despite of their accumulated sufferings given the
most unequivocal and exalted proofs of Patriotism,
yet I believe, unless justice shall be done, and funds
effectually provided for the payment of the Debt, the
most deplorable and ruinous consequences may be
apprehended. Justice, honor, gratitude, policy, every
thing is opposed to the conduct of driving men to
despair of obtaining their just rights, after serving
Seven years a painful life in the Field. I say In the
Field, because they have not during that period had
any thing to shelter them from the inclemency of the
seasons but Tents and such Houses as they could
build for themselves.
Convinced of this, and actuated as I am, not by
private and Interested motives, but by a sense of duty,
a love of justice, and all the feelings of gratitude
towards a body of men, who have merited Infinitely
well of their Country, I can never conceal or suppress
my Sentiments. I cannot cease to exert all the abili
ties I am possessed of, to show the evil tendency of pro
crastinated justice, for I will not suppose it is intended
ultimately to withhold It, nor fail to urge the Establish
ment of such adequate and permanent funds, as will
enable Congress to secure the payment of the public
Debt, on such principles as will preserve the national
faith, give satisfaction to the army and tranquillity to
the Public. With great esteem and regard, I am,
&c. P. S. The author of the Anonymous Address is
yet behind the curtain ; and, as conjecture may be
grounded on error, I will not announce mine at
present.

192 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. Head-Quarters, Newburg,
My Dear Marquis, 23 March, 1783.
I have to acknowledge the honor of your favors
of the 14th & 24th of October and 4th of Deer. ;—
to thank you for the warm and affectionate expres
sion of them ; — and to congratulate you and Madame
La Fayette on the birth of a daughter. Virginia,
I am persuaded, will be pleased with the compliment
of the name ; and I pray as a member of it she may
live to be a blessing to her Parents.
It would seem that, none of my Letters (except
one by Colonel GImat) had reached you when you
last wrote. I do not know how to account for this.
My last letter to you went by the Chevr. Chastellux,
which could not have arrived ; the others were com
mitted to the care either of ye Chevr. de la Luzerne,
or our Secretary of Foreign Affairs at Philadelphia,
to be forwarded by such conveyances as might offer.
I am fully persuaded, my dear Marquis, of your
zeal in the American Cause. I am sure you adopted
the plan you are now in the execution of as the most
likely, tho' a little circuitous, to serve it — and I shall
express to Congress, who I know have an exalted
opinion of your zeal, abilities, and faithful Services,
my entire approbation of your conduct, and the purity
of the motives which gave rise to It. Your pursuit
after honor and glory will be accompanied by my
warmest wishes, and you have my sincerest congratu
lations in your promotion, and command In the French
Army.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193

As it Is your wish, I have given Colo. Gouvion my
consent to meet you at the rendezvous appointed
him. He sets out with all the alacrity of a friend to
attend it. You must receive him as a precious loan,
because I esteem and value him and because it is to
you only I would part with him. I should be happy,
if I could speak decidedly upon any plan of operation
on the American theatre In which the Naval and Land
forces of His Most Christian Majesty could be com
bined. But such is the State of our finances, such
the backwardness of the States to Establish funds,
and such the distress of the Army for want of them,
that I dare give no pointed assurances of effectual co
operation lest I should, unintentionally, be guilty of
deception— especially as my estimates and sentiments
respecting the ensuing Campaign, are now pending
before Congress for decision.
Last year, while I had the prospect of a vigorous
campaign before me (founded on the hope of succors
from your Court) I took a comprehensive view ofthe
Enemy's situation, and our own, arranged the whole
under different heads, and digested plans of attack
applicable to each. This I have put into the hands
of Colo. Gouvion to copy for you ; and with the
alterations occasioned by the change of circumstances,
and such other Information as you will receive from
this Letter, and from him, will enable you to judge as
fully as I can do (in my present state of incertitude)
what can be attempted with such a force as you can
bring at either of the places mentioned therein.
No requisitions by Congress, have yet been made
13

194 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
of the States for men. Whether this proceeds from
the present state of the public funds, and little pros
pect of bettering them, or the hope of Peace ; or partly
from both, does not lye with me to decide. But so
the fact is. So far indeed were they from requiring
men to recruit the Battalions of last year, that several
of them have been reduced, and the non-commissioned
officers and privates incorporated in their respective
State lines. This however has no otherwise reduced
our efficient force than by the diminution of Commis
sioned officers ; but all Corps, that are not fed with
recruits, must dwindle, from the deaths, desertions,
and discharges incident to them — the last of which
you well know, operates more powerfully In our army
than most others. Our present force, tho small In
numbers, is excellent in composition, and may be
depended upon as far as the first are competent.
About June the total of this Army exclusive of Com-
missioned officers, may be computed at 9,000, and by
October It will have deceased near 1,000 men, by the
discharge of so many whose term of service will have
expired. I am impressed with a belief that no Militia could
be drawn out previous to the arrival of a French fleet,
and Land force on the Coast. I am not sanguine
that many could be had afterwards, but certain It
Is, there would be great difficulty in subsisting and
providing for them. If it should be found necessary to
call for their aid. Hence It appears, that little or no
dependence is to be placed on any other Troops than
the Continentals of this army. These would require

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

195

very little previous notice for an operation against New
York, which is the only Post of importance the enemy
have within the United States, and indeed the only
one against which they could move for want of trans
portation, or the means to obtain It.
Penobscot is a secondary object unassailable but by
means of a Naval Superiority, with which the place
might soon be carried without the aid of American
Troops ; to call for which would spread the alarm and
waste time for an unnecessary purpose.
Motives, my dear Marquis, of friendship and can
dor have given birth to the freedom of this communi
cation, on my part ; good sense and prudence will
point it to proper objects, on yours ; and on your
honor and discretion I can firmly rely. It only
remains for me to add, for your farther Information,
that since May last (when my thoughts on the plan of
Campaign for 1782 were digested as they are now
sent to you,) Charles Town and Savanna having been
evacuated, and Troops (Recruits principally) having
arrived from Europe ; the Enemies Posts have been
strengthened : New York, agreeably to the Estimates
of General Greene and Major Burnett which I enclose,
by 3,000 men ; Hallifax and Canada from European
and other accounts by the like number ; and Penob
scot by 3 or 400 more. These being the only changes
which have happened since my statement of the
Enemys force in May last, you will be able to bring
the whole into one view and determine accordingly.
It is reported that a number (some say seven) British
Regiments are about to Embark for the West Indies ;

196 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
by other accounts the whole are said to be going
thither ; but there is not, I believe, any orders for
either yet come to hand in this mem. — every thing
with them is suspended.
Your polite and friendly offer to my nephew, claims
my grateful acknowledgements ;¦ — I wish he was in a
condition to avail himself of it. — He has been in
a declining state of health near 12 months — but was
something better the last time I heard from him.
McHenry has left the Military and embraced a Civil
walk of life ; by which Act he has disqualified him
self from answering your purposes. The Vessel you
gave us room to expect, is not arrived ; but Gouvion
will go to Philadelphia and seek a passage from
thence. — He can tell you more forcibly than I can
express it how much we all love and wish to embrace
you. When, how, or where this will happen you
best can tell. For myself particularly, I hope It is
unnecessary to repeat to you that whether during the
continuance of the war, or after the olive branch
shall have extended Itself over this land (for which 1
most devoutly pray) I shall be happy to see you on
Columbia's shore. — The Inhabitants of my humble
Cottage will salute you with the richest marks of
grateful friendship wch. to a mind susceptible as
yours Is will be a greater feast than the luxuries
of the East, the elegancies of Europe, or the cere.
monies of a Court, can afford. Adieu — believe me
always My dear Marquis Yrs. &c.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197

TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE.
Head-Quarters, 29 March, 1783.
Sir, The news of a general peace, which your Excel
lency has been so good as to announce to me, has
filled my mind with Inexpressible satisfaction ; and
permit me to add, that the joy I feel on this great
event is doubly enhanced by the very obliging man
ner in which you have been pleased to express your
congratulations to me and to the army on this happy
occasion.' The part your Excellency has acted In the cause
of America, and the great and benevolent share you
have taken In the establishment of her independence,
are deeply impressed in my mind, and will not be ef
faced from my remembrance, or that of the citizens
of America. You will accept. Sir, my warmest ac
knowledgments and congratulations, with assurances
that I shall always participate, with the highest
* The first intelligence of the signing of a general treaty of peace at Paris, on
the 20th of January, was brought to America by the Triumph, a French armed
vessel, sent by Lafayette from Count d'Estaing's squadron at Cadiz. It arrived
in Philadelphia in the afternoon of the 23d of March. The following letter
was received by the President of Congress from the Marquis de Lafayette :
" Cadiz, 5 February, 1783.
"Sir, " Having been at some pains to engage a vessel to go to Philadelphia, I now
find myself happily relieved by the kindness of Count d'Estaing. He is just
now pleased to tell me, that he will despatch a French ship, and, by way of
compliment on the occasion, he has made choice of the Triumph. So that I
am not without hopes of giving Congress the first tidings of a general peace ;
and I am happy in the smallest opportunity of doing any thing, that may prove
agreeable to America. ' ' I have the honor to be, &c.
" Lafayette."

198 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
pleasure. In every event, which contributes to your
happiness and satisfaction.
The articles of the general treaty do not appear so
favorable to France, in point of territorial acquisi
tions, as they do to the other powers. But the
magnanimous and disinterested scale of action, which
that great nation has exhibited to the world during
this war, and at the conclusion of peace, will insure
to the King and nation that reputation, which will
be of more consequence to them than every other
consideration. Mrs. Washington begs your Excellency to accept
her sincerest thanks for the joy you have communi
cated to her, and to receive a return of her congratu
lations on this most happy of all events.
I have the honor to be, &c.'

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Head Quarters, 29 March, 1783.
My dear Sir,
Your obliging Letter of the 24 was delivered me
the day before Yesterday, and accompanied the ac
count of a General Peace having been concluded in
Europe on the 20 of January last — Most sincerely do
I accept your Congratulations on the happy event
' ' ' Your Excellency will permit me, with the most lively sensations of gratitude
and pleasure, to return you my warmest thanks for the communication, which
you have been pleased to make to me and to the army, of the glorious news of
a general peace ; an event, which cannot fail to diffuse a general joy through-
out the United States, but to none of their citizens more than to the officers
and soldiers, who now compose the army. It is impossible for me to express

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 199

which has already diffused a General Joy thro' every
class of People and to none more than to the Army —
It will now be our own faults if we do not enjoy that
happiness which we have flattered ourselves this
Event would bring. To see such Measures taken as
will ensure this. Is all that remains for me to wish —
I shall then enjoy In the bosom of my family a
felicity that will amply repay every care.
In a letter I received by the Cutter from the
Marqs. De la Fayette dated Cadiz, Feby. 5th, is this
passage :
" Independent of my public letter to Mr. Livingston, there is a
private one which he will also communicate. — Amongst the
many favors I have received, I would take it as a most flattering
circumstance in my life to be sent to England with the ratifica
tion of the American Treaty — you know it is but an honorary
Commission, that would require the attendance of a few weeks,
and if any Sedentary Minister is sent, I should have the pleasure
of introducing him— this my dear General is entirely con
fidential." From hence I suppose it Is necessary for Congress
to ratifie the treaty of Peace entered into by their
Commissioners at Paris, to give it the form and
solemnity which is essential to such a work, and that
the Marqs. wishes for the honor of putting the last
hand to this business by being the bearer of the
Ratification. How far it is consistent with our Na-

the joy, with which I beg your Excellency to accept a return of my sincerest
congratulations on this happiest of events. The commutation of the half-pay,
and the measures adopted for the liquidation of their accounts, will give great
satisfaction to the army ; and will prove an additional tie to strengthen their
confidence in the justice and benevolent intentions of Congress towards them."
— Washington to the President of Congress, 30 March, 1783.

200 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
tlonal honor, how far motives of policy make for or
against sending a foreigner with it, or how far such a
measure might disappoint the expectation of others, I
pretend not to determine, but if there is no impro
priety, or injustice in It, I should hope that Congress
would feel a pleasure in gratifying the wishes of a
man who has been such a zealous laborer In the
cause of this Country. Whether the above paragraph
was only meant to bring me acquainted with what he
had done, or that I might second his views, I know
not, — therefore notwithstanding the injunction I have
given these sentiments.^ * h: * j g^j^^ ^^^

TO COLONEL BLAND.
Head Quarters, 31st March, 1783.
Sir, The Article in the provisional Treaty respecting
Negroes, which you mention to Sir Guy Carleton,
had escaped my Notice, but upon a recurrence to the
Treaty, I find it as )-ou have stated. I have there
fore tho't it may not be amiss to send in your Letter
to Sir Guy, and have accordingly done it.
Altho I have several Servants In like predicament
with yours, I have not yet made any attempt for their
recovery. Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will decide upon
the propriety or expediency of any pursuit to obtain
> Livingston raised some objection, and on the i5th of April Washington
\vrote that while there was no man upon earth he had a greater indination to
seri-e than Lafayette, he "had not a wish to do it in matters that interfere
iviih. or are repugnant to, our national policy, dignity, or interest."

[783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

them. If that reply should not be transmitted thro
my Hands, I will thank you for a Communication
of It. With much Regard, I am, &c.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRf:.S:-^.
Newburg, 31 March, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I have duly received }'our favors of the 1 7th and
24th ultimo. I rejoice most exceedingly that there
is an end to our warfare, and that such a field Is
opening to our view, as will, with wisdom to direct
the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable,
and happy people ; but It must be improved by other
means than State politics, and unreasonable jealousies
and prejudices, or (It requires not the second sight to
see that) we shall be instruments In the hands of our
enemies, and those European powers, who may be
jealous of our greatness In union, to dissolve the
confederation. But, to obtain this, although the way
seems extremely plain, is not so easy.
My wish to see the union of these States estab
lished upon liberal and permanent principles, and
inclination to contribute my mite in pointing out the
defects of the present constitution, are equally great.
All my private letters have teemed with these senti
ments, and, whenever this topic has been the subject
of conversation, I have endeavored to diffuse and
enforce them ; but how far any further essay by me
might be productive of the wished-for end, or appear

THE WRITINGS OF [1783

to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so
much upon popular opinions, and the temper and dis
positions of the people, that it is not easy to decide.
I shall be obliged to you, however, for the thoughts,
which you promised me on this subject, and as soon
as you can make it convenient.
No man in the United States is or can be more
deeply impressed with the necessity of a reform in
our present confederation than myself. No man
perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly ;
for to the defects thereof, and want of powers in Con
gress, may justly be ascribed the prolongation of the
war, and consequently the expenses occasioned by it.
More than half the perplexities I have experienced in
the course of my command, and almost the whole of
the difficulties and distress of the army, have their
origin here. But still, the prejudices of some, the
designs of others, and the mere machinery of the
majority, make address and management necessary to
give weight to opinions, which are to combat the doc
trines of those different classes of men in the field of
politics. I would have been more full on this subject, but
the bearer (in the clothing department) Is waiting. I
wish you may understand what I have written. I
am, etc'

' "You will give the highest credit to my sincerity when I beg you to accept
my warmest congratulations on this glorious and happy event [peace]— an
event which crowns all cur labors, and will sweeten the toils which we have
experienced in the course of eight years distressing war. The army here
universally participate in the general joy wliich this event has diffused, and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THEODORICK BLAND. Newburg, 4 April, 1783.
Dear Sir,
On Sunday last the Baron de Steuben handed me
your obliging favor of the 22d of March. Permit
me to offer you my unfeigned thanks for the clear
and candid opinions which you have given me of
European politics. Your reasonings upon the con
duct of the different Powers at War would have ap
peared conclusive, had not the happy event which has
been since announced to us, and on which I most sin
cerely congratulate you, proved how well they were
founded. Peace has given rest to speculative opinions
respecting the time and terms of it. The first has
come as soon as we could well have expected it under
the disadvantages which we labored ; and the latter
is abundantly satisfactory.
It Is now the bounden duty of every one to make
the blessings thereof as diffusive as possible. Noth
ing would so effectually bring this to pass as the re
moval of those local prejudices which intrude upon
and embarass that great line of policy which alone
can make us a free, happy and powerful People. Un
less our Union can be fixed upon such a basis as to
from this consideration, together with the late resolutions of Congress, for the
commutation of the half pay, and for a liquidation of all their accounts, their
minds are filled with the highest satisfaction. I am .sure you will join with me
in this additional occasion of joy.
"It remains only for the States to be wise, and to establish their indepen
dence on the basis of an inviolable, efficacious union, and a firm confederation,
which may prevent their being made the sport of European policy. May
heaven give them wisdom to adopt the measures still necessary for this impor
tant purpose." — Washington to Major-General Greene, 31 March, 1783.

204 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
accomplish these, certain I am we have toiled, bled
and spent our treasure to very little purpose.
We have now a National character to establish,
and it Is of the utmost importance to stamp favorable
impressions upon it ; let justice be then one of its
characteristics, and gratitude another. Public credi
tors of every denomination will be comprehended in
the first ; the Army in a particular manner will have
a claim to the latter ; to say that no distinction can
be made between the claims of public creditors is to
declare that there Is no difference in circumstances ;
or that the services of all men are equally alike.
This Army is of near eight years' standing, six of
which they have spent In the Field without any other
shelter from the Inclemency of the seasons than
Tents, or such Houses as they could build for them
selves without expence to the public. They have
encountered hunger, cold and nakedness. They have
fought many Battles and bled freely. They have
lived without pay, and in consequence of It, officers
as well as men have subsisted upon their Rations.
They have often, very often, been reduced to the
necessity of Eating Salt Porke, or Beef not for a day,
or a week only but months together without Vegeta
bles or money to buy them ; or a cloth to wipe on.
Many of them to do better, and to dress as Officers
have contracted heavy debts or spent their patri
monies. The first see the Doors of Goals open to
receive them — whilst those of the latter are shut
against them. Is there no discrimination then— no
extra exertion to be made in favor of men in these

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205

peculiar circumstances, in the event of their military
dissolution ? Or, if no worse cometh of it, are they
to be turned adrift soured and discontented, com
plaining of the ingratitude of their Country, and
under the influence of these passions, to become fit
subjects for unfavorable impressions, and unhappy
dissentions ? For permit me to add, tho every man
in the Army feels his distress — it Is not every one
that will reason to the cause of It.
I would not from the observations here made, be
understood to mean that Congress should (because I
know they cannot, nor does the army expect it) pay
the full arrearaofes due to them till Continental or
State funds are established for the purpose. They
would, from what I can learn, go home contented —
nay — thankful to receive what I have mentioned In
a more public letter of this date, and in the manner
there expressed. And surely this may be effected
with proper exertions. Or what possibility was there
of keeping the army together, if the war had con
tinued, when the victualling, clothing, and other ex
penses of it were to have been added ? Another thing
Sir, (as I mean to be frank and free In my com
munications on this subject) I will not conceal from
you — it Is the dissimilarity in the payments to men in
Civil and Military life. The first receive everything
— the other get nothing but bare subsistence — they
ask what this Is owing to ? and reasons have been
assigned, which, say they, amount to this — that men
in Civil life have stronger passions and better preten
sions to Indulge them, or less virtue and regard for

2o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
their Country than us, — otherwise, as we are all con
tending for the same prize and equally interested in
the attainment of it, why do we not bear the burthen
equally ?
These and other comparisons which are unneces
sary to enumerate give a keener edge to their feelings
and contribute not a little to sour their tempers. As
It is the first wish of my Soul to see the War happily
& speedily terminated ; and those who are now in
arms, returned to Citizenship with good dispositions,
I think It a duty which I owe to candor and to friend
ship, to point you to such things as my opportunities
have given me reason to believe will have a tendency
to harmony and bring them to pass. I shall only add
that with much esteem and regard, I am, &c.

TO THEODORICK BLAND.
c Head-Quarters, 4 April, 1783.
The subject of your private letter is so important
and Involving so many considerations, that I could
not hazard my own opinion only for a Reply. I have
therefore communicated its contents to some of the
most Intelligent, well-informed, and confidential
officers, whose judgment I have compelled, and en
deavored to collect from them, what is the general
Line and Expectation of the Army at large respectg.
the points you mention — and as this Is meant to be
equally private and confidential as yours, I shall
communicate my sentiments to you without reserve,
and with the most entire Freedom.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207

The idea of the officers in keeping the Army to
gether until Settlement of their accounts is effected,
and Funds established for their Security, is perhaps
not so extensive as the words of their Resolution
seem to Intimate. When that Idea was first ex
pressed, our prospects of Peace were Distant, and it
was supposed that Settlement and Funds might both
be effected before a Dissolution of the Army would
probably take place. They wished therefore to have
both done at once. But since the Expectation of
Peace Is bro't so near, however desirable it would be
to the officers, to have their Ballances secured to
them upon sufficient Funds, as well as their Settle
ment ascertained, yet It is not in Idea, that the Army
should be held together for the sole Purpose of en
forcing either. Nor do they suppose that, by such
Means, they could operate on the Fears of the civil
power, or of the people at large — the impracticability
as well as ill policy of such a mode of Conduct Is
easily discoverable by every sensible Intelligent
officer. — The Tho't is reprobated as ridiculous and
inadmissible. Tho' these are their Ideas on the particular Point
you have mentioned, yet they have their Expecta
tions and they are of a very serious Nature and will
require all the Attention and consideration of Con
gress to gratify them. These I will endeavor to ex
plain with freedom and candor.
In the first place, I fix it as an indispensible Meas
ure, that previous to the Disbanding of the Army, all
their accounts, should be compleatly liquidated and

2o8 THE WRITINGS OF [,783
settled — and that every person shall be ascertained
of the Ballance due to hiVn ; and it is equally essential,
in my opinion, that this Settlement should be effected,
with the Army in its collected Body, without any
dispersion of the different Lines to their respective
States — for in this way the Accounts will be drawn
into one view, properly digested upon one general
system, and compared with a variety of circumstances,
which will require References upon a much easier
plan to be dispersed over all the States. The Set
tlements will be effected with greater ease, in less
Time, and with much more oeconomy in this, than in
a scattered situation. At the same Time jealousies
will be removed, the minds of the Army will be im
pressed with greater Ease and Quiet, and they
better prepared, with good opinions and proper Dis
positions to fall back into the great Mass of Citizens—
But after Settlement is formed, there remains
another Circumstance of more importance still, and
without which. It will be of little consequence to
have the sums due them ascertained ; that is, the
Payment of some part of the Ballance. The Dis
tresses of Officers and Soldiers, are now driven to
the extreme, and without this provision will not be
lessened by the prospect of Dissolution. It is there
fore universally expected that three months' pay at
least, must be given them before they are disbanded
— this Sum it Is confidently Imagined may be pro
cured and is absolutely indispensable.
They are the rather confirmed In a Belief of the
practicability of obtaining It — as the pay of the Army,

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209

has formed great part of the Sum In the Estimates
which have been made for the Expences of the War
— and altho' this has been obliged to give way to
more necessary Claims, yet when those Demands
cease, as many will upon the Disbanding the Army —
the Pay will then come Into view, and have Its equal
claim to Notice.
They will not however be unreasonable in this Ex
pectation. If the whole cannot be obtained before
they are dispersed, the Receipt of one month in
Hand, with an absolute assurance of having the other
two months in a short Time, will be satisfactory —
Should Mr. Morris not be able to assure them the
two last Months from the Treasury, it is suggested
that it may be obtained in the States, by Drafts
from him upon their several Continental Receivers, to
be collected by the Individual Officers and Soldiers,
out of the last year's Arrears due from the several
States apportionments, and for which Taxes have
long since been assessed by the Legislatures — This
mode, tho' troublesome to the officer, and perhaps
Inconvenient for the financier, yet from the Necessity
of circumstances may be adopted, and might be a
means of collecting more Taxes from the people than
would in any other way be done. This is only
hinted as an Expedient. The Financier will take his
own measures. But I repeat it, as an indispensable
point, that this Sum at least, must by some means be
procured. — Without this provision, it will be abso
lutely impossible for many to get from Camp, or to
return to their_^ friends — and driven to such necessities
14

2IO THE WRITINGS OF [1783
it is impossible to foresee what may be the conse
quences of their not obtaining it. But the worst is
to be apprehended. — A Credit, built by their Friends
& such others as have been good eno' to supply their
wants upon the Expectation of being refunded at the
close of the War, out of the large Sums which by
their Toils in the course of many Years hard Ser
vice, have become due to them from the public, has
supported the greatest Number of them to the pres
ent Time — and that Debt now remains upon them.
But to be disbanded at last, without this little pit
tance (which Is necessary to quit Quarters) like a Sett
of Beggars, Needy, distressed and without Prospect,
will not only blast the Expectations of their Credi
tors, and expose the officers to the utmost Indignity
and the worst of consequences ; — but will drive every
man of Honor and Sensibility to the extremest Hor
rors of Despair. On the other Hand to give them
this Sum, however small in comparison of their Dues,
yet, by fulfillng their Expectations, will sweeten their
Tempers, cheer their hopes of the future — enable
them to submit themselves 'till- they can cast about
for some future means of Business — It will gratify
their pressing Creditors, and will throw the officer
back with Ease and Confidence Into the Bosom of
this Country, and enable him to mix with cordiality
and affection among the mass of useful, happy and
contented Citizens — an object of the most desirable
importance. I cannot at this point of Distance,
know the arrangements of the financier, what have
been his anticipations, or what his prospects — but

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

the necessity of fulfilling this Expectation of the
Army affects me so exceeding forcibly, that I can
not help dwelling upon It, nor is there In my present
apprehensions a point of greater consequence or that
requires more serious attention. Under this Im
pression I have thought, if a spirited, pointed, and
well adapted Address was framed by Congress, and
sent to the States on this Occasion, that Gratitude,
Justice, Honor, National Pride, and every Considera
tion, would operate upon them to strain every Nerve,
and exert every endeavor to throw into the Public
Treasury, a Sum equal to this Requisition — It can
not be denied, especially when they reflect, how
small the Expectation is, compared with the large
sum of arrears which Is due — and tho' I know that
Distinctions are commonly odious, and are looked
upon with a jealous and envious Eye — yet it Is
impossible, that In this case. It can have this opera
tion ; for whatever the feelings of Individuals at large
may be in contemplating on their own Demands —
yet upon a candid Comparison, every man, even the
most Interested, will be forced to yield to the superior
merit and sufferings of the Soldier, who for a course
of Years, has contributed his Services In the field, not
only at the Expence of his fortune and former Em
ployment, but at the Risque of Ease, domestic hap
piness, comfort and even Life. After all these Con
siderations, how must he be struck with the medi
ocrity of his demand, when. Instead of the Pay due
him for four, five, perhaps six years hard earned Toil
and Distress, he is content for the present with

212 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
receiving three months, only — and is willing to risque
the Remainder upon the same Basis of Security, with
the general mass of other public Creditors. —
Another Expectation seems to have possessed the
minds of the officers. That, as the objects above
mentioned are not the only ones which must occupy
the attention of Congress, in Connexion with the
Army, it may probably be tho't advisable that Con
gress should send to the Army, a respectable, well-
chosen, and well Instructed Committee, of their own
Body ; with liberal Power, to confer with the Army,
to know their Sentiments, their Expectations, their
Distresses, their Necessities, and the Impossibility of
their falling back from the Soldier to Citizenship
without some gratification to their most reasonable
Demands. This would be considered as a compli
ment. And to add still greater satisfaction and advan
tage. It is tho't very advisable, that the Secretary at
War, and the Financier should be of this Delegation.
Previous to a Dissolution of the Army, many arrange
ments will doubtless be necessary In both those De
partments, to procure a happy and honorable close to
the War, and to introduce Peace, with a prospect of
National Glory, Stability, and Benefit. It Is not for
me to dictate, but I should suppose some Peace
Establishment will be necessary ; some posts will be
kept up and garrisoned ; Arsenals for the De
posit of Ordnance and Military Stores, will be
determined on, and the Stores collected and
deposited ; arrangements will be necessary for the
Discharge of the Army ; at what periods and under

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213
what circumstances. The Terms of the Soldiers Ser
vice are on different Grounds ; — those for the War
will suppose and they have a right to do so, their
periods of Service to expire at the Close of War, and
Proclamation of Peace. What period shall be fixed
for these ? The Levy men may be retained while
the British force remain in our Country if It shall be
judged advisable. If I am not consulted In these
matters, it will be necessary for me to have an early
Knowledge of the Intentions of Congress on these
and many other points. But I can think of no mode
so effectual as the one suggested of a Committee
accompanied by the Financier and Secretary at War.
Plans which to us appear feasible and practicable,
may be attended with insurmountable difficulties. On
the other hand measures may be adopted at Philadel
phia which cannot be carried Into execution. But
here In the manner proposed something might be hit
upon which would accommodate Itself to the Ideas of
both, with greater Ease and Satisfaction, than may
now be expected, and which could not be effected by
writing Quires of paper, and spending a Length of
Time. —
Upon the whole, you will be able to collect from
the foregoing Sentiments what are the Expectations
of the Army — that they will Involve compleat Settle
ment and partial payment previous to any Dispersion.
(This they suppose may be done within the Time that
they must necessarily remain together.) Upon the
fulfillment of these two, they will readily retire. In full
assurance that ample Security at the earliest period.

214 THE WRITINGS OF [1783 1
and on the best ground it can be had will be obtained
for the Remainder of their Ballances.
If the Idea of a Committee to right the Army
should not be adopted, — and you find It necessary to
pass any further Resolutions, you will easily collect
from the foregoing Sentiments what will be satisfac
tory — without my troubling you any further — I pray
you to communicate the Contents of this Letter to
Colo. Hamilton, from whom I received a request
similar to yours. I have &c.'

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Newburg, 4 April, 1783.
Dear Sir,
* * * I read your private letter of the 25th with
pain, and contemplated the picture it had drawn with
astonishment and horror. But I will yet hope for the
best. The Idea of redress by force is too chimerical
to have had a place in the imagination of any serious
' Early in April, and some days before this letter reached Bland, Congress
appointed a committee consisting of Madison, Osgood, Wilson, Ellsworth, and
Hamilton, the last-named being chairman, to consider what arrangements it
would be proper to adopt in the different departments with reference to a
peace. On the gth, Hamilton informed Washington of such a committee, and
wished for his " sentiments at large on such institutions of every kind for the
interior defence of these States as may be best adapted to their circumstances, and
conciliate security with economy and with the principles of our government.
In this they will be glad if you will take as great latitude as you may think
necessary." Washington asked for the opinion of all the principal officers in
camp, and also of Governor Clinton. Several of them presented memoirs of
considerable length, entering into comprehensive and detailed views of what
was called a peace establishment. From these papers a letter was framed
extending to twenty-five folio pages, which was for\\arded by the Commander-
in-chief to the committee of Congress.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215
mind In this army ; but there is no telling what un
happy disturbances may result from distress, and
distrust of justice, and as far as the fears and jeal
ousies of the army are alive, I hope no resolution
will be come to for disbanding or separating the lines
till the accts. are liquidated. You may rely upon it.
Sir, that unhappy consequences would follow the
attempt. The suspicions of the officers are afloat,
notwithstanding the resolutions which have passed
on both sides. Any act, therefore, which can be con
strued with an attempt to separate them before the
accts. are settled will convey the most unfavorable
ideas of the rectitude of Congress — whether well or
111 founded, the consequences will be the same.
I will now, in strict confidence, mention a matter
which may be useful for you to be Informed of. It Is
that some men (and leading ones too) In this army,
are beginning to entertain suspicions that Congress,
or some members of it, regardless of the past suffer
ings and present distress, maugre the justice which is
due to them, and the returns which a grateful people
should make to men who certainly have contributed
more than any other class to the establishment of In
dependency, are to be made use of as mere puppets
to establish continental funds, and that rather than
not succeed in this measure, or weaken their ground,
they would make a sacrifice of the army and all Its
Interests. I have two reasons for mentioning this matter to
you. The one is, that the army (considering the
Irritable state it is in, its sufferings and composition)

2i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
is a dangerous instrument to play with ; the other,
that every possible means consistent with their own
views (which certainly are moderate) should be
essayed, to get it disbanded without delay. I might
add a third : It is, that the Financier is suspected to be
at the bottom of this scheme. If sentiments of this
sort should become general, their operation will be
opposed to this plan ; at the same time that it would
increase the present discontents. Upon the whole,
disband the army as soon as possible, but consult the
wishes of It, which really are moderate in the mode,
and perfectly compatible with the honor, dignity and
justice which is due from the country to it. I am, &c.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Head-Qrs., Newburg, 5 April, 1783.
My dear Marqs,,
It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to ex
press, the sensibility of my heart at the communica
tions in your letter of the 5th of Feb. from Cadiz. It
Is to these communications we are Indebted for the
only accts. yet reed, of a general Pacification. My
mind, upon the receipt of this news, was instantly
assailed by a thousand Ideas, all of them contending
for preeminence ; but, believe me, my dear friend,
none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that grati
tude, which has arisen from a lively sense of the con
duct of your nation, and from my obligations to many
of the illustrious characters of it, among whom, (I do
not mean to flatter, when I place you at the head,) and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217
from my admiration of the Virtues of your August
Sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands con
fessed the Father of his own people, and defender of
American rights, has given the most exalted example
of moderation in treating with his Enemies.
We stand, now, an Independent People, and have
yet to learn political Tactics. We are placed among
the nations of the Earth, and have a character to
establish ; but how we shall acquit ourselves, time
must discover. The probability (at least I fear it), is
that local or State politics will Interfere too much with
the more liberal and extensive plan of government,
which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of
prejudice, would dictate ; and that we shall be guilty
of many blunders in treading this boundless theatre,
before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this
art ; in a word, that the experience, which is purchased
at the price of difficulties and distress, will alone con
vince us that the honor, power, and true Interest of
this Country must be measured by a Continental
scale, and that every departure therefrom weakens the
Union, and may ultimately break the band which
holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a
Constitution, that will give consistency, stability, and
dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the
great Council of the nation for general purposes, Is a
duty which is incumbent upon every man, who wishes
well to his Country, and will meet with my aid as far
as it can be rendered in the private walks of life :
for hence forward my mind shall be unbent and I will
endeavor to glide gently down the stream of life till

2i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
I come to that abyss from whence no traveller is per
mitted to return.
The armament, wch. was preparing at Cadiz, and in
which you were to have acted a distinguished part,
would have carried such conviction with it, that it is
not to be wondered at, that Great Britain should have
been impressed with the force of such reasoning.
To this cause, I am persuaded, the Peace is to be
ascribed. Your going to Madrid from thence, instead
of coming immediately to this Country^, Is another
instance, my dear ]\Iarquis, of your zeal for the Ameri
can Cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of
her Sons, who will at all times receive you with open
arms.^ As no official despatches are yet received,
either at Phila. or New York, of the completion of
the treaty, nor any measures taken for the reduc
tion of the army, my detention there-with is quite
uncertain. To say then (at this time) where I may
be, at the epoch for your intended visit to this con
tinent, Is too vague even for conjecture ; but nothing
can be more true, than that the pleasure, with which I
¦ Although the Spanish government, by the signatirre of the treaty of general
peace at Paris, had assented to the independence of the United States, yet the
king was not inclined to receive a person from America in a public diplomatic
character at his court. After the declaration of peace, Mr. Carmichael, who
had been Secretary of Legation under Mr. Jay, was appointed Charge d'Affaires
from the United States to Spain. He was already in Madrid, having remained
there after Mr. Jay's departure. The Spanish court declined receiving him in
his public capacity. He wrote to the JIarquis de Lafayette, who was then at
Cadiz, and requested his aid. The Marquis repaired to Madrid, had an inter
view with the king, and with the principal minister, Count de Florida Blanca,
and succeeded in procuring a recognition of Mr. Carmichael's powers as
Charge d'Affaires from the United States. The conduct of the Marquis de La
fayette on this occasion was highly approved by Congress. See Diplomatu
Correspondence, vol. x. , pp. 24—39.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219

shall receive you, will be equal to your wishes. I
shall be better able to determine then, than now, on
the practicability of accompanying you to France, a
Country to which I shall ever feel a warm affection ;
and, if I do not pay It that tribute of respect, which
Is to be derived from a visit it may be ascribed with
more justice to any other cause, than a want of incli
nation, or the pleasure of going there under the
auspices of your friendship.
I have already observed, that the determinations
of Congress, if they have come to any, respecting the
army, is yet unknown to me. But, as you wish to be
informed of every thing that concerns it, I do, for
your satisfaction, transmit authentic documents of
some very interesting occurrences, which have hap
pened within the last Six months. But I ought first
to have premised, that, from accumulated sufferings
and little or no prospect of relief, the discontents of
the officers last Fall put on the threatening appear
ance of a total resignation, till the business was
diverted into the channel, which produced the Ad
dress and Petition to Congress, which stand first on
the file herewith enclosed. I shall make no comment
on these proceedings. To one so well acquainted
with the sufferings of the American army as you are,
it is unnecessary. It will be sufficient to observe,
that the more the Virtue and forbearance of it are
tried, the more resplendent It appears. My hope is,
that the military exit of this valuable class of the
community will exhibit such a proof of amor pair icB,
as will do them honor in the page of history.

220 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
These papers, with my last letter, (which was in
tended to go by Colo. Gouvion, containing extensive
details of military Plans,) will convey to you every
Information I can give in the present uncertainty
worthy of attention. If you should get sleepy and
tired of reading them, recollect, for my exculpation,
that it Is In compliance with your request I have run
into such prolixity. I made a proper use of the con
fidential part of your Letter of the 5th of Feby.
The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose
as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the
black people of this Country from that state of
Bondage In wch. they are held. Is a striking evidence
of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy
to join you in so laudable a work ; but will defer
going into a detail of the business, till I have the
pleasure of seeing you.
Lord Stirling is no more. He died at Albany In
Jany. last, very much regretted. Colo. Barber was
snatched from us about the same time. In a way
equally unexpected, sudden, and distressing ; leaving
many friends to bemoan his fate.^
Tilghman Is on the point of matrimony with a
namesake and cousin, sister to Mrs. Carroll of Balti
more. It only remains for me now, my dear Marqs.,
' Colonel Francis Barber was accidentally killed, while riding near the camp,
by a falling tree, which a soldier was cutting. He was buried at New Wind
sor, on the 13th of February, with every mark of respect from the Commander-
in-chief and the army. He had served through the war, and acquired the
reputation, not more of an intelligent and brave officer, than of a man of
estimable private qualities, possessing the confidence and esteem of the superior
officers, and the affectionate attachment of his associates. An intimacy and
friendship had subsisted between him and Lafayette. — Sparks.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

to make a tender of my respectful compliments, in
which Mrs. Washington unites, to Madame Lafayette,
and to wish you, her, and your little offspring, all the
happiness this life can afford. I will extend my com
pliments to the gentlemen with whom I have the
honor of an acquaintance in your circle. I need not
add how happy I shall be to see you in America, and
more particularly at Mount Vernon, or with what
truth and warmth of affection I am, &c.

TO sir guy carleton. Head-Quarters, 9 April, 1783.
Sir, I feel great satisfaction from your Excellency's de
spatches by Captain Stapleton, conveying to me the
joyful annunciation of your having received official ac
counts of the conclusion of hostilities. Without official
authority from Congress, but perfectly relying on
your communication, I can at this time only issue my
orders to the American out-posts, to suspend all acts
of hostilities until further orders. This shall be in
stantly done ; and I shall be happy in the momentary
expectation of having it in my power to publish to
the American army a general cessation of all hos
tilities between Great Britain and America.'
' " Official accounts of the happy conclusion of a Peace have been transmit
ted by Sir Guy Carleton to General Haldimand at Quebec by his officers who
passed thro' this place a few days since, but as a very considerable time must
elapse before these Gentlemen can arrive at Quebec and the news be communi
cated from thence to the British posts in the upper country, and as humanity
dictates that not a moment should be lost in endeavoring to prevent any fur
ther incursions of the Indians (who it is said have already struck at Wyoming),

222 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
To your observations respecting particular articles
of the peace I am obliged to reply, that it rests with
Congress to direct measures for the observance of all
the articles contained In the provisional treaty. You
may be assured, that, as soon as I receive my instruc
tions from the sovereign power of the United States
I shall rejoice in giving every facility in my power to
carry Into complete execution that article of the treaty,
which respects the restitution of all prisoners of war,
being perfectly disposed to contribute to diffusing, as
much as possible, the happy effects of this great event.
I thank your Excellency for the assurances you are
pleased to express, of your readiness to cultivate that
spirit of perfect good will and conciliation, which you
wish would take place between the King of Great
Britain and the United States, and the citizens and
subjects of both countries ; and I beg, Sir, that you
will please to accept a tender from me of reciprocal
good will and attention, accompanied with sincere
congratulations on this joyful restoration of peace
and general tranquillity, with an earnest wish, that,
resting on the firm basis of mutual interest and good
will, it may prove as lasting as it Is happy.
I have the honor to be, &c.
I have thought it proper to write to General McLean, commanding the British
Force in that quarter, and to inclose to him the King of Great Britain's Procla
mation for the cessation of Hostilities, and this Letter I must direct you to for
ward to him at Niagara by some trusty Indian runner with all possible expedi
tion — the expense attending this business shall be repaid on your informing me
of it.
" You will at the same time, give orders to the troops and Indians under
your command to forbear all Acts of Hostility against the troops of his Brit-
tanic Majesty other than for their own immediate defence." — Washington to
Colonel Marinus Willet, 14 April, 1783.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS.
„ c^ Newburg, 16 April, 1783.,
Dear Sir,
My last letter to you was written in a hurry, when
I was fatigued by the more public yet confidential
letter, which, with several others, accompanied it.
Possibly I did not on that occasion express myself. In
what I Intended as a hint, with so much perspicuity as
I ought. Possibly, too, what I then dropped might
have conveyed more than I intended, for I do not
now recollect ye force of my expression.
My meaning, however, was only to inform you, that
there were different sentiments In the army, as well
as in Congress, respecting Continental and State
Funds, some wishing to be thrown upon their respec
tive States, rather than the Continent at large, for
payment ; and that, if an idea should generally pre
vail, that Congress, or part of its members or minis
ters, bent upon the latter, should delay doing them
justice, or hazard it in pursuit of their favorite object,
It might create such divisions in the army, as would
weaken rather than strengthen the hands of those,
who were disposed to support Continental measures,
and might tend to defeat the end they themselves had
in view, by endeavoring to Interest the army.
For these reasons I said, or meant to say, the army
was a dangerous Engine to work with, as It might be
made to cut both ways ; and, considering the suffer
ings of It, wld. more than probably throw Its weight
into that scale, which seemed most likely to prepon
derate towards its Immediate relief, without looking,
(under the pressure of necessity,) to future conse-

224 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
quences with the eyes of Politicians. In this light,
also, I meant to apply my observation to Mr. Morris,
to whom, or rather to Mr. G. M., is ascribed In a
great degree the groundwork of the superstructure,
which was intended to be raised in the army by the
anonymous addresser.*
That no man can be more opposed to State funds
or local prejudices than myself, the whole tenor of
my conduct has been one continual evidence of. No
man, perhaps, has had better opportunities to see and
yj?^/the pernicious tendency of the latter than I have ;
and I endeavor (I hope not altogether ineffectually)
to Inculcate this upon the officers of the army, upon
all proper occasions ; but their feelings are to be at
tended to and soothed, and they must be assured,
that, if Continental funds cannot be established, they
will be recommended to their respective States for
payment. Justice must be done them.
I should do injustice to report and what I believe
to be the opinion of the army, were I not to inform
you, that they consider you as a friend, zealous to
serve them, and one who has espoused their interests
in Congress upon every proper occasion. It is to be
wished, as I observed In my letter to Colo. Bland, that
Congress would send a Comee. to the Army with
plenipo. powers. The matters requested of me in
your letter of the [9th] as Chairman of a Committee,
and many other things, might then be brought to a
' Gouverneur Morris was strongly opposed to the officers looking to the indi
vidual States for redress. He was in favor of Continental funds, and believed
these could be obtained by the united efforts of the public creditors and the
army.— Morris to Greene, 15 February, 1783.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 225

close with more despatch and in a happier manner,
than it is likely they will be by an Intercourse of Letters
at the distance of 1 50 miles, which takes our Expresses
a week at least to go and return. At this moment, being
without any instructions from Congress, I am under
great embarrassment with respect to the Soldiers for
the war, and shall be obliged more than probably,
from the necessity of the case, to exercise my own
judgment, without waiting for orders as to the dis
charge of them. If I should adopt measures, which
events will approve, all will be well : If otherwise,
" Why, and by what authority, did you do so ? "
How far a strong recommendation from Congress
to observe all the articles of peace as well as the'
may imply a suspicion of good faith in the
People of this Country, I pretend not to judge ;
but I am much mistaken if something of the kind will
not be found wanting, as I already perceive a disposi
tion to carp at and to elude such parts of the treaty,
as affect different Interests, altho' you do not find a
man, who, when pushed, will not agree, that, upon the
whole, it is a more advantageous Peace than we could
possibly have expected. I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
„ Head-Quarters, 18 April, 1783.
Sir, I find it a duty incumbent on me to communicate
to your Excellency the present disposition and tem
per of part of the army. The accounts of peace,
' Referring probably to some particular article. The blank is not filled in
the draft. 15

226 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

which have been received at different times, have
raised an expectation In the minds of the men en
gaged for the war, that a speedy discharge must be
the consequence. This idea has been so deeply im
pressed, that it has become difficult to hold them
under that sense of discipline, which is necessary to
bind together the subjects of an army. The slow and
dillatory manner. In which the intelligence of peace
has arrived to us, has served to heighten this Idea,
and has led those men to some suspicion, that official
despatches and official declarations of peace have
been postponed through design, that they might be
held beyond the term of their engagements ; by which
means they have In some Instances scarcely been re
strained from acts of excess. To such a composition
of men as the army is formed of, this Idea Is perhaps
not an unnatural one.
In this situation the proclamation of Congress for
a cessation of hostilities found us on its arrival yester
day. This act, being unaccompanied with any in
structions for my conduct respecting the discharge of
this part of the army if It should be found necessary,
or any intimations of Congress on that head, has
thrown me into a most disagreeable circumstance.
Knowing the temper of the war-men, to suppress the
publication of this proclamation would increase their
suspicions ; and knowing their expectations, to pub
lish it to men, who have not learnt to distinguLsh
between a proclamation for a cessation of hostilities
and a definite declaration of peace, when they have
authentic Information that peace has actually taken

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227
place, would serve to increase their expectations of
immediate discharge, and stamp any claim to their
further services with an appearance of Injustice.
Under this dilemma, and being totally ignorant of
the designs of the enemy in New York, who, from
all I can collect, are making no show of an early evacua
tion of that city, I found it difficult to decide on
the line of my duty. I therefore called a full con
sultation of the general officers of this army on the
occasion. It was their unanimous judgment, that
it would be equally Impracticable and impolitic to at
tempt to suppress the proclamation, and that it should
be issued in this day's orders. At the same time, the
general officers are deeply Impressed with an idea of
the little remaining hold, which, after this publication,
we may expect to have upon the men engaged for the
war, and of the necessity there Is, that Congress should
come to some speedy determination upon this Inter
esting point, as to what Is to be the period of these
men's service, and that they should give the earliest
communication to me of their decision for my
instruction. Towards effecting this Important object, it has
been seriously motioned to me, that I should hint
to Congress the propriety and expediency of their
appointing a committee of their own body, with plenary
powers, who may Immediately repair to camp, and who
may decide on the necessary arrangements for this Im
portant period. For my own part, I am fully in senti
ment with this opinion, as such a measure would not
only tend to help over the difficulty of the moment.

2 28 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
but would expedite the execution of many other ar
rangements, which will be found necessarily, prepara
tory to our disbanding the present army. It might also
serve to facilitate any negotiations, which It may be
found expedient to enter Into with Sir Guy Carleton,
for his speedy evacuation of New York, an object
which at present seems at too great a distance for our
circumstances. Many other matters will undoubtedly
present themselves which we cannot foresee, and which
will require frequent references to Congress ; and, as
much time is lost in communications between the army
and the sovereign body, a committee on the spot, who
might give an Immediate decision, would be of great
importance, and perhaps suppress many disagreeable
consequences which might arise merely from delay.
One circumstance has already occurred, as Congress
will perceive by the enclosed petition from the troops
of the New Jersey line ; another I have this day heard
of in the Connecticut line, extending to a claim of
half-pay or commutation for the ;«(?;z-commissioned
officers of that line. How far their Ideas, if not sup
pressed by some lucky expedient, may proceed. It is
beyond my power to divine.
Notwithstanding the length of this letter, I must
beg the liberty to suggest to Congress an idea, which
has been hinted to me, and which has affected my mind
very forcibly. That Is, that, at the discharge of the
men engagedybr the war. Congress should suffer those
men, non-commissioned officers and soldiers, to take
with them as their own property, and as a gratuity,
the arms and accoutrements they now hold. This act
would raise pleasing sensations in the minds of those

[783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 229

worthy and faithful men, who, from their early enga
ging in the war at moderate bounties, and from their
patient continuance under innumerable distresses, have
not only deserved nobly of their country, but have
obtained an honorable distinction over those, who,
with shorter times, have gained large pecuniary re
wards. This act, at a comparative small expense,
would be deemed an honorable testimonial from Con
gress of the regard they bear to those distinguished
worthies, and the sense they have had of their suffer
ing virtues and services, which have been so happily
instrumental towards the security and establishment
of the rights, liberties, and independence of this rising
empire. These constant companions of their toils and
dangers, preserved with sacred care, would be handed
down from the present possessors to their children, as
honorable badges of bravery and military merit ; and
would probably be brought forth, on some future oc
casion, with pride and exultation, to be Improved with
the same military ardor and emulation in the hands of
posterity, as they have been used by their forefathers
in the present establishment and foundation of our
national independence and glory.'
Congress will suffer me to repeat my most earnest
'"You mention in your letter that tho' your business in France is of a
mercantile nature, it is your intention to travel in regimentals. On this I can
not help remarking, that there may be an impropriety in your appearing in a
military dress when the war shall have ceased and the United States shaU no
longer have an army existing, and besides, to those acquainted with the country
you are going to, it is well known that the military and the mercantile charac
ter is there totally different and inconsistent with each other ; and however
respectable the latter may be here, in France it is even deemed disgraceful for
an officer to engage in commerce of any WnA."— Washington to Colonel
Matthias Ogden, 19 April, 1783.

230

THE WRITINGS OF [1783

wish, that they will be pleased, either by themselves
at large, or by their committee, to pay their earliest
attention to the matters now referred to their consid
eration ; for I must add, that, unless the most speedy
arrangements for the war men are adopted, I con
template with anxiety the disagreeable consequences,
which, I fear, will be the result of much longer delay.
I have the honor to be, &c.'
' Read 21 April. This letter was referred to a committee, Osgood, Bland,
Hamilton, Madison, and Peters, in conformity with whose report it was resolved
that, in the opinion of Congress, the time of service of the men engaged for the
war did not expire till the ratification of the definitive articles of peace ; that
those continuing in the service till that time should be allowed their arms
and accoutrements ; but that, nevertheless, discretion should be left with the
Commander-in-chief to grant furloughs, or discharges, to those men, as he
should judge most expedient. — Journals, April 23d.
A committee of Congress, composed of Hamilton, Peters, and Gorham, pre
sented on the 23d of May a report recommending the discharge of all the non
commissioned officers and soldiers enlisted for the war. Madison, supported by
Carroll, sought to have the report re-committed, but failed ; and Williamson,
seconded by Carroll, proposed that furloughs be granted to the men by the
commander-in-chief, to be followed by a final discharge on the conclusion of a
definitive peace. The southern members were solidly opposed to granting a
discharge, and their votes, with Pennsylvania and Rhode Island lost by division,
defeated the committee's proposition. Three days after, the resolution to grant
furloughs was taken up and passed, being a compromise between those who
wished to get rid of the expense of keeping the men in the field, and those
who thought it impolitic to disband the army whilst the British remained in the
United States. Morris, who had urged the disbanding of the army, plainly
telling Congress that the means of paying it even in paper would soon be gone,
issued notes payable in six months, asked the States to receive them in payment
of taxes, and with these paid off the army.
It was then resolved, "That the Commander-in-chief be instructed to
grant furloughs to the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the United
States enlisted to serve during the war, who shall be discharged as soon as the
definitive treaty of peace is concluded, together with a proportionable number
of commissioned officers of the different grades ; and that the secretary at war
and the Commander-in-chief take the proper measures for conducting those
troops to their respective homes, in such a manner as may be most convenient
to themselves and to the States through which they may pass ; and that the men
thus furloughed be allowed to take their arms with them." — May 26th.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231

TO SIR GUY CARLETON. Head-Quarters, 21 April, 1783.
Sir, I have the satisfaction of enclosing to your Excel
lency a proclamation, which I have received from the
sovereign power of the United States, ordering a gen
eral cessation of hostilities, as well by sea as land, with
directions that the same should be published to all
their subjects under my command. In compliance
with these instructions, the same was made public In
the American camp on the 19th, with my orders that
It should be made known at all the out-posts of the
American army as soon as possible.'
In consequence of this declaration, and in conform
ity to the articles of the treaty, Congress have been
pleased to pass their resolutions of the 15th instant,
directing arrangements to be formed for the libera
tion of all prisoners, and other purposes, which your
Excellency will collect from the enclosed copy, which
I transmit for your observation.
In a conference, which I had yesterday with the
minister at war, agreeably to the terms of the above-
mentioned resolutions, It has been agreed between us,
that the land prisoners should be liberated as soon as
' The proclamation for a cessation of hostilities was agreed upon and adop
ted in Congress on the nth of April. It is observable, that it was published in
camp precisely eight years from the date of the first act of hostility at Lex
ington. General Heath describes the ceremony as follows :
"April i<)th. At noon the proclamation of Congress for a cessation of
hostilities was proclaimed at the door of the New Building, followed by three
huzzas ; after which a prayer was made by the Reverend Mr. Ganno, and an
anthem {Independence, from Billings,) was performed by vocal and instrumental
music." — Memoirs, p. 371.

232 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
possible, and that orders .should be Immediately given
for commencing their march towards New York.
But as their situation, by being removed to the Inte
rior of the country, is far distant from New York,
which will make their march disagreeable and long,
we have agreed to submit it to your option, whether
to have them marched the whole distance through the
country or to have them delivered at the nearest
water, where it may be convenient for your ships to
receive them. Should you choose the latter, the fol
lowing arrangement has been determined. The pris
oners, who are lodged at Fredericktown and Winches
ter, In the States of Virginia and Maryland, in number
about fifteen hundred, including women and children,
will begin their march on the route towards Baltimore,
where they may arrive on the loth of May ; at which
time, should your ships be ready to receive them
there, they may be embarked, and proceed to New
York. If ships are not directed to receive them at the
time mentioned at Baltimore, they will proceed by
land to the Delaware. The remainder of the prison
ers, being in Pennsylvania, amounting to about four
thousand five hundred, may all (except those at Read
ing, between three and four hundred,) be embarked at
Philadelphia, and also those from Fredericktown and
Winchester, should they not be received at Baltimore,
provided your ships are there by the 5th of May at
farthest. Should ships not be ordered by your Ex
cellency to take them by water, they will be marched
in convenient detachments of about five hundred each,
through the country to Elizabethtown, with all con
venient expedition. In any case, those from Read-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233
ing, being In the upper part of Pennsylvania, will
march directly to Elizabethtown.
It is also submitted to your option to send or not,
as you shall think proper, an additional number of
officers to attend the march of the prisoners through
the country, and to prevent any irregularities that
disorderly persons may be disposed to commit.
In either alternative respecting the receipt of the
prisoners, you will be pleased to give the earliest In
formation, to the minister at war In Philadelphia, of
your determinations, that he may be able to make the
necessary and timely dispositions to pay all proper
attention to your choice. To expedite this purpose,
and for the convenience of transportation, I enclose
a passport for such officers as you shall think proper
to charge with your despatches on this occasion.
Respecting the other subjects contained in the en
closed resolution of Congress, as they may be dis
cussed with more precision and despatch by a personal
Interview between your Excellency and myself, at
some convenient time and Intermediate place, such as
may be agreed upon between your Excellency and
Colonel Humphreys, my aid-de-camp, who will have
the honor to deliver this letter, I would only suggest,
that. In point of time, the earliest day you can name
will be most agreeable to me. Should an Interview
be consented to on your part, the governor of this
State, being particularly interested In any arrange
ments, which respect the restitution of the post of
New York, will attend me on this occasion. I am, &c.'
' To the principal points in this letter. Sir Guy Carleton wrote in reply :
" Considering the quantity of tonnage necessary for the evacuation of this

234 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Newburg, 22 April, 1783.
Dear Sir :
I did not receive your letter ofthe 15th till after my
return from Ringwood, where I had a meeting with
the secretary at war for the purpose of making ar
rangements for the release of our prisoners, agreeably
to the resolve of Congress of the 15th Inst.
Finding a diversity of opinion respecting the treaty,
and the line of conduct we ought to observe with the
prisoners, I requested, In precise terms to know from
Gene. Lincoln (before I entered on the business)
whether we were to exercise our own judgment with
respect to the time, as well as m.ode of releasing them,
or was to be confined to the latter. Being informed
that we had no option in the first. Congress wishing
to be eased of the expence as soon as possible, I acted
solely on that ground.
At the same time I scruple not to confess to you,
that if this measure was not dictated by necessity,
it is. In my opinion an impolitic one ; as we place our
selves in the power of the British, before the treaty
is definitive. The manner in which peace was first
announced, & the subsequent declarations of it, have
place, and that most part of what we have at hand is now actually employed in
this business, and in the removing of incumbrances, which must be sent off pre
vious to our departure, I am reduced to the necessity of adopting the march of
those prisoners by land ; and I shall accordingly avail myself of your Excellen
cy's passport, and acquaint the minister at war of the choice I am obliged to
make, and the reasons of it. I cannot decline the personal interview proposed
by your Excellency, and purpose being in a frigate as near Tappan as maybe,
where I understand you mean to lodge. If I hear nothing from you to occasion
an alteration, I intend being up, on the 5th of May, accompanied by a snialler
vessel or two, for the accommodation of Lieutenant-Governor Elliot, Chief
Justice William Smith, and part of my family." — New York, April 24th.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235
led the country & army into a belief that it was final.
The ratification of the preliminary articles on the 3d of
February, so far confirmed this, that one consequence
resulting from it is, the soldiers for the war conceive
the term of their services has actually expired ; and I
believe it is not in the power of Congress or their offi
cers, to hold them much. If any, longer ; for we are
obliged at this moment to increase our guards to pre
vent rioting ; and the Insults which the officers meet
with In attempting to hold them to their duty. The
proportion of these men amount to seven-elevenths of
the army. These we shall loose at the moment the
British army receive, by their prisoners, an augmenta
tion of five or 6000 men.
It is not for me to investigate the causes which in
duced this measure ; nor the policy of those letters
(from authority) which gave the tone to the present
sentiment. But since they have been adopted, we
ought, in my opinion, to put a good face upon mat
ters ; and by a liberal conduct throughout on our part
(freed from appearances of distrust) try if we cannot
excite similar dispositions on theirs. Indeed circum
stanced as things now are, I wish most fervently that
all the troops which are not retained for a peace estab
lishment were to be discharged immediately, or such
of them, at least, as do not Incline to await the set
tlement of their accts. If they continue here, their
claims, I can plainly perceive, will increase, and our
perplexities multiply. A petition Is this moment
handed to me from the non-comd. officers of the Con
necticut line soliciting half pay. It is well drawn, I
am told, but I did not read it. I sent it back without

236 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
appearing to understand the contents, because it did
not come through the channel of their officers. This
may be followed by others and I mention It to show
the necessity, the absolute necessity, of discharging
the warsmen as soon as possible.
I have taken much pains to support Mr. Morris's ad
ministration in the army, and In proportion to its
numbers I believe he had not more friends anywhere.
But if he will neither adopt the mode which has been
suggested, point out any other, nor show cause why
the first is either Impracticable or impolitic (I have
heard he objects to it) they will certainly attribute their
disappointment to a lukewarmness in him, or some
design incompatible with their interests. And here,
my dear Colo. Hamilton, let me assure you that it
would not be more difficult to still the raging billows
In a tempestuous gale, than to convince the officers of
this army of the justice or policy of paying men in
civil offices full wages, when they cannot obtain a six
tieth part of their dues. I am not unapprised of the
arguments which are made use of upon this occasion,
to discriminate the cases ; but they really are futile ;
and may be summed up in this: that tho' both are
contending for the same rights & expect equal, bene
fits, yet, both cannot submit to the same inconven
iences to obtain them ; otherwise, to adopt the lan
guage of simplicity and plainness, a ration of salt pork,
with or without pease, as the case often Is, would sup
port the one as well as the other, & In such a struggle
as ours would, in my opinion, be alike honorable in
both.

1782] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237
My anxiety to get home increases with the prospect
of it, but when Is it to happen ? I have not heard that
Congress have yet had under consideration the lands
and other gratuities, which at different periods of the
war have been promised to the army. Does not these
things evince the necessity of a committee's repairing
to camp, In order to arrange & adjust matters with
out spending time in a tedious exchange of letters.
Unless something of this kind is adopted, business
will be delayed & expences accumulated, or the army
will break up in disorder, go home enraged, com
plaining of injustice & committing enormities on the
innocent Inhabitants In every direction.
I write to you unreservedly. If, therefore, contrary
to my apprehension all these matters are in a proper
train, & Mr. Morris has devised means to give the
army three months' pay, you will, I am persuaded,
excuse my precipitancy and solllcitude, by ascribing
it to an earnest wish to see the war happily & hon
orably terminated ; to my anxious desire of enjoying
some repose, & the necessity of my paying a little
attention to my private concerns, which have suffered
considerably in eight years' absence. * * *

TO TENCH TILGHMAN. Newburg, 24 April, 1783.

Dear Sir,
I receiv'd with much pleasure the kind congratula
tions contained in your letter of the 25th ulto. from
Phila. on the honble. termination of the War. — No

238 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

man, indeed, can relish the approaching Peace with
more heartfelt, and grateful satisfaction than myself
A mind always upon the stretch, and tortured with a
deversity of perplexing circumstances, needed a
respite ; and I anticipate the pleasure of a little repose.
It has been happy for me, always, to have Gentlemen
about me willing to share my troubles, and help me
ouf of difficulties — to none of these can I attribute a
greater share of merit than to you.
I can scarce form an Idea at this moment, when I
shall be able to leave this place. The distresses of
the Army for want of money ; the embarrassments of
Congress, and the consequent delays, and disappoint
ments on all sides, encompass me with difficulties ;
and produce every day some fresh source of uneasi
ness. But as I now see the port opening to which I
have been steering, I shall persevere till I have gained
the entrance of It. I will then leave the States to
improve their present Constitution, so as to make
that Peace and Independency, which we have fought
for and obtained, a blessing to the millions yet un
born. But to do this, liberalllty must supply the
place of prejudice, and unreasonable jealousies must
yield to that confidence which ought to be placed In
the Sovereign power of these States. In a word,
the Constitution of Congress must be competent
to the general purposes of Government, and of
such a nature as to bind us together. Otherwise
we shall be like a rope of Sand, and as easily
broken ; and may in a short time, become the sport
of European Politics even if we should be disposed to
Peace among ourselves.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239

From the intimation in your Letter, and what I
have heard from others, I presume this Letter will
find you In a state of Wedlock. — On this happy event
I pray you, and your Lady, to accept of my best
wishes, and sincerest congratulations In which Mrs.
Washington joins hers most cordially. With &c.

TO the president of congress.
He.\d-Quarters, 3 May, 1783.
Sir, I take the liberty to mention to your Excellency,
that, in attending to the resolutions of Congress of
the 15th of April, respecting the posts In the United
States occupied by the British troops, I find it neces
sary to apply for a more particular explanation of the
intentions of Congre.ss than is there expressed.'
Taking It for granted, that the northern and western
posts are included within the Ideas of Congress,
as well as New York, arrangements for receiving pos
session of those posts are to be made with General
Haldimand, who commands In the district of Canada.
As the communication with him Is distant and will
take much time, previous to commencing this corre
spondence It will be requisite that I should be as fully
instructed as circumstances will admit, of the inten
tions of Congress respecting these frontier posts ;
' By a resolve of the 15th of April, the Commander-in-chief was instructed to
make arrangements with the Britisli commander for receiving possession of the
posts held by the British troops in the United States, and for obtaining the deliv
ery of all negroes and other property, which by the treaty were to be given up. It
was also resolved that the Secretary at War, in conjunction with the Com
mander-in-chief, should concert measures for liberating all the land prisoners.
They had recently met at Ringwood for this purpose.

240 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
particularly what footing they are to be placed upon,
and what number of men shall be sent to maintain
them upon the peace establishment. Congress will
also be impressed with the necessity of adopting the
earliest measures possible for procuring the men, for
garrisoning those posts. Whether this shall be ef
fected by detaching the three years' men of the present
army, or furnishing them in some other manner, will
be also to determine.
The posts should certainly be occupied by the
United States troops the moment they are evacuated
by the British. Should this be neglected, I have my
fears, that they may be burned or destroyed by the
Indians, or some other evil-minded persons, whose
disaffection to the government of the United States
may lead them to such enormities.
Arrangements for transporting the necessary artil
lery, stores, ammunition, and provisions, will require
time, and need Immediate attention. The season for
doing this work Is now at hand ; and if suffered to
pass off. It will be exceedingly difficult if not imprac
ticable to effect their transportation, particularly
through the small water communications, which in
the present season will be found very convenient, but
which the summer heats will render so low, as to
become almost Impassable.
Persuaded that Congress will view these subjects
in the same important light that I do, I promise my
self that I shall be favored with their instructions at
the earliest moment possible. I am, &c.'
' Read in Congress, May 6th.

1783I GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241
SUBSTANCE OF THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN GEN. WASH
INGTON AND SIR GUV CARLETON, AT AN INTERVIEW
AT ORANGETOWN, 6tH MAY, 1 783.
General Washington opened the Conference by observing
that he heretofore had transmitted to Sir Guy Carleton the reso
lutions of Congress of the 15th ulto, that he conceived a personal
Conference would be the most speedy & satisfactory mode of
discussing and settling the Business ; and that therefore he had
requested the Interview — That the resolutions of Congress re
lated to three distinct matters, namely, the setting at Liberty the
prisoners, the receiving possession of the posts occupied by the
British Troops, and the obtaing. the Delivery of all Negroes &
other property of the Inhabitants of these States in the possession
of the Forces or subjects of, or adherents to his Britannic Majes
ty. — That with respect to the Liberation of the prisoners, he had,
as far as the Business rested with him, put it in Train, by meetg. &
conferring with the Secretary at War, & concertg. with him the
proper measures for collecting the prisoners & forwarding them
to N. York, and that it was to be optional with Sir Guy, whether
the prisoners should march by land, or whether he would send
Transports to convey them by Water — and that the Secty. at War
was to communicate with Sir Guy Carleton on the subject & ob
tain his Determination.
With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of
the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of
General Carleton.
Sir Guy then observed that his Expectations of a peace had
been such that he had anticipated the Event by very early com
mencing his preparations to withdraw the British Troops from
this Country— and that every preparation which his situation &
circumstances would permit was still continued — That an addi
tional Number of Transports, and which were expected, were
necessary to remove the Troops & Stores— and as it was impossible
to ascertain the Time when the Transports would arrive, their
passages depending on the casualties of the Seas, he was there
fore unable to fix a determinate period within which the British
16

242 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
forces would be withdrawn from the City of New York— But that
it was his desire to exceed even our own Wishes in this Respect,
& That he was using every means in his power to effect with
all possible despatch an Evacuation of that & every other post
within the United States, occupied by the British Troops, under
his Direction — That he considered as included in the prepara
tions for the final Departure of the B. Troops, the previously
sending away those persons, who supposed that, from the part
they had taken in the present War, it would be most eligible for
them to leave the Country — and that upwards of 6,000 persons of
this Character had embarked & sailed — and that in this Embark
ation a Number of Negroes were comprised — General Washing
ton therefore expressed his Surprize, that after what appeared to
him an express Stipulation to the contrary in the Treaty, Ne
groes the property of the Inhabitants of these States should be
sent off.
To which Sir Guy Carleton replied, that he wished to be con
sidered as giving no construction of the Treaty — That by Prop
erty in the Treaty might only be intended Property at the Time,
the Negroes were sent off — That there was a difference in the
Mode of Expression in the Treaty ; Archives, Papers, &c., &c.,
were to be restored — Negroes & other property were only not to
be destroyed or carried away. But he principally insisted that
he conceived it could not have been the Intention of the B. Gov
ernment by the Treaty of Peace, to reduce themselves to the
necessity of violating their faith to the Negroes who came into
the British Lines under the proclamation of his Predecessors in
Command — That he forebore to express his sentiments on the
propriety of those proclamations, but that delivering up the Ne
groes to their former Masters would be delivering them up some
possibly to Execution, and others to severe punishments, which in
his Opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public
Faith, pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations — That if the
sending off the Negroes should hereafter be declared an Infrac
tion of the Treaty, Compensation must be made by the Crown of
G. Britain to the Owners— that he had taken measures to provide
for this, by directing a Register to be kept of all the Negroes who
were sent off, specifying the Name, Age & Occupation of the

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243
person, and the Name, & Place of Residence of his former Mas
ter. Genl. Washington again observed that he conceived this Con
duct on the part of Genl. Carleton, a Departure from both the
Letter and the Spirit of the Articles of Peace ; — and particularly
mentioned a difficulty that would arise in compensating the pro
prietors of Negroes, admitting this infraction of the Treaty can
be satisfied by such compensation as Sir Guy had alluded to, as
it was impossible to ascertain the Value of the Slaves from any
Fact or Circumstance which may appear in the Register, — the
Value of a Slave consisting chiefly in his Industry and Sobriety —
& Genl. Washington mentioned a further Difficulty which
would attend Identifying the Slave, supposing him to have
changed his own and to have given in a wrong Name of his
Master. — In answer to which Sir Guy Carleton said, that as the
Negroe was free & secured against his Master, he could have no
inducement to conceal his own true Name or that of his Master
— Sir Guy Carleton then observed that by the Treaty he was not
held to deliver up any property but was only restricted from car
rying it away — and therefore admitting the interpretation of the
Treaty as given by Genl. Washington to be just, he was notwith
standing pursuing a Measure which would operate most for the
security of the proprietors. For if the Negroes were left to them
selves without Care or Controul from him, numbers of them would
very probably go off, and not return to the parts of the Country
from whence they came, or clandestinely get on Board the Trans
ports in such a manner as would not be in his Power to prevent
— in either of which Cases an inevitable Loss would ensue to the
proprietors — But as the Business was now conducted they had at
least a Chance for Compensation — Sir Guy concluded the Con
versation on this subject by saying that he Imagined that the
mode of Compensating as well as the Amount and other points
with respect to which there was no provision made in the Treaty,
must be adjusted by Commissioners to be hereafter appointed by
the two Nations —
The subject of withdrawing the British Troops from the Ter
ritories of the United States was again resumed, and Sir Guy
Carleton declared his willingness, at a short day to be agreed
on between him & Genl. Washington, to evacuate all his Posts in

244 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
West Chester County, and to issue his Orders that the British
Troops should not on any pretence, pass the river, which sepa
rates that County from the Island of N. York — but with respect to
a relinquishment of any part of Long Island, he was apprehen
sive it would be attended with Difficulties & Inconveniences—
particularly he was fearfull it would tend to favor Desertions
from the British Army, and therefore he would give no determi
nate answer, but he was disposed immediately to abandon Pen
obscot if General Washington should choose it, tho' he said that
would necessarily retard the Evacuation of N. York, as there
were not a competent Number of Transports to convey the
Troops & Stores from both places at the same Time.
The Conference lasted some Hours but as much passed which
both Generals expressed their wishes might be considered as
desultory Conversation, it is not recapitulated in the above
Narative which contains only the substance of the Conference as
far as it related to the points intended to be discussed & settled
at the Interview.
We having been present at the Conference do certify the above
to be true. George Clinton Jno. M. Scott.
Egbert Benson Jona. Trumbull, Jur.

TO SIR GUY CARLETON. ORANGETOWN, 6 May, 1783-
Sir, In my letter of the 21st of April, I enclosed to
your Excellency a copy of a resolution of Congress
of the 15th, Instructing me in three points, which
appeared necessary for carrying into effect the terms
of the treaty between Great Britain and the United
States of America ; and I informed you, that such
part as rested upon my decision, and which regarded
the release of prisoners, had been determined, and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245

was then ordered to be carried Into execution.
Upon the other two points, as they respected the
receiving possession of the posts in occupation of
the British troops, and the carrying away any
negroes or other property of the American inhabi
tants, and both being within your control, I had the
honor to propose a personal Interview with your
Excellency, that the subject might be freely dis
cussed, and that measures might be agreed upon, for
carrying into execution those points of the seventh
article of the treaty, agreeably to their true Intent
and spirit.
Having been favored this day with a personal
conference, I have now, to prevent misapprehension
or misconstruction, and that I may be enabled to
fulfil my instructions with fidelity and with can
dor, the honor to propose, agreeably to our
conversation, that your Excellency will be pleased
to give me in writing Information as to what meas
ures are adopting, on your part, for carrying into
execution that point of the treaty, which regards
the evacuation of the posts now in possession of the
British troops and under your Excellency's com
mand ; and also at what time it is probable those
posts, or any of them, may be relinquished, and
the fleets and armies of his Britannic Majesty with
drawn.' ' "The civil jurisdiction of Westchester County, Sir Guy appeared very
willing, in his conversation, to relinquish to the State, but what reply he will
make to the Governor, when he comes to reduce it to writing, I don't know.
Long Island he seemed to think could not be so easily delivered up. It would
be attended with many inconveniences, and mentioned particularly the facility

246 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Respecting the other point of discussion, in addi
tion to what I mentioned in my communication of
the 2 1 St ultimo, I took occasion in our conference to
inform your Excellency, that, in consequence of
your letter of the 14th of April to Robert R. Liv
ingston, Esquire, Congress had been pleased to
make a further reference to me of that letter, and
had directed me to take such measures as should be
found necessary for carrying into effect the several
matters mentioned by you therein.' In the course
of our conversation on this point, I was surprised to
hear you mention, that an embarkation had already
taken place, in which a large number of negroes had
it would give to desertions, and the necessity of holding it for the accommoda
tion of those people who must eventually be obliged to leave the country.
Staten Island was also necessary for his convenience."^ — Washington to Robert
R. Livingston, 13 May, 1783.
' In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested, that Con
gress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist
such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation
of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional
treaty, and " that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction
of the letter or spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered."
— Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. xi., p. 335. The commissioners appointed
by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, WiUiam S.
Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the Sth of May.
Soon after the commissioners arrived in New York, General Washington
sent to Colonel Smith a list of the titles of books, which he had selected from
a catalogue published by a bookseller in a gazette, and which he requested
Colonel Smith to purchase for him. The reader may be curious to know the
kind of works to which his thoughts were at this time directed. They were
the following Life of Charies the Twelfth ; Life of Louis the Fifteenth ;
Life and Reign of Peter the Great ; Robertson's History of America ; Vol
taire's Letters ; Vertot's Revolution of Rome, and Revolution of Portugal ;
Life of Gustavus Adolphus ; Sully's Memoirs ; Goldsmith's Natural History ;
Campaigns of Marshal Turenne ; Chambaud's French and English Diction
ary ; Locke on the Human Understanding ; Robertson's Charles the Fifth.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247

been carried away. Whether this conduct is con
sonant to, or how far it may be deemed an infraction
of the treaty. Is not for me to decide. I cannot,
however, conceal from you, that my private opinion
is, that the measure Is totally different from the let
ter and spirit of the treaty. But, waving the discus
sion of the point, and leaving Its decision to our
respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify my
readiness, in conjunction with your Excellency, to
enter Into any agreement, or to take any measures,
which may be deemed expedient, to prevent the
future carrying away of any negroes, or other prop
erty of the American Inhabitants. I beg the favor
of your Excellency's reply, and have the honor to
be, &c.'

TO MAJOR-GENERAL PUTNAM.
Head-Quarters, 2 June, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 20th of May I received with much
pleasure ; for I can assure you, that, among the many
worthy and meritorious officers, with whom I have had
' " The breach of that [article] which stiptdated a restoration of negroes, will
be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to
the British Court, with a demand of reparation ; and in the meantime Genl:
Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at
New York." — Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27
May, 1783.
" Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at
my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their
description^their names being so easily changed, wDl be fruitless to give you.
If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be
much obliged by your securing them, so that I may obtain them again." —
Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783.

248 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
the happiness to be connected in service through the
course of this war, and from whose cheerful assistance
and advice I have received much support and confi
dence, in the various and trying vicissitudes of a com
plicated contest, the name of a Putnam is not forgotten ;
nor will it be but with that stroke of time, which shall
obliterate from my mind the remembrance of all those
toils and fatigues, through which we have struggled
for the preservation and establishment of the rights,
liberties, and independence of our country.
Your congratulations on the happy prospects of
peace and Independent security, with their attendant
blessings to the United States, I receive with great
satisfaction ; and beg that you will accept a return of
my gratulatlons to you on this auspicious event ; an
event. In which, great as It Is In itself, and glorious as
it will probably be in its consequences, you have a right
to participate largely, from the distinguished part you
have contributed towards Its attainment.
But while I contemplate the greatness of the object
for which we have contended, and felicitate you on
the happy issue of our toils and labors, which have
terminated with such general satisfaction, I lament that
you should feel the ungrateful returns of a country. In
whose service you have exhausted your bodily health,
and expended the vigor of a youthful constitution.
I wish, however, that your expectations of returning
sentiments of liberality may be verified. I have a
hope, they may ; but, should they not, your case will
not be a singular one. Ingratitude has been experi
enced in all ages, and republics In particular have

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 249
ever been famed for the exercise of that unnatural
and sordid vice.
The secretary at war, who is now here, informs me
that you have ever been considered as entituled to full
pay since your absence from the field ; and that you
will be still considered in that light till the close of the
war, at which period you will be equally entituled to
the same emolument of half-pay or commutation as
other officers of your rank. The same opinion is also
given by the paymaster-general, who is now with the
army, empowered by Mr. Morris for the settlement of
all their accounts, and who will attend to yours when
ever you shall think proper to send on for the pur
pose ; which it will probably be best for you to do in
a short time.
I anticipate with pleasure the day, and that I trust
not far off, when I shall quit the busy scenes of a mili
tary employment, and retire to the more tranquil walks
of domestic life. In that, or whatever other situation
Providence may dispose my future days, the remem
brance of the many friendships and connexions I have
had the happiness to contract with the gentlemen of
the army will be one of my most grateful reflections.
Under this contemplation, and Impressed with the
sentiments of benevolence and regard, I commend
you, my dear Sir, my other friends, and with them the
interests and happiness of our dear country, to the
keeping and protection of Almighty God.
I have the honor to be, &c.'

Putnam had been absent from the army since December, 1779.

250 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO ROBERT MORRIS. Head Quarters, Newburg,
3 June, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 29th ulto has been duly received.
We are now preparing to carry into execution the
Resolution of Congress of the 26 of May and I am
making out the furloughs accordingly — but I am ex
tremely apprehensive that Insuperable difficulties and
the worst of consequences may be expected, unless
the Notes you mention shall be paid to the Officers
and men before their departure from this Canton
ment—It is for the sole purpose of bringing them
forward to the Pay Mastr. with the greatest expedi
tion, that I send the Messenger who is the bearer of
this — pray do not delay him a single instant, but If
all the Notes should not be ready forward the remain
der by the earliest possible opportunity, & be so good
as to inform us when the}' may be expected —
I write in haste & with earnestness because some
circumstances which have just come to my knowledge
make it necessary not a moment's time should be lost.'
Tho' it Is much to be lamented that at least a
Month's Pay could not have been given to the Troops
in money before they left this place ; yet, I am in
' " I have at times through the course of this winter had much anxiety from the
disposition of the troops in this Department, but happily the prospects of peace
have given me much relief, and we shall I hope be able to quit the field with
out any disgraceful excesses. The principal uneasiness now remaining, arises
from an anxiety and impatience of the men for the war, who have their minds
impressed with an idea that the war is at an end, and that they are entitled to
their discharges. If the definitive treaty is not too long delayed, I have a hope
that even this circumstance will pass over easier than has been feared."— Wash
ington to Major General Greene, 18 May, 1783.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251

hopes your Notes will in some measure remedy the
Evils which might have been expected from their
disappointment. Nothing else can now avert the
most alarming consequences or distresses of the most
cruel nature, particularly to the Officers.
Before I retire from public life, I shall with the
greatest freedom give my sentiments to the States on
several political subjects, amongst those will be com
prehended the particular object you recommend to
my attention. With great regard, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL HEATH.
Head-Quarters, 6 June, 1783.
Sir, Before I make a reply to the subject of the address '
of the generals and officers, commanding the regi
ments and corps of this army, presented by yourself
yesterday, I entreat that those gentlemen will accept
my warmest acknowledgment for the confidence they
have been pleased to repose in me. They may be
' The address represented the distresses resulting from the measures incident
to the resolution of Congress of May 26th. The two subjects of complaint
were the delay in the three months' payment, and the want of a settlement of
accounts. To obviate them Washington gave assurances that Congress was
attentive to the matter, and he wrote to the President, on the 7th : "While I
consider it a tribute of justice on this occasion, to mention the temperate and
orderly behavior of the whole army, and particularly the accommodating spirit
of the ofiicers in arranging themselves to the command of the battalions, which
will be composed of the three years' men, permit me to recall to mind all their
former sufferings and merits, and to recommend their reasonable request to the
early and favorable notice of Congress." A committee, composed of Hamilton,
Bland, and Madison, approved of what Washington had done, and sent his
letter to the States, with a recommendation to ' ' facilitate the punctual pay
ment ofthe notes issued to the army." — Journals of Congress, 19 June, 1783.

252 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
assured it shall never be abused ; and I beg they will
be persuaded, that, as no man can possibly be better
acquainted than I am with the past merits and ser
vices of the army, so no one can possibly be more
strongly impressed with their present Ineligible situa
tion, feel a keener sensibility at their distresses, or
more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them.
But it would be unnecessary, perhaps, to enter into a
detail of what I have done, and what I am still at
tempting to do, in order to assist In the accomplish
ment of this Interesting purpose. Let It be sufficient
to observe, I do not yet despair of success ; for I am
perfectly convinced that the States cannot, without
involving themselves In national bankruptcy and ruin,
refuse to comply with the requisitions of Congress ;
who, it must be acknowledged, have done every thing
in their power to obtain ample and complete justice
for the army ; and whose great object in the present
measure undoubtedly was, by a reduction of expense,
to enable the financier to make the three months'
payment to the army, which on all hands has been
agreed to be absolutely and indispensably necessary.
To explain this matter, I beg leave to insert an ex
tract of a letter from the superintendent of finance,
dated the 29th ultimo.
" It is now above a month since the committee conferred with
me on that subject, and I then told them no payment could be
made to the army, but by means of a paper anticipation ; and,
unless our expenditures were immediately and considerably re
duced, even that could not be done. Our expenditures have nev
ertheless been continued, and our revenues lessen, the States
growing daily more and more remiss in their collections. The

1783] THE WRITINGS OF 253
consequence is, that I cannot make payment in the manner first
intended. The notes issued for this purpose would have been
payable at two, four, and six months from the date, but at present
they will be at six months, and even that will soon become im
practicable, unless our expenses be immediately curtailed.
" I shall cause such notes to be issued for three months' pay
to the army ; and I must entreat. Sir, that every influence be
used with the States to absorb them, together with my other
engagements, by taxation."
Three days ago, a messenger was despatched by
me to urge the necessity of forwarding these notes with
the greatest possible expedition. Under this state of
circumstances, I need scarcely add, that the expense of
every day. In feeding the whole army, will increase
very considerably the inability of the public to dis
charge the debts already incurred, at least for a con
siderable time to come. Although the officers of the
army very well know my official situation, that I am
only a servant of the public, and that it Is not for me
to dispense with orders, which it Is my duty to carry
into execution ; yet, as furloughs in all services are
considered as a matter of Indulgence, and not of com
pulsion ; as Congress, I am persuaded, entertain the
best disposition towards the army ; and as I appre
hend In a very short time the two principal articles of
complaint will be removed, until the further pleasure
of Congress can be known, I shall not hesitate to com
ply with the wishes of the army, under these reserva
tions only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men,
who choose to receive furloughs, will attend them,
either on furlough or by detachment. The propriety
and necessity of this measure must be obvious to all ;

254 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
It need not, therefore, be enforced ; and, with regard
to the non-commissioned officers and privates, such,
as from a peculiarity of circumstances wish not to re
ceive furloughs at this time, will give In their names
by twelve o'clock to-morrow to the commanding of
ficers of their regiments, that, on a report to the adju
tant-general, an equal number of men, engaged for
three years, may be furloughed, which will make the
saving of expenses exactly the same to the public.
I cannot but hope the notes will soon arrive, and
that the settlement of accounts may be completed, by
the assistance of the paymasters, In a very few days.
In the mean time, I shall have the honor of laying the
sentiments of the generals and officers, commanding
regiments and corps, before Congress ; they are ex
pressed in such a decent, candid, and affecting man
ner, that I am certain every mark of attention will be
paid to them. I have the honor to be, &c.

CIRCULAR LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNORS OF
ALL THE STATES ON DISBANDING THE ARMY.
Head-Quarters, Newburg,
8 June, 1783.
Sir, The great object, for which I had the honor to hold an ap
pointment in the service of my country, being accomplished, lam
now preparing to resign it into the hands of Congress, and to return
to that domestic retirement, which, it is well known, I left with
the greatest reluctance ; a retirement for which I have never
ceased to sigh, through a long and painful absence, and in which
(remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to
pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose. But

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255

before I carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incum
bent on me to make this my last official communication ; to con
gratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been
pleased to produce in our favor ; to offer my sentiments respect
ing some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately
connected with the tranquillity of the United States ; to take my
leave of your Excellency as a public character ; and to give my
final blessing to that country, in whose service I have spent the
prime of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anx
ious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being ex
tremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part
of my own.
Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occa
sion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on
the subjects of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the
magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of
the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated,
we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and re
joicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every
benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation
be considered as the source of present enjoyment, or the parent of
future happiness ; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate
ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether
we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light.
The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition,
as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent,
comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world,
and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life,
are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be
possessed of absolute freedom and independency. They are,
from this period, to be considered as the actors on a most con
spicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designated by
Providence for the display of human greatness and feHcity. Here
they are not only surrounded with every thing, which can con
tribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment ;
but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a fairer
opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever

256 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
been favored with. Nothing can illustrate these observations
more forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of
times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its
rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire was not
laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition ; but at an
epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and
more clearly defined, than at any former period. The researches
of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a
great extent ; the treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors
of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession
of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom
may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of gov
ernment. The free cultivation of letters, the unbounded ex
tension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the
growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and
benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on
mankind and increased the blessings of society. At this auspi
cious period, the United States came into existence as a nation ;
and, if their citizens should not be completely free and happy,
the fault will be entirely their own.
Such is our situation, and such are our prospects ; but notwith
standing the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us ; notwith
standing happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the
occasion and make it our own ; yet it appears to me there is an
option still left to the United States of America, that it is in their
choice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be
respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable, as a
nation. This is the time of their political probation ; this is the
moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them ;
this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character for
ever ; this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our
federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its
institution, or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the
powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the confedera
tion, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics,
which may play one State against another, to prevent their grow
ing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For,

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 257
according to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this
moment, they will stand or fall ; and by their confirmation or
lapse it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ulti
mately be considered as a blessing or a curse ; a blessing or a curse,
not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of
unborn millions be involved.
With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis,
silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your
Excellency the language of freedom and of sincerity without dis
guise. I am aware, however, that those who differ from me in
political sentiment, may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the
proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or
ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest inten
tion. But the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such
unworthy motives ; the part I have hitherto acted in life ; the
determination I have formed, of not taking any share in public
business hereafter ; the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to
manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after all the toils of
war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I flatter
myself, sooner or latter convince my countrymen, that I could
have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve, the
opinions contained in this address.
There are four things, which, I humbly conceive, are essential
to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of
the United States, as an independent power.
First. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal
head. Secondly. A sacred regard to public justice.
Thirdly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment ; and.
Fourthly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposi
tion among the people of the United States, which will induce
them to forget their local prejudices and policies ; to make those
mutual concessions, which are requisite to the general prosperity ;
and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to
the interest of the community,
These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our inde
pendency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the
17

2S8 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
basis ; and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn
the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it,
will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment,
which can be inflicted by his injured country.
On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leav
ing the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those
immediately concerned.
Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or
proper forme, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition
on the principles of the Union, and to take up the great question
which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and
requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of power to
Congress, or not ; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of
every true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon,
the following positions. That, unless the States will suffer Con
gress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested
with by the constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to
anarchy and confusion. That it is indispensable to the happi
ness of the individual States, that there should be lodged some
where a supreme power to regulate and govern the general
concerns of the confederated republic, without which the Union
cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithful and
pointed compliance, on the part of every State, with the late pro-
posals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences
will ensue. That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve
the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign author
ity, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and indepen
dency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly.
And lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of
the States, to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and en
joy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of govern
ment so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the
danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the
articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so
much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose, that
so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensa
tion, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259

Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove,
that, without an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union, we
cannot exist as an independent power. It will be sufficient for my
purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the
greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as an em
pire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can
be regarded, or our credit supported, among foreign nations. The
treaties of the European powers with the United States of Amer
ica will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall
be left nearly in a state of nature ; or we may find, by our own
unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progres
sion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny, and
that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of lib
erty, abused to licentiousness.
As to the second article, which respects the performance of
public justice, Congress have, in their late address to fhe United
States, almost exhausted the subject ; they have explained their
ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are
under, to render complete justice to all the public creditors, with
so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend
to the honor of independency of America can hesitate a single
moment, respecting the propriety of complying with the just and
honorable measures proposed. If their arguments do not pro
duce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influ
ence : especially when we recollect, that the system referred to,
being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, must
be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of
any that could be devised ; and that, if it shall not be carried
into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its
deplorable consequences, will take place, before any dift'erent
plan can possibly be proposed and adopted. So pressing are the
present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to
the States.
The ability of the country to discharge the debts, which have
been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted ; an inclination,
I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is
plain before us ; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to

26o THE WRITINGS OF [1783
be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be
just ; let us fulfil the public contracts, which Congress had un
doubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war,
with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform
our private engagements. In the mean time, let an attention to
the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals
and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens
of America ; then will they strengthen the hands of government,
and be happy under its protection ; every one will reap the fruit
of his labors, every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without
molestation and without danger.
In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will
grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the com
mon interest of society, and insure the protection of government?
Who does not remember the frequent declarations, at the com
mencement of the war, that we should be completely satisfied, if, at
the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our pos
sessions ? Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain
indebted for the defence of his own person and property to the
exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making
one generous effort to repay the debt of honor and gratitude ?
In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of
men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures
purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the
public creditor of his due ? And were it possible, that such a fla
grant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite
the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors
of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven ? If, after
all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness
should manifest itself in any of the States ; if such an ungracious
disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that
might be expected to flow from the Union ; if there should be a
refusal to comply with the requisition for funds to discharge the
annual interest of the public debts ; and if that refusal should
revive again all those jealousies, and produce all those evils,
which are now happily removed. Congress, who have, in all their
transactions, shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice,

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261

will stand justified in the sight of God and man ; and the State
alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of
the continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious counsels,
will be responsible for all the consequences.'
For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a servant of
the public, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the
real interests of my country ; having, in consequence of my fixed
belief, in some measure pledged myself to the army, that their
country would finally do them complete and ample justice ; and
not wishing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from
the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your
Excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half-
pay and commutation granted by Congress to the ofiicers of the
army. From these communications, my decided sentiments will
be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons
which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adop
tion of this measure, in the most earnest and serious manner. As
the proceedings of Congress, the army, and myself, are open to
all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove
the prejudices and errors, which may have been entertained by
any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just to
observe, that the resolutions of Congress, now alluded to, are
undoubtedly as absolutely binding upon the United States, as
the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation.
As to the idea, which, I am informed, has in some instances
prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded
merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded
for ever. That provision should be viewed, as it really was, a
reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when
they had nothing else to give to the officers of the army for ser
vices then to be performed. It was the only means to prevent a
total dereliction of the service. It was a part of their hire. I
' " The arrival of Gen. Washington's circular letter excited this hope [of a
passage of the impost law] in the minds of the sanguine ; but its effect is mo
mentary ; and perhaps.it will hereafter be accepted by the assembly with dis
gust. For the murmur is free and general against what is called the unsolicited
obtrusion of his advice." — Randolph to Madison, 28 June, 1783.

262 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your
independency ; it is therefore more than a common debt, it is a
debt of honor ; it can never be considered as a pension or gra
tuity, nor be cancelled until it is fairly discharged.
With regard to a distinction between officers and soldiers, it is
sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world,
combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the
discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aids the pubHc
derives from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In
some lines, the soldiers have perhaps generally had as ample a
compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have
been paid to them, as their officers will receive in the proposed
commutation ; in others, if, besides the donation of lands, the
payment of arrearages of clothing and wages (in which articles
all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same
footing), we take into the estimate the douceurs many of
the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay,
which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circum
stance being duly considered) will not be deemed less eHgible
than that of the officers. Should a further reward, however, be
judged equitable, I will venture to assert, no one will enjoy great
er satisfaction than myself, on seeing an exemption from taxes
for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some in
stances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted
to the brave defenders of their country's cause ; but neither the
adoption or rejection of this proposition will in any manner
affect, much less mihtate against, the act of Congress, by which
they have offered five years' full pay, in lieu of the half-pay for
life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army.
Before I conclude the subject of public justice, I cannot omit
to mention the obligations this country is under to that meritori
ous class of veteran non-commissioned officers and privates, who
have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolu
tion of Congress of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension
for life. Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits, and
claims to that provision, need only be known, to interest all the
feelings of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punctual

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 263

payment of their annual allowance can rescue them from the most
complicated misery ; and nothing could be a more melancholy
and distressing sight, than to behold those, who have shed their
blood or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without
a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining
any of the necessaries or comforts of life, compelled to beg their
daily bread from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those
of this description, belonging to your State, to the warmest pat
ronage of your Excellency and your legislature.
It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which
was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the
republic ; as there can be little doubt but Congress will recom
mend a proper peace establishment forthe United States, in which
a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the
militia of the Union upon a regular and respectable footing. If
this should be the case, I would beg leave to urge the great advan
tage of it in the strongest terms. The militia of this country
must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first
effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that
the same system should pervade the whole ; that the formation
and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely
uniform, and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and
military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the
United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience,
can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confusion, which result
from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have
hitherto prevailed.
If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual
has been taken in the course of this address, the importance of
the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be
my apology. It is, however, neither my wish or expectation, that
the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far
as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant
to the immutable rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal
system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have
been acquired by a long and close attention to public business.
Here I might speak with the more confidence, from my actual

264 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
observations ; and, if it would not swell this letter (already too
prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed to myself, I could
demonstrate to every mind open to conviction, that in less time,
and with much less expense, than has been incurred, the war might
have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources
of the continent could have been properly drawn forth ; that the
distresses and disappointments, which have very often occurred,
have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy
in the Continental government, than a deficiency of means in the
particular States ; that the inefficacy of measures arising from
the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a
partial compliance with the requisitions of Congress in some of
the States, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while it
tended to damp the zeal of those, which were more willing to
exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the
war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans ; and that the
discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and
embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means involved,
would have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less
patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than that which I have
had the honor to command. But, while I mention these things,
which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal constitu
tion, particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it maybe
understood, that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully
acknowledging the assistance and support I have derived from
every class of citizens, so shall I always be happy to do justice
to the unparalleled exertions of the individual States on many
interesting occasions.
I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known, be
fore I surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it
tome. The task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your
Excellency as the chief magistrate of your State, at the same time
I bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the employ
ments of public life.
It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your
Excellency will communicate these sentiments to your legislature
at their next meeting, and that they may be considered as the

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265

legacy of one, who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be
useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement,
will not fail to implore the Divine benediction upon it.
I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you,
and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection ; that
he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of
subordination and obedience to government ; to entertain a
brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow citi
zens of the United States at large, and particularly for their
brethren who have served in the field ; and finally, that he would
most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love
mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and
pacific temper of mind, which were the characteristics of the
Divine Author of our blessed religion, and without an humble
imitation of whose example in these things, we can never hope
to be a happy nation.
I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect. Sir, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant."

to lund washington.
[extract.]
II June, 1783.
I do not blame you for the wages which you gave
Evans ; I have no doubt of your having engaged him
upon as good terms as you could, and as It was my
wish to have the work forwarded, this was all I had a
right to expect.
In one of your letters (speaking of the difficulty of
getting workmen) you recommend it to me to engage
some of the enemy who were prisoners with us —
' The legislatures that were sitting when this letter was received, passed
resolves highly honorary to the Commander-in-chief ; and the governors of
the States wrote letters to him expressing thanks and gratitude for his long,
devoted, and successful services in the cause of his country.

266 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

many of whom, you say, are good workmen. Why,
let me ask, when they hired themselves by the author
ity of Congress, and comparatively speaking were in
your neighborhood, would you not do this for me ?
None of them were within 300 miles of me, and most
of them within 55 to 80 miles of you. But you seem
to have had an unconquerable aversion to going from
home ; one consequence of which Is, I expect I shall
lose all my rents ; for In a letter I have lately re
ceived from my brother John, In Berkeley, are these
words : "I fear you are suffering greatly in your
rents, as I am informed many of the tenants are going
into the Western country, and understand there are
many years', arrears of rent due to you." In divers
letters, at divers times in the course of the three or
four last years, have I mentioned this fact to you, and
the necessity of visiting them ; but cannot find by any of
your letters, that you have ever been amongst them
more than once, and then I believe only partially. I
expect also that all the money I have expended on
the mill at Yohoghaney, and all the property which
has been put into the hands of Gilbert Simpson, will
be sunk for want of proper endeavors to bring him to
account. But if your own wages, since the charge of
them in the account rendered at Valley Forge, has
not been received by you in the specific articles of the
crop, which does not appear by the accounts you have
lately rendered to me, I shall be more hurt than at
any thing else, to think that an estate, which I have
drawn nothing from for eight years, and which always
enabled me to make any purchase I had In view,

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267
should not have been able for the last five years, to
pay the manager : and that, worse than going home
to enjoy coffers, and expensive living, I shall be
encumbered with debt. It is disagreeable to me,
because I dare say it will be so to you, to make these
observations ; but as my public business is now draw
ing to a close, I cannot avoid looking towards my
private concerns, which do not wear the most smiling
countenance. I am sorry that Barry's land has at last slipped through
my fingers. If the purchaser made it with a view to
rent it to me, he shall be disappointed ; nor shall any
tenant, or himself, if he proposes to live on It, reap the
smallest benefit from my fencing and other Improve
ments, without which the place is of no value to any
but me. This the purchaser must have known, and as
his aim must have been to take advantage of my wishes
to add this small piece of land (surrounded as It Is) to
my tract, let him abide the consequence of his Inter
ference, especially as it was well known, I wanted to
take no advantage of Barry, having offered to leave
the price to three disinterested men, of his own choos
ing, to fix. 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head Quarters, Newburg,
Sir : 17 June, 1783.
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excel
lency for the consideration of Congress, a Petition
from a large number of Officers of the Army in be
half of themselves, and such other Officers and Soldiers

268 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

of the Continental Army as are entitled to rewards
In lands, and may choose to avail themselves of any
Priviledges and Grants which shall be obtained in con
sequence of the present solicitation — I enclose also
the Copy of a Letter from Brigr. General Putnam In
which the sentiments and expectations of the Petition
ers are more fully explained ; and in which the ideas
of occupying the Posts in the Western Country will
be found to correspond very nearly with those I have
some time since communicated to a Committee of
Congress, in treating of the subject of a Peace Estab
lishment. — I will beg leave to make a few more obser
vations on the general benefits of the Location and
Settlement now proposed ; and then submit the justice
& policy of the measure to the wisdom of Congress.
Altho' I pretend not myself to determine how far
the district of unsettled Country which is described in
the Petition is free from the claim of every State, or
how far this disposal of it may interfere with the
views of Congress, yet it appears to me this is the
Tract which from Its local position and peculiar ad
vantages ought to be first settled in preference to any
other whatever, and I am perfectly convinced that it
cannot be so advantageously settled by any other
class of men as by the disbanded Officers and Soldiers
of the Army — to whom the faith of Government hath
long since been pledged, that lands should be granted
at the expiration of the War, in certain proportions
agreeably to their respective grades.
I am Induced to give my sentiments thus freely on
the advantages to be expected from this plan of Colo-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 269
nization — because it would connect our Governments
with the frontiers, extend our settlements progres
sively — and plant a brave, a hardy, & respectable
Race of People as our advanced  , who would
be always ready & willing (in case of hostility) to
combat the Savages, and check their incursions— A
Settlement formed of such Men would give security
to our frontiers — the very name of it would awe the
Indians — and more than probably prevent the murder
of many Innocent Families, which frequently in the
usual mode of extending our Settlements & Encroach
ments on the hunting grounds of the Natives, fall the
hapless Victims to savage barbarity — Besides the
emoluments which might be derived from the Peltry
Trade at our Factories, If such should be established ;
the appearance of so formidable a Settlement In the
vicinity of their towns (to say nothing of the barrier
it would form against our other Neighbors) would be
the most likely means to enable us to purchase upon
equitable terms of the Aborigines their right of pre-
occupancy ; and to Induce them to relinquish our Ter
ritories, and to remove Into the Illimitable regions of
the West.
Much more might be said of the public utility of
such a Location, as well as of the private felicity it
would afford to the Individuals concerned In it — I
will venture to say — it Is the most rational & prac
ticable Scheme which can be adopted by a great pro
portion of the Officers & Soldiers of our Army, and
promises them more happiness than they can expect
in any other way.

270 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

The Settlers being in the prime of life, inured to
hardship & taught by experience to accommodate
themselves in every situation — going in a considerable
body, and under the patronage of Government, would
enjoy in the first instance advantages in procuring
subsistence and all the necessaries for a comfortable
beginning, superior to any common class of Emigrants
& quite unknown to those who have heretofore ex
tended themselves beyond the Apalachian Mountains.
They may expect after a little perseverance. Compe
tence & Independence for themselves, a pleasant re
treat in old age— and the fairest prospects for their
children. I have &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRES.S.
Head Quarters, Newburg,
Sir, Evening, 24 June, 1783.
It was not until three o'clock this afternoon, that 1
had the first Intimation of the Infamous and outrageous
mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania troops. It was
then I received your Excellency's Letter of the 2 ist by
express, and, agreeable to your request contained in It,
I instantly ordered three complete regiments of in
fantry and a detachment of artillery to be put In motion
as soon as possible. This corps, (which, you will ob-
.serve by the return, is a large proportion of our whole
force, ) will consist of upwards of fifteen hundred effec
tives. As all the troops, who composed this gallant
little army, as well those who are furloughed, as those
who remain in service, are men of tried fidelity, I could

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271

not have occasion to make any choice of corps ; and I
have only to regret, that there existed a necessity,
they should be employed on so disagreeable a service.
I dare say, however, they will on this and all other
occasions perform their duty, as brave and faithful sol
diers.' While I suffer the most poignant distress. In observ
ing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers,
and equally so in point of service (if the veteran troops
from the southward have not been seduced by their
example), and who are not worthy to be called soldiers,
should disgrace themselves as the Pennsylvania muti
neers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority
of the United States and that of their own, I feel an
inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behavior
cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. It
cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonor on, the
army at large ; but on the contrary, It will, by the
striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view
the other troops in the most advantageous point of
light. Upon taking all the circumstances into consid
eration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise and
indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wicked
ness of the mutineers ; nor can I sufficiently admire
the fidelity, the bravery, and the patriotism, which
must for ever signalize the unsullied character of the
' In his instructions Major-General Howe was told the object of his command
was " to suppress a mutiny, which has taken place amongst a part of the Penn
sylvania troops ; in the accomplishment of which you will be governed by your
own discretion, until you can receive the orders of Congress. Should the
tumult have subsided, you will meet directions from his Excellency, the Presi
dent, countermanding your march. You will then return by easy movements."
— 25 June, 1783.

272 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

other corps of our army. For, when we consider,
that these Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied,
are recruits and soldiers of a day, who have not borne
the heat and burden of the war, and who can have in
reality very few hardships to complain of ; and when
we at the same time recollect, that those soldiers, who
have lately been furloughed from this army, are the
veterans who have patiently endured hunger, naked
ness, and cold, who have suffered and bled without a
murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have re
tired to their homes without a settlement of their
accounts, or a farthing of money in their pockets ; we
shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the latter,
as we are struck with horror and detestation at the
proceedings of the former ; and every candid mind,
without Indulging Ill-grounded prejudices, will un
doubtedly make the proper discrimination.
I intended only to wait until the troops were col
lected, and had occupied their new camp, in order to
make a full report to Congress of the measures, which
have been taken in consequence of the resolution of
the 26th of May. Notwithstanding the option, which
was given in my answer to the address of the generals
and officers commanding regiments and corps, which
has already been sent to your Excellency, no soldiers,
except a very few, whose homes are within the ene
my's lines, and a very small number of officers, have
thought proper to avail themselves of it, by remaining
with the army. A list of those who remain is here
with transmitted. The men engaged to serve three
years were then formed Into regiments and corps in

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 273
the following manner ; namely, the troops of Massa
chusetts composed four regiments ; Connecticut, one
regiment ; New Hampshire, five companies ; Rhode
Island, two companies ; Massachusetts artillery, three
companies ; and New York artillery, two companies.
The total strength will be seen by the weekly state,
which is also forwarded.
The army being thus reduced to merely a competent
garrison for West Point, that being the only object
of importance in this quarter, and it being neces
sary to employ a considerable part of the men in
building an arsenal and magazines at that post, agreea
bly to the directions given by the secretary at war, the
troops accordingly broke up the cantonment yester
day, and removed to that garrison, where Major-Gen
eral Knox still retains the command. The detach
ment, which marches for Philadelphia, will be under
the orders of Major-General Howe, Major-General
Heath having, at his own particular request, retired
from the field. The brigadiers now remaining with
the army are Patterson, Huntington, and Greaton,
besides the adjutant-general. Thus have I given the
present state of our military affairs, and I hope the
arrangements will be satisfactory to Congress. I
have the honor to be, &c.
P. S. Should any thing turn up, which may pre
vent the necessity of the troops proceeding to Phila
delphia, I am to request your Excellency will send
the earliest intimation to the commanding officer, that
the detachment may return immediately. The route
18

274 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
will be by Ringwood, Pompton, Morristown, Prince
ton, and Trenton, on which your express may meet
the corps.' TO DR. WILLIAM GORDON. Head Quarters, Newburg,
Dear Sir, » J"iy. 1783.
Your favor of the 19th of June came to my hand
on Sunday last by the Southern Mail. From this
circumstance and the date of it, I conclude it has been
to Philadelphia — A mistake not very unusual for the
Postmaster at FIshkil to commit.
I delayed not a moment to forward the letters which
came to me under your cover of the 26th of Feby. to
New York. I did not answer the letter which accom
panied them In due Season — not so much from the
hurry of business, as because my Sentiments on the es
sential part of It, had been communicated to you before ;
and because the Annunciation of Peace, which came
close upon the heels of it, put an end to all specula
tive opinions with respect to the time and terms of it.
I now thank you for your kind congratulations on
this event. I feel sensibly the flattering expressions,
and fervent wishes with which you have accompanied
' In consequence of the mutinous temper and menacing conduct of armed
soldiers in Philadelphia, Congress resolved, ' ' that the secretary at war be directed
to communicate to the Commander-in-chief the state and disposition of the
said troops, in order that he may take measures to despatch to this city such
force as he may judge expedient for suppressing any disturbances that may
^nsa<t."— Journals, June 2lst. Congress adjourned the same day, and reas
sembled at Princeton, in New Jersey, on the 30th. The causes of this change
of residence, and the particulars concerning the mutiny, are explained ina report
of a committee entered in the Journals of Congress. Hamilton's Works, viii.,
124, and Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, xiii., 654.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 275
them and make a tender of mine, with much cordial
ity, in return. — It now rests with the Confederated
Powers, by the line of conduct they mean to adopt, to
make this Country great, happy, and respectable ; or
to sink it into littleness — worse perhaps — into An
archy and confusion ; for certain I am, that unless
adequate Powers are given to Congress for the gen
eral purposes of the Federal Union, that we shall
soon moulder into dust and become contemptible in
the eyes of Europe, if we are not made the sport
of their Politicks. To suppose that the general con
cerns of this Country can be directed by thirteen
heads, or one head without competent powers, is a
solecism, the bad effects of which every man who has
had the practical knowledge to judge from, that I have,
is fully convinced of ; tho' none perhaps has felt them
in so forcible and distressing a degree. The People at
large, and at a distance from the theatre of action, who
only know that the machine was kept in motion, and
that they are at last arrived at the first object of their
wishes, are satisfied with the event, without investi
gating the causes of the slow progress to it, or of the
expences which have accrued, and which they have
been unwilling to pay — great part of which has arisen
from that want of energy in the Federal Constitution,
which I am complaining of, and which I wish to see
given to it by a Convention of the People, instead of
hearing it remarked that, as we have worked through
an arduous contest with the powers Congress already
have (but which, by the by, have been gradually
diminishing,) why should they be invested with more ?

276 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
To say nothing of the Invisible workings of Provi
dence, which has conducted us through difficulties
where no human foresight could point the way ; it
will appear evident to a close examiner, that there has
been a concatenation of causes to produce this event ;
which In all probability, at no time, or under any other
circumstances, will combine again — We deceive our
selves therefore by the mode of reasoning, and, what
would be much worse, we may bring ruin upon our
selves by attempting to carry it into practice.
We are known by no other character among nations
than as the United States — Massachusetts or Virginia
is no better defined, nor any more thought of by Foreign
Powers than the County of Worcester in Massachu
setts is by Virginia, or Gloucester County in Virginia
is by Massachusetts, (respectable as they are) ; and
yet these counties with as much propriety might op
pose themselves to the Laws of the State in which
they are, as an Individual State can oppose itself to
the Federal Government, by which It is, or ought to
be bound. Each of these counties has, no doubt, its
local polity and Interests. These should be attended
to, and brought before their respective legislatures
with all the force their importance merits ; but when
they come in contact with the general Interest of the
State, when superior considerations preponderate in
favor of the whole, their voices should be heard no
more. So should it be with individual States when
compared to the Union, otherwise I think it may pro
perly be asked for what purpose do we farcically pre
tend to be United ? W^hy do Congress spend

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277
months together in deliberating upon, debating, and
digesting plans, which are made as palatable, and as
wholesome to the Constitution of this country as the
nature of things will admit of, when some States will
pay no attention to them, and others regard them but
partially ; by which means all those evils which pro
ceed from delay, are felt by the whole ; while the com
pliant States are not only suffering by these neglects,
but in many Instances are injured most capitally by
their own exertions ; which are wasted for want of
the united effort. A hundred thousand men, com
ing one after another, cannot move a Ton weight ; but
the united strength of 50 would transport It with
ease. So has it been with great part of the expence
which has been incurred this War. In a word, I
think the blood and treasure, which has been spent in
it, has been lavished to little purpose, unless we can
be better cemented ; and that is not to be effected
while so little attention is paid to the recommenda
tions of the Sovereign Power.
To me it would seem not more absurd, to hear a
traveller, who was setting out on a long journey, de
clare he would take no money in his pocket to defray
the Expences of it, but rather depend upon Chance and
Charity, lest he should misapply it — than are the ex
pressions of so much fear of the powers and means of
Congress. For Heaven's sake, who are Congress ? are they
not the creatures of the People, amenable to them for
their conduct, and dependent from day to day on
their breath ? Where then can be the danger of

2 78 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
giving them such Powers as are adequate to the great
ends of Government, and to all the general purposes
of the Confederation (I repeat the word general, be
cause I am no advocate for their having to do with
the particular policy of any state, further than it con
cerns the Union at large) ? What may be the conse
quences if they have not these Powers, I am at no loss
to guess ; and deprecate the worst ; for sure I am, we
shall, in a little time become as contemptible in the
great scale of Politicks, as we now have It in our power
to be respectable. And that, when the band of Union
gets once broken, every thing ruinous to our future
prospects Is to be apprehended. The best that can
come of It, in my humble opinion Is, that we shall
sink into obscurity, unless our Civil broils should keep
us in remembrance and fill the page of history with
the direful consequences of them.
You say that. Congress loose time by pressing a
mode that does not accord with the genius of the People,
and will thereby, endanger the Union, and that it is the
quantum they want. Permit me to ask If the quan
tum has not already been demanded ? Whether it has
been obtained ? and whence proceeds the accumulated
evils, and poignant distresses of many of the public
Creditors — particularly in the Army ? For my own part
I hesitate not a moment to confess, that I see nothing
wherein the Union is endangered by the late requisi
tion of that body, but a prospect of much good, justice,
and prosperity from the compliance with it. I know
of no tax more convenient, none so agreeable, as that
which every man may pay, — or let it alone, as his

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 279
convenience, abilities, or Inclination shall prompt. I
am therefore a warm friend to the impost.
I can only repeat to you, that whenever Congress
shall think proper to open the door of their Archives
to you (which can be best known, and with more pro
priety discovered through the Delegates of your own
State), all my Records and Papers shall be unfolded to
your View, and I shall be happy in your Company at
Mt. Vernon while you are taking such Extracts from
them, as you may find convenient. It Is a piece of
respect which I think Is due to the Sovereign Power to
let it take the lead In this business (without any inter
ference of mine) ; and another reason why I choose to
withhold mine to this epoch Is, that I am positive no
history of the Revolution can be perfect if the Histori
ographer has not free access to that fund of Informa
tion. Mrs. Washington joins me in compliments to
Mrs. Gordon — and I am &c.

TO M. marbois.
c, H. Q., Newburgh, 9 July, 1787.
The last Post brought me the honor of your favor
of the first Instt. inclosing an Extract from the Letter
of Monsr. de Malesherbes to you.
I hardly know how, sufficiently to express my grati
tude and thanks to that Gentleman for his Intended
favors, and the polite and flattering manner in which
he seems disposed to confer them. Nor can I suffi
ciently express my concern for the trouble he has had
from my improper explanation to the misconception

28o THE WRITINGS OF [1783
of, my good and amiable friend the Marqs. de la
Fayette. To cultivate Exotics for the purpose of making Wine,
or for my amusement, was never contemplated by me.
The spontaneous growth of the Vine In all parts of
this country, the different qualities of them and periods
for maturation, led me to conclude, that by a happy
choice of the species I might succeed better than those
who had attempted the foreign vine. Accordingly, a
year or two before hostilities commenced, I selected
about two thousand cuttings of a kind which does not
ripen with us (in Virginia) till repeated frosts in the
Autumn meliorate the Grape and deprive the Vines of
their leaves. It is then, and not before, the grape
(which is never very pallitable) can be Eaten.
Several little Essays have been made by Gentlemen
of my acquaintance to cultivate the foreign grape, for
Wine ; but none had well succeeded ; owing either to
an improper kind, or the want of skill In the manage
ment. For the most part, their Wine soon contracted
an acidity, which rendered it unfit for use ; one cause
of which I ascribed to the ripening of their grape
in our Summer or Autumnal heats, and to the too
great fermentation occasioned thereby. This considera
tion led me to try the wild grape of the Country, and to
fix upon the species which I have already described,
and which in the Eight years I have been absent from
my Estate has been little attended to. Had I re
mained at home, I should ere this, have perfected the
experiment which was all I had in view.
Thus, my good Sir, have I given you the history of
my proposed cultivation of the Vine — and all I ever

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 281
had in contemplation to attempt. I feel unhappy
therefore at being the innocent cause of so much
trouble to Monsr. de Malesherbes whose politeness,
and goodness upon this occasion seems to have no
bounds and fills me with gratitude and acknowledge
ment which I beg the favor of you to convey to him
in such terms as I know you are master of, and which
will do more justice to my feelings than any expres
sions of my own.
If, notwithstanding my former plans, Monsr. de
Malesherbes will honor me with a few sets, or cuttings
of any one kind (and the choice is left altogether to
himself,) I will cultivate them with the utmost care.
I will always think of him when I go into my little
Vineyard, and the first fruits of It shall be dedicated
to him as the Author of it.
If to these he would add a few sets of the several
kinds of Eating Grape for my Gardens, it would add
much to the obligation he seems so well disposed to
confer on me.
For the trouble you have had, and I am about to
give you in this business, you will please to accept my
thanks, and the assurances of that esteem and regard
with which I have &c.

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX. State of New Vork,
My dear Sir, ^° J'^^y- ^^^s-
With very sincere pleasure I receiv'd your favor of
the 26th March. It came to hand a few days ago.
and gave me the satisfaction of learning that you en-

282 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
joyed good health, and yt. Mrs. Fairfax had improved
in hers. There was nothing wanting in this Letter to
give compleat satisfaction to Mrs. Washington and
myself, but some expression to induce us to believe
you would once more become our neighbors. Your
house at Belvoir I am sorry to add is no more, but
mine (which is enlarged since you saw it,) Is most
sincerely and heartily at your service till you could re
build it.
As the path, after being closed by a long, arduous,
and painful contest, is to use an Indian metaphor, now
opened and made smooth, I shall please myself with
the hope of hearing from you frequently ; and till you
forbid me to endulge the wish, I shall not despair of
seeing you and Mrs. Fairfax once more the inhabi
tants of Belvoir, and greeting you both there the in
timate companions of our old age, as you have been
of our younger years. I cannot sufficiently express
my sensibility for your kind congratulations on the
favorable termination of the War, and for the flatter
ing manner in which you are pleased to speak of my
instrumentality in effecting a revolution, which I can
truly aver, was not in the beginning premeditated ;
but the result of dire necessity brought about by
the persecuting spirit of the British Government.
This no man can speak to with more certainty, or
assert upon better grounds than myself — as I was a
member of Congress in the Councils of America till the
affair at Bunker Hill, and was an attentive observer
and witness to those Interesting and painful struggles
for accomodation, and redress of grievances in a Con-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283
Stitutional way, which all the world saw and must
have approved, except the ignorant, deluded and de
signing. I unite my prayers most fervently with yours for
wisdom to these U. States, and have no doubt, af
ter a little while all errors in the present form of their
Government will be corrected, and a happy temper be
diffused through the whole ; but, like young heirs
come a little prematurely perhaps to a large inheri
tance, it is more than probable they will riot for a
while — but this, if it should happen, tho' It is a circum
stance which is to be lamented (as I would have the
national character of America be pure and immacu
late,) will work its own cure, as there is virtue at the
bottom. You speak of having written many Letters to me
during the War ; but few, very few indeed have ever
reached me. Early, and repeatedly, did I advise you
of the impracticability, while I continued to direct the
military operations of the Country, of my paying the
smallest attention to your Interest in Virginia, and
pressed you to name some other friend to superintend
your business. Upon your suggestion of Mr. Nicho
las, I wrote to him on the subject without obtaining
an answer ; and wrote and wrote again to him months
after he was dead, so little acquainted was I with the
private occurrences of our own State. Nor to this
moment have I got an answer from any one on the
subject, and know as little — perhaps less than you do
of the situation of your affairs in Virginia— I have
been in the State but once since the 4th of May, 1775,

2^4 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
and that was at the Siege of York. In going thither
I spent one day at my own House, and in returning I
took 3 or 4, without attempting to transact a particle
of private business, even for myself. I do not con
ceive that it would be any consolation to you to hear
that your neighbors were equal sufferers with your
self, or you might thank God — as an overseer in the
service of your Father-in-law did, when he was ren
dering an account to his employer in the time of a
calamitous and [illegible] the miserable prospect
before him and the probability of their starving — that
his neighbors were as bad off as himself.
The amiable Mr. Custis was taken sick at the Siege
of York, and died at Colo. Bassett's the [5th] of
Novr. — he has left four lovely children ; three girls and
a boy (which the latter is the youngest) who were all
very well and promising when we heard last from
them' — His widow Is yet single, and lives where he
did, at the place formerly Robt. Alexander's (above
Alexandria) which he bought and handsomely ap
proved before his death. Mrs. Washington enjoys
an incompetent share of health ; Billious Fevers and
Chollcs attack her very often, and reduce her low. At
this moment she Is but barely recovering from one of
them. At the same time that she thanks Mrs. Fairfax
and you for your kind suggestion of Doctr. Jones's
Annatlptic Pills, she begs you both to accept her most
affectionate regards — she would have conveyed these
in a letter of her own with grateful acknowledgements
' Elizabeth Parke, born 21 August, 1776 ; Martha Parke, born 31 Decem-
t>er. 1777 ; Eleanor Parke, born 21 March, 1779 ; and George Washington
Parke, born 30 April, 1781.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285
of Mrs. Fairfax's kind remembrance by Mr. Lee, If
her health would have allowed It.
I wait with great impatience the arrival of the
Definitive Treaty — that I may quit my milltar)- em
ployment, and bid adieu to public life — and in the
shades of retirement seek that repose and tranquillity
to which I have been an intire stranger for more than
Eight years. I wish for it too because It will afford
me some leisure to attend to an impaired fortune and
recover as it were from a state of torpidity or suspen
sion — except in the instances of having money paid to
me at the depreciated value— My private concerns,
my warmest and best affections attend Mrs. Fairfax
and yourself — and I am &c.'

TO BARON STEUBEN.
INSTRUCTIONS.
In consequence of powers in me invested for that purpose, I do
hereby authorize and desire you to proceed, with such despatch
as you shall find convenient, into Canada, and there concert with
Qeneral Haldimand, or other British commander-in-chief in that
province, upon all such measures as you shall find necessary for
receiving possession of the posts now under his command within
the territory ceded to the United States, and at present occupied
by the troops of his Britannic Majesty, and from which his said
' " A report prevails here fin Va.], said to come from Philadelphia, that our
worthy general has become so unpopular in his army, that no officer will dine
with him. The report is so improbable that I give no credit to it, yet I am
anxious to hear from you on the subject, and also to know in what state the
definitive treaty is and what now obstructs the signing of it. " — Benjamin Harri
son to the Virginia Delegates in Congress, 12 July, 1783. " We do not know,"
they replied on July 27th, " any color of reason for the report you mention rela
tive to our Commander-in-chief. On the contrary, we believe that his popu
larity, like his merit, has not suffered the smallest diminution.''

286 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Majesty's troops are to be withdrawn, agreeably to the seventh
article ofthe provisional treaty between his said Majesty and the
United States of America.
In accomplishing this negotiation, you will obtain, if possible,
from General Haldimand his assurances and orders for the imme
diate possession, by the United States, of the posts in question,
or at least a cession of them at an early day. But if this cannot
be done, you will endeavor to procure from him positive and
definitive assurances, that he will, as soon as possible, give infor
mation of the time which shall be fixed on for the evacuation of
those posts, and that the troops of his Britannic Majesty shall not
be drawn therefrom, until sufficient previous notice shall be
given of that event, that the troops of the United States may be
ready to occupy the fortresses the moment they shall be abandoned
by those of his Britannic Majesty.
You will propose to General Haldimand, an exchange of such
artillery and stores now in the posts as you shall think proper, and
which you shall judge will be of benefit to the United States,
agreeing with the British commander-in-chief, that an equal
number of cannon, and an equal quantity and kind of stores, as
he shall consent to exchange, shall be replaced to his Britannic
Majesty by the United States, at such time and place as shall be
fixed on by you for the purpose.
Having formed your arrangements with General Haldimand,
you will be pleased to proceed, in such manner as you shall think
best, to visit the several posts and fortresses on the frontier terri
tory of the United States as far as Detroit. View their different
situation, strength, and circumstances; and,forming your judgment
of their relative position, and probable advantage to the United
States, you \vill report the same to me, with your opinion of such
of them as you shall think most expedient for the United States
to retain and occupy. In passing the Lake Champlain you will
critically observe the width of the waters at the northern extremity,
and the nature of the ground adjoining ; with a view to determine
whether there is any spot south of the 45 th degree of north
latitude, and near our extreme boundary, on which it will be
convenient, (should Congress judge it expedient,) to erect forti-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287

fications, which would command the entrance from Canada into
that lake.
At Detroit you will find a very considerable settlement, con
sisting mostly of French people from Canada. To these you will
please to intimate the fullest sentiment of the good disposition of
Congress and the inhabitants of the United States for their wel
fare and protection ; expressing at the same time to them our
expectations of finding the like disposition in them towards us,
and the post which we may establish there, and any future settle
ment which may be formed in their neighborhood by the subjects
of the United States. As the advanced season, or other unfore
seen accidents, may render it difficult to get a detachment of
American troops to that place before it maybe convenient forthe
British garrison to be withdrawn from that post, you will do well
to engage, in this case, some one or more of the respectable and
well disposed inhabitants of the district to provide a company of
militia (if there be any) or others, at the expense of the United
States, to take charge of the works, buildings &c. of the fortress,
assuring them such reasonable pay as shall be deemed adequate
to their service, or which you may condition for. You will also
make particular inquiry, whether the farmers or merchants at
Detroit are able or wiUing to supply an American garrison at that
post with provisions and other necessaries, and upon what terms.
You will please to keep me informed as fully as you can, and
as often as opportunity will permit, of the progress you shall make
in executing the business committed to your conduct.
Confiding perfectly in your general knowledge, good sense,
judgment, and discretion, in the fulfilment of this commission, I
forbear any further detail of instructions but wish you success in
your negotiations, with pleasure and security in the prosecution
of your tour. Given at Head-Quarters, Newburg, this 12th day
of July, 1783.'
' In compliance with these instructions. Baron Steuben proceeded to Canada.
He reached Chamblee on the 2d of August, and thence sent forward his aid-
de-camp. Major North, to Quebec, with a message to General Haldimand an
nouncing the object of his mission. General Haldimand was just on the eve
of his departure for the upper country, and he met Baron Steuben at Sorel, on

288 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, 16 July, 1783,
Sir, Your Excellency's letters of the 3d and Sth are
received. The Judge Advocate was gone on by my
Directions before the hint you gave me in that of
the 3d.
It would seem there has been some capital neglect
or miscarriage in the transmission of the Act of Con
gress of the 1 2th of May. I never had the least intima
tion of it until the 7th Instant, when I received it from
the War Office.
Baron Steuben is furnished with my letters and in.
structions and will depart on his mission as soon as
possible. The enclosed memorial was handed to me from
some officers of Hazen's regiment, refugees from Can
ada. Anxious for their relief from the most distress
ing situation, and finding myself without the means
or the power of doing it, I beg leave to refer their
circumstances to the particular attention and regard
of Congress. These, with many others, are the men,
who as they will say have left their country, their
friends, their substance, their all, in support of the
the Sth of August. In regard to the first point of the instructions. General
Haldimand said that he had not received orders for making any arrangements
to evacuate the posts, nor for any other object than a cessation of hostilities,
with which he had strictly complied. A request for passports to visit the posts,
on the part of Baron Steuben, was likewise refused by General Haldimand,
upon the same ground of want of orders. In short, he did not feel himself au
thorized to enter into any negotiations whatever, respecting the objects for
which Baron Steuben had come to Canada, and the latter returned from Sorel
to the American army.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 289

liberties of America ; and have followed our fortunes
through the various scenes of a distressing contest,
until they find it to have terminated in the happiest
manner for all but themselves. Some provision is
certainly due to those people, who now are exiled
from their native country and habitations, without
any mention made of them in the treaty, any stipula
tion for their return, or any means for their subsist
ence, in a country which their arms have contributed
to secure and establish. When Congress recollect
the encouragements, the promises, and assurances,
which were published by them and their orders in
Canada in the years 1775 and 1776, I am persuaded
they will take into their most serious consideration
the case of those unhappy persons, who placed confi
dence in those proclamations, and make ample amends
by some effectual provision for their sufferings, pa
tience, and perseverance.
I would not presume to dictate ; but, if Congress
cannot procure funds for their compensation and sub
sistence from the ample confiscations, which are mak
ing within the different States, I should think a grant
could be made to them from the unlocated lands in
the interior parts of our territory, and some means
advanced to place them on such a tract. This per
haps might prove satisfactory, and would enable them
to form a settlement, which may be beneficial to them
selves, and useful to the United States. I will say
no more, but repeat my recommendation of their case
to the grateful remembrance of Congress, and beg,
that a speedy attention may be given to the applica-
19

290 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

tion, which I have advised them to make without de
lay. Finding myself in most disagreeable circumstances
here, and like to be so, so long as Congress are pleased
to continue me In this awkward situation, anxiously
expecting the definitive treaty ; without command,
and with little else to do, than to be teased with
troublesome applications and fruitless demands, which
I have neither the means or the power of satisfying ;
In this distressing tedium I have resolved to wear
away a little time, in performing a tour to the north
ward, as far as Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and
perhaps as far up the Mohawk River as Fort Schuy
ler. I shall leave this place on Friday next, and shall
probably be gone about two weeks, unless my tour
should be interrupted by some special recall. One gen
tleman of my family will be left here to receive any
letters or commands, and to forward to me any thing
that shall be necessary. With great respect and es
teem, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.'
r. Head-Quarters, 6 August, 1783.
Sir, Your Excellency's several favors of the 17th, 24th,
and 31st of July, were received at head-quarters dur
ing my absence, and have been presented to me on
' Congress had passed a resolve requesting the attendance of General Washing
ton as soon as should be convenient, after his return from the northward.—
Journals, July 28th.
Washington wrote to McHenry to know the meaning of the resolution, say
ing:

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 291
my return last evening, which I effected by water
from Albany.
My tour having been extended as far northward as
Crown Point, and westward to Fort Schuyler and Its
district, and my movements having been pretty rapid,
my horses, which are not yet arrived, will be so much
fatigued, that they will need some days to recruit.
This circumstance, with some arrangements that will
be necessarj^ previous to my leaving this place, will
prevent my complying with the pleasure of Congress,
intimated in yours of the 31st, so soon perhaps as may
" I am left ignorant of the particular objects Congress have in view, any fur
ther than can be collected from the expressions of his [the President of Con
gress] and your letters. So far then, as they may relate to a Peace establish
ment, my sentiments in the freest and fullest manner have been communicated
to a committee, of which Colo. Hamilton was Chairman. If the principal object
in view, by my attendance, respects Congress, I cannot hesitate a moment to
make the earliest compliance in my power. But, if the resolution is calcu
lated for my own convenience, I cannot say, that it will render my situation
more eligible than the present, especially taking into consideration the incon
venience of a removal for so small a distance, and a, new establishment of a
household, which must be formed in consequence of breaking up the menial
part of my family here.
" My principal intention, in my letter of the i6th ultimo, was to express the
disagreeableness of my present situation, waiting as I am, with little business
and less command, for the definitive treaty, when I have so anxious a desire of
retiring from public business, and re-establishing myself in domestic life,
where my private concerns call loudly for my presence." — 6 August, 1783.
On these points Mr. McHenry replied as follows ;
"The first motive for bringing you here was to get you out of a disagreeable
situation to one less disagreeable. The second was to get your assistance and ad
vice in the arrangements for peace. It may be necessary, besides, to consult you
respecting promotions, and on a variety of military subjects. I believe, on the
whole, that your being near Congress will be a public good. I send you the
address to be made to you from the chair, which will serve to explain the inten
tions of Congress." — Princeton, August nth.
A house, suitably furnished, was engaged by Congress for the use of General
Washington, situated at Rocky Hill, between three and four miles from
Princeton.

292 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
be expected. In the mean time, your Excellency will
have an opportunity of transmitting to me the reso
lution mentioned, that I may be acquainted with the
objects Congress have In view, by my attendance at
Princeton, and that I may prepare myself to fulfil their
expectations to the utmost of my power.
[Another Letter of the same date.] — I was the more
particularly induced by two considerations to make
the tour, which, in my letter of the i6th ultimo, I in
formed Congress I had in contemplation, and from
which I returned last evening. The one was an
inclination of seeing the northern and western posts
of this State, with those places which have been the
theatre of Important military transactions ; the other,
a desire to facilitate, (as far as is in my power,) the
operations, which will be necessary for occupying the
posts which are ceded by the treaty of peace as soon
as they shall be evacuated by the British troops.
Aware of the difificulties we should have to encoun
ter in accomplishing the last mentioned object, on
account of the advanced season, and the want of
money to give vigor to our movements, I inserted
a clause in the instructions of Baron Steuben, (a copy
of which I have the honor to enclose,) authorizing
him, in case those difficulties should be insurmount
able, or in case the arrival of the definitive treaty
should be delayed beyond expectation, to agree with
some of the respectable and well affected inhabitants
of Detroit to preserve the fortifications and public
buildings at that place, until such time as a garrison
could be sent with provisions and stores sufficient to
take and hold possession of them. The propriety of

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293

this measure has appeared in a more forcible point of
view, since I have been up the Mohawk River, and
taken a view of the situation of things in that quarter ;
for, upon a careful inquiry, I find it is the opinion of
those, who are best acquainted with the distances and
communications, that nothing short of the greatest
exertion, and a sum adequate to the transportation,
can even at this season furnish us with boats, and enable
us to forward provisions and stores sufficient for a
garrison to be supported at Detroit during the
ensuing winter ; and, without an immediate supply of
money, It would be in vain to make the attempt.
Influenced by this information, believing there was
not a moment to be lost, and apprehending the Baron
Steuben might be retarded in his progress by some
unforeseen event, I engaged at Fort Rensselaer a gen
tleman, whose name is Cassaty, formerly a resident at
Detroit, and who is well recommended, to proceed
without loss of time, find out the disposition ofthe in
habitants, and make every previous inquiry, which
might be necessary for the Information of the Baron
on his arrival, that he should be able to make such
final arrangements, as the circumstances might appear
to justify. This seemed to be the best alternative on
failure of furnishing a garrison of our own troops ;
which, for many reasons, would be Infinitely the most
eligible mode, if the season and your means would
possibly admit.
I have at the same time endeavored to take the
best preparatory steps In my power for supplying all
the garrisons on the western waters by the provision
contract. I can only form my magazine at Fort Her-

294 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
kimer, on the German Flats, which is thirty-two miles
by land and almost fifty by water from the carrying-
place between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek.
The route by the former is impracticable in the present
state for carriages ; and by the other extremely diffi
cult for batteaux, as the river is very much obstructed
with fallen and floating trees, from the long disuse of
the navigation. That nothing, however, which depends
upon me, might be left undone, I have directed ten
months' provision for five hundred men to be laid up
at Fort Herkimer, and have ordered Colonel Willett,
(an active and good officer commanding the troops of
this State,) to repair the roads, remove the obstructions
in the river, and, as far as can be effected by the la
bors of the soldiers, build houses for the reception of
the provision and stores at the carrying-place. In order
that the whole may be In perfect readiness to move
forward, so soon as the arrangements shall be made
with General Haldimand. I shall give instructions to
Major-General Knox, to have such ordnance and stores
forwarded to Albany, as In the present view of matters
may be judged necessary for the western posts ; and 1
will also write to the quartermaster-general, by this
conveyance, on the subject of batteaux and the other
articles, which may be required from his department.
However, without money to provide some boats, and
to pay the expense of transportation, it will be next
to impossible to get these things even to Niagara. I
have the honor to be, &c.'
' Read in Congress, August nth. On September loth, referred to
Duane, Peters, Carroll, Hawkins, and Arthur Lee.
While this letter was writing, the members of Congress had under con-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

295

TO ROBERT STEWART.
State of New York, 10 August, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I received with much pleasure by the last mail from
Philadelphia, your favor of the 19th of April from
London. — For the affectionate and flattering expres
sions contained therein you will please to accept my
warmest and most grateful acknowledgements.
This Letter removed an apprehension I had long
labored under, of your having taken your departure
sideration a mode of conferring new honors on the man who had rendered such
distinguished services to his country ; and the next day the following resolves
were passed.
" Resolved unanimously, (ten States being present) that an equestrian statue
of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence of Congress
shall be established.
" Resolved, that the statue be of bronze ; the General to be represented in a
Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled
with a laurel wreath ; the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which
are to be represented, in basso-rilievo, the following principal events of the war,
in which General Washington commanded in person ; namely, the evacuation
of Boston ; the capture of the Hessians at Trenton ; the battle of Princeton ;
the action of Monmouth ; and the surrender of York. On the upper part of
the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows, ' The United States, in Con
gress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 178s, in
honor of George Washington, the illustrious Commander-in-chief of the armies
ofthe United States of America, during the war, which vindicated and secured
their liberty, sovereignty, and independence.'
" Resolved, that a statue conformable to the above plan be executed by the
best artist in Europe, under the superintendence of the minister of the United
States at the court of Versailles, and that money to defray the expense of the
same be furnished from the treasury of the United States.
"Resolved, that the secretary of Congress transmit to the minister of the
United States at the court of Versailles the best resemblance of General Wash
ington, that can be procured, for the purpose of having the above statue erected,
together with the fittest description of the events, which are to be the subject of
the basso-rilievo." — Journals, August ^Ha.^Sparks.
This statue, " the only mark of public gratitude," wrote the French Minister
to Luzerne "which Washington can accept, and the only one which the gov
ernment in its poverty can offer," has never been executed.

296 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

for the Land of Spirits. How else could I account
for a Silence of full 1 5 years ; for I think it must be at
least that much since I have heard from you, and not
less than 9 or 10 since I could hear a little of you :
altho' when I had opportunities, I made it a point to
enquire. You may be assured. Sir, that I should ever feel
pleasure in rendering you any service In my power ;
but I will not be so uncandid as to flatter your expecta
tions or give you any hope of my doing It In the way
you seem to expect. In a contest, — long, arduous and
painful ; which has brought forth the abilities of men
in Military and Civil life, and exposed them with Halt
ers about their necks, not only to Imminent danger, but
many of them to the verge of poverty and the very
brink of ruin, justice requires and a grateful govern
ment certainly will bestow those places of honor and
profit, which necessity must create, upon those who
have risked life, fortune and Home to support its cause.
But independent of these considerations, I have never
interfered In any Civil appointments, and I only wait
(and with anxious Impatience) the arrival of the defini
tive treaty, that I may take leave of my Military Em
ployments and by bidding adieu to Public life, for
ever enjoy in the shades of retirement that ease and
tranquillity to which, for more than eight years, I
have been an entire stranger, and for which, a mind
which has been constantly on the stretch during that
period, and perplexed with a thousand embarrassing
circumstances, often times without a ray of light to
guide It, stands much in need.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 297
Gratitude to a nation to whom I think America
owes much and an ardent desire to see the country
and customs of the French People, are strong Induce
ments to make a visit to France ; but a consideration
more powerful than these will, I dare say, be an in
superable Bar to such a tour. An impaired fortune
(much injured by this contest,) must turn me into
those walks of retirement, where perhaps, the con
sciousness of having discharged to the best of my abil
ities the great trust reposed in me and the duty I owed
my country must supply the place of other gratifica
tions, and may perhaps afford as rational and substan
tial entertainment as the gayer scenes of a more en
larged theatre.
I shall always be happy to see you at Mt. Vernon.
Mrs. Washington, who enjoys but a very moderate
share of health, unites In best wishes for your health
and prosperity. With, Dr. Sir, &c.'

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Head-Quarters, 14 August, 1783.
Sir, By the last post I was honored with your Excel
lency's favor of the ist Instant, enclosing the resolve
of Congress directing my attendance at Princeton.
Notwithstanding my horses had arrived but a day
' Among others who took this opportunity of recalling themselves to Wash
ington was a Major Ellis, an officer in the British army. Washington replied
on July loth : " You profess not to be a panegyrist, while you are bestowing the
most exalted praise ; but, compliments apart, I received your very polite letter
of the 25th of March with much pleasure. It recalled to my remembrance
some of the pleasing occurrences of my past life, and reminded me of the

298 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
or two before, and were much fatigued, I should have
set out immediately, had it not been for the indisposition
of Mrs. Washington, who, during my absence, had been
seized with a fever, had a return of It since, and is
now in a very weak and low state. This circumstance,
together with a desire of packing my papers and
making arrangements for a final remove, (being
uncertain of the objects Congress have in view,
by my attendance, or how long I may be detained at
Princeton,) will, I hope, avail as an excuse for my
delay. I propose to set out on Monday next, provided
Mrs. Washington's health will admit, or I should not
have any thing from Congress In the mean time, to
prevent the execution of my intentions. 1 am, &c.'
acquaintances I had formed in it ; for whom, though separated by time, distance,
and political sentiments, I retain the same friendship.
" I was opposed to the policy of Great Britain, and became an enemy to her
measures ; but I always distinguished between a cause and individuals ; and,
while the latter supported their opinions upon liberal and generous grounds,
personally I never could be an enemy to them."
' Read in Congress, August 22d.
From the Orderly Book. — " The Commander-in-chief, having been requested
by Congress to give his attendance at Princeton, proposes to set out for that
place to-morrow ; but he expects to have the pleasure of seeing the army again
before he retires to private life. During his absence, Major-General Knox will
retain the command of the troops, and all reports are to be made to him accord
ingly." — August 17th.
This is the last record entered in the Orderly Book. General Washington
arrived at Princeton, and had a formal public audience of Congress on the 26th
of August. In a letter dated 17 August, 1783, Carleton informed the President of Con
gress of the late arrival of the June packet, bringing him private orders for the
evacuation of New York, and that there should be no delay " as far as it depends
upon me in fulfilling his Majesty's commands." He also expressed a wish that
the violence shown against the loyalists might abate, as he would feel in honor
hound to extend to them such protection as their loyalty demanded, notwith
standing his orders.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS OF
1 Princeton, 26 August, 1783.
Mr. President,
I am too sensible of the honorable reception I have now ex
perienced, not to be penetrated with the deepest feelings of
gratitude. Notwithstanding Congress appear to estimate the value of my
life beyond any services I have been able to render the United
States, yet I must be permitted to consider the wisdom, and una
nimity of our national councils, the firmness of our citizens, and
the patience and bravery of our troops, which have produced
so happy a termination of the war, as the most conspicuous effect
of the Divine interposition, and the surest presage of our future
happiness. Highly gratified by the favorable sentiments, which Congress
are pleased to express of my past conduct, and amply rewarded
by the confidence and affection of my fellow citizens, I cannot
' When General Washington entered the hall of Congress, he was attended
and introduced by two members, and the following Address (to which the above
was a reply) was made to him by the President, Elias Boudinot ;
"Congress feel a particular pleasure in seeing your Excellency, and in con
gratulating you on the success of a war, in which you have acted so conspicuous
a part. " It has been the particular happiness of the United States, that, during a war
so long, so dangerous, and so important. Providence has been graciously pleased
to preserve the life of a general, who has merited and possessed the uninter
rupted confidence and affection of his fellow citizens. In other nations, many
have performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks of
the public. But to you. Sir, peculiar praise is due. Your services have been
essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and independence of your
country. They deserve the grateful acknowledgments of a free and indepen
dent nation. Those acknowledgments Congress have the satisfaction of express
ing to your Excellency.
"Hostilities have now ceased; but your country still needs your services.
She wishes to avail herself of your talents in forming the arrangements, that
wUl be necessary for her security in the time of peace. For this reason your
attendance at Congress has been requested. A committee is appointed to
confer with your Excellency, and to receive your assistance in preparing and
digesting plans relative to those important objects."

300 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
hesitate to contribute my best endeavors towards the establish
ment of the national security, in whatever manner the sovereign
power may think proper to direct, until the ratification of the
definitive treaty of peace, or the final evacuation of our country
by the British forces ; after either of which events, I shall ask
permission to retire to the peaceful shades of private life.
Perhaps, Sir, no occasion may offer more suitable than the
present, to express my humble thanks to God, and my grateful
acknowledgments to my country, for the great and uniform sup
port I have received in every vicissitude of fortune, and for the
many distinguished honors, which Congress have been pleased to
confer upon me in the course of the war.

TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM S. SMITH.
Rocky Hill, 31 August, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the 26th, and am much ob
liged by your attention In procuring the articles I had
requested. I am also glad to find there is at length a
prospect, that the British will in reality soon take their
departure from the United States.
Whatever my private sentiments as an individual
may be respecting the violent policy, which seems in
some instances to be adopted, it is not for us, as mili
tary characters, to dictate a different line of conduct.
But I should suppose the encouragement you have
given to those British and foreign soldiers, who have
been discharged, that they would be permitted to re
main In the country, was very unexceptionable and
proper. The same indulgence, however, cannot be
extended to such natives of the country as have served
in their new corps, without the particular interference

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301
of the States to which they belong. And I thing If
necessary you should be advised, that granting pass
ports to citizens, of any description, for the purpose
of giving protection in coming from New York Into the
country, may not only be considered as an assumption
beyond the limits of any commission, which has been
derived from Congress, but will probably be produc
tive of altercations with the civil powers, and at the
same time Involve us in very disagreeable consequen
ces in many other respects. I am, dear sir, with very
great esteem yours, &c.'

TO MRS. RICHARD STOCKTON,^
Rocky Hill, 2 September, 1783.
You apply to me, my dear Madam, for absolution
as tho' I was your father Confessor ; and as tho' you
had committed a crime, great In itself, yet of the venial
class. You have reason good — for I find myself strange
ly disposed to be a very indulgent ghostly adviser on
this occasion ; and, notwithstanding " you are the most
offending Soul alive " (that is, if it is a crime to write
' It was the opinion of Colonel Smith that there were not less than fifteen
thousand persons in New York who wished to remain, and were not conscious
of any other crime than that of residing within the British lines, but who would
be driven from the countiy if rigid laws were put in execution against them ;
" in consequence of which," said he, " upon the evacuation we shall find a city
destitute of inhabitants, and settlements made on our frontiers by a people, who
(their minds being soured by the severity of their treatment,) will prove trouble
some neighbors, and perhaps lay the foundation of future contests, which I
suppose it would be for the interest of our country to avoid."
" Mrs. Stockton was Annis Boudinot, a sister of Elias Boudinot, and wife of
Richard Stockton, of New Jersey. She was the writer of the stanzas sung by
the ladies of Trenton when Washington passed through that place on his journey
to New York, to be inaugurated President.

302 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
elegant Poetry,) yet if you will come and dine with me
on Thursday, and go thro' the proper course of peni
tence which shall be prescribed, I will strive hard to
assist you in expiating these poetical trespasses on this
side of purgatory. Nay more, if it rests with me to
direct your future lucubrations, I shall certainly urge
you to a repetition of the same conduct, on purpose
to shew what an admirable knack you have at con
fession and reformation ; and so without more hesita
tion, I shall venture to command the muse, not to be
restrained by ill-grounded timidity, but to go on and
prosper. — You see. Madam, when once the woman
has tempted us, and we have tasted the forbidden fruit,
there Is no such thing as checking our appetites, what
ever the consequences may be. You will, I dare say,
recognize our being the genuine Descendents of those
who are reputed to be our great Progenitors.
Before I come to the more serious conclusion of my
Letter — I must beg leave to say a word or two about
these fine things you have seen telling In such harmo
nious and beautiful numbers. Fiction Is to be sure
the very life and Soul of Poetry — all Poets and Poet
esses have been indulged In the free and Indisputable
use of it, time out of mind. And to oblige you to make
such an excellent Poem on such a subject, without any
materials but those of simple reality, would be as cruel
as the Edict of Pharoah which compelled the children
of Israel to manufacture Bricks without the necessary
Ingredients. Thus are you sheltered under the authority of pre
scription, and I will not dare to charge you with an

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 303
intentional breach of the Rules of the decalogue in giv
ing so bright a coloring to the services I have been
enabled to render my Country ; tho' I am not conscious
of deserving any thing more at your hands, than what
the purest and most disinterested friendship has a right
to claim ; actuated by which, you will permit me, to
thank you in the most affectionate manner for the kind
wishes you have so happily expressed for me and the
partner of all my Domestic enjoyments — Be assured
we can never forget our friend at M erven ; and that I
am, my dear Madam, with every sentiment &c.

TO JAMES DUANE, IN CONGRESS.
Rocky Hill, 7 September, 1783.
Sir, I have carefully perused the papers, which you put
into my hands, relative to Indian affairs. My Senti
ments, with respect to the proper line of conduct to
be observed towards these people, coincide precisely
with those delivered by Genl. Schuyler, so far as he
has gone, in his Letter of the 29th July to Congress
(which, with the other Papers, Is herewith returned),
and for the reasons he has there assigned ; a repetition
of them therefore by me would be unnecessary.
But, independent of the arguments made use of by
him, the following considerations have no small
weight in my mind.
To suffer a wide-extended Country to be over
run with Land Jobbers, speculators, and monopoliz
ers, or even with scattered settlers, is in my opinion

304 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Inconsistent with that wisdom and policy, which our
true Interest dictates, or that an enlightened people
ought to adopt ; and, besides, is pregnant of disputes
both with the Savages and among ourselves, the evils
of which are easier to be conceived than described.
And for what, but to aggrandize a few avaricious
men, to the prejudice of many and the embarrass
ment of Government ? For the People engaged in
these pursuits, without contributing In the smallest
degree to the support of Government, or conslder-
/ ing themselves as amenable to Its Laws, will involve
it, by their unrestrained conduct, in Inextricable per
plexities, and more than probably in a great deal of
bloodshed. My Ideas, therefore, of the line of conduct proper
to be observed, not only towards the Indians, but for
the government of the Citizens of America, in their
Settlement of the Western Country, (which Is inti
mately connected therewith,) are simply these.
First, and as a preliminary, that all prisoners, of
whatever age or sex, among the Indians, shall be de
livered up.
That the Indians should be informed, that after a
Contest of eight years for the Sovereignty of this
Country, Great Britain has ceded all the lands to the
United States within the limits described by the — arti
cle of the provisional treaty.
That as they (the Indians), maugre all the advice
and admonition which could be given them at the
commencement and during the prosecution of the war,
could not be restrained from acts of hostility, but were

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 305

determined to join their arms to those of G. Britain
and to share their fortunes, so consequently, with a
less generous people than Americans, they would be
made to share the same fate, and be compelled to re
tire along with them beyond the Lakes. But, as we
prefer Peace to a state of Warfare ; as we consider
them as a deluded People ; as we persuade ourselves
that they are convinced, from experience, of their er
ror in taking up the Hatchet against us, and that their
true Interest and safety must now depend upon our
friendship ; as the Country is large enough to contain
us all ; and as we are disposed to be kind to them and
to partake of their Trade, we will, from these consid
erations and from motives of compassion, draw a veil
over what is past, and establish a boundary line be
tween them and us, beyond which we will endeavor to
restrain our People from Hunting or Settling, and
within which they shall not come but for the purposes
of Trading, Treating, or other business unexception
able in its nature.
In establishing this line, in the first Instance, care
should be taken neither to yield nor to grasp at too
much ; but to endeavor to impress the Indians with
an idea of the generosity of our disposition to accom
modate thefn, and with the necessity we are under,
of providing for our warriors, our Young People who
are growing up, and strangers who are coming from
other Countries to live among us, and if they should
make a point of it, or appear dissatisfied with the line
we may find it necessary to establish, compensation
should be made them for their claims within it.

3o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
It is needless for me to express more explicitly, be
cause the tendency of my observns. evinces it is my
opinion, that, if the legislature of the State of New
York should insist upon expelling the Six Nations
from all the Country they Inhabited previous to the
war, within their Territory, (as General Schuyler
seems to be apprehensive of,) it will end in another
Indian war. I have every reason to believe from my
Inquiries, and the Information I have received, that
they will not suffer their Country (if it were our policy
to take it before we could settle It) to be wrested from
them without another struggle. That they would com
promise for a part of it, I have very little doubt ; and
that it would be the cheapest way of coming at It, I
have no doubt at all. The same observations, I am
persuaded, will hold good with respect to Virginia, or
any other State, which has powerful tribes of Indians
on their Frontiers ; and the reason of my mentioning
New York is because General Schuyler has expressed
his opinion of the temper of its Legislature, and be
cause I have been more In the way of learning the
sentimts. of the Six Nations than of any other Tribes
of Indians on this Subject.
The limits being sufficiently extensive. In the new
ctry., to comply with all the engagements of govern
ment, and to admit such emigrations as may be sup
posed to happen within a given time, not only from
the several States of the Union but from Foreign
Countries, and, moreover, of such magnitude as to
form a distinct and proper government ; a Proclama
tion, In my opinion, should Issue, making it Felony

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 307
(if there is power for the purpose, if not, imposing
some very heav)- restraint) for any person to Survey
or Settle beyond the Line ; and the Officers command
ing the Frontier Garrisons should have pointed and
peremptory orders to see that the Proclamation Is
carried into effect.
Measures of this sort would not only obtain Peace
from the Indians, but would, in my opinion, be the
means of preserving it. It would dispose of the Land
to the best advantage. People the Country progres
sively ,and check land jobbing and monopolizing,
which are now going forward with great avidity, while
the door would be open and terms known for every
one to obtain what is reasonable and proper for him
self, upon legal and constitutional ground.
Every advantage, that could be expected or even
wished for, would result from such a mode of proced
ure. Our settlements would be compact, government
well established, and our barrier formidable, not only
for ourselves but against our neighs. ; and the Indians,
as has been observed In Genl. Schuyler's letter, will
ever retreat as our settlements advance upon them,
and they will be as ready to sell, as we are to buy.
That it is the cheapest, as well as the least distressing
way of dealing with them, none, who is acquainted
with the nature of an Indian warfare, and has ever
been at the trouble of estimating the expense of one,
and comparing it with the cost of purchasing their
Lands, will hesitate to acknowledge.
Unless some such measures, as I have here taken
the liberty of suggesting, are speedily adopted, one of

3o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
two capital evils, in my opinion, will Inevitably result,
and Is near at hand ; either that the settling, or rather
overspreading, of the western Country will take place
by a parcel of Banditti, who will bid defiance to all
authority, while they are skimming and disposing of
the Cream of the Country at the expense of many
suffering officers and soldiers, who have fought and
bled to obtain it, and are now waiting the decision of
Congress to point them to the promised reward of
their past dangers and toils ; or a renewal of Hostili
ties with the Indians, brought about more than proba
bly by this very means.
How far agents for Indian affrs. are indispensably
necessary, I shall not take upon me to decide ; but, If
any should be appointed, their powers should be cir
cumscribed, accurately defined, and themselves rigidly
punished for every infraction ©f them. A recurrence
to the conduct of these people, under the British ad
ministration of Indian affairs, will manifest the pro
priety of this caution, as It will be there found that
self-interest was the principle by which their agents
was actuated ; and to promote this by accumulating
Lands and passing large quantities of goods thro'
their hands, the Indians were made to speak any lan
guage they pleased by their representation, and were
pacific or hostile as their purposes were most likely to
be promoted by the one or the other. No purchase
under any pretence whatever should be made by any
other authority than that of the sovereign power, or
the Legislature of the State In which such Lands may
happen to be ; nor should the agents be permitted di-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 309

rectly or indirectly to trade, but to have a fixed and
ample Salary allowed them, as a full compensation
for their trouble,
Whether in practice the measure may answer as
well as it appears in theory to me, I will not undertake
to say; but I think, if the Indian Trade was carried
on, on government acct. and with no greater advance
than what would be necessary to defray the expense
and risk, and bring In a small profit, that it would sup
ply the Indians upon much easier terms than they
usually are, engross their Trade, and fix them strongly
in our Interest, and would be a much better mode of
treating them, than that of giving presents, where a
few only are benefited by them. I confess there is a
difficulty In getting a man, or set of men, in whose
abilities and integrity there can be a perfect reliance,
without which the scheme is liable to such abuse as
to defeat the salutary ends, which are proposed from
it. At any rate, no person should be suffered to Trade
with the Indians without first obtaining a license, and
giving security to conform to such Rules and Regula
tions as shall be prescribed, as was the case before
the war.
In giving my sentiments in the month of May last
(at the request of a Committee of Congress) on a
Peace Establishmt., I took the liberty of suggesting the
propriety, which in my opinion there appeared, of pay
ing particular attention to the French and other set
tlers at Detroit and other parts within the limits of
the western Country. The perusal of a late pamphlet,
entitled "Observations on the Commerce of the

3IO THE WRITINGS OF [1783
American States with Europe and the West Indies,"
Impresses the necessity of it more forcibly then ever on
my mind. The author of that Piece strongly recom
mends a liberal change in the government of Canada ;
and, tho' he is too sanguine in his expectations of the
benefits arising from it, there can be no doubt of the
good policy of the measure. It behoves us, therefore,
to counteract them by anticipation. These People
have a disposition towards us susceptible of favorable
impressions ; but, as no arts will be left unattempted
by the B. to withdraw them from our Interest, the
prest. moment should be employed by us to fix them
in It, or we may lose them for ever, and with them the
advantages or disadvantages consequent of the choice
they may make. From the best information and
maps of that Country it would appear, that the terri
tory from the mouth of the Great Miami River, wch.
empties into the Ohio, to its confluence with the Mad
River, thence by a Line to the Miami fort and Vil
lage on the other Miami River, wch. empties into
Lake Erie, and Thence by a Line to include the Set
tlement of Detroit, would, with Lake Erie to the
noward, Pensa. to the Eastwd., and the Ohio to the so-
ward, form a governmt. sufficiently extensive to fulfil
all the public engagements, and to receive moreover
a large population by Emigrants ; and to confine the
Settlement of the new State within these bounds
would, in my opinion, be infinitely better, even sup
posing no disputes were to happen with the Indians,
and that it was not necessary to guard against these
other evils which have been enumerated, than to suf-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 311
fer the same number of People to roam over a Coun
try of at least 500,000 Square miles, contributing
nothing to the support, but much perhaps to the em
barrassment, of the Federal Government.
Was It not for the purpose of comprehending the
Settlement of Detroit within the Jurisdn. of the new
Governmt., a more compact and better shaped district
for a State would be, for the line to proceed from the
Miami Fort and Village along the River of that name
to Lake Erie ; leaving In that case the settlement of
Detroit, and all the Territory no. of the Rivers Miami
and St. Joseph's between the Lakes Erie, St. Clair,
Huron, and Michigan, to form hereafter another State
equally large, compact, and water-bounded.
At first view it may seem a little extraneous, when
I am called upon to give an opinion upon the terms
of a Peace proper to be made with the Indians, that I
should go into the formation of New States. But the
Settlemt. of the Western Country, and making a Peace
with the Indians, are so analogous, that there can be
no definition of the one, without involving considera
tions of the other ; for, I repeat it again, and I am
clear in my opinion, that policy and ceconomy point
very strongly to the expediency of being upon good
terms with the Indians, and the propriety of purchasing
their Lands in preference to attempting to drive them
by force of arms out of their Country ; which, as we
have already experienced, is like driving the wild
Beasts of ye forest, which will return as soon as the
pursuit is at an end, and fall perhaps upon those that
are left there ; when the gradual extension of our

312 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
settlements will as certainly cause the savage, as the
wolf, to retire ; both being beasts of prey, tho' they
differ in shape. Ina word, there Is nothing to be ob
tained by an Indian war, but the soil they live on, and
this can be had by purchase at less expense, and with
out that bloodshed and those distresses, which helpless
women and children are made partakers of In all kinds
of disputes with them.
If there is anything in these thoughts, (which I have
fully and freely communicated,) worthy of attention,
I shall be happy, and am. Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant.
P. S. A formal Address and Memorial from the
Oneita Indians when I was on the Mohawk River, set
ting forth their Grievances and distresses and praying
relief, induced me to order a pound of Powder and 3
pounds of Lead to be issued to each man from the
Military Magazines In the care of Colo. Willett — This
I presume was unknown to Genl. Schuyler at the time
he recommended the like measure in his Letter to
Congress.

OBSERVATIONS UPON A PEACE ESTABLISHMENT.
Rocky Hill, 8 September, 1783.
Upon a careful examination of the Report delivered to Congress
the 17th of June, by the Committee on the Peace Arrangement,
the following remarks have occurred.
Notwithstanding there may not be any very essential difference
between the proposed Plan for a standing Force now under con
sideration, and the Sketches which were given in ray Memorial of
the ist of May; yet it is my wish to make known the Motives
which induced me to offer my former opinions, together with the

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 313

reasons which now lead me to differ in judgment from the Com
mittee in some instances respecting the Peace Arrangement, and
to alter my sentiments on other points in consequence of new
informations which have been produced by further discussion.
The principal reasons for my proposing that the Pay and Sub
sistence of the Officers should remain the same as they now are
(except in the instances specified) were, because, that compensa
tion had generally been deemed adequate and not too high ; — and
because we had found by experience after many changes and
alterations, the present allowance to be better proportioned to the
different grades, more satisfactory to the Officers and less incon
venient to the Public than any System which had been attempted.
Nor can I agree with the Committee that the Establishment re
ported by them is more oeconomical than either of the Plans which
have been proposed, since the number of Men in their Establish
ment actually to be raised, exceeds that suggested in my Memorial
by upwards of four hundred. And the encrease of Pay in con
sequence of an additional number of Superior Officers in the
Corps of Engineers will more than Counterbalance the saving
which will be made by the proposed diminution of the Pay of the
regimental Staff, & Subalterns. And yet I know not whether
this encrease of Expence may not be expedient and necessary —
At least I should not make any objection to the augmentation of
the number of Men in the Infantry Comp'ys as the various and
dispersed services, to which they will be destined, may probably
require more than I had taken into my calculation. And the
blending the Engineers and Artillerists of the Army in one Corps
may make it requisite to add the number of Officers proposed by
the Committee ; which will under those circumstances justify a
departure from the present Artillery Establishment on which my
Estimate was founded. And here I will take the liberty to suggest
the expediency of restraining all officers stationed in the Indian
Country from carrying on, directly or indirectly any Commerce or
Traffic whatever with the Nations, — it would be better to make a
pecuniary compensation for any extra trouble of the Commanding
Officer, in giving passes, and regulating these things than to suffer
so pernicious a custom to take place.

314 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
Perhaps it is rather unimportant in what manner some little
alterations shall be decided, as for instance, whether the third
Officer of a Company shall be called a Lieutenant or an Ensign,
provided the duties and emoluments are perfectly defined ; but
I highly approve the Scheme of having Supernumeraries ap
pointed to fill the Staff-Officers, without depriving the Companys
of their full proportion of Officers.
The same reason which makes it proper to have two Sergeant-
Majors, &c. in each Regiment of Infantry, will also make it
equally necessary to have two Surgeon's mates.
It appears to me in case the Pay of the Privates shall be
established at two Dollars per Month, that a considerable Bounty
will be required to inlist them ; or that the States after having
their quotas apportioned to theni must be obliged to keep their
Complement constantly in Service. I am also of opinion that to
the annual allowance of Clothing per Man One Blanket, two pair
Woolen Hose, and one or two Shirts should be added ; also 8 or
10 match Coats, per Company.
The rule of promotion proposed seems unexceptionable ; but
the perpetual confusion which must ensue from promotions being
made in a Corps composed of Ofificers and Men of different
States, by the Authority of each of those different States,
will totally destroy all regularity in our Military System-
it would indeed be much to be preferred that the States
could be induced to transfer this right to Congress. And possi
bly, upon condition of confining the appointment and proportion
of Officers in equal proportions to the particular States whose
Troops form a Regiment the right might be yielded. For exam
ple, if New Hampshire gives two Companys and Masstts. Six,
the Officers then to be appointed and kept in service from those
two States to be in as nearly the Ratio of 2 to 6 as possible ; the
same, if another Regiment should be formed by the States of R.
Island, Connect, New York, and New Jersey, &c., &c.
On the Committee's Report respecting Fortifications, Arsenals
and Magazines, Military Academies, Founderies and Manufacto
ries, General Staff, and General Hospital, no observations are
necessary— except that if it is the opinion of the Committee, the

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 315

establishment of five instead of three Magazines, is necessary, I
shall not make any hesitation in yielding to their sentiment. I
wish not to be too tenacious tho' the division of the Continent
into three districts had been suggested, in addition to the reasons
I formerly mentioned, by a similar distribution which Congress
had made in the Article of promotion. But I must beg leave to
remark that the general outlines for the establishment of the Na
tional Militia do not seem to me to be so well calculated to answer
the object in view as could be wished. Altho' unacquainted as
I am with the Militia Laws of the several States, I cannot under
take to say what particular regulation should be adopted for
classing, or forming the great Body of Citizens, who must be
borne on the Rolls of the Militia, and for obliging them to march
for the public defence in a manner least inconvenient and most
effectual ; Yet I cannot but think some more eligible Plan could
be devised. And I am fully persuaded that the Fensibles, Fusi
liers, — or Train Bands formed of the Inhabitants of Cities and
Incorporated Towns will not afford that prompt and efficacious
resistance to an Enemy, which might be expected from regularly
established Light Infantry Companies, or a general selection of
the ablest Men from every Regiment or Brigade of Militia in either
of the modes I had formerly the honor to propose ; because such
an Establishment would, in my opinion, be more agreeable to the
genius of our Countrymen ; because it would distribute military
knowledge and ambition more equally and extensively ; because
it would on these accounts prevent Jealousies, and afford the
same kind of protection to every part of the Union, which the
Companys designated by the name of Minute Men did at the
Commencement of the late war ; and because, the number being
fixed to any proportion from -| to -gV of the whole Militia ; that
number of disciplined effective men may always be relied on in case
of a war as an effectual Barrier to stop the torrent of Hostility ;
until a regular and permanent force could be levied, — And in
order to make this Corps the more respectable, I should heartily
concur in giving them a superiority of rank, immunities or emol
uments over the rest of the Militia.

3i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
R.0CKY Hill, ii September, 1783.
My dear Sir,
It was with great concern I heard of your indispo
sition. Later accounts say you were on the recovery,
and nothing would give me more pleasure, than the
confirmation of it, from under your own hand.
I am not able to give you any Information on the
point you requested at our parting. Congress have
come to no determination jir^", respecting a Peace Es
tablishment, nor am I able to say when they will. I
have lately had a conference with a committee on this
subject, and have reiterated my former opinions, but It
appears to me, that there Is not a sufficient representa
tion to discuss Great National points ; nor do I be
lieve there will be, while that Honble. Body continue
their Sessions at this place. The want of accommo
dation, added to a disinclination in the Southern Del
egates to be further removed than they formerly were
from the Centre of the Empire, and an aversion in
the others to give up what they conceive to be a point
gained by the late retreat to this place, keeps matters
in an awkward situation, to the very great interrup
tion of national concerns. Seven States, it seems,
(by the articles of Confederation,) must agree, before
any place can be fixed upon for the seat of the Fed
eral Governmt., and Seven States, it Is said, never will
agree ; consequently, as Congress came here, here
they are to remn. to the dissatisfaction of the majority
and a great let to business, having none of the Public
offices about them, nor no places to accommodate

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31;

them, if they were brought up ; and the members,
from this or some other causes, are eternally absent.
Mrs. Washington has had a severe return of the Colic
since she came to this place but is now as well as
usual. She joins me very cordially in best wishes for
your perfect recovery and in affectionate Compliments
to Messrs. Clinton, Huntington, Gerry & Duane.
With the sincerest esteem and regard, 1 am, dear
Sir, &c.' TO LUND WASHINGTON. Rocky Hill, 20 September, 1783.
Dear Lund,
Mrs. Custis has never suggested in any of her
letters to ]\Irs. Washington (unless ardent wishes for
her return, that she might then disclose it to her,
can be so construed) the most distant attachment to
1 " I have learnt since I came to this place that you are at Borden Town ;
whether for the sake of retirement or oeconomy I know not, be it either — for
both — or whatever it may, if you will come to this place and partake of my
Board, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it. Your presence may
remind Congress of your past services to this Country, and if it is in my power
to impress them, command my best exertions with freedom, as they will be
rendered chearfully by one who entertains a lively sense of the importance of
your works." — Washington to Thomas Paine, 10 September, 1783.
" Perhaps, among the multiplicity of public concerns, an attention to the
situation of the troops on furlough, may have yielded to more urgent business ;
but this being also a matter of importance, I take the liberty of bringing it to
view ; as, on the footing they stand at present, a considerable expence without
the prospect of an adequate benefit, is incurred ; unless the impolicy of giving by
public Proclamation, authenticity to the discharges while the British forces
remain in New York, can be deemed such. I call them discharges, because it is
in this light the Furloughs have aU along been considered ; and no call, I am
persuaded, wiU ever bring the common soldiery back to their colors — the whole
matter therefore lyes, in ballancing properly between the expence of delay, and
the public annunciation at an epocha which may be premature." — Washington
to the President of Congress, 19 September, 1783.

3i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
D[avid] S[tuart] ; but. If this should be the case, and
she wants advice upon It, a father and mother, who
are at hand and competent to give it, are at the same
time the most proper to be consulted on so interest
ing an event. For my own part, I never did, nor do
I believe I ever shall, give advice to a woman, who
is setting out on a matrimonial voyage; first,
because I never could advise one to marry without
her own consent ; and, secondly, because I know it is
to no purpose to advise her to refrain, when she has
obtained it. A woman very rarely asks an opinion or
requires advice on such an occasion, till her resolution
is formed ; and then it is with the hope and expecta
tion of obtaining a sanction, not that she means to be
governed by your disapprobation, that she applies.
In a word, the plain English of the application may
be summed up in these words ; " I wish you to think
as I do ; but, if unhappily you differ from me In opin
ion, my heart, I must confess, is fixed, and I have gone
too far 7tow to retract."
If Mrs. Custis should ever suggest any thing of this
kind to me, I will give her my opinion of the measure,
not of the man, with candor, and to the following ef
fect. " I never expected you would spend the residue
of your days in widowhood ; but In a matter so im
portant, and so Interesing to yourself, children, and
connexions, I wish you would make a prudent choice.
To do which, many considerations are necessary;
such as the family and connexions of the man, his for
tune (which is not the most essential in my eye), the
line of conduct he has observed, and disposition and

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 319
frame of his mind. You should consider what pros
pect there is of his proving kind and affectionate to
you ; just, generous, and attentive to your children ;
and how far his connexions will be agreeable to you ;
for when they are once formed, agreeable or not, the
die being cast, your fate is fixed." Thus far, and no
farther, I shall go in my opinions. I am, dear
Lund, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Rocky Hill, 23 September, 1783.
My dear Sir,
The favorable Sentiments expressed in your private
letter of the 17th Inst, and which you say are felt by
the Officers In general on the late honor conferred
upon me by Congress, cannot fail of adding greatly to
my sensibility on the occasion. It always has, and I
trust ever will be, the most pleasing reflection of my
life that In a contest so Important, so long, and so
arduous, — accompanied by such a variety of distress
ing and perplexing circumstances to all who have been
engaged in it but more especially to the Officers of
the Army, that I have been able, under all these dis
advantages, to point my course in such a manner as
to have receiv'd many flattering testimonies of regard
from the latter, and proofs of general esteem from my
Country at large.
I have left no opportunity unimproved to bring the
Officers' Petition to an Issue. — I have not heard an
uplifted voice against it since I came to this place ;
and if I am to form a judgment from what I have seen

320 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
& heard. Congress is sincerely disposed to serve them
— but there was a difficulty In the way of which I had
no knowledge 'till I came here, and it is not absolutely
got over yet.
That district of Country located by the Petitioners
is part of the Land claimed by Virginia — Virginia,
with certain reservations, and upon condition that the
United States should Guarantee the remainder of her
Territory, ceded all the Lands Northwest of the Ohio
— To these terms Congress would not agree — Thus
- matters had stood for more than two years--and thus
I found them when I came here. — I have labored
since, and I hope not unsuccessfully, to convince the
Members of Congress that while the United States
and the State of Virginia are disputing about the
right, or the terms of the Cession, Land jobbers and
a lawless Banditti, who would bid defiance to the
authority of either, and more than probably involve
this Country in an Indian War, would spread them
selves over the whole of it, to the great Injury to the
Officers, &c., of the Army, who are patiently waiting
the decision of Congress to settle in a legal manner
and under a proper form of Government
Within these few days, Congress have accepted the
Virginia Cession with some exceptions which the
Delegates from that State think will be yielded to by
the Assembly at Its next meeting in October — In the
meantime, if It can be done with propriety, I will
endeavor to have preparatory arrangements made
that no delay may happen when the present difficul
ties shall be removed.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 321
As I have never heard It suggested by any Member
of Congress that General Lincoln either had offered,
or proposed to offer his resignation upon the arrival
of the Definitive Treaty (tho' I have understood as
much from himself) I have no ground, as yet, to
work upon ; but whenever the occasion shall offer, I
will not forget your wishes, nor shall I want inclina
tion to promote them. —
If you can learn by Indirect means which of, or
whether all the Engineers now at West point — (if
you could extend it to others thro' that channel so
much the better) — are inclined to remain in the
American Service upon a Peace establishment I
would thank you for the information.
I shall be obliged to you for pointing out, in pre
cise terms, what Is expected from the President of the
Cincinnati previous to the general Meeting In May
next— As I never was present at any of your Meet
ings, and have never seen the proceedings of the last,
I may, from want of information of the part I am to
act, neglect some essential duty ; which might not
only be injurious to the Society, but mortifying to
myself, as it would discover a want of knowledge, or
want of attention in the President.
Humphreys and Walker have each had an ill turn
since they came to this place — the latter Is getting
about, but the other Is still in his Bed of a fever that
did not till yesterday quit him for 14 or 15 days. —
The danger I hope Is now past, and he has only his
flesh to recover, part of which, or in other words of
the weight he brought with him from the scales at

322 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
West point he would readily compound for. — Mrs,
Washington has also been very unwell, as most of my
domesticks and Guard have been, and indeed now are
— Mrs. Washington and myself are very glad to hear
that Mrs. Knox and the children are well — she joins
me very cordially in best wishes for them, and compli
ments to General and Mrs. Huntington and all our
acquaintances with you.

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, CHAIRMAN.
Rocky Hill, 25 September, 1783.
Sir :
I have perused the report & Proclamation which
you were pleased to put into my hands for considera
tion ; and think an alteration In the first, and a con
sequent one in the other indispensably necessary; —
Because, as the report now stands, it is not broad
enough to comprehend the several cases which exist,
for the troops of the Southern Army were forloughed
by General Greene, whilst those, which lay in a manner
between the two Armies were under the more imme
diate direction of the Secretary at War & acted upon
by him.
It appears to me proper therefore to strike out the
latter part of the report & after " during the War"
in the third line, to insert— "and who by the Resolu
tions of Congress of the  and of  were entided
to Furloughs be absolutely discharged from the said
service, from and after the  day of  next"
The Proclamation conforming thereto. Congress
may, if they conceive there is a propriety in It [after

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323
the necessary recitals are made] offer their thanks to
the Army, generally, for its long & faithful services ;
and then add — that the further services in the field of
the officers who have been deranged and retired on
furlough, in consequence of the aforesaid resolutions,
can now be dispensed with — That they have the per
mission of Congress to retire from service ; — and that
they are no longer liable from their present engage
ments to be called into command again.
I can see no greater inconvenience resulting from
this measure than is to be found in many other in
stances arising from not making the Peace Establish
ment, a primary. Instead of a subsequent Act, to them ;
for had this taken place in Time, a system might have
been formed, & every thing relative, to that system
made to accord with it — whereas the longer it Is de
layed the more incongruous probably. It will be, as we
are by this means forming the extremities, before we
have moulded the body. Consequently the body must
be made to comform and grow to the limbs, not the
limbs to the body, which may be found as difficult in
the Political as Natural formation of things, and like
unto the attempt more than probably will produce a
Monster. A Proclamation couched in some such terms as is
here suggested, would I think, reduce all the General
as well as other Officers except those who were retained
with the three years' men and such as are immediately
imployed in the Staff, wch. I think consists of only
Baron de Steuben and G. Duport[ail] and would
moreover I think, leave out all the Engineers for the
future decision of Congress, I have, &c.

324 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX.
Princeton, 12 October, 1783.
My dear Chevalier,
I have not had the honor of a line from you since
the 4th of March last ; but I will ascribe my disappoint
ment to any cause, rather than to a decay of your
friendship. Having the appearance, and Indeed the enjoyment
of peace, without a final declaration of it, I, who am
only waiting for the ceremonials, or till the British
forces shall have taken leave of New York, am placed
in an awkward and disagreeable situation, it being my
anxious desire to quit the walks of public life, and
under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig free
to seek those enjoyments and that relaxation, which
a mind, that has been constantly upon the stretch for
more than eight years, stands so much in need of.
I have fixed this epoch to the arrival of the definitive
treaty, or to the evacuation of my country by our
newly acquired friends. In the mean while, at the
request of Congress I spend my time with them at this
place, where they came in consequence of the riots at
Philadelpia, of which you have doubtless (for it Is not
a very recent transaction) been fully apprized. They
have lately determined to make choice of some con
venient spot near the Falls of the Delaware for the
permanent residence of the sovereign power of these
United States ; but where they will hold their sessions
till they can be properly established at that place, is
yet undecided.
I have lately made a tour through the Lakes George
and Champlain, as far as Crown Point Then re-

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325

turning to Schenectady, I proceeded up the Mohawk
River to Fort Schuyler (formerly Fort Stanwix), and
crossed over to the Wood Creek, which empties Into
the Oneida Lake, and affords the water communication
with Ontario. I then traversed the country to the
head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and
viewed the Lake Otsego, and the portage between
that Lake and the Mohawk River at Canajoharie.
Prompted by these actual observations, I could not
help taking a more contemplative and extensive view
of the vast Inland navigation of these United States,
from maps and the Information of others ; and could
not but be struck with the immense diffusion and
Importance of it, and with the goodness of that Provi
dence, which has dealt her favors to us with so profuse
a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough
to improve them. I shall not rest contented, till I have
explored the western country, and traversed those
lines, or great part of them, which have given bounds
to a new empire.^ But when It may, if it ever shall,
happen, I dare not say, as my first attention must be
given to the deranged situation of my private concerns,
which are not a little injured by almost nine years'
absence and total disregard of them. With every wish
foryour health and happiness, and with the most sincere
and affectionate regard, I am, my dear Chevalier, &c.
' " I have it in contemplation to make a tour thro' all the Eastern States, thence
into Canada, thence up the St. Laurence and thro' the lakes to Detroit, thence
to Lake Michigan by land or water, thence through the Western Country, by
the river Illinois to the river Mississippi, and down the same to New Orleans,
thence into Georgia by the way of Pensacola, and then thro' the two Carolinas
home. A great tour this, you will say. Probably it may take place nowhere
but in imagination, tho' it is my wish to begin it in the latter end of April of
next year." — Washington to the Marquis de Lafayette, 12 October, 1783.

326 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Rocky Hill, 16 October, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Major Shaw not returning so soon as I imagined,
and the subject of your Letter of the 28 September
not admitting much delay, I take the opportunity of
the Post to reply to it.
On referring to the Institution of the Society of the
Cincinnati I find that the Chevalier de la LuzernC)
the Sieur Gerard, the Counts D'Estaing, Barras and
De Grasse, the Chevalier Destouches and the Count
de Rochambeau with the Generals and Colonels of
his Army are to be presented with the Order of the
Society. As it Is however proper that these Gentlemen
should be made acquainted with the nature of the
Society, I propose to write to each of those above
named (except the Chevalier de la Luzerne who was
written to in first instance) and Inclose them a copy
of the Institution, at the same time informing them
that Major L'Enfant is charged with the execution of
the Order, and has directions to furnish them from
the first that are finished.
I propose also to inclose a Copy to the Marquis de la
Fayette, and request him to take the signatures of
such of the French officers In our service who are en
titled and wish to become members — to receive their
month's pay and deliver them the Orders on their
paying for them.
These Letters Major L'Enfant will carry with him
and deliver to each of those Gentlemen and must be

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 327

directed to deliver them the Orders so soon as they
are compleat — delivering to Count Rochambeau, for
the Officers of his Command who will receive them
of him — and to the Marquis de la Fayette, sufficient
for the French Officers in our Service who become
Members. I enclose to you the permission for Major L'Enfant
to goto France, and a Certificate of his being a Mem
ber of the Society. However, before he sets off, I
think it should be well explained and understood by
him, that the Voyage is not undertaken for the So
ciety but that their business Is committted to him
only in consequence of his going there on his own
affairs, and consequently he is not to be paid any Ex-
pence of the Voyage or his stay — but only such extra
Expence as might be incurred by any person residing
in France who transacted the same business for the
society — These are my sentiments — if they accord
with yours and the rest of the Gentlemen, and he ac
cepts these conditions I think the sooner he sets out
the better,
I will be obliged to you to make out his instructions
comprehending the objects I have mentioned above
and such other as you may think necessary — and to
make the necessary arrangements with him respecting
the funds to be furnished. I am told subscriptions
have been paid in by those who wish to have Orders
— I propose taking seven, for which the Money is
ready at any time — ^and It may not be amiss in this
place to inform you that it has always been my inten
tion to present the Society with 500 Dollars — if any

J

28 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

part of this is necessary and can be applied with pro
priety In this business — I have no objection.
Maj. L'Enfant might also be directed to receive
from the Marquis the Month's pay of the french Offi
cers in our service who become Members.
I must request you to procure Six or seven Copies
of the Institution to be made out neatly, to transmit
to the Gentlemen above mentioned. Major L'Enfant
can bring them on with him.^
I intend Immediately to write to the Commanding
Officer of each of the State Lines, who have not yet
made known their intentions respecting the formation
of their State Societies pressing them to a determina
tion, for as I wish to adapt the place of the General
Meeting to the convenience of all 'till I know which
of the States form the Society I cannot fix it
With great regard —

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Dear Sir, Rocky Hill, 23d Octr., 1783
The arrival of the Definitive Treaty and the evac
uation of New York — have been so long delayed as to
interfere very materially with our arrangements for
the Celebration of Peace ; at this Season no use can

' "All the officers who chose to make use of Major L'Enf ant's agency to
obtain the badge of the society, not only commissioned him to bring them from
France, but furnished him with the means. I did this myself for six or eight.
He brought many more, I have some reason to believe on a speculating scheme,
and demanded so much for them as, if my memory serves me, to disgust many
members of the society, and induce them to apply to an artist in Philadelphia,
who, it was said, would not only execute them as vpell (and without the defect
which was discovered in the French ones), but furnish them cheaper."— IVash-
ington to Knox, i June, 1786.

[783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329

be made of the Bower, the only possible means of ac
commodation, besides, the dissolution of the Army at
so short a period totally defeats the object In view,
for if we were even determined not to wait the events
on which the Celebration has hitherto depended. It
would now be impossible either to make the necessary
preparations or to give timely notice to the Officers,
before the Army would be dissolved. I think there
fore that it will be best to defer it until the British
leave the City, and then to have it at that place, where
all who chuse to attend can find accommodation.
Sir Guy Carleton some time since informed me,
thro' Mr. Parker, that he should leave New York in
all next Month, probably by the 20th, and that when
the Transports which were gone to Nova Scotia re
turned, he should be able to fix the day ; — this notice
may be short, and as It is best to be prepared, I wish
you to confer on the subject with Governor Clinton,
and have every necessary Arrangement made for
taking possession of the city immediately on their
leaving it ; you will please to report to me the
arrangements you may agree on.
Inclosed I transmit you Copy of a Proclamation of
Congress for the dissolution of the Army, you will
please to publish it to the Troops under your
Orders. * * *
P. S. Since I wrote the foregoing I have reced. a
Letter from Governor Clinton in which he mentions
his wish that the Troops who move down, may be put
under his direction, which I think very proper so long
as they remain in or near the city.

330 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
FAREWELL ORDERS TO THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED
STATES. Rocky Hill, near Princeton,
[Sunday] 2 November 1783.
The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most
honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and pre
senting them with the thanks of their country for their long, emi
nent and faithful services, having thought proper, by their proc
lamation bearing date the i8th day of October last, to discharge
such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to per
mit the ofiicers on furlough to retire from service from and after
to-morrow ; which proclamation having been communicated in
the public papers for the information and government of all con
cerned, it only remains for the Commander-in-chief to address
himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the
United States (however widely dispersed the individuals who
compose them may be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long
farewell. But before the Commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those
he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments
in calling to mind a slight review of the past. He will then take
the liberty of exploring with his military friends their future
prospects, of advising the general hne of conduct, which, in his
opinion, ought to be pursued ; and he will conclude the address
by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spir
ited and able assistance he has experienced from them, in the
performance of an arduous office.
A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier
than could have been expected) of the object, for which we con
tended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with
astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances
on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be
forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our fee
ble condition were such, as could scarcely escape the attention of
the most unobserving ; while the unparalleled perseverance of
the armies of the United States, through almost every possible
suffering and discouragement for the space of eight long years,
was little short of a standing miracle.

1783I GEORGE WASHINGTON. 331
It is not the meaning nor within the compass of this address,
to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to
describe the distresses, which in several instances have resulted
from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the
rigors of an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to dwell on
the dark side of our past affairs. Every American officer and
soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circum
stances, which may have occurred, by a recollection of the uncom
mon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part,
and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness ; events
which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of
human action ; nor can they probably ever happen again. For
who has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such
raw materials ? Who, that was not a witness, could imagine, that
the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon ; and that
men, who came from the different parts of the continent, strongly
disposed by the habits of education to despise and quarrel with
each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of
brothers ? Or who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps
by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such
a glorious period put to all our warlike toils ?
It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of
happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and
sovereignty, almost exceeds the power of description. And shall
not the brave men, who have contributed so essentially to these
inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war
to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings, which
have been obtained .'' In such a republic, who will exclude them
from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors ? In
such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of com
merce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the
certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers, who are
actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample
and profitable employment ; and the extensive and fertile regions
of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond
of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal independence.
Nor is it possible to conceive, that any one of the United States
will prefer a national bankruptcy, and a dissolution of the Union,

332 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
to a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and the pay
ment of its just debts ; so that the officers and soldiers may
expect considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil occu
pations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must
and will most inevitably be paid.
In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the
prejudices, which may have taken posession of the minds of any
of the good people of the States, it is earnestly recommended to
all the troops, that, with strong attachmehts to the Union, they
should carry with them into civil society the most conciHating
dispositions, and that they should prove themselves not less
virtuous and useful as citizens, than they have been persevering
and victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some
envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the pub
lic has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet let
such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of
intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered, that the unbiassed
voice of the free citizens of the United States has promised
the just reward and given the merited applause. Let it be known
and remembered, that the reputation of the federal armies is
established beyond the reach of malevolence ; and let a con
sciousness of their achievements and fame still incite the men,
who composed them, to honorable actions ; under the persuasion
that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will
not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities
of valor, perseverance, and enterprise were in the field. Every
one may rest assured, that much, very much, of the future hap
piness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise and
manly conduct, which shall be adopted by them when they are
mingled with the great body of the community. And, although
the General has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most
pubhc and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the
Federal Government were properly supported, and the powers of
the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the
nation would be lost forever ; yet he cannot help repeating, on
this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his
last injunction to every officer and every soldier, who may view
the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. m
endeavors to those of his worthy fellow citizens towards effecting
these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence
as a nation so materially depends.
The Commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting, to
enable the soldier, to change the military character into that of
the citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior, which
has generally distinguished, not only the army under his imme
diate command, but the different detachments and separate
armies, through the course of the war. From their good sense
and prudence he anticipates the happiest consequences ; and,
while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion, which
renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he wishes
to express the strong obligations he feels himself under for the
assistance he has received from every class and in every instance.
He presents his thanks in the most serious and affectionate
manner to the general officers, as well for their counsel on many
interesting occasions, as for their ardor in promoting the success
of the plans he had adopted ; to the commandants of regiments
and corps, and to the other officers, for their great zeal and
attention in carrying his orders promptly into execution ; to the
staff, for their alacrity and exactness in performing the duties of
their several departments ; and to the non-commissioned officers
and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience and suffer
ing, as well as their invincible fortitude in action. To the various
branches of the army, the General takes this last and solemn
opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friend
ship. He wishes more than bare professions were in his power ;
that he were really able to be useful to them all in future life.
He flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to
beheve, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him
has been done.
And being now to conclude these his last pubHc orders, to take
his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and
to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to
command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommem-
dations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of
armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the
choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend

334 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

those, who, under the Divine auspices, have secured innumerable
blessings for others. With these wishes and this benediction,
the Commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The
curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the mihtary scene
to him will be closed for ever.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
West Point, iS November, 17S3.
Sir, I have at length the pleasure to inform your Ex
cellency and Congress, that Sir Guy Carleton has fixed
upon the time at which he proposes to evacuate the
city of New York. The particulars are more fully
explained in his letter of the 12th instant' a copy of
which, together with my answer, is enclosed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
' Since Carleton's letter to Congress of August 17th nothing further was de
termined on the time when the city would be turned over to the Americans.
November 6th Washington pointedly asked the British Commander when he
expected to embark, and received a reply that the troops would be withdrawn
before the end of the month. " At all events, I propose to relinquish the posts
at Kingsbridge, and as far as McGowans Pass inclusive on this Island, on the
2 1st instant ; to resign the possession of Herrick's and Hamptead, with all to
the eastward on Long Island, on the same day ; and if possible, to give this
city with Brooklyn, on the day following; and Paulus Hook, Dennis's, and
Staten Island, as soon after as may be practicable."
Washington had a conference with Governor Clinton on the 14th, and the
latter issued a proclamation, dated the 15th of November, giving notice of the
day appointed by Sir Guy Carleton for evacuating the city, and summoning the
several members of the council of New Vork to convene at East Chester, on
the 2ist, with a view of immediately establishing ci\-il government in the di>
tricts of the State hitherto occupied by the British troops ; and at the same
time enjoining and requiring the inhabitants of such parts to yield due obedience
to the laws ofthe State, and to be vigilant in preserving the public peace and
good order.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335
TO SIR GUY CARLETON.
Sir Haerlem, 22 November, 1783.
I have been honored with your Excellency's letter
of the 19th instant ; and for a reply to the proposition
contained in it, I must beg leave to refer you to his
Excellency Governor Clinton, who will Inform you by
this conveyance, that the council instituted for the
temporary government ofthe State So. District have
acceded to your reservations, in full confidence that
the embarkation will be expedited as much as the
circumstances will admit.'
With regard to the information, that a deliberate
combination has been formed to plunder the city of New
York, I have to observe, that the Intelligence appears
to me not to be well-founded ; at least, no intimations
of the kind had ever before come to my knowledge ;
and I can assure your Excellency, that such arrange
ments have been made, as will, in my opinion, not only
utterly discountenance, but effectually prevent, any
outrage or disorder, unless the evacuation should be
delayed until a much larger number of people shall be
collected from the country, than have been assembled
as yet for the purpose of going into town on its being
relinquished by your troops ; in which case the diffi
culty of establishing civil government and maintaining
good order may be greatly increased.
' " If I have proper assurances that we shall retain a free and uninterrupted
use of the ship yard and Hallett's wharf in New York and the Brewery and
Bake House on Long Island (which the admiral represents as indispensably
necessary for the shipping and sick seamen), until we can be ready to take our
final departure, I shall retire from this city and from Brooklyn on Tuesday
next at noon, or as soon after as wind and weather may permit." — Carleton to
Washington, 19 November, 1783.

336 THE WRITINGS OF [1783

Lieutenant-Colonel Walker will have the honor to
deliver this letter to your Excellency, and to assure
you of the respectful consideration with which
I am, Sir, &c.'
TO JAMES McHENRY.
Dear Sir ¦ Philadelphia, Dec. loth, 1783.
After seeing the backs of the British Forces turned
upon us, and the Executive of the State of New York
put into peaceable possession of their Capitol, I set
out for this place. On Monday next I expect to leave
the city, and by slow traveling arrive at Baltimore on
Wednesday, where I will spend one day and then pro
ceed to Annapolis and get translated into a private
Citizen. I am your &c.*
' The evacuation was postponed for two days by bad weather, but on the
morning of the 25th of November, the troops, who had come down from West
Point, marched from Haerlem to the Bowery, in the upper part of the city of
New York. Here they remained till about one o'clock, when the British troops
left the posts in that quarter, and the American troops immediately marched
into the city. Washington and Clinton followed, escorted by the civil ofiicers of
the States and many citizens. In the evening the Governor gave a public dinner
at Fraunces' Tavern, at which Washington and his general officers were present.
An account of the evacuation, with the addresses and replies, may be found in
the Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York, 1870. On December
2d Washington sincerely wished Sir Guy and his troops a "safe and pleasant
passage.'' An affecting account of the manner in which he took leave of the officers, who
had so long been his associates in arms, is contained in Marshall's Life of
Washington, vol. iv., p. 619. In all the principal towns through which he
passed, on his way to Annapolis, where Congress was assembling, he was met
with the congratulations of his fellow-citizens, and addresses were presented to
him by many public bodies, including the legislatures of New Jersey, Pennsyl
vania, and Maryland ; the American Philosophical Society, and the University
of Pennsylvania ; the citizens of towns in their corporate capacity, religious
societies, and various incorporated associations.
'' Mr. J. W. M. Lee, of the Maryland Historical Society, gave me this from a
printed copy, in a sale of autographs from the McHenry papers, at Baltimore,
December, 1859, where the letter brought $21. It was printed in the Historical

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Sir Annapolis, 20 December, 1783.
I take the earliest opportunity to Inform Congress
of my arrival in this city, with the intention of asking
leave to resign the commission I have the honor of
holding in their service. It is essential for me to
know their pleasure, and In what manner it will be
most proper to offer my resignation, whether in writing,
or at an audience. I shall therefore request to be
honored with the necessary information, that, being
apprized of the sentiments of Congress, I may regulate
my conduct accordingly. I have the honor to be, &c.^
Magazine, xii., 361, and in the Magazine of American History, v., 129, but in
the latter case it was not known to whom the letter was written.
' A committee, composed of Jefferson, Gerry, and McHenry, prepared the
following report, which was adopted by Congress :
" Resolved That the order for the public audience of General Washington be
as follows :
" I. The President and members are to be seated and covered and the Secy.
to be standing by the side of the president.
" 2. The arrival of the general is to be announced by the Messenger to the
Secy. — who is thereupon to introduce the general attended by his Aids to the
hall of Congress.
'¦3. The general being conducted to a chair by the Secy, is to be seated
with an Aid on each side standing and the Secy, is to resume his place.
" 4. After a proper time for the arrangement of spectators silence is to be
ordered by the Secy. — if necessary and the president is to address the general in
the following words :
" ' Sir, The United States in Congress assembled are prepared to receive your
communications. '
"Where upon the general is to arise and address Congress, after which he is
to deliver his Commission and a copy of his address to the president.
" 5. The general having resumed his place the President is to deliver the
answer of Congress which the general is to receive standing.
" 6. The President having finished, the Secy, is to deliver the general a copy
of the answer and the general is then to take his leave.
" When the general rises to make his address and also when he retires he is to
bow to Congress, which they are to return by uncovering without bowing. 22
December, 1783."

338 THE WRITINGS OF [1783
TO BARON STEUBEN.
My DEAR Baron, Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.
Although I have taken frequent opportunities, both
in public and private, of acknowledging your great
zeal, attention, and abilities, in performing the duties
of your office ; yet I wish to make use of this last mo
ment of my public life to signify, in the strongest
terms, my entire approbation of your conduct, and to
express my sense of the obligations the public is un
der to you, for your faithful and meritorious services.
I beg you will be convinced, my dear Sir, that I
should rejoice If it could ever be in my power to
serve you more essentially, than by expressions of re
gard and affection ; but, in the mean time, I am per
suaded you will not be displeased with this farewell
token of my sincere friendship and esteem for you.
This is the last letter I shall write, while I continue
in the service of my country. The hour of my resig
nation is fixed at twelve to day ; after which, I shall
become a private citizen on the banks of the Poto
mac, where I shall be glad to embrace you, and tes
tify the great esteem and consideration with which I
am, my dear Baron, &c.

GENERAL WASHINGTON S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON
RESIGNING HIS COMMISSION.' Annapolis, 23 December, 1783.
Mr. President,
The great events, on which my resignation depended, having at
length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere
' The original of this address is in the Maryland Historical Society, as one of
the McHenry MSS. Mr. Lee, the librarian, says it is all in Washington's writ
ing, and he has noted for me some alterations which are not without intefest.

1783] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 339
congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before
them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me,
and to claim the indulgence of retiring ' from the Service of my
Country. Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sover
eignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United
States of becoming a respectable nation," I resign with satisfac
tion the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in
my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was
superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the
support of the supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage
of Heaven.
The successful termination of the war has verified the most
sanguine expectations ; and my gratitude for the interposition of
Providence, and the assistance I have received from my Country
men, encreases with every review of the momentous contest.
While I repeat my obligations to the Army in general, I should
do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place,
the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the Gentlemen,
who have been attached to my person during the war. It was
impossible that the choice of confidential officers to compose
my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me. Sir, to
recommend in particular those, who have continued in Service
to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and
patronage of Congress.
I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn
act of my official life, by commending the Interests of our dearest
country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have
the superintendence ' of them to his holy keeping.
Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the
great theatre of action ; and, bidding an affectionate ' farewell to
this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here
offer my commission, and take my ' leave of all the employments
of public life.' 
' " request permission to retire."
' " as well as in the contemplation of our prospects of national happiness.''
'"direction." * "andfinaL" ' "ultimate leave."
'"If my commission is not necessary for the files of Congress, I should be
glad to have it deposited among my own papers. It may serve my grand-

340

THE WRITINGS OF [1784

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JUNIOR.
Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1784.'
Dear Trumbull,
Your obliging letter of the 15th of November did
not reach me until some days after we had taken
possession of the city of New York. The scene, that
followed, of festivity, congratulation, addresses, and
resignation, must be my apology for not replying to
it sooner. I sincerely thank you for the copy of the address
of Governor Trumbull to the General Assembly and
freemen of your State.^ The sentiments contained
in it are such, as would do honor to a patriot of any
age or nation ; at least they are too coincident with
my own, not to meet with my warmest approbation.
Be so good as to present my most cordial respects to
children, some fifty or an hundred years hence, for a theme to ruminate upon,
if ^/^^j/ should be contemplatively disposed." — Washington to Charles Thomson,
22 January, 1784.
From Mr. Thomson's Reply. — "With respect to your commission, I have to
inform you, that, previous to the receipt of your letter, it had been in agitation
among the members to have an order passed for returning it to you in a gold
box. A motion has accordingly been made to that effect, which was received
with general approbation, and referred to a committee to be drawn up in
proper terms. The committee have not yet reported. But I have not the least
doubt of its being returned to you in a way, that will be satisfactory ; and I
heartily wish, that this sacred deposit may be preserved by your children and
children's children to the latest posterity, and may prove an incentive to them
to emulate the virtues of their worthy and great progenitor." — Annapolis, Feb
ruary 7th.
This intention it seems was never fulfilled. The original commission was
retained, and is deposited in the Department of State of the United States.
' Washington arrived at Mount Vernon on the day before Christmas.
* An address of Governor Trumbull to the Assembly of Connecticut, in Octo
ber, 1783, declining a re-election. He was then in the seventy-third year of
his age, and had been governor of Connecticut fourteen years.

[784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 341

the Governor, and let him know, that It is my wish,
the mutual friendship and esteem, which have been
planted and fostered In the tumult of public life, may
not wither and die in the serenity of retirement. Tell
him, we should rather amuse our evening hours of
life In cultivating the tender plants, and bringing
them to perfection, before they are transplanted to a
happier clime.
Notwithstanding the jealous and contracted temper,
which seems to prevail In some of the States, yet I
cannot but hope and believe, that the good sense of
the people will ultimately get the better of their preju
dices ; and that order and sound policy, though they
do not come so soon as one would wish, will be pro
duced from the present unsettled and deranged state
of public affairs. Indeed, I am happy to observe, that
the political disposition is actually meliorating every
day. Several of the States have manifested an incli
nation to Invest Congress with more ample powers ;
most of the legislatures appear disposed to do perfect
justice ; and the Assembly of this commonwealth have
just complied with the requisitions of Congress, and
I am Informed, without a dissentent voice. Every
thing, my dear Trumbull, will come right at last, as we
have often prophesied. My only fear is, that we shall
lose a little reputation first.'
' Some parts of Governor Trumbull's address had not been acceptable to the
majority of the legislature. He had spoken of the necessity of enlarging the
powers of Congress, and of strengthening the arm of government. The follow
ing is a paragraph of the reply reported by a committee of the General Assem
bly, which was rejected by the lower house :
" That the secretary request of his Excellency a, copy of his address, that it
may be published, which this Assembly are especially desirous of, as they con-

342 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
After having passed, with as much prosperity as
could be expected, through the career of public life,
I have now reached the goal of domestic enjoyment ;
in which state, I assure you I find your good wishes
most acceptable to me. The family at Mount Vernon
joins in the same compliments and cordiality, with
which I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 14 January, 1784,
Sir, I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the
28th ultimo by Mr. Godin, and beg your Excellency
to be persuaded, that I shall always be happy in
opportunities of showing every suitable attention to
foreigners and gentlemen of such distinction, as those
you did me the honor to Introduce to my acquaintance.
I am truly sensible, Sir, that the extract from the
Instructions of the executive of Pennsylvania to their
sider those important principles of justice, benevolence, and subordination to
law, therein inculcated, as constituting the only solid basis upon which social
happiness can be established, and therefore deserving the serious attention of
the good people of the State."
Upon this paragraph Mr. Trumbull remarked in his letter to General Wash
ington : " It was rejected, lest, by adopting it, they should seem to convey to
the people an idea of their concurring with the political sentiments contained
in the address ; so exceedingly jealous is the spirit of this State at present re
specting the powers and the engagements of Congress, arising principally from
their aversion to the half-pay and commutation granted to the army ; princi
pally I say arising from this cause. It is but too true, that some few are wicked
enough to hope, that, by means of this clamor, they may be able to rid them
selves of the whole public debt, by introducing so much confusion into public
measures, as shall eventually produce a general abolition of the \)ha\e."—MS.
Letter, November 15, 1783.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343
delegates contains another most flattering proof of
the favorable opinion they are pleased to entertain
of my past services. Every repeated mark of the
approbation of my fellow citizens, (especially of those
invested with so dignified an appointment,) demands
my particular acknowledgment. Under this Impres
sion, I cannot but feel the greatest obligations to the
Supreme Executive Council of the commonwealth of
Pennsylvania. But, as my sentiments on the subject
of their instructions have been long and well known
to the public, I need not repeat them to your Excel
lency on the present occasion.' * * *
' The instructions of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania to the
delegates in Congress from that State contained the following clause :
" Though his Excellency General Washington proposes in a short time to
retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his character so splendid
and venerable, that, it is highly probable, the admiration and esteem of the
world may make his life in a very considerable degree public, as numbers
¦Will be desirous of seeing the great and good man, who has so eminently con
tributed to the happiness of a nation. His very services to his country may
therefore subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to interpose.
" We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and generosity of
his soul. He thinks himself amply rewarded for all his labors and cares, by the
love and prosperity of his fellow citizens. It is true, no rewards they can be
stow can be equal to his merits. But they ought not to suffer those merits to be
burthensome to him. We are convinced that the people of Pennsylvania would
tegret such a consequence.
" We are aware of the delicacy, with which this subject must be treated.
But relying upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it may engage their early
attention." — December 16, 1783.
As one of the delegates of Pennsylvania, President Mifflin forwarded this
paper to General Washington. The brief reply in the above letter prevented
its being laid before Congress. That reply, indeed, was accordant with his
{irihciples and determination, made known when he received his commission
in the army. It was then his fixed purpose to receive no compensation
from his country for his services. To his resolution he rigidly adhered, never
exhibiting any other claims, than the simple amount of his expenses while he
held his commission and was in actual employment. — Sparks.

344 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
My dear Sir mount Vernon, 18 January, 1784.'
I have just had the pleasure to receive your letter
of the Sth. For the friendly and affectionate terms,
in which you have welcomed my return to this coun
try and to private life, and for the favorable light in
which you are pleased to consider and express your
sense of my past services, you have my warmest and
most grateful acknowledgments.
That the prospect before us Is, as you justly ob
serve, fair, none can deny ; but what use we shall make
of it Is exceedingly problematical ; not but that I be
lieve all things will come right at last, but like a young
heir, come a little prematurely to a large inheritance,
we shall wanton and run riot until we have brought
our reputation to the brink of ruin, and then like him
shall have to labor with the current of opinion, when
compelled perhaps to do what prudence and common
policy pointed out, as plain as any problem In Euclid,
In the first instance.
' Washington had no sooner reached Mount Vernon than he was overwhelmed
by applications from many sources for his aid and countenance. The man
ner in which the army had been disbanded appealed to his sympathies, and he
was ever ready to listen to the application of those who had served under him,
and with whose services and wants he was acquainted. In this much tact and
discrimination were necessary. He was now a private citizen, without call upon
either Congress, or the States, and ostensibly of no weight in determining
public questions or urging private claims. Yet he would have had no time for
other occupation had he attempted to do what was asked of him. In addition
to his friendly correspondence — a heavy tax on his time and strength, he was
asked to write endorsements and recommendations, stand sponsor to books on
every topic, subscribe money to all manner of undertakings, and loan it to the
needy. I could fill two volumes with his replies, but have been compelled to
omit many that Mr. Sparks printed in his collection, for the form, always in good
taste and discretion, was somewhat stereotyped ; and I thought, with so many
other letters of interest, I could best sacrifice many of this description.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345
The disinclination of the individual States to yield
competent powers to Congress for the federal govern
ment, their unreasonable jealousy of that body and of
one another, and the disposition, which seems to per
vade each, of being all-wise and all-powerful within
itself, will, if there Is not a change In the system, be
our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me as
the A, B, C ; and I think we have opposed Great
Britain, and have arrived at the present state of peace
and independency, to very little purpose, if we can
not conquer our own prejudices. The powers of
Europe begin to see this, and our newly acquired
friends, the British, are already and professedly act
ing upon this ground ; and wisely too, if we are de
termined to persevere in our folly. They know that
individual opposition to their measures Is futile, and
boast that we are not sufficiently united as a nation
to give a general one ! Is not the indignity alone of
this declaration, while we are in the very act of peace
making and conciliation, sufficient to stimulate us to
vest more extensive and adequate powers In the
sovereign of these United States ?
For my own part, although I am returned to, and
am now mingled with, the class of private citizens,
and like them must suffer all the evils of a tyranny,
or of too great an extension of federal powers, I have
no fears arising from this source, in my mind ; but I
have many, and powerful ones indeed, which predict
the worst consequences, from a half-starved, limping
government, that appears to be always moving upon
crutches, and tottering at every step. Men chosen as
the delegates In Congress are, cannot officially be

346 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
dangerous. They depend upon the breath, nay, they
are so much the creatures of the people, under the
present constitution, that they can have no views,
(which could possibly be carried into execution,) nor
any interests distinct from those of their constituents.
My political creed, therefore, is, to be wise in the
choice of delegates, support them like gentlemen
while they are our representatives, give them compe
tent powers for all federal purposes, support them in
the due exercise thereof, and, lastly, to compel them
to close attendance in Congress during their delega
tion. These things, under the present mode for and
termination of elections, aided by annual instead of
constant sessions, would, or I am exceedingly mis
taken, make us one of the most wealthy, happy, re
spectable, and powerful nations, that ever inhabited
the terrestrial globe. Without them, we shall, in my
opinion, soon be every thing which Is the direct re
verse of them.
I shall look for you, in the first part of next month,
with such other friends as may incline to accompany
you, with great pleasure, being, with best respects to
Mrs. Harrison, in which Mrs. Washington joins me,
dear Sir, &c.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
Mount Vernon, i February, 1784.
At length, my dear Marquis, I am become a private
citizen on the banks of the Potomac ; and under the
shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree, free from

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 347
the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public
life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoy
ments, of which the soldier, who Is ever in pursuit of
fame, the statesman, whose watchful days and sleep
less nights are spent In devising schemes to promote
the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other
countries, as If this globe was insufficient for us all,
and the courtier, who is always watching the counte
nance of his prince, in hopes of catching a gracious
smile, can have very little conception. I have not
only retired from all public employments, but I am re
tiring within myself, and shall be able to view the soli
tary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with
heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am deter
mined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear friend,
being the order for my march, I will move gently
down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers.
Except an introductory letter or two, and one coun
termanding my request respecting plate, I have not
written to you since the middle of October by Gen
eral Duportail. To inform you, at this late hour, that
the city of New York was evacuated by the British
forces on the 25th of November; that the American
troops took possession of it the same day, and deliv
ered It over to the civil authority of the State ; that
good order, contrary to the expectation and predic
tions of General Carleton, his officers, and all the loy
alists, was immediately established ; and that the
harbor of New York was finally cleared of the British
flag about the 5th or 6th of December, would be an
insult to your intelligence. And that I remained

348 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
eight days in New York after we took possession of
the city ; that I was very much hurried during that
time, which was the reason I did not write to you
from thence ; that, taking Philadelphia in my way, I
was obliged to remain there a week ; that at Annapo
lis, where Congress were then and are now sitting, I
did, on the 23d of December present them my com
mission, and made them my last bow, and on the eve
of Christmas entered these doors an older man by
near nine years than when I left them, is very unin
teresting to any but myself. Since that period, we
have been fast locked up in frost and snow, and ex
cluded in a manner from all kinds of intercourse, the
winter having been, and still continues to be^ ex
tremely severe.
I have now to acknowledge and thank you for your
favors of the 22d of July and Sth of September, both
of which, although the first is of old date, have come
to hand since my letter to you of October. The
accounts contained therein of the political and com
mercial state of affairs, as they respect America, are
interesting, and I wish I could add, that they were
altogether satisfactory ; and the agency you have had
In both, particularly with regard to the free ports in
France, is a fresh evidence of your unwearied endeav
ors to serve this country ; but there Is no part of your
letters to Congress, my dear Marquis, which bespeaks
the excellence of your heart more plainly, than that
which contains those noble and generous sentiments
on the justice which is due to the faithful friends and
servants of the public. But I must do Congress the

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

349

justice to declare, that, as a body, I believe there is
every disposition in them, not only to acknowledge
the merits, but to reward the services of the army.
There is a contractedness, I am sorry to add, in some
of the States, from whence all our difficulties on this
head proceed ; but it Is to be hoped, that the good
sense and perseverance of the rest will ultimately pre
vail, as the spirit of meanness Is beginning to subside.
From a letter, which I have just received from the
governor of this State, I expect him here in a few
days, when I shall not be unmindful of what you have
written about the bust, and will endeavor to have
matters respecting it placed on their proper basis. I
thank you most sincerely, my dear Marquis, for your
kind invitation to your house, if I should come to
Paris. At present I see but little prospect of such a
voyage. The deranged situation of my private con
cerns, occasioned by an absence of almost nine years,
and an entire disregard of all private business during
that period, will not only suspend, but may put it for
ever out of my power to gratify this wish. This not
being the case with you, come with Madame de
Lafayette, and view me in my domestic walks. I
have often told you, and repeat It again, that no man
could receive you in them with more friendship and
affection than I should do ; in which I am sure Mrs.
Washington would cordially join me. We unite in
respectful compliments to your lady, and best wishes
for your little flock. With every sentiment of esteem,
admiration, and love, I am, my dear Marquis, your
most affectionate friend.

350 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
TO THOMAS LEWIS.^
Mount Vernon, i February, 1784.
Sir, After an absence of almost nine years, and nearly
a total suspension of all my private concerns, I am at
length set down at home, and am endeavoring to
recover my business from the confusion into which It
has run during that period.
Among other matters which require my attention.
Indeed in which I need Information, is the state of the
Lands which I am entitled to in my own right, and
by purchase, under the royal Proclamation in 1763,
(west of the mountains). My papers are so mixed,
and In such disorder at this time, occasioned by fre
quent hasty removals of them out of the way of the
Enemy, that I cannot, (It being likely too, that some
of them are lost,) by the assistance of my memory,
come at a thorough knowledge of that business. In
a Letter which I have come across, from Capt. William
Crawford, who appears to have acted as your deputy,
dated the Sth of May 1774, I find these words — "In
closed you have the Drafts of the round Bottom and
your Shurtee's Land done agreeably to Mr. Lewis's
direction." For the latter, I have found a patent
signed by Lord Dunmore, the 5th day of July 1774,
for 2813 acres ; but the other is not in my possession,
and I am unable from any recollection I have of the
matter, to account for it, unless It should have been
arrested there by some very ungenerous, and unjustifia
ble attempts of different people, at different times, to
' Surveyor of Augusta.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 351
disturb me In my right to it — a right, I will venture
to say, which Is founded upon the first discovery of
the Land, the first improvement of It, the first survey,
and, for ought I know, the only report by authority
that ever was made of It ; which will be found in the
words of the enclosed copy, the recital of which, if
I mistake not is in your own hand writing, and the
whole with your signature.
I have an imperfect recollection that in the year
1774, I sent a young man (of the name of Young, who
at that time lived with me) to you on the business
of these Lands ; but not having as yet met with any
letter from you, or report from him on the subject,
I am unable with precision, to recollect the particular
matters with which he was charged, or the result of
his journey. This then Is one of the points on which
I want Information, and it Is one of the Inducements
to my giving you the trouble of this letter.
Another is, to know if I have any warrants in your
hands unexecuted, it appearing from two bonds In my
possession, one from a Capt. Roots,' for 3000 acres ;
the other from Lieut : (now, or lately the Revd. Mr.)
Thruston for 2000 more ; that I ought (if I have not
been neglectful In taking them out) to have warrants
somewhere for 5000 acres under the proclamation of
1763, — of which no locations, that have come to my
knowledge have yet been made.
Another thing of which I wish to be informed is,
whether there are any surveys or locations In your
Office, for the Land immediately at the point of fork
' Captain John Roots.

352 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
between the little Kanhawa (upper side) and the
Ohio, and In that case, in whose names they are made.
The reason for the latter enquiry is, that Capt. Craw
ford, in a letter of the 12th of Nov. 1773, (an extract
from which I herewith enclose, as I also do a copy of
the survey, which he actually made at that place,)
proposed to locate this spot for his own benefit and
mine. And I am the more sollicitous In this enquiry,
as It appears by a subsequent Letter of bis to me,
that there was some difficulty in the way of his ob
taining a warrant from Lord Dunmore for the part
he expected to get himself. If this difficulty contin
ued to exist until his death, so as to prevent his loca
tion ; and provided there are no better pretensions
than mine ; I should be glad to lay the two warrants
before mentioned (to wit, Roots's and Thruston's) on
this spot. I would be understood however, explicitly
to mean, that it is not my wish, in the smallest degree
to Injure my much regretted friend Crawford, or any
person claiming under him by this application ; but If
the road is open, to learn only from you, by what
mode I am to obtain it ; having the above rights for
5000 acres, which were In whole, or part, designed for
this very spot, yet to locate.^
' This particular spot had been claimed by Charles Smith, Dr. Briscoe, and
also by Michael Cresap, of Maryland, "who appears to have had pretensions of
some kind or another to every good spot in the country."
" Having mentioned the name of Cresap, it reminds me of another matter
which I must also request the favor of you to give me information upon. It
is, whether, if he has had any surveys returned to the Land Office of this State,
there is one for about five or six hundred acres for a tract which is well known
and distinguished by the name of the Round bottom on the Ohio, opposite to
Pipe Creek, and a little above a creek called Capteening ? He has, I find, ar-

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353
It might seem proper, before I conclude to make an
apology for the trouble the compliance with these
several requests will give you ; but persuading my
self you will consider the situation I have been in for
many years, as a reasonable excuse ; I conceive it is
altogether unnecessary, my good Sir, to offer one.
I shall only request the favor therefore, of an answer,
and your care of the Inclosed letter to your nephew,
(who I find has made one survey for me in Botte-
tourt) or to the Surveyor of that County.
On the Death of your Brother Genl. Lewis, I most
sincerely condole with you, as I had, while he was living
a sincere friendship and regard for him. I am, &c.
P. S. An answer under cover to some acquaint
ance of yours in Fredericksg. or Richmond, with a
request to put the Letter into the post office, will
be certain of getting to hand^ — otherwise, unless an
opportunity shou'd offer directly to Alexandria, the
chances are against my ever receiving it. 

TO GILBERT SIMPSON.
Fredericksburg, 13 February, 1784.
Mr. Simpson,
Having closed all my transactions with the public,
it now behooves me to look Into my own private busi
ness, no part of which seems to call louder for atten-
rested my survey of it for 587 acres, made under all the legal forms, and upon
proper warrants, for no better reason that I could ever learn, than because it
was a good bottom, and convenient for him to possess it, and had it in his
power to do it with impunity. " — Washington to John Harvie, 10 February,
1784. 23

354 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
tion, than my concerns with you. — How profitable our
partnership has \>Q.^xi, you best can tell ; and how ad
vantageous my mill has been, none can tell so well as
yoiirself. If however I am to credit the report, not only of
one, but every body from that country, I ought to
have a good deal of wealth in your hands, arising from
the produce of It ; because all agree, that it Is the best
mill, and has had more custom than any other on
the West side the Alleghaney Mountains ; I expect
something very handsome therefore from that quarter.
I want a full settlement of this account from the be
ginning, clearly stated. — I also require a full and com
plete settlement of our Par[t]nership accounts, where
in every article of debit is to be properly supported
by vouchers ; and the sums recelvd. to be mentioned
for what, and from whom they were received. In a
word I expect every thing relating to the partnership,
as well as my individual and separate interests, will
appear clear and satisfactory. And as I expect to
leave home for a pretty long trip, before or at furthest
by middle of April, I think It incumbent upon you
to make this settlement previous to It, especially as
the world does not scruple to say that you have been
much more attentive to your own interest than to
mine. But I hope your accounts will give the lie to
these reports, by shewing that something more than
your own emolument was intended by the partnership ;
and that you have acted like an honest, industrious
and frugal man, for the mutual interest of us both ;
which will justify the opinion I entertained of you at

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 355
the time of our agreement, and would be complying
with the conditions and professed Intention of our
associating together.'
This Letter will be certain of getting Into your
hands in the course of ten or twelve days, as it goes
by my nephew,' who I met with at this place, where
I had come on a visit ; and who is on his way to Fort
Pitt, &c. The enclosure for Major Stephenson
(Brother to the late Colo. Crawford) I wish to have
put Into his own hands if living ; if otherwise, Into the
hands of Executor or administrator of Colo. Craw
ford ; as the contents of it relate principally to some
matters between that deceased Gentleman and me.
I am, &c.

MEMORANDUM TO JOHN LEWIS.
14 February, 1784.
G. Washington would be obliged to Mr. Lewis for delivering,
or causing to be delivered by a safe hand the Letter accompanying
this, to Mr. Gilbert Simpson, & if he goes by his house to Fort
Pitt ; — for observing the size, & condition of his Plantation & the
Condition ofthe Mill. — & for enquiring how many Tenants he
has placed on the Land, for how long a term, & upon what Rents.
Whether there is any person living upon a small Tract he holds at
the Great Meadows — what sort of an Improvement is thereon —
of whom the person took it and upon what terms — And should
Mr. Lewis have a favorable opportunity, the General would be
obliged to him for informing those settlers upon his tract West
' In December, 1890, a package of seventy-nine pieces of Virginia paper
money, of various denominations, was sold at auction in Philadelphia, vrith a
wrapper bearing an endorsement in Washington's writing, " Given in by Gilb.
Simpson, 19 June, 1784, to G. Washington."
' John Lewis.

3S6 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
of the Monongahela, on the waters of Shurtee's & Raccoon creeks '
thathe has a patent for the Land, dated the 5th day of July 1774
— that he will most assuredly assert his right to it. But, in con
sideration of their having made Improvements thereon ignorantly,
or under a mistaken belief, founded in false assertions that the
Land did not belong to him, he is willing that they should remain
upon it as Tenants, upon a just and moderate rent, such as he and
they can agree upon. The like may be said to any Person or
Persons who maybe settled at a place called the Round Bottom,
on the Ohio, opposite Pipe Creek and a little above a Creek
called Capteening, which has been surveyed by the county Surveyor
of Augusta upon proper warrants from Lord Dunmore, ever
since the 14th day of July 1773.
If Mr. Lewis can discover by indirect means who would be a
fit Agent in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt to charge with the
seating and leasing the General's Lands in that country without
holding up Ideas to them which may lead any one to expect
the appointment, he would thank him for the information.
Such parts of these requests as can be comphed with before
his departure from Fort Pitt, the General would be obliged by
receiving them (in a letter) from that place, as he is desirous of
getting some knowledge of his affairs in that Country, as soon
as possible.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Mount Vernon, 20 February, 1784.
My dear Sir,
The bad weather, and the great care which the post-
riders take of themselves, prevented your letters of
the 3d and 9th of last month from getting to my hands
till the 10th of this. Setting off next morning for
Fredericksburg to pay my duty to an aged mother,
' Known also as Miller's Run. It was part of 3,000 acres purchased by
Washington of Posey, and was surveyed 23 March, 1771.

1784J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357
and not returning till yesterday, will be admitted, I
hope, as a sufficient apology for my silence until now.
I am much obliged by the trouble you have taken
to report the state of the garrison and stores, together
with the disposition of the troops at West Point to
me ; and I think the allowance of rations, or subsist
ence money, to such officers as could not retire at
that Inclement season, was not only perfectly humane,
but perfectly just also, and that it must appear so to
Congress. It would seem to me, without having recourse to
calculation, that the allowance of a major-general in a
separate department to the person who shall discharge
the duties of secretary at war, master of ordnance, and
commanding officer of the forces, which may be re
tained or raised on a peace establishment, is a very-
moderate demand. I expect the president and some
members of Congress here in a day or two, and will
tell them so.
It was among my first acts, after I got home, to
write to the president of each State Society, appoint
ing Philadelphia (and the first Monday In May) for
the general meeting of the Cincinnati. Colonel Walker
took all the letters to the presidents eastward of this
with him before new year's day; and I despatched
those for the southward, about the same time, by the
post. I have even sent duplicates for fear of miscar
riage ; yet, though it Is the most eligible method, It is
to be feared it will not prove so effectual a communi
cation, as a general notification in the public gazettes
would have been. And, in case of failure, I shall be

3S8 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
exceedingly sorry for not having adopted the most
certain, as it would give me pleasure to find the first
general meeting a very full one. I have named Phila
delphia (contrary to my own judgment, as it is not
central), to comply with the wishes of South Carolina ;
which, being the most southern State, has desired it.'
North Carolina I have not heard a tittle from, nor any
thing official from New Hampshire. All the other
States have acceded very unanimously to the proposi
tion, which was sent from the army.
I am just beginning to experience that ease and
freedom from public cares, which, however desirable,
takes some time to realize ; for, strange as it may seem,
it Is nevertheless true, that it was not till lately I could
get the better of my usual custon of ruminating, as
soon as I waked in the morning, on the business of
the ensuing day ; and of my .surprise at finding, after
revolving many things In my mind, that I was no
longer a public man, nor had any thing to do with
public transactions.
I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied trav
eller must do, who, after treading many a painful
step with a heavy burthen on his shoulders, is eased
of the latter, having reached the haven to which all
the former were directed ; and from his house-top is
looking back, and tracing with an eager eye the mean
ders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires
which lay In his way ; and into which none but the
all-powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events
could have prevented his falling.
' That is, the most southern State from which delegates would go to attend
the meeting of the Society of the Cincinnati.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359
I shall be very happy, and I hope I shall not be
disappointed, in seeing you at the proposed meeting
in Philadelphia. The friendship I have conceived for
you will not be Impaired by absence, but it may be no
unpleasing circumstance to brighten the chain by a
renewal of the covenant. My best wishes attend Mrs.
Knox and the little folks, in which Mrs. Washington
most heartily joins me. With sentiments of the pur
est esteem, regard, and affection, I am, &c.
P. S. I hope General Greene will be in the dele
gation from Rhode Island, and that we shall see him
at the general meeting of the Cincinnati. Will you
intimate this to him ?

TO DOLPHIN DREW.
Mount Vernon, 25 February, 1784.

Sir, Yesterday evening brought me your favor of the
13th 
Two things induced me to Lease my Lands in small
tenements ; the first was to accommodate weak handed
people who were not able to purchase, thereby invit
ing and encouraging a number of useful Husbandmen
and Mechanicks to settle among us : The other, that
I might have them restored to me at the expiration
of the term for which they were granted, in good
order and well improved. One step towards which
was to prevent a shift of property without my consent,
and a covenant was inserted in the Leases accordingly.
From the first I laid it down as a maxim, that no
person who possessed Lands adjoining, should hold

36o THE WRITINGS OF [1784
any of mine as a Lease, and for this obvious reason,
that the weight of their labors, and burden of the
crops, whilst It was in a condition to bear them, would
fall upon my Land, and the Improvement upon his
own, in spite of all the covenants which could be in
serted to prevent it. Having no cause to depart from
this opinion, and without meaning to apply the obser-
tion particularly to Mr. Throckmorton, whose person
and character are entirely unknown to me, he must
excuse me for declaring in very explicit terms, that I
will not suffer his purchase of Collet, to be carried
into effect. Of this, Mr. Lund Washington, who was
acquainted with my sentiments on all these matters,
and who superintended my business, Informed me he
acquainted Mr. Throckmorton (hearing he was about
to purchase,) either directly or by means of his ac
quaintance In September last : — he has not paid his
money therefore, or erred in this business, without
warning of the consequences.
A good price and ready Money might Induce me to
part with the fee-simple of Collet's Lot — perhaps of
the other also. Without these I do not incline to sell,
as Lands are rising very fast in their price ; which will
be enhanced by the emigration of Foreigners, and the
demand for them. I am, &c.

TO CAPTAIN FIELDING LEWIS.
Dear FiELDG., mount Vernon, 27 February, 1784.
You very much mistake my circumstances when
you suppose me In a condition to advance money. I
made no money from my Estate during the nine

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 361
years I was absent from it, and brought none home
with me. Those who owed me, for the most part,
took advantage of the depreciation, and paid me off
with six pence in the pound. Those to whom I was
indebted, I have yet to pay, without other means, if
they will not wait, than selling part of my Estate ; or
distressing those who were too honest to take advan
tage of the tender Laws to quit scores with me.
This relation of my circumstances, which Is a true
one, is alone sufficient, (without adding that my living
under the best ceconomy I can use, must unavoidably
be expensive,) to convince you of my inability to ad
vance money.
I have heard with pleasure that you are Indus
trious. Convince people by your mode of living
that you are sober and frugal also ; and I persuade
myself your creditors will grant you every Indulgence
they can. It would be no small inducement to me, if
it should ever be In my power, to assist you. * * *

TO JOHN WITHERSPOON. Mount Vernon, 10 March, 1784.
Reverend Sir,
The recourse, which I have had to my papers since
I returned home, reminds me of a question, which
you asked me In Philadelphia, respecting my lands to
the westward of the Allegany mountains ; to which
I was unprepared at that time to give a decided an
swer, either as to the quantity I had to let, or the
terms upon which I would lease them.

362 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
Upon examination, I find that I have patents under
the signature of Lord Dunmore (while he adminis
tered the government of this State) for about 30,000
acres ; and surveys for about 10,000 more, patents for
which were suspended by the disputes with Great
Britain, which soon followed the return of the war
rants to the land-office.
Ten thousand acres of the above thirty lie upon the
Ohio ; the rest on the Great Kenhawa, a river nearly
as large, and quite as easy in its navigation, as the
former. The whole of it is rich bottom land, beauti
fully situated on these rivers, and abounding plente-
ously In fish, wild-fowl, and game of all kinds.
The uppermost tract upon the Ohio (which I
incline to lease) contains 2314 acres, and begins about
four miles below the mouth of the Little Kenhawa
(there are two rivers bearing that name, the upper
most of which is about one hundred and eighty miles
below Fort Pitt by water), and has a front on the
water of more than five miles. The next is eighteen
miles lower down, and contains 2448 acres, with a
front on the river, and a large creek which empties
into it of four miles and upwards. Three miles be
low this again, on the same river, and just above what
is called the Big Bend in Evan's Map, is a third tract
of 4395 acres, with a river front of more than five
miles. Then going to the Great Kenhawa, distant about
twelve miles by land, but thirty odd to follow the
meanders of the two rivers, and beginning within
three miles of the mouth, I hold lands on the right

1784I GEORGE WASHINGTON. 363
and left of the river, and bounded thereby forty-eight
miles and a half ; all of which, being on the margin
of the river, and extending not more than from half a
mile to a mile back, are, as has been observed before,
rich, low grounds.
From this description of my lands, with the aid of
Evan's or Hutchins's Map of that country, a good
general knowledge of their situation may be obtained
by those, who incline to become adventurers In the
settlement of them ; but it may not be Improper to
observe further, that they were surveyed under the
Royal Proclamation of 1 763 (granting to each com
missioned and non-commissioned officer according to
his rank, and to the private soldier certain quantities,)
and under a yet older proclamation from Mr. Din
widdle, then lieutenant-governor of the colony,
issued by the advice of his council to encourage and
benefit the military adventurers of the year 1754,
while the land-office was shut against all other appli
cants. It is not reasonable to suppose, therefore, that
those, who had the first choice, had five years allowed
them to make it, and a large district to survey In,
were Inattentive either to the quality of the soil, or
the advantages of situation.
But supposing no preeminence in quality, the title
to these lands Is indisputable ; and, by lying on the
south-east side of the Ohio, they are not subject to
the claims of the Indians ; consequently will be free
from their disturbances, and from the disputes, in
which the settlers on the northwest side (when the
Indians shall permit any) and even on the same side

364 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
lower down will be involved ; for it should seem, that
there is already location upon location, and scarce any
thing else talked of but land-jobbing and monopolies,
before Congress have even settled the terms upon
which the ceded lands are to be obtained.
Having given this account of the land, I am brought
to another point, which is more puzzling to me.
I have been long endeavoring to hit upon some
mode, by which the grantor and grantees of these lands
might be mutually considered and equally satisfied,
but find It no easy matter ; as it Is to be presumed
that all adventurers, especially emigrants from foreign
countries, would not only choosehxxl expect\^2.s&sioxz.
long term. In this case, it is difficult in an Infant coun
try, where lands rise progressively, and I might add
rapidly in value, to fix upon a rent, which will not, in
the first Instance, startle the tenant by its magnitude,
or injure the landlord In the course of a few years by
the inadequacy of it. What course then is to be taken ?
To advance the rent periodically, in proportion to
the supposed increasing value of the land, is very spec
ulative ; and to leave it to the parties, or their repre
sentatives, or to persons to be chosen by them, at like
stated periods to determine the increase of it, would
not only be vague and uncertain, but more than prob
ably open a door for many disputes, and prove very
unsatisfactory to both sides. Yet, difficult as the case
is, private and public considerations urging me thereto,
I have come to a resolution, which I am going to
promulge In the gazettes of this country, by inserting
an advertisement of which the enclosed is a copy,

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 365
leaving it optional in the grantees to make choice of
either. Whether the terms there promulged are sufficiently
encouraging to the people of this country, and inviting
to strangers ; or whether the latter might think so in
the first instance, and change sentiments afterwards,
upon seeing a wide, a wild, and an extensive country
before them, in which they may, for ought I know,
obtain good, though not so valuable and pleasant spots
upon easier terms, is not with me to decide. Experi
ment alone can determine it. But it Is for me to de
clare, that I cannot think of separating for ever from
lands, which are beautifully situated upon navigable
rivers, rich in quality, and abundantly blessed with
many natural advantages, upon less beneficial terms
to myself.
The leases for short tenures. If these should be pre
ferred to either of the other two, could be attended with
no great injury to me, because the improvements,
which (according to the conditions of them) are to be
made thereon, will enable me, if I am not too sanguine
in my expectation, to rent them thereafter upon more
lucrative terms, than I dare ask for either of the other
two at present.
It has been my intention in every thing I have said,
and will be so in every thing I shall say on this subject
to be perfectly candid ; for my feelings would be as
much hurt, if I should deceive others by a too favo
rable description, as theirs would be who might suffer
by the deception.
I will only add, that it would give me pleasure to

366 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
see these lands seated by particular societies, or re
ligious sectaries with their pastors. It would be a
means of connecting friends in a small circle, and
making life in a new and rising empire (to the inhabi
tants of which, and their habits, new comers would
be strangers) pass much more agreeably than in a
mixed or dispersed situation.
If a plan of this sort should be relished, it would be
highly expedient for an agent in behalf of such socie
ties to come out immediately, to view the lands and
close a bargain ; for nothing is more probable, than
that each of the tracts here enumerated may, if the
matter Is delayed, have settlers upon it, an intermix
ture with whom might not be agreeable.
The number of families, which these tracts aggre
gately, or each one separately, would accommodate,
depends more upon the views of the occupiers, than
on any other clrcuinstance. The soil Is capable of
the greatest production, such as Europeans have little
idea of. For mere support, then, the smallest quan
tity would suffice ; which I mention in this place,
because a plan for the settlement of them, under the
information here given of the quantity, quality, and
situation, can be as well digested In Europe, as on
the land itself, so far as It respects support only ; and
is to be preferred to a waste of time in ascertain
ing on the spot the number It would receive, and
what each man shall have before the association Is
formed. I will make no apology, my good Sir, for the length
of this letter, presuming from your inquiries, when I

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 367

had the pleasure of seeing you last In Philadelphia,
that you would not be displeased at the information
I now give you, and might have a wish to commu
nicate it to others. My best wishes attend you. With
sentiments of great esteem and respect, I am. Rever
end Sir, &c. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Mount Vernon, r8 March, 1784.
Dear Sir,
I have seen the form of the answer which you have
drawn in Savage's suit, and approve it, presuming the
references are founded on facts. Mr. Fairfax was to
have compared these, & will prepare a fair copy. I
will remind him of the matter, & have it sent to you
as soon as I can.
The case of the depending petitions in the General
Court, is as follows. —
The Land was obtained under a proclamation of
Mr. Dinwiddle ; Issued by the advice of his Council,
Feby. 19th, 1754, for encouraging the raising of
Troops for an Expedition to the Ohio. It was sur
veyed pursuant to warrants granted by Lord Dun
more & patented Deer. 15th, 1772. —
For 10,990 acres, in Fincastle.
4.395 )
2,448 \  in Botetourt.
2,314)
In the Month of March, 1774, I encounter'd in
preparation only, an expence of at least £2,00 ; by the
purchase of Servants, Nails, Tools & other necessa-

368 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
ries for the purpose of seating and cultivating the
above Lands, agreeably to our Act of Assembly ; &
for transporting the same over the Allighaney Mount
ains — but this was entirely sunk. The disturbances
occasioned by the Indians, which immediately fol
lowed, put a stop to my proceedings — the Servants,
some of them, engaged in the Militia — others squand
ered — & the whole were lost to me ,¦ while my Goods
as I am Informed, were seized for the use of the Mi
litia & a fort which was built, upon the Expedition
under Lord Dunmore, and no compensation made me
for them — nor, if I am rightly informed, any thing
given upon which I can found a claim.
The March following I went thro' the second edi
tion of a similar expence, and find by having recourse
to my papers, (since I came home) the certificates
which I enclose herewith.
Not knowing what had been, or might be done In
this second essay to cultivate my Lands (for I left
home in May, while my people were out) — I wrote
from Cambridge (in Septr., 1775) — to Mr. Everard
requesting as a further security, that they might be
covered by friendly Petitions; and presume I must have
required Colo. Bassett to take measures accordingly.
But never knew what, or 'whether any steps had been
taken in this business, 'till Mr. Mercer (whom I saw at
Fredericksburg the other day) and your Letter of the
19th of Feby. since, informed me of the depending
Petitions. Under this information and what follows, you will
be so good as to do what shall appear necessary and

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 369

proper in my behalf. The Lands, by the Proclama
tion and Patents, are exempted from the payment of
quit rent, 'till the expiration of fifteen years from and
after the date of the latter : but my Ignorance of the
existing Laws of this State, since the change of Its con
stitution, does not enable me to determine whether
the old Act requiring cultivation and Improvement,
is yet in force, or not ; consequently I can give no
opinion upon the proper line of conduct to be pursued.
Admitting however that this act is In force so far as
it may apply to Lands under the circumstances mine
are — yet the two principal tracts are nevertheless
saved ; as will appear by the records of Fincastle and
Botetourt, where the aggregate of the valuations
amount to ;^I583 15 7^, and the sum required to save
the number of acres contained in them amounts to no
more than ;^I538 10 o  And had It not been for
the hostile temper of the Indians towards the close of
1775 — which rendered it unsafe for my people to
remain out, and who were actually driven In, to my
very great loss in other respects (besides the non-cul
tivation) I should most undoubtedly, have saved the
whole agreeably to Law.
Miss Lee, sister to the late Major Genl. Lee, wrote,
requesting me to obtain for her an authenticated copy
of his will — the copy I have lately got, but Mr. Drew
thinks it may be necessary to affix the Seal of the
State to it, as it is to go to England, I request the
favor of you therefore to procure and send this to me
by the post — the cost when made known to me I will
pay. 24

370 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Mount Vernon, 20 March, 1784.
My dear Sir,
Your letter of the 21st ultimo did not reach my
hands till yesterday. Having the governor here, and
a house full of company, and the post being on the
point of setting out for the eastward, I must confine
the few lines I shall be able (at this time) to write,
to the business of the Cincinnati.
From what you have said of the temper of your
Assembly respecting this society, from the current of
sentiment in the other New England States thereon,
and from the official letter, which I have lately re
ceived from the Marquis de Lafayette on this subject,
I am more than ever of opinion, that the general
meeting at Philadelphia In May next ought, by all
means, to be full and respectable. I was sorry to find
these words, therefore. In your letter, after naming
the delegates from your State, — " Probably only two
will attend."
I think not only the whole number chosen should
attend, but the abilities of them, should be coolly,
deliberately, and wisely employed, when met, to obvi
ate the prejudices and remove the jealousies, which
are already imbibed, and more than probably, through
Ignorance, envy, and perhaps worse motives, will
increase and spread. I cannot, therefore, forbear
urging in strong terms the necessity of the measure.
The ensuing general meeting is either tiseful or use
less ; if the former, the representatives of each State
society ought to be punctual in their attendance,

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 371
especially under the present circumstances ; if it is
not, all ought to be exempted ; and I am sure none
can give the time, which this journey and business
require, with less convenience to themselves than
myself. By a letter, which I have just received from Gen
eral Greene, I am informed that himself. General
Varnum, and Major Lyman are chosen to represent
the society of the State of Rhode Island ; that he
intends to be In South Carolina before the meeting ;
and it is not expected that more than one will attend
it ! I wish this could be otherwise, and that General
Greene would attend. Private interest or convenience
may be a plea for many, and the meeting thereby be
thin and unfit for the purpose of its institution.
I have heard nothing yet from New Hampshire,
New York, or New Jersey, to the eastward, nor any
thing from the southward ; to the last, duplicates have
long since been sent.
As there can be no interruption of the post by bad
weather now, and there is time for it, pray let me
hear more fully from you on the subject of this letter
by the return of It ; particularly what the committees
of your Assembly have reported. * * *

TO TENCH TILGHMAN.

T~v o Mount Vernon, 24 March, 1784.
Dear Sir,
I am informed that a ship with Palatines is gone up
to Baltimore, among whom are a number of trades
men. I am a good deal in want of a house joiner and

372 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
brick-layer who really understand their profession, and
you would do me a favor by purchasing one of each
for me, if to be had, I would not confine you to Pala^
tines ; if they are good workmen, they may be from
Asia, Africa or Europe ; they may be Mahometans,
Jews or Christians of any sect, or they may be Athe
ists. I would, however, prefer middle aged to young
men, and those who have good countenances, and good
characters on ship board, to others who have neither
of these to recommend them ; altho' after all, I well
know, the proof of the pudding must be in the eating.
I do not limit you to a price, but will pay the purchase
money on demand. * * *

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.
Mount Vernon, 25 March, 1784.
Dear Sir,
In answer to Mr. Bowie's request to you, permit
me to assure that gentleman, that I shall at all times
be glad to see him at this retreat ; that, whenever he
is here, I will give him the perusal of any public pa
pers antecedent to my appointment to the command
of the American army, that he may be laying up ma
terials for his work ; and whenever Congress shall
have opened their archives to any historian for infor
mation, that he shall have the examination of all
others in my possession, which are subsequent
thereto ; but that, till this epoch, I do not think my
self at liberty to unfold papers, which contain all the
occurrences and transactions of my late command ;
first, because I conceive it to be respectful to the sov-

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 373
ereign power to let them take the lead in this business ;
and next, because I have, upon this principle, refused
Dr. Gordon and others, who are about to write the
history of the revolution, this privilege.
I will frankly declare to you, my dear Doctor, that
any memoirs of my life, distinct and unconnected with
the general hi.story of the war, would rather hurt my
feelings than tickle my pride whilst I lived. I had
rather glide gently down the stream of life, leaving it
to posterity to think and say what they please of me,
than by any act of mine to have vanity or ostentation
imputed to me. And I will further confess, that I
was rather surprised into a consent, when Dr. With
erspoon (very unexpectedly) made the application,
than considered the tendency of that consent. It did
not occur to me, at that moment, from the manner In
which the question was propounded, that no history
of my life, without a very great deal of trouble in
deed, could be written with the least degree of accu
racy, unless recourse was had to me or to my papers
for information ; that it would not derive sufficient
authenticity without a promulgation of this fact ; and
that such a promulgation would subject me to the im
putation I have just mentioned, which would hurt me
the more, as I do not think vanity is a trait of my
character. It Is for this reason, and candor obliges me to be
explicit, that I shall stipulate against the publication
of the memoirs Mr. Bowie has in contemplation to
give the world, till I should see more probability of
avoiding the darts, which / think would be pointed at

374

THE WRITINGS OF [1784

me on such an occasion ; and how far, under these cir
cumstances. It would be worth Mr. Bowie's while to
spend time, which might be more usefully employed In
other matters, is with him to consider ; as the practi
cability of doing it efficiently without having free ac
cess to the documents of this war, which must fill the
most important pages of the memoir, and which, for
the reasons already assigned, cannot be admitted at
present, also is. If nothing happens more than I at
present foresee, I shall be in Philadelphia on or before
the 1st of May, where It is probable I may see Mr.
Bowie, and converse further with him on this subject.
In the mean while, I will thank you for communicat
ing these sentiments. I am, very truly, your affection
ate friend, &c.^
' Upon further consideration Washington decided against granting the ap.
plication, and on March 8th, wrote to John Witherspoon : " From the cursory
manner in which you expressed the wish of Mr. Bowie to write the memoirs of
my life, I was not, at the moment of your application and my assent to it,
struck with the consequences to which it tended ; but, when I game to reflect
upon the matter afterwards, and had some conversation with Mr.'Bowie on the
subject, I found that this must be a very futile work (if under any circum
stances it could be made interesting), unless he could be furnished with the
incidents of my life, either from my papers or my recollection, and digesting of
past transactions into some sort of form and order with respect to times and
circumstances. I knew, also, that many of the former, relative to the part I
had acted in the war between France and Great Britain, from the year 1754
until the peace of Paris, and which contained some of the most interesting
occurrences of my life, were lost, and that my memory is too treacherous to be
relied on to supply this defect ; and, admitting both were more perfect, that
submitting such a publication to the world, whilst I continue on the theatre,
might be ascribed, (however involuntarily I was led into it,) to vain motives.
" These considerations prompted me to tell Mr. Bowie, when I saw him at
Philadelphia in May last, that I could have no agency towards the publication
of any memoirs respecting myself whilst living ; but as I had given my assent
to you (when asked) to have them written, and as he had been the first to propose
it, he was welcome, if he thought his time would not be unprofitably spent, to
take extracts from such documents as yet remained in my possession, and to

1784J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, IN CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 29 March, 1784.
Dear Sir,
It was not in my power to answer your favor of
the 15th by the last post, for the reason then assigned.
I wish I may be able to do it to your satisfaction now,
as I again am obliged to pay my attention to the
other company, the Governor being gone.
My opinion coincides perfectly with yours respect
ing the practicability of an easy and short communi
cation between the waters of the Ohio and Potomac,
of the advantages of that communication and the
preference it has over all others, and of the policy
there would be In this State of Maryland to adopt and
render it facile. But I confess to you freely, I have
no expectation, that the public will adopt the meas
ure ; for, besides the jealousies which prevail, and the
difficulty of proportioning such funds as may be al
lotted for the purposes you have mentioned, there are
two others, which, in my opinion, will be yet harder
to surmount. These are (If I have not imbibed too
unfavorable an opinion of my countrymen) the im-
avail himself of any other information I could give, provided the publication
should be suspended until I quitted the stage of human action. I then intended,
as I informed him, to devote the present expiring winter to arranging my papers,
which I had left at home, and which I found a mere mass of confusion, (occa
sioned by frequently shifting them into trunks, and suddenly removing them
from the reach of the enemyl ; but, however strange it may seem, it is neverthe
less true, that, what with company, references of old matters with which I
ought not to be troubled, applications for certificates and copies of orders, in
addition to the routine of letters, which have multiplied greatly upon me, I
have not been able to touch a single paper, or transact any business of my own
in the way of accounts, during the whole course of the winter ; or, in a word,
since my retirement from public life."

376 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
practicability of bringing the great and truly wise
policy of the measure to their view, and the difficulty
of extracting money from them for such a purpose, if
it could be done ; for It appears to me, maugre all the
sufferings of the public creditors, breach of public
faith, and loss of reputation, that payment of the
taxes, which are already laid, will be postponed as
long as possible. How then are we to expect new
ones for purposes more remote ?
I am not so disinterested in this matter as you are ;
but I am made very happy to find that a man of dis
cernment and liberality, who has no particular inter
est in the plan, thinks as I do, who have lands In that
country, the value of which would be enhanced by the
adoption of such a measure.
More than ten years ago I was struck with the im
portance of it ; and, despairing of any aids from the
public, I became a principal mover of a bill to em
power a number of subscribers to undertake at their
own expense, on conditions which were expressed,
the extension of the navigation from tide water to
Will's Creek, about one hundred and fifty miles ; and
I devoutly wish that this may not be the only ex
pedient by which It can be effected now. To get this
business in motion, I was obliged even upon that
ground to comprehend James River, In order to
remove the jealousies, which arose from the attempt
to extend the navigation of the Potomac. The plan,
however, was in a tolerably good train, when I set out
for Cambridge in 1775, and would have been in an
excellent way, had It not been for the difficulties,

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 377
which were met with in the Maryland Assembly from
the opposition which was given (according to report)
by the Baltimore merchants, who were alarmed, and
perhaps not without cause, at tbe consequence of
water transportation to Georgetown of the produce,
which usually came to their market by land.^
The local interest of that place, joined to the short
sighted politics or contracted views of another part of
that Assembly, gave Mr. Thomas Johnson, who was
a warm promoter of the scheme on the north side of
the Potomac, a great deal of trouble. In this situa
tion I left matters when I took command of the army.
The war afterwards called men's attention to different
' The failure of Maryland to co-operate with Virginia in the undertaking, and
the outbreak of the Revolution, led to the abandonment of this early attempt to
open the navigation of the River. In her first constitution (1776) Virginia, in
substance, ceded to Maryland the entire jurisdiction over the River Potomac,
reserving only the right of navigation,— a surrender the more extraordinary, as
the patents of the N[orthern] Neck place, the whole river Potomac within the
Government of Virginia ; so that we were armed with a title both of prior and
posterior date to that of Maryland. (Madison.) To determine the points in
controversy Virginia proposed the appointment by each State interested, of
commissioners, " for the general purpose of preserving a harmony and efficacy
in the regulations on both sides." This proposition was accepted by Maryland ;
and Col. George Mason, Edmund Randolph, Alexander Henderson, and James
Madison, Jr., were named by Virginia, to meet Thomas Johnson, Thomas Stone,
Samuel Chase, and Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, on the part of Maryland.
Through a series of blunders, only Mason and Henderson met Chase and
Jenifer at Alexandria in March, 1785, and on the 25th, they proceeded to Mount
Vernon, having been joined by Stone. Here their business was completed, and
recommendations drawn for their respective legislatures, to provide for the
estabhshment of a concurrent jurisdiction on the Potomac and Chesapeake, and
for the appointment annually of commissioners to discuss the commercial
regulations proposed by each State. This led to results more important than
the conference could have foreseen. For Maryland extended au invitation to
Pennsylvania and Delaware to join the annual meeting, and Madison thought
a general meeting " naturally grew out " of this proposition. The Annapolis
Convention of September, 1786, was the fulfilment of Madison's thought.

378 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
objects, and all the money they could or would raise
was applied to other purposes. But with you I am
satisfied that not a moment ought to be lost in recom
mencing this business, as I know the Yorkers will delay
no time to remove every obstacle in the way of the
other communication, so soon as the posts of Oswego
and Niagara are surrendered ; and I shall be mistaken
if they do not build vessels for the navigation of the
lakes, which will supersede the necessity of coasting
on either side.
It appears to me, that the Interest and policy of
Maryland are proportionably concerned with those of
Virginia, to remove obstructions, and to invite the
trade of the western country Into the channel you have
mentioned. You will have frequent opportunities of
learning the sentiments of the principal characters of
that State, respecting this matter ; and I wish, if it
should fall in your way, that you would discourse with
Mr. Thomas Johnson, formerly governor of Maryland,
on this subject. How far, upon mature consideration,
I may depart from the resolution I had formed, of
living perfectly at my ease, exempt from every kind
of responsibility, is more than I can at present abso
lutely determine. The sums granted, the manner of
granting them, the powers and objects, would merit
consideration. The trouble, if my situation at the
time would permit me to engage in a work of this
sort, would be set at nought ; and the immense ad
vantages, which this country would derive from the
measure, would be no small stimulus to the undertak
ing. If that undertaking could be made to comport

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

379

with those ideas, and that line of conduct, with which
I meant to glide gently down the current of life, and
it did not interfere with any other plan I might have
in contemplation.
I am not less in sentiment with you, respecting the
impolicy of this State's grasping at more territory than
they are competent to the government of ; and, for the
reasons you assign, I very much approve of a meridian
from the mouth of the Great Kanhawa as a convenient
and very proper line of separation, but I am mistaken
if our chief magistrate will coincide with us in this
opinion.' I will not enter upon the subject of commerce. It
has its advantages and disadvantages ; but which of
them preponderates, is not now the question. From
trade our citizens will not be restrained, and therefore
it behoves us to place it in the most convenient chan
nels under proper regulations, freed as much as possi
ble from those vices, which luxury, the consequence
of wealth and power, naturally Introduce.
The incertitude, which prevails in Congress, and
the non-attendance of its members, are discouraging
to those, who are willing and ready to discharge the
trust, which is reposed in them ; whilst it Is disgrace
ful in a high degree to our country. But It is my be
lief, the case will never be otherwise, so long as that
body persist In their present mode of doing business,
' Jefferson appears to have proposed a cession of a certain tract of the Western
country lying between the Kanawha and the Ohio, to be incorporated into the
Union. Madison rightly answered that three parties must be consulted — Vir
ginia, Congress, and the inhabitants of the ceded territory. " I have no rea
son," he said, ' ' to believe there will be any repugnance on the part of Virginia."

38o THE WRITINGS OF [1784

and will hold constant Instead of annual sessions;
against the former of which my mind furnishes me
with a variety of arguments ; but not one, In times of
peace, against the latter.
Annual sessions would always produce a full repre
sentation, and alertness at business. The delegates.
after a separation of eight or ten months, would meet
each other with glad countenances. They would be
complaisant ; they would yield to each other all, that
duty to their constituents would allow ; and they
would have better opportunities of becoming ac
quainted with their sentiments, and removing im
proper prejudices, when they are Imbibed, by mixing
with them during the recess. Men, who are always
together, get tired of each other's company; they
throw off that restraint, which Is necessary to keep
things in proper tune ; they say and do things, which
are personally disgusting ; this begets opposition ;
opposition begets faction ; and so it goes on, till busi
ness Is impeded, often at a stand. I am sure (hav
ing the business prepared by proper boards or a
committee) an annual session of two months would
despatch more business than is now done in twelve,
and this by a full representation of the Union.
Long as this letter Is, I intended to be more full
on some of the points, and to touch on others ; but it
is not in my power, as I am obliged to snatch the
moments, which give you this hasty production of
my thoughts on the subject of your letter, from com
pany. With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.
P. S. Have you not estimated the distance from
Cuyahoga to New York too high.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 381
TO HUGH WILLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 31 March, 1784.
Dear Sir,
The last post brought me your favor of the 24th.
The sentiments I shall deliver in answer to it must be
considered as coming from an individual only, for I am
as unacquainted with the opinions, and know as little
of the affairs and present management of the Swamp
Company in Virginia (though a member of it) as you
do, perhaps less, as I have received nothing from
thence, nor have heard any thing of my interest there
in for more than nine years.
I am equally uninformed of the motives, which In
duced the Assembly of Virginia to open a canal be
tween Kemp's and the Northwest Landings, but
presume territorial jurisdiction must have been the
governing principle.
From an attentive examination of the Great Dis
mal Swamp, I have been long satisfied of the practi
cability of opening a communication through Drum-
mond's Pond between the rivers, which empty into
Albemarle Sound, and the waters of Elizabeth or
Nansemond River. Once, for the purpose of form
ing a plan for reclaiming the lands, more than with a
view to the benefit of navigation, I traversed Drum-
mond's Pond through its whole circuit ; and at a time
when it was brimful of water. I lay one night on the
east border of it, on ground something above the
common level of the swamp ; and in the morning, I
had the curiosity to ramble as far into the swamp as
I could get with convenience, to the distance perhaps
of five hundred yards ; and found that the water.

382 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
which, at the margin of the lake (after it had exceeded
its natural bounds) was stagnant, began perceptibly
to move eastward ; and at the extent of my walk it
had deepened, got more into a channel, and Increased
obviously in its motion. This discovery left not a
doubt In my mind that the current was descending
into one of the rivers of Albemarle Sound. To ascer
tain it, I directed our manager to hire persons to
explore it fully. To the best of my recollection, he
some time afterwards Informed me, that he had done
so, that It was found to be the head of the northwest
river, that to the place where the water had formed
a regular channel of considerable width and depth did
not exceed four miles, and that from thence downwards
to the present navigation of the river there was no other
obstruction to small craft than fallen trees. What I
have given as coming under my own knowledge, you
may rely upon. The other I sufficiently believe, and
have no doubt but that the waters of Perquemlns and
Pasquotank Rivers have a similar, and perhaps as
close a communication with Drummond's Pond, as
those of the northwest.
My researches at different times Into and round the
swamp (for I have encompassed the whole) have en
abled me to make the following observations ; that the
principal rivulets, which run into the Great Dismal, if
not all of them, are to the westward of It, from
Suffolk southwardly, that Drummond's Pond Is the
receptacle for all the water, which can force its way
Into It through the reeds, roots, trash, and fallen
timber, with which the swamp abounds ; that to these
obstructions, and the almost perfect level of the

17S4] GEORGE WASHINGTO.y.

swamp, are to be .ascribed the wetness of it ; that, in
wet seasons, when the banks of the pond are over
flowed by the assemblage of w.\ters from the quarter
I have mentioned, it discharges itself with equal diffi
culty into the heads of the rivers Elizabeth and
Nansemond, and those which flow into Albemarle
Sound ; for It is a fact, that the late Colonel Tucker
of Norfolk, on a branch of Elizabeth River, and sev
eral others on Nansemond Ri\er, have mills, which
are, or have been, w^orked by the waters which run
out of the swamp.
Hence, and from a canal, which the Virginia Com
pany opened some years since, I am convinced, that
there is not a difference of more than two feet be
tween one part of the swamp and another ; that the
east side and south end are lower than their opposites ;
and that a canal of that depth, when the water of
Drummond's Pond is even with its banks, and more
or less in the proportion it rises or sinks, will take the
water of It, and, with the aid of one lock, let it into
either Elizabeth River or Nansemond ; neither of
which, from the best information I have been able to
obtain, would exceed six or seven miles. Admitting
these things, and I firmly believe in them, the kind of
navigation will determine the expense, having due
consideration to the difficulty, which must be occa
sioned by the quantity of water, and little fall by which
it can be run off.
To attempt, in the first Instance, such a canal as
would admit any vessel, which the Bay of Albemarle
is competent to, would in my opinion be tedious, and
attended with an expense, which might prove dis-

384 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
couraging; whilst one upon a more contracted scale
would answer very valuable purposes, and might be
enlarged as the practicability of the measure, and the
advantages resulting from it, should be unfolded ;
appropriating the money, which shall arise from the
toll, after principal and interest are fully paid, as a
fund for the further extension of the navigation,
which In my opinion would be exceedingly practicable,
and would be found the readiest and easiest plan to
bring It to perfection.
If this method should be adopted, I would very
readily join my mite towards the accomplishment,
provided the canal, which the State of Virginia is
about to cut, should not render it an unnecessary or
unprofitable undertaking. A more extended plan
would be too heavy for my purse.
I agree in sentiment with you, that, whenever the
public Is disposed to reimburse principal and interest
to the corporation, and will open a free passage of the
canal, the charter should cease ; but I do not think
eight per cent is adequate, I mean sufficiently invit
ing, nor ten either, unless government, in the act for
incorporation, were to guaranty the expense, and be
at the final risk of the success, and would have, though
not an exorbitant, yet a fixed toll, and one which should
be judged fully competent to answer the purpose;
because It is not less easy than pleasing to reduce
it at any time, but It would be found difficult and dis
gusting, however necessary and urgent, to increase It.
In other respects, my opinion differs not from yours,
or the propositions you enclosed to, Sir, your most
obedient, &c.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 385
TO THE MARCHIONESS DE LAFAYETTE.
Mount Vernon, 4 April, 1784.
Madam, It is now more than ever I want words to express
the sensibility and gratitude, with which the honor of
your felicitations of the 26th of December has inspired
me. If my expression was equal to the feelings of
my heart, the homage I am about to render you
would appear in a more favorable point of view, than
my most sanguine expectations will encourage me to
hope for. I am more inclined, therefore, to rely upon
the continuance of your indulgent sentiments towards
me, and that Innate goodness for which you are
remarkable, than upon any merit I possess, or any
assurances I could give of my sense of the obligation
I am under for the honor you have conferred upon
me by your correspondence.
Great as your claim is, as a French or American
woman, or as the wife of my amiable friend, to my
affectionate regards, you have others to which the
palm must be yielded. The charms of your person,
and the beauties of your mind, have a more powerful
operation. These, Madam, have endeared you to
me, and every thing, which partakes of your nature,
will have a claim to my affections. George and Vir
ginia, the offspring of your love, whose names do
honor to my country and to myself, have a double
claim, and will be the objects of my vows.
From the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp,
freed from the cares of public employment and the
responsibility of office, I am now enjoying domestic
25

386 THE WRITINGS OF [1784

ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own
fig tree ; and in a small villa, with the implements of
husbandry and lambkins around me, I expect to glide
gently down the stream of life, till I am entombed in
the dreary mansion of my fathers.
Mrs. Washington is highly honored by your par
ticipations, and feels very sensibly the force of your
polite invitation to Paris ; but she is too far advanced
in life, and Is too much immersed in the care of her
little progeny,^ to cross the Atlantic. This, my dear
Marchioness (indulge me with this freedom). Is not
the case with you. You have youth (and, if you
should not incline to bring your children, can leave
them with all the advantages to education), and must
have a curiosity to see the country, young, rude, and
uncultivated as it Is, for the liberties of which your
husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory,
where every body admires, every body loves him.
Come, then, let me entreat it, and call my cottage
your home ; for your own doors do not open to you
with more readiness than mine would. You will see
the plain manner in which we live, and meet the rus
tic civility ; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural
life. It will diversify the scene, and may give you
a higher relish for the gayeties of the court, when
you return to Versailles. In these wishes, and
in most respectful compliments, Mrs. Washington
joins me. With sentiments of strong attachment,
and very great regard, I have the honor to be,
Madam, &c.
' The children of her son, John Parke Custis.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 387
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Mount Vernon, 8 April, 1784.
Dear Sir,
If with frankness, and the fullest latitude of a friend,
you will give me your opinion of the institution of the
Society of Cincinnati, It would confer an acceptable
favor upon me. If to this opinion, you would be so
obliging as to add the sentiments, or what you stippose
to be the sentiments of Congress respecting it, I would
thank you.
That you may have the best materials on which to
form a judgment, I send you a copy of the proceed
ings of the Society — consequent of their choice of me
for President pro: tem:, and the direction therein; I
sent the Institution to the French land and naval com
manders, and to the Marquis de la Fayette (as the
senior French officer in the American Army,) — whose
proceedings thereon, I also enclose.
These papers you will please to retain for fear of
accidents, till I shall have the pleasure to see you at
Annapolis, the week after next, on my way to Phila
delphia, where this and other business will take me,
but the sooner I could receive your sentiments on this
subject, the more pleasing they would be.
The pamphlet ascribed to Mr. Burke, as I am told,
had its effect — people are alarmed, especially In the
Eastern States — how justly, or how contrary to the
avowed principles of the Society, and the purity of
their motives, I will not declare; lest it should
appear that I wanted to biass your judgment, rather
than to obtain an opinion — which if you please, might

388 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
be accompanied with sentiments, under the informa
tion here given respecting the most eligible measures
to be pursued by the Society at their next meeting,'
You may be assured. Sir, that to the good opinion
alone, which I entertain of your abilities and candor,
this liberty Is to be attributed ; and I can truly add,
that, with very great esteem & regard, I am &c.^
' A pamphlet had been published, entitled Considerations on the Society, or
Order, of Cincinnati, which, although anonymous, was known to have been
written by Judge ^danus Burke of South Carolina. It was the author's chief
purpose to show, that the society created a nobility, or what he called a class
of " hereditary patricians " ; and he predicted very direful consequences to the
liberty and happiness of the people, if the institution were allowed to gain
strength upon the plan of its original establishment. He recommended legis
lative interference to put a stop to a political combination of military com
manders, fraught with principles so dangerous, and portending to the republic
evils so alarming. The pamphlet was a local political attack, directed against
the Carolina leaders who were members of the Society. Jefferson's reply to
Washington is printed in his Works, i., 333.
^ "The choice of your delegates to the general meeting of the Society of
Cincinnati gave me pleasure. I wish very sincerely you would all attend.
Let me impress this upon you, with a request that you would impress it upon
your brothers of the delegation.
" This meeting, considering the prejudices and jealousies which have arisen,
should not only be respectable in numbers, but respectable in abilities. Our
measures should be deliberate and wise. If we cannot convince the people,
that their fears are ill founded, we should at least in a degree yield to them,
and not suffer that, which was intended for the best of purposes, to produce a
bad one; which will be the consequence of divisions, proceeding from an oppo
sition to the current opinion, if this be the fact in the eastern States, as some
say it is. Independent of this, there are other matters, which call for attention
at the ensuing meeting.
"You will oblige me by having the enclosed advertisement inserted (twice) in
a gazette of your State. The one, which is most diffusive among that class of
people, whose views it is most likely to meet, will answer my purposes best."—
Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., 4 April, 1784.
The Society held a general meeting at Philadelpia, and Washington reduced
to writing his ideas on the alterations to be made in the constitution.
"Strike out every word, sentence and clause, which has a political tendency.
" Discontinue the hereditary part in all its connections, absolutely, without

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 389
TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL. Philadelphia, 15 May, 1784.
Dear Sir,
It was with great pleasure and thankfulness I
received a recognisance of your friendship. In your
letter of the 20th of last month.
It is indeed a pleasure, from the walks of private
life to view in retrospect all the meanderings of our
any substitution, which can be construed into concealment, or a change of ground
only ; for this would, in my opinion, increase, rather then allay suspicions.
" Admit no more honorary members into the society.
" Reject subscriptions or donations from every person, who is not a citizen
of the United States.
" Place the funds upon such a footing, as to remove the jealousies, which are
entertained on that score.
" Respecting the funds, it would be magnanimous to place them, in the first
instance, in the hand of the legislatures for the express purposes for which they
were intended. This would show a generous confidence in our country, which
might be productive of favorable sentiments and returns. .
"Abolish the general meetings altogether as unnecessary. The constitution
being firm, a continuation of them would be expensive, and very probably, from
a diversity of sentiment and tenacity of opinion, might be productive of more
dissension than harmony ; for it has been much observed, ' that nothing loosens
the bands of private friendship more, than for friends to put themselves against
each other in public debate where every one is free to speak and to act.' Dis
trict meetings might also be discontinued, as of very little use, but attractive
of much speculation.
" No alterations, short of what are here enumerated, will, in my opinion, re
concile the society to the community. Whether these will do it, is questionable.
Without being possessed of the reasons which induce many gentlemen to retain
their order or badge of the society, it will be conceived by the public, that the
order (which except in its perpetuity still appears in the same terrific array as at
first) is a feather we cannot consent to pluck from ourselves, though we have
taken it from our descendants. If we assign the reasons, we might, I presume,
as well discontinue the orders."
Many of these suggested alterations were made and a circular letter to the
State Societies, dated 15 May, 1784, was prepared by John Dickinson, of Penn
sylvania, Col. Henry Lee, of Virginia, and Col. David Humphreys, of New
York, setting forth the changes. It was signed by Washington as President.
"The elections for this year have proved the readiness of the citizens to
incorporate the military with the civil. I have heard of the success of some

390 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
past labors, the difficulties through which we have
waded, and the happy haven to which the ship has
been brought. Is It possible, after this, that it should
founder ? Will not the All-wise and All-powerful Di
rector of human events preserve it ? I think he will.
He may, however, (forsome wise purpose of his own,)
suffer our indiscretions and folly to place our national
character low In the political scale ; and this, unless
more wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in our
government, will most certainly happen.
Believe me, my dear Sir, there is no disparity in
our ways of thinking and acting, though there may
happen to be a little In the years we have lived, which
places the advantage of the correspondence on my
side, as I shall benefit by your experience and obser
vations ; and that no correspondence can be more
pleasing to me than that, which originates from simi
lar sentiments and similar conduct through (though
not a long war, the importance of it and attainments
considered,) a painful contest. I pray you, therefore,
to continue me among the number of your friends,
military candidates in different counties, and of the rejection of one only.
This repudiation was effected by Burk's pamphlet against the Cincinnati ; which
had circulated very widely through the southern parts of Virginia and par
ticularly Mecklenberg. Perhaps the indisposirion of the people towards the
society in general was much heightened when applied to Col. Hopkins, the
candidate who miscarried, by a report that he was deputy to the convention
shortly to be holden in Philadelphia. How far General W[ashington] patron
izes the association, is, as yet, an impenetrable secret. It has, however, been
said for him, that in his opinion, neither Burk, nor the author who answered
him, understood the principles of the m%\.\\.\xt\on:'— Randolph to Jefferson, 24
April, 1784.
" I am perfectly convinced, that, if the first insritution of this Society had
not been parted with, ere this we should have had the country in an uproar,

1784]' GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391
and to favor me with such observations and sentiments
as may occur.
As my good friend. Colonel Trumbull, is perfectly
acquainted with the proceedings of the meeting, which
brought us together, our embarrassments and final
decision, I will refer the detail of them to him. With
the most perfect esteem and regard, I have the honor
td be, &c.* TO RUFUS PUTNAM.
Dear Sir, mount vernon, 2 June, 1784.
I could not answer your favor of the 5th ulto., from
Phila., because Genl. Knox having mislaid, only pre
sented the letter to me, in the moment of my depar
ture from that place. The sentiments of esteem and
friendship which breathe in it, are exceedingly pleas
ing and flattering to me — and you may rest assured
they are reciprocal.
I wish it was In my power to give you a more favor
able account of the officers' petition for Lands on the
Ohio and its waters, than I am about to do. — After
this, and Information respecting the establishment for
and a line of separadon drawn between this Society and their fellow-citizens.
The alterations, which look place at the last general meeting, have quieted the
clamors, which in many of the States were rising to a great height ; but I have
not heard yet of the incorporation of any Society by the State to which it
belongs, which is an evidence, in my mind, that the jealousies of the people
are rather asleep than removed on this occasion." — Washington to St. Clair,
31 August, 1785.
' It was Washington's wish to go from Philadelphia to the Falls of Niagara,
and into Canada. " Two causes prevent it. My private concerns are of such a
nature, that it is morally impossible for me to be absent long from home at this
juncture. . . . The other is, that I am not disposed to be indebted for my
passport to Niagara to the courtesy of the British, who are still I believe possessed
of our western posts." — Washington to Schuyler, 15 May, 1784.

392 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
Peace, were my enquiries solely directed, as I passed
thro' Annapolis on my way to Philadelphia, — but I
could not learn that any thing decisive had been done
in either. On the latter Congress are differing about
their powers, but as they have accepted of the cession
from Virginia, and have resolved to lay off ten new
States bounded by latitudes and longitudes, it should
be supposed that they will determine something re
specting the former before they adjourn, and yet I very
much question It, as the latter event Is to happen on
the third of next month.
As the Congress, who are to meet in November
next by adjournment, will be composed from a new
choice of Delegates In each State, it Is not in my power
at this time, to direct you to a proper correspondence
in that body. I wish I could, for persuaded I am,
that to some such causes as you have assigned maybe
ascribed the delay which the petition has encountered ;
— for surely, if justice and gratitude to the Officers,
and th.^ general "^oXxcy of the Union, were to govern
in this case, there would not be the smallest interrup
tion In granting their request. I really feel for those
Gentlemen who, by these unaccountable (by any other
means than those which you have suggested) delays,
are held In such an awkward and disagreeable state
of suspence ; and wish my endeavors could remove
the obstacles. At Princeton (before Congress left
that place) I exerted every power I was master of,
and dwelt upon the arguments you have used to shew
the propriety of a speedy decision. Every member
with whom I conversed acquiesced In the justice of

1784! GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393

the petition ; all yielded, or seemed to yield to the
policy of it, but plead the want of cession ofthe Land
to act upon. — This is made, and accepted, and yet
matters (as far as they have come to my knowledge)
remain in statu quo. — -
I am endeavoring to do something with the Lands
I now hold, and have had In that Country these twelve
or fourteen years. The enclosed contains the terms
upon which I propose to lease them. I am not
sanguine in obtaining Tenants on them in this country;
and yet on leases renewable forever — or for the term
of 999 years. I will not (considering the peculiar
situation and advantages of these Lands) take less.
For a short time I care little about the rent, because,
knowing the value and convenience of the Land, I
am certain that the improvements which are to be
made thereon, will enable me thereafter to command
my own terms. If you think the promulgation of
them can be of service to others, or myself, it Is optional
with you to do it. With very sincere &c.

TO JAMES MADISON. Mount Vernon, 12 June, 1784.
Sir, Can nothing be done in our Assembly for poor
Paine ? Must the merits and services of Common Sense
continue to glide down the stream of time unrewarded
by this country ? His writings certainly have had a
powerful effect upon the public mind. Ought they
not, then, to meet an adequate return ? He is poor,

394

THE WRITINGS OF [1784

he Is chagrined, and almost, if not altogether, in
despair of relief. New York, not the least distressed,
nor best able State in the Union, has done something
for him. This kind of provision he prefers to an allow
ance from Congress. He has reasons for It, which
to him are conclusive ; and such, I think, as may be
approved by others. His views are moderate ; a
decent independency is, I believe, all he aims at.
Ought he to be disappointed of this ? If you think
otherwise, I am sure you will not only move the mat
ter, but give it your support. For me, It only remains
to feel for his situation ; and to assure you of the sin
cere esteem and regard, with which I have the honor
to be, dear Sir, &c.'
' Similar letters were written to Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee.
The subject was brought before the legislature of Virginia, and it was proposed
to give Mr. Paine a moiety of a tract of land on the eastern shore of the Chesa
peake Bay.
' ' The easy reception it found, induced the friends of the measure to add the
other moiety to the proposition, which would have raised the market value of
the donation to about four thousand pounds, or upwards, though it would not
probably have commanded a rent of more than one hundred pounds per annum.
In this form the bill passed through two readings. The third reading proved,
that the tide had suddenly changed, for the bill was thrown out by a large ma
jority. An attempt was next made to sell the land in question, and apply two
thousand pounds of the money to the purchase of a farm for Mr. Paine. This was
lost by a single voice. Whether a greater disposition to reward patriotic and
distinguished exertions of genius will be found on any succeeding occasion, is
not for meto predetermine. Shouldit finally appear, that the merits of the man,
whose writings have so much contributed to enforce and foster the spirit of
independence in the people of America, are unable to inspire them with a just
beneficence, the world, it is to be feared, will give us as little credit for our
policy as for our gratitude in this particular." — Madison's Letter, July 2d.
Mr. Lee wrote that he was not present when the proposition was brought
forward. " I have been told," said he, "that it miscarried from its being
observed, that he had shown enmity to this State by having written a pamphlet
injurious to our claim of western territory. It has ever appeared to me, that
this pamphlet was the consequence of Mr. Paine's being himself imposed upon,

,784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 395

TO DR. JAMES CRAIK.
Mount Vernon, 10 July, 1784.
Dear Doctor,
I have come to a resolution, (if not prevented by
any thing at present unforeseen,) to take a trip to the
western country this fall, and for that purpose to
leave home the first of September. By appointment
I am to be at the Warm Springs the 7th of that
month; and at Gilbert Simpson's the 15th, where,
having my partnership accounts, with some of very
longstanding, to settle, and things to provide for the
trip to the Kanhawa, I expect to be by the loth or
nth, that is, four or five days before the 15th. It is
and that it was rather the fault of the place than the man." — July 22d. Arthur
Lee was most responsible for the failure of the measure, for he was active in
cultivating a prejudice against Paine. This was somewhat ungracious, as
Paine had befriended Lee in his controversy with Deane.
The pamphlet here alluded to was enAAei., Public Good ; being an Exami
nation into the Claim of Virginia to the vacant Western Territory, and of the
Right of the United States to the same ; ijSo.
In the order of dates we may here introduce the following resolution, passed
by the legislature of Virginia on the 22d of June.
" Resolved, that the Executive be requested to take measures for procuring
a statue of General Washington to be of the finest marble, and best workman
ship, with the following inscription on its pedestal :
" ' The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia have caused
this statue to be erected as a Monument of Affection and Gratitude to George
Washington, who, uniting to the Endowments of the Hero the Virtues of the
Patriot, and exerting both in establishing the Liberties of his Country, has ren
dered his Name dear to his Fellow Citizens, and given the World an immortal
Example of true Glory.' "
This statue was executed by Houdon, who was employed by Mr. Jefferson,
at the request of the governor of Virginia, and who came to America in the
summer of 1785 for the express purpose of taking an exact cast of General
Washington's features and person. He returned to Paris and finished his
work in that place. The statue has always been considered as exhibiting a
remarkable resemblance of the original. It is placed in the State-House at
Richmond. — Sparks.

396 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
possible, though of this I cannot be certain at this
time, that I shall, if I find it necessary to lay my lands
off In lots, make a day or two's delay at each of my
tracts upon the Ohio, before I reach the Kanhawa,
where my stay will be the longest, and more or less
according to circumstances.
I mention all these matters, that you may be fully
apprized of my plan, and the time it may probably
take to accomplish it. If, under this information, it
would suit you to go with me, I should be very glad
of your company. No other except my nephew,
Bushrod Washington, and that is uncertain, will be of
the party ; because It can be no amusement to others
to follow me in a tour of business, and from one of my
tracts of land to another ; (for I am not going to ex
plore the country, nor am I in search of fresh lands,
but to secure what I have ;) nor would it suit me to
be embarrassed by the plans, movements, or whims of
others, or even to have my own made unwieldy. For
this reason I shall continue to decline all overtures,
which may be made to accompany me. Your busi
ness and mine lays in the same part of the country, and
are of a similar nature ; the only difference is, that
mine may be longer In the execution. If you go, you
will have occasion to take nothing from hence, but a
servant to look after your horses, and such bedding
as you may think proper at make use of. I will carry
a marquee, some camp utensils, and a few stores. A
boat, or some other kind of vessel, will be provided
for the voyage down the river, either to my place on
the Youghiogany, or Fort Pitt, measures for this pur-

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397
pose having been already taken; A few medicines, and
hooks and lines, you may probably want. My com
pliments and best wishes, in which Mrs. Washing
ton joins, are offered to Mrs. Craik and your family,
and I am, with sincere esteem and friendship, dear
Sir, yours, &c.'

TO CLEMENT BIDDLE.
Mount Vernon, 28 July, 1784.
Dear Sir,
The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me
all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of
his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was
' The General Assembly of Virginia, on the 22d of June, voted an address to
General Washington. A joint committee, appointed for the purpose by the
two Houses, waited on him a few days afterwards at Mount Vernon, and
presented to him the address in behalf of the Assembly to which, on the 15th
of July, he made the following reply :
" With feelings, which are more easy to be conceived than expressed, I meet
and reciprocate the congratulations of the representatives of this commonwealth
on the final establishment of peace.
" Nothing can add more to the pleasure, which arises from a conscious
discharge of public trust, than the approbation of one's country. To have been
so happy, under a vicissitude of fortune, amidst the difficult and trying scenes
of an arduous conflict, as to meet this, is, in my mind, to have attained the
highest honor ; and the consideration of it, in my present peaceful retirement,
will heighten all my domestic joys, and constitute my greatest felicity.
" I should have been truly wanting in duty, and must have frustrated the
great and important object for which we resorted to arms, if, seduced by a tempo
rary regard for fame, I had suffered the paltry love of it to interfere with my coun
try's welfare ; the interest of which was the only inducement, which carried me
into the field, or permitted the sacred rights of civil authority, though but for
a moment, to be violated and infringed by a power, meant originally to rescue
and confirm them.
" For those rewards and blessings, which you have invoked for me in this
world, and for the fruition of that happiness, which you pray for in that which
is to come, you have, Gentlemen, all my thanks and all my gratitude. I wish
I could ensure them to you, and the State you represent, a hundred fold."

398 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
also of my family. She has been In an infirm condi
tion for some time, and I had conceived that the con
nexion between them had ceased : but I am mistaken
it seems they are both applying to get her here, and
tho' I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse
his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable
terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years.
After premising thus much, I have to beg the favor
of you to procure her a passage to Alexanda., either
by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage boat from the
head of Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best,
and her situation will admit ; — the cost of either I will
pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas, alllas Lee
(the name by which he calls himself). She lives In
Phllada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile — black people,
who are often employ'd by families In the city as cooks.
I am &c.'

TO JACOB READ.^
Dear Sir mount Vernon, n August, 1784.
I return the letter you were so obliging as to send
me, and thank you for the perusal of it. No copy
has been taken ; nor will any part of Its contents
transpire from me.
Although Mr. L  's informant may have the
means of acquiring knowledge, and though it is un
doubted that the British cabinet wish to recover the
United States to a dependence on that government,
¦ This William was "Billy," purchased by Washington of Mary Lee in 1768,
for £b'i 15 s. He was the servant mentioned in the preface to the forged letters
of 1776.
' A delegate in Congress from South Carolina.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399
yet I can scarce think they ever expect to see it realized,
or that they have any plan In contemplation to try to
effect it ; unless our want of wisdom, and perseverance
in error, should in their judgment render the attempt
certain. The affairs of Ireland, if our accounts from
thence are to be relied on, are in too turbulent a state
to suffer Great Britain to enter very soon into another
quarrel with America, even If her finances were on a
more respectable footing, than I believe them to be ;
and her prospect of .success must diminish as our
population Increases, and the government becomes
more consistent ; without the last of which, indeed,
any thing may be apprehended. It is, however, as
necessary for the sovereign in council, as It Is for the
general In the field, not to despise information, but to
hear all, compare all, combine them with other cir
cumstances and take measures accordingly. Nothing,
I confess, would sooner induce me to give credit to a
hostile intention on the part of Great Britain, than
their continuing, (without the shadow of reason for I
really see none,) to withhold the western posts on the
American side the line from us, and sending, as the
gazettes say is their intention. Sir Guy Carleton over
as Viceroy to their possessions in America, which are
to undergo a new organization.
The opinion I have here given, you will readily
perceive is founded upon the Ideas I entertain of the
temper of Ireland, the imbecility of Great Britain, and
her internal divisions ; for with pain I add, that I think
our affairs are under wretched management, and that
our conduct, if Great Britain was in circumstances to
take advantage of it, would bid her hope every thing.

400 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
while other powers might expect little from the wis
dom or exertion of these States.
I thank you for your proffered services to the east
ward. I have nothing to trouble you with, but wish
ing you may find the air of Rhode Island salubrious
and beneficial to your mother, I have the honor to
be, with great esteem, &c.

TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.
My dear Count, ^^°^^'^ y^-^^o^, 20 August, 1784.
I thank you for your favor of the i6th of June by
the Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived here three
days ago ; and for your other letter ofthe 4th of May,
which also came safe.^ Permit me to offer you my
sincere congratulations on your appointment to the
government of Picardy. It is an honorable testimony
of the approbation of your Prince, and a just reward
for your services and merit. Should fortune ever put
it into my power to come to France, your being at
Calais would be an Irresistible Inducement for me to
make It a visit.
My letters from Philadelphia, public and private,
would give you a full account of every matter and
thing respecting the Society of the Cincinnati, and
upon what footing all claims to the order were there
after to be decided. To these referring, I shall save
you the trouble of reading a repetition. Consider-
' Lafayette arrived at New York on the 4th of August, after a passage of
thirty-four days from France. He remained a short time in New York, to re
ceive the congratulations of the citizens, and also in Philadelphia, and then
hastened forward to Mount Vernon, which place he reached on the 17th.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 401
ing how recently the King of Sweden has changed
the form of government of that country, it is not so
much to be wondered at, that \i\?, fears should get the
better of his liberality, at any thing which might have
the semblance of republicanism ; but when It is fur
ther considered, how few of his nation had, or could
have a right to the order, I think he might have suf
fered his complaisance to overcome them.^
I will not trouble you with a long letter at this time,
because I have nothing worthy of communication.
Mrs. Washington, always pleased with your recollec
tion of her, and glad to hear of your health, prays you
to accept her compliments and best wishes. Mine
are always sincere and offered (though unknown) to
Madame de Rochambeau, the Viscount your son, and
any of the officers of the army you commanded in
America, whom you may see, and with whom I have
the honor of an acquaintance. With great esteem
and regard, I am, dear Sir, &c.^
' The King of Sweden had declined permitting the officers in the French
army, who were his subjects, and who had been in America, to wear the order
of the Cincinnati, on the ground that the institution had a republican tendency
not suited to his government.
' General Washington left Mount Vernon on the ist of September, on his
tour to the western country, and was absent till the 4th of October, when he
again reached hogie. The results of his observations during his tour will be
found in his letter to Governor Harrison, which follows in the text.
It was his original purpose to go down the Ohio as far as the Great Kanawha,
but he changed his design after arriving at the Monongahela, where he was
informed of the disquietude of the Indians.
This tour was performed on horseback, and the whole distance travelled was
six hundred and eighty miles. He crossed the mountains by the usual route of
Braddock's Road, but returned through the wild and unsettled country, which
is watered by the different branches of the Cheat River, and came into the
Shenandoah VaUey near Staunton. He kept a journal, in which were minutely
recorded his conversations with every intelligent person whom he met, respect-
26

402 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
CERTIFICATE TO MR. JAMES RUMSEY.'
I have seen the model of Mr. Rumsey's Boats con
structed to work against stream ; have examined the
power upon which it acts ; — have been an eye witness
to an actual experiment in running water of some
rapidity ; & do give it as my opinion (altho' I had lit
tle faith before) that he has discovered the Art of
propelling Boats, by mechanism & small manual as
sistance, against rapid currents ;— that the discovery
is of vast importance — may be of the greatest useful
ness In our inland navigation — &, If It succeeds, of
which I have no doubt, that the value of it Is greatly
enhanced by the simplicity of the works, which when
seen & explained to, might be executed by the most
common mechanics. —
Given under my hand at the town of Bath, County
of Berkeley In the State of Virga. this 7th day of
September, 1784.

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
Mount Vernon, 10 October, 1784.'
Dear Sir,
Upon my return from the western country a few
days ago, I had the pleasure to receive your favor of
the 1 7th ultimo. It has always been my intention to
ing the facilities for internal navigation afforded by the rivers which have their
sources among the Alleghany Mountains, and flow thence either to the east or
the west.
• Rumsey was at this time associated with Robert Throckmorton in keeping
"a very commodious boarding-house at the sign of the Liberty Pole and
Flag," Berkeley Springs. — Maryland Gazette, 13 June, 1784.
= Washington wrote letters to George Plater, of Maryland (25 October), and
Jacob Read, of South Carolina (3 November), upon the same subject, and in much

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 403

pay my respects to you, before the chance of another
early and hard winter should make a warm fireside
too comfortable to be relinquished. And I shall feel
an additional pleasure in offering this tribute of
friendship and respect to you, by having the company
of the Marquis de Lafayette, when he shall have re
visited this place from his eastern tour, now every day
to be expected.
I shall take the liberty now, my dear Sir, to sug
gest a matter, which would (if I am not too short
sighted a politician) mark your administration as an
important era in the annals of this country. If It should
be recommended by you and adopted by the Assembly.
It has long been my decided opinion, that the short
est, easiest, and least expensive communication with
the invaluable and extensive country back of us would
be by one or both of the rivers of this State, which
have their sources In the Apalachian mountains. Nor
am I singular in this opinion. Evans, In his Map and
Analysis of the Middle Colonies, which, considering
the early period at which they were given to the public,
are done with amazing exactness, and Hutchins since,
in his Topographical Description of the western coun-
the same language. I have noted a few variations and additions of interest,
and printed in the proper place the views expressed to Read on other matters.
" My tour to the westward was less extensive than I intended. The Indians,
from accounts, were in too dissatisfied a mood forme to expose myself to their
insults, as I had no object in contemplation, which could warrant any risk.
My property in that country having previously undergone every kind of attack
and diminution, which the nature of it could admit, to see the condition of my
lands, which were nearest and settled, and to dispose of those, which were
more remote and unsettled, was all I had in view. The first I accomplished ;
the other I could not ; and I returned three weeks sooner than I expected." —
From his letter to Jacob Read.

404 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
try, (a good part of which Is from actual surveys,) are
decidedly of the same sentiments ; as Indeed are all
others, who have had opportunities, and have been at
the pains, to Investigate and consider the subject.'
But that this may not now stand as mere matter of
opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts (such at
least as the best maps now extant, compared with the
oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course
of the war have enabled me to obtain), I shall give
you the different routs and distances from Detroit,
by which all the trade of the northwestern parts of
the united territory must pass ; unless the Spaniards,
contrary to their present policy, should engage part
of it, or the British should attempt to force nature, by
carrying the trade of the Upper Lakes by the River
Utawas Into Canada, which I scarcely think they will
or could effect.^ Taking Detroit then (which is putting
ourselves in as unfavorable a point of view as we can
be well placed, because it is upon the line of the Brit
ish territory,) as a point by which, as I have already
observed, all that part of the trade must come, it ap
pears from the statement enclosed, that the tide waters
of this State are nearer to it by one hundred and
sixty-eight miles, than that of the River St. Lawrence ;
' " To describe the usefulness of water transportation would be a mere waste
of time ; every man who has considered the difference of expence between it
aud land transportation, and the prodigious saving in the article of draft cattle,
requires no argument in proof of it. And to point out the advantages which
the back inhabitants of Virginia and Maryland would derive from an extension
of the inland navigation of the river Potomack, even supposing our views did
not extend beyond the Appalachian mountains, would be equally nugatory."—
From his letter to Plater.
' " As the Lakes are as open to our traders as theirs, and the way easier."
From his letter to Plater.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 405
or than that of the Hudson at Albany, by one hundred
and seventy-six miles.
Maryland stands upon similar ground with Virginia.
Pennsylvania, although the Susquehanna is an un
friendly water, much impeded. It is said, with rocks
and rapids, and nowhere communicating with those,
which lead to her capital, has it in contemplation to
open a communication between Toby's Creek, which
empties into the Allegany River ninety-five miles
above Fort Pitt, and the west branch of Susquehanna,
and to cut a canal between the waters of the latter and
the Schuylkill ; the expense of which is easier to be
conceived, than estimated or described by me. A
people, however, who are possessed of the spirit of
commerce, who see and who will pursue their advan
tages, may achieve almost any thing. In the mean
time, under the uncertainty of these undertakings,
they are smoothing the roads and paving the ways for
the trade of that western world. That New York will
do the same so soon as the British garrisons are re
moved, which are at present insurmountable obstacles
in their way, no person, who knows the temper, genius,
and policy of those people as well as I do, can harbor
the smallest doubt*
' " Any more than they will of the difficulty of diverting trade after connec
tions are once formed, and it has followed for any length of rime in one channel,
to that of another. I am not for discouraging the exertion of any State to draw
the commerce of the western country to its sea ports. The more communica
tions are opened to it, the closer we bind that rising world (for indeed it may be
so called) to our interests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those
to whom nature affords the best communication will, if they are wise and politic,
enjoy the greatest share of the trade. All I would be understood to mean,
therefore, is that the gifts of Providence may not be neglected or slighted." —
From his letter to Plater.

4o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
Thus much with respect to rival States. Let me
now take a short view of our own ; and, being aware
of the objections which are In the way, I will, in order
to contrast them, enumerate them with the advantages.
The first and principal one is, the unfortunate jeal
ousy, which ever has, and it is to be feared ever will
prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an
advantage over the other parts, (as If the benefits of
the trade were not diffusive and beneficial to all). Then
follows a train of difficulties, namely, that our people
are already heavily taxed ; that we have no money ;
that the advantages of this trade are remote ; that the
most direct route for it is through other States, over
whom we have no control ; that the routes over which
we have control are as distant as either of those
which lead to Philadelphia, Albany, or Montreal ; that
a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the
citizens of this commonwealth ; and that we are in fact
doing for others, what they ought to do for themseles.
Without going into the investigation of a question,
which has employed the pens of able politicians, name
ly, whether trade with foreigners is an advantage or
disadvantage to a country, this State, as a part of the
confederated States, all of whom have the spirit of it
very strongly working within them, must adopt It, or
submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving
Its benefits. Common policy, therefore, points clearly
and strongly to the propriety of our enjoying all the
advantages, which nature and our local situation afford
us ; and evinces clearly, that, unless this spirit could
be totally eradicated in other States as well as in this.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 407
and every man be made to become either a cultivator
of the land or a manufacturer of such articles as are
prompted by necessity, such stimulus should be em
ployed as will force this spirit, by showing to our
countrymen the superior advantages we possess be
yond others, and the importance of being upon a
footing with our neighbors.
If this is fair reasoning. It ought to follow as a con
sequence, that we should do our part towards opening
the communication with the fur and peltry trade of the
Lakes, and for the produce of the country which lies
within, and which will, so soon as matters are settled
with the Indians, and the terms on which Congress
mean to dispose of the land, found to be favorable, are
announced, be settled faster than any other ever did,
or any one would imagine. This, then, when consid
ered in an interested point of view, is alone sufficient
to excite our endeavors. But In my opinion there is
a political consideration for so doing, which is of still
greater importance.
I need not remark to you. Sir, that the flanks and
rear of the United States are possessed by other
powers, and formidable ones too ; nor how necessary
it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts
of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially
that part of it, which lies Immediately west of us, with
the middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should
we have upon those people? How entirely uncon
nected with them shall we be, and what troubles may
we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and
Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stum-

7///i WRITINGS OF [1784

blirij'-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold
out lures for their trade and alliance ? What, when
they get strength, which will be sooner than most peo
ple conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who
will have no particular predilection towards us, as well
as from the removal of our own citizens), will be the
consequence of their having formed close connexions
with both or either of those powers. In a commercial
way ? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy
to foretell.
The western settlers (I speak now from my own
observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The
touch of a feather would turn them any way. They
have looked down the Mississippi, until the Span
iards, very impoliticly I think for themselves, threw
difficulties In their way ; and they looked that
way for no other reason, than because they could
glide gently down the stream ; without considering,
perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again,
and the time necessary to perform it in ; and because
they have no other means of coming to us but by
long land transportations and unimproved roads.'
These causes have hitherto checked the industry of
' In May, 1782, one Voder floated down the Mississippi, sold his goods, and
returned to the Falls of Ohio by way of Havanna, Philadelphia, and Pittsburg.
— Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II., 212.
LafiiycUc, upon the eve of embarking, wrote to Madison: " I have much
(¦iiiifcrrcil with the General upon the Potomac system. Many people think the
niivigaticin of the Mississippi is not an advantage, but it may be the excess of
a very good thing, viz : the opening of your rivers. I fancy it has not changed
yciui- iipinion, but beg you will write me on the subject ; in the meanwhile I
hope ('ont;rcss will act coolly and prudently by Spain, who is such a fool that
allowances .should be made." Madison could " not believe that many minds
are tiiinleil with so illiberal and short sighted a policy," and replied at length
mi Miirch 20th, 1785. — Writings of Madison, 136.

1784I GEORGE WASHINGTON. 409
the present settlers ; for, except the demand for pro
visions, occasioned by the increase of population, and
a little flour, which the necessities of the Spaniards
compel them to buy, they have no incitements to
labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the
way for them, and then see what an influx of articles
will be poured upon us ; how amazingly our exports
will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be
compensated for any trouble and expense we may
encounter to effect it.
A combination of circumstances makes the present
conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any
other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The
jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on
one hand, and the private views of some individuals,
coinciding with the general policy of the court of
Great Britain on the other, to retain as long as pos
sible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, &c.,
(which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is
certainly an infraction of the spirit of It, and injuri
ous to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest
advantage by this State, If she would open the ave
nues to the trade of that country, and embrace the
present moment to establish it. It only wants a be
ginning. The western inhabitants would do their
part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they
would meet us at least half way, rather than be
driven into the arms of or be made dependent upon
foreigners ; which would eventually either bring on
a separation of them from us, or a war between the
United States and one or the other of those powers,
most probably with the Spaniards.

4IO THE WRITINGS OF [1784
The preliminary steps to the attainment of this
great object would be attended with very little ex
pense, and might at the same time that it served to
attract the attention of the western country, and to
convince the wavering inhabitants of our disposition
to connect ourselves with them, and to facilitate their
commerce with us, be a mean of removing those jeal
ousies, which Otherwise might take place among
ourselves. These, in my opinion, are to appoint commission
ers, who, from their situation, integrity, and abilities,
can be under no suspicion of prejudice or predilection
to one part more than to another. Let these com
missioners make an actual survey of James River and
Potomac from tide-water to their respective sources ;
note with great accuracy the kind of navigation and
the obstructions In it, the difficulty and expense at
tending the removal of these obstructions, the dis
tances from place to place through their whole
extent, and the nearest and best portages between
these waters and the streams capable of improvement,
which run Into the Ohio ; traverse these in like man
ner to their junction with the Ohio, and with equal ac
curacy. The navigation of this river (i. e., the Ohio)
being well known, they will have less to do in the ex
amination of It ; but, nevertheless, let the courses and
distances be taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, and
up that river (notwithstanding It is in the ceded lands)
to the carrying-place to the Cayahoga ; down the
Cayahogato Lake Erie; and thence to Detroit. Let
them do the same with Big Beaver Creek, although

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 411
part of it is in the State of Pennsylvania ; and with
the Scioto also. Ina word, let the waters east and
west of the Ohio, which invite our notice by their
proximity, and by the ease with which land trans
portation may be had between them and the Lakes
on one side, and the Rivers Potomac and James on
the other, be explored, accurately delineated, and a
correct and connected map of the whole be presented
to the public. These things being done, I shall be
mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy
to candor, and, finally, if reason and nature, thus aided,
will not dictate what is right and proper to be done.
In the mean while. If it should be thought that the
lapse of time, which Is necessary to effect this work,
may be attended with injurious consequences, could
not there be a sum of money granted towards open
ing the best, or, if it should be deemed more eligible,
two of the nearest communications (one to the north
ward and another to the southward) with the settle
ments to the westward ; and an act be passed. If there
should not appear a manifest disposition in the As
sembly to make it a public undertaking, to incorporate
and encourage private adventurers, if any should asso
ciate and solicit the same, for the purpose of extending
the navigation of the Potomac or James River; and,
in the former case, to request the concurrence of
Maryland in the measure ? It will appear from my
statement of the different routes (and, as far as my
means of information have extended, I have done it
with the utmost candor), that all the produce of the
settlements about Fort Pitt can be brought to Alexan-

412 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
dria by the Youghiogany in three hundred and four
miles, whereof only thirty-one is land transportation ;
and by the Monongahela and Cheat Rivers in three
hundred and sixty miles, twenty of which only are land
carriage. Whereas the common road from Fort Pitt
to Philadelphia is three hundred and twenty miles, all
land transportation ; or four hundred and seventy-six
miles, if the Ohio, Toby's Creek, Susquehanna, and
Schuylkill are made use of for this purpose. How
much of this is by land, I know not ; but, from the
nature of the country, it must be very considerable.
How much the Interest and feelings of people thus
circumstanced would be engaged to promote it, re
quires no illustration.
For my own part, I think it highly probable, that,
upon the strictest scrutiny, if the Falls of the Great
Kanhawa can be made navigable, or a short portage
be had there, it will be found of equal importance and
convenience to improve the navigation of both the
James and Potomac. The latter, I am fully persuaded,
affords the nearest communication with the Lakes;
but James River may be more convenient for all the
settlers below the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, and
for some distance perhaps above and west of It ; for
I have no expectation, that any part of the trade above
the Falls of the Ohio will go down that river and the
Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever come
up them, unless our want of foresight and good man
agement is the occasion of it. Or, upon trial, if it
should be found that these rivers, from the before-
mentioned Falls, will admit the descent of sea-vessels,

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 413
in which case, and the navigation of the former's be
coming free, it is probable that both vessels and car
goes will be carried to foreign markets and sold ; but
the returns for them will never in the natural course
of things ascend the long and rapid current of that
river, which with the Ohio to the Falls, In their mean
derings. Is little if any short of two thousand miles.
Upon the whole, the object In my estimation is of vast
commercial and political importance. In these lights
I think posterity will consider It, and regret, (if our
conduct should give them cause,) that the present
favorable moment to secure so great a blessing for
them was neglected.
One thing more remains, which I had like to have
forgot, and that is, the supposed difficulty of obtain
ing a passage through the State of Pennsylvania. H ow
an application to its legislature would be relished, in
the first instance, I will not undertake to decide ; but
of one thing I am almost certain, such an application
would place that body in a very delicate situation.
There Is in the State of Pennsylvania at least one
hundred thousand souls west of Laurel Hill, who
are groaning under the inconveniences of a long land
transportation. They are wishing. Indeed they are
looking, for the improvement and extension of inland
navigation ; and. If this cannot be made easy for them
to Philadelphia (at any rate it must be lengthy), they
will seek a mart elsewhere ; the consequence of which
would be, that the State, though contrary to the in
terests of its sea-ports, must submit to the loss of so
much of its trade, or hazard not only the loss of the

414 THE WRITINGS OF [1784

trade but the loss of the settlement also ; for an oppo- 
sition on the part of government to the extension of
water transportation, so consonant with the essential
interests of a large body of people, or any extraordi
nary Impositions upon the exports or imports to or
from another State, would ultimately bring on a sepa
ration between its eastern and western settlements ;
towards which there is not wanting a disposition at
this moment in that part of it beyond the mountains. I
consider Rumsey's discovery for working boats against
stream, by^ mechanical powers (principally), as not
only a very fortunate invention for these States in
general, but as one of those circumstances, which have
combined to render the present epocha favorable
above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail
ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the
western country in the bosom of this State irrevocably.
Long as this letter is, I intended to have written a
fuller and more digested one, upon this important sub
ject ; but have met with so many interruptions since
my return home, as almost to have precluded my writ
ing at all. What I now give is crude ; but if you are
In sentiment with me, I have said enough ; If there is
not an accordance of opinion, I have said too much ;
and all I pray In the latter case Is, that you will do me
the justice to believe my motives are pure, however
erroneous my judgment may be in this matter, and
that I am, with the most perfect esteem and friendship.
Dear Sir, yours, &c.*
'Governor Harrison replied: " I was in great hopes of seeing you here
before this, that I might acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the loth of

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 415
TO JACOB READ.
Mount Vernon, 3 November, 1784.
Sir * * * What may be the result of the Indian treaty
I know not ; equally unacquainted am I with the in
structions or powers given to the Commissioners : —

last month in person, and tell you how much I approve of your plan for open
ing the navigation of the western waters. The letter was so much more explicit
than I could be, that I took the liberty to lay it before the Assembly, who
appear so impressed with the utility of the measure, that I dare say they will
order the survey you propose immediately, and will at their next sitting proceed
to carry the plan into execution." — Richmond, November 13th.
When Washington went to Richmond to meet the Marquis de Lafayette, 15
November, 1784, he conferred with some members of the Assembly on the
subject, and then accompanied the Marquis to Annapolis. To Madison and
Joseph Jones he wrote from Mount Vernon on the 28th : " In one word, it
should seem to me, that if the public cannot take it up with efficient funds, and
without those delays which might be involved by a limping conduct, it had
better be placed in the hands of a corporate company."
Madison has fully recorded the subsequent steps, in a letter to Jefferson, dated
9 January, 1785':
" Shortly after his [Washington's] departure, a joint memorial from a num
ber of Citizens of Virginia and Maryland, interested in the Potomac, was
presented to the Assembly, stating the practicability and importance of the
work, and praying for an act of incorporation, and grant of perpetual toll
to the undertaking of it. A bill had been prepared at the same meeting which
produced the memorial, and was transmitted to Richmond at the same time.
A hke memorial and bill went to Annapolis, where the Legislature of
Maryland was sitting.
" The Assembly here lent a ready ear to the project ; but a difficulty arose
from the height of the toUs proposed, the danger of destroying the uniformity
essential in the proceedings of the two States by altering them, and the scarcity
of time for negociating with Maryland a bill satisfactory to both States. Short
as the time was, however, the attempt was decided on, and the negociation com
mitted to General Washington himself. General Gates, who happened to be in
the way, and Col. Blackburn, were associated with him. The latter did not
act ; the two former pushed immediately to Annapolis, where the sickness of
General Gates threw the whole agency on General Washington. By his exer
tions, in concert with Committees of the two branches of the Legislature, an
amendment of the plan was digested in a few days, passed through both houses
in one day, with nine dissenting voices only, and dispatched for Richmond,

4i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
but if a large cession of territory is expected from
them, a disappointment I think will ensue ; for the
Indians, I have been told, will not yield to the pro
posal. Nor can I see wherein lies the advantages of
it, if they would at a first purchase, unless a number
of States, tho' thinly inhabited would be more than a
counterpoize in \S\q. political scale, for progressive and
compact settlements. Such is the rage for speculat-

where it arrrived just in time for the close of the Session. A corresponding act
was immediately introduced, and passed without opposition.
" The scheme declares that the subscribers shall be an incorporated body;
that there shall be 500 shares, amounting to about 220,000 dollars, of which the
States of Virginia and Maryland are each to take 50 shares ; that the tolls shall
be collected in three portions, at the three principal falls, and with the works
vest as real estate in the members of the Company ; and that the works shall he
begun within one year and finished within ten years, under the penalty of entire
forfeiture. ' ' Previous to the receipt of the act from Annapolis, a bill on a different plan
had been brought in and proceeded on for clearing James River. It proposed
that the subscriptions should be taken by Trustees, and, under their manage
ment, solemnly appropriated to the object in view ; that they should be
regarded as a loan to the State, should bear an interest of 10 per cent and
should entitle the subscriber to the double of the principal remaining undis
charged at the end of a moderate period ; and that the tolls to be collected shall
stand inviolably pledged for both principal and interest. It was thought better
for the public to present this exuberant harvest to the subscribers than to grant
them a perpetuity in the tolls. In the case of the Potomac, which depended
on another authority as well as our own, we were less at liberty to consider
what would be best in itself. Exuberant, however, as the harvest appeared, it
was pronounced by good judges an inadequate bait for subscriptions, even from
those otherwise interested in the work, and on the arrival and acceptance of the
Potomac plan, it was found advisable to pass a similar one in favor of James
River. The circumstantial variarions in the latter are : I. The sum to be
aimed at in the first instance is 100,000 Dollars only. 2. The shares, which
are the same in number with those of Potomac, are reduced to 200 DoUare each,
and the number of public shares raised to 100. 3. The tolls are reduced to
half of the aggregate of the Potomac tolls. 4. In case the falls at this place,
where alone tolls are to be paid, shall be first opened, the Company are per
mitted to receive the tolls immediately, and continue to do so rill the lapse of

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 417
ing in, and forestalling of lands on the No. West of
the Ohio, that scarce a valuable spot, within any tol
erable distance of It, is left without a claimant. Men
in these times talk with as much facility of fifty, an
hundred, and even 500,000 Acres, as a gentleman
formerly would do of 1,000. In defiance of the
proclamation of Congress, they roam over the
country on the Indian side of the Ohio — mark out

ten years, within which the whole river is to be made navigable. 5. A right of
pre-emption is reserved to the public on all transfers of shares. These acts are
very lengthy, and having passed in all the precipitancy which marks the con
cluding stages of a session, abound, I fear, with inaccuracies.
" In addition to these acts, joint resolutions have passed the Legislatures of
Maryland and Virginia for clearing a road from the head of the Potomac navi
gation to Cheat river, or if necessary to Monongalia, and 3,333j dollars are voted
for the work by each State. Pennsylvania is also to be applied to by the
Governors of the two States for leave to clear a road through her jurisdiction,
if it should be found necessary, from Potomac to Yohogania ; to which the
Assembly here have added a proposition to unite with Maryland in representing
to Pennsylvania the advantages which will accrue on a part of her citizens
from opening the proposed communication with the Sea, and the reasonableness
of her securing to those who are to be at the expense the use of her waters as
a thoroughfare to and from the Country beyond her limits, free from all im
posts and restrictions whatever, and as a channel of trade with her citizens,
free from greater imposts than may be levied on any other channel of impor
tation. This resolution did not pass till it was too late to refer it to General
Washington's negociations with Maryland. It now makes a part of the task
alloted to the Commissioners who are to settle with Maryland the jurisdiction
and navigation of Potomac, below tide water. By another Resolution of this
State, persons are to be forthwith appointed by the Executive to survey the
upper parts of James River, the country through which a road must pass to the
navigable waters of New River, and these waters down to the Ohio. I am
told by a member of the Assembly, who seems to be well acquainted both with
the intermediate ground and with the western waters in question, that a road of
25 or 30 miles in length will link these waters with James River, and will strike
a branch of the former which yields a fine navigation, and falls into the main
stream of the Kenhawa below the only obstructions lying in this river down to
the Ohio. If these be facts James River will have a great superiority over
Potomac, the road from wliich to Cheat river is, indeed, computed by General
27

4i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
Lands, survey and even settle on them. This gives
great discontent to the Indians, and will, unless
measures are taken in time to prevent it, inevitably
produce a war with the western tribes. To avoid
which there appears to me to be only these ways.
Purchase If possible as much land of them immedi
ately back of us, as would make one or two States,
according to the extent Congress design, or would
Washington at 20 miles only, but he thinks the expence of making the latter
navigable will require a continuation of the road to Monongalia, which wilj
lengthen it to forty miles. The road to Yohogania is computed by the General
at 30 miles.
" By another resolution, commissioners are to be appointed to survey the
ground for a canal between the waters of Elizabeth river and those of North
Carolina, and in case the best course for such a canal shall require the concur
rence of that State, to concert a joint plan and report the same to the next ses
sion of Assembly. Besides the trade which will flow through this channel from
North Carolina to Norfolk, the large district of Virginia watered by the Roan-
oake will be doubled in its value by it.
" The Treasurer is by this act directed to subscribe 50 shares in the Potomac
and 100 shares in the James River companies, which shall vest in General
Washington and his heirs. This mode of adding some substantial to the many
rewards bestowed on him was deemed least injurious to his delicacy, as well
as least dangerous as a precedent. It was submitted in place of a direct pen
sion, urged on the House by the indiscreet zeal of some of his friends. Though
it will not be an equivalent succor in all respects, it will save the General from
subscriptions which would have oppressed his finances ; and if the schemes be
executed within the period fixed, may yield a revenue for some years before the
term of his. At all events, it will demonstrate the grateful wishes of his
Country, and will promote the object which he has so much at heart. The
earnestness with which he espouses the undertaking is hardly to be described,
and shews that a mind like his, capable of great views, and which has long
been occupied with them, cannot bear a vacancy ; and surely he could not
have chosen an occupation more worthy of succeeding to that of establishing the
political rights of his Country than the patronage of works for the extensive
and lasting improvement of its natural advantages ; works which will be
double the value of half the lands within the Commonwealth, will extend its
commerce, link with its interests those of the Western States, and lessen the
emigration of its citizens by enhancing the profitableness of situations which
they now desert in search of better."

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 419
wish to have them of, and which may be fully ade
quate to all our present purposes — fix such a price
upon the lands so purchased, as would not be too
exorbitant and burthensome for real occupiers ; but
high enough to discourage monopolizers. Declare
all steps heretofore taken to procure land on the
northwest side of the Ohio, contrary to the prohibi
tion of Congress, to be null and void — and that any
person thereafter, who shall presume to mark, survey,
or settle on lands beyond the limit of the new States,
or purchased lands, shall not only be considered as
outlaws, but fit subjects for Indian vengeance. .
If these or similar measures are adopted, I have no
doubt of Congress's deriving a very considerable
revenue from the western territory. But lands, like
other commodities rise or fall in proportion to the
quantity at market ; consequently, a higher price may
be obtained by the acre, for as much as will consti
tute one or two States, than can be had if ten States
were offered for sale at the same time — besides ex
tending the benefits, and deriving all the advantages
of law and government from them at once, neither of
which can be done in sparse settlements, where noth
ing is thought of but scrambling for land, which may
involve confusion and bloodshed.
It is much to be regretted, that the slow determina
tions of Congress involve many evils — 'tis much easier
to avoid mischiefs than to apply remedies when they
have happened. Had Congress paid an earlier atten
tion to, or decided sooner on Indian affairs, matters
would have been in a more favorable train than they

420 THE WRITINGS OF [ijg^
now are ; and if they are longer delayed, they will
grow worse. Twelve months ago the Indians would
have listened to propositions of any kind with more
readiness than they will do now : — the terms of the
peace frightened them, and they were disgusted with
G. B. for making such. Bribery, and every address
which British art could dictate have been practised
since to soothe them, to estrange them from us, and
to secure their trade. To what other causes can be
ascribed their holding our western posts so long after
the ratifications of the treaty, contrary to the spirit,
tho' they do it under the letter of It. To remove
their garrison and stores cannot be the work of a
week ; for If report is true, they have only to shift
them to the opposite side of the line. But it is now
more than twelve months since I foretold what has
happened, and I shall not be surprized if they leave
us no Po'sts to occupy ; for if they mean to surrender
them at all, they may fix upon a season, or appoint a
short day perhaps for the evacuation when no relief
can be had. And Congress having repeatedly called
for an evacuation, will hardly know how to act, es
pecially as they will be In no condition to take pos
session of the posts : — for to do It properly requires
time ; as ordnance, stores, provisions and other arti
cles, as well as garrisons are not to be established in
a moment, even where boats and other conveniences,
of which I question much whether you have any, are
at hand. This being the case, there will be an inter
regnum during which the works will be left without
guards ; and being obnoxious to our late enemy,

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 421
now no doubt staunch friends with Indian prejudices
in aid, will be the cause of accidental fires, or Indian
drunkenness, in which the whole will end in confla
gration, or, I shall be mistaken. * * *

TO GEORGE CLINTON, GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.
Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1784.
My dear Sir,
A few days ago I had the pleasure to receive your
favor ofthe 12th Instant. Although I felt pain from
your silence, I should have imputed that silence to
any cause, rather than a diminution of friendship. I
feel this passion for you too strongly implanted in my
own breast, to harbor a suspicion of it in yours, where
I flatter myself it is reciprocal, unless I had done
something to deserve it, of which I am not con
scious. It gives me great pleasure to learn from yourself,
that the State over which you preside is tranquil.
Would to God it may ever remain so, and that all
others may follow the example. Internal dissensions,
and jarring with our neighbors, are not only produc
tive of mischievous consequences as it respects our
selves, but have a tendency to lessen our national
character and importance in the eyes of European
powers. If any thing can, this will, expose us to their
intriguing politics, and may shake the Union.
It has been my avowed and uniform opinion, ever
since the interview between Baron de Steuben and
General Haldimand last year, that, whilst a pretext

422 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
could be found, the western posts would be withheld
from us ; and I do not think I should hazard a false
prediction, were I to add, that they never will come
into our hands in the condition they now are. When
pretexts can no longer put on the garb of decency,
a season may be named for the surrender, in which it
would be impracticable for us to avail ourselves ; and
the Indians during the Interregnum by innuendos may
reduce them to ashes. I wish it may be otherwise,
but these are my opinions.
It gave pain to Mrs. Washington and myself to
hear of Mrs. Clinton's indisposition, and the sickness
and accidents with which your little flock have been
afflicted. Our best and sincere wishes are offered
for them, and we hope shortly to hear of their per
fect restoration, as we have a most affectionate regard
for them all, and feel ourselves interested in every
thing which concerns them.
I am sorry we have been disappointed in our ex
pectation of the mineral spring at Saratoga ; and of
the purchase of that part of the Oriskany tract, on
which Fort Schuyler stands ; but very glad you have
succeeded upon such advantageous terms in the pur
chase of six thousand acres adjoining ; for you cer
tainly have obtained it amazingly cheap. Be so good,
my dear Sir, along with the other information you
have kindly promised me, to signify whether you
have any prospect of borrowing, on Interest, money
for the payment of my moiety, as was talked of be
tween us, or whether I am to provide it In any other
manner, that I may take measures accordingly. The
time is also come for the payment of Interest due

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 423
on the old score, and I shall do it with as little delay
as possible.
Give me leave now, my dear Sir, to thank you for
your recollection of and attention to the small arti
cles, which I prayed you to provide for me. When
ever you conceive the season is proper, and an
opportunity offers, I shall hope to receive the balsam
trees, or any others, which you may think curious and
exotics with us, as I am endeavoring to improve the
grounds about my house in this way. If perchance
the sloop Pilgrim is not yet sailed from your port, you
would add to the favor you mean to confer on me, by
causing a number of grape vines, sent to me by an
uncle of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, brought over by
Captain Williams, and deposited by him In the garden
of Mr. Beekman near the city of New York, to be for
warded by that vessel. They consist of a variety of
the most valuable eating grapes in France. A list of
the kinds, and the distinctions of them, no doubt
accompanied them. I pray you to take some of each
sort for your own use, and offer some to Mr. Beekman.
I thank you for the Interest you take in the welfare
of my nephew, and for his letter, which you were so
obliging as to send me. Poor fellow ! his pursuit
after health is, I fear, altogether fruitless. Ever since
the month of May he has been traversing the seas
from island to island, but hitherto to very little effect.
When he last wrote, he was about to sail for Charles
ton, where he proposed to spend the winter, and, if
no salutary effects should be derived from it, to come
hither in the spring and resign himself to his fate.'
' George Augustine Washington.

424 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
Mrs. Washington unites in affectionate regards for
you, Mrs. Clinton, and family ; and with every senti
ment of friendship and respect, I am, &c.
P. S. Tell Walker, that Mrs. Washington and I
join in congratulating with him on his matrimonial
connexion, and hope he will enjoy all the comforts
and pleasures, which are to be derived from a good
wife.'

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS."
Mount Vernon, 14 December, 1784.
Dear Sir,
The letter, which you did me the honor to write to
me on the 20th of last month, only came to my hands
by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy
' The next morning the House of Assembly passed the following resolution :
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, that, as a mark of their reverence for his
character, and affection for his person, a committee of five members be appointed
to wait upon him with the respectful regards of this House ; to express to him
the satisfaction they feel in the opportunity afforded by his presence, of offering
this tribute to his merit ; and to assure him, that, as they not only retain the
most lasting impressions of the transcendent services rendered in his late pubhc
character, but have since his return to private life experienced proofs, that no
change of situation can turn his thoughts from the welfare of his country, so his
happiness can never cease to be an object of their most devout wishes and fervent
supplications. " Mr. Henr)', Mr. Madison, Mr. Jones, Mr. C. H. Harrison, and Mr. Car
rington are appointed a committee."
To the committee of five members, who were the bearers of this resolve, and
of whom Patrick Henry was chairman. General Washington replied :
" My sensibility is deeply affected by this distinguished mark of the affec
tionate regard of your honorable House. I lament, on this occasion, the want
of those powers which would enable me to do justice to my feelings, and shall
rely upon your indulgent report to supply the defect ; at the same time I pray
you to present, for me, the strongest assurances of unalterable affection and
gratitude, for this last pleasing and flattering attention of my country."
' Mr. Lee had been chosen President of Congress on the 30th of November.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 425
of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at Fort Stan
wix, you will please to accept my thanks. These peo
ple have given, I think, all that the United States
could reasonably have required of them ; more, per
haps, than the State of New York conceives ought to
have been a.sked from them, by any other than their
own legislature.
I wish they were better satisfied. Individual States
opposing the measures of the United States, encroach
ing upon the territory of each other, and setting up
old and obsolete claims, is verifying the predictions of
our enemies, and is truly unfortunate. If the western
tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the Six
Nations have been, and will cede a competent district
of country northwest of the Ohio to answer our present
purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected
as pleasing to me ; for It was apprehended, that they
should agree to the latter reluctantly If at all ; but
the example of the Northern Indians, who, (if they
have not relinquished their claim,) have pretensions
to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful
influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way
for the commissioners, who have proceeded to Caya
hoga.' ' The commissioners, Wolcott, Lee, and Butler, came to Fort Stanwix and
found Lafayette already there. On a suggestion, and after some bickering, the
Marquis made a speech to the Indians, and was, during his stay, of more im
portance to them than the commissioners, which gave umbrage to Arthur Lee.
Madison, who was also present, details the matter, and hints that the com
missioners were embarrassed by their instructions, "which left them no space
for negotiation or concession." They were also impeded by the independent
negotiations of New York with the Indians. "The Governor of this State
not only attempted to hold a treaty before and separate from that of the U. S.,
but has absolutely done all In his power to frustrate orni^:'— Arthur Lee to

426 THE WRITINGS OF [1784
It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that
a sufficient number of States had assembled to form a
Congress, and that you were chosen to preside in it.'
On this event, permit me to offer my compliments of
congratulation. To whatever causes the delay of this
meeting may have been ascribed, It most certainly has
an unfavorable aspect ; contributes to lessen, already
too low, the dignity and Importance of the federal
government, and is hurtful to our national character
in the eyes of Europe.
It is said (I do not know how founded), that our
Assembly have repealed their former act respecting
British debts. If this be true, and the State of New
York has not acted repugnantly to the terms of the
treaty, the British government can no longer hold the
western posts under that cover ; but I shall be mistaken
if they do not entrench themselves behind some other
Jacob Read, 29 October, 1784. In one of Washington's letters, it is hinted,
that the negotiations were fruitless, as the deputies on the part of the Indians
were not properly authorized to treat — an error, perhaps, for deputies of
Congress. For it led him to add : " Certain it is in my opinion that there is a
kind of fatality attending all our public measures. Inconceivable delays, par
ticular states counteracting the plans of the United States when submitted to
them, opposing each other upon all occasions, torn by internal disputes, or
supinely negligent and inattentive to every thing which is not local and
self-interesting, and very often short sighted in these, — make up our system of
conduct. Would to God our own countrymen, who are entrusted with the
management of the political machine, could view things by that large and
extensive scale upon which it is measured by foreigners, and by the statesmen
of Europe, who see what we might be and predict what we shall come to. In
fact, our federal government is a name without substance. No state is longer
bound by its edicts than it suits present purposes, without looking to the
Consequences. How then can we fail in a little time becoming the sport of
European politics, and the victims of our own policy. " — To Knox, 5 November,
1784. ' Although Congress was to have assembled October 30th, it was not organ
ized until November 30th.

1784] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 427
expedient to effect it, or will appoint a time for surren
dering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves ; the
probable consequence of which will be the destruction
of the works.'
The Assemblies of Virginia and Maryland have
now under consideration the extension of the inland
navigation of the rivers Potomac and James, and
opening a communication between them and the
western waters. They seem fully impressed with the
' In December, 1783, the Virginia Assembly revived two acts passed during
the war, which suspended all voluntary and fraudulent assignments of debt,
and as to others, allowed real and personal property to be tendered in discharge
of executions. Joseph Jones, deeming speedy payment of the debts due to
British creditors impracticable, wished to make periodical payments of the
principal, though, with Jefferson, of the opinion that the treaty subjected
debtors to the payment of interest also. — Jones to Jefferson, 28 February, 1784.
In June, 1784, the courts were to be opened to British suits only when repara
tion should have been made for negroes carried off by the British. The
minority of the State Senate protested against this measure, and it was admitted
that a large majority of the people condemned it, either from a sense of
justice or national faith. — Madison to Jefferson, 3 July and 20 August, 1784.
In November the proposition of Mr. Jones passed in committee by a large
majority, disallowing the interest, and it was to this bill, as yet not a law, that
Washington referred. After discussing the terms of payment, the measure went
to the Senate, where some discriminations were inserted ; it was, in a committee
of conference, made acceptable to both Houses, but its final acceptance was
prevented by the adjournment of the Assembly. — Madison to Jefferson, 9
January, 1785.
In March, 1783, New York passed an act declaring that in any action by
the proprietor of a house or tenement against the occupant, no military order
should be a justification. It was on this law that the case of Rutgers vs. Wadding
ton was tried. In May, 1784, a law was passed confirming in express terms all
confiscations before made, notwithstanding errors in the proceedings, and
taking away the writ of error upon any judgment previously rendered. This
act, passed when the feeling was strongly aroused over the British retention
of the posts, was, in Hamilton's opinion, a new confiscation, and involved
an infraction of the treaty. — Hamilton's Works (Lodge), iv., 408. It may
be noted that Hamilton believed that "it was not till about May, 1784, that
we can charge upon Great Britain a delinquency as to the surrender of the
posts."

428 THE WRITINGS OF \^>^^

political as well as the commercial advantages, which
would result from the accomplishment of these great
objects, and I hope will embrace the present moment
to put them In train for speedy execution. Would it
not, at the same time, be worthy of the wisdom and
attention of Congress to have the western waters well
explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained,
accurately laid down, and a complete and perfect map
made of the country ; at least as far westwardly as
the Mlamies, running into the Ohio and Lake Erie,
and to see how the waters of them communicate with
the River St. Joseph, which empties into the Lake
Michigan, and with the Wabash. I cannot forbear
observing here that the Miami village, in Hutchins's
map, if it and the waters here mentioned are laid
down with any degree of accuracy, points to a very
important post for the Union. The expense attending
the undertaking could not be great, the advantages
would be unbounded ; for sure I am, nature has made
such a display of her bounties in those regions, that
the more the country Is explored, the more It will
rise In estimation, consequently the greater will the
revenue be to the Union.
Would there be any impropriety, do you think.
Sir, In reserving for special sale all mines, minerals,
and salt springs. In the general grants of land belong
ing to the United States ? The public. Instead of the
few knowing ones, might In this case receive the bene
fits, which would result from the sale of them, with
out infringing any rule of justice that occurs to me, or
their own laws ; but, on the contrary, inflict a just

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 429

punishment upon those, who in defiance of the latter
have dared to create enemies & to disturb the public
tranquillity, by roaming over the country, marking and
surveying the valuable spots in it, to the great dis
quiet of the western tribes of Indians, who have
viewed these transactions with jealous indignation.
To hit upon a happy medium price for the western
lands, for the prevention of monopoly on one hand,
and not discouraging useful settlers on the other,
will, no doubt, require consideration ; but should
not employ too much time before it is announced.
The spirit for emigration is great. People have got
impatient, and, though you cannot stop the road, it is
yet in your power to mark the way ; a little while, and
you will not be able to do either. It Is easier to pre
vent than to remedy an evil. I shall be very happy
in the continuation of your correspondence ; and, with
sentiments of great esteem apd respect, I have the
honor to be, &c.

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Mount Vernon, 5 January, 1785.
My DEAR Sir,
About the beginning of last month I wrote you a
pretty long letter, and soon after, received your
favor of the 23d. of November. It is not the letters
from my friends which give me trouble, or add ought
to my perplexity. I receive them with pleasure, and
pay as much attention to them as my avocations will
admit.

430 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
It is references of old matters with which I have
nothing to do — applications, which oftentimes cannot
be complied with ; enquiries, which would employ
the pen of a historian to satisfy ; letters of com
pliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they are trouble
some, but which must be attended to ; and the
commonplace business, which employs my pen and
my time ; — often disagreeably.
Indeed, these with company, deprive me of exer
cise, and unless I can obtain relief, may be productive
of disagreeable consequences. I already begin to feel
the effect. — Heavy, and painful oppression of the
head, and other disagreeable sensations, often trouble
me. — I am determined therefore to employ some per
son who shall ease me of the drudgery of this busi
ness. — At any rate, if the whole of it is thereby
suspended, I am resolved to use exercise. My private
concerns also, require infinitely more attention than
I have given, or can give, under present circum
stances. They can no longer be neglected without
Involving my ruin. This, my dear Sir, is a friendly
communication — I give it in testimony of my unre-
servedness with you, and not for the purpose of
discouraging your letters ; for be assured that, to
corrispond with those I love is among my highest
gratifications, and I persuade myself you will not
doubt my sincerity when I assure you I place you
among the foremost of this class. Letters of friend
ship require no study, the communications are easy,
and allowances are expected, and made. This Is not
the case with those which require re-searches, consid-

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 431
eratlon, recollection, and the de — 1 knows what to
prevent error, and to answer the ends for which they
are written.
In my last I informed you that I was endeavoring
to stimulate my Countrymen to the extension of the
inland Navigation of our Rivers ; and to the opening
of the best and easiest communication for Land trans
portation between them and the Western Waters. I
am just returned from Annapolis to which place I
was requested to go by our Assembly (with my
bosom friend Genl. G — tes, who being at Richmond
contrived to edge himself into the commission) for
the purpose of arranging matters, and forming a Law
which should be similar in both States, so far as It re
spected the river Potomack, which seperates them.
I met the most perfect accordance in that legislature ;
and the matter is now reported to ours, for its con
currence. The two Assemblies (not being in circumstances to
undertake this business wholly at the public expence)
propose to incorporate such private Adventurers as
shall associate for the purpose of extending the navi
gation of the River from tide water as far up as
it will admit craft of ten tons burthen, and to allow
them a perpetual toll and other emoluments to induce
them to subscribe freely to a work of such magnitude ;
whilst they have agreed (or, I should rather say, prob
ably will agree, as the matter is not yet concluded
in the Virginia Assembly) to open at the public ex-
pence, the communication with the Western territory.
To do this will be a great political work — may be im-

432 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
mensely extensive in a commercial point ; and beyond
all question, will be exceedingly beneficial for those
who advance the money for the purpose of extending
the Navigation of the river, as the tolls arising there
from are to be held in perpetuity, and will increase
every year. —
Rents have got to such an amazing height in Alex
andria, that (having an unimproved lot or two there)
I have thoughts, If my finances will support me In the
measure, of building a House, or Houses thereon for
the purpose of letting.
In humble imitation of the wise man, I have
set me down to count the cost ; and among other
heavy articles of expenditure, I find lime Is not the
smallest. Stone lime with us, owing to the length of (land)
transportation comes very high at that place. Shell
lime, from its weakness, and the consequent quantity
used. Is far from being low. These considerations
added to a report that this article may be had from
your State by way of Ballast, upon terms much easier
than either can be bought here, Inclines me without
making an apology, to give you the trouble of en
quiring from those who might be disposed to enter
into a contract therefor, and can ascertain the fact
with precision.
1st. — At what price by the bushel, a quantity of
slaked stone lime could be delivered at one of the
wharves at Alexandria (freight and every incidental
charge included), or to a Lighter opposite to my own
House.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433
2d. — At what price burnt lime stone, but unslaked
(if it be safe to bring such) could be delivered as
above. 3d. — At what price unburnt lime stone, could be
delivered at the latter place.
In the last case, it might I should suppose, come as
Ballast very low. In the second it might also come
as ballast, and (tho' higher than the former, yet) com
paratively cheap, if the danger of waters getting to
it, and its slaking and heating in the Hold, would not
be too great. — In the first case, there would be no
certainty of its goodness, because lime from the late
judicious experiments of a Mr. Higgens, should be
used as soon as it slaked ; and would be still bet
ter, if it was so, immediately after burning ; as air, as
well as water, according to his observations, weakens
and injures it. Your information upon these points
from those who might incline to contract, and on
whom dependence could be placed, would much
oblige me — and the sooner I get it the better, as my
determination is suspended. * * *

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON.
Mount Vernon, 22 January, 1785.
My DEAR Sir,
It is not easy for me to decide by which my mind
was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of
the 6th instant, surprise or gratitude.' Both were
¦ From Mr. Harrison's Letter.—" It gives megre at pleasure to inform you,
that the Assembly yesterday, without a dissenting voice, complimented you with
fifty shares in the Potomac Company, and one hundred in the James River
28

434 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
greater than I have words to express. The attention
and good wishes, which the Assembly have evidenced
by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty
shares in the navigation of each of the rivers Potomac
and James, are more than mere compliment. There
is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed.
But believe me. Sir, notwithstanding these, no circum
stance has happened to me since I left the walks of
public life, which has so much embarrassed me.
On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have al
ready observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of
the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my
country to serve me ; and I should be hurt, if, by declin
ing the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed
into disrespect or the smallest slight upon the generous
intention of the country, or It should be thought that
an ostentatious display of disinterestedness or public
virtue was the source of refusal. On the other hand,
it Is really my wish to have my mind, and my actions,
Company ; of which I give you this early notice to stop your subscribing on your
own account. As this compliment is intended by your country in commemora
tion of your assiduous cares to promote her interest, I hope you will have no
scruples in accepting the present, and thereby gratifying them in their most
earnest wishes." — Richmond, January 6th.
The preamble to the act expresses the object of the legislature in making the
donation. It runs thus. " It is the desire of the representatives of this com
monwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the
unexampled merits of George Washington towards his country ; and it is their
wish in particular, that those great works for its improvement, which, both as
springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and
as encouraged by his patronage, vrill be durable monuments of his glory, may
be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country.'' The act then pro
ceeds to vest in George Washington, and his heirs and assigns for ever, the above
one hundred and fifty shares in the Potomac and James River Companies. —
Hening's Statutes, vol. xi., p. 525.

1785J GEORGE WASHINGTON. 435
which are the result of contemplation, as free and in
dependent as the air ; that I may be more at liberty
(in things which my opportunities and experience have
brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sen
timents, and, if necessary, to suggest what may occur
to me under the fullest conviction, that, although my
judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion
that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the
suggestion. Not content, then, with the bare conscious
ness of my having, in all this navigation business,
acted upon the clearest conviction of the political im
portance of the measure, I would wish that every in
dividual, who may hear that it was a favorite plan of
mine, may know also that I had no other motive for
promoting it, than the advantage I conceived it would
be productive of to the Union, and to this State in
particular, by cementing the eastern and western ter
ritory together, at the same time that it will give vigor
and Increase to our commerce, and be a convenience
to our citizens.
How would this matter be viewed, then, by the eye
of the world, and what would be the opinion of It,
when it comes to be related, that George Washington
exerted himself to effect this work — and George
W  has received twenty thousand dollars and five
thousand pounds sterling of the public money as an
interest therein ? Would not this in the estimation of
it (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have
acted, and without it there is no foundation for the
act,) deprive me of the principal thing, which is lauda
ble in my conduct ? Would it not in some respects be

436 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
considered In the same light as a pension ? And would
not the apprehension of this make me more reluctant
ly offer my sentiments in future ? Ina word, under
whatever pretence, and however customary these gra
tuitous gifts are made in other countries, should I not
thenceforward be considered as a dependent ? One
moment's thought of which would give me more
pain, than I should receive pleasure from the product
of all the tolls, were every farthing of them vested In
me ; although I consider it as one of the most certain
and increasing estates in the country.'
I have written to you with an openness becoming
our friendship. I could have said more on the sub
ject ; but I have already said enough to let you into
the state of my mind. I wish to know whether the
ideas I entertain occurred to, and were expressed by,
any member In or out of the House. Upon the
whole you may be assured, my dear Sir, that my
mind is not a little agitated. I want the best infor-
' The act was officially communicated to him by Patnck Henry, then gov
ernor of Virginia. To that communication he replied as follows, more than a
month after the above was written, and when his mind seems to have become
firmly settled in its first impressions.
" I shall ever consider this act as an unequivocal and substantial testimony
of the approving voice of my country for the part I have acted on the American
theatre, and shall feast upon the recollection of it as often as it occurs to me ;
but this is all I can or mean to do. It was my first declaration in Congress,
after accepting my military appointment, that I would not receive any thing for
such services as I might be able to render the cause in which I had embarked.
It was my fixed determination, when I surrendered that appointment, never to
hold any other office under government, by which emolument might become a
necessary appendage, or, in other words, which should withdraw me from the
necessary attentions, which my own private concerns indispensably required ;
nor to accept of any pecuniary acknowledgment for what had passed. From
this resolution my mind has never swerved." — February 27th.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 437
mation and advice to settle it. I have no Inclination,
as I have already observed, to avail myself of the
generosity of the country ; nor do I wish to appear
ostentatiously disinterested (for more than probable
my refusal would be ascribed to this motive), or that
the country should harbor an idea, that I am dis
posed to set little value on her favors, the manner
of granting which is as flattering as the grant is im
portant. My present difficulties, however, shall be
no impediment to the progress of the undertaking.
I will receive the full and frank opinions of my
friends with thankfulness. I shall have time enough
between the sitting of the next Assembly to consider
the tendency of the act, and in this, as in all other
matters, will endeavor to decide for the best. * * *
I am, my dear Sir, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 8 February, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Since my last I have had the honor to receive your
favors of the 26th of December and i6th of January.
I have now the pleasure to inform you, that the As
semblies of Virginia and Maryland have enacted
laws, of which the enclosed is a copy. They are ex-
acdy similar in both States. At the same time, and
at the joint and equal expense of the two govern
ments, the sum of six thousand six hundred and six
ty-six dollars and two thirds are voted for opening
and keeping in repair a road from the highest prac-

438 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
ticable navigation of this river, to that of the River
Cheat, or Monongahela, as commissioners who are
appointed to survey and lay out the same, shall find
most convenient and beneficial to the western settlers ;
and have concurred in an application to the State of
Pennsylvania for permission to open another road
from Fort Cumberland to the Youghiogany, at the
Three Forks, or Turkey Foot. A similar bill to the
one enclosed is passed by our Assembly respecting
the navigation of James River, and the communica
tion between It and the waters of the Great Kanhawa.
And the Executive, authorized by a resolve of the
Assembly to appoint commissioners, to examine and
report the most convenient course for a canal between
Elizabeth River and the waters of Roanoke, with an
estimate of the expense ; and, if the best communica
tion shall be found to require the concurrence of the
State of North Carolina thereto, to make application
to the legislature thereof accordingly.
Towards the latter part of the year 1 783, I was
honored with a letter from the Countess of Hunting
ton,' briefly reciting her benevolent intention of
spreading Christianity among the tribes of Indians
inhabiting our western territory, and expressing a
desire of my advice and assistance to carry this
charitable design into execution. I wrote her Lady
ship for answer, that it would by no means comport
' Selina, daughter of Earl Ferrars, born 1707. A serious illness tinged her
thoughts with religious enthusiasm. As early as 1775, Governor Hutchinson
found her anxious on the state of religion in America, " wishing to see people
there lay less stress on the non-essentials of religion, and to pay greater regard
to the vital parts of it." — Hutchinson' s Diary, i., 348.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439
with the plan of retirement I had promised myself, to
take an active or responsible part in this business ;
and that it was my belief, there was no other way to
effect her pious and benevolent design, but by first
reducing these people to a state of greater civiliza
tion ; but that I would give every aid in my power,
consistent with that ease and tranquillity, to which I
meant to devote the remainder of my life, to carry
her plan into effect. Since that time I have been fav
ored with other letters from her, and a few days ago,
under cover from Sir James Jay, the papers herewith
enclosed.' As the plan contemplated by Lady Huntington,
according to the outlines exhibited, is not only un
exceptionable in its design and tendency, but has
humanity and charity for its object, and may, I con
ceive, be made subservient to valuable political pur
poses, I take the liberty of laying the matter before
you for your free and candid sentiments thereon.
The communication I make of this matter to you,
Sir, is in a private way ; but you are at full liberty
to communicate the plan of Lady Huntington to the
members individually, or officially to Congress, as the
importance and propriety of the measure may strike
you. My reasons for It are these. First, I do not
¦ These papers presented a general outline of Lady Huntington's plan. Her
primary object was to civilize and christianize the Indians. For this end she
applied to some of the States for grants of lands, on which emigrants might es
tablish themselves. Schools were to be established, and religious instruction
provided for, under such regulations as to produce the best practical results ;
and the arts of life were to be taught, and the means of civilization communi
cated, by the example of the settlers, and by such direct efforts as should be
deemed suited to the great purposes in view.

440 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
believe that any of the States to which she has writ
ten, unless it may be New York, are in circumstances,
since their cession of territory, to comply with the
requisitions respecting emigration ; but it has been
privately hinted to me, and ought not to become a
matter of public notoriety, that, notwithstanding the
Indefinite expressions of the address respecting the
numbers or occupations of the emigrants, which were
designed to avoid giving alarms in England, the
former will be great, and the useful artisans among
them many. Second, because such emigration. If it
should effect the object In view, besides the humane
and charitable purposes, which would be thereby an
swered, will be of Immense political consequence ;
and even if this should not succeed to her Lady
ship's wishes, it must nevertheless be of considerable
importance from the Increase of population by
orderly and well-disposed characters, who would at
once form a barrier, and attempt the conversion of
the Indians without involving an expense to the
Union. I see but one objection to a compact, unmixed,
and powerful settlement of this kind, if it is likely to
be so, the weight of which you will judge. It Is (and
her Ladyship seems to have been aware of It, and
endeavors to guard against it,) placing a people In a
body upon our exterior, where they will be contiguous
to Canada, who may bring with them strong preju
dices against us and our form of government, and
equally strong attachments to the country and Insti
tutions they leave, without the means (being detached

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 441

and unmixed with citizens of different sentiments) of
having them eradicated.'
Her Ladyship has spoken so feelingly and sensibly
on the religious and benevolent purposes of the plan,
that no language of which I am possessed can add
aught to enforce her observations. And no place I
think bids so fair to answer her views, as that spot in
Hutchins's map, marked Miami Village and Fort.
From hence there Is a communication to all parts by
water ; and at which in my opinion we ought to have
a post. * * *
Please to accept my thanks for the pamphlet
you sent me, and for the resolutions respecting the
temporary and permanent seat of government. If I
' Local and political reasons prevented Lady Huntington's plan from being
carried into effect. Congress had pledged all the wild lands for a specific
object, and the States had ceded their lands to the Union, and of course had
none to appropriate for such a purpose. The answer from Mr. Lee to the above
letter will explain this point in regard to Congress. " At the same time your
packet reached me," said he, "there came one to Congress from Governor
Henry, with her Ladyship's letter and plan enclosed, which the Governor
strongly recommended. It was presently observed, that the terms upon which
lands had been ceded to the United States did not leave it in the power of Con
gress to dispose of them for any other purpose, than for paying the debts of the
public by a full and fair sale of all the ceded lands. It was indeed remarked,
that those religious people, whom her Ladyship had in prospect to transport
and fix on our frontier, were remarkable in the late war for a unanimous and
bitter enmity to the American cause, and might form a dangerous settlement at
so great a distance, contiguous to the Indians, and easily accessible to Canada ;
especially in the present very unfriendly temper of mind, that we now suppose
the British nation possesses with respect to us. It was therefore ordered, that
Governor Henry's letter with the enclosures should be filed, and nothing more
be done in the affair." — New York, February 27th.
To Sir James Jay he was somewhat more full in his objection : "There are
but two reasons, which my imagination suggests, that can be opposed to it. The
first is, the pressing debts of the United Sates, which may call for the revenue,
that can be drawn from the advantageous sale of their lands, and the discon-

442 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
might be permitted to hazard an opinion of the latter,
I would say, that, by the time your federal buildings
on the banks of the Delaware, along the point of a
triangle are fit for the reception of Congress, It will
be found that they are very Improperly placed for the
seat of the Empire, and will have to undergo a second
edition in a more convenient one. If the Union con
tinues, and this is not the case, I will agree to be
classed among the false prophets, and suffer for evil
prediction. * * *

TO REV. WILLIAM GORDON.
Mount Vernon, 8 March, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Since my last to you, I have been favored with
several of your letters, which should not have remained
so long unacknowledged, had I not been a good deal
pressed by matters which could not well be delayed ;
and because I found a difficulty in complying with your
request respecting the profiles. The latter it is not In
my power to do now satisfactorily. Some imperfect
miniature cuts I send you under cover with this letter.
They were designed for me by Miss D'Hart of
Elizabethtown, and given to Mrs. Washington, who,
in sparing them, only wishes they may answer your
tents, which might flow from discrimination, if peculiar exemptions, in the origi
nal purchase, or indulgences thereafter, are expected in favor of the class of
settlers proposed by the plan ; and, secondly, (which may have more weight,)
the prejudices of monarchical people, where they are unmixed with republicans,
against those who have separated from them, and against their forms of govern
ment, and this too in the vicinity of a British one, viz : Canada."

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 443
purpose. For her I can get none cut yet. If M. Du
Simitiere is living, and at Philadelphia, It is possible
he may have miniature engravings of most if not all
the military characters you want, and in their proper
dresses. He drew many good likenesses from the life,
and got them engraved at Paris for sale. Among
these I have seen General Gates, Baron Steuben, and
others, as also of your humble servant. The Marquis
de Lafayette had left this before your request of his
profile came to hand.
You ask if the character of Colonel John Laurens,
as drawn in the Independent Chronicle of the 2d of
December last, is just. I answer, that such parts of
the drawing, as have fallen under my own observation,
is literally so ; and that it is my firm belief his merits
and worth richly entitle him to the whole picture. No
man possessed more of the amor patrice. In a word,
he had not a fault, that I ever could discover, unless
intrepidity bordering upon rashness could come under
that denomination; and to this he was excited by the
purest motives.
The order alluded to in my private letter, a copy of
which you requested, I now send. You might have
observed, for I believe the same private letter takes
notice thereof, that it was consequent of a resolve of
Congress, that Fort Washington was so pertinaciously
held, before the ships passed that post. Without un
packing chests, unbundling papers, &c., I cannot come
at, to give you a copy of, that resolve ; but I well re
member, that, after reciting the Importance of securing
the upper navigation of the Hudson, I am directed to

444 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
obtain hulks, to sink them for the purpose of obstruct
ing the navigation, and to spare no other cost to effect
It. Owing to this, the posts of Forts Washington and
Lee, on account of the narrowness of the river, some
peculiarity of the channel, and strength of the ground
at those places, were laboriously fortified. Owing to
this, we left Fort Washington strongly garrisoned In
our rear, when we were obliged to retreat to the White
Plains ; and owing to this, also, Colonel Magaw, who
commanded at it, was ordered to defend it to the last
extremity. But when, maugre all the obstructions which had
been thrown into the channel, all the labor and ex
pense which had been bestowed on the works, and the
risks we had run of the garrison theretofore, the
British ships of war had passed, and could pass those
posts, It was clear to me from that moment, that they
were no longer eligible, and that that on the east side of
the river ought to be withdrawn whilst it was In our
power. In consequence thereof, the letter of the Sth
of November, 1776, was written to General Greene
from the White Plains ; that post and all the troops
in the vicinity of It being under his orders. I give
this information, and I furnish you with a copy of the
order for the evacuation of Fort Washington, because
you desire it, not that I want to exculpate myself from
any censure, which may have fallen on me by charging
another. I have sent your recipe for the preservation
of young plants to the Alexandria printer, and wish
the salutary effect which the author of the discovery
in the annual register has pointed to may be realized.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 445
the process is simple and not expensive which renders
it more valuable.
Some accounts say, that matters are in train for an
accommodation between the Austrians and Dutch. If
so, the flames of war may be arrested before they
blaze out and become very extensive ; but, admitting
the contrary, I hope none of the sparks will light on
American ground, which, I fear, is made up of too much
combustible matter for its well-being.
Your young friend is In high health, and as full of
spirits as an ^<g^ shell Is of meat. I informed him I was
going to write to you, and desired to know if he had
any commands. His spontaneous answer, " I beg he
will make haste and come here again." All the rest of
the family are well, except Mrs. Washington, who is
too often troubled with bilious and colicky complaints
to enjoy perfect health. All join in best wishes for
you and yours, with dear Sir, &c.

TO HUGH WPLLIAMSON, IN CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.
Sir, It has so happened, that your favor of the 19th
ultimo did not come to my hands until the last mail
arrived at Alexandria. By the return of it I have
the honor to address this letter to you.
Mr. McMeikens's explanation of the movements of
Rumsey's newly invented boat is consonant to my
ideas, and warranted by the principles upon which It
acts. The small manual assistance, to which I alluded.

446 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
was to be applied in still water and to the steerage.
The counteraction being proportioned to the action,
it must ascend a swift current faster than a gentle
stream ; and both, with more ease than it can move
through dead water. But in the first there may be,
and no doubt is, a point beyond which it cannot go
without involving consequences, which may be found
insurmountable. Further than this I am not at liberty
to explain myself ; but if a model, or thing in miniature,
is a just representation of a greater object in practice,
there is no doubt of the utility of the Invention. A
view of his model, with the explanation, removed the
principal doubt I ever had in my mind of the practi
cability of propelling against a stream by the aid of
mechanical power ; but as he wanted to avail himself
of my Introduction of It to the public attention, I chose
previously to see the actual performance of the model
in a descending stream before I passed my certificate ;
and having done so, all my doubts were satisfied.
I thank you. Sir, for your account of the last Indian
treaty. I had received a similar one before, but do
not comprehend by which line our northern limits are
to be fixed. Two things seem naturally to result from
this agreement with the western Indians ; the terms
on which the ceded lands are to be disposed of, and
the mode of settling them. The first, in my opinion,
ought not to be delayed ; the second ought not to be
too diffusive. Compact and progressive seating will
give strength to the Union, admit law, and good gov
ernment, and federal aids at an early period. Sparse
settlements in several new States, or a large territory
for one, will have the direct contrary effects; and,

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 447
whilst it opens a large field to land-jobbers and specu
lators, who are prowling about like wolves in many
shapes, will injure the real occupier and useful citizens,
and consequently the public Interest.
If a tract of country, of convenient size for a new
State, contiguous to the present settlements on the
Ohio, is laid off, and a certain proportion of the land
seated, or at least granted, before any other State is
marked out, and no land Is to be obtained beyond the
limits of it, we shall, I conceive, reap great political
advantages from such a line of conduct ; and without
it, may be involved in much trouble and perplexity
before any new State will be well organized, or con
tribute any thing to the support of the Union.
I have the honor to be, &c.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Dear Sir mount Vernon, 15 March, 1785.
I have had the honor to receive your excellencys'
favor of the 14th of February, and pray you to accept
my thanks for the copy of the treaty with the Western
Indians, with which you were so obliging as to furnish
me; from the accounts given me last fall, (whilst I
was on the Ohio) I did not expect such a cession of
territory from the tribes that met. The Shawnees are
pretty numerous, among the most warlikeof the Ohio
Indians : but If the subscribing Indians mean to keep
good faith, and a treaty should be favorably nego
tiated with the more southerly Indians, their spirit
must yield, or they might easily be extirpated. The
wisdom of Congress will now be called upon to fix a

448 2HE WRITINGS OF [1785
happy medium price on these lands, and to point out
the most advantageous mode of seating them, so as
that law and good government may be administered,
and the Union strengthened and supported thereby.
Progressive seating, I conceive, is the only means by
which this can be effected ; and unless in the scale of
politics, more than one new state Is found necessary
at this time, the unit I believe would be found more
pregnant with advantages than the decies. The latter
if I mistake not, will be more advancive of individual
interest, than the public welfare. As you will have
the untowardness, jealousy, and pride, which are
characteristic ofthe Spanish nation to contend with, it
is more than probable that Mr. Gardoqui will give
Congress a good deal of trouble, respecting the navi
gation of the river Mississippi. To me It should
seem, that the true policy of that government would
be to make New Orleans a free mart, instead of shut
ting its ports, but their ideas of trade are very confined
I believe. I take the liberty of putting a letter under
cover of this to Mr. Lee. Mrs. Washington offers her
respectful compliments to you.
I have the honor to be, &c.

TO JAMES DUANE. Mount Vernon, 10 April, 1785.

Dr. Sir,
Inclosed you have my answer to the Acts of your
Corporation, which I pray you to present. — I thank
you for " the arguments and judgment of the Mayor's

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 449

Court of the City of New York in a cause between
Elizabeth Rutgers and Joshua Waddington " — I have
read them with all the attention I am master of, and
tho' I do not pretend to be a competent judge of the
Law of Nations, or the principle and policy of the
statute upon which the action was founded, yet I
must confess that reason seems very much in favor
of the opinion given by the Court, and my judgment
yields a hearty assent to It.
It is painful to hear that a State which used to be
the foremost in Acts of liberality and its exertion to
establish our federal system upon a broad bottom and
solid ground, contracting her ideas and pointing them
to local and independent measures, which if perse
vered in must sap the constitution of these States —
(already too weak) — destroy our national character,
and render us as contemptible In the eyes of Europe,
as we have it in our own power to be respectable. —
It should seem as if the impost of 5 p ct would never
take place, for no sooner does an obstinate State begin
to relent, and adopt the recommendations of Con
gress, but some other runs restiff, as if there was
a combination among them to defeat the measure.
From the latest European accots. it is probable an
accommodation will take place between the Emperor
and Holland — but to reverberate news to a man at
the source of intelligence would be idle — therefore
mum. The Dutch I conceive are too much attached to
their possessions, and to their wealth, if they could
yield to the pangs of parting with their country, to
29

450 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
adopt the plan you hinted to Mr, Van Berkel — The
nations of Europe are ripe for slavery — a thirst after
riches, — promptitude to luxury, and a sinking into
venality, with their concomitants, untune them for
manly exertions and virtuous sacrifices.
I do not know from whence (except the probability
of my accompanying the Marqs. de la Fayette as far
as New York) the report of my coming to Trenton
could have originated ; for tho' pressed by him, it had
never been In contemplation by me, to make the tour
at the season he embarked.
Mrs. Washington and myself entertain a grateful
sense of the kind recollection of us, by you, Mrs. and
Miss Duane, and the other branches of your family,
and beg leave to present our compliments to and best
wishes for them all.
With very great esteem and regard, I have, &c.
P. S. If our Rocky hill acquaintance Mrs. Van-
horne, has removed, (as she talk'd of doing) to the
City of New York, — I pray you to recall me in respect
ful terms to her remembrance.

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.
Dear Sir mount vernon, 16 May, 1785.
Infor a penny, infor a pound, is an old adage. I
am so hackneyed to the touches of the painter's pen
cil, that I am now altogether at their beck ; and sit,
" like Patience on a monument," whilst they are de
lineating the lines of my face. It is a proof, among

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 451

many others, of what habit and custom can accom
plish. At first I was as impatient at the request,
and as restive under the operation, as a colt Is of the
saddle. The next time I submitted very reluctantly,
but with less flouncing. Now, no dray-horse moves
more readily to his thill than I to the painter's chair.
It may easily be conceived, therefore, that I yielded
a ready obedience to your request and to the views
of Mr. Pine.
Letters from England recommendatory of this gen
tleman came to my hands previous to his arrival ; not
only as an artist of genius and taste, but as one who
had shown a very friendly disposition towards this
country, for which it seems he had been marked.
It gave me pleasure to hear from you. I shall
always feel an interest in your happiness ; and, with
Mrs. Washington's compliments and best wishes
joined to my own for Mrs. Hopkinson and yourself,
I am, &c.'

TO MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE.
My DR Sir mount vernon, 20 May, 1785.
After a long and boisterous passage, my nephew,
G. A. Washington, returned to this place a few days
since, and delivered me your letter of the 25th of April.
' " April 28th. To dinner Mr. Pine, a pretty eminent Portrait and historical
painter arrived in order to take my picture from the life, and place it in the
historical pieces he was about to draw. This gentleman stands in good estima
tion as a painter in England ; comes recommended to me from Colo. Fairfax,
Mr. Morris, Govr. Dickinson, Mr Hopkinson, and others." — Washington's
Diary.

452 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
Under the state of the case between you and Capt.
Gun, I give it as my decided opinion that your honor
and reputation will not only stand perfectly acquitted
for the non-acceptance of his challenge, but that your
prudence and judgment would have been condemna-
ble for accepting of It In the eyes of the world : —
because, if a commanding officer is amenable to pri
vate calls for the discharge of public duty, he has a
dagger always at his breast, and can turn neither to
the right nor to the left without meeting its point ;
in a word he Is no longer a free agent in office, as
there are few military decisions which are not offen
sive to one party or the other.
However just Capt: Gun's claim upon the public
might have been, the mode adopted by him (accord
ing to your account) to obtain It, was to the last de
gree dangerous. A precedent of the sort once
established in the army, would no doubt have been
followed ; and in that case would unquestionably have
produced a revolution ; but of a very different kind
from that which, happily for America, has prevailed.
It gives me real concern to find by your letter, that
you are still embarrassed with the affairs of Banks ; I
should be glad to hear, that the evil is likely to be
temporary only ; ultimately, that you will not suffer.
From my nephew's account, this man has participated
of the qualities of Pandora's box, and has spread as
many mischiefs. How came so many to be taken in
by him ? If I recollect right, when I had the pleas
ure to see you last, you said an offer had been made
you of back lands, as security or payment in part for

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453
your demand. I then advised you to accept it. I
now repeat It — you cannot suffer by doing this, altho'
the lands may be high rated. — If they are good I
would almost pledge myself that you will gain more
in ten years by the rise In the price, than you could
by accumulation of Interest.
The Marqs. de la Fayette Is safe arrived in France,
and found his Lady and family well. From his let
ters, those of the Chevr. de la Luzerne, Count de
Rochambeau and others to me, dated between the
middle and last of Feby., I think there will be no
war in Europe this year, but some of the most intel
ligent of these writers are of opinion that the Empe-
rial Court and Russia will not suffer matters to remain
tranquil much longer. The desire of the first to
annex the Dutchy of Bavaria to its dominions in
exchange for the Austrian possessions In the Nether
lands is very displeasing, it seems, to the military
powers, which added to other matters may kindle the
flames of a general war.
Few matters of domestic nature are worth the re
lation ; otherwise, I might inform you, that the plan
for improving and extending the navigation of this
river has met a favorable beginning. Tuesday last
was the day appointed by law for the subscribers to
meet — 250 shares were required by law to constitute
and incorporate the company ; but upon comparing
the Books, it was found that between four and five
hundred shares were subscribed.
What has been done respecting the navigation of
James river I know not — I fear little.

454 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
This State did a handsome thing, and in a hand
some manner for me ; in each of these navigations
they gave me and my heirs forever fifty shares ; but
as it is incompatible with my principles, and contrary
to my declarations I do not mean to accept of them.
But how to refuse them, without incurring the charge
of disrespect to the country on the one hand, and an
ostentatious display of disinterestedness on my part
on the other, I am a little at a loss : time and the good
advice of my friends must aid me, as the Assembly
will not meet 'till Octor., and made this gratuitous
offer among, if not the last act of the last session, as
if they were determined I should not resolve what to
do from \h& first impulse. Mrs. Washington joins me
in every good wish for you, and with sentiments of
attachment and regard, I am, &c.

TO BURWELL BASSETT.
Mount Vernon, 23rd May, 1785.
Dear Sir :
It would have given me much pleasure to have
seen you at Richmond ; and it was part of my origi
nal plan to have spent a few days with you at
Eltham whilst I was in the lower parts of the country ;
but an intervention of circumstances not only put it
out of my power to do the latter, but would have
stopped my journey to Richmond altogether, had not
the meeting, the time and the place been of my own
appointing. I left company at home when I went
away who proposed to wait my return — among whom

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455
a Mr. Pine, an artist of eminence, came all the way
from Philadelphia on purpose for some materials for
an historical painting which he is about, and for
which he was obliged to stay till I got back, which I
did after an absence of eight days only.
My nephew, Geo. Aug. Washington, is just re
turned from his perigrination, apparently much
amended in his health, but not quite free from the
disorder in his side. I have understood that his ad
dresses to Fanny were made with your consent, and
I now learn that he is desirous, and she is willing, to
fulfil the engagement they have entered into, and that
they are applying to you for permission to do so.
It has ever been a maxim with me through life,
neither to promote nor to prevent a matrimonial con
nection, unless there should be something indispensa
bly requiring interference In the latter. I have
always considered marriage as the most interesting
event of one's life, the foundation of happiness or
misery. To be instrumental therefore in bringing
two people together, who are indifferent to each
other, and may soon become objects of disgust ; or
to prevent a union which is prompted by the affec
tions of the mind, is what I never could reconcile
with reason, and therefore neither directly nor indi
rectly have I ever said a word to Fanny or George,
upon the subject of their intended connection, but as
their attachment to each other seems of early growth,
warm and lasting. It bids fair for happiness. If there
fore, you have no objection, I think, the sooner it is
consummated the better.

456 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
I have just now informed them both (the former
through Mrs. Washington) that it is my wish they
should live at Mt. Vernon.
It is unnecessary, I hope, to say how happy we
should be to see you, her brothers, and any of her
friends, who can make it convenient and are disposed,
at this place on this occasion. All here join in best
wishes for you.

TO WILLIAM MINOR.
Cyn Mount Vernon, 27 May, 1785.
My objection to paying your account when here —
was, now Is, and whether It Is done or not, will be —
that it comes neither under the letter nor spirit of my
letter to Mr. Baker. My object was to give Lawce.
Posey ' a year's schooling to fit him for some of the
better occupations of life : — to do this, I agreed to
pay his board also, both of which together, I was in-
form'd would amount at the free school to £ 1 7 — Md.
Curry. — What followed? Why, he neither went to
the school nor boarded with the person under whose
care he was Intended to be put — this by your own
confession. Is it just, is It reasonable then that I
should look back to expenses which had been In
curred previous to the date of my letter, or even
forward to what might be Incurred, If the end which
I had In view was not to be answered by It ? If the
child did not go to the school nor derive the benefits
'Amelia Posey, his sister, was for some years in the keeping of Mrs.
Washington.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 457
which were intended him from it, could it be sup
posed I meant to pay for his board without ; when
his father's house and eye were more proper than
any other? Might he not as well have been at home
with his father, as at any other place idle ? Upon
these grounds it was, and under this state I repeat It,
that if there Is a disinterested man upon earth, who
will say I ought to comply with your request, I will
do it : and you may have the chusing of him or them ;
for it does not suit me to go from home on this busi
ness. I am, &c.

TO TENCH TILGHMAN. '

Mount Vernon, 2 June, 1785.
Dear Sir,
As your letter of the 30th ulto. did not reach me
until late this afternoon, and the Post goes from
Alexa. at 4 oclock in the morning I have scarcely a
moment (being also in company) to write you a re
ply. — I was not sufficiently explicit in my last. The
terms upon which Mr. Falconer came to this country
are too high for my finances — and (to you, my dear
Sir, I will add) numerous expences. I do not wish to
reduce his (perhaps well founded) expectations ; but
it behooves me to consult my own means of complying
with them.

¦Washington had for some time been endeavoring to hire a " single man of
good character and decent appearance (because he will be at my table, and
with my company,) of liberal education, and a master of composition," to serve
as secretary, and had written Tilghman on the matter.

458 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
I had been in hopes, that a young man of no great
expectations might have begun the world with me for
about fifty or sixty pounds — , but for one qualified In
all respects to answer my purposes, I would have gone
as far as seventy-five — more would rather distress me.
My purposes are these — To write letters agreeably
to what shall be dictated. Do all other writing which
shall be entrusted to him. Keep Accts. — examine,
arrange, and properly methodize my Papers, which
are In great disorder. — Ride, at my expence, to such
other States, if I should find it more convenient to
send, than attend myself, to the execution thereof.
And, which was not hinted at In my last, to initiate
two little children (a girl of six and a boy of 4
years of age, descendants of the deceased Mr. Custis,
who live with me and are very promising) in the first
rudements of education. This to both parties, would
be mere amusement, because it Is not my wish that
the Children should be confined. If Mr. Falconer
should incline to accept the above stipend In addition
to his board, washing and mending, — and you (for I
would rather have your opinion of the gentleman than
the report of a thousand others In his favor) upon a
close investigation of his character. Temper and mod
erate political tenets (for supposing him an Egllsh
man, he may come with prejudices, and doctrines of
his Country) the sooner he comes, the better my pur
pose would be promoted.
If I had had time, I might have added more, but to
you It would be unnecessary. — You know my wants.
— You know my disposition — and you know what kind

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

459

of a man would suit them. — In haste I bid you adieu —
with assurances of great regard and sincere friendship,
I am, &c.' TO WILLIAM GODDARD.
Sir, Mount Vernon, ii June, 1785.
On the Sth instant I received the favor of your
letter of the 30th of May. In answer to It I can only
say, that your own good judgment must direct you In
the publication of the manuscript papers of General
Lee. I can have no request to make concerning the
work. I never had a difference with that gentleman but on
public ground, and my conduct towards him upon this
occasion was such only, as I conceived myself indis
pensably bound to adopt In discharge of the public
trust reposed in me. If this produced in him unfavor
able sentiments of me, I yet can never consider
the conduct I pursued, with respect to him, either
wrong or Improper, however I may regret that it may
have been differently viewed by him, and that it
excited his censure and animadversions. Should there
appear in General Lee's writings any thing injurious
or unfriendly to me, the Impartial and dispassionate
world must decide how far I deserved it from the
general tenor of my conduct.
I am gliding down the stream of life, and wish, as
is natural, that my remaining days may be undisturbed
'WiUiam Shaw, taken on the recommendation of Thomas Montgomery,
acted as secretary from 26 July, 1785, to the arrival of Tobias Lear in May,
1786, receiving for that time ^56. 2 Virginia currency, or ;^42. i. 6 sterling.

46o THE WRITINGS OF [1785
and tranquil ; and, conscious of my integrity, I would
willingly hope, that nothing would occur tending to
give me anxiety; but should any thing present itself
in this or any other publication, I shall never under
take the painful task of recrimination, nor do I know
that I should even enter upon my justification. I
consider the communication you have made as a mark
of great attention, and the whole of your letter as a
proof of your esteem. I am, &c.'

TO MAJOR-GENERAL KNOX.
Mount Vernon, 18 June, 1785.
My dear Sir,
I am quite ashamed to be so long deficient in ac
knowledging the receipt of your favors of the 24th
and 29th of March and 5th of May ; but an interven
tion of circumstances, (with the enumeration of which
I will not trouble you,) has prevented It.
It gave me pleasure to hear of your appointment
to the office of secretary at war. Without a compli
ment, I think a better choice could not have been
' The manuscript papers of General Charles Lee were left by his will to Mr.
Goddard, who was at this time publisher of the Maryland Journal, in Balti
more. He issued proposals for printing the papers of General Lee in three
volumes. The work never appeared. It is said, that a person, whom he had
associated with him in preparing the materials for the press, betrayed his trust,
and sent parts of the manuscripts to England, where they were sold for his own
benefit. They afforded the groundwork of a volume first printed in London,
imperfect in its arrangement and character, entitled " The Life and Memoirs
of the late Major-General Charles Lee." — Thomas' History of Printing,
vol. ii., p. 355. The four volumes of Lee Papers issued by the New York
Historical Society contain ample evidence of Lee's antagonism to and abuse
of Washington.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 461
made ; and, though the salary is low. It may, under
the circumstances you mention, be considered as aux
iliary. Enclosed is a certificate of service for Major
Sergeant of whose worth I have a high opinion but
for want of a more competent knowledge of the time
of his entering the line of the army and of the com
missions he had borne I could not be more particular.
At any time this summer the lime stone would be
useful to me but the sooner It comes the greater bene
fit I shall derive from it as the walls for which I
want it are now in hand. The sentiment, which you
have dropped respecting the appropriation of the
shares, which were intended for me by the Assembly
of this State, in the navigation of the rivers Potomac
and James, is very pleasing, and it would give me
great pleasure to see it realized.'
For want of a complete view ofthe designs of Con
gress respecting the western territory, and not know
ing how matters stand with Great Britain respecting
the posts of Detroit and other places at present in the
occupation of British garrisons on the American side
of the line, I feel myself incompetent to answer your
question respecting such posts, as may be proper for
the purposes you mention ; but, under my present
ideas ofthe matter, I am inclined to think, if garrisons
are to be established within the limits and jurisdiction
of any of th& present States, that Fort Pitt, or Fort
' A suggestion that the donation of the legislature might be appropriated
with proper delicacy to the support of the widows and orphans of those men,
of the Virginia line, who had sacrificed their lives in the defence of their
country.

462 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
Mcintosh,' whichever shall be found most convenient
and in best repair, would suit very well for a post of
deposit, from whence all the others should be supplied ;
and, as it is my opinion, that great part of the fur and
peltry of the lakes, when we shall have free access to
them, will be transported by the Cayahoga and Big
Beaver Creek, a post at the mouth of the latter, or
some convenient post on the former, must be eligible.
The spot marked Miami Village and Fort in Hutchins's
Map, I have always considered as of importance, being
a central point between Lake Erie, Lake Michigan,
and the River Ohio, communicating with each by
water. To these, the Falls of Ohio, or some more
convenient spot for the lower settlements, may be
added. Whether this chain embraces territory enough ;
whether it goes far enough to the southward to afford
protection to the back settlers of Virginia, the Caro
linas, and Georgia ; or whether these are objects meant
to be comprehended, is for those, who are more behind
the curtain than I am, to determine. My opinion of
the matter is, that I have described a sufficient extent
of the country to answer all our present purposes ;
beyond which neither settlements nor location of land
ought to be admitted, because a larger would open a
more extensive field for land-jobbers and speculators,
weaken our frontiers by the sparseness of the settle
ments, exclude law, good government, and taxation
to a late period, and injure the Union very essentially
In many respects.
At the conflux of the Great Kanhawa with the Ohio
a post might be established so as to answer beneficial
' A fort on the Ohio River twenty-five miles below Pittsburg.

ijSs] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 463
purposes. Indeed it is the opinion of many, that it
is a more eligible place than Pittsburg. In time, if the
navigation of the Kanhawa should be extended, and
an easy communication had with James River, it may
be so; but in the present state of things, considering
the settlements about the latter, and the sources from
whence proceed all the supplies of that country% it
certainly is not. As a post for the protection of the
river and the movements thereon, it may be desirable.
If I am right in my principles, some such distribu
tion as the following may not be ineligible for the
seven hundred men, which are ordered to be raised.
At Fort Pitt, Fort Mcintosh, or the mouth of Big
Beaver, (being in the vicinity of a thick settlement,)
only one hundred men. Cayahoga, whence a detach
ment might occupy the carrying-place between that
water and Big Beaver, being on the line and most
exposed, allow two hundred. Miami Fort, or Village,
and dependencies, &c. two hundred. At the Falls of
Ohio, or some spot more convenient and healthy on
that river, one hundred and fifty. At the conflux of
the Great Kanhawa and the Ohio, for security of the
river, protection of trade, and covering emigrants,
fifty. Total— 700. * * *

TO WILLIAM GRAYSON. Mount Vernon, 22 June, 1785.

Dr. Sir,
Since my last to you I have been favored with your
letters of the 5th, 27th, &  of May and beg your
acceptance of my thanks for their enclosures, and for

464 THE WRITINGS OF [1785

the communications you were pleased to make me
therein. I am very glad to find you have pass'd an Ordi
nance of Congress respecting the sale of the Western
Lands : — I am too well acquainted with the local
politics of individual States, not to have foreseen the
difficulties you met with in this business ; — these
things are to be regretted, but not to be altered, until
liberallity of sentiment is more universal. — Fixing the
Seat of Empire at any spot on the Delaware, Is in my
humble opinion, demonstrably wrong ; — to incur an
expence for what may be call'd the permanent seat of
Congress, at this time is, I conceive evidently impoli
tic ; for without the gift of prophecy, I will venture
to predict that under any circumstance of confedera
tion, it will not remain so far to the Eastward long;
& that until the public Is In better circumstances. It
ought not to be built at all. Time too powerful for
sophistry, will point out the place & disarm localities
of their power. — In the meanwhile let the Widow,
the Orphan, and the Suffering Soldier, who are crying
to you for their dues, receive that which can very well
be rendered to them.
There is nothing new in this quarter of an interest
ing nature, to communicate, unless you should not
have been informed that the Potomac navigation pro
ceeds under favorable auspices ; At the general meet
ing of the subscribers in May last, it appeared that
upwards of 400 of the 500 shares had been engaged, —
many more have been subscribed since — a Board of
Directors have been chosen — proper characters &

1785] GEORGE ir.<Sti7NG7\\X. ^<>,,s

Laborers advertized for, ro common*^^ the work in
the least diflScult parts of the river till ,i skillful Kni^i-
neer caa be engaged to undertiike thv'vso which arf
more so; and it is expected the »x>rk will be begun
by the loth of next month.
With great esteem ^ reof,^rd. I am, Cic-

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Moc^MT Vexxon. ii Jnne, I7?5.
Dr. Sir,
I stand indebted to you for your favors of the 3d,
7th, and 29th of last month, and feel myself exceed
ingly obliged to your Excellency for the communica
tions and enclosures therein. —
It gfives me pleasure to find that an Ordinance of
Congress has passed respecting the Western Terri
tory. — A little longer delay of this business, and I
believe the country would have been settled, maugre,
all that could have been done to prevent it ; as it is, I
am not clear that the same respect will be paid now
to this Ordinance, which would have been at an earlier
period, before men began to speculate in Lands No.
West of the Ohio, and to obtrude themselves thereon.
From the general tenor of my letters from very
respectable characters in France, 1 think it most likely
that the dispute between the Emperor and Holland
will be settled without bloodshed, and that the former
will hardly be able to effect the exchange of his
Northerland Dominions for the Dutchy of Bavaria,
among other reasons because the Duke de Deux
30

466 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
Ponts, nephew and heir to the Elector, is opposed
thereto : but notwithstanding that the state of politics,
and temper of some of the formidable Powers of Eu
rope are such as to place War at no remote distance.
I have just parted with Mr. and Mrs. Macaulay
Graham, who after a stay of about ten days, left this
in order to embark for England, from New York; I
am obliged to you for introducing a Lady to me whose
reputation among the literati is so high, and whose
principles are so much and so justly admired by the
friends of liberty and of mankind. — it gave me pleas
ure to find that her sentiments respecting the inade
quacy of the powers of Congress, as also those of
Doctr. Price's, coincide with my own ; experience
evinces the truth of these observations, and the late
movement of the mercantile intere.st exhibits a recent
proof of the conviction It is working in the popular
mind, but it Is unfortunate for us, that evils which
might have been averted, must be first felt, and our
national character for wisdom, justice and temper
ance, suffer in the eyes of the world, before we can
guide the political machine as it ought to be. * * *
I am, &c.

TO GEORGE WILLIAM FAIRFAX.
My Dr. Sir, mount Vernon, 30 June, 1785.

* *

I have not yet received the Pictures which you
were so obliging as to send me by Mr. Bracken ; but
have some prospect now of getting them, as Colo,

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 467
Bassett who left this lately & who expects to be up
again in Octor. to the marriage of his Daughter who
lives with us, with a son of my brother Charles (who
acted as an Aid de Camp to the Marqs. dela Fayette
from the year 1780, to the close of the War) has
promised to bring them. — Altho' I have lately had
the pleasure of seeing the original in the hands of the
designer & executioner Mr. Pine, who spent three
weeks with me in May last. —
Mr. Pine has met a favorable reception in this
country, & may, I conceive, command as much busi
ness as he pleases : he is now preparing materials for
historical representations of some of the most Import
ant events of the War ; & if his choice and the
execution is equal to the field he has to display his
talents in, the pieces (which will be large) will do him
much credit as an artist, & be interesting for Ameri
ca & its friends as a deposit for their posterity.
The information which you have given of the dis
position of a certain Court coincides precisely with the
sentiments I had formed of it from my own observa
tions upon many late occurrences, and from a com
bination of circumstances. With respect to ourselves,
I wish I could add, that as much wisdom has per
vaded our councils ; as reason & common policy
most evidently dictated ; but the truth is, the people
must feel before they will see, consequently are
brought slowly into measures of public utility. Past
experience, or the admonitions of a few, have but lit
tle weight — where ignorance, selfishness and design
possess the major part : — but evils of this nature work

468 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
their own cure ; tho' the remedy comes slower than
those who foresee, or think they foresee the danger,
attempt to effect. With respect to the commercial
system which G: B: is pursuing with this country, the
Ministers, in this as in other matters, are defeating
their own ends, by facilitating those powers in Con
gress which will produce a counteraction of their
plans, and which half a century without, would not
have invested that body with. The restriction of our
trade, and the additional duties which are imposed
upon many of our staple commodities, have put the
commercial people of this Country in motion ; — they
now see the indispensable necessity of a general con-
trouling power, and are addressing their respective
Assemblies to grant this to Congress. — Before this
every State thought itself competent to regulate its
own Trade and were verifying the observations of
Lord Sheffield ; who supposed we never could agree
upon any general plan ; — but those who will go a little
deeper into matters, than his Lordship seems to have
done, will readily perceive that in any measure where
the Foederal interest is touched, however wide apart
the politics of individual States may be, yet as soon
as it is discovered they will always unite to effect a
common good. * * *
Our course of Husbandry in this country, & more
especially In this State, is not only exceedingly
unprofitable, but so destructive to our Lands, that It
is my earnest wish to adopt a better ; & as I believe
no country has carried the improvement of Land &
the benefits of Agriculture to greater perfection than

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 469

England, I have asked myself frequently of late,
whether a thorough bred practical English Farmer
from a part of England where husbandry seems to be
best understood & is most advantageously practised
could not be obtain'd ? and upon what terms ? The
thought having again occurred to me, whilst I was in
the act of writing this letter, I resolved as a more
certain & eligible mode of having the questions de
termined, to propound them to you. That a man of
character & knowledge may be had for very high
wages, there can be no doubt — money we know will
fetch anything & command the service of any man ;
but with the former I do not abound. ^ — To engage a
man upon shares as the Overseers of this country
are, might be productive of much discontent to the
employed ; for we could scarcely convey to a good
English Farmer a just idea of the wretched condition
of our Lands — what dressings they will require, and
how entirely our system must be changed to make
them productive : — and if we do not, disappointment
and continual murmurings would be the consequence.
It follows then that the only means by which we can
think of obtaining one, must be to give standing
wages : — for what then my good Sir, do you think a
sober, industrious and knowing Farmer might be had
to take of one of our plantations — say of ten labor
ers? Or to bring the matter nearer to his own
conception of things — a Farm of about 200 or
250 acres of cleared Land, to be stocked with a com
petent number of plows — Black Cattle, Sheep and
hogs ?

470 THE WRITINGS OF [1785

When I speak of a knowing Farmer, I mean one
who understands the best course of crops, how to
plough — to sow — to mow — to hedge — to Ditch, and
above all, Midas like, one who can convert every
thing he touches into manure, as the first transmuta
tion towards gold : — in a word one who can bring
worn out and gullied Lands into good tilth in the
shortest time. I do not mean to put you to the trouble
of actually engaging one, but I should be obliged to
you for setting on foot the enquiry — and for com
municating the result of It to me ; — because I could
not receive your answer in time for the next year ;
the autumn being, as you well know the season at
which our Overseers are engaged, and our plans for
the ensuing Crop must be formed.
These enquiries, as you will readily perceive are
pointed to a Farmer of the middling class ; — which
more than probably would best answer my purpose ;
— but If it could be made convenient to you to
extend enquiries further ; — permit me to ask if one
of a higher order could be had? And upon what
terms ? I mean for a Steward.
It may not in this place be amiss to observe to you
that I still decline the growth of Tobacco, and to add,
that it is my Intention to raise as little Indian Corn as
may be : — in a word, that I am desirous of entering
upon a compleat course of husbandry as practiced in
the best Farming counties of England. — I enquire for
a man of this latter description with little hope of
success — 1st because I believe one who is compleatly
fit for my purposes, wou'd be above my price; &
2dly because I have taken up an idea that an English

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 471

Steward is not so much a farmer, as he is an Attorney
or an Accomptant ; because few of the Nobility and
Gentry having their Estates in their own hands —
stand more in need of a Collector who, at the same
time that he receives the rents, will see that the Cove
nants of the leases are complied with, repairs made
&c., &c., than of a Farmer. — In this however, I may
be mistaken — One thing more and then I will close
this long letter : — if from your own observation, or
from good information you should fix your eyes upon
men of one or both of these descriptions — and could
ascertain his or their terms, (leaving me at liberty to
accede to them or not, within a reasonable time for an
intercourse by letter) I had rather he or they should
be personally known to you ; or their characters well
ascertained by a friend In whom you can confide ; be
cause what you or such a person would say of them,
I could rely upon ; but how often do we find recom
mendations given without merit to deserve them, —
founded in a disposition to favor the applicant, or
want of resolution to refuse them — oftentimes indeed,
to get rid of a dependant who Is troublesome or
injurious to us, upon what are called decent terms. —
A man in the character of a Steward (if single, and his
appearance equal to it,) would live in the House with
me, and be at my table, in the manner Lund
Washington was accustomed to do, who is now
married and a House Keeper tho' still attending
my business.' The common Farmer would live
on the Farm which would be entrusted to bis
care. * * *

' Lund Washington had married Elizabeth Foote, in 1782.

472

THE WRITINGS OF [1785

I have not yet seen Mr. Thos. Corbin, he sent your
letter under cover a few days ago with assurances of
making me a visit as soon as he had recovered from
a slight indisposition.— He appears from your account
to have been very ill treated by his brother Dick, —
but the latter I understand has not been behind him
in charges to some of his friends In this country, who
think Thos. in the wrong.
Mrs. Washington joins me in most affectionate
regards, & In every good wish for you & Mrs. Fairfax.
— with much truth I am, &c. '

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.
Mount Vernon, 25 July, 1785.
My dear Humphreys,
Since my last to you, I have received your letter of
the 15th of January, and, I believe, that of the i ith of
November, and thank you for them. It always gives
me pleasure to hear from you ; and I should think, if
amusements would spare you, business could not so
much absorb your time as to prevent your writing
more frequently, especially as there is a regular con
veyance once a month by the packet.
As the complexion of European politics seems now
(by letters I have received from the Marquis de Lafay
ette, the Chevalier de Chastellux, the Chevalier de la
Luzerne, and others,) to have a tendency to peace, I
will say nothing of war, nor make any animadversions
upon the contending powers ; otherwise I might possi-
' " June 30th. — Dined with only Mrs. Washington, which, I believe is the
first instance of it since my retirement from public life." — Diary.

,785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 473
bly have said, that the retreat from It seemed impossible
after the explicit declaration of the parties. My first
wish is to see this plague to mankind banished from off
the earth, and the sons and daughters of this world
employed in more pleasing and innocent amusements,
than in preparing Implements and exercising them for
the destruction of mankind. Rather than quarrel about
territory, let the poor, the needy, and oppressed of the
earth, and those who want land, resort to the fertile
plains of our western country, the second land of
promise, and there dwell in peace, fulfilling the first
and great commandment.
In a former letter I informed you, my dear Hum
phreys, that if I had talents for It, I have not leisure to
turn my thoughts to Commentaries. A consciousness
of a defective education, and a certainty of the want
of time, unfit me for such an undertaking. What with
company, letters, and other matters, many of them
quite extraneous, I have not been able to arrange my
own private concerns so as to rescue them from that
disordered state into which they have been thrown by
the war, and to do which is become absolutely neces
sary for my support whilst I remain on this stage of
human action. The sentiments of your last letter on
this subject gave me great pleasure. I should be
pleased indeed to see you undertake this business.
Your abilities as a writer, your discernment respecting
the principles which led to the decision by arms, your
personal knowledge of many facts as they occurred In
the progress of the war, your disposition to justice,
candor, and impartiality, and your diligence in investi
gating truth, combining, fit you, when joined with

474 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
the vigor of life, for this task ; and I should with great
pleasure, not only give you the perusal of all my papers,
but any oral information of circumstances, which can
not be obtained from the former, that my memory will
furnish ; and I can with great truth add, that my house
would not only be at your service during the period
of your preparing this work, but (without an unmean
ing compliment I say it) I should be exceedingly happy
if you would make It your home. You might have an
apartment to yourself. In which you would command
your own time. You would be considered and treated
as one of the family, and meet with that cordial recep
tion and entertaiment, which are characteristic of the
sincerest friendship.
To reverberate European news would be idle, and
we have little of domestic kind worthy of attention.
We have held treaties with the Indians, but they were
so unseasonably delayed, that these people, by our
last accounts from the westward, are in a discontented
mood, supposed by many to be Instigated thereto by
our late enemies (now, to be sure, fast friend), who,
from any thing I can learn, under the Indefinite expres
sion of the treaty, hold and seem resolved to retain
possession of our western posts. Congress have, also,
after a long and tedious deliberation, passed an ordi
nance for laying off the western territory into States,
and for disposing of the land ; but in a manner and on
terms, which few people in the southern States conceive
can be accomplished. Both sides are sure, and the
event is appealed to. Let time decide It. It is however
to be regretted, that local politics and self-interested

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 475
views obtrude themselves into every measure of public
utility : — but to such characters be the consequences.
My attention is more immediately engaged in a pro
ject, which I think big with great political, as well as
commercial consequences to these States, especially
the middle ones ; it is by removing the obstructions
and extending the Inland navigation of our rivers, to
bring the States on the Atlantic in chose connexion
with those forming to the westward, by a short and
easytransportatlon. Without this, I can easily conceive
they will have different views, separate interests, and
other connexions. I may be singular in my ideas, but
they are these ; that, to open a door to, and make
easy the way for, those settlers to the westward (which
ought to progress regularly and compactly) before we
make any stir about the navigation of the Mississippi,
and before our settlements are far advanced towards
that river, would be our true line of policy. It can,
I think, be demonstrated, that the produce of the
western territory, (if the navigations which are now
in hand succeed, and of which I have no doubt,) as
low down the Ohio as the Great Kanhawa, I believe
to the Falls, and between the parts above and the
Lakes, may be brought either to the highest shipping
port on this or James river, at a less expense, with
more ease, (including the return,) and in a much shor
ter time, than it can be carried to New Orleans, if the
Spaniards, instead of restricting, were to throw open
their ports and Invite our trade. But if the commerce
of that country should embrace this channel, and con
nexions be formed, experience has taught us, and there

476 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
is a very recent proof with great Britain, how next to
impracticable it is to divert It ; and, if that should be
the case, the Atlantic States, (especially as those to the
westward will in a great degree fill with foreigners,)
will be no more to the present Union, except to excite
perhaps very justly our fears, than the country of
California, which is still more to the westward, and
belonging to another power.
Mrs. Washington presents her compliments to you,
and with every wish for your happiness,
I am, my dear Humphreys, &c.

TO the marquis de LAFAYETTE.
My dear Marquis, ^"'^^^^ '^^'''^'°'''> ^5 J"iy. 1785.
******
As the clouds which overspread your hemisphere
are dispersing, and peace with all its concomitants is
dawning upon your Land, I will banish the sound of
War from my letter : — I wish to see the sons and
daughters of the world In Peace and busily employed
in the more agreeable amusement of fulfilling the first
and great commandment — hicrease and Multiply : as
an encouragement to which we have opened the fertile
plains of the Ohio to the poor, the needy and the op-
ressed of the Earth ; any one therefore who is heavy
laden or who wants land to cultivate, may repair thither
& abound, as in the Land of promise, with milk and
honey : — the ways are preparing, and the roads will
be made easy, thro' the channels of Potomac &
James river.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 477
Speaking of these navigations, I have the pleasure
to inform you that the subscriptions (especially for the
first) at the surrender of the books, agreeably to the
act which I enclosed you in my last, exceeded my most
sanguine expectation : — for the latter, that is James
river, no comparison of them has yet been made. —
Of the ;^50,ooo Sterlg. required for the Potomac
navigation, upwards of _;^ 40,000, was subjoined before
the middle of May, and encreasing fast — a President
& four Directors, consisting of your hble. servant,
Govrs. Johnson and Lee of Maryland, and Colos.
Fitzgerald and Gilpin of this State, were chosen to
conduct the undertaking. — The first dividend of the
money was paid in on the 15th of this month; and
the work is to be begun the first of next. In those parts
which require least skill, leaving the more difficult
'till an Engineer of abilities and practical knowledge
can be obtained ; which reminds me of the question
which I propounded to you In my last, on this subject,
and on which I should be glad to learn your senti
ments. This prospect, if It succeeds, and of which I
have no doubt, will bring the Atlantic States and the
Western Territory into close connexion, and be pro
ductive of very extensive commercial and political
consequences ; the last of which gave the spur to
my exertions, as I could foresee many, and great mis
chiefs which would naturally result from a separation
— and that a separation would inevitably take place,
if the obstructions between the two countries re
mained, and the navigation of the Mississippi should
be made free.

478 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
Great Britain, in her commercial policy is acting
the same unwise part, with respect to herself, which
seems to have influenced all her councils ; and thereby
is defeating her own ends : — the restriction of our
trade, and her heavy imposts on the staple commodi
ties of this country, will I conceive, immediately pro
duce powers in Congress to regulate the Trade of
the Union ; which, more than probably would not
have been obtained without in half a century. The
mercantile interests of the whole Union are endeavor
ing to effect this, & will no doubt succeed ; they see
the necessity of a controuling power, and the futility.
Indeed the absurdity, of each State's enacting Laws
for this purpose independant of one another. — This
will be the case also, after a while, in all matters of
common concern ; — It is to be regretted, I confess,
that Democratical States must always yk^/ before they
can see: — It is this that makes their Governments
slow — but the people will be right at last. —
Congress after long deliberation, — have at length
agreed upon a mode for disposing of the Lands of
the United States in the Western territory: — it may
be a good one, but It does not comport with my ideas.
— The ordinance is long, and I have none of them by
me, or I would send one for your perusal. — They
seem in this instance, as in almost every other,
to be surrendering the little power they have, to
the States individually which gave it to them. —
Many think the price which they have fixed upon
the Lands too high ; — and all to the Southward I
believe, that disposing of these In Townships, and by

,785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 479
square miles alternately, will be a great let to the
sale: — but experience, to which there is an appeal,
must decide.
Soon after I had written to you in Feby., Mr. Jef
ferson, and after him Mr. Carmichael informed me
that in consequence of an application from Mr. Har
rison for permission to export a Jack for me from
Spain, his Catholic Majesty had ordered two of the
first race in his Kingdom (lest an accident might
happen to one) to be purchased and presented to me
as a mark of his esteem. — Such an instance of conde
scension and attention from a crowned head is very
flattering and lays me under great obligation to the
King ; but neither of them is yet arrived : — these
I presume are the two mentioned in your favor
of the i6th of April ; one as having been shipped
from Cadiz — the other as expected from the Isle of
Malta, which you would forward. — As they have been
purchased since December last, I began to be appre
hensive of accidents ; which I wish may not. In the
case with respect to the one from Cadiz, if he was
actually shipped at the time of your account : —
should the other pass thro' your hands you cannot
oblige me more, than by requiring the greatest care,
& most particular attention to be paid to him. I
have lofig endeavored to procure one of a good size
and breed, but had little expectation of receiving two
as a royal gift. —
I am much obliged to you my dear Marquis, for
your attention to the Hounds, & not less sorry that
you should have met the smallest difficulty, or expe-

48o THE WRITINGS OF [1785
rlenced the least trouble in obtaining them : I was
no way anxious about these, consequently should
have felt no regret, or sustained no loss if you had
not succeeded in your application. — I have commis
sioned three or four persons (among whom Colo.
Marshall is one) to procure for me In Kentucke, for
the use of the King's Gardens at Versailles or else
where, the seeds mentioned in the list you sent me
from New York, and such others as are curious, and
will forward them as soon as they come to my hands :
which cannot be 'till after the growing crop has given
its seeds.
My best wishes will accompany you to Potsdam,
and into the Austrian's Dominions whenever you set
out upon that tour. As an unobserved spectator,
I should like to take a peep at the troops of those
Monarch's at their manceuverings, upon a grand field
day ; but as it Is among the unattainable things, my
philosophy shall supply the place of curiosity, and set
my mind at ease.
In your favor of the 19th of March you speak of
letters which were sent by a Mr. Williams; but none
such have come to hand. The present for the Httle
folks did not arrive by Mr. Ridouts ship as you
expected ; — to what cause owing I know not. — Mrs.
Washington has but Indifferent health ; & the late
loss of her mother, & only brother Mr. Barthw.
Dandridge (one of the Judges of our Supreme Court)
has rather added to her Indisposition. My mother
and friends enjoy good health. — George has returned
after his peregrination thro' the West Indies, to

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 481
Burmuda, the Bahama Islands, & Charlestown ; at
the last place he spent the winter. He is in better
health than when he set out, but not quite recovered :
— He is now on a journey to the Sweet Springs, to
procure a stock sufficient to fit him for a matrimonial
voyage in the Frigate F. Bassett ; on board which he
means to embark at his return In October : — how far
his case Is desperate, I leave you to judge — If it is so,
the remedy, however pleasing at first, will certainly be
violent. The latter end of April I had the pleasure to re
ceive in good order, by a ship from London, the picture
of yourself, Madame la Fayette and the children,
which I consider as an invaluable present, & shall
give it the best place In my House. — Mrs. Washington
joins me in respectful compliments, & in every good
wish for Madame de la Fayette, yourself & family,
all the others who have come under your kind notice
present their compliments to you. — For myself, I can
only repeat the sincere attachment, & unbounded
affection of My Dr. Marqs., &c.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPPI. Mount Vernon, 30 July, 1785-
Dear Sir,
Although it is not my intention to derive any pe
cuniary advantage from the generous vote of the As
sembly of this State, consequent of its gratuitous gift
of shares in the navigation of each of the rivers Poto
mac and James; yet, as I consider these undertakings
31

482 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
as of vast political and commercial importance to the
States on the Atlantic, especially to those nearest the
centre of the Union, and adjoining the western terri
tory, I can let no act of mine impede the progress of
the work. I have therefore come to the determination
to hold the shares, which the treasurer was directed
to subscribe on my account, in trust for the use and
benefit of the public ; unless I should be able to dis
cover, before the meeting of the Assembly, that It
would be agreeable to it to have the product of the
tolls arising from these shares applied as a fund, on
which to establish two charity schools, one on each
river, for the education and support of the children of
the poor and indigent of this country, who cannot
afford to give it, particularly the children of those men
of this description, who have fallen in defence of the
rights and liberties of It. If the plan succeed, of
which I have no doubt, I am sure it will be a very
productive and increasing fund, and the moneys thus
applied will be a beneficial institution,
I am aware that my non-acceptance of these shares
will have various motives ascribed to it, among which
an ostentatious display of disinterestedness, perhaps
the charge of disrespect or slight of the favors of my
country, may lead the van ; but under a consciousness,
that my conduct herein is not Influenced by consider
ations of this nature, and that I shall act more
agreeably to my own feelings, and more consistent
with my early declarations, by declining to accept them,
I shall not only hope for indulgence, but a favorable
interpretation of my conduct. My friends, I persuade

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 483

myself, will acquit me ; the world, I hope, will judge
charitably. Perceiving by the advertisements of Messrs. Cabell,
Buchanan, and Southall, that half the sum required
by the act, for opening and extending the navigation
of James River, is subscribed, and the 20th of next
month appointed forthe subscribers to meet at Rich
mond, I take the liberty of giving you a power to act
for me on that occasion. I would (having the accom
plishment of these navigations much at heart) have
attended in person, but the president and directors of
the Potomac company, by their own appointment, are
to commence the survey of this river in the early part
of next month ; for which purpose I shall leave home
to-morrow. Besides which If the ejectments which I
have been obliged to bring for my lands in Pennsylva.
are to be tried at the September term, as Mr. Smith
my lawyer conceives they would and is to Inform me,
I shall find it necessary I fear to attend the trial. An
intermediate journey therefore, in addition to Rich
mond, would be impracticable for me to accomplish.
I am. Sir, &c.'

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Dear Sir, 13 August, 1785.
At the time your letter from the Rocks was delivered
to me, I had neither pen, ink, paper, or a table to write
on at command ; consequently could only verbally^-
' Washington was chosen president of the James River Company, but he de
clined to serve, although assured of being relieved of the "troublesome part.
Randolph wrote : " We wish to be considered as having your particular
patronage."

484 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
knowledge the receipt of it, — which I did by j\Ir.
Wormley : — since my return home I have met your
other favor of the 29th ulto.
The great object, for the accomplishment of which
I wish to see the inland navigation of the rivers Poto
mac & James improved & extended, is to connect the
Western Territory with the Atlantic States ; all others
with me, are secondary. Tho' I am clearly of opinion
that It will greatly increase our commerce, & be an im
mense saving. In the article of transportation, & draft
cattle, to the Planters & Farmers who are in a situa
tion to have the produce of their labor water borne.
These being my sentiments, I wish to see the
undertaking progress equally in both rivers ; & but
for my local situation, & numerous avocations, my
attention to each should be alike : — what little I
do for the advancement of the enterprise in this
river, is done, as It were en passant ; and because I
think the difficulties greater than in the other — and
not because I give It the preference — for both in my
opinion have their advantages, without much. If any
Interference with each other. The advantages arising
from my patronage of either, is probably more ideal
than real ; but such as they are, I wish them to be
thought equally distributed : — my contribution to the
works shall be the same. I have already subscribed
five shares to the Potomac navigation ; and enclosed
I give you a power to put my name down for five
shares to that of James river. —
With respect to acting as President to the Board of
Directors for that Company, it Is a delicate subject
for me to speak to : — every person who knows how

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 485

much my time (by company & other matters) is oc
cupied, must also know that it would be iinpo.ssible
for me to discharge the duties of the office, as they
should be : — even here, where the business for the most
part is, and will continue to be done at Alexandria,
or George-town (eight miles further from me) it was
so evident to me that I could not perform the duties
of President with that diligence and propriety which
I thought necessary, that I wish to decline it, but could
not get excused : — How much more would this be the
case with James river, where the journey to it alone
would be a work of time and labor : — and besides,
let it not be forgotten my Dr. Sir, that tho' some of
the Subscribers may wish to see me at the head of the
Board of Directors ; — yet there may be others who
would feel disappointed and hurt if they are over
looked and this might have an Influence on their con
nexions — I mention these things to you with the
candor and frankness of a friend, and under the rose ;
after which your own judgment and those of your
friends, must dictate for the best. — I am persuaded
all of us have the same object In view, and what ever
shall be deemed, by the concurrent voice of the sub
scribers, the best means to effect It, shall meet my
hearty approbation. —
My last letter was written to you in such haste^
that I apprehend I was not sufficiently explicit to be
understood. — It was not my intention to apply for a
copy of the Governor's instructions releasing him
from the restriction of the King's Proclamation ; but
for the order of Council consequent thereof, directing
or permitting Warrants to issue on military rights,

486 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
agreeably thereto : — because if the date of this order
had been found to be antecedent to the occupancy
of my adversaries, it would remove them from their
grand Fort — for on possession, before I took any
legal steps — I know they mean to place their sole
defence. —
The Patent, & thousands of Warrants are evi
dences that the restrictions respecting military set
tlers was taken off; but they do not ascertain the
time. — My Patent, if I recollect right, was dated in
July, 1774; — but the occupants, according to their
own accounts, possessed the Land In the Octobr. pre
ceding ; — if therefore I could have obtained a
certificate of the loss of the Council Books ; and any
circumstance could have been recollected by which It
should appear (as unquestionably the fact Is) that the
recognition of military rights was previous to Octo
ber 1773, and so intimated in the certificate afore
said ; it would have been useful: — - Without this indeed,
the matter is so clear, in my judgment, as not to
admit of dispute before an impartial Jury ;— but an
impartial Jury I do not expect — & much less since
I have heard that the high Sheriff of the County
(lately chosen) is of the fraternity of my competitors,
& interested In the decision, — so far at least as
similar circumstances, & the suffrages of these
people in his election, can bias him — Indeed I have
lately been told that the decision of this case will be
interesting to numbers whose rights are disputed on
similar grounds. — I am, &c.

,78s] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 487
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.
Dear Sir,
In my absence with the directors of the Potomac
navigation, to examine, the river and fix a plan of
operations,' your favor, begun on the 23d and ended
the 31st of July, came to this place. I am sorry
to hear of your late Indisposition, but congratulate
you on your recovery, hoping the reestablishment of
your health may be of long continuance. * * *
It is to be hoped, that our minister at the court of
London will bring that government to an explanation
respecting the western posts, which It still retains on
the American side the line, contrary to the spirit, if
not the letter of the treaty. My opinion from the
' The object of this tour was to inspect minutely the course of the Potomac
from Georgetown to Harper's Ferry, and ascertain in what places and to what
extent it was necessary to construct canals and remove obstructions in the river.
The directors went up by land, part of the distance on one side and part on
the other ; but they returned from Harper's Ferry to the head of the Great
Falls above Georgetown in boats ; thus effecting a thorough examination of the
river. General Washington, as usual wherever he moved, attracted the atten
tion of the people and demonstrations of respect for his person. The following
is an extract from his Diary.
" August ^th. — After breakfast, and after directing Mr. Rumsey, when he
had marked the way and set the laborers at work, to meet us at Harper's
Ferry, myself and the directors set out for the same place by way of Frederick-
town in Maryland. Dined at a Dutchman's two miles above the mouth of the
Monococy, and reached Fredericktown about five o'clock. Drank tea, supped,
and lodged at Governor Johnson's. In the evening the bells rang and guns
were fired ; and a committee waited upon me by order of the gentlemen of the
town to request, that I would stay the next day and partake of a public dinner,
which the town were desirous of giving me. But, as arrangements had been
made, and the time for examining the Shenandoah Falls, previously to the day
fixed for receiving laborers into pay, was short, I found it most expedient to
decline the honor."

488 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
first, and so Ideclared it, was, that these posts would
be detained from us as long as they could be held
under any pretence whatsoever. I have not changed
it, though I wish for cause to do so, as it may become
a serious matter. However singular the opinion may
be, I cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation of
the Mississippi, at this time, ought to be no object
with us.' On the contrary, until we have a little time
allowed to open and make easy the ways between
the Atlantic States and the western territory, the
obstruction had better remain. There is nothing
which binds one county or one State to another,
but interest. Without this cement the western in
habitants, who more than probably will be composed
In a great degree of foreigners, can have no predi
lection for us, and a commercial connexion is the
only tie we can have upon them. It is clear to me,
that the trade of the Lakes, and of the River Ohio,
as low as the Great Kanhawa if not to the Falls,
may be brought to the Atlantic ports easier and
cheaper, taking the whole voyage together, than It
can be carried to New Orleans ; but, once open the
door to the latter before the obstructions are removed
from the former, let commercial connexions, which
lead to others, be formed, and the habit of that trade
well established, and it will be found to be no easy
matter to divert It ; and vice versa. When the settle-
ments are stronger and more extended to the west-
' Washington was somewhat singular in this opinion, for a large majority of
Virginians were opposed even to a temporary occlusion of the Mississippi, even
when accompanied by no determination of the right to navigate the river. The
arrival of Gardoqui was at this time looked forward to as offering a settlement
of the question.

lySs] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 489
ward, the navigation of the Mississippi will be an
object of importance, and we shall then be able,
(reserving our claims,) to speak a more efficacious
language, than policy, I think, dictates at present.'
I never have and I hope never shall hear, any
serious mention of a paper emission in this State ;
yet such a thing may be in agitation. Ignorance and
design are productive of much mischief. The first
are the tool of the latter, and are often set to work
suddenly and unexpectedly. Those, with whom I
have conversed on the subject In this part of the
State, reprobate the idea exceedingly.^
We have lately had the pleasure of Miss Lee's and
' In writing on this subject to M. de Marbois, who had spoken of a rencounter
between the Spaniards at Fort Natchez and the inhabitants in that neighbor
hood. General Washington said: "I wish something disagreeable may not
result from the contentions respecting the navigation of the River Mississippi.
The emigration to the waters thereof is astonishingly great, and chiefly by a
description of people, who are not very subordinate to the laws and constitution
of the States they go from. Whether the prohibition of the Spaniards, there
fore, is just or unjust, politic or impolitic, it will be with difficulty, that people
of this class can be restrained from the enjoyment of natural advantages." —
June i8th.
'The following questions and sentiments were contained in Mr. Lee's letter,
to which this is an answer.
" Is it possible that a plan can be formed for issuing a large sum of paper
money by the next Assembly ? I do verily believe, that the greatest foes we
have in the world could not devise a more effectual plan for ruining Virginia.
I should suppose, that every friend to his country, every honest and sober man,
would join heartily to reprobate so nefarious a plan of speculation."
The sentiments of George Mason on the same subject may be seen in the
following extract from a letter written by him to General Washington at a
somewhat later date. "I have heard nothing from the Assembly," said he,
" except vague reports of their being resolved to issue a paper currency ; upon
what principle or funds I know not ; perhaps upon the old threadbare security
of pledging solemnly the public credit. I believe such an experiment would
prove similar to the old vulgar adage of carrying a horse to the water. They may
pass a law to issue it, but twenty laws will not make the people receive it."
November gth.

49°

THE WRITINGS OF [1785
Miss Hannah's company at this place. They were
both well five days ago. Mrs. Washington prays you
to accept her compliments ; and with sentiments of
great respect, esteem, and regard, I am, &c.
P. S. Your name, I well remember, stands among
those of the subscribers for a share in the Potomac
navigation.

TO JAMES McHENRY, IN CONGRESS.
Mount Vernon, 22 August, 1785.
Dear Sir,
******
As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers
of Congress, without which it is evident to me we
never shall establish a national character, or be con
sidered as on a respectable footing by the powers of
Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree with you in senti
ment not to enlarge them for the regulating of com
merce. I have neither time nor abilities to enter Into
a full discussion of this subject ; but It should seem to
me, that your arguments against it, principally that
some States may be more benefited than others by a
commercial regulation, apply to every matter of general
utility. Can there be a case enumerated, in which this
argument has not its force In a greater or less degree?
We are either a united people under one head and for
federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sove
reignties, eternally counteracting each other. If the
former, whatever such a majority of the States, as the
constitution points out, conceives to be for the benefit

ijgj] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 491
of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be sub
mitted to by the minority. Let the southern States
always be represented ; let them act more in union ;
let them declare freely and boldly what is for the in
terest of, and what is prejudicial to, their constituents ;
and there will, there must be, an accommodating spirit.
In the establishment of a navigation act, this in a par
ticular manner ought, and will doubtless be attended
to. If the assent of nine, or as some propose of
eleven States, Is necessary to give validity to a com
mercial system, it insures this measure, or it cannot
be obtained.
Wherein then lies the danger? But if your fears
are in danger of being realized, cannot certain provisos
in the ordinance guard against the evil ; I see no diffi
culty in this, if the southern delegates would give their
attendance in Congress, and follow the example, if it
should be set them, of hanging together to counteract
combinations. I confess to you candidly, that I can
foresee no evil greater than disunion ; than those un
reasonable jealousies, (I say unreasonable, because I
would have a proper jealousy always awake, and the
United States on the watch to prevent individual
States from infracting the constitution with impunity,)
which are continually poisoning our minds and filling
them with imaginary evils to the prevention of real
ones. As you have asked the question, I answer, I do not
know that we can enter upon a war of Imposts with
Great Britain, or any other foreign power ; but we are
certain, that this war has been waged against us by

492 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
the former ; professedly upon a belief that we never
could unite In opposition to it ; and I believe there is
no way of putting an end to, or at least of stopping
the increase of it, but to convince them of the contrary.
Our trade, in all points of view, is as essential to Great
Britain, as hers is to us ; and she will exchange it upon
reciprocal and liberal terms, if better cannot be had.
It can hardly be supposed, I think, that the carrying
business will devolve wholly on the States you have
named, or remain long with them if it should ; for either
Great Britain will depart from her present contracted
system, or the policy of the southern States in framing
the act of navigation, or by laws passed by themselves
individually, will devise ways and means to encourage
seamen for the transportation of the product of their
respective countries or for the encouragement of. "-
But, admitting the contrary, if the Union is considered
as permanent, and on this I presume all superstructures
are built, had we not better encourage seamen among
ourselves, with less imports, than divide It with for
eigners, and by Increasing the amount of them ruin
our merchants, and greatly injuring the mass of our
citizens. To sum up the whole, I foresee, or think I do It, the
many advantages which will arise from giving powers
of this kind to Congress (If a sufficient number of
States are required to exercise them), without any evil,
save that which may proceed from Inattention, or want
of wisdom in the formation of the act ; whilst, without
them, we stand In a ridiculous point of view in the eyes
of the nations of the world, with whom we are attempt-

lySs] GEORGE WASHINGTON.

493

ing to enter into commercial treaties, without means
of carrying them into effect ; who must see and feel,
that the Union or the Sates individually are sovereigns,
as best suits their purposes ; in a word, that we are
one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow. Who will
treat with us on such terms — but perhaps I have gone
too far and therefore will only add, that Mrs. Wash
ington offers her compliments and best wishes for you,
and that with great esteem and regard, I am, dear
,Sir, &c. TO WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS.
Dear Sir mount vernon, 22 August, 1785.
******
I thank you for the several articles of intelligence
contained in your letter, and for the propositions
respecting a coinage of gold, silver, and copper ; a
measure, which, in my opinion. Is become indispen
sably necessary. Mr. Jefferson's ideas upon this
subject are plain and simple ; well adapted, I think, to
the nature of the case, as he has exemplified by the
plan.' Without a coinage, or unless some stop can
be put to the cutting and clipping of money, our
dollars, pistareens, &c., will be converted, as Teague
says, into five quarters ; and a man must travel with
This plan was the one which has since been carried into use. Mr. Jefferson
took the dollar as a unit, and then divided it decimally for the other denomina
tions. He wrote a memoir on the subject for the consideration of Congress. —
Jefferson's Writings, vol. i., p. 133. A very ingenious scheme had been
previously devised by Gouverneur Morris, founded on similar principles ; but,
as a different unit was adopted, the notation was less simple. — Sparks' Life
of Gouverneur Morris, vol. i., pp. 273-281.

494

THE WRITINGS OF [1785

a pair of money scales in his pocket, or run the risk
of receiving gold at one fourth less by weight than
it counts. I have ever been a friend to adequate congressional
powers ; consequently I wish to see the ninth article
of the confederation amended and extended.' With
out these powers we cannot support a national
character, and must appear contemptible in the eyes
of Europe. But to you, my dear Sir, I will candidly
confess, that in my opinion it Is of little avail to give
these to Congress. The members seem to be so
much afraid of exerting those, which they already
have, that no opportunity is slipped of surrendering
them, or referring the exercise of them to the States
individually. Instance your late ordinance respecting
the disposal of the western lands, in which no State
with the smallest propriety could have obtruded an
interference. No doubt but the Information of Con
gress from the back countrj' is better than mine,
respecting the operation of this ordinance ; but I
have understood from some sensible people there
from that, besides running they know not where to
purchase, the lands are of so versatile a nature, that,
to the end of time, they will not, by those who are
acquainted therewith, be purchased either in town
ships or by square miles. This, If I recollect right,
' A proposal to confer upon Congress the regulation of commerce. Madison,
while approving of the powers, thought that "the only circumstance which
promises a favorable hearing to the meditated proposition of Congress is, that
the power which it asks is to be exerted against Great Britain, and the propo
sition will consequently be seconded by the animosities which still prevail in a
strong degree against her."

jy85] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 495
was the sentiment I delivered to you, on the first
mention of the matter ; but past experience, you
said, was brought forward in support of the measure,
and appealed to for the issue. I submitted therefore
to its decision, but still retained my opinion.
We have got the Potomac navigation in hand.
Workmen are employed, under the best manager and
assistants we could obtain, at the Falls of Shenandoah
and Seneca ; and I am happy to inform you, that, upon
a critical examination of them by the directors, the
manager, and myself, we are unanimously of opinion,
that the difficulties at these two places do not exceed
the expectations we had formed of them ; and that
the navigation through them might be effected with
out the aid of locks. How far we may have been
deceived with respect to the first, (as the water though
low may yet fall), I shall not decide ; but we are not
mistaken, I think, in our conjectures of the other.
With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c.'
' " It gives me great pleasure to find by my last letters from France, that the
dark clouds which hung on your hemisphere are vanishing before the all-
chearful sunshine of peace. My first wish is to see the blessings of it diffused
through all countries, and among all ranks in every country ; and that we
should consider ourselves as the children of a common parent, and so disposed
to acts of brotherly kindness towards one another. In that case all restrictions
of trade would vanish ; we should take your wines, your fruits and surplusage
of other articles ; and give you in return our oils, our fish, tobacco, naval stores,
&c., and in like manner we should exchange produce with other countries, to
our reciprocal advantage. The Globe is large enough. Why then need we
wrangle for n small spot of it ? If one country cannot contain us, another
should open its arms to us. But these halcyon days (if they ever did exist) are
now no more ; a wise Providence, I presume, has ordered it otherwise ; and
we must go on in the old way, disputing and now and then fighting, until the
Globe itself is disolved." — Washington to the Marquis de Chastellux, 5 Sep
tember, 1785.

496 THE WRITINGS OF \^^^
TO JOHN DE NEUFVILLE.
Mount Vernon, 8 September, 1785.
Sir, I have lately been honored with your favors of the
loth and 15th of March — Until the latter explained
the mistake of the former, I was puzzled to get at
the meaning of it ; because, I did not recollect that I
had ever made application to your Son for the loan
of any money ; but since the subject has been started,
I will take the liberty of pursuing it. —
I am a member of a Company in this State, who
associated many years ago for the purpose of reclaim
ing what is called the Great Dismal Swamp near
Norfolk. — The war gave considerable interruption,
Indeed almost put an entire stop to the progress of
the business ; but in May last the members (for the
first time since the war) had a meeting, & resolved
to prosecute the work with vigor : — for this purpose
they are inclined to borrow money on interest ; & to
import, if they can do It upon advantageous, terms, a
number of Hollanders, or Germans, as being best
acquainted with the nature of the work ; which is to
drain & bank level, low & wet Land, which would
from its situation, & the quality of its soil, be invalua
ble If accomplished. —
Individually, the members possess considerable
property — as a company they have little money at
command ; but would I believe, bind themselves
jointly & severally for the repayment of the principal
sum borrowed, in a given number of years ; &for such
interest as may be agreed upon annually :— & as a

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 497

collateral security they would moreover, I imagine,
mortgage the Estate which they are about to
improve. —
Under this Statement of the matter, permit me to
ask you frankly, if four or five thousand pounds could
be borrowed in Amsterdam — at what interest & for
how long a term ? and whether it is a matter which
could be easily accomplished, to import about three
hundred laborers (a few women among them would
be no objection) — for what time they might be en
gaged & upon what wages ? and what expence would
attend the importation ? * * *

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Mount Vernon, 16 September, 1785.
Dear Sir,
It was not in my power to obtain the enclosed in
time, to forward them by the last mail ; but they will, I
hope, reach you seasonably for your intended meet
ing on the 26th — by the present mail.
I feel very sensibly, the honor and confidence which
has been reposed in me by the James river company ;
and regret that it will not be in my power to discharge
the duties of the office of President of the Board of
Directors, with that punctuality and attention which
the trust requires. — Every service however that I can
render, compatible with my other avocations, shall be
afforded with pleasure, and I am happy in being asso
ciated in the business with gentlemen so competent
32

498 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
to the purposes of their appointment — and from what
I have heard of the navigation, and seen of the Falls,
I think your work may be soon and easily accom
plished — and that it will be of great public utility, as
well as private emolument to the subscribers when
done : — for the advantage of both, tho' I believe the
business lies in another line, I would earnestly recom
mend it to you to press the execution of the survey
between James river and the navigable waters of the
Kanhawa, and a proper investigation of the latter. —
It will be a source of great commerce with the capitol
and in my opinion will be productive of great politi
cal consequences to this country : — the business of a
similar nature, as It respects this river, is at an entire
stand. — Mr. Massey who was first appointed on the
part of this State, having declined acting ; the Mary
land Commissioner knows of no other in his room,
and is unable, tho' ready to proceed.
Besides what appears in the minutes, which are
enclosed, it Is in contemplation by the Board of Di
rectors of the Navigation of this river, to endeavor
to hire a number of Slaves next year as laborers
thereon, — and as the Great Falls are tremendous, and
the navigation thereof. In whatever manner it is at
tempted, will require much skill and practical knowl
edge in the execution ; we propose, before this is
undertaken, to invite a proper person from Europe,
who has been employed in works of this kind,
as a superintendant of it: — With respect to the
other parts of the river, tho' what are called the
Shanandoah Falls are as difficult in my opinion as

ijSs] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 499
the Falls of James river, at Westham, we seem to
have confidence enough in ourselves to undertake
them; and mean to do so without having recourse to
either canals or Locks. — Thro' all the Falls and rapids
above the Great falls, we mean to attempt nothing
more than to open a strait passage to avoid, as much
as possible, currents ; — giving sufficient depth, and
as much smoothness as may be to the surface ; — and
if Rumsey's project fails (of which he has not the
smallest apprehension) to pull the Boats up by chains
floated by buoys : — the latter, when Ice begins to form,
may be slipped and thereby saved ; whilst the former
rivoted to rocks at bottom, may remain during the
intemperate season undisturbed and without injury.
Upon an estimate of the expence of those chains
and Buoys, we (that is, the Directors of the Potomac
navigation and myself) are of opinion, without having
an eye to the probable advantages which are ex
pected to be derived from Rumsey's mechanical
discovery, that it will be infinitely less than what
must arise from cutting canals, building Locks, making
track paths, &c., as was the design of Ballendine and
others ; and will have this advantage over them, that
when once done, that is when the passage Is opened
in a straight direction in the natural bed of the river,
it is done as it were forever, whereas canals and Locks,
besides the natural decay of them, are exposed to
much injury from Ice, drift-wood, and even the com
mon freshes ; — in a word, are never safe where there
are such sudden inundations and violent torrents, as
the rivers in this country are subject to.

500 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
It has so happened that Thursday the 22d inst. is
a day of my own appointing to meet the Directors at
the Great Falls of this river, for the purpose of
examining the place proposed for a canal ; and the
river and ground from thence to tide water, on which
business I expect to be employed (at least to be from
home) four or five days.
Altho' I see no impropriety myself In laying the
Proceedings of the Potomac Company before the
Board of Directors of the James river naviga
tion. It being my wish that every intelligence which
one can give to the other should be mutually
afforded ; yet it Is my desire that the act may be
considered as transmitted for the private information
(if It should convey any light) of yourself and the
Directors. —
We are endeavoring to engage our miners to bore
by the foot ; rather than by the day ; but as yet have
not agreed with any In this way : — they ask a shilling,
which we think Is too much — to common labourers we
pay 40/ per month ; and we find paying the workmen
every fortnight, rather troublesome — once a month
would do better : — as they will be frequently moving,
we have provided Tents as most convenient & least
expensive, for their accommodation. —
I find I have been under a mistake with respect to
the subscriptions for the James river navigation; —
I conceived the Books were to lie open 'till the
general meeting appointed (as that for this river
was) by law ; — and If the aggregate amounted to more .
than the sum required by the act, at such meeting —

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 501
they were then to be reduced in the manner therein
directed. The expression of the Law, " the highest point
practicable" — is certainly too indefinite; and in the
hurry which the act passed, the import of it was not
sufficiently adverted to : — but how far it may be politic
for the Potomac Company to meddle in the matter, I
will not at this moment undertake to decide ; as the
concurrence of t^co States is required to effect the
Alteration, and as one of them, it is said by those
who are unfriendly to the measure, has been surprized
into it. —
If it would not be too troublesome for your Secre
tary, it would be a satisfaction to me to receive a copy
of your proceedings — With great esteem & sincere
friendship, 1 am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Mount Vernon, 26 September, 1785.
Dear Sir,
1 have had the honor to receive your favors of the
loth and 17th of July, which were committed to the
care of M. Houdon ; but I have not yet had the pleas
ure to see that gentleman. His instruments and
materials, (Doctor Franklin informs me,) were sent
down the Seine ; but, not being arrived when the ship
left Havre, he was obliged to leave them, and is now
busied in supplying himself with others at Philadel
phia, with which, when done, he will come on to this
place, I shall take great pleasure In showing M.

c;o2 THE WRITINGS OF [,785
Houdon every civility and attention in my power
during his stay in this country ; for I feel myself un
der personal obligation to you and Dr. Franklin (as
the State of Virginia has done me the honor to direct
a statue to be erected to my memory) for having
placed the execution in the hands of so eminent an
artist, and so worthy a character. '
I have the further pleasure to inform you and
should have done it long since, had I not supposed
that your information would have been more full and
perfect from some of j^our friends in the Assembly,
that a resolution of the Assembly authorized the
Executive to appoint commissioners to explore and
report the best communication between the waters
' Writing to Lafayette, November 8th, Washington said : —
" I have now to thank you for your favors of the gth and 14th of July ; the
first by M. Houdon, who stayed no more than a fortnight with me, and to
whom, for his trouble and risk in crossing the seas (although I had no agency
in the business), I feel myself under persona] obligations. . . .
" Doctor Franklin has met with a grateful reception in Pennsylvania. He
has again embarked on a troubled ocean ; I am persuaded with the best designs,
and I wish his purposes may be answered, which undoubtedly are to reconcile
the jarring interests of the State. He permitted himself to be nominated for
the city of Philadelphia as a counsellor, a step to the chair, which no doubt he
will fill ; but whether to the satisfaction of both parties is a question of some
magnitude, and of real importance to himself, at least to his quiet. His
grandson shall meet with every civility and attention I can show him, when
occasions offer."
" Gatteaux the engraver lives in the Street St. Thomas de Louvre, opposite
the Treasury of the Duke de Chartres. Now that there is no obstacle to com
mencing the medal for Genl. Washington since Houdon's return, I could wish
(should it not be giving you too much trouble) that you would send for Du Vivier
who lives in the Old Louvre, and propose to him undertaking it upon exactly
the terms he had offered, which I think were 2400 livres, besides the gold &
expense of coming. If he should not [ ] it we must let it rest until
Dupre shall have finished Genl. Greene's. Gatteaux has a paper on which is
the description of Genl. Washington's medal."— Z>. Humphreys to Jefferson,
30 January, 1786.

„85] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 503
of Elizabeth river and those of Albermarle ; — that
the commissioners have proceeded to the Survey —
and have reported in favor of that which will pass
thro' Drummonds Pond to the Pasquotank. But
what will be the result, I am unable to inform you —
as I find by some of the principal characters of North
Carolina (members of Congress) who have called
here ; that a considerable jealousy prevails, and a
powerful opposition will be given to any water com
munication between the two States — lest it should
draw their exports from them.
I am very happy to find, that your sentiments re
specting the interest the Assembly was pleased to give
me in the two navigations of the Potomac and James
Rivers coincide with my own. I never for a moment
entertained an idea of accepting it. The difficulty,
which labored in my mind was how to refuse without
giving offence. Ultimately I have it in contemplation
to apply the profits arising from the tolls to some
public use. In this, if I knew how, I would meet the
wishes of the Assembly ; but, if I am not able to
come at these, my own inclination leads me to apply
them to the establishment of two charity schools,
one on each river, for the education and support of
poor children, especially the descendants of those,
who have fallen in defence of their country.
I can say nothing decisively respecting the western
settlement of this State. The inhabitants of Ken
tucky have held several conventions, and have resolved
to apply for a separation ; but what may be the final
issue of it, is not for me to inform you. Opinions,

504

THE WRITINGS OF [1785

as far as they have come to my knowledge, are
diverse. I have uniformly given it as mine, to meet
them upon their own ground, draw the best line and
best terms we can, and part good friends. After the
next session of our Assembly, more may be learned
and communicated ; and, if you should not receive
it through a better channel, I will have the honor to
inform you.'
I am sorry I cannot give you full information
respecting Bushnell's project for the destruction of
ships. No interesting experiments having been made,
and my memory being bad, I may in some measure
be mistaken In what I am about to relate. Bushnell
Is a man of great mechanical powers, fertile of in
vention and master of execution. He came to me
in 1776, recommended by Governor Trumbull and
other respectable characters, who were converts to
' Virginia had always maintained her claims to Kentucky, and when George
Rogers Clark, acting under orders from that State, conquered Illinois (1778),
this claim appeared to be established beyond any question. Lands were freely
granted, and counties marked off (1783), and a judiciary and local government
constituted. The removal, in great measure, of the fears of Indian incursions,
and the close of the Revolution, turned a large tide of emigration to this dis
trict, which soon realized the inconvenience of recognizing a government so
remote as that of Virginia was. The threat of an Indian raid drew together
the political elements of the country, and a council, assembled for military
purposes, concluded that the time had come when Kentucky should be erected
into "a separate and independent State," with a local government of full
powers (November, 1784). It was not until August, 1785, that a regular
convention met and framed a memorial to the Virginia legislature praying for a
separation, which was granted by an act passed January 10, 1786, subject to
the approval of the Continental Congress. Through some unavoidable delays
the question could not be acted upon within the period fixed, and securing an
extension, it was in June, 1788, that Congress took the necessary steps to admit
Kentucky to the Confederation, steps that were again blocked by the adoption
of the new Constitution.

1785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 505
his plan. Although I wanted faith myself, I furnished
him with money and other aids to carry his plan into
execution. He labored for some time ineffectually ;
and, though the advocates of his scheme continued
sanguine, he never did succeed. One accident or
another always intervened. I then thought, and still
think, that it was an effort of genius, but that too
many things were necessary to be combined, to ex
pect much from the issue against an enemy, who are
always upon guard.
That he had a machine so contrived, as to carry
him under water at any depth he chose, and for a
considerable time and distance, with an appendix to
it, charged with powder, which he could fasten to a
ship, and give fire to In a given time sufficient for his
returning, and by means thereof destroy it, are facts,
I believe, which admit of little doubt. But then,
where It was to operate against an enemy, it was no
easy matter to get a person hardy enough to encoun
ter the variety of dangers, to which he would be ex
posed ; first, from the novelty ; secondly, from the
difficulty of conducting the machine, and governing
it under water, on account of the current, &c.; and
thirdly, the consequent uncertainty of hitting the
object devoted to destruction, without rising fre
quently above water for fresh observation, which,
when near the vessel, would expose the adventurer
to a discovery and to almost certain death. To these
causes I always ascribed the non-performance of his
plan, as he wanted nothing that I could furnish to
insure the success of it. This, to the best of my recol-

5o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
lection, is a true state of the case ; but Humphreys,
if I mistake not, being one of his converts, will be
able to give you a more perfect account of it than I
have done. With perfect esteem and regard, I have
the honor to be, &c.

TO GEORGE MASON.
Mount Vernon, 3 October, 1785,

Dear Sir,
I have this moment received yours of yesterday's
date, enclosing a memorial and remonstrance against
the Assessment Bill, which I will read with attention.
At present I am unable to do It, on account of com
pany. The bill itself 1 do not recollect ever to have
read ; with attention I am certain I never did, but will
compare them together.
Although no man's sentiments are more opposed
to any kind of restraint upon religious principles than
mine are, yet I must confess, that I am not amongst
the number of those, who are so much alarmed at
the thoughts of making people pay towards the sup
port of that which they profess, if of the denomination
of Christians, or declare themselves Jews, Mahome
tans, or otherwise, and thereby obtain proper relief.
As the matter now stands, I wish an assessment had
never been agitated, and as it has gone so far, that
the bill could not die an easy death ; because I think
it will be productive of more quiet to the State, than
by enacting it into a law, which in my opinion would
be impolitic, admitting there Is a decided majority

,785] GEORGE WASHINGTON. 507
for it, to the disquiet of a respectable minority. In
the former case, the matter will soon subside ; in the
latter, it will rankle and perhaps convulse the State.
The dinner-bell rings, and I must conclude with an
expression of my concern for your indisposition.
Sincerely and affectionately, I am, &c.'
' A hill had been brought into the House of Delegates in December, 1784,
and twice read, for establishing a provision for teachers of the Christian reli
gion. By the principles of the bill, a specified tax was to be collected from every
person in the commonwealth subject to pay taxes for other purposes ; and the
money raised by virtue of this act was to be appropriated by the vestries, elders,
or directors of each religious society to a provision for a minister or teacher
of the gospel of their denomination, or to the providing of places of worship.
Quakers and Mennonists were to receive the amount collected among them
selves, but they were to employ it in promoting their particular mode of worship.
When the bill came up for a third reading, on the 24th of December, a motion
was made to postpone it till the fourth Thursday in November, and this motion
was carried by a vote of forty-five to thirty-eight. Before the time arrived, re
monstrances and memorials agaimst it were prepared, and signatures obtained
from those who were opposed to the measure. The consequence seems to have
been a law of a very different complexion, in the preamble of which religious
freedom is asserted in its fullest latitude, and by which it was enacted,
" that no man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious
worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, mo
lested, or otherwise burdened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer
on account of his religious opinions or belief ; but that all men shall be free to
possess, and by argument to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion, and
that the same shall in nowise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities."
—Hening's Statutes, vol. xii., p. 86.

END OF VOL. X.

3 9002

Q

"ilii''
m