Va|e University I jhr?rv

III
39002006275847

JL i

CbJ9_ ALZat

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1943

§^BIB!BBf3

OR ATI O N

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE TRADES UNION OF BOSTON

AND VICINITY,

ON FORT HILL, BOSTON,

FIFTY-EIGHTH ANNIVEBSARr OF AMEKICAN INDEPENDENCE.

BY FREDERICK ROBINSON.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY CHARLES DOUGLAS.
1834.

ORATION

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE TRADES UNION OF BOSTON

AND VICINITY,

ON FORT HILL, BOSTON,

FIFTY-EIGHTH ANNIVERSARY OP AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

BY FREDERICK ROBINSON.
hi

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY CHARLES DOUGLAS.
1834.

AN ORATION
Mfbereti on Sfoxt 5WI, Boston, $uIb 4, 1834.

It becomes us, fellow citizens, to rejoice on the anniversary
of that day, when freedom and equality was promulgated, as the
natural birth-right of man. It is the peoples' day, and should
ever be devoted to their service, to the keeping alive in them the
knowledge of their rights, and it ought never to be appropriated
to any other purpose. It should always be regarded, as the
epoch of our political emancipation from a foreign power, and
the commencement of a new era in the social and political con
dition of the people. But while we rejoice on this occasion,
over the advantages acquired for the human race by the labors
and sacrifices of our fathers, let us not suppose, there is nothing
left for us to do but to glory in their achievements, and boast of
being their descendants. It behooves us rather, on every annual
return of this day, to examine what progress we have made in
knowledge and virtue, and enquire what steps we have taken in
the promotion of human happiness ; what we have done for the
general diffusion of truth, and the dissemination of a just know
ledge of their own rights among the great mass of the people ; in
what way we have improved our social and political condition,
and to devise means for a more perfect enjoyment of that liberty
and equality, which our fathers purchased for us with their
blood.

4
The condition of the people can never remain stationary.
When not improving they are sinking deeper and deeper into
slavery. Eternal vigilance alone can sustain them, and never
ceasing exertion is necessary for their social and political im
provement. For the interests of the thousands are always con
trary to the interests of the millions. The prosperity of the one
always consists in the adversity of the other.* As the millions
become intelligent, united and independent, the thousands are
divested of their power, importance and wealth. The few have
always understood this, and seen the necessity of the closest
union among themselves, in order to maintain their ascendency,
while the many have not only been ignorant of this fact, but
have always regarded the few as their benefactors, protectors,
and friends. Hence we are doomed to never ceasing exertion
for the enjoyment of our rights, and the improvement of our
condition, until we work out the reform of society, and by the
complete enjoyment of the blessings of equality, the common
good of all the people shall constitute the interest of all.
Our destiny, fellow citizens, is in our own hands, and we must
rely upon ourselves alone for the improvement of our republican
institutions, the reform of our laws, and the bettering of our
social and political condition. And if we sink into slavery, to
ourselves alone must the calamity be charged. For the govern
ments, the constitutions, the laws, and all the institutions of the
country are in our hands, and we have the power to mould them
to our will. In this respect we have the advantage of all the rest
of the world. Before the industrious, democratic portion of
the people in other countries will be able to enjoy all the rights,
and exercise all the powers guaranteed to us by our constitu
tions, many revolutions are to take place, either silently and
peaceably in the lapse of time, or more suddenly by convulsions,
* In saying that the interests of any two portions of the community are dis
tinct, we speak of them in the same worldly and selfish view, in which they
are usually considered among men. An enlarged and beneficent view of hu
man happiness, would teach us that no permanent benefit could be gained to
any one, by an encroachment upon the natural rights of a fellow creature.

blood-shed, and civil war. We cannot be judged therefore in
comparison with the people of other nations. If we are not in
every respect, far before them in knowledge, and in virtue, no less
than in abundance, and all the blessings of social life, we show
ourselves vastly less deserving. For every institution, every law,
every action of our government emanates from ourselves ; we
are responsible for all the evils arising from bad laws, defective
constitutions, evil administrations, or whatever in society tends
to the injury of the people. But our fathers have purchased for
us political rights and an equality of privileges, which we hav£
not yet had the intelligence to appreciate, nor the courage to
protect, nor the wisdom to enjoy. For although it cannot be
denied, that in this country there can be no advantages, powers
or privileges, which every one has not an equal right to enjoy,
yet do we not see every where around us, privileges, advantages,
monopolies enjoyed by the few, which are denied to the many ;
indeed do we not see all the same machinery in operation among
us, which has crowded the great mass of the people of other
countries down into the grossest ignorance, degradation and
slavery. While we have been comparing our condition with
the miserable slavery of other nations, and boasting of our ad
vantages, and glorying in the achievements of our fathers, ig-
norantly supposing that we were already in the possession of the
highest degree of liberty, and in the enjoyment of the most per
fect equality, the enemy have been silently encroaching upon
our rights. But this delusion has passed, — the enchantment is
broken. The people are beginning to awake. Every day brings
to our ears the pleasing intelligence, that the industrious classes,
which always constitute the democracy of the country, are be
ginning to bestir themselves, and are enquiring what they shall
do to be saved, not from the threatened evil of another world,
but from the evils which they begin to see impending over them
and their children here.
But how shall we avoid these evils, how improve our condi
tion, and scatter the blessings of equality over the land 1 We
must do it fellow-citizens by union among ourselves, and by act-

ing in concert with the democracy of the country. While the
few can contrive means to keep the people divided among them
selves, they fall an easy prey. There are but two great politi
cal divisions in the world ; those who are in favor of a govern
ment of the people, and those who are in favor of a government
over the people ; of a government of the many, and a govern
ment of the few, — of liberty and slavery. But it has often
been shown by reasons and arguments, not to be controverted,
that a government over the people has not a right to exist, be
cause there is not one man in a hundred, whose interests, to say
nothing of his duty, would not lead him to oppose such a govern
ment, and as it is impossible for one man forcibly to govern a hun
dred, a government over the people can only exist with igno
rance, corruption and fraud.
The aristocracy of our country are well aware that their no
tions of government are unsound, and in order to prevent the
true appellation of aristocracy from being attached to them,
they continually contrive to change their party name. It was
first Tory, then Federalist, then no party, then amalgamation,
then National Republican, now Whig, and the next name they
assume perhaps will be republican or democrat. But by what
ever name they re-organize themselves, the true democracy of
the country, the producing classes, ought to be able to distinguish
the enemy. Ye may know them by their fruit. Ye may know
them by their deportment towards the people. Ye may know
them by their disposition to club together, and constitute socie
ties, and incorporations, for the enjoyment of exclusive privi
leges, and for countenancing and protecting each other in their
monopolies. They are composed in general of all those who
are, or who believe themselves to be favored by some adventi
tious circumstances of fortune. They are those, with some hon
orable exceptions, who have contrived to live without labor,
or who hope one day to do so, and must consequently live on
the labor of others. But there is not one man in a hundred
whose interests, if he knew his own true interests, would leap
him to join this party. Their numbers would be verv small and

truly contemptible, were it not for the ignorance, the foolish
pride and vanity of many, who are continually itching to get in
to ' good society,' always ready to cringe with spaniel-like sy
cophancy to the rich, following wherever they lead, and careless
of the liberty and happiness of others, provided they are favor
ed slaves themselves, and receive some little notice from their
masters. Every individual attached to this party from interest^
from vanity, or pride, should justly receive the epithet of parti
san. But it is impossible for a true democrat to be a party man,
or for those favorable to democracy to constitute a party. For
how can he be a partisan, who looks upon all men as equal,
and contends, that there is no power, no advantage, no privi
lege, which can be enjoyed by any one man, or class of men,
which does not equally belong to all, and ought not equally to
be enjoyed by every other man in the nation.
How indeed can that be called a party, which embraces and
equalizes all the citizens. But we have often been deceived by
those whom we have raised to power ; and it is therefore diffi
cult to know on which side the people's interests lie. This is a
part of the policy of the aristocracy. They divide themselves
into all parties, and by contriving to obtain the ascendency in
all, endeavor to bring all into equal contempt with the people.
How often have we in this way been deceived. Some ambitious,
learned and talented demagogue, finding it the cheapest way to
power and wealth, courts the people, ' the rabble,' whom he at
heart despises, and after making great hypocritical pretensions to
democracy, is raised to office by the people. Being now raised to
distinction by the many, he begins to court the favor of the
few. Having political authority, he now longs for riches, titles,
and family alliances with the proud and the wealthy. He be
gins to interest himself in all the exclusive policy. of the aristo
cracy, promotes the establishment of all kinds of monied combi
nations, favors the chartering of all kinds of monopolies, and
finally becomes identified with the exclusive policy of the few.
Their opposition in the mean time gradually softens down.
Their papers become less virulent, then seem half way to ap-

8
prove ; and in order to deceive the people, pretend to be convert
ed to their cause, and speak in high terms of their intelligence
in choosing so good a man. He is now the candidate of the
_ aristocracy, and the people being in this way deceived continue
also to support him. But experience ought to teach us, that
when opposition towards any one begins to abate, it is time to
watch him closely ; and when this opposition is changed into fa
vor, it is time to desert him. For the aristocracy of our coun
try, under all the different names which they have assumed, have
never failed to receive with open arms all traitors to the cause
of the people, and have always put them forward in the warfare
which they have unremittingly waged against free principles.
They do this from the same policy, which induce armies to push
forward in battle the traitors and deserters from the opposite
camp. Because they know, that traitors and deserters have al
ready passed the Rubicon, have put every thing at stake, and
must therefore fight with the most reckless and desperate fury,
knowing that if the party to which they have deserted fail, they
must lose all, becoming contemptible in the eyes of those to
whom they have deserted, while held in abhorrence by the par
ty they had betrayed. In all their schemes to deceive us, patri
otism and love of country is forever upon their tongues. The
rich merchant, whose whole soul is absorbed in profits and los
ses, and instead of laboring to render the condition of his species
more equal, comfortable and happy, endeavors to impress his
dependants with a sense of the great difference between his situ
ation and theirs, to make his superiority discernible, and their
inferiority insupportable — will, notwithstanding, boast much of
patriotism. The sentimentalist, the poet, may deem the love of
country to be an attachment to the hills and valleys, the moun
tains and cataracts, the bubbling springs and purling streams, the
rivers and oceans, the far extended prospect, the luxuriant ver
dure ; and while absorbed in these things, and regardless of
whatever affects the human race, if charged with want of patri
otism would be offended; for his local attachment, his love of
mountains, vales and streams, he mistakes for patriotism. And
the capitalist, if he loves the banks, the insurance companies,

and all the incorporate joint stock institutions of ' oul- country*
our whole country,' thinks, perhaps, that this love is patriotism.
But real patriotism consists not in a love of the soil, the climate,
the scenery, because these may b/3 found in other countries, equal,
and in some superior to our own. Neither does it consist in an
attachment to governments, constitutions, and laws ; if it did, the
inhabitant of Turkey would be unpatriotic if he loved not the
laws which enable the Grand Turk at any time to strike off his
head. But patriotism consists in nothing but a brotherly affec-*
tion, an extensive love towards the whole human family, and a
constant desire, a never-ceasing exertion to s\iliz~rvp- **""
ests and promote the happiness of all.
The true lover of his country will consequently feel an attach
ment to the constitutions and laws of his country, while he be
lieves them to be subservient to the happiness, interests, rights
and liberties of the whole people; and he will have an utter ab
horrence, a perfect hatred for all institutions, which have a con
trary effect, which tend to raise one man above another, or in
any way to keep the great mass of the people in ignorance and
slavery. For whatever exalts the few, humbles the many,
and luxury and splendor grow from poverty and want. Some
must be poor, that others may be rich. And wherever we find
the few possessed of excessive riches, we find, as a consequence,
the many reduced to excessive poverty. For riches can no more
exist without poverty, than mountains without valleys. If there
were not a single rich man in the world, there would be no less
wealth in the world than there is now ; but then it would be
spread equally over the whole surface of society, diffusing equal
abundance, comfort, and happiness among all.
Neither can poverty exist without riches. In communities,
where the whole people are in want of many conveniences, liv
ing among rocks and mountains, like the Swiss, far removed from
commerce ; where the soil is so hard and sterile, that all must
labor to procure the necessaries of life ; yet, since equality in
some degree prevails, the people are contented and happy.
2

10
' Though poor the peasant's hut, his feasts tho' smallr
He sees his little lot the lot of all,
Sees no contiguous palace rear its head,
To shame the meanness of his humble shed,
No haughty lord the costly banquet deal,
To make him loath his vegetable meal,'
All mankind are one great family, and the Almighty Father of
us all, has made our common mother earth to produce bounti
fully, and more than enough, to feed, and clothe, and shelter all.
He spreads his great table before us, and loads it with abun-
-*L .'"¦', He g'--^- ail an equal right to partake; and yet a few
gormandizers devour the whole, and leave the rest to want.
Equality comprises every thing that is good ; inequality every
thing that is evil. Equality is liberty. Liberty without equality
is dead. It is a word without meaning, mere ' sounding brass,
and a tinkling cymbal.' Equality is democracy. Every one,
who truly loves the human race, will favor such governments,
constitutions, laws and administrations, as he believes to be pro
ductive of equality. Equality will be the test, the measure of
every question, on which he is to act. In all his intercourse with
his fellow men, in all his dealings, it will be his governing prin
ciple, to do unto others, as he would that others should do unto
him. This is the rock on which democracy is founded. The
man that indulges himself in ostentation, — that feels the pride of
wealth or of birth, that plumes himself on his talents, learning,
or professional skill, and looks down with contempt, on what he
calls the ignorant and the vulgar, that feels himself better than
the laborer, the mechanic, or the fisherman, and is not free to
take him by the hand, and treat him as a brother ; whatever he
may call himself, he is not a democrat. For the spirit of demo
cracy, which is equality, teaches us, that the laborer, the pro
ducer, and not the talented, the rich and the learned, are the
benefactors of mankind. It is the laborer, that provides us with
food and clothing, that builds our houses, ships and factories,
digs the canals, levels the rail-roads, and procures for us all the
necessaries, conveniences and luxuries of life. How foolish then
is pride and haughtiness, how childish, how thoughtless it is for

11
men to presume, that because they can live at ease on hereditary
wealth, because they can issue a writ, plead a cause, make a
speech, administer a dose, or expound the mysteries of religion,
that they are better than their neighbors. For which is of the
most importance to society, to be able to make a speech, or a
hob nail, to issue a writ or manufacture a shoe, to provide food
and clothing and shelter for the healthy, or drugs for the sick.
But the law of nature, in what is called civilized society, is revers
ed. This law declares, that industry is honorable and idleness
disgraceful, that the laboring man shall have abundance, and
the idle shall be in want. But experience shows us every where,
the idle living in palaces, caressed, honored, surrounded with all
the beauties and luxuries of life, and the laborer continually re
duced to wretchedness and starvation. Nearly all the evils of
life, treachery, fraud and crime, may be traced to the perversion
of this law of nature. For when honest labor is looked upon as
so disgraceful, that men often know and feel, that to bend them
selves to operative industry would injure their subsequent pros
pects in the world, is it strange that so many contrive to live
without labor. And when we see the idle living in luxury, and
the laborer in want and disgrace, ought we to wonder, that so
many prefer to live by fraud, theft, robbery, or by any means
rather than by honest industry 1 But let every one iinow and
feel, that in exact proportion as he labors industriously in some
useful employment, will he improve his condition and increase
his respectability ; and that no one can enjoy the fruits of labor,
which are wealth and respectability, without industry ; and most
of the fraud, hypocrisy, cunning, crime and villany of the world
would come to an end ; for misery, degradation and want, the
cause of all crime, would be removed. But the thousands live
upon the millions, and these things will continue until the mil
lions see the evil, and contrive to enjoy the fruit of their own in
dustry. In the savage state each individual produces for himself what
ever he consumes, and of course no union with others is required
to protect his labor. But in a state of society where no one

12
labors for his own consumption alone, but each receives the
labor of others in exchange for his own, the price of labor in
each division of labor, to prevent fraud, ought to be fixed by
agreement among the laborers themselves. The right of the
producer to fix the price of his own labor is unquestionable ;
for its denial admits the right of slavery. But every effort
which the producing classes have ever made for the enjoyment
of this most obvious right, has always met with the most deter
mined opposition of the aristocracy. Wherever they have held
all political power, laws have been enacted inflicting fines, im
prisonment, and transportation, on those that attempt by unions
among themselves to fix the price of their labor. Where they
have not all political power, they have recourse to every thing
within their reach, to every argument, to every quibble, every
sophistry, in order to flatter the people to relinquish, or drive
them to renounce this right. Those that have not the unblush
ing confidence to deny this right altogether, contend that it is an
individual and not a social right. For although each individual
may fix the price of his own labor, yet no two or more individu
als have a right to agree among themselves to fix the price. But
when men enter into a state of society, all those rights which it
is impossible to enjoy without the aid of others, become social
rights, and must be enjoyed if at all, by concert with others. It
is unreasonable to suppose, that we are possessed of rights, which
we have not the power to enjoy. But if we have not the social
right to fix the price of our own labor, it is perfectly useless to
allow us the right at all. For how can an unaided individual
without wealth, without education, ignorant of the world, and
even of the value of his own labor, who must command imme
diate employment or starve, enjoy this right, as an individual
right. If he enjoy it at all, the interests of others engaged in the
same or other employments must secure it to him. No law has
ever been enacted in this country in relation to this subject. But
the aristocracy have notwithstanding attempted to frighten the
people with the semblance of law. The judiciary in this State,
and in every State where judges hold their office during life, is
-the head-quarters of the aristocracy. And every plan to humble

13
and subdue the people originates there. One of the most enor
mous usurpations of the judiciary, is the claim and possession of
common law jurisdiction. Common law, although contained in
ten thousand different books, is said to be unwritten law, depos
ited only in the head of the Judge, so that whatever he says is
common law, must he common law, and it is impossible to know,
before the Judge decides, what the law is. But still in order to
justify the Judge in all iniquitous decisions, they have recourse
to precedents, or previous decisions. And however unjust and
wicked any decision may be, if a previous decision of the same
kind can be found, either in ancient or modern times, in Great
Britain or in any of the States in this Union, the Judge justifies
himself before the public, and escapes with impunity.
Now, common law is said to consist of all the precedents, or
practices of the courts of Great Britain, and of all acts of parlia-.
ment up to the time of the formation of our government. Pre-*
viously to the revolution, acts of parliament had been passed to
prevent unions of the people to fix the price of labor. Although
these laws have since been repealed in Great Britain, and since
the year 1824 there has been no law in England in relation to
this subject, the aristocracy contend, that because these laws,
which we have never enacted, have not been repealed by our
Legislature, although the power that made them, has since de*
stroyed them, are, notwithstanding, in full force among us,
We ought not therefore to be surprised, if we soon hear of in
dictments on these old and repealed English laws, if juries cari
be found ignorant and servile enough to follow the dictation of
Lawyers and Judges. Indeed attempts have already been made
for this purpose. One of the Judges in this city, not long since,
charged the grand jury to indict the working men, who attempt
by unions to fix the price, or regulate the hours of labor ; although
this Judge, and indeed all the Judges are members of a secret
Trades Union of lawyers, called the bar, that has always regu^
lated the price of their own labor, and by the strictest concert
contrived to limit competition by denying to every one the right

14
of working in their trade, who will not in every respect comply
with the rules of the bar.
All prices fixed by bar rules are in the minimum, allowing no
one to take less than a fixed sum for each service ; but every one
may take as much more as he can. What then ought we to
think of the man, who, being a member of the secret Trades
Union of the bar, calls upon the jury to indict the members of
the open Trades Union of the people, who join not for the pur
pose of injuring others, but for the enjoyment of their most ines
timable right ; to be deprived of which, must always keep them
in want, ignorance, and slavery. Does it not become us, fellow
citizens, when we see the enemies of the equal rights of man
every where combined to maintain their ascendency, to unite, and
employ our power of numbers against the power of their wealth
and learning, for the recovery and protection of our rights ?
Who are they who complain of Trades Unions 1 Are they not
those whose combinations cover the land, and who have even
contrived to invest some of their combinations with the sanctity
of law 1 Are they not those, who are the owners of all kinds of
monopolies, who pass their lives in perpetual caucuses, on
'change, in halls connected with banks, composing insurance
companies, manufacturing companies, turnpike, bridge, canal,
rail-road, and all other legalized combinations 1 Do not each of
the learned professions constitute unions among themselves to
control their own business 7 And have they not fortified their
unions, by alliance with each other and with the rich, and thus
established a proud, haughty, overbearing, fourfold aristocracy in
our country ? Well may the capitalists, monopolists, judges, law
yers, doctors, and priests complain of Trades Unions. They
know that the secret of their own power and wealth consists in
the strictest concert of action, — and they know that when the
great mass of the people become equally wise with themselves,
and unite their power of numbers for the possession and enjoy
ment of equal rights, they will be shorn of their consequence, be
.humbled of their pride, and brought to personal labor for their

15
own subsistence. They know from experience that unions among
themselves, have always enabled the few to rule and ride the
people ; and that, when the people shall discover the secret of
their power, and learn to use it for their own good, the sceptre
will fall from their hands, and they themselves will become
merged in the great ' vulgar ' mass of the people.
The Judge knows this. He knows that he is a member of a
combination of lawyers, better organized, and more strict and
tyrannical in the enforcement of their rules, than even masonry
itself. He knows that when the dispositions in the community
to investigate and destroy secret societies turns itself upon the
bar, abuses will be discovered so enormous as completely to
eclipse those of every other combination. We shall then discov
er that we have been ' fishing for minnows and let slip the levi
athan.' We shall discover that by means of this regularly or
ganized combination of lawyers throughout the land, the whole
government of the nation has always been in their hands, that
the laws have always been moulded to suit their purposes, and
what are called Courts of Justice, are only engines to promote
their interests, and secure their ascendency in the community.
The Judges know, that this combination has enabled them to
usurp one entire branch of our government, and to turn all the
rest of the citizens out of doors. For who dares to go into our
public courts, and attend to his own concerns, or to perform the
business of his neighbor ? We all know, that this preposterous
state of things could only have been brought about by union
among lawyers, and by their combination to involve the laws
and the practice of the law in inexplicable obscurity and for
mality, by the adoption of all the cumbrous learning of British
courts. It is for the interest of this Trades Union of lawyers to have'
the laws as unintelligible as possible, since no one would pay
them for advice concerning laws which he himself could under
stand. Can we believe that our laws would be the dark chaos
they now are, if our legislators had been disinterested men, of

16
only common education and good understanding? Instead of
living under British laws after we had thrown off the government
which produced those laws, we should have adopted republican
laws, enacted in codes, written with the greatest simplicity and
conciseness, alphabetically arranged in a single book, so that
every one could read and understand them for himself. ' Igno
rance of the law,' it is said, ' excuseth no man.' Can we then,
who call ourselves freemen, any longer live under laws, which
it is impossible to understand ? Without a knowledge of the
laws under which we live, are we not deceiving ourselves, if we
suppose ourselves to be freemen. The people of Rome in the
most corrupt ages, justly considered it the most intolerable
tyranny, when one of their despots had the laws written in a
small hand, and posted up so high, that the people could not
conveniently read them. But shall we, who claim to be free and
equal, voluntarily continue in a state of almost total ignorance 1
with laws so multiplied, so obscure, and so contradictory, as to
render the general knowledge of them impossible 1
But we can easily conceive how this state of things is perpetu
ated, by means of the quarterly meetings of bar unions, in every
county throughout the nation. After having consulted together
on the best way of fortifying themselves in their illegal and un
constitutional monopoly, they very naturally enter into social
conversations and agreements, as to what individuals among them
would be most likely to succeed in any election for the principal
officers of the government ; for president, members of congress,
governors, and state legislators. Having agreed on what course
to be pursued, they dissolve, and distribute themselves in the
different cities, towns, and villages, throughout the nation. Each
performs his individual part ; and, by acting in concert, by secret
confidential communications, by speaking publicly and privately
in favor of their candidates, they have generally succeeded in
electing the men predestined to office by the bar. Having in this
way succeeded in electing the appointing officers, where will the ap
pointments be most likely to fall. In what way besides this can
we account for the fact, that almost every office of honor and pro-

17
fit remains in the hands of members of the bar. But the evil of
the secret trades union of the bar does not stop here. When
the legislature assembles, every senator, and every representative
of the bar is prepared. They are all acquainted with each other ;
they feel, that it is for their interest to act in concert. United
efforts are always made by this fraternity, to choose the president
of the Senate, and the speaker of the House of Representatives
from the bar. This effected, the whole business of legislation is
completely in their hands. The president of the Senate, and the
speaker of the House, have the appointing of all committees, and
being lawyers, they are always careful to put a majority of their
brethren on every committee which has any thing to do with the
laws; and in this way laws are drafted, introduced, and talked
through the legislature by members of the bar. While the peo
ple submit to these abuses, it is easy to account for the continued
existence of the dark and intricate labyrinth of our laws.
Of all the reforms, which we have pledged ourselves to accom-"
plish, the reform of the judiciary, and of the laws, is the most
important. Let us then go about the work, with never ceasing
efforts, until the great mass of our fellow laborers, who always
constitute an overwhelming majority, shall see the necessity of
a thorough law reform. In the first place, judges should be
made responsible to the people by periodical elections. The
boast of an independent judiciary is always made to deceive you.
We want no part of our government independent of the people.
Those, who are responsible to nobody, ought to be entrusted by
nobody. But to whom are the judges responsible ? The aris
tocracy always centre around power placed beyond the reach of
the people ; and until we can fill the bench with men of learn
ing, good sense, and sound judgment, who do not belong to the
secret fraternity of the bar, all attempts to simplify the laws,
and the practice of the law, will be in vain. For why need we
attempt to legislate, while the judges hold legislative power, and
can nullify our laws at their pleasure.

18
Of all the contrivances of the aristocracy, next to the usurpa
tion of the judiciary, and thus turning the most potent engine of
the people's government against themselves, their unions in the
shape of incorporate monopolies, are the most subtile, and the best
calculated to promote the ends of the few, the ignorance, de
gradation, and slavery of the many. This Hydra of the ad
versary, has within a few years grown up around us, until the
monster covers the whole land, branching out annually into new
heads of different shape, each devouring the substance, and
destroying the rights of the people. But the most potent and
deadly is the bank. A monopoly which takes every thing from
the people, and gives them nothing in return. The whole value
of paper money consists in the consent of the people to give it
currency, and all the advantages of such a currency of right
should accrue to the people. A bank monopoly consists in the
exclusive power of issuing notes of hand without interest and
receiving the notes of hand of others bearing interest with
good security. And whatever notes of hand the banks may
issue, more than the gold and silver which they have to redeem
them, is an absolute cheat upon society, as much so as it would
be to forge the same notes. But it has been shown of late by
bank returns, that there is not in the possession of all the banks,
specie enough to pay more than twelve and a half per cent on the
whole bank circulation, which shows that the banks taken together
are recovering an annual interest of six cents on every nine-
pence they possess. How completely then by the means of bank
unions have the aristocracy nullified the peoples' law against
usury ; and yet the judges, who are the sworn and salaried
guards of the constitutional rights of the people, are silent on
this subject ! What is the difference whether I let one dollar for
forty-eight cents, or split it in eight parts, and let each of them
under the name of a dollar for six cents. Money was designed
as a measure of value, as a medium of exchange of labor, like
weights and measures ; and like the fair regulation of weights and
measures, the coining and regulating of the value of money is one
of the most important prerogatives of sovereignty. For whatever
tends to derange the currency either by increasing or diminish-

19
ing its quantity, has the same effect upon the community, as,
without the knowledge of the people, to enlarge, or to reduce
the common weights and measures. Some would find them
selves growing rich they know not how, and some notwithstand
ing every effort would sink deeper and deeper into poverty.
The people would, as they now do, regard every thing as under
the control of fortune, luck, chance ; and a sense of the un
certainty of the result of their efforts would paralyze their ex
ertions. Such is the effect of banking. It enlarges and con
tracts the value of this medium of exchange of labor, as the
interests of the few require. It now issues large quantities of
paper money, and a kind of delusive prosperity succeeds. The
capitalist, the merchant, the lawyer, and all who live without
labor, and all who are possessed of property, find their condition
improving from day to day. But what sensibly enriches the
thousands, although abstracted from the millions, seems at first so
small, and so indirect, as not immediately to excite alarm.
The producer complains not, the money market is easy, and all
allow that thnes are good. The husbandman finds his farm
gradually increasing in value ; and what was formerly valued at a
thousand, is now worth two or three or four thousand dollars ac
cording to the increase of paper currency. The farmer wonders
to find himself becoming rich. But pride and wants grow with
riches. He pulls down his old house and barn and builds anew,
and thus becomes in debt ; his farm is now worth five thousand
dollars, and his debts amount to three. He soon goes to the
bank and mortgages his farm for three thousand dollars. And
although he is now worth nominally twice as much as before,
even if his masters suffer the currency to remain where it is, he
becomes a slave for life ; since the annual interest will absorb the
whole profit of his farm and labor, and when he has worn him
self out in their service, his portion of our mother earth, by the
addition of lawyers' fees, and court expenses, will pass into other
hands. But if the banks withdraw the paper trash, his farm will
fall immediately down to its original value, and he will be de
prived of all, and find himself besides in debt, thrown out of
employment, his family broken up, and his children obliged to

20
fly to the factories, ' those principalities of the destitute, and
palaces of the poor,' for sustenance.
Thus banking, both by issuing, and withdrawing its paper,
disturbs the equality of society, and only serves to make the
rich richer, and the industrious portion of the people still more
dependant and wretched. It is a two-edged sword in the hands
of the enemy, whichever way it is wielded destroying the people.
But the great monopoly has of late received a shock, which it is
our interest, and our duty to make fatal. Now is the time to
destroy the evil ; and we should do it so unanimously, as complete
ly to obliterate every hope of raising another in its place. Kill
the great monster, and the whole brood, which are hatched and
nourished over the land will fall an easy prey. But if we suffer
it to escape with life, however wounded, maimed, and mutilated,
it will soon recover its wonted strength, its whole power to in
jure us, and all hope of its destruction must be forever re
nounced. The enemy are every where coming to the rescue>
and rallying to sustain it, beseeching and petitioning us to
spare its life. But let us turn a deaf ear to their entreaties,
and its destruction is sure.
We have pledged ourselves also to the world as opposed to all
legislation and all laws relating to religion. In this we recog
nize the rights of the mind to be individual rights. We accord
to each individual the right of thinking, understanding, judging
and believing for himself, and the right of communicating his
notions, opinions, or belief, and enforcing them by every argu
ment, and with all the power and ingenuity of which he
is capable. And no man should be blamed, injured or mo
lested on account of his opinions whether right or wrong, on
any subject. For we always suppose our own opinions to be
right, or we should renounce them. And with respect to belief
every one must be the judge for himself. A person may be
blameable, for so conceited, so bigoted an attachment to his
own opinions, as not to hear, and rationally weigh all the rea
sons, proofs, and arguments against them. Every one is justly

21
blameable and answerable to himself, for erroneous opinions
conceived or retained for want of such impartial examination as
his situation enables him to use, or from an obstinate conviction
of their infallibility. And this is all the blame that can reasonably
be attached to any one on account of his belief. Because the
opinions of men are above their control. Every one comes to a
conclusion on any given subject, when a certain weight of evidence
has been received, enough to produce conviction on his mind, al
though perhaps to another individual, whose mind is differently
constituted, the same evidence is quite insufficient. So that one
man may believe and another disbelieve the same thing, having
the same evidence, and both be equally sincere and guiltless.
Our opinions are not subject to our will. We cannot believe
and disbelieve as we please. And consequently, it is as unjust
to make men accountable for their belief, as for their personal
appearance ; for the features of their opinions, as for the fea
tures of the face ; both the one and the other are formed by cir
cumstances not within their voluntary control. And it is as
wicked, as absurd, as tyrannical, to hate, to punish, to oppose,
and persecute men for the one, as for the other. The only ef
fect, therefore, which laws, punishments, penalties, and disabili
ties can possibly have, is, to render it prudent for individuals, if
they entertain unpopular, or unlawful belief, to conceal it, and
in self-defence, and against their own will, to cover themselves
in the garb of hypocrisy. For if, as formerly, we had laws to
scourge, imprison, torture, burn, behead, or hang every one,
who would not agree to a certain belief, every one must certainly
perceive, that if he wanted to live, he must assume that belief.
Their is no subject too high, or too holy to be investigated. It
is fraud and falsehood alone, that ever desire to be shielded from
public scrutiny. Let truth and error meet each other in broad day.
We have nothing to fear, but much to hope from the contest.
Show them fair play, and truth will always come off victorious.
And those, that would take the law, as a shield of their opinions,
prove that they themselves, at least, are distrustful of their
soundness and truth.

22
We have also pledged ourselves to the world, in favor of the
repeal of the militia laws, and the abolition of imprisonment for
debt. And we have reason to believe, that the unequal and
odious militia service, which had been thrown from the aristocra
cy upon the shoulders of the producers, has already been me
liorated by our exertions. And the pledge which we gave the
world for the abolition of imprisonment for debt, we have the
satisfaction of knowing, is this day redeemed.*
Our success in these measures should encourage us to persevere,
until all the reforms which we have proposed are accomplished.
United, continued efforts, will carry them all; for in all these great
reforms, the democracy of the country is with us. We have the
satisfaction of knowing, that we are pioneers in the great cause ;
and we must be willing to expose ourselves to the shot of the
enemy, while clearing the way for the whole army to come up
and carry the works.
The cause of the people, I trust and believe, is now progress
ing. And it only needs for us to carry the first, the great reform,
which we have proposed, the equal, mental and physical educa
tion of all, at the expense of all, and our emancipation from the
power of aristocracy will be effectual and eternal.
We are as yet but a half educated and half civilized people.
The few are educated in one half of their faculties, and the peo
ple in the other half. The few have been educated mentally, at
an expense sufficient for the entire education of all ; and the many
have been obliged to devote their whole time to bodily labor,
while the powers of the mind have been almost entirely neglect-
"ed. But the human race can never arrive to that state of know
ledge, equality and happiness, of which they are capable, until
all are educated both mentally and physically alike, at the com-
-raon expense of all. This great idea of equal, universal educa-
[* The law for the abolition of imprisonment for debt, which was drafted by
Mr Robinson, and most ably sustained by him in its passage through the
legislature, took effect this day, July 4, 1834. — Publisher.]

23
tion has gone abroad. Its practicability has been proved, and
the enemies of the equal rights of man cannot refute it. It has
been shown, that there is time enough between the ages of five
years and twenty years, for every child to acquire as much intel
lectual knowledge, as can now be obtained in the colleges of the
rich ; and at the same time to learn a mechanical trade, or skill
in some productive employment, by which to maintain himself
independently in after life, and nearly or quite support himself
during the time. When the great mass of the laboring people be
come wise enough to establish institutions for the equal educa
tion and maintenance of their children in every neighborhood,
throughout our country, and furnish them with instructors in
every branch of knowledge, with all the books, apparatus, land,
machinery, and labor-saving power, best calculated for the de
velopment of the mind, and their own support, the reign of
equality will then commence. For when the intellectual faculties
of all shall be enlarged by education, and the productive powers
of all shall be brought into action, a state of independency, com
fort, wealth, happiness, and benevolent feeling will ensue, of which
we have not now the power to conceive.
But it is said we have not the right to tax the property of the
rich for such purposes. That we have the natural and moral right,
is most certain. Do not all the people produce all the wealth,
and have they not a right consequently to tax that wealth pro
portionately wherever found, for the equal benefit of all 1 And
if the laws will not now permit us to do so, do we not know, that
the constitution and the laws are in our hands, and that we have
the power to mould them to our will 1
But if we mean to carry these reforms, we must be wise, united
and prudent ; for wise, united and prudent, are those whose in
terests oppose them. We must see the folly of suffering the
rich, and those whose interest or education prompt them to act
with the rich, to be our legislators. For all history and experi
ence show, that man, always true to self, will in legislation, as
well as in every thing else, prefer his own interest to that of his

24
neighbors. No people therefore can ever be safe in confiding
legislative power to those whose interests are different from their
own. For the motives of duty are inferior to those of interest.
There may be exceptions to this rule, but they are only excep
tions. When duty and interest agree in our public servants, we
can rest assured of their fidelity ; but when the performance of
their duty to us runs counter to their own interests, we ought not
to be astonished to find ourselves betrayed.
The millions are now just beginning to think. And the next
most important thing is, to think correctly. To this end are re
quired honest and capable teachers. But in order to have such
teachers, we must learn to protect them from the power of our
enemies. There are thousands of men, who in their hearts love
the human race, and would delight to do them service, did they
not clearly see the many evils to which they would expose them
selves by taking up their cause ; for who has ever yet endeavor
ed to instruct the great mass of the people in the knowledge of
their own best interests, without bringing down upon his head
the united hatred and persecution of the reigning, ruling and
governing part of the community.
Even Christ himself was hated, reviled and persecuted,
and at last doomed to the ignominious death of the cross, for
teaching the doctrine of equality to the poor ; for attempting to
expose the hypocrisy of priests, the craft of lawyers, the haughti
ness, pride and avarice of the rich, and the wickedness of all
those who 'bind heavy burdens and grievous to be borne, and
lay them on men's shoulders, while they themselves will not move
them with one of their fingers.' Indeed all the advantages which
the people have gained from the dark, superstitious, corrupt and
barbarous ages, have been acquired through exertions made at
the risk of self-devotion, by men, who loved the human species, who
loved man, because he is man, and not because he is king, lord,
or judge ; not because his head is filled with latin and logic ; not
because his pockets are stuffed with paper and gold ; not because
he is clothed in fine linen and fares sumptuously every day; but

25
because he has ' the human form and human face divine,' be
cause he has the feelings, wants, passions, and sympathies of man.
And all the liberties we now enjoy have been gained for us by men,
who have labored and wrote for our good upon religious, moral,
and political subjects, as it were with the halter about their necks.
The only recompense, which they have ever received, has been
the consciousness of laboring for the good of the human race ;
and for this purpose, they were willing to live in poverty and
want, bearing the sneers, threats, persecutions and punishments
of the influential, the rich, and the powerful partof the community;
often receiving at the same time, the curses and reproaches of
the deluded and slavish beings for whom they were laboring.
But though there have been those, who were willing to try to
instruct us, in contempt of all the motives which actuate the gen
erality of mankind, yet the great mass of the people can never be
sufficiently enlightened by such disinterested efforts. The visits
of such men on this planet, are like angels' visits, few and far
between. Let us learn to protect our friends from the power of
our enemies, and thousands will rise up in our cause.
It is certain, that the productive power of man even in his
rudest state is equal to his comfortable subsistence, by the devo
tion of something less than his whole time and strength to per
sonal labor. To suppose, that he could only live by constant
exertion, and that no time could be afforded to relaxation, con
templation and study, is to charge creative power with injustice.
From the whole analogy of nature we learn, that such active la
bor alone, as is conducive to his happiness and health, has al
ways been sufficient to supply the wants of man. But the pro
ductive power of man is continually increasing. His ingenuity
has taught the brute creation, and even the elements to labor
for him. Yet every contrivance to increase the amount of his
production, instead of easing the burthen of his labor, bettering
his condition, or affording him more leisure, for relaxation,
amusement, and the acquirement of knowledge, has only enabled
a few more to live without labor ; and instead of benefiting
4

26
the people at large, still farther disturbs the equality of socie
ty. We have reason to believe from late investigations, on this
subject, that the productive power of man is now increased by
steam, and other kinds of labour-saving machinery at least twenty
fold, so that what the unaided power of man could only accom
plish in twelve hours, is now produced in thirty-eight minutes.
These startling facts ought to lead us to enquire, how it is,
that in the midst of such wonderful improvements, the condition
of the producer continues the same ; and to search out the
law, or the principle, that divides to the producer and the non-
producer, their respective shares of the fruit of labor.
For every thing in this world is governed by laws, or prin
ciples, which no unions can alter, or even no legislation affect.
Wherever any thing is produced in greater abundance than is
wanted for immediate consumption, its value will depreciate below
the costs of its production. The least surplus injures the pro
ducer, and excessive abundance is his destruction. But when the
market is but scantily supplied, the producer receives a more ade
quate return for his labor, and the nonproducer is obliged to part
with a larger portion of his funds to command the necessaries,
conveniences and luxuries of life. In such times things tend to
equality. But in times of great abundance, -the competition of
laborers reduces their produce often below the means of sup
porting life ; and the nonproducing part of society speculate upon
it, hoard the surplus in store houses, and thus control the mar
ket and become rich at the expense of .the laborer. While the
one is rolling in wealth, and living in luxury and splendor, the
real producer of his wealth is reduced to the most deplorable
poverty, wretchedness and want. It becomes us then, to learn
the law that governs our productions, and to live in such accord
ance therewith, as to secure our own happiness, and avoid the
evils which the violation of this law has inflicted upon the great
majority of the human race, in all nations, and in every age.
For, while the productive classes remain ignorant of this prin
ciple, the law of individual competition will prevail ; and every

27
one supposing, that the more he produces, the more he will re
ceive in return for his produce, is stimulated on until the market
is full; prices now begin to fall; he is obliged to labor harder
in order to supply his accustomed enjoyments ; and thus the market
is still farther overstocked, and the prices still more reduced, un
til his greatest exertions fail to supply him with the necessaries
of life. What misery now stares him in the face. He sees his
wife and little ones famishing for bread, which again stimulates
him to still greater exertion. But like the man in the morass,
every effort to extricate himself, sinks him deeper and deeper
into the mire, until his continued and excessive productions have
entirely glutted the market, and he has completely worked him
self out of employment; like Tantalus up to his chin in water,
perishing with thirst, — in the midst of excessive abundance,
he is dying with hunger. He sees his children one after another,
sicken and die around him for want of nourishment, his body is
worn with labor and weakened by abstinence, and his mind
distracted with his numerous troubles, until at last he sinks under
the weight of his accumulated misery. In this way alone the
market relieves itself, by working the destruction of the producer.
In countries where all the occupations of life are full, unless the
government or the people have recourse to some countervailing
principle, these periods of famine from excessive production
would be periodica], and as regular in their return, as the return
of the seasons. In England the producer retreats to the alms
house, and by living without producing, helps the sooner to re
lieve the market of its repletion. In China, infanticide forever
regulates the number of the producers to the produce required.
How important then are Trades Unions, not for the purpose of
controlling the price of labor, while the market is glutted, for
this is impossible. The nonproducer laughs at your every ef-.
fort, while his store houses are bursting with the fruit of your la
bor. But how important for the purpose of seeing that no
more is produced, than barely enough to supply the demand. It'
should be the first object of the members of every productive em
ployment to ascertain the actual daily and yearly consumption of
the articles of their produce, and to regulate their hours of labor

28
in such accordance therewith, as nearly as possible to supply the
-demand. When the market is not over-supplied, the producer
has the power of setting any reasonable price on his own la
bor. But it is impossible for trades unions, or any other pow
er to keep up prices, when the market is glutted ; for, in such
case, the producer loses his natural and rightful control over
the price of his own labor, and the nonproducer fixes the
price. All legislative power, fellow citizens, is in our hands. And by
this power, if we are wise, we can meliorate our condition. But
in whatever way we labor for the protection and enjoyment of
our own rights and interests, let us not forget that we are the
natural guardians and protectors of the other, the weaker and
the better half of our own species ; of those who have borne us
in the womb, have loved, protected, and nourished us in infancy,
and led us through the bright and flowery, but dangerous path
of childhood ; who are the companions of our manhood, who re
joice with us in our prosperity and desert us not in the hour of
our greatest adversity, who smooth for us the bed of sickness,
and even comfort us in the hour of death. But they are the
weaker portion of our species, and weakness and ignorance have
always been the legitimate prey of the aristocracy. However
much we have borne from them in every age, our mothers, our
wives, our sisters, our daughters have been still more abused.
Their sufferings call for our immediate interposition, and we
ought never to rest until we regulate the hours of their labor
in factories by direct legislation ; until we make it a crime to
work our daughters or our children in the mills of these Philis
tines more than six hours a day. Who can read the account of
the sufferings of the most innocent, the most beautiful and help
less part of our species, in these great work shops of monopolists,
both in Europe and our own country, without bursting into tears.
What must be the feelings of full grown men, who can live in
idleness and splendor, at the expense of the slavery of innocent
females, and even boast of fat dividends obtained from fourteen
hours daily labor of young women and children. England has

29
already been legislating on this subject, and shall we see our
sisters and daughters oppressed, without making an effort for
their relief?
It becomes us also to make provision by law for the relief of
fatherless children and orphans, allowing to each a weekly sum
from the public purse, enough to supply them with the necessa
ries of life, and afford them means of instruction until they are
able to support themselves. The condition of the widows and
fatherless children of the producing classes in this country, I
know from my own experience, is most deplorable. Left with
out property, often with several infant children, the very care of
which seems too great a burden to many ; without even a house
or a room for shelter, what must the feelings of the innocent,
bereaved and helpless widow be. Thrown upon the world, she
must either submit to the ruin and degradation of an alms-house,
or her feeble hands must provide food and clothing and shelter
and fuel for herself and little ones. How can we cling to any of
the superfluities of life, or even enjoy the homely meal, while
we hear the widow and fatherless crying for food 1 By what
tenure do we hold the breath of our lives 1 To-morrow our
wives may be widows, and our children orphans without bread.
We are all embarked upon the great ocean of life. Some of us
must sink in every stage of the voyage. We know not who, nor
when, nor where. It becomes us then to make provision ere
we sink, for the rescue of our wives and children from the waves.
It would be easy, fellow-citizens, to suggest to you improve
ments for the relief of the wretched, the instruction of the igno
rant, the reform of the vicious, the exaltation of the humble, and
the humiliation of the proud, until the shades of night envelope
the hemisphere. For what have we yet done in these respects,
since our fathers wrought out for us political independence, and
equality of privileges, and put into our hands the power of per
fecting our government and securing our happiness ? The
millions have been lulled into a fatal security, while the thousands
have been active in promoting their own interests. Yet we have

30
still reason to rejoice, that while we have been sleeping on our
post, the enemy have not yet completely subdued us ; that, al
though we have been inactive, while they have been busy in di
viding our ranks, bribing our officers, and filling their army
with the venal and profligate ; that, while we have been at ease
within the walls of the citadels erected for our safety by the
toil of our fathers, they have been silently sapping the founda
tions, preparing their engines, building their arsenals, rearing
their fortifications, digesting their plans, and providing their
great financial institutions for the payment of their troops, and the
corrupting of our sentinels, — yet, we have reason to rejoice that our
weapons are still in our hands ; that the ballot box, the wooden
sceptre of the sovereignty of the people, has not yet been
wrested from our possession ; that our citadels are yet in our
own keeping, although the enemy have found means to send in
4heir ass loads of gold*; — and, if we gird on our armor, heal
the divisions in our own ranks, expel the corrupt and the disaf
fected, we can easily regain the vantage ground, — and on the
day of battle sally forth, destroying their engines, levelling
their fortifications, breaking up their strong holds, scattering
their forces, demolishing their monopolies, and triumphantly
restore the liberties of the people into their own hands.

* Philip of Macedon, said he would take any city whose gates could admit
an ass loaded with gold.

APPENDIX.

Some account of the formation of the General Trades Union of
Boston and Vicinity may be interesting to many of our friends.
The subject was first entered upon at a meeting of the working men of
Boston, held at the Old Common Council Room, Court Square, School
Street, January 21, 1834, and a committee appointed to take such meas
ures as they should deem expedient, to effect the formation of a General
Trades Union of the mechanics of Boston and vicinity. The Committee
thus appointed assembled at Bascom's Hotel, School Street, on the even
ing of January 28. The several trades were generally represented in the
Committee. This Committee in pursuance of the duties devolving upon them, issued
a circular to their fellow mechanics, in which they remark — 'that the for
mation of General Trades Unions has been attended with the most bene
ficial and happy results, on the interests of employers and employed, in the
cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, where they have adopt
ed this method of concentrated action. Since the formation of Trades
Unions in those cities, we hear but little of difficulties and dissentions be
tween employers and employed, which in all cases produce dissatisfaction,
discontent and distress ; but employers and employed, seem to be harmo
niously united for the mutual benefit of both, which should always be the
case. ' The mode of forming a General Trades Union is as follows : — Let
each branch of Mechanics assemble together ; let each of these primary
assemblies choose two or more delegates to represent them in a General
Convention of the Trades, for the General Government of the Union ; af
ter which the different Societies will form a Constitution and By Laws, in
accordance with the Constitution that may be adopted by the Convention.
The Convention to meet once in three months, and special intermediate
meetings to be called by the proper officers of the Union. It is contem
plated that each member of the several societies belonging to the Union,
will pay into the general fund, such sum as may be deemed necessary by
the Union in Convention assembled, and at such times as the delegates
shall determine. The fund thus raised, to be devoted to the relief and
assistance of those out of employ by accidents, sickness, or by any other
cause, which will justify the Convention to render such relief.'
In pursuance of a call made by this Committee, the Trades in the city
of Boston and vicinity, to the number of sixteen distinct branches, held
meetings respectively, and appointed delegates to a General Convention.
This Convention met on the first Tuesday of March last at the Old Com
mon Council Room, Court Square, at 7 o'clock in the evening, and imme
diately proceeded to the formation and adoption of a Constitution, which
was subsequently ratified by the different Trades.
The Constitution of the General Convention of the Trades Union is
layed upon a liberal foundation, and is intended to embrace every portion

32 APPENDIX.
of operatives who choose to associate, and send their delegates. The far
ming interest is particularly invited to co-operate in this grand association
for the general improvement and benefit of the laboring portion of the
community. The constitution makes provision also for the reception of
male delegates from any regularly organised association of female opera
tives, to be admitted on conditions, prescribed by the Convention.
So far, the success of the undertaking has exceeded the hopes of its most
sanguine supporters. The plan of the organization is a perfect one. The
general objects of the union meet the approbation of a large proportion of
our respectable mechanics; and it bids fair to prove a benefit not only to
those immediately interested, but to society at large.

(jy We embrace this occasion to remark, that the recent celebration of
the 4th of July by our Trades Union, a society now scarcely four months in
existence, was unexpectedly grand and imposing. The respective trades
appeared in procession with splendid and appropriate banners and em
blems, to a number exceeding two thousand, and a finer body of men we
can venture to say, never moved together through the streets of our city.
A beautiful printing press in full operation, and a superb frigate, com
pletely rigged and manned, drawn by twenty-four white horses, gave in
creased interest to the show. The whole escorted by the Mechanic Rifle
men, a beautiful light corps under the command of Capt. Snelling. The
procession moved through some of the principal streets to Fort Hill, where
the Declaration of Independence, and Declaration of Rights of the Trades
Union of Boston and vicinity, were read by Charles Douglas — and an
oration delivered by Frederick Robinson.* An appropriate hymn, writ
ten for the occasion by a member of the Trades Union, was sung by the
assembled thousands, to the tune of Old Hundred, accompanied by the
band. The procession then re-formed .under a salute from the frigate, and
proceeded to Fanueil Hall, where a dinner was provided for the occasion.
The Trades Union have reason to be proud of this celebration. It sur
passed in splendor, in strength of numbers, in beauty, in good order, and
perfection of arrangement, any similar exhibition ever made in this city.
And it was got up, completed, and enjoyed, by the Mechanics alone. We
say not this in the spirit of exclusion, — but our mechanics, and our most
useful men, have been so long shut out from public festivals, or admitted
only to be set down at the tail of the feast, that we look upon it as a praise-
Iworthy motive of self-respect, which has induced them to come forward on
this occasion and celebrate the day of our national birth in a manner be
coming freemen.
[* That portion of this oration which relates to a reform in jurisprudence,
will be read with increased interest, when it is recollected that Mr Robinson
is now one of the Committee appointed by our Legislature to revise the laws
of the State. — Publisher.]

4k

r

Y

\