Gift of 191$ This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy ofthe book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. OLD FORT SNELLING -tZi Mawis E-i « O a c OLD FORT SNELLING 1819-1858 BY MARCUS L. HANSEN PUBLISHED AT IOWA CITY IOWA IN 1918 BY THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA THE TORCH PRESS CEDAR RAPIDS IOWA EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION The establishment in 1917 of a camp at Fort Snelling for the training of officers for the army has aroused curiosity in the history of Old Fort Snelling. Again as in the days of the pioneer settlement of the Northwest the Fort at the junc tion of the Minnesota and Mississippi rivers has become an object of more than ordinary interest. Old Fort Snelling was established in 1819 with in the Missouri Territory on ground which later became a part of the Territory of Iowa. Not until 1849 was it included within Minnesota boundaries. Linked with the early annals of Missouri, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Northwest, the history of Old Fort Snell ing is the common heritage of many common wealths in the Upper Mississippi Valley. The period covered in this volume begins with the establishment of the Fort in 1819 and ends with the temporary abandonment of the site as a military post in 1858. Benj. F. Shambaugh Office of the Superintendent and Editor The State Historical Society of Iowa Iowa City Iowa AUTHOE'S PREFACE The position which the military post holds in western history is sometimes misunderstood. So often has a consideration of it been left to the novel ist's pen that romantic glamour has obscured the permanent contribution made by many a lonely post to the development of the surrounding region. The western fort was more than a block-house or a picket. Being the home of a handful of soldiers did not give it its real importance: it was an institution and should be studied as such. Old Fort Snelling is a type of the many remote military stations which were scattered throughout the West upon the upper waters of the rivers or at intermediate places on the interminable stretches of the westward trails. This study of the history and influence of Old Fort Snelling was first undertaken at the suggestion of Dr. Louis Pelzer of the State University of Iowa, and was carried on under his supervision. The re sults of tbe investigation were accepted as a thesis in the Graduate College of the State University of Iowa in June, 1917. Upon tbe suggestion of Dr. Benj. F. Shambaugh, Superintendent of The State Historical Society of Iowa, the plan of tbe work was changed, its scope enlarged, many new sources of information AUTHOR'S PREFACE were consulted, and tbe entire manuscript rewritten. Connected with so many of tbe aspects of western history, Old Fort Snelling is pictured in accounts both numerous and varied. Tbe reports of govern ment officials, the relations of travellers and explor ers, and tbe reminiscences of fur traders, pioneer settlers, and missionaries show the Fort as each author, looking at it from the angle of his particular interest, saw it. These published accounts are found in the Annual Reports of the Secretary of War, in the Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and in the works of travellers and pioneers. Many of the most important sources are tbe briefer accounts printed in the Minnesota Historical Collec tions. Tbe author's dependence upon these sources of information is evident upon every page of this volume. But not alone from these sources, which are read ily accessible, is this account of the Old Fort drawn. A half -burned diary, the account books of the post sutler, letter books filled with correspondence dealing with matters which are often trivial, and statistical returns of men and equipment are sources which from their nature may never be printed. But in tbem reposes much of the material upon which this book is based. Tbe examination of all tbe docu ments which offered any prospect of throwing light upon the subject was made possible for the author as Research Assistant in The State Historical Society AUTHOR'S PREFACE ix of Iowa. And in this connection I wish to express my appreciation for the many courtesies which I have received from those in whose custody these sources are kept. To Dr. Solon J. Buck, Superin tendent of the Minnesota Historical Society and the members of tbe library staff of that Society I am indebted for many kindnesses. Dr. M. M. Quaife, Superintendent of tbe State Historical Society of Wisconsin, placed at my disposal thousands of sheets of transcripts made from the records of the Indian Department at Washington and kept in the library of tbe Historical Society at Madison. At the His torical Department of Iowa at Des Moines, and in the library of tbe Kansas State Historical Society at Topeka opportunity was granted to examine valu able manuscripts. General H. P. McCain, Adjutant- General of the United States, bad a search made of the records on file in the archives of tbe War Depart ment at Washington, and such papers as dealt with Fort Snelling were consulted by the author. My fellow workers on tbe staff of The State His torical Society of Iowa have often aided me with suggestions and criticisms. To the Superintendent of the Society, Dr. Benj. F. Shambaugh, I wish to express my appreciation not only for the advice, encouragement, and inspiration which he freely gave, but also for the willingness with which he made possible tbe investigation of every clue to sources of information by correspondence or by personal visit. AUTHOR'S PREFACE Moreover, tbe manuscript has been carefully edited by him. The task of seeing tbe work through the press has been performed by Associate Editor Dr. Dan E. Clark, who also carefully read tbe manu script and compiled tbe index. Miss Helen Otto assisted in tbe verification of the manuscript. Marcus L. Hansen The State Historical Society of Iowa Iowa City Iowa CONTENTS Editor's Introduction Author's Preface I. A Century and a Half of Foreign Rule II. The Evolution of Fort Snelling III. Forty Years of Frontier Duty IV. Lords of the North . V. A Soldier's World . VI. Glimpses of Garrison Life VII. The Fort and Indian Life VIII. The Sioux-Chippewa Feuds IX. The Fur Trade . X. Soldiers of the Cross XI. The Fashionable Tour . XII. The Chippewa Treaty of 1837 XIII. Citizens and Soldiers Notes and References Index v vii 1 1831547384 103119135146159176 187 205 251 A CENTURY AND A HALF OF FOREIGN RULE On an autumn day in 1766 Captain Jonathan Car ver stood upon tbe bluff which rises at tbe junction of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers and viewed tbe wonderful landscape of prairie and wooded val leys that lay before bim. As a captain in tbe colonial troops of Connecticut be had served his king faith fully in the late war with France; and now in the days of peace which followed the glorious victory be sought to continue his usefulness by exploring tbe vast regions which bad been added to the domains of Great Britain and Spain. Three years of travel in the wilderness taught him that those wild lands would not always be tbe haunt of savage animals and wandering tribes. ' ' To what power or authority this new world will become dependent, after it has arisen from its pres ent uncultivated state, time alone can discover", he later wrote. "But as the seat of Empire, from time immemorial has been gradually progressive towards the West, there is no doubt but that at some future period, mighty kingdoms will emerge from these wil dernesses, and stately palaces and solemn temples, with gilded spires reaching the skies, supplant the l OLD PORT SNELLING Indian huts, whose only decorations are tbe barbar ous trophies of their vanquished enemies."1 Not until tbe twenty-fourth day of August, 1819, when less than a hundred soldiers of tbe Fifth United States Infantry disembarked opposite the towering height where a few years later rose tbe white walls of Fort Snelling, did the nation which was to rule assert its power. The event was, indeed, epochal. It not only marked a change in the sover eignty over tbe vast region, but it also made possible tbe development of those factors which were to bring about tbe great transformation. It was for the ' ' upper country ' ' that this fort was built — a country stretching from tbe Great Lakes across tbe wooded headwaters of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers to tbe plains of the Missouri. Tbe history of this region is marked by several distinct periods: tbe coming of the French traders, tbe supremacy of the English companies, the establish ment of military posts of the United States, and the building of American communities. Although at tbe opening of tbe second decade of tbe nineteenth century tbe American troops quar tered on the west banks of the Mississippi River were on soil that, in name, had been American for sixteen years, and although they looked over tbe river to land that had since 1783 belonged to tbeir country, yet tbey bad in fact taken possession of a foreign land. English, French, and Spanish flags had at various times waved over certain parts of it. PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE Foreign influence, during a century and a half, had become widespread and deeply rooted. When in 1634 Jean Nicollet visited the Wisconsin country the French advance into the upper North west had begun.2 From 1658 to 1660 Radisson and Groseilliers wandered among the tribes and brought the first canoe loads of furs to Canada from the far West. Then along with tbe missionaries, Hennepin and Marquette, came tbe coureurs des bois, Nicholas Perrot and Daniel Greyloson Duluth. It is unneces sary to recite in detail the exploits of these French men and their successors.3 For a century the songs of unknown boatmen rose from the waters of tbe western rivers; unknown traders smoked in the lodges of Sioux and Chippewas ; and hardy wander ers whose feats of discovery are unrecorded, leaving behind the Missouri River, saw from afar the won ders of the ' ' Shining Mountains ' '.4 But if no record of them remains, their influence was lasting. Living with tbe natives, supplying their needs by barter, and marrying the Indian girls, the French gained a remarkable power over the northwestern tribes, which caused them to consider whoever came from Canada their friend, even after the English govern ment had supplanted tbe French in power. West of the lakes the transition from tbe French to tbe English rule created no disturbances, such as Pontiac's conspiracy which so completely disrupted tbe trade in the East.5 Continuing the French pol icy and also their posts and voyageurs, the Scottish OLD FORT SNELLING merchants of Montreal, organized in 1784 as tbe North West Company, pushed westward from Green Bay and southward from Lake Winnipeg. This ad vance was continued until the opening years of tbe next century. Although on nominally Spanish terri tory, tbe tribes on tbe upper Missouri were won from tbe Spanish traders at St. Louis by such severe cut ting in prices that the latter could not compete. Tbe posts of tbe North West Company on the Red River of the North became tbe resort for many of the west ern tribes.6 The diverting of the trade of these natives, who would naturally have come down the Missouri where American traders could meet them and be benefited, was noticed by President Jefferson, who, on January 18, 1803, wrote to Congress : "It is, however, under stood, that tbe country on that river is inhabited by numerous tribes, who furnish great supplies of furs and peltry to the trade of another nation, carried on in a high latitude, through an infinite number of portages and lakes, shut up by ice through a long- season." In this same message was included a rec ommendation that a small expedition be sent up to confer with the tribes with respect to the admission of American traders.7 But tbe purchase of Louisiana altered matters. It was not only a matter of trade, but one of sover eignty. A double movement was initiated : one to ascend the Mississippi under Zebulon M. Pike, and tbe other the Missouri under Captain Meriwether Lewis and Lieutenant William Clark. Tbe reports PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE of these two expeditions indicate bow firm a grip tbe English traders had upon the Indians of the upper Northwest. Tbe expedition of Lewis and Clark ascended the Missouri and passed over the mountains to the Col umbia River which was followed to the coast. Tbe first winter, from late in October, 1804, to early in April, 1805, was spent in a fort which was con structed in the village of tbe Mandans, near tbe loca tion of the present city of Mandan in North Dakota. Here was abundant opportunity to investigate tbe fur trade. Nor bad they long to wait. On the 27th of November, seven British traders arrived from tbe North West Company's post on the Assiniboine River to barter with the river tribes. Tbe next day, in council with the Mandan chiefs, tbe Americans warned the Indians not to receive medals or flags from tbe foreigners if tbey wished to be friends with tbe "Great American Father". A day later this warning was communicated to the traders them selves who promised to refrain from any such acts.8 How well they kept their promises later events showed. Tbe Lewis and Clark expedition was only a passing pageant; for by tbe time of the War of 1812, tbe only American traders who ventured to do business on the upper waters were practically driven off by the foreign companies.9 The report of Zebulon M. Pike indicates that con ditions were much worse on tbe upper Mississippi. Leaving St. Louis on August 9, 1805, be returned to that place on April 30, 1806. About two months 6 OLD FORT SNELLING were spent at a fort erected near the site of Little Falls, where he left a few men and pushed on with the rest of the company to Leech Lake. Conversa tion with the fur traders and councils with the In dians revealed tbe extent of the commerce of the North West Company. He heard of permanent trading posts on tbe south side of Lake Superior and at the headwaters of the St. Croix River ; and he saw at Lower Red Cedar Lake, Sandy Lake, and Leech Lake tbe rude stockades and log buildings which were called forts.10 These three posts w^ere included in tbe "Department of Fond du Lac" and were the centers from which in the year 1805, trade with tbe Indians was carried on by one hundred and nine men.11 By means of tbe rivers and portages of tbe wilderness tbe furs were brought to Canada without passing a custom house, and thus the United States was defrauded of duties wbicb, it was estimated, would amount to $26,000 annually.12 Pike objected to many of tbe evident signs of Brit ish sovereignty: the British flag flying above tbe headquarters of tbe department of Fond du Lac was shot down;13 many of the Indians were induced to give up their British medals and flags ; 14 and Hugh M'Gillis, agent of the company for the district, in response to Pike's letter of complaint, promised in the future to refrain from displaying tbe British flag, presenting medals, or talking politics to the In dians.15 But his promises were no more seriously given than those of his brethren on tbe Missouri. Little of permanent value would have been accom- PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE plished if tbe acts of tbe explorer on September 23, 1805, bad been omitted. Tbe instructions issued to Pike on July 30, 1805, stated : "You will be pleased to obtain permission from the Indians who claim tbe ground, for the erection of military posts and trad ing-bouses at the mouth of the river St. Pierre [tbe Minnesota River], the falls of St. Anthony, and every other critical point which may fall under your observation ; these permissions to be granted in for mal conferences, regularly recorded, and tbe ground marked off. ' ' 16 When Pike reached tbe mouth of the Minnesota River, the natural features of the locality convinced him of the advantages which would arise from a fort located at that point. From tbe high bluff lying between tbe Minnesota and the Mississippi rivers the course of both streams would be under tbe sweep of the guns. Sheer walls of stone rising from tbe Mississippi could prevent invasion ; and tbe fur trad ing business could be regulated, as all boats entering or leaving tbe Indian country must use one or the other of the two rivers. A "bower" was constructed of sails, and on Sep tember 23rd Pike spoke to the Sioux Indians there assembled concerning the transfer of Louisiana, tbe futility of their wars with tbe Chippewas, and the evils of rum. He asked them to cede to the United States lands for military posts, and dwelt on tbe value of these posts to tbe Indians. To this tbe chiefs assented, receiving in return presents valued at $200 and sixty gallons of liquor. The terms of OLD FORT SNELLING tbe treaty provided that the Sioux should cede to tbe United States tracts "for tbe purpose of establish ment of military posts," at tbe mouth of tbe Minne sota and at tbe mouth of the St. Croix. A money consideration was also mentioned, but a blank was left which was later filled in by tbe Senate with $2000.17 Tbe government, busy with distressing foreign affairs, neglected to make a permanent occupation of the explored region. A struggle between tbe American and British governments was arising over events far remote from the~ northern lakes and woods. But tbe Canadian authorities saw tbe neces sity of having Indian allies for tbe approaching struggle. As early as 1807 reports from tbe West indicated hostile feelings on tbe part of tbe Indians toward tbe Americans, and an official at Mackinac wrote on August 30, 1807, that this condition "is principally to be attributed to tbe influence of for eigners trading in the country. ' ns Captain A. Gray, who wras sent to inquire into the aid which the Hud son's Bay Company and tbe North West Company could furnish, reported to Sir George Prevost, com mander of the British forces in Canada, on January 12, 1812 : "By means of these Companies, we might let loose the Indians upon them tbrougbout tbe whole extent of their Western frontier, as tbey have a most commanding influence over them." In a memoran dum of plans for tbe defence of Canada, General Brock noted that "the Co-operation of tbe Indians PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE will be attended with great expence in presents pro visions &c. "1S> To this alliance the Indians gave willing ears. Tbeir interests lay with tbe British rather than with tbe Americans. Tbe economic stability of Canada rested upon the fur trade, which in turn could sur vive only if tbe free life of tbe hunt and tbe chase, which the Indians loved so well, was left them. But with tbe Americans were associated tbe making of treaties and tbe ceding of land. Tbe Indians pre ferred to see upon tbeir rivers tbe canoe of tbe trad er rather than tbe flatboat of tbe pioneer.20 Tbe coming of hostilities was received joyfully by all tbe inhabitants of tbe Northwest. To tbe Indian it meant an opportunity to avenge past wrongs ; the Canadian hoped to make secure bis present condi tion ; and the American settler saw a chance to drive out both enemies — Indians and foreign traders alike. The news of the declaration of war reached tbe great rendezvous of tbe North West Company at Fort William on tbe northern shore of Lake Supe rior on tbe sixteenth of July, 1812, and the next day one of the traders left for tbe interior to rouse the natives. The agent of the company at this post wrote enthusiastically : "I have not tbe least doubt but our force, will in ten days bence, amount to at least five thousand effective men. ' ' 21 But already a sufficient number of Indians had come to tbe aid of tbe English to render service. On the very next day the English flag replaced tbe 10 OLD FORT SNELLING American above the fort at Mackinac. No sooner had tbe news of tbe beginning of hostilities be come known at the neighboring British post at St. Joseph's than immediate preparations were made. Tbe Indians were marshalled for tbe attack, and a vessel belonging to tbe North West Company was requisitioned. The morning of July 17th revealed tbe American fort surrounded by Indians and com manded by a cannon which had been dragged upon a height of land. Seeing tbe futility of resistance the garrison surrendered and marched out before noon. Of tbe total attacking force of 1021 there were Indians to the number of 715, of whom tbe British leader wrote, "although these people's minds were much heated, yet as soon as tbey beard the Capitulation was signed tbey all returned to their Canoes, and not one drop either of Man's or Ani mal's Blood was Spilt, till I gave an Order for a cer tain number of Bullocks to be purchased for them ' \22 Tbe ease with which the capture was made had the effect of bringing to tbe English standards all the Indians of tbe Northwest, except a part of the Mi amis and Delawares, in spite of the fact that tbey bad earlier made promises of neutrality.23 Although tbe capture of the fort at Mackinac was accomplished wdthout any Indian atrocities, tbe suc cess of that day was to precipitate a massacre, long to rankle in the minds of the pioneers of the West. Immediately upon hearing of the capture of the fort, General Hull wrote to Captain Heald in command at Fort Dearborn ordering the evacuation of that post. i-JUJtaUD OF FOREIGN RULE 11 On tbe morning of August 15th, as tbe small garri son of fifty-five regulars and twelve militia were leaving tbe fort with tbeir women and children, tbey were fallen upon by a force of five hundred Indians. Twenty-six regulars, all tbe militiamen, two women, and twelve children were murdered on the spot. An unknown number of wounded prisoners were that evening victims at what the Indians termed a "gen eral frolic".24 In the meantime Robert Dickson, who for many years bad been a Prairie du Chien fur trader, was continuing his activities as recruiter of Indians for British service. This was tbe same Dickson who had in 1802 received an American commission as a justice of the peace,25 and had later entertained Pike and bis men "with a supper and a dram", impress ing the American explorer as a man of ' ' open, frank manners."26 Now, in January, 1813, he was ap pointed by Great Britain "agent for the Indians of the several Nations to the Westward of Lake Hu ron".27 By June 23, 1813, he bad already sent eight hundred Indians to Detroit and had collected six hundred at Mackinac.28 The summer of 1813 was spent in operations about Detroit, but in tbe winter he was again active in the West.29 Great alarm was felt at St. Louis when rumors came telling of tbe great force he was collecting.30 Accordingly, late in tbe spring of 1814, Governor William Clark of Mis souri Territory proceeded up tbe Mississippi and at Prairie du Chien built a stockade named Fort Shelby. 12 OLD FORT SNELLING It was garrisoned by about sixty men.31 News of this movement soon came to Mackinac, and prompted tbe British commandant to prepare a counter-expe dition. On the seventeenth of July tbe force com posed of five hundred and fifty men, of whom four hundred were Indians, arrived outside tbe post. Immediately a summons to surrender was sent. Tbe American commander at first refused, but two days later agreed to capitulate providing the Indians would be kept in check. Tbe surrender took place on July 20th, and tbe captor christened the stockade Fort McKay in honor of himself.32 Thus, tbe Indians about the Mississippi bad been present at the surrender of two posts and bad par ticipated in a massacre. British arms bad been successful, and the close of the war found British prestige very high. The Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1914, closed the war ; and Article IX of that treaty provided that the United States should make peace with the Indian tribes and restore to them tbe "possessions, rights and privileges" which tbey bad enjoyed before hos tilities.33 President Madison accordingly appointed William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Chou teau as commissioners to enter into treaties of peace with the warring tribes of the upper Mississippi and the upper Missouri. Only with extreme difficulty was word of the negotiations sent to tbe tribes. Tbe hostility of the Indians living about the mouth of the Rock River made it necessary that the messenger PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE 13 proceed to Prairie du Chien by way of tbe Missouri River, and then across country.34 Although treaties were concluded with those wbo did come to tbe council, none were eager to negotiate. Tbe Chippewas, Menominees, and Winnebagoes even refused to send delegations; and tbe Sacs of Rock River not only refused to attend, but also showed their contempt by continually harassing tbe frontier settlements during tbe time of tbe negotiations.35 This opposition, tbe commissioners reported, was due to tbe presence of an unusual number of British traders among the Indians. Tbe report closed with tbe opinion that ' ' the exertion of the military power of the Government will be necessary to secure tbe peace and safety of this country. ' ' 36 For some years it had been customary for tbe British authorities to send presents to tbe Indians on the Mississippi, and Robert Dickson bad promised tbe natives that the practice would be continued. But with the coming of peace this custom was not allowed by the Americans. Accordingly, in June, 1815, word was sent to tbe river tribes, that all wbo came to tbe British headquarters at Drummond Island in Lake Huron, would be supplied. By June 19th of tbe next year four hundred Indians bad ar rived at tbe post — mainly Sioux. To sympathetic ears tbey reported that they feared that tbe Amer icans were planning their extinction, and a confed eration was being formed to resist the building of American forts on the Indian lands. As late as 14 OLD FORT SNELLING 1825, of tbe four thousand Indians in the habit of visiting Drummond Island, three thousand came from tbe region west and southwest of Lake Hu ron — • that is from American territory.37 These mot ley processions which trailed through tbe American woods, stopping to beg at the American posts, were not slow in being reported. It did not take a vivid imagination to see that the renewal of border war fare was inevitable.38 This danger was increased by the rapid develop ment of tbe West following tbe war. Just as over the mountain trails and down tbe rivers, Kentucky and Tennessee bad been settled before the war, now the States of tbe Old Northwest received their pio neers. Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, who made his first trip down the Ohio at this time (1818), remarked: ' ' I mingled in this crowd, and, while listening to the anticipations indulged in, it seemed to me that tbe war bad not, in reality, been fought for 'free trade and sailors' rights' where it had commenced, but to gain a knowledge of tbe world beyond the Allegha- nies. ... To judge by the tone of general con versation, they meant, in tbeir generation, to plow tbe Mississippi Valley from its head to its foot. ' ' 39 The flatboats on the rivers, the crowded ferries, and the caravans crossing the prairies were familiar scenes. In The Legend of Sleepy Hollow, which ap peared in 1819, Washington Irving puts this fondest dream into the mind of his hero, Ichabod: "Nay, his busy fancy already realized his hopes, and pre sented to bim tbe blooming Katrina with a whole family of children, mounted on the top of a wagon PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE 15 loaded with household trumpery, with pots and kettles dangling beneath ; and he beheld himself be striding a pacing mare, with a colt at her beels, set ting out for Kentucky, Tennessee, or tbe Lord knows where." When he wrote this the author was not using his imagination: it was a picture he saw daily.40 Tbe extent of this westward movement is indicated by the provisions made for the political organization of these growing settlements. Indiana achieved statehood in 1816 and Illinois in 1818. Across the river in Missouri tbe population had grown from 20,000 in 1810 to 66,000 in 1820,41 and the weighty questions concerning her admission were being dis cussed in Washington. With an expanding frontier brought into contact with hostile Indians, trouble was bound to result. Various plans were proposed to deal with tbe prob lem. It was reported that General Jackson would take charge of active military operations against the Indians of the upper Mississippi.42 One agent sug gested that "three or four months' full feeding on meat and bread, even without ardent spirit, will bring on disease, and, in six or eight months, great mortality. ... I believe more Indians might be killed with tbe expense of $100,000 in this way, than $1,000,000 expended in the support of armies to go against them."43 Fortunately, wiser counsels than either of these prevailed to control the Indians : the control of tbe fur trade was necessary. It was felt, and rightly, that much of tbe trouble in the West was due to the 16 OLD FORT SNELLING power of the British traders. Accordingly, by an act of Congress of April 29, 1816, it was provided that "licenses to trade with tbe Indians within tbe territorial limits of the United States shall not be granted to any but citizens of tbe United States, un less by tbe express direction of tbe President of the United States, and upon such terms and conditions as tbe public interest may, in bis opinion, require." To carry this act into effect tbe president was au thorized to call upon tbe military force.44 This legislation was most opportune, since by the commercial convention of October 20, 1818, tbe northern boundary was definitely agreed upon as tbe forty-ninth parallel westward from the Lake of the Woods to tbe Rocky Mountains.45 Ever since the negotiators of tbe Treaty of Paris of 1783 bad in serted a geographical impossibility by declaring that tbe boundary should extend due west from the Lake of tbe Woods to tbe Mississippi, there bad existed a vagueness as to where the actual line should be drawn.46 In 1806 tbe British traders thought it would be run from the lake to tbe source of tbe river;47 and as late as 1818 Benjamin 0 'Fallon wrote from Prairie du Chien that Robert Dickson "is directed to build a fort on tbe highest land be tween Lac du Travers and Red river, which he sup poses will be the established line between tbe two countries."48 But with the boundary now defined, tbe area where the trade laws were to be enforced was evident. The method of Indian trade by foreigners was to PERIOD OF FOREIGN RULE 17 be supplanted by an extension of tbe United States trading house system. This was a group of trading- bouses, conducted by the government, where tbe In dians could exchange their furs for goods at cost price and thus avoid both the deceit and whiskey of tbe private merchant, although tbey were often will ing to submit to tbe one for the sake of tbe other.49 As early as 1805 Pike bad promised tbe Indians, in council assembled, that tbe government intended to build a trading house at the mouth of tbe Minnesota River.50 The commissioners at Portage des Sioux, in 1815, had been instructed to inform tbe tribes that "it is intended to establish strong posts very high up tbe Mississippi, and from the Mississippi to Lake Michigan, and to open trading-houses at those posts, or other suitable places for their accommodation."51 In 1818 T. L. McKenny, Superintendent of Indian Trade, recommended the building of seven addi tional trading houses, one of which was to be located on tbe "River St. Peters, at or about its junction with tbe Mississippi. ' ' 52 Thus, through the Indian department steps were being taken to inaugurate a new regime in the upper Northwest. But Indian agents and trading houses needed tbe protection and administrative arm of the military department in order to be effective. Tbe forward movement of tbe military frontier during the years succeeding tbe war is significant as mark ing a trend towards the Americanization of a great region. II THE EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING When the War of 1812 broke out in the Northwest, tbe Americans bad only two advanced posts — Mack inac and Fort Dearborn. Of these, one was cap tured during tbe hostilities, and tbe other was evac uated. An attempt was made to build a post at Prairie du Chien, but it quickly passed into English hands and remained in their possession until the news of peace had reached that frontier station. But after the Treaty of Ghent was signed tbe line of tbe military frontier was quickly advanced in order to safeguard tbe Indian agents, the trading houses, and the advancing settlements. Fort Dearborn was re-occupied on July 4, 1815. Mackinac was transferred to American bands on July 18, 1815. In the fall of tbe same year Colonel R. C. Nichols of the Eighth United States Infantry attempted to ascend tbe Mississippi to Rock Island, but was compelled to pass the winter in tbe vicinity of the mouth of the Des Moines River. On May 10, 1816, however, he reached Rock Island, where tbe construction of Fort Armstrong was undertaken. June 21st of tbe same year saw the re-occupation of the site of Fort McKay at Prairie du Chien; and Fort Crawford soon protected this important point 18 EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 19 at tbe junction of tbe Mississippi and Wisconsin rivers. One other point, vital in all western trans portation was at tbe bead of Green Bay at the mouth of tbe Fox River. Colonel John Miller of tbe Third Infantry arrived at this place on August 7, 1816, and soon began tbe erection of Fort Howard.53 But the government was not content with these movements. In a report dated December 22, 1817, the Secretary of War, J. C. Calhoun, wrote to tbe House of Representatives that ' ' a board of tbe most skilful officers in our service has been constituted to examine tbe whole line of our frontier, and to deter mine on the position and extent of works that may be necessary to the defence of the country. ' ' 54 Plans bad already been made. During tbe summer of 1817 Major Stephen H. Long, a topographical engineer in the United States Army, had made a journey to the Falls of St. Anthony in a six-oared skiff and bad approved tbe position at the mouth of tbe Minnesota River as a location for a fort.55 Other plans were soon announced. In the spring of 1818 The Wash ington City Gazette stated that a fort would be built on tbe Missouri River at the mouth of tbe Yellow stone River ; 50 and a second report of tbe Secretary of War on December 11, 1818, indicated that tbe site at the mouth of the Minnesota would soon be occu pied.57 On tbe tenth of February, 1819, tbe War Depart ment ordered the Fifth Infantry to concentrate at Detroit, after which it would be transported across Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, up the Fox River, 20 OLD FORT SNELLING and down tbe Wisconsin River to Prairie du Chien, where a part would garrison Fort Crawford, a part would proceed to Fort Armstrong, and tbe remain der would ascend tbe Mississippi and near the Falls of St. Anthony erect a post which would be the bead- quarters of tbe regiment.58 This movement was closely associated with that on the Missouri River called tbe Yellowstone Expedition. Both move ments were part of one system — a comprehensive attempt to possess the northwestern frontier. The thoroughness of tbe plan is shown by the program outlined for tbe troops for the year 1820: three forts were to be built on tbe Missouri River ; the nav igation of that river was to be improved ; roads were to be opened between the two diverging lines of posts (those on tbe Missouri and those on tbe Missis sippi) ; and the Fox and Wisconsin rivers were to be connected by a canal. Thus tbe transportation of supplies would be facilitated, and in case of hos tilities the forts could cooperate in tbe military oper ations.59 The western part of this general movement was a failure. Indeed, the only result was the construc tion of a post at tbe point then known as Council Bluff (now Fort Calhoun, Nebraska), which after an existence of eight years was abandoned. Congress, disgusted with the management of tbe undertaking, refused to vote tbe funds necessary for the complete fulfillment of tbe project.60 Accordingly, no perma nent military post existed upon tbe upper Missouri until 1855, when the United States government pur- EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 21 chased from the American Fur Company tbeir sta tion called Fort Pierre and transformed it into a military establishment.61 The failure of the Yellow stone Expedition made more difficult tbe work of Fort Snelling. The range of its influence extended to tbe Missouri, and for forty years it was of more importance than even its originators had planned. Tbe Fifth Infantry, to which tbe difficult task of establishing a fort at the junction of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers was assigned was stationed at various places. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Leaven worth, who was the commanding officer of the regi ment, had been located at Prairie du Chien as Super intendent of Indian Affairs.62 Lieutenant Nathan Clark was living at Hartford, Connecticut.63 But by May 14th the main part of the regiment was ready to leave Detroit. Schooners brought them through Lake Huron, tbe Straits of Mackinac, and across Lake Michigan to Fort Howard on Green Bay. Cap tain Whistler of the Third United States Infantry, then stationed at this post, bad prepared bateaux for tbe use of the troops, and on June 7th tbe ascent of the Fox River was commenced.64 Tbe Winnebago chief "Four Legs", whose village was at the outlet of Lake Winnebago, had tbe custom of exacting tribute from travellers using the Fox- Wisconsin route. When tbe troops of the Fifth Infantry came to tbe site, "Four Legs" sent the message, "Tbe Lake is locked." Whereupon Colonel Leavenworth, showing the messenger his rifle, replied: "tell him, that this is the key, and I shall unlock it and go on. ' ' 22 OLD FORT SNELLING Upon receiving this belligerent reply, the chief al lowed tbe troops to pass; and finally on June 30th tbe bateaux were moored near Fort Crawford and Prairie du Chien.65 At Fort Crawford there was a tedious wait. Pro visions, ordnance, ammunition, and recruits were ex pected from St. Louis. On July 5th Major Thomas Forsyth arrived from St. Louis. He had been or dered by tbe War Department to bring two thousand dollars worth of goods to the Sioux Indians in pay ment for tbe reservation ceded by them to Pike.66 Day after day passed. Finally, on July 17th a cer tain Mr. Shaw came with news that the recruits could be expected soon. On July 31st this curt entry is made in Forsyth's journal: "no boats, no recruits, no news, nor anything else from St. Louis," The next day Major Marston was sent with twenty-seven troops to garrison Fort Armstrong at Rock Island ; and on August 2nd Forsyth recorded : ' ' Thank God a boat loaded with ordnance and stores of different kinds arrived to-day, and said a provision boat would arrive to-morrow, but no news of tbe recruits, ' ' 67 Colonel Leavenworth at once made preparations to ascend the river. Tbe two large boats that bad brought up supplies were engaged, and at eight o'clock on tbe morning of Sunday, August 8th, the flotilla set out — -the two large boats, fourteen bat eaux, the boat of Major Forsyth, and the barge of Colonel Leavenworth. In tbe party were ninety- eight soldiers and twenty boatmen. There were others also whose presence in that wild region would EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 23 not be expected: Mrs. Gooding, the wife of one of the captains; Mrs. Nathan Clark, tbe wife of the commissary; and little Charlotte Ouisconsin Clark, wbo bad been born scarcely an hour after the regi ment reached Fort Crawford. Tbe knowledge that tbey were upon the last stage of their journey caused a feeling of cheerfulness among the soldiers, and tbe first day tbey proceeded a distance of eighteen miles.68 For sixteen days the boatmen poled their bateaux up the river. Once when there was a "Great ap pearance of wind" the sails were hoisted. At other times tbe heavily loaded boats were moved with dif ficulty through the shallow water. Occasionally fog and rain impeded tbeir progress. Bad water made half of tbe soldiers sick before the journey was ended ; and to avoid the mosquitoes on the river, the men preferred to sleep on the banks, although every morning there was a heavy dew. On August 17th the lower end of Lake Pepin was reached and here a delay of several hours occurred while the men drew provisions from the supply boats, and washed their dirty linen.69 Major Forsyth stopped at the Indian villages to distribute presents and to announce to tbe natives tbe object of the coming of tbe troops, and tbe value tbey would derive from having a fort in their midst. On Sunday, August 22nd, be encamped a few miles ahead of the main body of the expedition, but by eight o 'clock the next morning all the boats had eome up. Impatient to reach the end of the journey, 24 OLD FORT SNELLING Major Forsyth again pushed forward and at four o'clock in the afternoon reached tbe mouth of tbe Minnesota River. On the morning of- Tuesday, August 24, 1819, Colonel Leavenworth arrived in his barge ahead of the troops and spent almost tbe en tire day in looking over tbe sites available for a camp. Finally, he decided upon a spot on the right bank of the Minnesota River, just above its mouth. There was no rest for tbe troops when their boats reached the chosen place. "Tbey were immediately set to work in making roads up the bank of the river, cutting down trees, etc."70 If the soldiers bad any spare time in their labors in which to become interested in their surroundings, there was novelty in everything about them. Dur ing tbe next few days all tbe nearby chiefs came to call upon their new neighbors: they left satisfied with tbe presents and the whiskey which they had received. On Saturday a party ascended to tbe Falls of St. Anthony; and on Sunday a visit was made to tbe Indian villages up the Minnesota River. It was on Monday that Major Forsyth began bis return trip, and as the supplies in store were few and the long-expected recruits were needed for tbe erection of tbe camp buildings, Colonel Leavenworth set out with him for Prairie du Chien. On Septem ber 1st tbey met on Lake Pepin two boats and a bateau with one hundred and twenty soldiers on board. But Colonel Leavenworth continued to Prairie du Chien, where he remained some time to urge on any boats which might arrive. On Septem- EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 25 ber 5th the one hundred and twenty recruits landed at tbe new camp.71 Log cabins and a stockade were erected while tbe party still lived in tbe boats on tbe river. By No vember the temporary barracks were ready for occu pation. Looking forward to a pleasant winter, tbe name "Cantonment New Hope" was applied to tbe embryo fort. The more scientific among the men examined the country round about, and saw in tbe bills visions of mines of precious metals. "Would not the employment of the troops in the manufacture of Copper and Iron be advantageous to tbe govern ment1?", wrote one of these energetic soldiers. But the succeeding months were not to give an oppor tunity for such occupations.72 Added to the natural monotony of a wilderness post, there was homesickness and suffering during the first winter. The quarters that bad been built were inadequate for protection from tbe cold of that climate. "Once during that memorable six months", runs tbe account of one of tbe inhabitants of Cantonment New Hope, "the roof of our cabin blew off, and the walls seemed about to fall in. My father, sending my mother and brother to a place of safety, held up the chimney to prevent a total down fall ; while the baby, who had been pushed under tbe bed in ber cradle, lay there until the wind subsided, when, upon being drawn out from her hiding-place, she evinced great pleasure at the com motion, and seemed to take it all as something de signed especially for ber amusement." That baby 26 OLD FORT SNELLING lived to recall the incident almost seventy years later.73 , Toward tbe close of the winter there came sick ness, chiefly on account of a lack of proper provi sions. Late in tbe fall Lieutenant Oliver had left Prairie du Chien with supplies in a keel boat. But tbe river froze and tbe boat was unable to progress farther than tbe vicinity of Hastings, Minnesota. Here it was necessary to keep a guard all winter to protect the food from tbe Indians and the wolves. Tbe Indians refused to sell them game ; no vegetables could be purchased; and the bread was "two inches in tbe barrels thick with mould".74 With such food it is no wonder that scurvy, tbe dreaded disease of all frontier posts, broke out among the troops. Forty soldiers died before tbe progress of tbe dis ease was arrested by bome-made remedies and gro ceries brought up by the sutler.75 This visitation of disease left a profound impres sion upon the survivors. Henry H. Sibley, wbo had often spoken with those who passed through tbe weary months of suffering and sickness, wrote that "scurvy broke out in a most malignant form, and raged so violently that, for a few days, garrison duty was suspended, there being barely well men enough in the command to attend to the sick, and to tbe in terment of the dead. So sudden were the attacks, that soldiers in apparent good health when they went to bed, were found dead in the morning. One man who was relieved from his tour of sentinel duty, and stretched himself upon tbe bench of the guard room, EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 27 four hours after, when be was called upon to resume his post, was discovered to be lifeless."70 Thinking that much of tbe sickness was caused by tbe unbealthful location, Colonel Leavenworth, on May 5, 1820, moved the soldiers to a place on the west bank of tbe Mississippi north of tbe Minnesota where there was a great spring of cold water. Here the troops were quartered in tents — naming their community "Camp Cold Water".77 Tbe immediate need was tbe erection of tbe permanent post. Col onel Leavenworth chose for tbe site a position three hundred yards west of the crest of tbe cliff. Some material was brought to this place, but no building was done. In August Colonel Leavenworth was superseded in command by Colonel Josiah Snelling, wbo located the position at the extreme point of land between tbe Mississippi and Minnesota rivers.78 Tbe work of erecting the buildings was done by tbe sol diers, it being customary at that time to pay tbe soldiers fifteen cents a day in addition to their reg ular pay for this extra work.79 Steps were taken during tbe summer of 1820 to obtain tbe necessary material. A saw mill was needed to make the lumber with which the interior of the buildings would be finished and the furniture constructed. As tbe water in Minnehaha Creek was very low that year, it was decided to erect the mill at tbe Falls of St. Anthony. Some men were sent up the Mississippi River to Rum River to examine tbe timber, and during the winter of 1820-1821 a party of soldiers was employed in cutting logs and 28 OLD FORT SNELLING dragging them to tbe river bank. With the coming of spring tbe logs were floated down to tbe Falls of St. Anthony, where tbey were sawed into lumber and then bauled to tbe fort by teams.80 Tbe progress made on tbe building was slow. On tbe tenth of September, 1820, tbe cornerstone was laid.81 More than a year later, on November 7, 1821, Colonel Snelling wrote to the Indian agent, Law rence Taliaferro, that "nothing new has occurred since my return excepting that tbe other stone bar rack is up & tbe rafters on. ' ' 82 Tbe fort was par tially occupied, probably in tbe fall of 1822, before all tbe surrounding wall bad been completed.83 But it is evident that most of tbe fort was finished by July, 1823, for at that time the troops erected tbe Indian Council House.84 In tbe meantime other events bad been occurring. On July 31, 1820, Governor Cass of Michigan Terri tory, who bad been on an exploring expedition to tbe upper Mississippi, passed down the river and re mained with the troops until tbe morning of August 2nd. A council was held with the Indians, during which a peace was made between the Sioux and tbe Chippewas. That the garrison had been busy at duties other than erecting buildings is evident from the fact that Governor Cass found ninety acres planted with corn and potatoes and wheat. From the garden green peas had been obtained as early as June 15th, and green corn on July 20th.85 In accordance with the plans outlined for the year 1820 it was proposed to open a road between Council EVOLUTION OF FORT SNELLING 29 Bluff and tbe new post on tbe upper Mississippi. To survey the route Captain Stephen Watts Kearny led a party which consisted of four other officers, fifteen soldiers, four servants, an Indian guide and his wife and papoose, eight mules, and seven horses. Tbe route led from Council Bluff across what is now tbe northern and northwestern part of the State of Iowa to Lake Pepin, and then along tbe Mississippi to tbe new post. From July 25th to July 29th they remained with Leavenworth's men, visiting the Falls of St. Anthony, examining the country, and on July 26th going with Lieutenant Green and Miss Gooding to the east side of the Mississippi. Here Lieutenant Green and Miss Gooding were married by Colonel Leavenworth, wbo as Indian agent for the "North west Territory" could perform his duties on the east bank of the river, but not on the west, which was in tbe Missouri Territory.86 The fact that the Falls of St. Anthony constituted tbe most noticeable landmark of the vicinity led to tbe application of its name to the military works. Tbe first official inspection of Fort St. Anthony oc curred some time between May 13, 1824, and June 13, 1824. General Winfield Scott, as tbe inspector, was received with all the honor and entertainment that the frontier post could provide. He left favor ably impressed with tbe work that had been done. "I wish to suggest to the gener al-in-chief , " wrote General Scott in bis report, "and through him to the War Department, tbe propriety of calling this work Fort Snelling, as a just compliment to the meritori- 30 OLD FORT SNELLING ous officer under whom it has been erected. Tbe present name is foreign to all our associations, and is, besides, geographically incorrect, as tbe work stands at tbe junction of the Mississippi and Saint Peter's rivers, eight miles below tbe great falls of tbe Mississippi, called after Saint Anthony. Some few years since the Secretary of War directed that tbe work at the Council Bluffs should be called Fort Atkinson in compliment to the valuable services of General Atkinson on the upper Missouri. Tbe above proposition is made on the same principle. ' ' A general order on January 7, 1825, directed that tbe suggested change should be made. Thereupon Fort Snelling began its career as the guardian of the Northwest.87 Ill FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY It wras not tbe intention of tbe War Department that tbe influence of the frontier military post should be limited by tbe range of tbe guns mounted upon its walls. Tbe post was to be the center of the Indian life for those tribes that dwelt in tbe vicinity. At tbe same time expeditions, the base of which was to be at tbe fort, were to carry the authority of the government out upon the wild Indian lands, and the frontier settlements were to look to tbe soldiers for protection.88 How, in its origin, Fort Snelling became part of a comprehensive system for tbe protection of tbe frontier, has been detailed. Tbe events of tbe forty years that followed indicate very clearly tbe wdsdom of tbe men wbo chose the site. Every phase of frontier duty was performed by tbe troops stationed at tbe mouth of the Minnesota River ; and although these tasks often took them hundreds of miles from tbe post, and although they often cooperated with men from other forts, yet these expeditions may well be considered as part of the history of Fort Snelling. Tbey were a test of the training received on tbe parade ground, and tbe successful accomplishment 31 32 OLD FORT SNELLING of many a difficult duty shows that tbe post was ful filling tbe objects of those who built it. Prior to 1848 the governmental organization in tbe jurisdiction of which Fort Snelling was located was very weak. When first erected in 1819 tbe fort was in tbe Territory of Missouri (1812-1821) . Then followed a number of years in which it was in unor ganized territory (1821-1834). The Territory of Michigan (1834-1836), tbe Territory of Wisconsin (1836-1838), and the Territory of Iowa (1838-1846) successively had jurisdiction over it; while in 1849 it fell within the newly-organized Territory of Min nesota. Lying far from tbe seats of government, in a region of wandering traders and red men, tbe fort became tbe exponent of tbe government — the only symbol of governmental restriction in a region al most entirely without law. During the first years of its existence while tbe buildings were being erected and tbe fort was mak ing its place in tbe Indian life and the fur trade of the surrounding region, tbe frontier was compara tively quiet. The first outbreak occurred in Illinois and Wisconsin, where tbe Winnebagoes were con stantly coming into contact with the lead miners about Galena. During the summer of 1826 rumors came to Fort Snelling of the hostility of this tribe, and Colonel Snelling thought it prudent to reenforce the garrison of Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien. Three companies of tbe Fifth Infantry were sent away from Fort Snelling on the afternoon of August 18th under the command of Captain Wilcox.89 Al- FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 33 though no actual conflict occurred, tbe continued uneasiness felt because of tbe presence of tbe Win- nebagoes led the authorities to remove all the troops from Fort Crawford to tbe upper post in the fall of that year.90 The lack of soldiers among them intensified tbe unruly spirit in tbe Winnebagoes. In June of the next year two keel boats, the "General Ashley" and tbe "0. H. Perry", which were carrying supplies to Fort Snelling noticed an unfriendly feeling among the Sioux at Wabasha's village. Fifty warriors with tbeir faces painted black and with black streaks on their blankets visited tbe "0. H. Perry", but refused to shake bands. Apprehensive of danger on tbe return journey, Colonel Snelling furnished the crews with guns and cartridges before the de scent was commenced.91 There soon arrived at Fort Snelling a letter from John Marsh, tbe sub-agent at Prairie du Chien. It stated that rumors were current that Prairie du Chien was to be attacked and that tbe Sioux and Winnebagoes threatened to kill Taliaferro "and any American that they can find at a distance from the Fort ' '. Tbe letter closed with tbe request that steps be taken for tbe defense of Prairie du Chien.92 No doubt preparations were commenced immediately; but they were hastened by news which soon came up tbe river. On June 26th tbe Winnebago chief, Red Bird, with three of bis men bad attacked a farm house near Prairie du Chien and obtained tbe scalp of a child. Returning to their village, they had seen 34 OLD FORT SNELLING the keel boats coming down tbe river. With their fighting blood up they attacked tbe "0. H. Perry", and in a battle which lasted several hours tbey killed two of the crew and lost seven of tbeir own warriors. The report of this attack, together with the murder near Prairie du Chien, spread consternation among tbe white men.93 Without delay Colonel Snelling with four com panies started down tbe river.94 A few days after reaching Prairie du Chien, he was reenforced by troops brought up from St. Louis by Colonel Atkin son. It was thought necessary that Fort Snelling should be maintained during tbe critical period, and as it was short of provisions, Colonel Snelling was ordered back to his post with a supply of flour, and directed to procure boats which could be used in the pursuit of tbe Winnebagoes up tbe Wisconsin River. On the 16th of August Colonel Snelling arrived at his post, and on the following day Major Fowle started downstream with four other companies of tbe Fifth Infantry in two keel boats and nine mack- inac boats, arriving at Fort Crawford on August 21st. The Indians, overawed by tbe rapidity of these military movements and the size of the force sent against them, immediately became peaceable. As a precaution, however, Major Fowle was kept at Fort Crawford, and tbe post was provisioned for a year.95 During the next twenty years the force maintained at Fort Snelling was small, and the garrison was occupied in routine tasks, the regulation of Indian FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 35 affairs, and the fur trade. At the time of tbe Black Hawk War there was quiet about Fort Snelling, and Major Taliaferro offered his services and those of the Sioux warriors in tbe campaign against tbe Sacs and Foxes. But tbe government did not think it advisable to formally accept tbe proffered help, al though a number of tbe Sioux did take part in pur suing tbe remnants of Sacs wbo succeeded in cross ing tbe river.96 In June, 1848, the company of infantry stationed at Fort Snelling received an urgent call to come to Wabasha's Prairie — near Winona, Minnesota. The Winnebago Indians wrere being transferred from their former home in the Turkey Valley region in Iowa to a new reservation obtained for them from tbe Chippewas. But when the Prairie was reached, the Winnebagoes visited with Wabasha and be sold it to them for a home. When Captain Seth Eastman arrived from Fort Snelling he was put in charge of the military forces which had been hastily brought together to force tbe Winnebagoes to continue tbeir march. There were volunteers from Crawford County, Wisconsin, dragoons from Fort Atkinson, Iowa, and tbe infantry from Fort Snelling, besides sixty armed teamsters. These military forces lay encamped, separated from the Indians by a slough. In tbe morning a deputation of Indians came to ask the meaning of the martial appearance of tbe whites when all they desired was a council. This suggestion of a council was quickly assented to, but tbe Indians approached 36 OLD FORT SNELLING with such a rush and with such blood-curdling yells that the cannon were loaded and tbe soldiers stood ready to fire. During tbe council the Winnebagoes refused to move until one small band gave in to the entreaties of tbe agent and were taken up to Fort Snelling. This was an opening wedge, for when the steamboat returned 1700 were ready to move. Tbe total journey of three hundred and ten miles from the old to tbe new home occupied tbe time from June 8th to July 30th, 1848.97 By the next summer tbey were ready to return — anywhere, but especially to Wisconsin, tbeir earliest home.98 In July the whole tribe, stimulated by whiskey, started; but Governor Ramsey called on Colonel Loomis of Fort Snelling for aid, and a force under Captain Monroe proceeded to tbe north where tbeir presence aided in quieting tbe disturbers. Again, on September 9th about a hundred had ap proached within sixteen miles of St. Paul, when Cap tain Page and forty men from Fort Snelling fright ened them so much that tbey fled into the swamps and returned home quietly. Smaller parties were captured on tbe river and sent back under a military guard.99 Not all tbe efforts, however, were success ful. It was reported that one evening in November over a hundred red men floated down quietly under tbe very guns of Fort Snelling, and two weeks later tbe newspaper accounts tell of three hundred Winne bagoes in camp near tbe mouth of the Black River.100 Tbe need for a company of dragoons at Fort Snell ing was imperative. Tbe next summer it was ob- FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 37 tained, and in 1851 this military force was described as being "an indispensable and invaluable auxil iary. ' ' 101 Not until 1855 was tbe Winnebago spirit of migration broken, and then only after a new res ervation had been obtained for tbem at the moutb of the Blue Earth River.102 In his report of November 25, 1844, tbe Commis sioner of Indian Affairs called attention to tbe fact that no longer was there any need of entertaining fears on account of the visits made by American Indians to tbe Canadian posts, as these pilgrimages were indulged in only by a few "worthless va grants". But an evil of a different character was imminent. Twice a year hundreds of Red River half-breeds — bois brutes — left tbeir homes on tbe British side of tbe international boundary to hunt buffalo on the American plains which bordered on the Missouri River. Here tbey came into contact with Indians wbo naturally resented this intrusion upon their bunting grounds. During the summer of 1844 a half-breed bad been killed by a party of Yank ton Sioux, and tbe invaders bad retaliated by killing eight Sioux of another band. This so inflamed the Indians that they went upon the war path and with out stopping to reason about tbe matter, tbey at tacked a party of whites whom they met on Otter Tail Lake.103 To hunt tbe buffalo freely, even on foreign soil, seemed to the bois brutes to be their natural right. On tbe pemmican which tbey made from these buf faloes tbey depended for their winter's food. Five 38 OLD FORT SNELLING hundred and forty carts trailed out of Pembina on tbe summer hunt of 1820, and from year to year tbe number increased until in 1840 there were 1210 carts, accompanied by 1630 people. Nowhere else in tbe new world at least, was there such a hunting party. Thirteen hundred and seventy-five buffalo tongues were counted as the result of one day's bunt in 1840.104 It was estimated that every year these Red River hunters killed twenty thousand buffaloes on American soil.105 In this there was a real grievance. Though small in itself tbe incident could easily develop into a war when there were other factors urging in the same direction.106 Tbe exact condition of affairs on the border was so confused that the United States made occasional military displays in order to impress tbe invaders and also to satisfy its own curiosity. The first of these expeditions occurred in 1845. Captain Edwin V. Sumner, then in command at Fort Atkin son, in tbe Iowa country, visited the Red River of the North during the summer of that year with Com panies B and I of the First Regiment of Dragoons. But the difficulty was that while the invaders would promise to remain off American soil and would retire as soon as a military force appeared, yet no sooner would tbe troops depart than they would be back again on tbe bunting grounds.107 When complaints continued to come in the Adju tant General proposed to establish a post on tbe Red River. As a preliminary movement Brevet Major Samuel Woods, Captain of the Sixth Infantry lo- FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 39 cated at Fort Snelling, was ordered to proceed with Company D of the dragoons to the border and make recommendations to the War Department in regard to a suitable site. On June 6, 1849, the start was made from Fort Snelling, and the weary march directed to tbe northwest over the swollen rivers and the marshy swamps with the mosquitoes a constant torment, until on August 1st the soldiers reached tbe collection of Indian lodges and the trading establish ment that was known as Pembina. During the twenty-five days spent at this point observations were made of tbe topographical features of the land, the character of tbe Indians, and the pursuits of the half-breeds. Major Woods urged the American Indians and half-breeds to prevent by force the invasions, prom ising that tbe United States would support them. But it would be useless, he reported, to build a fort at Pembina unless at least two hundred fifty men were stationed there. It would be better to concen trate a large force at Fort Snelling, from whence expeditions could be made into the Indian country in all directions as necessity might arise. The re turn to the fort occupied twenty-three and a half days, and on September 18th the total journey of almost a thousand miles was completed with the loss of only one horse and one mule.108 During the next few years conditions remained unchanged, and as the settlement of the Minnesota and Mississippi valleys was pushing the Indian tribes farther to the westward, more and bitter con- 40 OLD FORT SNELLING flicts with the half -breeds would be liable to occur. In order to give a final warning to the foreign hunt ers and to select a site for a post which could serve tbe double purpose of protecting tbe frontier settle ments from the Indians and the Indians from tbe foreigners, Lieutenant Colonel C. F. Smith of tbe Tenth Infantry was ordered on June 9, 1856, to tour tbe region with Companies B and F. As far as the Goose River, in tbe North Dakota country, tbe route followed from Fort Snelling was practically tbe same as that of Major Woods; but instead of pro ceeding by tbe usual route northward to Pembina, a detour was made to Lake Mini- Waken (Devil's Lake). On the return the less travelled and more difficult road on the east side of the Red River was followed. On August 19th the trail of the annual hunting party was crossed; but the nine hundred men, women, and children who bad made tbe trip bad returned to tbeir homes three weeks before, and kept away from the military party. Since no warning- could be given to them in person, a notice written in both English and French was circulated in Pembina and in tbe British settlements to the north. But tbe natives obtained sweet revenge when Colonel Smith attempted to buy from tbe farmers in tbe vicinity of the principal trading post — Fort Garry — a suffi cient supply of oats for bis troops. Tbe half-breeds declined to bring the grain, giving as their excuse that they did not desire to trespass on American soil when warned to keep off.109 FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 41 Not only to the north did the troops from Fort Snelliug make expeditions. The wide range of its influence is illustrated by the task which occupied tbe attention of its soldiers during the summer of 1850. On August 8, 1849, Governor Ansel Briggs of Iowa forwarded to the Secretary of War a petition, signed by over a hundred citizens of Iowa County, in which tbey complained of the presence of a great number of Indians who were destroying tbe timber, removing tbe section corners, and even demanding rent from some of the settlers — claiming that they owned tbe land on tbe Iowa River.110 To investigate conditions and to report upon what steps would be necessary to remove tbe cause of complaint, Brevet Major Samuel Woods, stationed at Fort Snelling, was ordered to proceed to the State of Iowa. On tbe twenty-fifth of September be left for Prairie du Chien, and arriving here set out for Fort Atkinson, thinking that probably tbe Winne bagoes were tbe Indians causing the trouble. But he discovered that many of them had just set out for the upper Mississippi, and those remaining behind were so few in number that they could cause little inconvenience to the frontier. From Fort Atkinson Major Woods passed southward through Fayette, Buchanan, Linn, and Johnson counties to Iowa City. At this time the region traversed was- sparsely set tled. For a hundred miles south of Fort Atkinson there were only two settlements ¦ — one, consisting of a few families, high upon the Volga River, and the other larger in numbers clustered about some mills 42 OLD FORT SNELLING on tbe Wapsipinicon River. About fifteen miles north of Marion the inhabitants became more numer ous. Here were found Indians — Sacs and Foxes, Pottawattomies, and Winnebagoes — but they were not hostile and their presence caused no objection. It was at Iowa City that Major Woods beard that tbe inhabitants on tbe Iowa, English, and Skunk Rivers had been making the loudest complaints. Accordingly he started up the Iowa River to the vicinity of Marengo. Here he learned that a few days before tbe settlers near the town, becoming tired of having Indians about them, armed them selves and by force broke up the Indian encampment. Only one lodge remained, that on the lands of a farmer wbo gave permission to three of the red men to live under his protection. Tbe total number of Indians, Major Woods re ported, consisted of five or six hundred Sacs and Foxes, Pottawattomies, and Winnebagoes. Among these the Sacs and Foxes were the most numerous. Tbey had by treaty sold tbeir lands some years ear lier and bad been removed to the Missouri River; but they preferred their old home, and so had re turned in straggling bands, sometimes going back to the Missouri to get tbeir annuities. Tbe Winne bagoes wrere those wbo bad escaped when the tribe wras being transferred to tbe new reservation north of Fort Snelling. The complaints against these Indians were that tbey destroyed a great deal of timber, removed the surveyors' landmarks, killed tbe game, annoyed the FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 43 settlers, and that when intoxicated tbey w7ere an actual source of danger. Believing that these rea sons were well founded, Major Woods advised that the Indians be removed as soon as possible. Condi tions did not demand a winter campaign, but prep arations should be made for the removal during tbe early summer.111 In the early part of April of the next year it was known that two companies of infantry from Fort Snelling, and one company of dragoons from Fort Gaines had been detailed for this task.112 On the twelfth of May tbe "Highland Mary" left Fort Snelling, having on board the infantry and cavalry and part of the equipment, while in tow was a barge full of horses and mules.113 Tbe soldiers were dis embarked at Dubuque, whence tbey followed the trail to Iowa City, along which they "saw nothing except tbe ravages of California emigration. ' ' Proceeding to the vicinity of Marengo, a council was held with the Indians. But the latter marched into the council ten abreast carrying their war clubs and manifesting such a hostile disposition that it was impossible for Major Woods to accomplish anything.114 For a while it seemed that active military opera tions would be necessary. The Indians becoming convinced that this would be the result, and fearing that all the expenses of the campaign would be de ducted from the annuities of the tribe, suggested to two men of the neighborhood — a Mr. Steen and a Mr. Greenly — that they would go back to their homes if these two men could be appointed their 44 OLD FORT SNELLING guides. When Mr. Steen and Mr. Greenly broached tbe subject to Major Woods be considered it thought fully, and finally an arrangement was made. For every Indian wbo left the Iowa River and was turned over to their agent west of tbe Missouri River, tbe government was to pay three dollars and fifty cents. Five hundred dollars was to be advanced to pay for tbe provisions of tbe party. Upon June 6th a sec ond council was held with tbe Indians, during which Major Woods impressed upon Chief Poweshiek and bis men tbe necessity of' their returning and tbe ad visability of their doing it peaceably.115 During the month of July tbe Indians started upon their journey. For several days they encamped near Fort Des Moines, and on July 16th seventy of tbe warriors, armed and painted, paraded on horse back through tbe streets of tbe town to tbe public square where for an hour they danced for tbe amuse ment of tbe two or three hundred interested spec tators in the frontier towm.116 These events made necessary a change in the plans of the troops. Company E of the Sixth Infantry remained at their camp on tbe Iowa River for some time, but upon tbe last day of July set out under the command of Major Woods for a site on tbe Des Moines River which bad been chosen by the War Department as the location of a new military post. On August 23, 1850, the troops arrived at tbe desig nated place and began tbe erection of a fort which tbey named Fort Clarke in honor of Colonel Clarke FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 45 the commanding officer of the Sixth Infantry. Tbe name, however, was soon changed to Fort Dodge. Tbe company of dragoons was occupied during August and September in making a tour of tbe west ern part of the State of Iowa, and it was not until October that the cavalry company and the other in fantry company returned to their station at Fort Snelling.117 Occupation for tbe company of dragoons was fur nished during the next summer when Governor Ram sey was sent to Pembina to draw up a treaty with tbe Pillager band of Chippewa Indians, On August 18, 1851, tbe party set out from Fort Snelling. Be sides the Governor and a number of gentlemen who accompanied him, the party consisted of twenty-five dragoons, and eight French-Canadian and half-breed drivers who bad charge of six baggage wragons and several light Red River carts. The march was very difficult and tbe dragoons were kept busy repairing the roads over the swamp lands and dragging with ropes tbe heavy wagons over tbe quickly made cause ways. Tbe treaty which was made after this diffi cult journey was not ratified by the Senate.118 The wonderful expansion of the Nation, which occurred in the latter half of the fifth decade of the century, turned all eyes toward tbe fertile valleys and the mountains of fabulous wealth on the Pacific Coast. Even before tbe acquisition of this territory some visionary minds bad pictured it bound to the United States, if not by political ties, at least by 46 OLD FORT SNELLING bonds of steel.119 The Oregon treaty of 1846 brought part of tbe coveted land under the jurisdiction of tbe United States, and tbe necessity of a railroad to tbe Pacific was soon realized. But sectional interests prevented agreement upon any certain route, and it was decided to survey the most promising and choose the one agreed upon by tbe engineers. Ac cordingly, tbe army appropriation bill of 1853 pro vided $150,000 for this purpose.120 Isaac I. Stevens, tbe newly appointed Governor of Washington Territory, led the party which exam ined tbe country between the parallels of forty-seven and forty-nine degrees north latitude — called tbe Northern Pacific Survey. He left Washington, D. C, on May 9, 1853, and reached St. Paul on May 27th. According to his instructions he was author ized to call upon one sergeant, two corporals, one musician, and sixteen privates of Company D First Dragoons, wbo were still stationed at Fort Snell ing.121 Captain Gardiner, who bad preceded bis lead er up tbe river, had selected the escort and collected the party on May 24th in Camp Pierce — a temporary encampment located three miles northwest of tbe fort.122 Early in June camp was broken and tbe start for the far West was made, at first, over tbe Red River Trail, and then across the prairies to Fort Union, where on August 1st they were joined by others who had been sent up tbe Missouri with sup plies. Fort Benton was reached on September 1st. There tbey remained until tbe twelfth of the month when Lieutenant Saxton, leading a similar party FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 47 eastward from Vancouver, arrived. Thus a survey from tbe Mississippi to the Pacific had been com pleted.123 On the journey tbe entire party had been divided into small groups, who conducted surveys and ex plorations in various directions. To each of these groups were detailed a few of tbe dragoons, wbo were in all respects an integral part of tbe expedi tion and not merely a guard for protection. Accord ingly, no special mention of their work was made in tbe report.124 After thirty years, the distinction of being tbe most northwestern post in the upper Mississippi region was lost by Fort Snelling. Other military stations were erected, and thereafter many of its former activities were conducted from these stations on tbe extreme frontier. Yet in everything contrib uted by these newer posts, tbe older had a part ; ac counts of them reveal tbeir dependence on Fort Snelling, tbe parent post. As early as 1844 tbe Secretary of War had re ported that plans were being made to erect two new forts between Lake Superior and tbe River St. Peter's.125 But nothing was done at this time. By a treaty of October 13, 1846, tbe Winnebagoes living on the "Neutral Ground" in tbe Turkey River Val ley of tbe Iowa country agreed to exchange this reservation for one "north of St. Peter's and west of tbe Mississippi Rivers".126 By treaties in tbe fol lowing August, tbe Chippewas ceded to the govern ment a tract lying south of the Crow Wing River 48 OLD FORT SNELLING and west of tbe Mississippi River, and north and east of tbe so-called Sioux-Chippewa boundary line.127 This was tbe area agreed on by tbe govern ment as being suitable for tbe Winnebagoes. In view of tbe reputation of unruliness possessed by this tribe, and the fact that they were to be placed between the warring tribes — tbe Sioux and tbe Chippewas — the establishment of a post on the res ervation was thought desirable. Tbe transfer of tbe tribe took place during tbe summer of 1848 ; and in tbe same fall Brigadier Gen eral George M. Brooke of St. Louis, accompanied by a squadron of dragoons, chose a point opposite the Nokay River as a desirable location.128 This com pany and a company of the Sixth Infantry from Fort Snelling were employed in building the fort, and when cold weather prevented further opera tions, tbey were withdrawn to Fort Snelling, where the winter was passed.129 In the spring the troops returned, and Fort Gaines — rechristened Fort Rip ley — was occupied on tbe thirteenth of April, 1849.130 But this post alone was unable to keep tbe Winne bagoes in check. Tbey celebrated tbe first fourth of July by attacking a frontier store and ' ' causing one gentleman to escape en dishabille to the woods, where he danced to the tune of the mosquitoes dur ing some three days and nights."131 Again and again reports of riotous revels and rumors of im pending outbreaks caused help to be sent from Fort Snelling to assist tbe troops higher up tbe river.132 In the spring of 1857 tbe fort was abandoned, but FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 49 Indian disturbances during tbe summer caused a detachment to be sent from tbe older post. These troops remained at that point until in the summer of 1858 they were transferred to the newly founded Fort Abercrombie.133 The treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota, concluded in 1851, concentrated the Sioux Indians on a long irregular reservation along the upper Min nesota River.134 Tbe Indians were not transferred until tbe summer of 1853, but in the fall of the previ ous year the need of a post among so many half civilized people, placed in a small territory, was obvious. Accordingly, Colonel Francis Lee, com mandant at Fort Snelling, and Captain Dana of the quartermaster's department, escorted by a troop of dragoons, selected a suitable site on tbe north side of the Minnesota River, a dozen miles upstream from the town of New Ulm. On February 24, 1853, seven privates of Company D of tbe First Dragoons, and two sergeants and thir teen privates of tbe Sixth Infantry were sent to the location to begin tbe erection of the fort. In April the dragoons were ordered to return to Fort Snelling and Companies C and K of tbe Sixth Infantry went up the river under tbe command of Captain James Monroe and became part of the permanent garrison of newly-founded Fort Ridgely. One other com pany came up from Fort Dodge — tbe post in Iowa which was abandoned with this withdrawal.135 Colonel C. F. Smith, who led tbe expedition from Fort Snelling to the Red River during the summer 50 OLD FORT SNELLING of 1856, was instructed to recommend a site for a post. His choice of Graham's Point on tbe Red River was accepted; and here, in tbe fall of 1857, Colonel John J. Abercrombie constructed the fort which was named in bis honor. Colonel Smith, writ ing from Fort Snelling, gave among his reasons for tbe choice of Graham's Point "the additional ad vantage of greater facility for receiving stores from the depot here".136 With the building of these posts, Fort Snelling lost much of its importance. The garrison was small and tbe fort was almost nothing more than a depot for supplying the more advanced forts with food, clothing, and ammunition.137 With the decline of its military position, the idea became prevalent that some day it would be abandoned entirely, and tbe land thrown open to settlement. The neighboring cities of St. Paul, Minneapolis, and St. Anthony were in the throes of real estate speculation. There were some who saw in Fort Snelling a site more advantageous than any of these. "It is a position which has attracted also a good deal of attention on account of its superior beauty of location, its agricultural advantages, and its more notable advantages for a town site", said Mr. Mor rill during a debate on tbe floor of tbe House of Rep resentatives. "Whatever witnesses in this case may have differed upon as to other matters, they nearly all agree that, as a point for a town site, it possesses superior advantages over any other in that part of the country. ' ' 138 FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 51 Successful efforts were made to secure this site. On June 6, 1857, Mr: William King Heiskell, a com missioner appointed by the Secretary of War, sold to Mr. Franklin Steele, who was acting for himself and three others, the entire reservation for $90,000. The President approved the act on the second of July. Other parties who were interested in securing tbe site were not aware that the sale was to be made until everything bad been accomplished.139 Immediately there arose the cry of graft: tbe Republicans saw in tbe transaction the corruption of the existing Democratic regime. A committee was appointed by the House of Representatives to investigate the matter, and the testimony which they took covers three hundred and seven pages. Some witnesses said that the post should have been re tained for military purposes; others insisted that there was no such need. Some said that the site was admirable for a city; a few stated that it possessed no such advantages. Some said that it was neces-' sary as a supply station for tbe upper posts ; others insisted that these posts could be supplied more cheaply by a direct route.140 Bitter debates marked the consideration of tbe report. Tbe objects, character, and ability of the witnesses were questioned. One member of tbe House said that "Fort Snelling is a very elegant appanage to very elegant gentlemen, wbo have a very elegant place for parade and show."141 An other remarked that "the officers at Fort Snelling were opposed to the sale and it was natural that 52 OLD FORT SNELLING tbey should be. Tbey had a beautiful place of resi dence, tbey had tbe most comfortable quarters, and a superabundance of stores for tbeir subsistence. There tbey were living upon the fat of the land, with out anything under God's heaven to do. Society was near at band in a city populous, and furnishing all tbe luxuries of life. They of course did not want to surrender such quarters and such comforts for tbe hardships and trials of a frontier station. ' ' 142 Finally, on June second the whole matter was laid on tbe table. On May 27, 1858, the troops had been withdrawn,143 and on July 19, 1858, the quartermas ter turned the buildings over to Mr. Steele. But with tbe opening of tbe Civil War Fort Snelling was used by tbe government as a training station, and after tbe war it was continued as a permanent post. Mr. Steele had been unable to pay the entire $90,000, and as he claimed rent at tbe rate of $2000 a month for the time it bad been used by tbe government, tbe matter w^as again taken up. It was finally adjusted in an agreement whereby Mr. Steele retained tbe greater part of tbe land, and the government kept the buildings and 1521.20 acres surrounding tbe fort. Later some of the land was re-purchased from Mr. Steele.144 Tbe history of Old Fort Snelling closes with the removal of tbe troops in 1858. The story of its use during the Civil War, of the part it played during the Sioux massacre of 1862, of its influence through out tbe West during the years when the headquar ters of the Department of Dakota were located within FORTY YEARS OF FRONTIER DUTY 53 its walls, of the Officers' Training Camp established during the summer of 1917, lies outside tbe scope of this volume. Tbe life of tbe new Fort Snelling re vives the traditions of patriotism, loyalty, and sacri fice, which have centered about tbe post since that clay in August, 1819, which witnessed its beginning. IV LORDS OF THE NORTH An old settler, speaking of the expulsion of the squatters on the military reservation remarked: "At that time, and both before and since, the com manding officers of tbe fort were the lords of the north. They ruled supreme. Tbe citizens in tbe neighborhood of tbe fort were liable at any time to be thrust into the guard-house. While the chief of tbe fort was the king, the subordinate officers were the princes, and persons have been deprived of their liberty and imprisoned by those tyrants for tbe most trivial wrong, or some imaginary offense."145 This statement is doubtless rather extreme ; but the fact remains that the fort was tbe only agency of govern ment in the region, and so the commanding officer was indeed the supreme ruler in so far as he directed the policy and activities of the post. Interest in Old Fort Snelling is not primarily in the logs and stones which made up its building, but in the men and women who lived within its walls. Many were the lives influenced by a residence in its barracks. Characters were formed by the stern rigors of frontier service. Far from busy cities, in the tiresome routine of army life, men were being trained who were to be leaders in the political and 54 LORDS OF THE NORTH 55 military life of tbe Nation. Others never rose to a higher position; but tbey command attention be cause in their faithful performance of daily duties, year after year, they were quietly helping to make the history of the Northwest. It is impossible to consider every man wbo might be classed among tbe "Lords of the North", but a review of the careers of a few of them indicates the type of men whose natural ability was supplemented by tbe self-con fidence and the grim determination which are the products of frontier service.146 The memory of tbe man who led the troops to the mouth of the Minnesota River in 1819 is commem orated by a fort and a city in another State. Tbe trials which he endured during that first winter at Cantonment New Hope were only harbingers of greater difficulties which were to bring to him the death of a frontier martyr. Although he bad been educated for the lawyer's profession, Henry Leaven worth raised a company of volunteers in Delaware County, New York, in 1812, and was elected its cap tain. He served under General Winfield Scott and won honors for distinguished service at the Battle of Chippewa and at Niagara Falls. After tbe war he continued in the army, being appointed lieutenant colonel of tbe Fifth United States Infantry on Feb ruary 10, 1818. After conducting the troops up the Mississippi River in 1819 and remaining through the winter, he was superseded by Colonel Snelling. Expeditions and Indian duties occupied bis atten- 56 OLD FORT SNELLING tion during tbe next few years, and in May, 1827, he established ' ' Cantonment Leavenworth ' ' on the west bank of tbe Missouri River. On February 8, 1832, tbe name was changed to Fort Leavenworth. Dur ing a campaign against the Pawnee Indians, wbo were harassing the caravans of the Santa Fe trad ers, Colonel Leavenworth was taken sick with fever and died on July 21, 1834, in a hospital wagon at Cross Timbers in Indian Territory. Tbe body was wrapped in spices and sent by way of St. Louis, New Orleans, and New York City, to Delhi, New York, where it remained until in 1902 it was reinterred in the national cemetery at Fort Leavenworth. A granite shaft some twelve feet high marks his rest ing-place.147 The monument to the man under whose direction tbe fort was built is the modern military establish ment named Fort Snelling. The erection of this fort was the last achievement of a life which, though comparatively brief, bad already accomplished much. Josiab Snelling was born in Boston, Massa chusetts, in 1782. His first commission was as a first lieutenant in the Fourth Infantry and bears the date of May 3, 1808. In tbe Battle of Tippecanoe on November 7, 1811, he commanded one of the com panies that were attacked in their camp in the early morning. An attempt was made by a company of dragoons to drive off the groups of Indians whose fire was the heaviest, but tbe officer wbo was leading was wounded and the attempt failed. "Tbe In- LORDS OF THE NORTH 57 dians", reported General Harrison, "were, bow- ever, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous position by Captain Snelling, at tbe head of his company."148 During tbe War of 1812 he served with Hull's army about Detroit, and when the fort was surrendered he was taken a prisoner and brought to Canada. But be was exchanged and ordered to Plattsburg, and later was sent to Fort Erie on the staff of General George Izard. At the close of the war be was retained as lieutenant col onel of the Sixth Infantry and was stationed at Plattsburg for four years.149 Bravery and impetuosity were two of Colonel Snelling 's traits. During the campaign about De troit be was married to Abigail Hunt by tbe chaplain of General Hull's army. The general and other of ficers were present. An account of the life of his wife states that "the ceremony had been performed but a few moments when the drum beat to arms ; and Capt. Snelling instantly started up to go in search of his sword. All rushed to the door except Gen. Hull, who laying bis hand on the young officer's shoulder as be was about leaving tbe bouse, said, 'Snelling, you need not go, I will excuse you.' 'By no means,' was the reply, 'I feel more like doing my duty now than ever.' 'Stay, it is a false alarm by my order,' said the General."150 The ignoble sur render of Detroit by General Hull was deplored by many of the men under him. Tbe story is told that while General Hull's aid was trying to place the white flag in position he called, ' ' Snelling, come and 58 OLD FORT SNELLING help me fix this flag." Whereupon that officer re plied, "No, sir; I will not soil my bands with that flag."151 On June 1, 1819, be was appointed colonel of the Fifth Infantry, and ordered to St. Louis, where the following winter was passed. In the summer be started up tbe Mississippi, but was detained at Prairie du Chien by a court-martial of which he was tbe president, and it was not until August that be reached the troops at Camp Cold Water. From that time until tbe fall of 1827 Colonel Snelling was in command of tbe post, when not absent on official business. Except when be had been drinking too much, be was a favorite with the troops, and as be bad red hair and was somewhat bald, they nick named bim the "prairie-hen".152 In the fall of 1827 the Fifth Infantry was with drawn from the post and was succeeded by tbe First Infantry. The Snelling family located at St. Louis, while Colonel Snelling proceeded to Washington to settle some accounts. While here be was suddenly taken sick and died on August 20, 1828.153 The man whose name was applied to the post which has become so historic was a typical soldier of his day. Along with tbe bravery and zeal of tbe army, he possessed also its failings. "Of myself I have little to say", be wrote on one occasion. "I entered tbe army a subaltern, almost eighteen years ago. From obscurity I have passed through every grade to the command of a regiment. I owe nothing to executive patronage, for I have neither friend or LORDS OF THE NORTH 59 relation connected with tbe government : I have ob tained my rank in tbe ordinary course of promotion, and have retained it by doing my duty ; and I really flatter myself that I still possess the confidence of tbe government, and tbe respect of those wbo serve with and under me. ' ' 154 Daniel Webster, speaking in the Senate on July 9, 1850, remarked that it was not in Indian wars that heroes were celebrated, but it was there that they were formed.155 Tbe occasion of this speech was tbe death of the President, Zachary Taylor, wbo bad served for many years upon the Indian frontier. As lieutenant colonel of the First Infantry, be came to Fort Snelling during tbe summer of 1828 and remained there for a year, when he established his headquarters at Fort Crawford. His achievements on the frontier and in the Mexican War, which finally brought him to the presidency are a familiar story, and the training which be received in Old Fort Snell ing was only a part of that which gave him tbe name of "Rough and Ready". It is a remarkable fact that at Fort Snelling he was remembered less for his own actions than for those of bis four pretty daugh ters whose presence spread commotion in tbe hearts of the homesick young officers.156 In 1837 the First Infantry was withdrawn and part of the Fifth Infantry returned to its former station. Among the familiar faces seen about the garrison again was that of a man whose eccentrici- 60 OLD FORT SNELLING ties and personality are closely associated with the life of the fort.157 In reporting the casualties of the battle of Molino del Rey, September 8, 1847, the gen eral commanding the American forces applied an adjective to only one of tbe dead. The report reads, "the service mourns the bigh-souled Scott, brevet lieutenant colonel 5th infantry".158 This was Martin Scott, one of tbe most human, most lovable, and most energetic men who ever reviewed troops on the pa rade ground of Old Fort Snelling. Only from July 15, 1837, until August 20, 1837, was he in command, but for many years he was a familiar figure around the barracks and in tbe surrounding country. Hunting was his favorite pastime, and many a time the prairie rang with tbe yelping of the twenty or twenty-five dogs which he kept under tbe care of a special negro servant at tbe fort. His deadly aim was known to all. An army officer wbo insulted bim was severely wounded in a duel ; he often played tbe part of William Tell by shooting with bis pistol through an apple placed upon tbe head of his negro ; and if credence is to be given to tbe stories which are told, even the animals were aware that from bim there was no escape. A coon sitting high on a tree was shot at by several hunters in succession, but still remained in its position. Captain Scott came along and took aim, whereupon tbe coon asked, "Wbo is that?" The reply was, "My name is Scott." "Scott? what Scott?" continued the coon. "Captain Martin Scott." "Are you Captain Mar tin Scott?" There was a pause before the voice in LORDS OF THE NORTH 61 the tree-top continued, "Then hold on — don't shoot; I may as well come down. ' ' 159 Martin Scott was born in Bennington, Vermont, on January 17, 1788. His family was extremely poor, but because of bis freedom from army vices — gambling and drinking — be was able in later years to do them many favors. His kindness was equalled only by his bravery. For gallant conduct during tbe Mexican War be received several promotions, and held a commission as lieutenant colonel when he met death leading his regiment in tbe battle of Mo lino del Rey.160 A newspaper correspondent who went over the field of battle, saw a gray-beaded soldier spreading the blanket over the corpse of a fallen comrade. ' ' I rode up to him", wrote the reporter to bis news paper, "and asked him whether that was an officer. He looked up, and every lineament of his face be tokening tbe greatest grief, replied, 'you never asked a question sir, more easily answered, it is an officer. ' I then asked bim who he was. He again replied, 'The best soldier of the 5th infantry, sir.' I then alighted from my borse and uncovering tbe face, found it was Col. Martin Scott. As I again covered the face, tbe soldier continued, without apparently addressing himself to any person in particular — 'They have killed bim — they will be paid for this — if it had only been me — I have served with him al most four enlistments but what will his poor family say?' And as he concluded thus tbe tears coursed down his furrowed cheeks, and tbe swelling of bis 62 OLD FORT SNELLING bosom showed how deeply he was affected by the death of bis veteran and gallant commander. ' ' 161 When the Fifth Infantry was transferred in 1840 there was a second home-coming at Fort Snelling in that it was succeeded by parts of the First Infantry which remained until the year 1848. Captain Seth Eastman was in command at four different times during this period, and it was through his eyes that we can see Old Fort Snelling as it was,162 After his graduation from the Military Academy he was an assistant teacher of drawing at West Point. Fol lowing this he served in the Florida War and on the frontier until 1850, when he was called to Washing ton to illustrate tbe History, Condition, and Future Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Active service on tbe frontier and in tbe Civil War followed, and in 1866 be was breveted a brigadier general.163 Mary Henderson Eastman, bis wife, also com mands attention. The intimate association of the fort with the surrounding Indians brought to her knowledge many incidents connected with their life which she embodied in a volume published in 1849 and entitled: Dahcotah: or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling. In this volume Longfellow read of the Falls of Minnehaha, which he describes so picturesquely in Hiawatha.16* Other literary work was done by Mrs. Eastman, one of ber volumes being Aunt Phyllis 's Cabin, a reply to Mrs. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin.165 LORDS OF THE NORTH 63 Parts of tbe Sixth Infantry were garrisoned in Fort Snelling from 1848 to 1852, and beginning in 1850 there was also a company of the First Dragoons who engaged in many of tbe expeditions narrated in the preceding chapter. Among the officers wbo com manded during this period was Lieutenant William T. Magruder, wbo was killed on July 3, 1863, at the Battle of Gettysburg while serving in the ranks of the Confederate army.166 One company of the Third Artillery was located at tbe post from 1853 to 1856. At tbe head of this company was Captain W. T. Sherman who, after serving in the Indian wars and tbe Mexican War, rose to prominence in the Civil War during which he was breve tted a major general. After the Civil War be was appointed commander of the Department of tbe East.167 Among the last troops which occupied Fort Snell ing before it was abandoned in 1858 was a part of the Tenth Infantry. Major E. R. S. Canby of this regiment was in command of tbe fort during the summer and autumn of 1856. His was a wonderful record of achievement upon the frontier and in the Civil War, and like Colonel Leavenworth he met his death in service. Born in Kentucky the year that Fort Snelling was founded, he moved to Indiana as a boy. He was appointed to the Military Academy at West Point in 1835 and graduated in 1839. For the next three years he was engaged as a second lieutenant in the Second Infantry in the Florida War, and upon the successful termination of tbe campaigns he was employed in removing the Cbero- 64 OLD FORT SNELLING kees, Choctaws, and Creeks to Indian Territory. After a few years in garrison duty and the recruit ing service be participated in the Mexican War, being promoted "for gallant and meritorious ser vice" at Contreras, Cherubusco, and the Belen Gate of the City of Mexico. On March 3, 1855, a promo tion made bim major in tbe Tenth Infantry; and it was while holding this position that he served at Fort Snelling. In 1858 Major Canby was transferred to Fort Bridger, Utah, where he commanded an expedition against the Navajo Indians. While stationed at Fort Defiance, New Mexico, during the early years of the Civil War, he repelled the Confederate gen eral, Sibley, who left one-half of his force behind him in killed, wounded, and prisoners. On March 31, 1862, he was made a brigadier general of volun teers and summoned to Washington to assist Secre tary of War Stanton. While here General Canby was- called upon to take charge of a difficult position. Draft riots in New York City from July 13th to July 16th resulted in tbe killing and wounding of about a thousand people and the destruction of about one and a half million dollars worth of property.168 On July 17th General Canby was put in charge of tbe Federal troops in tbe city, and he was later able to enforce the provisions of the draft without difficul ties.169 Following this came an appointment as com mander of the military division of West Mississippi, where be was wounded by Confederate guerrillas. At the close of tbe war, Edward Canby, then a LORDS OF THE NORTH 65 major general of volunteers was sent to the far West as commander of tbe Department of the Columbia. Here the United States was engaged in a war with the Modoc Indians led by tbeir chief "Captain Jack". On April 11, 1873, General Canby held a peace parley with tbe Indians. It bad been agreed that both parties should be unarmed, but in tbe middle of tbe negotiations "Captain Jack" suddenly drew a revolver from his breast, and shot Canby through tbe head killing bim instantly.170 Other officers at tbe post wbo bad real power were the garrison physicians. One of these, Dr. John Emerson was a giant in body and impulsive in spirit. On a certain day in early winter when tbe quarter master was distributing stoves to the officers, Dr. Emerson asked for one for his negro servant. This the quartermaster refused, saying that there were not enough in store; whereupon tbe doctor insinu ated that tbe statement was a lie. Upon being in sulted thus tbe quartermaster struck his companion between the eyes, Emerson turned on his heels im mediately, but he returned in a few minutes with a brace of pistols which he pointed at bis assailant. The fighting spirit of tbe quartermaster fell at tbe appearance of these weapons, and he started across the parade ground on a run followed by tbe doctor. A third character appeared in the person of Major Plympton, the commanding officer, who arrested Dr. Emerson. This episode gave rise to a great commo tion in the garrison. One group who wanted some 66 OLD FORT SNELLING excitement urged that only in blood could tbe quarrel be settled; while tbe other group sought for peace, knowing that there was no other physician nearer than Prairie du Chien. Not for several days was tbe quarrel patched up, and then the terms were never made public.171 Tbe cause of all this trouble was Dred Scott, man of color, and the slave of Dr. Emerson. He had been brought to Fort Snelling by bis master in 1836, and here be was married to Harriet, also colored, wbo bad been sold by Major Taliaferro to the doctor. When Dr. Emerson was transferred to Missouri, be took Dred Scott with him. After tbe death of bis master, Scott began proceedings in the courts for his freedom on the ground that his residence at tbe military post made him free — Fort Snelling being located on soil where slavery was prohibited by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. Mrs. Emerson, wbo wanted to avoid an appearance in the courts, made over the control of Scott to John F. A. Sanford, and the case was finally brought to the Supreme Court of the United States. Thus Old Fort Snelling was connected with tbe case of Scott vs. Sanford, which was so important among the events leading up to tbe Civil War.172 Were battles and military operations alone con sidered, tbe annals of Fort Snelling would comprise few pages ; and were only military men characterized one of the most potent factors in the life of the fort would be omitted. Tbe influence of the fort on tbe LORDS OF THE NORTH 67 Indians was felt more through tbe quiet daily work of tbe Indian agent who was their official friend. Although he was an officer entirely distinct from the military organization at tbe fort, his work may legit imately be accredited among tbe other activities of the post. He was, in fact, an army official. Tbe act of August 7, 1789, which organized the War Depart ment, placed Indian affairs in the bands of tbe Sec retary ; 173 on July 9, 1832, a commissioner of Indian affairs was authorized ; 174 and on June 30, 1834, tbe relations of the Indian agents to the military depart ment were more clearly defined. Tbe Superintend ent of Indian Affairs, tbe Indian agents, and tbe sub- agents were given tbe right to call upon tbe military forces to remove all trespassers in tbe Indian coun try, to procure tbe arrest and trial of all Indians accused of committing any crime, and to break up any distillery set up in the Indian country.175 By the act of March 3, 1849, the Department of the Interior was organized. Section Five of the act stipulated that "the Secretary of the Interior shall exercise the supervisory and appellate powers now exercised by the Secretary of the War Department, in relation to all the acts of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs".176 On tbe whole this law did not disturb the cooperation between the two branches of the government service, although the commander at Fort Snelling intimated to the agent that bis priv ileges were "not of right but by courtesy".177 One name more than any other is associated with tbe agency at Fort Snelling — usually called the 68 OLD FORT SNELLING agency of St. Peter 's. From 1820 to 1840 regiments came and went, and the officers wbo ruled as "Lords of tbe North" were soon transferred to other posts. Tbe military establishment was itself known by sev eral different names in succession, but tbe Indian agent remained tbe same — Lawrence Taliaferro. His was a lasting influence — lasting because of tbe position he held in tbe memories of bis wards and bis associates, and lasting because of the records that he left. To tbe Indians be was a real "Father". Amer icans, Scotch, Sioux, and French could all find within his breast, tbey said, a kindred spirit, and tbey be stowed upon him tbe name of "Four Hearts" be cause of tbe impartiality of his actions to all nation alities.178 In June, 1858, a number of Sioux chiefs were in Washington and came to see him. "My old Father," said Little Crow, "we have called upon you; we love you; we respect you. . . . Since you left us a dark cloud has hung over our nation. We have lost confidence in the promises of our Great Father, and bis people; bad men have nearly de stroyed us. . . . We failed to get a friend in anyone like you; they all joined tbe traders. We know your heart, it feels for your old children. ' ' 179 Those who were associated with bim at tbe fort also had kind words for him. "He belonged to a class more common then than now", remarked the son of Colonel Bliss, "He imagined it to be his im perative duty to see that every Indian under his charge had tbe enjoyment of all bis rights, and never LORDS OF THE NORTH 69 seemed to realize his opportunities for arranging with contractors for tbe supply of inferior goods and for dividing the profits. ' ' 180 Of this honesty Talia ferro wrote: "I have tbe Sad Consolation of leav ing after twenty Seven years — the public Service as poor as when first I entered — The only evidence of my integrity ' \181 No one can write of Fort Snelling without using the papers which Lawrence Taliaferro left. Tbe diary kept by bim during these twenty years shows the meager pleasures and grim duties of bis task. Of this diary only a few fragmentary pages are ex tant — three roughly bound collections of sheets, many of them torn, many of them half-burned, and their writing faded. But from almost every page that is legible some information is gleaned, concern ing tbe life of the soldiers, the visits of tbe Indians, tbe state of tbe weather, and reflections on Indian relations and the best time for planting potatoes.182 His wide acquaintance and tbe great extent of terri tory which bis agency covered led to correspondence with many men. These letters also passed through a fire, and those that were rescued are now bound in four volumes.183 His reports to General William Clark, Superin tendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, were for warded to Washington where they are now kept in tbe files of the Indian office.184 With methodical care Governor Clark copied tbe letters which he received into letter books. Tbe existence of these letter books was not known until a few years ago, when 70 OLD FORT SNELLING some of them were found in the hands of a junk dealer in Lawrence, Kansas, and were rescued — a great gain to the history of the West.185 Many years after he closed his connection with tbe agency Lawrence Taliaferro wrote an "Autobiog raphy" — a narrative that shows all tbe quaintness and egotism of the man. ' ' Not until after the year 1840", he wrote "did the government become unfor tunate in tbe selection of their agents for Indian affairs."186 From this account can be gleaned in formation to supplement the bare facts usually given about his life. His ancestors had come to England from Genoa, Italy, and later they emigrated to Vir ginia. Here Lawrence Taliaferro was born on Feb ruary 28, 1794. At the age of eighteen he joined the army and served through the War of 1812, being a first lieutenant when it closed. Although he received no other promotion be was always known among bis associates as "Major".187 He was appointed Indian agent for St. Peter's on March 27, 1819, and on April 1, 1819, be accepted — resigning the same day from the army.188 He reached his new station probably in the summer of 1820, and wras immediately engaged in the duties connected with Indian affairs.189 During his term of office he was continually troubled by ill-health which resulted from his campaigns in the late war. In 1824 he resigned because of this ill-health, and al though he continued in service, Governor Clark at one time wrote to the Secretary of War that "his fate is considered as very doubtful."190 LORDS OF THE NORTH 71 As early as 1831 he confided to his diary that "there is something of a Combination of Persons at work day after day to pick at my Actions both public and private".101 His resignation finally came in 1839, and he closed bis connection with the Depart ment on January 1, 1840, because he could no longer endure the machinations of tbe traders.192 There after he made his home at Bedford, Pennsylvania, serving as a military storekeeper from 1857 to 1863, when he was put on tbe retired list. Mr. Taliaferro visited his old home at Fort Snelling in 1856 and wrote characteristically: "We were in St. Paul on the twenty-fourth of June, the 'widow's son' was Irving 's Rip Van Winkle; after a nap of fifteen years, we awoke in the midst of fast times. We truly felt bewildered when we found all the haunts and resting-places of the once noble sons of the for est, covered by cities, towns, and bamlets. We asked but few questions, being to our mind received as a strange animal; if nothing worse."193 Among the others wbo served before 1858 as In dian agent were Amos J. Bruce, R. G. Murphy, and Nathaniel McLean. Tbe influx of whites had greatly increased the difficulties of their position, and the memory of their former agent made the Indians sus picious of their new advisers. The Governor of the Territory became tbe Superintendent of Indian Af fairs, and his presence so near the agency took from the agent much of his power.194 Scott Campbell, the interpreter at Fort Snelling, 72 OLD FORT SNELLING was tbe intermediary between tbe Indians and tbeir lords. He was a half-breed whom Meriwether Lewis bad met on his expedition up tbe Missouri River. He took the boy with him back to St. Louis; and when Lewis died, Campbell returned to his Sioux relatives and finally drifted to tbe agency at Fort Snelling.195 Having a knowledge of four languages, and possessing the confidence of aU tbe tribes within four hundred miles of the post, he was indispensable. From August, 1825, to April, 1826, he was engaged in tbe fur trade, but was lured back into service by a salary of thirty-four dollars per month and one ration per day. By 1843, however, he bad become such a drunkard that he bad to be dismissed.196 The veteran missionary, S. W. Pond, in recalling early days wrote that ' ' Scott Campbell no longer sits smoking bis long pipe, and conversing in low tones with tbe listless loungers around tbe old Agency House; but who that resided in this country thirty or forty years ago can pass by the old stone houses near Fort Snelling and not think of Major Talia ferro and of bis interpreter?"197 And wbo can pass the Old Round Tower without thinking of those men who as officers at Fort Snell ing ruled supreme over a vast region, and who left the fort for places of greater trust and greater in fluence ? V A SOLDIER'S WORLD Instead of a world of city streets and country towns, of tilled fields and rivers busy with commerce, tbe raw recruit at Old Fort Snelling entered upon a world of stone barracks and Indian tepees, of tangled prairies and rushing rivers.198 The landing was directly under the cliff which towered above to a height which to many a wanderer in a frail canoe seemed twice the one hundred and six feet which the scientist's instruments ascribed to it.199 In later years a stairway led to the quarters of the command ing officer, but tbe wagon road which crept upwards along the sandstone wall — ' ' nearly as white as loaf- sugar ' ' 20° — where the swallows flew in and out from tbeir holes, gained tbe summit at the rear of the fort. Following the road through the gate, and passing between the buildings to tbe center of the parade ground, the recruit probably paused to look about him.201 Visible in the openings between tbe buildings was tbe stone wall about ten feet high wdiicb sur rounded tbe barracks, quarters, and storehouses. This wall took the place of tbe picket- stockade which was so prominent a feature in earlier and ruder fortifications. Conforming to the arrangement of the buildings which it enclosed, the wall was dia- 73 74 OLD FORT SNELLING mond-shaped, one point being at the edge of the pro montory where tbe valley of tbe Minnesota River met that of tbe Mississippi River. A second point was on tbe edge of the steep bluff which rose from the Mississippi. A third point, at a distance of about four hundred and fifty feet directly opposite the second, was on tbe summit of tbe Minnesota bluff. Tbe fourth point was situated on the level ground of the plateau, at a distance of about seven hundred feet from the first point. As he stood in tbe middle of the parade ground and gazed beyond the pump and the magazine at tbe western or fourth point, the recruit saw rising- to a height twice that of the wall, the Old Round Tower. To-day this tower is a vine-clad relic — a vestige remaining from the days of tbe past. But to the soldier of Old Fort Snelling it was a more practical structure — a place of lookout from which he was often to scan the swells of tbe prairie for approach ing Indians or returning comrades. At the second and third points were blockhouses — buildings of stone, each giving a view of the river' below it. At the first point there was also a tower — a wooden lookout platform at the very edge of the precipice from which was visible the landscape surrounding the fort. But the soldier was doubtless more interested in the buildings in which be was to live. The barracks for the men were under the north wall and consisted of two buildings one story in height. The larger of these, which was intended to accommodate two com- A SOLDIER'S WORLD 75 panies was divided into sets, each set having on tbe main floor an orderly-room and three squad-rooms, while below in the basement were a mess-room and a kitchen. Tbe other barrack was intended to be occupied by one company only; and the orderly- room, squad-rooms, mess-rooms, and a kitchen were on the same floor. Tbe cellars below were damp and were used only for storage purposes. Occupying the same position under the south wall, and facing the barracks, were two other buildings, similar in appearance. In one of these tbe officers' quarters were located. It was divided into twelve sets, each consisting of two rooms, tbe front one sixteen by fourteen feet, and the back one, eight by fifteen and a half feet. In the basement were located kitchens for each set. The other building contained the offices of the commanding officer, tbe paymaster, tbe quartermaster, and the commissary. Here was a room used by the post school, and another filled with harness. An ordnance sergeant and five laundresses found quarters in the same structure. The quarters of tbe commanding officer with the flag staff directly in front, faced the parade ground and tbe Old Round Tower. There were four rooms on tbe main floor and in tbe basement wTere kitchens and pantries. Other buildings were also included within the fort. The storehouse of the commissary department was located near the southern block- bouse ; and on either side of the gate were two build ings, shunned by all — the guardhouse and the hos pital. 76 OLD FORT SNELLING Such was tbe plan of tbe fort, convenient in ar rangement and beautiful in appearance ; but the re port of an official inspection in 1827 complained that "tbe main points of defence against an enemy ap pear to have been in some respects sacrificed in tbe effort to secure tbe comfort and convenience of the troops in peace. These are important considera tions; but at an exposed frontier post the primary object must be security against the attach of an enemy. Health and comfort come next. Tbe build ings are too large, too numerous, and extending over a space entirely too great; enclosing a uselessly large parade, five times greater than is at all desir able in that climate."202 A traveller wbo at a later day was entertained within tbe fort wrote of it facetiously in these words : "Tbe idea is further suggested, that the strong stone wall was rather erected to keep the garrison in, than tbe enemy out. Though adapted for mounting can non if needful, the walls were unprovided with those weapons ; and tbe only piece of ordnance that I de tected out of tbe magazine, was an old churn thrust gallantly through one of the embrasures. We were however far from complaining of the extra expense and taste which tbe worthy officer whose name it bears had expended on the erection of Fort Snelling, as it is in every way an addition to the sublime land scape in which it is situated. ' ' 203 But an examination of the contents of tbe mag azine would have revealed weapons more formidable than churns. Among the equipment reported in A SOLDIER'S WORLD 77 1834 one reads of two iron twelve-pounder cannon of tbe garrison type ; three six-pounder iron cannon of tbe field type ; and two five and eight-tenths inch iron howitzers. There was also equipment for these pieces of artillery — carriages, sponges and ram mers, lead aprons, dark lanterns, gunners' belts, gunners' haversacks, and tarpaulins. There were stored ready for service, 440 balls for tbe twelve- pounders, 1255 balls for the six-pounders, 546 pounds of mixed loose grapeshot, and many other sizes of strapped and canister shot. For tbe use of tbe infantry there were 7749 musket flints, 1825 pounds of musket powder, 1513 pounds of rifle pow der, 31,390 cartridges, and 2047 blank cartridges.204 Other structures closely connected with the work of tbe fort were located outside the wall. Tbe build ings of the Indian agency were situated a quarter of a mile west, on the prairie.205 These consisted of a council house, the agent's house, and an armorer's shop. The original council house was built by the troops in 1823, but Agent Taliaferro claimed that most of the inside work was done at his own expense. Tbe building was of logs and stone, eigbty-two feet long, eighteen feet wide, and presenting in tbe front a piazza of seventy feet. Within, there were six rooms, lined with pine planking and separated from each other by panel doors.206 At one o 'clock on the morning of August 14, 1830, the sentinels at the fort discovered that the council bouse was on fire. But the flames bad gained so much headway that it was impossible to save any of 78 OLD FORT SNELLING tbe contents. Tbe interpreter and his family wbo lived in this building barely escaped with their lives. In reporting the loss to tbe superintendent, Major Taliaferro wrote that "the general impression here is that fire was put to the house by Some drunken Indians & circumstances are strong in justifying such a conclusion."207 This surmise was right, for on April 7, 1831, tbe Indians delivered at the fort one of tbeir number wbo they claimed was guilty of the act.208 That steps were taken to build a new council bouse is evident from the record in Taliaferro's diary under date of March 8, 1831, that four men had been hired "at $12 per Month to cut & carry timber out of tbe pine Swamp for the Agency Council House."209 But in 1839 Taliaferro recommended that the agency be moved to a point seven miles up the river ; and in 1841 there was a movement on foot to buy Baker's stone trading bouse for the same purpose.210 Near the location of the old council bouse were two other buildings. One of these was the agent's house. This was made entirely of stone, and was one and a half stories high. It contained four rooms and a passage on the lower floor and two rooms above.211 Hastily built by troops at an early day, its comforts were few. "Since the Rainy Season Set in", com plained the agent in 1834, "both the hired Men and Myself have not had a Spot in our houses that Could be called dry, Not even our beds".212 An armorer's shop, where blacksmith work was done for the In dians, was made of logs and measured sixteen by A SOLDIER'S WORLD 79 eighteen feet. Nearer tbe fort was the home of Franklin Steele, the sutler of the post.213 At Camp Cold Water, B. F. Baker had erected a large stone trading house, which in 1841 was valued at six thousand dollars. While he bad no legal title to tbe land on which this house was built, the officers at the post allowed him to remain. Later it was sold to Kenneth McKenzie, who in 1853 built an addition, renovated tbe entire building, and used it as a hotel. In the vicinity of this structure were several small buts which had been the homes of some squatters on tbe reservation. But after their expulsion these huts rapidly fell into decay.214 In his duties and recreations the soldier was often brought into touch with other features of tbe world about him — the points of scenic interest and the Indian villages. From the wooden lookout tower near the commanding officer's quarters a glimpse of the surrounding land was revealed. "The view from the angle of tbe wall at the ex treme point, is highly romantic", wrote one who saw the wild scene before civilization had left its traces on the landscape. "To your left lies the broad deep valley of tbe Mississippi, with the opposite heights descending precipitously to the water's edge; and to the right and in front, the St. Peter's, a broad stream, worthy from its size, length of course, and the number of tributaries which it receives, to be called the Western Fork of tbe Great River itself. It is seen flowing through a comparatively open vale, with swelling hills and intermingling forest and 80 OLD FORT SNELLING prairie, for many miles above tbe point of junction. As it approaches tbe Mississippi, the volume of water divides into two branches; that on the right pursues the general course of the river above, and enters tbe Mississippi, at an angle of perhaps fifty degrees, directly under the walls of the fort; while tbe other, keeping to the base of tbe high prairie lands which rise above it to a notable summit called tbe Pilot Knob, enters the Mississippi lower down. Tbe triangular island thus formed between tbe rivers lies immediately under tbe fort. Its level surface is partially cultivated, but towards the lower extrem ity thickly covered with wood. Beyond their junc tion, the united streams are seen gliding at the base of high cliffs into the narrowing valley below. For ests, and those of the most picturesque character, interspersed with strips of prairie, clothe a great portion of the distant view. "A little cluster of trading houses is situated on tbe right branch of tbe St. Peter's, and here and there on tbe shores, and on the island, you saw the dark conical tents of the wandering Sioux. A more striking scene we had not met with in tbe United States, and hardly any that could vie with it for pic turesque beauty, even at this unfavourable season. What must it be in spring, when the forests put forth tbeir young leaves, and the prairies are clothed in verdure!"215 This "little cluster of trading houses" was the town of Mendota. Here was the stone bouse of Henry H. Sibley, and that of J. B. Faribault. Near A SOLDIER'S WORLD 81 tbe river was tbe ferry house and the home of Mr. Finley the ferryman.216 Upon the hillside lay the little Catholic chapel, surrounded by tbe graves in the cemetery. But the center of interest was in tbe warehouse and store of tbe American Fur Company, where tbe skins of buffalo, elk, deer, fox, beaver, otter, muskrat, mink, martin, raccoon, and other an imals were sorted and divided into packs weighing about a hundred pounds. Indians, Frenchmen, half- breeds, and restless wanderers from tbe East were always loitering about tbe establishment.217 From the fort a road led along the Mississippi to the Falls of St. Anthony, on the way crossing Minne haha Creek on the bridge built in early days by the soldiers. Here a stop was made to view the beauty of the cascade then known as Little Falls or Brown 's Falls. It was tbe common practice for travellers to descend to the foot of the falls, clinging to tbe shrubs along the slippery pathway, and then go behind tbe sheet of falling water.218 Continuing, at a distance of eight miles up tbe Mississippi from tbe fort, the Falls of St. Anthony was reached. Although only sixteen feet high, the breadth of almost six hundred yards, broken in the middle by a rocky island gave to it an impressive majesty, and the thick vegetation on the island and banks returned a gloomy reflection from the whirling waters.219 It is no wonder that in that wild and picturesque locality the Indians saw things ghostly and super natural. "Tbey tell you that here a young Dacota mother, goaded by jealousy, — the husband [sic] of 82 OLD FORT SNELLING ber children having taken another wife, — unmoored her canoe above the Great Fall, and seating herself and ber children in it, — sang her death song, and went over the foaming acclivity in the face and amid tbe shrieks of her tribe. And often, the Indian be lieves, when the nights are calm, and the sky se rene, — and the dew-drops are hanging motionless on the sprays of tbe weeping birch on the island, — and the country far and wide is vibrating to the mur mur of the cataract, — that then tbe misty form of the young mother may be seen moving down tbe deceitful current above, while ber song is beard mingling its sad notes with the lulling sound of ' the Laughing Water!'"220 Here at tbe Falls, on the west bank of the river, were three buildings: a saw mill, a grist mill, and a one-story frame dwelling, where a detachment of soldiers always remained to guard the property. The saw mill had provided much of tbe lumber used in the construction of the fort, and in the grist mill the corn was cracked that was fed during the winter to tbe cattle — a drove being delivered every fall for the use of the garrison. These buildings were still standing in 1858, although they were then in a bad state of decay.221 Among the lakes on tbe prairie the most important were the Lake of the Isles, Lake Calhoun, and Lake Harriet. These were favorite picnic and hunting grounds for the men and women of the garrison. An old map made in 1823 shows "Green's Villa" on Lake Calhoun — probably a hunting lodge or shelter A SOLDIER'S WORLD 83 built by Lieutenant Piatt Rogers Green.222 Here on Lake Calhoun was located the missionary establish ment which was so closely connected with the life of the fort.223 There were other Indian villages near tbe fort. Nine miles below, on the bank of tbe Mississippi was the Sioux village of Kaposia. Here Wakinyantanka, or Big Thunder, reigned over bis band which num bered one hundred and eighty-tbree in 1834. Two or three miles upstream from its mouth on the banks of the Minnesota was the group of wigwams called Black Dog's village, although the chief was Wamdi- tanka or Big Eagle. About nine miles from Fort Snelling was Pinisha, reported as having one hun dred and forty-eight inhabitants ruled over by Good Road. The largest group, three hundred and sixty- eight souls, was that of tbe Tintatonwan band, lo cated twenty-four miles from Fort Snelling and near the present town of Shakopee. Shapaydan or Shak- pay was the chief, the father of the warrior of the same name wbo was executed at Fort Snelling for participating in tbe Sioux massacre of 1862.224 These villages were very much the same in appear ance, large bark lodges being occupied by tbe Indians in the summer. The villages swarmed with chil dren, squaws, painted warriors, and yelping dogs. About tbe lodges were the corn fields, the scaffolds where the corn was dried, and tbe more mournful scaffolds where, wrapped in buffalo skins, reposed the bones of the hunters who had followed tbe milky way to the "Land of the Ghosts".225 VI GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE What sort of a life did the soldier live in tbe bar racks and on the parade ground, and in the world of prairies, rivers, and woods that lay about him? No person wbo was ever quartered within the walls of Old Fort Snelling seems to have left an account of what was included in the tasks and recreations of a day. Doubtless tbe routine duties repeated day after day were thought too ordinary to be worth re cording. The pleasures were so simple and came so much as a matter of course that they also receive scant mention in the annals of the fort. It is from the General Regulations for the Army that one gets the daily program of a military post; and the few fragmentary pages of Taliaferro 's diary and letters, together with the stray remarks of travellers and pioneers, indicate the joys and sorrow's of a very human garrison.226 No sooner was dawn visible over the Mississippi bluffs than tbe musicians of the post were summoned to the parade ground and five minutes later the reveille was sounded. At tbe signal both officers and men arose. Soon tbe rolls of the companies were called in front of tbe quarters; the quarters were put in order; the ground in front sw7ept; and 84 GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 85 tbe horses fed and watered. At eight-thirty tbe sick in tbe barracks were taken to the hospital, and at nine o'clock breakfast was served, preceded by a second roll-call. Then the various tasks of tbe day were performed under the direction of a captain or subaltern daily detailed as the "officer of the day". A party termed the ' ' General Fatigue ' ' swept tbe entire parade ground — unless there were enough prisoners in tbe guard house to perform this un pleasant duty. A police guard furnished sentinels to watch over the prisoners, the colors, the quarters of tbe commanding officer, and the arms of the regi ment. Other soldiers were posted at the front and tbe rear of tbe fort. Certain detachments were formed for reconnoitering and foraging — the nature of the tasks depending on the season of the year and the needs of tbe garrison. At three o 'clock in the afternoon tbe third roll-call was followed by dinner; and thirty minutes before sunset the music called out the regiment for dress parade, where various maneuvers were gone through and orders were read. After the parade, when the regiment was again in its quarters, the arms were placed in the arm-racks, the horses attended to, a fifth roll-call endured, and tattoo sounded. Then tbe lights were extinguished and all were expected to be quiet for tbe night. This monotony of the daily program was equalled only by tbe monotony of the meals. The regulation diet prescribed by Congress in 1802 consisted of a pound and a quarter of beef, or three-quarters of a 86 OLD FORT SNELLING pound of pork; eighteen ounces of bread or flour; one gill of rum, whiskey, or brandy; and for every hundred rations were supplied two quarts of salt, four quarts of vinegar, four pounds of soap, and one pound and a half of candles. In 1832 coffee and sugar were substituted for the liquor.227 During the early years of Fort Snelling these sup plies were brought from St. Louis in fiatboats. With the development of steamboat traffic, the steamboat was utilized, but it did not entirely displace tbe ear lier method. Difficulties often hindered tbe trans portation of supplies. The summer of 1829 was ex tremely dry. Tbe average monthly rainfall was less than an inch, and steamboat navigation was impos sible. Even keelboats found difficulty in ascending the river ; sixty days were spent by Lieutenant Rey nolds in bringing up a load of supplies. A sand bar at Pine Bend was impassable, so half of tbe load was taken off and tbe rest hurried up the river. When the crew arrived the garrison was upon its last barrel of flour.228 "Bread and soup", runs a clause in tbe General Regulations for the Army, "are the great items of a soldier's diet, in every situation".229 Tbe bread was made from tbe wheat grown by the soldiers, and was ground in the mill at tbe Falls of St. Anthony. For some reason tbe crop of 1823 had become mouldy and the bread was black and bitter. When forced to eat it, the troops almost mutinied, bringing it out upon the parade ground and throwing it down.230 Nor does it seem likely that the soup was more appe- GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 87 tizing when one reads the following recipe which guided tbe company cooks: "To make soup, put into the vessel at tbe rate of five pints of water to a pound of fresh meat ; apply a quick heat to make it boil promptly ; skim off the foam, and then moderate the fire ; salt is then put in, according to tbe palate. Add the vegetables of the season one or two hours, and sliced bread some minutes, before tbe simmer ing is ended. When tbe broth is sensibly reduced in quantity, that is, after five or six hours cooking, the process will be complete. ' ' 231 Fortunately tbe soldier did not have to depend entirely on these rations. Out of his modest cash income of six dollars per month he could buy at tbe sutler's store small necessities and some luxuries. Tbe sutler was the authorized merchant of the post, and in order that bis monopoly might not lead him to demand unreasonable sums for bis wares, tbe prices were fixed by a "council of administration" composed of three officers. For every officer and enlisted soldier serving at the post the sutler paid into tbe "post fund", from ten to fifteen cents per month. This sum was to be used for tbe relief of tbe widows or orphans of soldiers, the maintenance of a post school and band, and the purchase of books for a library.232 The books of Franklin Steele, wbo was tbe sutler at Fort Snelling from 1838 to 1858, may still be ex amined ; and from their dreary lists of accounts, the human wants of a soldier at Old Fort Snelling are clearlv indicated.233 On March 12, 1849, Private OLD FORT SNELLING Brown bought a pound of currants and a pound of raisins for fifty cents. Shoes, soap, and currants totalled $1.50 on April 7th ; and on March 20th, two pounds of butter sold for thirty cents and a pound of cheese for forty-two cents. Private Ryerson had more varied needs. On March 7th, 1849, be pur chased indigo ; on March 16th, paper ; on April 9th, alcohol and suspenders ; five days later, needles and sugar; and on April 23rd, apples, butter, and a tin cup. Tbe quiet waters in tbe neighboring lakes tempted Eli Pettijohn on a spring day in 1855 to invest $2.50 in "Fishing Tackel". That tbe officers did not live upon tbe same fare as tbe soldiers is indicated by tbe entries under the title "Officers Mess". On July 31, 1855, there was pur chased ten cents worth of cloves, ten cents worth of pepper, and ninety-five cents worth of cheese. Un der the date of August 8th "Bread tickets" were purchased to tbe amount of one dollar; and on August 30th, fifty cents worth of "Yeast Powd'r" was charged to their account. Saint and sinner both patronized this store. The Reverend Ezekiel Gear, who was the chaplain at the fort, evidently believed that cleanliness was next to godliness, for on July 31, 1855, he paid thirty cents for a scrub brush; on August 4th, he bought a broom for fifty cents; on August 30th, be pur chased twenty-five cents worth of starch, and on October 19th, a large broom. Indulging in some luxuries, on August 2nd, 1855, he bought five cents wrorth of candy. Probably this was a treat for those GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 89 two boys, his son and his grandson, whom a visitor two years later found sleeping in tbe little cemetery at Morgan's Bluff near tbe fort, tbeir resting place marked by a rude slab with a Latin inscription: ' ' Lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in death not divided."234 None the less clearly is tbe character of Sergeant Mahoney portrayed in these accounts. On July 31, 1855, it is recorded under his name : "1 Flask $.75 ' '. On August 20th, the same officer paid seventy-five cents for a bottle of cider. And the chaplain would have bad an excellent illustration for bis next ser mon on intemperance if he could have read, as we can to-day, this melancholy note made in tbe sutler 's book on October 17th: "Sergeant Mahoney, Cash Loaned 20.00". There was need for sermons on intemperance. During the early years whiskey was issued as a part of tbe soldier's ration, and this only served to stim ulate the desire for more. Tbe class of men in the army was not always of tbe highest, and there were enough civilians who were willing to pander to their appetites. The following extract from Taliaferro's diary for March 22, 1831, is undoubtedly character istic of many a forgotten episode : "Nothing of im portance transpired this day Two drunken Soldiers in crossing the SPeters broke through tbe Ice & were near being drowned. They were exceeding alarmed & made a hedious Noise & yelling for Assistance — the men from tbe Fort relieved them although late at night." Not always was assistance on hand in 90 OLD FORT SNELLING such circumstances. A report was made in March, 1840, of a certain officer who "disappeared on the evening of the 5th of March, supposed to have been drowned by falling through the ice. ' ' 235 Drunkenness and absence from roll-call were among tbe infractions of rules for which punishment was most often inflicted. Tbe character and sever ity of tbe punishment depended upon tbe mood of the commanding officer. Colonel Snelling, wbo was usually a very gentle man, was particularly severe in his treatment of offenders. "He would take them to his room", wrote one wbo spent several years in the Snelling household, "and compel them to strip, when be would flog tbem unmercifully. I have heard them beg bim to spare them, 'for God's sake.' "236 This punishment by flogging was often performed with a "cat" — an instrument made of nine thongs about eighteen inches long, knotted in every inch, and attached to a small stick. When the culprit was stripped to the waist and tied to tbe flagstaff, the drummers took turns in applying the "cat" to tbe bare back.237 Other officers used less painful methods. Thus, Major Loomis was known as "Old Ring", since bis favorite punishment was to place a log of wood upon the prisoner's shoulder and compel bim to walk around and around in a circle under tbe vigilant eye of a sentinel. To Major John Bliss, who was in command at Fort Snelling from 1833 to 1836, tbe name "Black Starvation" might well have been ap plied. The negro servant, Hannibal, who clandes- GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 91 finely sold spruce beer to the soldiers was confined in the Black Hole for forty-eight hours ; and Private Kelly, wbo refused to do his part in the fatigue party spent more than seventy-two hours in the Black Hole before tbe pangs of starvation persuaded him to promise Major Bliss to be good in tbe future.238 On one occasion, which may be taken as typical of usual conditions, out of a total garrison of three hundred and twenty-nine, twenty-six were confined in prison. But at another time the com manding officer could report : ' ' No Convicts at this Post".239 The severity of tbe military rules and the monot ony of the life led to two undesirable consequences — mutinies and desertions. Of the former there is apparently no description, and the brief entry in Taliaferro's diary for February 3, 1831, leaves much to tbe imagination : ' ' Mutiny of Most of tbe Troops of the 1st Infantry, Stationed at Fort Snelling this Morning".240 What grievances led to the uprising on that wintry day, and by what diplomacy or by what punishments it was put down, are unrecorded. Concerning the extent of desertions there is spe cific information regarding three years. Desertion was prevalent in the army at this time, and in order to provide methods of combating it tbe Secretary of War presented to Congress a great deal of informa tion covering tbe years from 1823 to 1825. 241 During these three years there were stationed at Fort Snell ing an aggregate of two hundred and fifty-one sol diers in 1823; three hundred and thirty-five in 1824; 92 OLD FORT SNELLING and two hundred and forty-six in 1825.242 Of these, six deserted in 1823, eight in 1824, and twenty-nine in 1825. In this total of forty-three desertions, fif teen left in tbeir first year of service, seventeen in tbe second, eighteen in tbe third, one in the fourth, and two in the fifth. Interesting facts regarding the kind of men who lived at the old frontier post can be gleaned from the data presented. Most of them were between tbe ages of twenty-one and thirty. In occupation there were laborers, farmers, painters, shoemakers, papermakers, wheelwrights, jewellers, and brewers. Among these forty-three, twenty-six were born in the United States, five in Ireland, two in Scotland, one in France, one in Holland, and one in Canada. The soldier who sought freedom by stealthily climbing over the stone wall of Fort Snelling and appropriating some canoe drawn up on the river bank, left monotony and discipline behind him; but in doing so be faced many dangers. There was no settlement nearer than Prairie du Chien — a mili tary establishment. Indians were not afraid to in jure those whom they knew to be deserters. A cer tain man by the name of Dixon who deserted was captured by Indians who brought him back to Fort Snelling and received a reward of twenty dollars, Dixon was court-martialed and sentenced to receive fifty lashes from the "cat" and then to be drummed out of the Fort.243 Four soldiers wbo escaped were killed by the Indians of Red Wing's band, and their GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 93 bodies were left on the shores of Lake Pepin, where tbey were later found half -eaten by tbe birds.244 Sickness and death reduced the number on duty at tbe post. From the doctor the sick received pro fessional aid. In 1826 when tbe force at Fort Snell ing amounted to three hundred and twenty-nine men there were in the hospital one subaltern, one non commissioned officer, one musician, and fifteen pri vates. That Fort Snelling was at a healthful loca tion is indicated by the fact that during tbe same period at Fort Atkinson, with a force of only one hundred more, there was a total of one hundred and twenty-five sick persons.245 The number of deaths was proportionately small. In the year ending on September 30, 1823, there was only one death ; the next year tbe toll was the same ; and in 1825 it amounted to five.246 On tbe occasion of a funeral six men, detailed from those of the same rank as the deceased, carried the coffin to the little cemetery outside tbe fort. A salute was fired over the grave and the band played solemn music, the drums being covered with black crepe. The mounds in the cemetery, unmarked by any stones, were soon obliterated; but if the departed soldier had been a cheerful companion his barrack-songs were missed by bis comrades, and many friends, balf-way across a continent, would mourn for one who was lying in an unknown grave, "somewhere in the West".247 On account of monotonous drills and tedious rou tine, any pretext to go into tbe Indian country was 94 OLD FORT SNELLING hailed with delight. The bustle, excitement, and troubles connected with tbe departure of these ex peditions are best described by Mrs. Seth Eastman, wbo as tbe wife of tbe commanding officer had often waved farewell to tbe departing company.248 "Now for excitement, the charm of garrison life. Officers are of course always ready to 'go where glory waits' them, but wbo ever beard of one being ready to go when tbe order came? "Alas! for tbe young officer who bas a wife to leave; it will be weeks before he meets again her gentle smile ! ' ' Still more — alas for him wbo has no wife at all ! for he has not a shirt with buttons on it, and most of what he has are in the wash. He will have to borrow of Selden ; but here 's tbe difficulty, Selden is going too, and is worse off than himself. But no matter ! What with pins and twine and trusting to chance, they will get along. "Then the married men are inquiring for tin re flectors, for hard bread, though healthy, is never tempting. India rubber cloaks are in requisition too. "Those wbo are going, claim tbe doctor in case of accidents. Those who stay, their wives at least, want him for fear of measles; while the disciple of Esculapius, though he knows there will be better cooking if be remain at home, is certain there will be food for fun if he go. It is soon decided — the doc tor goes. "Then the privates share in the pleasure of the GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 95 day. How should a soldier be employed but in active service? besides, what a capital chance to desert! One, who is tired of calhng 'All's well' through the long night, with only the rocks and trees to bear him, hopes that it will be his happy fate to find out there is danger near, and to give the alarm. Another vows, that if trouble wont come, why be will bring it by quarrelling with tbe first rascally Indian he meets. All is ready. Rations are put up for the men; — hams, buffalo tongues, pies and cake for the officers. Tbe batallion marches out to the sound of the drum and fife; — they are soon down tbe hill — they enter their boats; handkerchiefs are waved from the fort, caps are raised and flourished over the water — tbey are almost out of sight — they are gone. ' ' Apart from these trips abroad and the stated drills and terms of guard duty the tasks which occu pied tbe time of tbe soldiers depended upon tbe sea son of tbe year. A general order of September 11, 1818, had commanded tbe making of gardens at all the military posts.249 In the fall of 1819 when the temporary cabins at New Hope Cantonment had been built, the soldiers began ploughing for the crop of the next summer.250 Major Long, in 1823, found two hundred and ten acres under cultivation — one hundred of wheat, sixty of maize, fifteen of oats, fourteen of potatoes, and twenty acres in gardens.251 All through the history of Old Fort Snelling the soldiers were employed as farmers. A visitor in 1852 observed that "its garrison is rather deficient 96 OLD FORT SNELLING in active employment, and we noticed a number of the rank and file taking exercise in a large corn and vegetable field attached to tbe Fort. It was cer tainly not exactly soldierly employment, but it was more manly, to our mind, than shooting and stabbing at $8 a month, and no question asked. ' ' 252 For tbe horses and cattle kept at tbe fort a great deal of hay was necessary for tbe winter months. This was obtained from the broad prairies of tbe military reservation. A group of men called the ' ' Hay Party ' ' were employed during the summer in cutting and stacking the long grass. But one officer was of the opinion that this task caused discontent — the enlisted man was no more than a common laborer and hence he lost the pride of a soldier. The diverse tasks at which a soldier might be called to labor are indicated by a summary of the employment of the troops in 1827. Seven soldiers were acting as teamsters, five were performing car penters ' duties, two were quarrying stone, two men and a sergeant composed the party guarding tbe mills at the Falls of St. Anthony, and eight others were "Procuring forage by order of Col. Snell- insr' ?.253 Summer brought its own pleasures as well as duties. At Lake Calhoun, Lake Harriet, Lake of tbe Isles, and Minnehaha Falls, many were the picnics held Avhen visitors came to tbe garrison.254 Swan, geese, and ducks were numerous about the lakes and swamps, and with the famous hunter H. H. Sibley as a guide, the game bags were soon filled. During GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 97 a period of three years, Mr. Sibley, alone, shot 1798 ducks — a fact which indicates what success a sol dier-sportsman could have in his few hours of recre ation.255 But it was when the prairies were impassable be cause of drifts of snow from six to fifteen feet high,256 and when tbe course of tbe river could be traced only by a streak of white between the gray of its wooded banks that there appeared those feat ures which are peculiar to the life of a remote gar rison. Tbe isolation was almost complete. There was no traffic upon tbe frozen river, and the traders were wintering in the Indian villages. Only through tbe mail was communication with the outside world possible. It was planned to have a monthly mail service, soldiers being sent to Prairie du Chien with tbe letters. Here they delivered about two-thirds of tbe mail to the persons to whom it was addressed and tbe rest was deposited in the post office.257 In summer the mail was carried by the soldiers in canoes, but in winter the journey had to be made on foot. In summer the labor was lightened when a passing steamer overtook tbe rowing soldiers and picked up the canoe with its crew. In winter no such aid was possible. A hard day's tramp was fol lowed by a night among tbe drifts, unless the tepee of som'e friendly Indian gave a temporary respite for a few hours.258 Nor was this task free from perils. A system was arranged whereby a courier from Fort Snelling and one from Prairie du Chien set out at about the same OLD FORT SNELLING time, meeting at Wabasha's village where tbe packs were exchanged and each returned to bis own post. On one occasion a spring thaw overtook the carrier from Prairie du Chien, who bad proceeded beyond the meeting place because the messenger from the north was late. Suddenly tbe ice groaned and cracked, and the postman with difficulty found safety on a small island where, to his great surprise, be found tbe postman from Fort Snelling who bad been caught in tbe same manner. Tbeir provisions soon gave out; for a while they had only rose-apples to eat. It was not until almost two weeks later that tbe two half-starved messengers were picked up by the canoes of some friendly Sioux.259 Such accidents rendered the mail service uncer tain, and it was with impatience that tbe watchers at tbe fort looked down the river for the coming of tbe news-carriers. On April 2, 1831, Taliaferro wrote : ' ' Tbe Express departed — 4 men in a Skiff — to convey tbe Mail to tbe Post Office at Prairie du Cbiens — our return Express daily expected." But they hoped too early and on April 5th it was record ed that "Our Express — 1st which left for Prairie du Cbiens on tbe 2d of March — has now been Ab sent more than a Month & progressing in tbe Sec- cond. We have not had inteligence from Washing ton City — since the 6th of December last". Not until April 10th did tbe mail arrive. But even when the messengers were safe in the fort it was not cer tain that they brought what was so eagerly looked for, as the entry on February 27th clearly shows: GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 99 "Lieut Williams & Mr Bailly returned this eveng from Prairie du Cbiens but brought no Mail there having been no arrival since December."200 It was during this winter that even Prairie du Chien was shut off from the outside, the amount of snow be tween Peoria and Prairie du Chien stopping the mail service for two months. Again and again during the winter months the commanding officer com plained to headquarters that "no Orders have been received within the Month".261 The duties of the soldiers during the winter were few. From the time it was built up to 1833 tbe quarters at Fort Snelling were heated by fireplaces. At that time, however, stoves were substituted.262 Wood was used for fuel — to obtain which was a never-ending task in winter. When Captain Seth Eastman was in command at various periods from 1844 to 1848 the garrison bad to go from eight to ten miles for wood. Tbe banks of the Minnesota River were bordered by a forest varying from one hundred to three hundred yards wide; but by 1858 all of this for a distance of twelve miles had been cleared off.263 Colonel John H. Bliss, who wras a boy at Fort Snelling when his father was in command during the thirties, wrote that the winters "were undeniably tedious, but had their uses ; we had a good library, and I read a great deal, which has stood by me well ; then there was of course much sociability among tbe officers, and a great deal of playing of cards, dom inoes, checkers, and chess. The soldiers, too, would 100 OLD FORT SNELLING get up theatrical performances every fortnight or so, those taking female parts borrowing dresses from the soldiers' wives, and making a generous sacri fice to art of tbeir cherished whiskers and mus taches."264 During October, 1836, Inspector General George Croghan visited Fort Snelling, and on tbe evening of tbe seventh of tbe month the Thespian Players presented Monsieur Tonson in his honor. And here, far from city streets and French barbers, on a rude stage, Jack Ardourly fell in love with the beautiful Adolphine de Courcy — wbo probably only a few hours before had been hurrying to finish a task of cleaning guns so that she could call on the generous women of tbe garrison and beg from them capes and bonnets and hoops skirts ! 265 Many of tbe officers were graduates of West Point, and tbeir wives were from the best families of tbe East and South. On January 20, 1831, the ladies and gentlemen of tbe garrison had a party at tbe fort. "The room was tastefully decorated — and tbe evening passed pleasantly". On February 22nd of the same year the quarters of the commanding officer were tbe scene of another party in commemo ration of Washington's birthday. 266 Efforts were made to provide for the education of the children of the fort. Mrs. Snelling at first taught her own children; but it is evident that there was soon a tutor, as the correspondence of Colonel Snell ing shows that John Marsb received his board and seventy-five dollars for acting as tutor during the GLIMPSES OF GARRISON LIFE 101 winter of 1823-1824. This schoolmaster also carried the mail to Prairie du Cbien in return for forty dol lars. 267 Soon after the appointment of a regular chaplain in 1838 tbe post school was more thoroughly organized. 268 Occasionally there was some excitement at tbe fort. During the month of February in 1831 there was an epidemic of fires. First, tbe officers row of buildings caught on fire in the room of Lieutenant Greenough on February 10th. On the next day a second fire broke out; and on February 24th tbe agency house took fire both from the inside and the outside in such a manner that it was evident that an incendiary bad been at work.269 But such events were of unusual occurrence. A letter written at Fort Snelling on February 11, 1842, pictures tbe usual winter life. "We of the garrison are as usual at this season rather dull, stale & un profitable — small parties for Tea are a good deal tbe fashion, & tattle is used as formerly. Indian Ball plays are coming in season. One comes off today in which stacks of property are to be invested. Tbe Sioux have been hunting about Rum River this win ter and have killed great numbers of Dear — Our winter has been mild, one day only 30 below zero, and the rest comfortable. . . Tonight Mumford gives a Soiree to the good folks of the garrison and this is the most exciting event of the week. What is the use of writing to you as I cannot find enough wherewith to fill two pages." 27° Such close confinement was tolerable when the 102 OLD FORT SNELLING garrison was composed of congenial spirits, but oc casionally it brought about dissensions and quarrels. Taliaferro on one occasion wrote that tbe "Society here is not in the most pleasant State from a System of tatling which has been reduced to a Science — not to be envied."271 Occasionally open encounters took place. One soldier stabbed another with a butcher 's knife, and the victim died.272 In February, 1826, two officers of the garrison engaged in a duel.273 Even those in authority were not free from partici pation in these ' ' affairs of honor ' '. A certain young officer challenged Colonel Snelling, and upon bis re fusing, bis son, William Joseph Snelling, accepted and was slightly wounded. When tbe officer was court-martialed he accused one of the witnesses of being an infidel. Whereupon the latter challenged the officer in his turn, and a second duel was fought — which was bloodless,274 With such conditions prevailing during the win ter months it is no wonder that from day to day spring was eagerly looked for. Undoubtedly it was a happy occasion when the agent could record on the evening of Sunday, March 27, 1831, that the weather was "more pleasant — Wild geese seen this day — gentlemen generally [illegible] out and Walking — Tbe Ladies also".275 It meant a speedy return of summer pleasures and summer visitors. For when, even at a remote military post did these fail as three sure signs of spring — pleasant weather, flocks of geese, and ladies and gentlemen out walking together ? They were very human, these men and women of Old Fort Snelling. VII THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE It was a humane but visionary plan which Rever end Jedidiah Morse in 1822 presented to the Secre tary of War as the correct method of procedure in the task of civilizing tbe Indians. At various cen ters in the Indian country were to be established "Education Families" — groups of honest, indus trious whites who were to have bouses and farms, where the natives could observe their activities. And without any forcing it was expected that tbe red men, seeing tbe superior advantages of civilization, would be themselves gradually transformed.276 To the north and east of Fort Snelling was tbe home of tbe Chippewa or Ojibway Indians — ex tending from tbe Mississippi to the Great Lakes. To tbe west, on the great prairies, tbe Dakota or Sioux Indians lived and hunted. The veteran missionary, S. W. Pond, estimated that the five bands of Sioux, which most often came into direct touch with the gov ernment at Fort Snelling, numbered in 1834, seven thousand, and wandered over southern Minnesota and South Dakota, near the lakes of Big Stone and Traverse.277 Major Taliaferro reported in 1834 that the number of Indians in his agency was 6721, and that they extended as far as tbe Sheyenne fork of the Red River.278 To one man, tbe agent, was given the 103 104 OLD FORT SNELLING task of civilizing these thousands of Sioux. While it was for this tribe that tbe agency at Fort Snelling was established, yet the Chippewas often frequented its headquarters. One hundred and seventy war riors of these northern Indians arrived at the agent's house on the evening of August 4, 1830.279 The presence of these red men more than doubled the work of the agent, because there was now tbe difficulty of keeping peace between two warring tribes. Indian life was not so worthless as sometimes pic tured. It is true that one could see laziness and poverty during the months of January and Febru ary, if he came upon an Indian village pitched near a wooded slope and above a frozen stream. There could be seen the smoke curling from the dingy tepee, tbe women dragging home wood for tbe ever- diminishing pile outside the door, and a few of the hardier men fishing through holes in the ice. About tbe tepee tbe snow was banked, and within the air was warm and heavy from the open fire and the long pipes of the reclining braves, who gambled with their neighbors at the game of "the shot and the mitten". Thus through the two stormy months the Indians frittered away the time, eating their corn and wild rice seasoned with tallow. But when the first thaws of spring caused the sap in tbe maple trees to run, and when some of the more venturesome came back from a winter visit to the trading house with the word that the trader was waiting for skins in return for the blankets and ammunition he bad given them THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 105 the preceding fall, the village divided — part going to the sugar bush, and part going to the prairie lakes and swamps for muskrats. In May tbey returned on the swollen streams with heavily freighted canoes to tbeir villages of bark houses. During the summer there were many tasks — blue berries to be gathered in the woods, canoes to be built, tepees to be re paired, turnips to be dug, and pipestone to be brought from tbe far distant quarry. All through the hot months the women toiled in the corn fields ; and when tbe corn was in the milk, all the village children screamed and waved their arms to frighten away the blackbirds. When the harvest had been carefully placed in bark barrels and buried, part of the village had already left to hunt the fox or gather wild rice along the lakes and cranberries in the marshes. And now came October and the deer hunt. There wTere only the extremely old people and the invalids to wave good-bye as tbe procession set out over tbe prairie — old men who could scarcely walk, bands of shouting children, hunters already on the alert, wo men with their bundles, and horses and dogs drag ging on two poles the provisions and the skins of the tepees. For more than two months the program was the same : the march through the drifts and across the icy rivers, the morning council about a blazing fire before scattering over the prairie, and the triumphal return of the successful hunter at evening with the carcass of a bear, deer, or elk, across his shoulders and his name shouted through 106 OLD FORT SNELLING the camp by tbe children gathered to welcome him. By January they were all back again at their vil lages.280 It was this scheme of life which was to be gradu ally transformed. There were, of course, variations when war parties crept against tbe Chippewas, when drunken debaucheries resulted from a keg of whiskey that had escaped the vigilant eyes of tbe soldiers, and when migrations to tbe Canadian posts were prompted by the hope that there they could obtain enough supplies to support them without work and that there they could enjoy some ceremony to break the monotony of life. But these migrations were few on tbe part of tbe Sioux: they could enjoy coun cils just as good near home. On the occasion of a visit to Old Fort Snelling and the agency near by, the authorities were careful to see that there was a due amount of ceremony. Prob ably a whole band of Indians would come down from tbe headwaters of the Minnesota River. Their chiefs and braves gathered in the log Council Hall, and there took place the scene so picturesquely des cribed by the eccentric traveller, J. C. Beltrami. "The council-hall is, as it ought to be, a great room built of trunks of trees. The flag of the United States waves in the centre, surrounded by English colours, and medals bung to the walls. Tbey are presented by the Indians to tbeir Father, tbe agent, as a proof that they abjure all cabal or alliance with the English. Pipes, or calumets and other little In dian presents, offered by the various tribes as pled- THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 107 ges of tbeir friendship, decorate tbe walls and give a remarkable and characteristic air to the room." Tbe dignitaries of the post are seated about a table and the braves recline upon tbe ground during tbe council. ' ' Tbe seance opens with a speech of the chief, who rises and addresses the agent. He generally begins with the Great Spirit, or the sun, or the moon 'whose purity is equalled by that of bis own heart, ' &c. &c. always finishing with a petition for presents; — whiskey is sure to find honourable mention : these are what English lawyers call tbe common counts."281 After tbe reply of the agent the peace pipe was solemnly passed from one to another, and the coun cil ended with the distribution of presents. These presents were of tobacco, gunpowTder, vermilion, pipes, kettles, blankets, snuff-boxes, armbands, look ing-glasses, borse bells, jews'-barps, ivory combs, and shawls.282 Not the least popular of these were the jews'-barps, which had tbeir uses — in spite of tbe sarcastic invective delivered against them by Senator Benton in 1822 when the abolition of the Factory System was being considered. ' ' They were innocent", observed the Senator, "and on that ac count precisely adapted to the purposes of the su perintendent, in reclaiming the savage from the hunter state. The first state after that, in the road to refined life, is the pastoral, and without music the tawny-colored Corydons and the red-skinned Ama ryllises, ' recubans sub tegmine fagi, ' upon the banks of the Missouri and Mississippi, could make no 108 OLD FORT SNELLING progress in tbe delightful business of love and senti ment. ' ' 283 These councils were frequent occurrences, and tbeir importance lies in the fact that through them certain principles could be instilled into the minds of the natives under the most favorable circum stances. The words spoken by the agent on these occasions had probably as much effect in con trolling tbe Indians as a like number of bullets would have had. Major Taliaferro has recorded one of the orations which he delivered to his listen ing wards. He referred to the presence of the Great Spirit, told of his long service among them, eulogized their departed elders — "the old branches which have fallen from the Trunk of the old oak of your Nation" — and then inserted a few wise admonitions as to the futility of their wars with tbe Chippewas. "Your Great Father", he said, "has had much to do with war — but his heart is changed for peace & he wishes all his red children as well as his white ones to follow his good example — he knows this course to be best for all — we should endeavor to please him — for by doing so we shall please the Great Spirit also — You will see your children grow ing up around you and your wives smiling as you approach from your days hunt. ' ' The speech ended with the announcement of the coming of "something good from below" and an ap proaching visit to the village of tbe Red Head.284 During these meetings at the agency the sound of the fort's cannon and the sight of the well-uniformed THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 109 guards impressed the Indians even more than did tbe words of tbe agent. There they became ac quainted with white men other than traders, and when exploring and scientific expeditions came over the plains with a guard of soldiers, they were wise enough not to interfere. These visits in themselves were pleasant, and the rations of bread and pork offered an agreeable respite from their usual fare.285 At tbe time of the treaty of Prairie du Cbien in 1825 one ration consisted of one pound of bread or one pint of corn and either one pound of beef or three-quarters of a pound of pork. This may be taken as a fair standard of the kind of rations issued at the agency.286 It was during the winter months especially when starvation or suffering would other wise result that this aid was given to the Indians. During the summer when other means of subsistence were present, all appeals for food were refused.287 This custom of granting rations was formally incor porated in tbe law of June 30, 1834, with the only restriction that they were to be given only if "they can be spared from the army provisions without in jury to the service".288 Tbe condition of the tribes was often appalling, and many deaths would have occurred without this aid. At one time Taliaferro wrote that "400 In dians encamped near the Agency — many from a dis tance and in a starving condition. ' ' 289 Often he had to take from his own private funds, after he bad drawn all he could from the public stores.290 The winter of 1842-1843 was particularly severe. On tbe 110 OLD FORT SNELLING first of November the ground was covered with snow which as late as April still lay from two to two and a half feet deep. No bunting was possible because of tbe drifts, and fishing through the ice was imprac ticable, tbe wind blowing tbe boles full of snow as soon as tbey were cut. The Indians living about Lac qui Parle, about two hundred miles up tbe Min nesota River, came with the missionary Dr. Thomas Williamson to winter on the site of old Camp Cold Water, knowing that only from the fort could tbey obtain relief. Everything that was possible was done. Blankets, guns, and ammunition to the value of $2500 were granted the Indians. Indeed, so many provisions were distributed that on April 3rd it was computed that there was only enough left to supply the garri son until tbe opening of navigation. The officers and soldiers saved all the remains from the tables and once a day tbe squaws and children were allowed to enter and receive these crumbs. Tbe Indians wbo were away from the post were not neglected. Sixty bushels of corn and several barrels of pork were fur nished by Major Dearborn to Mr. H. H. Sibley who sent them to destitute Indians on the Minnesota River. Still there was much suffering, for not enough food could be spared to satisfy all. Before spring arrived many of the Indians lived upon a syrup made of hickory chips and the boiled bark of tbe bitter sweet. All became greatly emaciated and some were unable to walk.291 From time to time a solitary Indian on a business THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 111 visit to tbe trader would drop in to chat with tbe "Father". Here be could make any complaints which he had to offer and be sure of a sympathetic if not satisfactory answer. ' ' I have had more than fourteen hundred Indians on visits from all Sections of this Agency during the Month past — and all with Grieveances of Some Sort to redress", wrote Talia ferro on June 30, 1838.292 In all matters concerning lands, hunting, treaties, annuities, and the like, tbe Indian looked only to the agent for advice or ex planation. Instigated by tbe traders, many of whom were hostile to him, tbe Indians considered him re sponsible for tbe acts of the soldiers.293 If a pro vision of a treaty was not carried out, the Indians thought it was Taliaferro's fault "for they know nothing of Congress or of their Multifarious and protracted debates, and proceedings."294 A personal present was due the visitor at these "shake bands" occasions. If be were a headman or a brave be received a pound of powder, two pounds of lead, a fish line, a knife, four fish books, and six plugs of tobacco. If he were "any respectable In dividual ' ' be was sure of a knife, four fish hooks, and six plugs of tobacco.295 These individual visits did much to acquaint the natives personally with the agent, in the same way that tbe council impressed them with the agent's great power. But even more appreciated was tbe help offered in time of sickness. On December 25, 1830, Taliaferro records in bis diary: "I rode up tbe SPeters to See an Indian .... Doctor Wood went up 112 OLD FORT SNELLING also — I dressed ber wound — I Sent my Interpreter up with other restoratives — sbe being delerious. " 29° On Saturday, June 28, 1834, there came to bim a brave saying that both his son and daughter were ill. "Sent a message to Doct Jarvis to call & see tbe girl." Tbe Sioux boy died two days later. But there the ministration did not end. To tbe mourn ers were given cotton and calico, or a blanket in order that the body might be decently covered.297 The dread scourge of smallpox raged in tbe vicinity of Fort Snelling during the summer of 1832. Two Indians coming from tbe Missouri River were suffering from violent attacks. Immediately tbe dis ease spread. But Dr. Wood, the post's physician, was called upon by Major Taliaferro and at the end of five days three hundred and thirty Sioux had been vaccinated. It is interesting to notice that in case the Indians came to the agency Dr. Wood received six dollars for every hundred he treated, but if be went to their villages he received six dollars per day.298 Besides these services tbe visits to the fort offered direct opportunity for tbe giving of tangible evi dence of American supremacy. The English gov ernment had lavishly distributed signs of authority. During the first two years of his term of service, Taliaferro collected no less than thirty-six medals of George the Third, twenty-eight British flags, and eighteen gorgets.299 Some of these were presented to the agent as direct evidence of submission to American authority. In 1820 two employees of tbe THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 113 Missouri Fur Company were murdered on tbe Mis souri River. The surrender of tbe murderers was demanded by Taliaferro, and while be was away the tribe came to Fort Snelling with one of the culprits and a hostage. Colonel Snelling, then acting as agent, described tbe scene in a letter. "These unfortunate wretches were delivered up last evening with a great deal of ceremony, & I as sure you with affecting solemnity ; the guards being first put under arms, they formed a procession in the road beyond the bake house ; in front marched a Sussitong bearing a British flag, next came the Mur derer & tbe devoted chief, their arms pinioned & large splinters of wood thrust through them above the elbows, intended as I understood to show us that they did not fear pain & were not afraid to die. the Murderer wore a large British medal suspended to bis neck & both of the prisoners bore offerings of skins, &c. in their hands, last came the chiefs of tbe Sussitongs, in this order they moved, tbe prisoners singing their death song & the Sussitongs joining in chorus until they arrived in front of tbe guard house where a fire being previously prepared, the British flag was burnt, and the medal worn by the murderer given up. ' ' 30° In return for these greatly coveted signs of re spect tbe agent delivered to the most prominent chiefs the medals and certificates of tbe United States. And thus by flattering the leaders control over the Indians was assured. What chief was not proud to carry with him this certificate, even if he 114 OLD FORT SNELLING could not read it himself? "The bearer The Whole in the day is a respectable Man, and wears a Seccond Size Monroe Medal Presented to him for bis uniform Good Conduct and great attachment to tbe United States — His Residence is at Sandy Lake Law Talia ferro Indian Agent at St. Peters ' \301 But tbe memory of tbe days of English rule was still alive, the suggestion being made to the govern ment that ' ' the gordgets would be More Acceptable were tbey to be fashioned after those introduced formerly by tbe British Government — with the dif ference only of the Eagle engraved upon each."302 To counteract this feeling it was necessary that the government should be lavish in the distribution of presents. British influence and example, wrote Taliaferro to Clark in 1831, were not yet "fairly purged of their baneful effects".303 Even as late as 1834 a few extracts from the reports of Major Bliss indicate that this feeling was still noticeable. "Tbe Sioux Indians expecting and favourable to an Eng lish war with the U. States", he wrote in April. The next month he reported ' ' Sioux and Chippewas pacific but dissatisfied with U. States ' ', and in July 1835 he informed headquarters that ' ' the Chippewas & Sioux are dissatisfied & both exhibit symptoms of hostility to the U. States & to each other. Tbe Sioux tbe most decided. ' ' 304 English visitors at a much later period congratu lated their government because tbe Indians, as they said, still had a greater fondness for the British than for the Americans.305 Except, however, along tbe THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 115 border, among the tribes outside of tbe sphere of the agent at Fort Snelling, this feeling manifested itself only as a sentiment which could lead to trouble if a break between the two nations should occur. To emphasize tbe power of the Nation, tbe agent brought to Washington in 1824, and again in 1837, delegations of chiefs.306 On these occasions they were taken to tbe largest and busiest cities, enter tained in the most delightful manner, and shown tbe most impressive sights. As crowds were always drawn together to see the Indians, the latter received a lasting opinion as to tbe numbers of the Amer icans.307 Previously tbe Sioux bands had thought that if ever tbey should unite their forces, they would be able to win in a war against all tbe whites ; but now tbey were disillusioned.308 Undoubtedly the Indians were pleased with their journey. "Since tbe treaty was signed", stated a contemporary newspaper, "each of tbem has re ceived a coat, hat, blanket, leggins, epaulettes, bands, and scarfs, and when dressed in full uniform, they exhibit more lively pleasure than would have been expected from the apathy of Indian character."309 The magnificence which they bad seen was described amid tbe squalor of their home villages. "The ef fect produced by the visit of tbeir chiefs to Wash ington is wonderful, since their return, the power, wealth, and numbers of the American people have been their constant themes, many of tbeir stories approach so near the marvellous as to be discredited, such for example is tbe account of casting a cannon 116 OLD FORT SNELLING which tbey witnessed, and the magnitude of our ships. Old black dog shakes his bead & says 'all travellers are liars '. ' ' 310 The memory of these trips lingered long. Little Crow came to call upon tbe agent in 1831. "The old chief left much delighted with his reception and my Talk — he departed sing ing tbe song which was often repeated when on bis trip to Washington City in 1824. "311 The Indians touched by these relations with the fort were not only its immediate neighbors. The surrender of murderers from the tribes on tbe Mis souri has been noted. On March 11, 1831, Talia ferro wrote that "I observe Indians from the Mis souri & various sections of the Sioux country."312 During tbe entire winter of 1831, a party of Missouri River Indians encamped about Fort Snelling.313 Tbe Indians on the prairies were wide travellers. ' ' There are a good many Indians about here ' ', says a letter from Lac qui Parle. "There have arrived 120 lodges of Missouri at Lake Traverse and 200 lodges at James River."314 By this continual movement, tbe influence of Fort Snelling was en larged. How great was this influence? No one has con tradicted the statement of Mr. Taliaferro that "it is due the Sioux of your territory to record one fact as to tbem, and that is, from tbe commencement of our agency to its close, our frontier pioneers were never even molested in their homes, nor did they shed one drop of American blood".315 It was when this frontier encroached on their lands that hostility THE FORT AND INDIAN LIFE 117 broke out. If the Indians had been left in peace by covetous land-seekers, their civilization might in time have been accomplished. There was practically no hostility manifested against the garrison by the surrounding Indians. In January, 1822, Colonel McNeil, wbo was in com mand at Fort Dearborn, received word from John Kinzie, the pioneer Chicago trader, that tbe Sioux and Fox Indians were planning an attack on Fort Snelling. Lieutenant James Webb immediately vol unteered to bring the news to Fort Armstrong on Rock Island, from whence it could be sent to tbe upper post. After a journey rendered terrible by tbe extreme cold and the danger from hostile In dians, be was successful in reaching Fort Arm strong.316 In due time tbe letter was delivered to Colonel Snelling. "When I first received Col McNeils let ter," be wrote later, "I was disposed to smile at tbe absurdity of connecting the Sioux & Foxes, in a de sign to attack this post". But be later found out that the Foxes bad sent wampum and tobacco to tbe bands of Wabasha and Little Crow, asking them not to stand in the way of any movements they might make. Wabasha accepted tbe wampum but Little Crow came to tbe fort to make known tbe danger. Tbe vagueness of the rumors, however, made it im possible to act, and later developments sbowred that there was no truth in the report — at least no vio lence was attempted.317 Fear of the strength of the fort prevented hostil- 118 OLD FORT SNELLING ities. It was the Indian fashion to attack by am bush. Tbey did not have tbe patience to endure a protracted siege. The Americans did not belittle tbe strength of tbe military works. Little Thunder and White Head, two Indians who had escaped from tbe jail at Mackinac by cutting through tbe log walls, met an American, George Johnson, at Lac du Flam beau. Tbey were very inquisitive about the strength of Fort Snelling and the number of Americans sta tioned there. Regarding this incident tbe white man wrote : "I answered saying, that the fort at River St. Peters was as strong as Quebec, and more Amer icans there than in any other post. ' ' 318 The government did not adopt Dr. Morse's plan for civilizing the Indians, but the agent tried to carry out the policy therein suggested. The colony at Eatonville, located on Lake Calboun, and tbe In dian schools soon passed into the hands of the mis sionaries. After tbe making of treaties a black smith shop was added to tbe agency. In line with his policy of providing for all classes of Indians, Taliaferro urged the erection of an orphan asylum where "all poor blind, and helpless women" would also be accommodated.319 If time bad been given doubtless a new form of Indian life would have arisen about tbe fort ; but the coming of the land-seekers destroyed the plan. Tbe failure was to result in a great massacre in 1862. This much at least can be said for Old Fort Snelling ; it kept the Indians friendly while the foundations of American life were being laid in the Northwest. VIII THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FEUDS One of tbe reasons given for tbe building of Fort Snelling was that it would prevent the disastrous wars existing between the Sioux and Chippewa In dians.320 Beginning so far in the past that no cause could be ascribed for tbe hostility, each encounter was in itself both the result of preceding conflicts and the excuse for further warfare. Pierre Esprit de Radisson, who was the first writer to leave an account of the Chippewas, said that even at the time of bis visit in about 1660 they were carrying on "a cruell warre against the Nadoueseronoms [Sioux]."321 Lurking in the bushes to waylay tbeir enemies on the woodland paths, biding on the river banks to intercept hostile canoes, pretending peace and enjoy ing hospitality in order to have an opportunity for treachery were tbe military tactics of the Sioux and Chippewa warriors. To prevent such warfare, a military post was almost powerless. In fact, so in sidious was the hostility that even tbe very grounds of Fort Snelling were the scene of bloody encounters. Attempts were made to keep the Chippewas away f rom Fort Snelling by attaching them to the agency of H. R. Schoolcraft at Sault Ste. Marie.322 But tbe 119 120 OLD FORT SNELLING distance was so great and the route so difficult that tbe Chippewas did not make the journey to consult that agent. On the other hand, Fort Snelling was so close, and the Mississippi such a natural outlet from their country, that a trader declared that "you might as well try to Stop the Water in the Missis sippi from going to St Louis, as attempt to keep the Cbippeway Indians from St Peters. ' ' 323 During tbe last days of tbe month of May, 1827, Flat Mouth, chief of tbe Sandy Lake band of Chip pewa Indians was encamped near Fort Snelling. A number of men, women, and children were with him, bringing maple sugar, which tbey had gathered in the northern woods during tbe winter, and other articles to sell to tbe garrison. Major Taliaferro was away at the time, but on May 24th tbe steamboat "Pilot" landed him safely at Fort Snelling. To welcome tbeir "Father" home, and perchance to see if he bad any presents or promises for tbem, a large number of Sioux came from their villages to the fort, as was usual on such occasions. The agent took tbe opportunity presented by the presence of both Sioux and Chippewas to deliberate with tbem in regard to peace, and also to request tbe Chippewas not to visit Fort Snelling again, in accordance with instructions which he had received from the Indian Department. To this Flat Mouth replied sorrowfully: "I feel myself now like a Dog driven away from your door to find another — I am ashamed of this — but I know you are doing this not by your wish. ' ' 324 The twenty-eighth day of the month proved tbe THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 121 value of tbe advice Major Taliaferro bad given. Several Sioux came to visit at a Chippewa lodge pitched directly under and in front of the agency house on the flats that border tbe Minnesota River. Tbe guns of the fort could easily have been trained upon the spot. There was feasting and friendly revelry at the lodge that afternoon and evening. Meat, corn, and sugar were served in wooden plat ters ; a dog was roasted and eaten. Tbe peace pipe was smoked, and tbe conversation was peaceful re garding exploits in the bunt and tbe chase. At nine o'clock when tbe party broke up, as tbe Chippewas were calling friendly good-byes to the departing Sioux wbo had advanced a few steps, the latter turned and fired into the midst of tbe unsus pecting inhabitants of the tepee. There was instant confusion. With a shout of triumph the Sioux ran off. The sentinel on tbe bill above heard the shots and cries and called for tbe guard. In a few mo ments there was at tbe gate of the fort a crowd of panic-stricken Chippewas carrying tbeir wounded and crying for protection. Six men, one woman, and a girl about eight years old were handed over to the surgeon of the post, Doctor McMahon. Immediately Major Taliaferro notified tbe Sioux that tbey bad insulted tbe flag that waved over the land, and that ample satisfaction must be made to the Chippewas who had been treated in such a cow ardly manner. In council with the agent, Strong Earth, a chief of the Chippewas, complained of the lack of protection : "Father: You know that two 122 OLD FORT SNELLING Summers ago we attended a Great Council at Prairie du Chien, when by tbe advice of Our White Friends, we made Peace with the Sioux — We were then told, that the Americans would Guarantee our Safety under tbeir Flags — We have Come here under that Assurance. But Father, look at Your Floor it is stained with the blood of our people shed while un der Your WaUs. If you are great and powerful why do You not protect us? If Not, of what use are Your Soldiers?"325 On the morning following tbe massacre a large body of Sioux — estimated at about three hundred and fifty — appeared on the prairie west of the fort. Brevet Major Fowle was ordered to march against tbem with two companies. Upon his appearance tbey fled, but he followed and was successful in cap turing some of them. Nine Sioux — one of whom Major Taliaferro reports was given up volun tarily — were delivered up to the Chippewas. Iden tifying two of these as being among tbe murderers, they requested permission to execute them immedi ately. Upon the broad prairie tbe two prisoners were given their freedom. They were told to run, and when a few paces away tbe Chippewa warriors fired, and the Sioux fell dead. Then followed a hideous scene which a spectator described many years later. "The bodies, all warm and limp, are dragged to tbe brow of the hill. Men who at tbe sight of blood, become almost fiends, tear off the reeking scalps and hand them to the chief, who hangs tbem around bis THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 123 neck. Women and children with tomahawks and knives cut deep gashes in tbe poor dead bodies, and scooping up tbe hot blood with their hands, eagerly drink it; then, grown frantic, tbey dance, and yell, and sing tbeir horrid scalp songs, recounting deeds of valor on tbe part of their brave men, and telling off the Sioux scalps, taken in different battles, until tired and satiated at last with tbeir horrid feast, they leave the mutilated bodies — festering in the sun."326 At evening the bodies were thrown over tbe cliff into tbe river below. On the morning of the thirty-first tbe Sioux deliv ered up to the Chippewas two others who, they claimed, had been the principal men in tbe affair. If tbe Chippewas did not shoot tbem, they said, tbey would do it themselves, as trouble had come to their nation on their account. But the Chippewas were willing. About this second execution there has grown up an interesting story. One of tbe offenders, Toopun- kah Zeze, was a favorite among the children of the fort. Tall and handsome and athletic and brave, be was the ideal of Indian manhood. The other, called tbe Split Upper Lip, was well known as a thief, and was as much detested as his companion was re spected. He cried and begged for his life, saying that his gun had missed fire — be had killed no one. Tbe other calmly distributed his clothes among bis friends, upbraiding his companion for his cowardice. "You lie, dog. Coward, old woman, you know that you lie. You know that you are as guilty as I am. 124 OLD FORT SNELLING Hold your peace and die like a man — die like me. ' ' Tbe two were brought out upon tbe prairie. Again tbe thirty yards were allowed ; again tbe Chip pewa guns were fired. For once it seemed that this Indian punishment of "running the gantlet" would lose a victim. For Toopunkah Zeze was still run ning. Tbe bullet had cut the rope that bound bim to bis falling companion. With new hope be leaped forward. There was a shout of triumph from a group of Sioux hidden in the bushes ; and the chil dren of the fort, who bad climbed upon the buildings to view the bloody scene from afar, clapped their hands. But the Chippewas were cool in their ven geance. Guns were reloaded and deliberate aim taken. The flints struck, and Toopunkah Zeze, now a hundred and fifty yards away and a second's dis tance from a place where the straggling groves of tbe prairie offered life, fell dead. Two more bodies were thrown over the precipice into the river.327 For ten years tbe hostility continued, but the en virons of the fort were sacred places. An effective lesson had been taught in 1827. But on August 2, 1838, Hole-in-the-Day, a Chippewa chief, and five of his band came to Fort Snelling on a visit. That spring there had been a treacherous massacre by Hole-in-the-Day at a Sioux camp. It was true, as he said in the poetic simplicity of Indian style: "You See I cannot keep my face Clean — as fast as it is Washed — I am Compelled to black it Again. — but My heart towards you is the Same. — My Fathers Bones Sleep by your house — My Daughter THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 125 at tbe Falls Near the Grave of my Uncle — My Wife lies at the Mouth of Sauk River — and a few days past I buried My Son. ' ' 328 On tbe following evening some Sioux of Mud Lake, bearing of tbe presence of the Chippewas, rode over to Baker 's trading house where the Chippewas were encamped. Major Taliaferro had beard of tbe de parture of the war party and had hurried to the scene. Just as be arrived tbe Sioux fired upon tbeir enemies, killing one outright and wounding another in tbe knee. All but one of tbe Chippewas bad laid aside their guns, thinking that tbey were upon neu tral ground. This one, seeing a Sioux in tbe act of scalping the fallen Chippewa, fired upon him and wounded bim mortally. But aided by the dusk the wounded Sioux was able to run more than a mile be fore he fell from loss of blood. Tbe Chippewas were immediately brought into the fort for protection. On the next day Major Plymp- ton and the Indian agent called together the chiefs of tbe neighboring villages. There was a long coun cil until Major Plympton broke it up by saying per emptorily: "It is unnecessary to talk much. I have demanded the guilty — tbey must be brought. ' ' At half past five that evening the Sioux were delivered up. Three brothers had been accused of being guilty of the murder. One of them could not be brought because he was dying of the wound re ceived the evening before. Much ceremony attended the proceedings as the Indian mother led ber sons to the officers saying: "Of seven sons three only are 126 OLD FORT SNELLING left ; one of them is wounded, and soon will die, and if the two now given up are shot, my all is gone. I called on the bead men to follow me to the Fort. I started with the prisoners, singing tbeir death song, and have delivered tbem at tbe gate of the Fort. Have mercy on them for their youth and folly. ' ' 329 Because of the attack which Hole-in-the-Day bad made on the Sioux a short time before, Major Plympton decided not to execute the prisoners. They were turned over to tbeir own people to be flogged in the presence of the officers. More humil iating than death was their punishment. Their blankets, leggins, and breech-cloths were cut into small pieces, and finally the braves whipped them with long sticks while the women stood about cry ing.330 Although there was now a deep desire for revenge in each of the tribes, they manifested outward friendliness when they met at the fort. During the month of June, 1839, there came to Fort Snelling over twelve hundred Chippewas thinking that there they v^ould be paid their annuities for the land they had ceded in 1837. There were two main groups — one which came down from the headwaters of tbe Mississippi, and the other which came up the river from the vicinity of the St. Croix. At the same time Sioux numbering eight hundred and seventy were encamped near tbe agency. This was considered an opportune time to conclude a peace, and so the long- calumet with its mixture of tobacco and bark of tbe willow tree was smoked while friendlv athletic con- THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 127 tests were held on tbe prairie. On July 1st tbe two parties of Chippewas started for home. But in one of tbe bands were the two sons of tbe man who had been murdered the year before. In tbe evening be fore beginning tbeir homeward journey, tbey visited the graveyard of the fort to cry over tbe grave of their father. Here the thought of vengeance came to them, and morning found them hidden in the bushes near the trail that skirted the shore of Lake Harriet. The Badger, a Sioux warrior, was the first to pass that way as be went out in tbe early morning to hunt pigeons. A moment later be was shot and scalped. Tbe murderers then hurried away and hid behind the water at Minnehaha Falls. A few hours later, when the news had spread throughout all the Sioux villages, two bands set out to take revenge upon tbe departing Chippewas. The old men, the women, and tbe children remained at home, eagerly awaiting the result of the coming battle and cutting tbeir arms and legs with tbeir knives in grief over tbe losses which they knew their bands would have to undergo. It happened that at that time tbe Right Reverend Mathias Loras, the first Bishop of Dubuque, was at Fort Snelling. He bad been an interested spectator at the Sioux-Chippewa peace parleys, had watched tbe departure of the determined avengers, and now was anxiously awaiting the result of the conflict. On the morning of July 4th as he was praying at his altar for the prosperity of bis country be was startled by the shrill notes of the Sioux death-song, 128 OLD FORT SNELLING and gazing through tbe window saw a bloody throng, dancing about the long pole's' from which dangled scalps with parts of the skulls still attached. Two terrible struggles had taken place the day before. On tbe Rum River seventy Chippewa scalps bad been taken, and on the banks of Lake St. Croix twen ty-five more were obtained. In both cases tbe losses of the Sioux were smaller. These trophies were brought to the villages, where they were danced about nightly until tbe leaves began to fall in the autumn, when they were buried.331 These incidents which centered about Fort Snell ing have led to the charge made against it, that in stead of preventing the conflicts tbe fort intensified tbem. The fort was a convenient meeting place, it is argued, whither both parties resorted only to be come involved in altercations and disputes which resulted in a flaring-up of old flames.332 But it must be remembered that the murders away from the fort were more numerous ; 333 and it is easier to recall the spectacular encounters which occurred at tbe fort, than the many occasions when the two tribes met peacefully as the guests of the officials, A military officer wbo was stationed there wrote : "At Fort Snelling I have seen the Sioux and Cbip- peways in friendly converse, and passing their pipes in the most amicable manner when if they had met away from the post each would have been striving for tbe other's scalp."334 The Indian agent, whose success depended upon tbe continuation of peace, noted with pleasure these friendly gatherings. THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 129 "Tbe Crane and tbe Hole in tbe Day — and other Chippeways at the Agency this day — Several Sissi- ton Sioux also at the Agency. ' ' 335 These visits were often protracted for several weeks without trouble. ' ' Chippeways — a number of these people also at the agency — some have been here for nearly 30 days — fishing & liveing better & more independently than tbe Sioux."336 On the 29th and 30th of June, 1831, Chippewas to the number of one hundred and fifty met five villages of Sioux.337 Efforts to combat tbe evil were made in council with the Indians. ' ' Your wars with the Chippeways can never be of service to anyone", reasoned their "Father", "for as fast as you destroy one — two or three more young men are ready to take tbe track of their deceased friends — The old people among you ought to know this — after the long wars be tween you".338 Most of the encounters took place either when tbe warriors were emboldened by liquor, or when the rival bunting parties met on the plains. The strict enforcement of tbe law of 1832 prohibiting the introduction of spirits had a tranquilizing effect in the country of tbe Chippewas. Indeed, tbe prin cipal object of all efforts to suppress the liquor traffic was tbe prevention of inter-tribal wars.339 Constant watching of the bunting parties and ad monition as to their conduct were among tbe duties of the agent. "Sent my interpreter up the Missis sippi among the Indians", he writes, "to see bow they are progressing in their hunts and as to tbe present hunting grounds of tbe Chippeways." >> 130 OLD FORT SNELLING Eight days later record is made of the fact that "tbe Rum River Chippeways left for their camp this morning — Sent word to tbeir people to hunt on their own Lands & not by any Means to intrude upon tbe Soil of the Sioux." When tbe interpreter re turned he reported that everything was quiet be tween the two tribes.840 The sending of "runners to tbe camps was a frequent occurrence during tbe winter of 1831, tbe region covered being eighty miles to the east and two hundred miles to the north.341 In the treaty of Prairie du Cbien of 1825 a divid ing line between tbe two tribes, beyond which neither should pass, was agreed upon.342 But this provision was for many years a dead letter. As long as tbe line was unsurveyed the natives could urge indef- initeness of territory as an excuse for murder and depredations — claiming that the other party was the trespasser. When Schoolcraft met tbe chiefs of the Chippewas in council at Leech Lake in 1832, the latter complained that tbe provisions of tbe treaty had not been carried out. ' ' Tbe words of tbe Long- knives have passed through our forests as a rushing wind, but they have been words merely. They have only shaken tbe trees, but have not stopped to break tbem down, nor even to make the rough places smooth. ' ' 343 As a result Mr. Schoolcraft urged upon the Secretary of War tbe necessity of marking the line.344 Seven thousand dollars were appropriated by tbe act of June 26, 1834, for the purpose of running this line,345 and the next spring Major J. L. Bean, accom- THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 131 panied by Duncan Campbell, the Sioux interpreter of tbe agency, commenced the survey.346 Later an escort of troops from Fort Snelling was sent bim under the command of Lieutenant William Storer, with the result that the reduced garrison was unable to enforce order.347 When the survey had been com pleted from the Chippewa River to Otter Tail Lake the return of the military escort put an end to the work, but tbe agent was of tbe opinion that the most important part bad been marked.348 Efforts were made by the government to keep down tbe warlike spirit of tbe tribes. Thus, when Captain Gale allowed tbe Indians to come into the fort and dance tbe scalp dance in June, 1830, his act was disapproved of, and he bad to stand trial.349 Likewise peace conferences were fostered in order to put the seal of the authority of the government upon the transactions. During the winter of 1831 truces were made between several of the bands through the efforts of Agent Taliaferro.350 On August 2, 1843, a great gathering of the two nations was held at the fort, where a treaty of peace was drawn up under the auspices of the civil and military authorities.351 During tbe first year it was kept in violate, "if we except two or three individual cases of outrage."852 Even as late as June, 1850, an assemblage of both tribes was called together by Governor Ramsey. The Chippewas were encamped north of the fort on the bluff above the Mississippi. In front of tbem a detachment of infantry was drawn up. Within the 132 OLD FORT SNELLING fort tbe artillery was in readiness. When word was sent to tbe Sioux that all things were ready, they approached, about three hundred strong, on horse back, all armed and painted, their whoops mingling with the jingling of their arms, ornaments, and tbe bells of their horses. Making a feint as if to rush around tbe soldiers, tbey suddenly wheeled to one side and became quiet; while the Chippewas on the other side of tbe line of infantry continued to dance and wave tbeir weapons. It was amid such stirring war-like scenes that attempts for peace were made.353 The earliest policy of the government had been to interfere as little as possible, and to allow retribu tion to be made by one tribe on another. But such inactivity did not appeal to a red-blooded officer like Colonel Snelling, who wrote after the trouble in 1827 : "I have no hesitation in Saying that tbe Mil itary on this frontier are useless for want of discre tionary power, and that if it is not intrusted to tbe Commander, Men of Straw with Wooden Guns and Swords will answer the purpose as well as a Regt of Infantry."354 But later the policy was adopted of confining in tbe "Black Hole" of the fort any culprits who were captured. Thirteen of the Sioux who participated in a massacre at Apple River were imprisoned;355 and on one occasion Little Crow's band performed the scalp dance near Fort Snelling in commemora tion of the murder of two Chippewas, while the mur derers themselves languished in the fort.356 Prob ably this method of dealing with the problem would THE SIOUX-CHIPPEWA FUEDS 133 have been adopted earlier; but "the force at this point", wrote an officer, "has been too small to send a sufficient force to take the offenders, even should an order to that effect be issued."357 To determine how influential Fort Snelling was in maintaining order is impossible. As was the case with the liquor traffic, conditions were bad but could have been worse. From time to time there were events that indicated some success. After a peace bad been concluded on the fourth of June, 1823, a small quarrel almost precipitated a general conflict on the sixth. Much to tbe chagrin of tbe Italian traveller, J. C. Beltrami, wbo was then a guest at the fort, tbe officers were successful in preventing blood shed. "Everything conspired against my poor notes", be wrote, "I bad already perched myself on an eminence for the purpose of enriching them with an Indian battle, and behold I have nothing to write but this miserable article ! .... I almost sus pected that the savages were in a league with the gentlemen of the fort to disappoint me. ' ' 358 Peace was maintained during tbe winter of 1831 on a line of three hundred and forty miles above and below Fort Snelling, and on one occasion there oc curred the pleasant sight of Sioux and Chippewas departing in company for tbeir hunting grounds on the Sauk River.359 Man-of-tbe-sky, wbo was chief of tbe Lake Calhoun band of Sioux, boasted that although be was only twenty-five years old at the time, he bad already killed six Chippewas when Fort Snelling was erected, and added: "Had it not been 134 OLD FORT SNELLING for that I should have killed many more, or have been myself killed ere this. ' ' 360 It is interesting to note in connection with tbe sacredness of these treaties the comment of Major Taliaferro that "much more reliance is to be placed in the good faitb of the Chippeways than in that of the Sioux. ' ' 361 These spasmodic successes at least acquainted tbe Indians with governmental restraint. A paragraph from tbe manuscript diary of the agent refutes the argument that Fort Snelling intensified rather than alleviated these struggles. ' ' From January 1833 up to this day", wrote Taliaferro, "there has been no difficulty between the Sioux and Chippeways — I once kept these tribes at peace for two years and Six Months lacking 15 days. And this between tbe years 1821 & 1825 till June 8th of the latter year. Colonel Robert Dickson remarked to me that Such a thing had never occurred before even when he headed the tribes against Us in the War of 1812. ' ' 362 IX THE FUR TRADE The Indian trading-house which had been planned for the agency at Fort Snelling never materialized. Failure of the houses in operation to pay expenses and the opposition of the private traders led to tbeir abolition in 1822. Thereafter, whatever attention tbe government directed toward tbe trade was influ enced by the desire to prevent tampering with the allegiance of tbe Indians on the part of foreigners and to control this traffic which could contribute so much good or so much evil to tbe lives of the govern ment 's wards.363 With tbe Indian trade left to tbe private traders, great trading companies developed, since tbe fur trade easily lent itself to the corporation system. Cooperation in the marketing of furs and in the buy ing of goods eliminated many of tbe difficulties which a single individual would meet. The American Fur Company, so long guided by John Jacob Astor, had a practical monopoly of the trade during the time that Old Fort Snelling was in existence. Mendota was the headquarters of a vast region which ex tended from the Mississippi to tbe headwaters of the streams flowing into the Missouri. At various places throughout this territory were trading posts 135 136 OLD FORT SNELLING called "forts", although they consisted of no more than a few huts within a stockade. These were all subsidiary to tbe post at Mendota. Goods for tbe Indian trade were much the same as those given as presents by the government officials — blankets, trinkets, tobacco, knives, and tbe like. These goods were sent in great Mackinac boats from the East to be distributed among the posts. Each Indian hunter received on credit goods valued at forty or fifty dollars in payment for which he pledged the spoils of his winter's hunt. If the trad er did not go with his band, be visited them occasion ally or sent his engages to see that they were hunting and that no other trader was tampering with them to secure tbeir furs. In the spring the Indian would deliver furs valued at twice the amount of the goods received. The trading company's profit was, ac cordingly, about one hundred per cent. To carry out the details of tbe traffic there grew up within tbe company a complicated system of factors, clerks, voyageurs, and hivernants.364 With the entire system of the fur trade tbe mili tary officials had little to do except in the matter of regulation. Not much military protection was nec essary as the Indian looked upon the trader more as a friend than an enemy.365 Care in respect to the character of the men engaged and supervision of the method of carrying on trade were tbe two things nec essary. According to tbe act of March 30, 1802, which was supplemented by the acts of April 29, 1816, and June 30, 1834, no one could carry on trade THE FUR TRADE 137 with tbe Indians without obtaining a license from an Indian agent, which was subject to revocation by tbe superintendent of tbe district.866 Many were tbe problems which Major Taliaferro was obliged to consider when he granted a license. A license was valid for trade only at a certain place and among a certain tribe. Tbe trader must be an American citizen. He was not allowed to carry with bim any insignia of a foreign power. An invoice of his goods was presented to tbe agent, who bad to certify to its correctness. Liquor was prohibited, and the trader was responsible for the conduct of all the members of bis party in this matter. To guar antee the fulfillment of all these requirements, bond bad to.be given at the time of obtaining tbe per mit.367 To examine all tbe applicants, to keep in touch with tbem in the field, and to obtain tbe truth in re gard to tbeir conduct was enough to keep both agent and officers at Fort Snelling busy. In 1826 twenty- five licenses were granted ; in 1827, eleven ; in 1830, thirteen; and in 1831, fourteen.368 The amount of this trade was very large, as is indicated by tbe case of Mr. Faribault wbo traded on the Cannon River. One year be marketed 50 buffalo-robes, 39,080 musk- rats, 2050 pounds of deer skins, 125 pounds of bea ver, 130 martin, 1100 mink, 663 raccoons, 331 otter, 25 lynx, and 5 foxes.369 There was a great deal of vagueness as to tbe ap plication of the trade laws — ' ' a mist of uncertainty" as Taliaferro called it.370 Governor Cass of Mich- 138 OLD FORT SNELLING igan Territory allowed foreigners to enter into ex peditions as interpreters or boatmen, who upon entering tbe wilderness took active charge of tbe crew and all operations.371 As far as Fort Snelling was concerned there was little call for tbe ejection of foreigners by force. In 1833 it was rumored that a foreigner was trading on the Sheyenne River — a tributary of tbe Red River. But with the despatch of a company of troops and tbe rumor of their ap proach, the culprit immediately decamped.872 Tbe building of the fort was in itself enough to impress British subjects with tbe firmness of tbe United States government. Joseph Renville, Ken neth McKenzie, and William Laidlaw, former em ployees of tbe English companies, in 1822 organized the Columbia Fur Company, and obtained a license from Major Taliaferro. In five years tbey had posts from Green Bay to the Missouri River, with tbeir headquarters at Land's End, a short distance up tbe Minnesota River from Fort Snelling. But in 1827 a union with the American Fur Company was brought about.373 Traders licensed by the agent at Fort Snelling covered the territory as far west as tbe Missouri River. No post could be established without his ap proval ; and be even attempted to regulate the form in which tbe establishment should be built.374 On the whole, cooperation between tbe factors of the fur companies and the officials at the post was desired by both parties. The most notable disagreement is that which existed between Alexis Bailly, tbe chief THE FUR TRADE 139 factor at Mendota, and Major Taliaferro. This dis agreement continued until September 15, 1834, when tbe agent reported that he bad refused to allow Bailly to hold further intercourse with tbe natives, "not only in Consequence of his bad tongue, but on account also of his frequent Violations of the inter course laws ' '. In this action be was seconded by tbe authorities of the fur company, wbo sent Mr. H. H. Sibley to fill Mr. Bailly 's place.375 The pleasant rela tions which existed between Mr. Sibley and all the government officials — civil and military — is one of the charming chapters in tbe history of tbe fort.376 Intimately connected with tbe fur trade was the liquor traffic. Not that the traders were always re sponsible for the introduction of the tabooed com modity, but they were connected with it to such an extent as to be always under suspicion. Nor was tbe attitude of the government consistent. When Pike ascended the Mississippi be spoke of the evil effects of rum to tbe chiefs who ceded to the United States the military reservation; but the explorer closed with the words: "before my departure I will give you some liquor to clear your throats."377 Even Taliaferro, foe that be wras of liquor, knew its power. When a neighboring chief and thirty of bis men vis ited tbe agency, he recorded: "After council — gave him 30 Rats Bread — 50 Rats Pork — 10 lbs Tobacco — 3 gallons of whiskey- — the last for good Conduct towards the Chippeways. ' ' 378 Liquor was an important asset in carrying on the fur trade. The object was to please the reel man, 140 OLD FORT SNELLING not to stupefy bim to such an extent that he could be swindled. With the growth of the great companies and the influx of numbers of private traders there were many bidders for each Indian's furs. Com plaint was continual that the British traders about the Lake of the Woods successfully offered whiskey as an inducement fo get tbe trade of tbe American Indians.379 Governor Cass, thinking it would be worse to lose tbe trade than admit tbe liquor, allowed its introduction, in "limited quantities", by those engaged in business along tbe boundary.380 But the act of July 9, 1832, provided, that "no ardent spirits shall be hereafter introduced, under any pretence, into the Indian country. ' ' 381 This put an end to tbe stock excuse. At tbe same time Americans suffered to such an extent that Mr. Norman W. Kittson at Pembina wanted permission to destroy all liquor and punish all offenders, promising "that very little would be introduced after a short time".382 So acute was tbe difficulty that it became the subject of diplo matic correspondence with Great Britain; but tbe authorities of tbe Hudson's Bay Company retorted that "spirits are even clandestinely introduced into the Company's territories by citizens of tbe United States."383 During the first years stringent measures were in force at the mouth of the Minnesota River. At Prairie du Chien, Taliaferro had seen the barrels rolled out from the river vessels and tbey foretold to bim coming murders and depredations. His cooper ating friend, Colonel Snelling, graphically described THE FUR TRADE 141 its evil effects. "Herds of Indians", he said, "are drawn together by tbe fascinations of whisky, and tbey exhibit the most degraded picture of human nature I ever witnessed."384 The drunken Indian did not molest tbe trader ; his peaceful fellow-tribes man suffered more. "An Indian killed at Al [?] Faribault's Trading bouse — whiskey was given the Indian for bis furs— by Mr. F. — The deceased then invited one of bis friends to drink with bim — the invitation was accepted — when this friend becoming inflamed with the Liquor very inhospitably sunk his Tomahawk into tbe bead of bis host — whiskey it is said does no harm in tbe Trade by persons inter ested — but tbe foregoing is only one of the many hundred fatal occurrences from its use in procuring furs unlawfully. ' ' 385 In fact, the Indians were continually agitated. If they received the spirits they naturally revelled. When their supply was exhausted they raged and fumed until they secured more. Sometimes the dis ease was more desirable than tbe cure. "I have thus far seen but few of tbe indians of this place and I am in hopes of passing on North without much trouble there has just arrived a fresh supply of whiskey which will keep tbem busy for a few days and by that time my carts will be almost out of their reach."386 The eagerness for liquor on the part of tbe Indians made its introduction all the more easy. For it they were willing to pay much : eight horses were at one time exchanged for eight kegs of whiskey,387 and tbe 142 OLD FORT SNELLING current rate at which it sold is indicated by tbe com plaint which a Chippewa chief poured intd the ears of tbe agent: "My Father — Is it right for our traders to make us pay 200 Musk Rats, and 3 otters for a 3 gallon keg of mixed whiskey?"388 Tbey would undergo extreme physical suffering, lying out in tbe rain and wading rivers and swamps, to bring the precious liquid to tbeir villages,389 The officers were never successful in entirely ban ishing the prohibited article. Conditions depended upon tbe eagerness of the military and civil agents, on the number of soldiers stationed at the fort, and on the wiliness of the culprits. On one occasion liquor "was found secreted in barrels of corn, buried on tbe beach and in other secret places, and de stroyed. ' ' 39° Major Taliaferro was not lax in enforcing the laws. Every boat passing Fort Snelling was searched, and no liquor was allowed to enter tbe Indian country.391 A few stray references seem to indicate what was a usual occupation of the troops. ' ' Tbe Sub Agent Mr. Grooms left with 10 men on his 2d expedition below Lake Pepin in quest of whiskey Smuglers — as our Indians even entering tbe coun try with it from Prairie du Chiens and the Traders of tbe Am Fur Cpy are geting whiskey over the country by land and water".392 During May, 1827, the agent called the attention of Colonel Josiah Snelling to the fact that in Mr. Bailly 's store at Men dota there was whiskey which had been introduced into the Indian country contrary to law. Accord- THE FUR TRADE 143 ingly a detachment of soldiers was sent under tbe command of Lieutenant J. B. F. Rupel, wbo suc ceeded in finding two barrels which were taken away and stored in tbe fort.898 The year 1832 saw especial activity in the destruc tion of liquor. The boat of one trader passed up tbe Mississippi during April, having on board eighteen barrels of whiskey.394 Later in the season the vig ilance of the officers had direct results. In July eleven kegs of high wines, very strong in quality, and in quantity amounting to one hundred and ten gal lons, were taken from tbe boat of Hazen Moores by Captain J. Vail. The value of this liquor was $330. In October of tbe same year, five kegs of high wines and one keg of whiskey were found by Lieutenant I. K. Greenough in the boat of Louis Provencalle. These confiscated kegs were stored in the fort, and an interesting side-light on their ultimate fate is contained in the report of Major Taliaferro "I am of opinion", be wrote, "from what I hear that tbe High Wines, and Whiskey Seized by Lieuts Vail and Greenough, and in Store here will soon be of little account in Consequence of loss by leakage, and the property Not in charge of any responsible person — Other than its mere deposite in the public store." Whether any efforts were made to stop the leaks is not mentioned.395 These energetic movements caused ' ' consternation among those natives who have not yet joined the temperance Societties ' '.396 But they also caused vio lent opposition from the men whose goods had been 144 OLD FORT SNELLING seized. These traders commenced a suit in the courts at Prairie du Chien against the commanding officer at Fort Snelling, arguing that while the law prohibited tbe introduction of liquor into the Indian country, this seizure had been made on tbe Missis sippi River — "a common highway open to all the Citizens of the United States".397 It is impossible to follow the course of the whiskey traffic through its ups and downs, Numerous cases are recorded where the soldiers "knocked in tbe head" the whiskey barrels.398 But it was probably true, as the missionary S. R. Riggs wrote from Lac qui Parle on June 15, 1847, to tbe Indian agent: "Tbe whiskey destroyed by the efforts of yourself and the commanding officer at Fort Snelling forms the glorious exception, and not the rule. ' ' 399 Under the regulations existing in 1830 the traders were allowed to take with them into the Indian coun try one gallon per month for every person engaged in the party. Under plea of this tbey brought in high wines which were later diluted with water and distributed among the Indians. Of the amount brought in, the employees actually saw only one- third, and this tbey paid for at tbe rate of from eight to sixteen dollars per gallon.400 Accordingly, Major Taliaferro issued a circular letter in which he stated that high wines and whiskey would be allowed to be brought in "in no case whatever".401 Actions such as these by the agent, who was still a young man, brought about the remark which Mr. Aitkin, a trader among tbe Chippewas, is reported to have made to THE FUR TRADE 145 some chiefs: "The Medals and Flags which you received at St Peters are nothing more than pewter and dish rags, and were given to you by a boy, and with a boys paw. ' ' 402 Much of the good which should have resulted from the activities of the officers was lost because the Indian could not be punished. If liquor was found in his possession and seized there was nothing to prevent his going back and obtaining more, taking the chance of being more successful in evading the authorities the second time.408 Accordingly preven tion as well as cure was tried, and Captain Eastman, Mr. Sibley, and others sought, with some success, to persuade the Indians to refuse to accept liquor.404 Two years later tbe Indian agent, R. G. Murphy, organized a temperance society among the Sioux, who, an observer stated, were careful in living up to the pledge when once taken; and added, "One such man as Major Murphy does more real, practical good than all the missionary societies of New York and Boston."405 SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS Since tbe days of Father Marquette the Missis sippi Valley has owed much to the missionaries. Parkman bas recounted tbeir sufferings and tbeir glorious achievements in discovery, in exploration, and in inspiring others with their stories of the won derful West. But when the black-robed Jesuit departed, and mass was no longer said in tbe log chapels about tbe lakes and tributary streams, the influence of Christianity still abided. There came a new generation of soldiers of the cross who served tbe great valley in a later stage of development as unselfishly and as thoroughly as tbeir predecessors had done in the earlier days. The Indian in the Northwest in 1830 was not unac quainted with or hostile to the whites; he did not fall down in awe to worship one of a different color. His grandfather had traded with the wandering- traveller who often lived a whole winter in tbe vil lage, and with his tribe bad visited the great com mercial center at Mackinac. His father remembered the day when the second class of strangers entered — the uniformed soldiers led by Pike — and now tbe sound of tbe big gun in the fort at the mouth of the Minnesota was no longer a dread portent. 146 SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 147 But tbe missionary was a novelty. His purpose was unknown. He did not ask for furs ; be did not stealthily give them whiskey; he did not come to summon tbem to councils at tbe agent's bouse; and be did not ask for cessions of land. If they would respect tbe white man's "medicine day"406 and let their boys and girls attend the school, if they would listen patiently while be talked to tbem of things they did not understand, this newcomer was content. Out in the woods be cleared a patch of ground and grew corn. If the red men wanted to help he was very glad. When the winter storms came, and game was scarce, and the small supply of corn that the squaws had safely cached in the fall was eaten, then the missionary helped tbem in tbeir difficulty. He often went with them on tbeir bunts, shared all their privations, and eased their pain if accident or sick ness befell tbem. As the activities of the mission broadened and its personnel enlarged, tbe Indian became more and more acquainted with whites who lived on farms and tilled the soil. So when at last the land was opened to settlement, the transition from the missionary's establishment to that of tbe American farmer was not sudden. Much bas been written of tbe degeneration which came to tbe Indians about a fort through tbeir asso ciation with the soldiers. That such degeneration did result is true, but it came about in spite of the efforts of tbe officers. On the other hand, distinct steps were taken to improve the condition of tbe neighboring tribes ; and although these efforts were 148 OLD FORT SNELLING soon transferred to tbe missionaries, yet these mis sionaries depended so much on support and encour agement from the soldiers that their enterprises may be considered as part of tbe history of Fort Snelling. Tbe freedom from annoyance enjoyed by tbe mis sionaries living near tbe fort as compared with those at a distance indicates tbe influence of the post.407 Soon after Fort Snelling was established, Talia ferro attempted to persuade some Indians to under take farming in order to supplement their bunting. But they preferred leaving this work to tbe rather desultory efforts of tbe squaws. One chief, bow- ever, remembered the advice during the next winter. Far out on the plains that border on the Missouri River he and his party were overtaken by a blizzard. Each one wrapped himself in bis blanket and let tbe snow drift about and over bim. With a little dried buffalo meat which they divided among them, tbey kept alive until tbe storm was over. While lying here, knowing not whether his companions were dead or alive, expecting himself to be a victim of either the cold or hunger or both, Chief Cloud Man resolved that if be ever returned to tbe vicinity of Fort Snelling he would not depend entirely upon tbe hunt for his living, but would also engage in farming under the direction of tbe Indian agent. This was no mere death-bed conversion. Many of his com panions refused to follow bim in the movement; other chiefs openly opposed bim; but in the spring eight Indians settled upon the shores of Lake Cal houn to begin the life of agriculturists. This com- SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 149 munity was named Eatonville in honor of Secretary of War John H. Eaton.408 On September 1, 1829, there arrived at the fort, tbe Reverend Alvan Coe and tbe Reverend Jedediah I. Stevens, two missionaries on a religious exploring expedition to locate a site for an establishment. They bore with them letters of introduction from Joseph M. Street, the agent at Prairie du Cbien, who commended tbem to Taliaferro's care with a con vincing array of scriptural quotations.409 The agent offered them the use of tbe buildings connected with the grist mill and the saw mill at the Falls and his own colony at Eatonville. After preaching a few times to tbe garrison, the ministers left. It was not until 1835 that Mr. Stevens located permanently near the post.410 Major Taliaferro was left alone to carry on the difficult enterprise of civilizing the natives. In 1830 he wrote to the Secretary of War telling of the prog ress he had made and of his plans for a log village in which the Indians could live, instead of in the flimsy bark houses, and a log house for the protec tion of the Indians ' property. He begged for finan cial aid, saying that "Six or eight hundred dollars would mature what bas happily been begun, and this sum from tbe Civilization fund would enable me to progress with great efficiency, and without further tax on the Government. ' ' 411 The need for his super vision was constant. From his diary can be seen how continual was bis interest in tbe experiment. On April 18, 1831, he ordered the hoes and plows 150 OLD FORT SNELLING repaired, and on May 1 he went to the colony taking tbe implements with him. Here he found "most of them at work — Cuting down trees, Grubbing out the roots &c — What was more encouraging some few of tbe Men were at this unusual kind of labour for them — they laughed when they saw Me — I praised them, in every agreable way that could be conveyed to them in their language." Again on June 8th he was pleased to see the Indians all at work boeing tbeir corn and potatoes.412 The success of the colony was gratifying. In 1833 tbey raised from eight hundred to a thousand bushels of corn, and tbe population of tbe village was one hundred and twenty-five. Only one death had occurred in three years.413 There was much to contend with, however, since the traders were "vio lently opposed to Indians commencing to seek a liv ing- in this way. ' ' 414 One trader stated that it was a loss to bim of five hundred dollars whenever an In dian learned to read and write.415 With all his duties it is no wonder that the agent was anxious to receive the help of the missionaries, and although he was himself ' ' a Deacon in tbe ' Old School Presbyterian Church' ",416 his basis for aid ing tbe red men, as be expressed it in a report, was that he had "endeavored to impress all missionaries with the true fact that Christianity must be preceded by civilization among tbe wild tribes. I hazard nothing in this, for an Indian must be taught all the temporal benefits of this life first, before you ask him to seek for eternal happiness ; teach him to wor- SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 151 ship tbe true and living God through tbe self-evident developments of his mother earth. In fine, let agri culture and tbe arts precede tbe preaching of the gospel, after which, Christianity inculcate if prac ticable."417 Tbe men wbo were to be Taliaferro's first helpers were living in the little village of Washington, Con necticut—two brothers, one twenty- three years old and tbe other twenty-one. Here a great revival oc curred and among those whose lives were changed were Samuel Pond and Gideon Pond. Tbe next year the older of the two went to tbe West and drifted into the frontier town of Galena. Hearing from a traveller from Red River of tbe Sioux about Fort Snelling he decided to dedicate his life to up lifting them. Upon broaching the subject to bis brother the latter agreed, and on May 1, 1834, tbey left Galena on the ' ' Warrior ' '. No missionary soci ety was supporting them; they bad only a little money; they did not know a word of the "Dakota" tongue ; tbey were uneducated for missionary work. Living the roving life of tbe Indians as members of the tribe, they hoped to be able to gradually influence tbeir lives and religion.418 On May 6, 1834, the "Warrior" reached Fort Snelling. At the agency house, Mr. Grooms, who was the acting agent in the absence of Major Taliaferro, rented them a room. Major Bliss, then in command at the fort, immediately summoned them to appear before him and explain their presence in tbe Indian country without permission.419 When he heard of 152 OLD FORT SNELLING tbeir plans, they fitted immediately into a problem that bad been puzzling bim. Big Thunder, chief of tbe Kaposia village, wanted to raise more corn. But by using the customary Indian method of hoeing up tbe ground before planting, it was impossible to get much land under cultivation. At Fort Snelling were oxen and a plow, but there was no one to do tbe plow ing or teach the art to the Indians. Accordingly Samuel Pond volunteered to take charge of the prop osition. Tbe plow was taken down the river in a canoe, while tbe oxen were driven by land. But the war riors were reluctant about touching the plow until Big Thunder, chief of the band, had seized the han dles himself. For a week Samuel Pond continued tbe work. But tbe dogs had stolen the provisions he had taken from the fort, and so he was obliged not only to sleep in tbe Indian tepee, but also to live upon tbe ordinary Indian fare.420 This task of plowing bad just been performed when Major Taliaferro returned from tbe East. The success of tbe work done by Big Thunder led him to ask the Ponds to take charge of the Eaton ville colony. As this would giVe them an opportu nity of carrying out tbeir plans, the brothers ac cepted. Their position is indicated by the following entry in Taliaferro 's diary : "I am to furnish out of my private funds — Hay for the Oxen — belonging to tbe Indians, & these young men are to have Charge of them for the Winter — Tbey will plough some this fall and again in tbe Spring for tbe Indians, & go on SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 153 thereafter to instruct them in the arts & habits of civilized life."421 Cloud Man, chief of the Calhoun band of Indians, chose a site near tbe lake, where a cabin was erected which cost a shilling — for nails. Tbe walls were of tamarack logs from a neighboring grove; slabs ob tained at tbe mill at tbe Falls of St. Anthony fur nished a roof; and Major Taliaferro presented tbe missionaries with a window. Major Bliss gave them some potatoes, and Mrs. Bliss presented them with a ham. Knowing tbe tbievisbness of tbe na tives, tbe Indian agent also added a padlock to the newly-finished cabin.422 Near tbe bouse about four acres of land were cleared and fenced with logs. A quarter of a mile distant was the Indian village of fourteen bark lodges, each containing two or three families. This village was surrounded by corn fields and was reached through a narrow lane made by putting up posts and tying poles to them with strips of bark.423 According to Featherstonhaugh, wbo visited tbe establishment a year later, thirty acres were under cultivation and the yield of corn amounted to eight hundred bushels. It is interesting to note that this critical traveller found only one thing about Fort Snelling to commend and that was tbe self-sacrifice of the two Pond brothers.424 They entered immediately into tbe life of the In dians. An extract from a letter written by one of the brothers shows the wide variety of their duties. "One Indian," be said, "bas been here to borrow my 154 OLD FORT SNELLING axe, another to have me help bim split a stick; an other now interrupts me to borrow my hatchet; another bas been here after a trap which be left with me ; another is now before my window at work with bis axe, while the women and children are screaming to drive the black-birds from tbeir corn. Again I am interrupted by one wbo tells me that the Indians are going to play ball near our bouse to-day. Hun dreds assemble on such occasions."425 Tbe work that was thus started soon expanded. In tbe spring of 1835 Rev. Thomas Smith William son arrived at Fort Snelling with his wife, a child, Miss Sarah Poage, and Alexander G. Huggins. At about the same time Rev. Jedediah I. Stevens re turned to tbe post be bad visited in 1829, and with the help of tbe Pond brothers built a mission school at Lake Harriet. Dr. Williamson went up the Min nesota River to Lac qui Parle, where another station was established. On May 19, 1837, Rev. Alfred Brunson came to Fort Snelling for a similar pur pose, and after consulting with tbe agent and the commandant he chose the village of Kaposia for his headquarters. But these mission stations and their personnel were not permanent. Tbe work of tbe Ponds was soon amalgamated with that of Mr. Stev ens. In 1839 when the Sioux-Chippewa feuds were at their height and the Indians were afraid to remain at Lake Calhoun, Mr. Stevens tore down the little cabin the Ponds had built and used the material for breastworks and moved down tbe river to Wabasha 's village — outside the influence of Fort Snelling. At SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 155 tbe same time tbe Ponds moved nearer the fort, where they remained until in 1842 tbey established a mission at Oak Grove, eight miles up the Minnesota River. This same war spirit and tbe hostility to tbe missionaries wbo preached against it led to the aban donment of the Kaposia enterprise in 1841. In 1846, however, Little Crow asked for a school, and Dr. Williamson came from Lac qui Parle to take charge of it. These missions remained in existence through out tbe period of Old Fort Snelling.426 The activities of tbe missions took on two forms — industrial and educational. By the treaty of 1837 a farmer was provided for the Sioux about the fort. This position was offered to Gideon Pond who in 1838 accepted. In return for bis salary of six hun dred dollars be had to plow the cornfields, cut bay for the cattle and feed them during the winter, and build such shelters as the animals might need. As he could not do all this work alone — and he wanted it thoroughly done — much of bis salary was spent in hiring others to help him. His services were offered in the same spirit of sacrifice which first brought bim to tbe region.427 Blacksmiths were maintained at some of the vil lages. In 1849 Mr. Chatel, blacksmith for Good Road's village, made among other things, 73 chains to hang kettles on for cooking, 23 traps, 230 axes, 50 rat spears, 208 pairs of fish spears, 24 pairs of stirrups, 63 crooked knives, and 199 hoes. During the same year, Mr. Robertson, the farmer for Little Crow's village, ploughed 75 acres of land, made 500 156 OLD FORT SNELLING yards of fence, put up 20 tons of hay, and hauled corn for seventeen days. To be sure, Robertson and Chatel were not missionaries, but tbey were part of the movement for civilizing the Indians which was fostered and encouraged by tbe officers of tbe fort.428 In 1837 at Lake Harriet there was an Indian boarding-school, where some half dozen balf-breed girls were learning to read, write, and sew.429 Tbe Pond brothers had made the beginnings of an alpha bet of the Sioux language, and books and primers for the use of the scholars were soon printed.430 At all tbe stations surrounding Fort Snelling schools were maintained, but here as elsewhere "tbe chil dren in pleasant weather prefer playing to read ing".431 Some progress was made, however, as is indicated by the school reports. In 1851 at the school maintained at Kaposia it is reported that Daniel Renville, Gustavus A. Robertson, Rosalie Renville, and Fat Duty Win can spell and read in English in McGuffy's Eclectic Primer, and can spell and read in the Sioux language in Wowape Me- tawa.432 The success of these pioneer efforts depended much on tbe encouragement received at the begin ning; and by a coincidence this encouragement was brought about the second summer that the Ponds were in the vicinity. During tbe winter Major Gus tavus Loomis initiated ' ' a red-hot revival among tbe the soldiers", and although many of the converts backslid with the simultaneous appearance of spring and whiskey,433 yet there were so many that remained SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS 157 faithful that on June 11, 1835, when Dr. Williamson arrived, a church was organized in one of tbe com pany rooms at Fort Snelling. This church was com posed of soldiers, missionaries, and fur traders and was a basis of support in tbe difficult task of civiliz ing the Indians.434 Tbe officers protected and en couraged the workers under all circumstances, tbe post doctor gave bis services to them free, and once a month Mr. Stevens preached at the fort.435 In 1838 the church was strengthened by tbe ap pointment of a chaplain, Rev. Ezekiel Gear of Ga lena. But on December 11, 1838, as he was leaving Fort Crawford in a sleigh, the horse started up sooner than was expected and be was thrown out, breaking his right thigh bone. He was kept at tbe hospital at Fort Crawford for some months and did not arrive at Fort Snelling until April 28, 1839.436 As there was no room large enough to bold all the soldiers, they were at first not compelled to attend the services. In 1841, however, tbe chaplain re ported that all the soldiers attended regularly, but answered feebly to tbe responses, although the chap lain believed tbey were attentive to what was said. These movements, which were undertaken to elevate the character of the soldiers, could not but have an effect upon tbe success of the missionaries.437 Under the protection of Fort Snelling efforts were also made to do religious work among the fur trad ers. Tbe inhabitants of Mendota were old voy- ageurs and traders, French and half-breeds, and most of them, having lived long without tbe minis trations of the church, remembered the faith of their 158 OLD FORT SNELLING childhood days in Canada. When in 1838 the Min nesota country west of tbe Mississippi was made a part of tbe Territory of Iowa, tbe Diocese of Du buque was extended to correspond with tbe political area. In the following summer Bishop Loras of Du buque visited the upper Mississippi and was enter tained at tbe fort and by tbe faithful Catholics at Mendota. These amounted in number to one hun dred and eighty -five, fifty-six of whom were baptized, eight were confirmed, and four couples were given the nuptial benediction. The need for permanent work was great. Plans were made to bring one or two Sioux to Dubuque to pass tbe winter and teach the language to some worker. In the spring of 1840 Rev. Lucian Galtier was sent up to be tbe pastor of this flock.438 It was often with despair that the missionaries saw the Indians still clinging to their heathen rites, and tbe few additions to the churches do not indicate any great transformation of an Indian nation. But if the lives of tbe natives were not elevated by their contact with the whites it was not because tbey bad no opportunity. Tbe forces which led to tbeir de generation had tbe start of tbe civilizing forces, and they also appealed more to the Indian's nature. At tbe same time both romance and lustre is added to the relations of Old Fort Snelling with the surround ing Indians by tbe story of the attempts of tbe men wbo bad a vision of what Indian life could be, and who unselfishly tried to make that vision a reality, encouraged and supported by tbe military men at tbe fort. XI THE FASHIONABLE TOUR George Catlin, whose wanderings in tbe West had acquainted him with the most beautiful and tbe most accessible scenic spots of the country, urged upon bis readers the adoption of a trip to tbe Falls of St. Anthony as tbe "Fashionable Tour".439 Primitive life and unspoiled landscapes" could be seen from tbe comfortable decks of tbe steamboat. The objective point of these trips was the Falls of St. Anthony, but it was at Fort Snelling that the passengers were dropped. Only because of tbe necessity of bring ing supplies to tbe troops at tbe post did tbe steam boats make the journey. It is in tbe writings of these visitors that there have been preserved many pictures of life in and about Fort Snelling. More over, these visits from tbe 'outside world brought pleasure and satisfaction to the smaller world about the fort. In the month of May, 1823, occurred an event which was epochal, not only in regard to tbe com mercial development of tbe Northwest, but also in respect to tbe growth of the upper Mississippi as a Mecca for travellers. The steamboat "Virginia", one hundred and twenty feet long with a twenty foot beam, commanded by Captain Crawford, left St. Louis with supplies for Fort Snelling; on the tenth 159 160 OLD FORT SNELLING of May it was received by tbe soldiers at the fort with a salute of cannon and by the assembled In dians with awe and consternation.440 "I know not what impression the first sight of tbe Phoenician vessels might make on tbe inhabitants of the coasts of Greece, ' ' wrote one wbo was a passenger on that eventful voyage, ' ' or the Triremi of tbe Romans on the natives of Iberia, Gaul, or Britain ; but I am sure it could not be stronger than that which I saw on tbe countenances of these savages at the arrival of our steam-boat. ' ' 441 The man who wrote these words was J. C. Bel trami, an Italian refugee, who for political reasons had fled from bis native land. In 1823 be met Major Taliaferro at Pittsburgh and requested permission to accompany him to the Falls of St. Anthony. This was granted, and in company with the Indian agent he arrived at Fort Snelling on tbe first steamboat to brave the current of tbe upper Mississippi.442 Here for almost two months he was entertained by tbe officials at the post, visiting the Indian bands, attend ing their councils, writing letters to "My Dear Countess",443 and conversing with Mrs. Snelling wbo alone could speak French with him.444 He was on tbe point of setting out overland for Council Bluffs when another party arrived at the post. In the list of the exploring expeditions which trav ersed tbe region about the bead of Lake Superior, by far tbe most important was the one led by Stephen H. Long and conducted under the auspices of the War Department. The permanent members of the THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 161 party were Major Long of the Topographical En gineers, Thomas Say, zoologist and antiquary, Wil liam H. Keating, mineralogist and geologist, Samuel Seymour, landscape painter and designer, and James E. Colboun, astronomer and assistant topographer. The start was made at Philadelphia on April 30, 1823, and tbe route led by way of Wheeling and Chi cago to Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien. From this point Major Long and Mr. Colhoun travelled by land and the others by water, the two parties arriving at the fort on July 2nd and July 3rd re spectively. After a few days wait the journey was again resumed late on the afternoon of July 9th.445 In tbe meantime much had been done. Tbe orders issued to Major Long had authorized him to call upon the commanding officer at. any post for men, horses, camp equipage, provisions, boats, clothing, medicines, and goods to tbe value of three hundred dollars to be distributed among the Indians.446 Bis cuits were baked in tbe ovens of the fort; Joseph Renville was engaged as an interpreter; and the detachment of troops which bad accompanied them from Prairie du Chien was exchanged for a new guard, consisting of a sergeant, two corporals, and eighteen soldiers under the command of Lieutenant St. Clair Denny.447 But these preparations did not prevent them from enjoying the scenic views about Fort Snelling. On the sixth of July a walk was taken to tbe Falls of St. Anthony. An island in tbe river which divided tbe falls into two parts tempted Mr. Say, Mr. Col- 162 OLD FORT SNELLING houn, and Mr. Keating to cross, tbe water being only two feet deep. But the ford was located only a few feet above tbe ledge of tbe rock, and the slippery footing rendered the exploit extremely dangerous. When this had been safely accomplished, Mr. Say and Mr. Colhoun crossed in the same way the eastern half of the falls, while Mr. Keating with great dif ficulty returned to the western bank. Later when the others were crossing the dangerous passage, tbey were seen to be in great difficulties whereupon one of tbe soldiers went out and aided them to the shore. Only after they had been strengthened by a dinner, prepared by the old sergeant who was in charge of tbe government mills, were tbey able to return to the fort.448 The expedition went up tbe Minnesota River to its source, then down tbe Red River to Lake Winnipeg and returned to the East by way of tbe fur trader 's route along the international boundary and Lake Superior. Fear of the Indians living about the mouth of tbe Blue Earth River, one of whose number had been arrested and sent to St. Louis for murder, bad suggested the necessity of the military escort. But when the place was reached no trouble resulted, as the Indians had gone on their summer hunt. Ac cordingly nine of the soldiers were sent back with canoes — some of the supplies having been destroyed by accidents. Those who remained had no easy task. There were only nine horses, and these were reserved for the officers and "gentlemen" of the company, so that the privates were obliged to walk.449 THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 163 On August 9th when tbe party left Pembina be hind, tbeir number had dwindled. Joseph Snelling, son of Colonel Snelling, wbo had gone with them thus far, returned by the same route with three soldiers. J. C. Beltrami, who had been allowed to cast bis lot with theirs, and who bad been equipped and supplied by the Indian agent, wbo bad presented bim with the "noble steed 'Cadmus' ",450 also left tbem. In com pany with two Chippewas and a bois-brule of Red River, he set out for tbe southeast with the purpose of there finding tbe source of the Mississippi. Upon a small lake, which be named Lake Julia, he con ferred the honor of being the bead of the great river, while it seemed to bim that the "shades of Marco Polo, of Columbus, of Americus Vespucius, of the Cabots, of Verazani, of tbe Zenos, and various others, appeared present, and joyfully assisting at this high and solemn ceremony".451 After a journey of great suffering he was welcomed at Fort Snell ing — wearing a hat made of tbe bark of a tree, and clothes of skins.452 Not until late in tbe fall did the connection of Fort Snelling with this expedition cease, when the soldiers who had accompanied tbe party as far as Sault Ste. Marie returned to tbeir post by tbe Fox- Wisconsin route after a journey rendered exceedingly disagree able by the cold.453 In tbe summer of 1835 George Catlin and his wife spent several months at Fort Snelling. Mr. Catlin was an artist wbo made a specialty of Indian scenes, and his time was occupied in painting scenes of In- 164 OLD FORT SNELLING dian life and portraits of Indian chiefs. His studio was a room in the officers ' quarters, and his models were tbe natives who lingered about tbe agency. Mr. Catlin was extremely desirous of painting some pictures of Indian dances and ball-plays. In order to persuade the Indians to do their part, Lawrence Taliaferro told tbem on July 3rd that if tbey would come the next day and entertain the vis itors, the great gun at the fort would be fired twenty- one times for their amusement. As this was tbe salute for tbe national holiday, he was safe in making the prophecy. Accordingly, on the fourth of July the prairie near the fort, for two hours, rang with the excited shouts of the ball-players ; and when this pastime was finished the " beggar 's-dance", tbe "buffalo-dance", tbe "bear-dance", the "eagle- dance", and the "dance-of-the-braves" furnished entertainment for three hours more.454 On the sixteenth of July General Robert Patterson of Philadelphia with his sister and daughter arrived on the steamboat "Warrior". For their amusement tbe Indians staged tbe ' ' dog-dance ' ', using for tbeir victims two dogs which were presented to them by the officers of the garrison. Accompanied by a sol dier George Catlin left for Prairie du Chien on July 27th. "About this lovely spot", be wrote, "I have whiled away a few months with great pleasure, and having visited all the curiosities, and all tbe different villages of Indians in the vicinity, I close my note book and start in a few days for Prairie du Chien, which is three hundred miles below this ; where I THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 165 shall have new subjects for my brush and new themes for my pen, when I may continue my epistles."455 In tbe thirties began that series of geological sur veys which bas continued ever since, under both the national and State governments. In the fall of 1835 George William Featberstonhaugb and William Williams Mather, geologists in the service of the government, made a survey of the Minnesota .Valley. The detailed scientific report of the survey was pub lished by the government;456 while a popular de scription of tbe trip, written by Mr. Featberston haugb, appeared in London in 1847 entitled, "A Canoe Voyage up tbe Minnay Sotor". From September 12th to September 15th on tbe up- journey and from October 16th to October 22nd on the return, tbe scientist was entertained at tbe fort. The reception which he received did not im press bim with its cordiality. "I could not but re flect upon the contrast betwixt the very kind atten tions I had received at the other American posts, and the want of them I experienced here."457 But tbe feeling was mutual. Tbe keen Indian agent char acterized him by saying: "He attempted to pass current for that which he possessed not — superior talent and modesty in bis profession."458 Mr, Featherstonhaugh was an Englishman in whose nar rative American institutions were not praised. Even tbe presence of bis American co-laborer, Mr. Mather, is not suspected by reading the entertaining story, for his name is not mentioned once. It is difficult, therefore, to judge how accurate tbe 166 OLD FORT SNELLING account of bis stay at Fort Snelling really is. Tbe room which was given to him for bis use was ' ' an old dirty, ill-smelling, comfortless store-room", and Major L (Loomis?) wbo was asked by tbe commandant to provide accommodations for the visitor bored him with bis psalm-singing and ex hortations, being "a living rod in soak to tickle up sluggish Christians". But, probably unwittingly, Featherstonhaugh admitted that Fort Snelling was of some service to him. For the supplies and veg etables taken from tbe post gardens brought the gunwale of the canoe to within four inches of the water ! 459 Further exploration of the upper Mississippi was made by Joseph N. Nicollet during the summer of the next year. This French scientist was aided in part by the War Department, and in part by tbe fur traders, P. Chouteau, Jr., & Co., of St. Louis.460 While at Fort Snelling he determined to visit the sources of the great river, and in bis enterprises be was greatly assisted by Lawrence Taliaferro, H. H. Sibley, and the officers at the fort. Some of tbe soldiers wished to accompany bim, but the absence of many of the garrison at Prairie du Chien made their presence at tbe post necessary. Some Chip pewa Indians, some half-breeds, and a Frenchman, Desire Fronchet, were his only companions when tbe ascent of the river was commenced. But at tbe first stopping place, near tbe Falls of St. Anthony, a band of thieving Sioux robbed bim of many of bis sup plies, and the attempt would have been given up had THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 167 not Major Taliaferro made good tbe loss from his own means.461 Nicollet visited Lake Itasca and in dicated its principal tributary, so that some authors have credited him with being the discoverer of the true source of the Mississippi.462 After tbe return from this perilous journey, the winter was spent at Fort Snelling in working over the notes and a map. For the kindness shown him Mr. Nicollet expressed great appreciation, though the rude hospitality of the frontier post could pro vide no supper better than wild rice, mush, and milk, and no sleeping quarters better than the storehouse. But here he was entertained, as the agent wrote, in Virginia fashion where a call lasts six months and a visit one year ; and the nights were made merry with the music of the violin and piano, and with the ani mated conversation of Taliaferro and Nicollet. For many hours on cold winter nights he studied through bis telescope the stars in the clear heavens.463 Mr. Nicollet devoted two more seasons to examin ing tbe country between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers in company with John C. Fremont. In 1838 a trip was made from Fort Snelling to the pipestone quarry ; and in 1839 bis party ascended tbe Missouri River to Fort Pierre, and then passed over tbe prairies to tbe Mississippi.464 Tbe accounts of these journeys were widely read, and coming from the pen of such an able scientist and pleasing writer, the in terest of the country was turned to tbe rich possibil ities of this new Northwest.465 In addition to these well-known travellers there 168 OLD FORT SNELLING was a host of people who made tbe trip as a vacation jaunt. On June 1, 1836, the "Palmyra" arrived with thirty passengers. The steamboat "Burling ton" tied up at Fort Snelling on June 13, 1838, hav ing among its many passengers Captain Frederick Marryat, the popular English novelist. Only two days later tbe "Brazil" was moored near the "Bur lington", the presence pf two boats at tbe same time being considered a novel sight. Tbe family of Gov ernor Henry Dodge was on this second boat.466 On June 26, 1838, tbe "Burlington" was again at Fort Snelling. Among tbe tourists on this trip was Mrs. Alexander Hamilton who had embarked at Ga lena where she had been visiting her son, W. S. Hamilton, wbo was connected with lead mining en terprises in Wisconsin. Tbe fact that Mrs. Hamil ton had been a belle in society during the time of George Washington, and the general sympathy felt for her ever since the tragic death of ber husband in 1804, caused her to be received with more attention than was usually bestowed on tourists. At nine o'clock she w^as taken in a carriage to the Falls of St. Anthony, and when she returned to tbe fort in tbe afternoon tbe officers met her at the gate and led ber to a chair placed upon a carpet in the center of the parade ground. After the troops had been reviewed she was entertained at the headquarters of the fort until the "Burlington" left that same evening.467 Tbe extent of this tourist traffic is well illustrated in tbe newspapers of tbe time. Advertisements tell THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 169 of tbe interesting features to be seen on a trip to the upper Mississippi, of the pleasures of steamboat travel, and promise that "A first rate band of music will be on board. ' ' 468 An editor paused long enough in the exciting presidential "Log Cabin" campaign of 1840 to remark that "Pleasure trips to these Falls appear to be quite the go. Large parties of ladies and gentlemen have passed up on the steamboats Loyal Hanna and Malta. And we noticed in a late St. Louis paper, tbe advertisements of the Valley Forge, lone, Brazil and Monsoon, all for 'pleasure excursions to St. Peters'. We see also in the same paper, that tbe steamboat Fayette is advertised ' for Harrison and Reform' — rather an extensive coun try we should think, at tbe present time. ' ' 469 Even as far away as Louisville, Kentucky, steamboats were chartered for trips to the upper waters of tbe Mississippi River.470 The pleasures of such a journey, the scenery en joyed, the people met, tbe events of the day spent at Fort Snelling are well illustrated by two letters writ ten by the Right Reverend Jackson Kemper, wbo was the missionary bishop of the Northwest of the Episcopal Church.471 In the month of August, 1843, be was the guest of Captain Throckmorton on tbe steamboat ' ' General Brooke ' ' ; and he made the trip to Fort Snelling to confer with Rev. Ezekiel Gear who was the chaplain at the post. The first letter was dated August 25, 1843, and was written to his daughter. "Here we are snug and almost dry on a sand bar 170 OLD FORT SNELLING and not more than 13 miles below St. Peters", be wrote. "While tbe Captain and bis men are using all kinds of methods to get us off — the chief of which is to put our freight into a large barge aside of us — I will write you a few lines. It is now past 8 o'c. P. M. We still hope to get to the fort before night (mid-night I mean) Then tbe Captain says be will give us an early breakfast tomorrow and send us off to see tbe falls (5 Miles distant) and we must return so as to start down the river by noon. This is too bad in many respects ; but what can we do ? I have not time to stay with Mr. Gear until tbe next boat arrives ; that may not be for a w^eek or two ; so I will say to Mr. G. when I see him : Here I am, & I have come not to see tbe falls but you, and I am at your disposal as long as I am here. If you choose to take me to the falls, it is well ; if you prefer that I should remain in your house I am content. — It is still prob able that I shall be at Potosi next tuesday Morning. To travel on Sunday, and particularly to do so with out an opportunity of preaching, will be very bard. There will probably be only 4 passengers besides my self on the return. There was a little boat tbe other [day?] a-bead of us, and I hoped she might be de tained at tbe fort until Monday — but that prospect bas vanished, for she bas just past us descending to Galena. "It is supposed to be 500 miles from St. Louis to Prairie du Chien and 300 from there to St. Peters. We stopt at Prairie du Cbien for some hours and a Judge Lockwood came on board who with his wife is THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 171 an Episcopalian. He told me there are several in and about tbe town & be thought the prospect of organizing a church a fair one if a Missionary could be obtained (We are off tbe sand bar). From the prairie our voyage has been delightful. At the dis tance of a mile or two from the river on each side are ranges of lofty hills, in a great variety of shapes. Many of tbem appeared as if the river had flowed for ages near to their tops. Some of tbem looked as if tbey had been cut in two ; and on the peaks of several were large blocks of rock. As we were woodding I spoke of going up to one of tbem but was told it was dangerous on account of rattle-snakes. There is a curious fact connected with that reptile. Cannon river flows into tbe Mis' from the west — it is a long & narrow stream — 'nine miles above Lake Pepin. They are never found north of that stream, although they abound below it. One of the hills we saw yes terday had 3 or 4 large blocks of rock upon it, called the pot and kettles from their resemblance to those useful utensils. The prairies were frequent & some peculiarly attractive. On Wabasa's we saw a Sioux village — and a farmer's establishment — he being sent there by the U. S. to civilize the Indians. This morning we passed another village called Red Wings but saw very few of the inhabitants. The corn field was very .... [illegible] and there were in it elevated frames where the boys are kept to scare away the blackbirds. I saw smoke near the frames, the boys having kindled a fire to roast ears of corn for tbeir comfort. The Sioux have winter & summer 172 OLD FORT SNELLING houses. The latter are conical made of buffalo robes covering poles. The summer lodges looked some thing like poor log huts & are made of poles & elm bark. Near Red Wings village there is a Miss7 establishment from Switzerland. — Lake Pepin is a beautiful sheet of water thro wh the M. flows or is an expanse of tbe M. & is 25 miles by 3. It apparently abounded in large fish, for tbey were constantly jumping out of tbe water. Its banks you know are celebrated for agates — but we have not time to stop a moment. — The settlements above P. du Chien are very few — now and then a solitary dwelling & a wood yard. At one of these places tbe man told me his nearest neighbor was 20 miles off. In winter there is a good deal of travelling on tbe river in sleighs. About half way up Lake Pepin is tbe lov er's rock of which you have heard, the Chippeway river enters from the East just below tbe commence ment of the Lake, & its Mouth is 100 Miles below St. Peters. Up it & like wise up tbe St. Croix are saw1 mills, as that country abounds with Pine. Tbe Mouth of tbe St. Croix is 30 miles below St. Peters. Here is a beautiful lake as large as L. Pepin thro' which the St. C. flows just before it joins the M. — We have a Mr. Akin on board whose trading estab lishment is 300 Miles north of the St. Peters & 60 west of Lake Superior. Then he has been among the Chippeways 33 yrs. He bas been thro' Lake Superior 30 times to New York for goods & returned as often; and now for the first time be has traded with St. Louis. He knows perfectly all tbe Ian- THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 173 guages around him. The most copious is the Chip peway. He says tbey have some what of a written language, and he bas frequently seen an Indian write off a ... . [illegible] for another on a piece of bark. He thinks the characters are something like those of the Mexicans. — Now I suppose you would like to receive a letter with the S. Peter's post Mark; and if I ascertain it will not take more than a Month on its journey you shall receive this thro that channel ; otherwise I will reserve it for the p. o. of P. du Chien".472 Tbe narrative is continued in a letter of August 29, 1843, written from Potosi, Wisconsin, to bis son : ' ' Although you may not have a very high opinion of the West, yet I think you would have liked to be with me in my late trip to St. Peters. The weather was delightful and the scenery grand and very novel. You have probably seen my letter to your sister; I will therefore say, we arrived at the end of our voy age last f riday night, and as the fog was very thick tbe next morning we could not see where we were until 8 oclock. Then the fort on a high hill, with its flag flying, had a fine appearance. Mr. Gear tbe chaplain soon called at the boat and appeared great ly rejoiced to see me. I accompanied him to his quarters and saw his family and some of the officers and ladies of the garrison, and then he and I rode out 8 miles to the falls of St. Anthony. Though very inferior to those of Niagara, they are still well worth seeing. The scenery is wild — there are many im mense rocks in the river, evidently broken off from 174 OLD FORT SNELLING tbe precipice over which the water is dashed with considerable noise — ¦ tbe water in its fall is frequent ly broken — but even when it is not so, tbe height is not more than 17-J feet. Returning we went to a bill from whence we could see the whole of the fall for there is an island in the middle of tbe river which hides one half of it when you are near. A mile or two further brought us to a most beautiful and lofty cascade on Nine Mile river. The quantity of water was not large, but it fell amidst the wildest scene, unbroken, over a ledge of rock which extended far beyond its foundation. — There were not many In dians. Tbe few I saw were Sioux who looked much degenerated by tbeir contact with the Whites. Tbe families of the officers appeared very happy; tbe ladies told me they were like sisters. For months they have no visitors but wild Indians — Sioux or Chippeways. An old Scotchman who had been in this country 50 years told me that all the tribes to tbe North and West speak the Chippeway language or its dialects ; that tbe Sioux is entirely different from it, but that a dialect of it is spoken by tbe Win nebagoes, with this difference that the Sioux lan guage has not the sound of tbe letter R in it while almost every word of the Winnebago abounds with Rs. He thinks that a person knowing the two lan guages — the C. and S. could travel through tbe in- dian country from Mexico to tbe N. Pole and make himself understood. — We had to return to the boat by one oclock, and soon after we started clown the river. Near the Mouth of the St. Croix — about 45 THE FASHIONABLE TOUR 175 miles below St. Peters, I saw on a prairie a large stone painted a bright red, to which tbe Indians offer sacrifices of tobacco &c. and consider a Wa-Kon or Spirit. — As we were on our journey Sunday after noon I saw a bark canoe paddling towards us with great rapidity containing as I first thought an Indian and a white Man. The steamer was stopt, and soon the chattels (kettle, coffee-pot, &c) then the men afterwards the boat itself were on board. Tbey proved to be a miner wbo bad gone from Galena and a stout lad. Eight months ago a number of persons were induced by offers of land from Government to go to Lake Superior in search of copper ; and a large party had lately been occupied in removing an im mense block of copper from tbe bed of a river which empties into the Lake. This miner had been thus occupied; and he informed me that the task was done — that the block weighed three tons — that it was to be taken to New York &c as an object of curi osity. A fortnight ago be bad started from the spot- — -skirted tbe Lake to a certain river, ascended that to its source, then carried the canoe with its contents 2 or 3 miles on their shoulders until tbey met the bead waters of tbe St. Croix, and descended that river to the Mississippi."478 XII THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 The relations of the United States government to the Indians prior to 1871 shows a dual attitude. On the one hand, tbe Indians were the government's wards. By the ninth of the Articles of Confedera tion, Congress was given tbe right of "regulating tbe trade and managing all affairs with the Indians who were not members of any of the states " ; 474 and by the act regulating Indian trade no cession of land could be valid unless made by treaty or convention.475 On the other band, these treaties were negotiated and proclaimed with all the pomp and ceremony which would appeal to tbe Indian 's mind and impress him with his importance as a member of a sovereign nation. This was distinctly a "legal fiction", but it continued as tbe customary method of procedure until the act of March 3, 1871, abolished tbe practice of considering tbe tribes as independent nations.476 As the nation increased in strength and tbe agri cultural and commercial forces of tbe country were pushing westward and coming into contact with the distant tribes, the treaties increased in number and importance. Urged by the cries of hungry land- seekers the cession of land by the natives gradually became the most important phase of all treaties ; and 176 THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 177 in order that tbe new settlements might be protected from vengeful Indians tbe title to the land rested on legal cession rather than on conquest. It is stated on tbe authority of the Commissioner of Indian Af fairs that "Except only in the case of tbe Sioux In dians in Minnesota, after tbe outbreak of 1862, the Government has never extinguished an Indian title as by right of conquest ; and in this case the Indians were provided with another reservation, and subse quently were paid the net proceeds arising from tbe sale of the land vacated. ' ' 477 The negotiation of a treaty was not an easy affair. There were no recognized representatives of the tribe. In order that a treaty might be satisfactory it was necessary that all factions be consulted; and the braves who gathered often numbered into tbe hundreds. Thus, in planning the negotiations a satisfactory place and an opportune time must be selected, while the red men must be supported while away from home and protected from lurking en emies. It was in these phases of treaty-making that tbe military posts showed their importance. The first important treaty with which tbe tribes living about Fort Snelling were concerned was that made at Prairie du Cbien in 1825. Tbe little fron tier village presented a gala appearance during the month of August when tbe great convocation was held. There were Chippewas, Sioux, Sacs and Foxes, Menomonies, Iowas, Winnebagoes, and a por tion of tbe Ottawa, Chippewa, and Pottawattomie tribes living on the Illinois River gathered to consult 178 OLD FORT SNELLING with Governor Lewis Cass of Michigan and General William Clark, the government's commissioners. Of the 1054 drawing rations on tbe last day, 386 were of tbe delegation of Sioux and Chippewas gathered by Major Taliaferro at Fort Snelling and brought down in safety to make a triumphal entry in true Indian style with flags flying, drums beating, and guns firing.478 Although there was no cession of land, distinct progress was made in that tbe territories of the vari ous tribes were defined, thus making negotiations easier for the future. Of especial importance was the Sioux-Chippewa boundary line, which made clear the territory of each tribe, so that when tbe year 1837 arrived and treaties were made to obtain tbe lands east of the Mississippi, the areas with which each was concerned were clearly understood.479 By the year 1837 many conditions called for tbe cession of these lands. The forests, tbe water- power, the mines of lead and other ores aroused the desires of speculators. Settlers were thronging to Wisconsin, and it was felt that if the land could be purchased and tbe Indians removed, the people would be safe from any attacks, and the Indians would be removed from the contaminating influence of many of the undesirable whites.480 There were also the traders who for years past bad given credit to many worthless Indians who bad never brought back from the hunt furs sufficient to pay for tbe goods advanced them; and tbey hoped that in the THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 179 payment for tbe lands certain sums would be re served for the liquidation of these debts.481 In the early summer of 1837 Major Taliaferro was ordered to organize a delegation of Sioux Indians wbo could be taken to Washington, where the Sioux negotiations would take place. At the same time orders were issued to summon the Chippewas of the upper Mississippi to a council to be held at Fort Snelling. To both of these groups the subject of the purchase of the Indian lands east of tbe Mississippi would be broached.482 Miles Vineyard, who was the sub-agent at Fort Snelling, was immediately sent to the villages of tbe Chippewas. Early in July the red men began to arrive, and by July 20th about a thousand men, wo men, and children had pitched tbeir tepees near the fort. Many were the notable chiefs gathered there with tbeir warriors. With the Pillager band from Leech Lake was Chief Flat Mouth, wbo had twenty- five times been on the warpath without receiving a wound, who bad delivered his English medal to Pike in 1806, and whose band had been attacked by the Sioux under the walls of Fort Snelling in 1827. Tbe most famous of the Chippewa chiefs, he was still liv ing in 1852, being then seventy-eight years old.488 The chief of the bands from Gull Lake and Swan River was Hole-in-the-Day. Energetic, brave, and intelligent, he gained a great influence over the Chip pewas of the upper Mississippi. His name, which literally meant a bright spot in the sky, is often writ- 180 OLD FORT SNELLING ten Hole-in-the-Sky. He was a frequent visitor at Fort Snelling and came to his death, at that place in 1847 when be fell from a wagon, breaking bis neck and dying instantly.484 His brother Strong Ground or Strong Earth was also present at tbe council. He bad been a member of Flat Mouth's band at the time of tbe massacre in 1827. Thirty-six eagle plumes waved from his head-dress at tbe time of his death, each of them representing the scalp of an enemy. The first of these he obtained when as a small boy be dashed into tbe ranks of the Sioux during a con flict and scalped a fallen warrior.485 Chiefs and warriors from tbe St. Croix River, Mille Lac, and Sandy Lake, with tbeir followers, were also en camped near the fort. There were also notables among the white men gathered there. The United States commissioner was Henry Dodge, known as an Indian fighter, and at that time Governor of Wisconsin Territory. Gen eral William R. Smith of Pennsylvania, who bad been appointed by the President to serve as a com missioner with Governor Dodge, was unable to come. Lawrence Taliaferro, the Indian agent, was busied with many duties connected with the safety of tbe visitors. Four hundred Sioux hovered about, and these had to be kept at a safe distance to avoid con flicts. Verplanck Van Antwerp, the secretary of the commission; J. N. Nicollet, the explorer; H. H. Sibley; and many other fur traders watched tbe negotiations and put their names to tbe treaty as witnesses.486 THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 181 Tbe council began on July 20th. It was with tbe chiefs that Governor Dodge parleyed, but the war riors and braves felt that they also should have some part in tbe proceedings. On one occasion several hundred of them, streaked with tbeir brightest paint, waving their tomahawks and spears and carrying tbe war flag of the Chippewas, together with tbe flag of the United States, interrupted the council with their whoops and drums; and when tbey bad ap proached the chair of the Governor, paused while two of the warriors harangued the crowd on tbe kindness of the traders and the debts owed them.487 The negotiations were carried on in a bower near the bouse of the agent. The chiefs were assembled daily ; the peace pipe was smoked ; and the red men, dressed only in leggings and breech cloths, with their long hair hanging over tbeir shoulders under tbe eagle feathers upon their heads, and medals dangling from tbeir necks, spoke of lands, of the traders, and of wars. Tbe speeches of the Indians seemed inter minable. From day to day action was postponed as they were waiting for other bands to arrive. To prolong the council as long as possible was satisfying to the appetite of the Indian. The rations issued by the commissary at Fort Snelling were not to be eagerly exchanged for the fare of a Chippewa lodge in the northern woods. But at first the menu was not satisfactory. Nadin (the Wind) complained on July 24th: "You have everything around you, and can give us some of tbe cattle that are around us on tbe prairie. At the treaty of Prairie du Chien, 182 OLD FORT SNELLING the case was as difficult as this. The great Chief then fed us well with cattle." 488 Evidently this hint was acted upon, as tbe old records show that by July 30th ten beeves weighing 6123 pounds had been fur nished the Chippewas who were assembled to the number of 1400.489 The amount of supplies used on such an occasion is indicated by instructions given to Alexander Ramsey and John Chambers who in 1849 were commissioned to treat with tbe Sioux Indians at Fort Snelling. Tbey were authorized to obtain from the commissary at Fort Snelling 15,000 rations of flour, 10,000 of pork, 10,000 of salt, 10,000 of beans, and 5000 of soap.490 At tbe first meeting Governor Dodge spoke to tbe Chippewas of the purpose of tbe council. Tbeir lands east of the Mississippi, be informed them, were not valuable in game and were not suited for agri cultural purposes. They were said to be covered with pine trees, which the white men were eager to obtain, and accordingly the government was willing to pay tbe Chippewa nation for tbem. Thus, by sell ing the land tbey could obtain money for that which actually was of little value to them.491 There evidently was no intention on the part of tbe Indians not to sell the lands, but the council was pro tracted, pending the arrival of other bands. Not until July 27th did they make any movement to close the deal. On that day, Ma-ghe-ga-bo, a warrior of tbe Pillager band, dressed in his most fantastic cos tume, covered a map of tbe land in question with a piece of paper, remarking that when the paper was THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 183 removed the land would be considered sold. He added a final request: "My father, in all tbe coun try we sell you, we wish to bold on to that which gives us life — the streams and lakes where we fish, and the trees from which we make sugar." Finally be asked all the chiefs wbo agreed to sell the land to rise. About thirty arose at bis word. Immediately Ma-ghe-ga-bo raised the paper from the map and seized the hand of Governor Dodge. The sale was made. There remained only to agree upon the terms of tbe cession.492 During tbe negotiations, reference had been made continually by tbe Indians to the traders and tbe payment of tbe debts owed tbem. Pe-sbe-ke said: "I have been supported by tbe trader, and without his aid, could not get through the winter with naked skin. The grounds where your children have to hunt are as bare as that on which I now stand, and have no game upon them. . . . We have not much to give tbe traders, as our lands and bunting grounds are so destitute. Do us a kindness by pay ing our old debts." That be was coached to make the remark is evident from bis statement that ' ' No body — no trader has instructed me what to say to you."493 On July 29th the terms were finally agreed upon, and while the secretary was writing out the treaty the braves of the Chippewas held a dance under the walls of Fort Snelling. This indicated not only their satisfaction at tbe successful conclusion of the council, but was also intended as a compliment to 184 OLD FORT SNELLING tbe commissioner. Three hundred warriors circled about in their gaudy costumes, recounting during the pauses of the dance the deeds of bravery they had done and tbe number of Sioux scalps tbey had obtained. At a distance a great number of Sioux looked upon tbe scene, not daring to interfere when the troops of tbe fort were so near.494 By this treaty the Chippewas ceded an immense tract of land east of tbe Mississippi. In return the United States agreed to pay annually for twenty years $9500 in money, $19,000 in goods, $3000 for blacksmiths, $1000 for farmers, $2000 in provisions, and $500 in tobacco. One hundred thousand dollars was to be paid to the half-breeds, and $70,000 was set aside to pay tbe claims of the fur traders. Tbe privilege of hunting, fishing, and gathering wild rice along the lakes and rivers of tbe ceded territory was reserved for tbe Indians.495 This cession of land by tbe Chippewas had its counterpart in a treaty concluded by Sioux chiefs on September 29, 1837, in Washington, whither tbey had been taken by Major Taliaferro. All their lands east of the Mississippi — the land between tbe Black River and the Mississippi River as far north as tbe Sioux-Chippewa boundary line was given up for various considerations amounting in total to almost one million dollars.496 By these two treaties all the lands east of Fort Snelling were opened to settlement and commercial exploitation. As soon as the news of their ratifica tion came, developments immediately began — de- THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837 185 velopments which had an important bearing upon tbe future history of Old Fort Snelling. Tbe days when tbe Chippewa treaty was being drawn up are important, not only because they present an interest ing sight of the picturesque features of an Indian council, but also because they show how Fort Snell ing was assisting in tbe opening up of the rich timber lands and fertile prairies that border the Mississippi River. For many years tbe payment of annuities that had been promised the Sioux was an annual reminder of these treaties. It was necessary that each Indian receive his portion of the goods and money in person in order to prevent fraud. In the late summer of each year all the warriors of Red Wing's and Waba sha's villages would leave tbeir homes for the fort. In the agency building the United States officers, with the roll of tbe Sioux nation before them, called tbe names of the individuals, who one by one stepped up, touched the pen of the secretary, received the money, and deposited it in the box of his band. Out side was the typical Indian group — squaws, chil dren, dogs, and braves smoking their pipes and talk ing of past achievements. And in order that tbe In dians might always be conscious of tbe presence of tbe soldiers of tbe "Great Father", the band of tbe fort played patriotic and thrilling airs.497 With the transfer of tbe Indians to reservations higher up on the Minnesota River tbe payment of these annuities became a task which could no longer be performed at the fort. But the guarding of tbe 186 OLD FORT SNELLING funds was a necessity. Captain James Monroe spent tbe latter half of the month of November, 1852, at Traverse des Sioux with one subaltern and forty- seven men of tbe dragoons and infantry, protecting the money from bandits and Indians. William T. Magruder was ordered on October 23, 1853, to pro ceed in command of a detachment of troops to escort the money being sent to Fort Ridgely ; and exactly a year later, an officer and thirteen men were detailed to perform a similar task.498 XIII CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS "Tbe frontier army post," writes Professor F. J. Turner, "serving to protect the settlers from the Indians, has also acted as a wedge to open the Indian country, and has been a nucleus for settlement."499 When the Fifth Infantry built its cantonment on the Minnesota River there were no other habitations in tbe neighborhood. Traders yearly frequented the region and wintered on the banks of tbe Mississippi and Minnesota rivers, but tbeir headquarters were located at Prairie du Cbien. Immediately after the beginning of tbe military establishment, however, the movement mentioned by Professor Turner was in itiated. In tbe spring of 1820 J. B. Faribault came up with cattle for the garrison and decided to locate in the vicinity as a fur trader. On August 9th tbe Indians granted Pike's Island to his wife, Pelagi Faribault, who was the daughter of a Frenchman and a Sioux woman. Faribault immediately built houses upon the island, but high water washed tbem away. Thereupon he removed to the east side of the Missis sippi. It is probably to this establishment that Bel trami referred in 1823 when be wrote that ' ' there are no buildings round the fort, except three or four log- 187 188 OLD FORT SNELLING bouses on the banks of the river, in which some sub altern agents of tbe Southwest Company live among the frogs. ' ' 500 This position was also upon low land, and on April 21, 1826, when tbe ice began to move, Faribault's bouses were carried away, while he and bis family escaped in canoes.601 After this second disaster Faribault's establishment was erected at Mendota, where Alexis Bailly had already located.502 The growth of this village was very slow. But grad ually old fur traders settled about it with tbeir fam ilies; voyageurs, when not employed on tbe rivers, lounged about the trading bouse ; and tbe agents and clerks of the American Fur Company had their per manent homes in the rude log cabins which were clustered about. In tbe meantime a new element had been added to the surroundings of tbe fort. It was already three- quarters of a century since the traders bad erected the first trading post upon tbe Red River of the North. The early French voyageurs bad left a race of half-breeds, popularly called bois-brules, wbo were the vassals of the two great companies. When their strength had been spent in tbe labors of hunt ing and trapping, they retired to the vicinity of some post — the largest of these settlements being Fort Garry, the germ of tbe modern city of Winnipeg, which as early as 1823 boasted of a population of about six hundred.503 But not all of these balf-breeds were traders. Thomas Douglas, the fifth Lord Selkirk had secured from the Hudson's Bay Company the grant of an CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 189 immense tract of land on the Red River, and in 1811 he began the colonization of the region with poor immigrants from Scotland and Ireland. But tbe knowledge of the internal troubles of the company put an end to the immigration from these two coun tries, and Lord Selkirk turned to Switzerland for new recruits. In 1821 a ship full of Swiss sailed for Fort York on Hudson's Bay, and late in the fall the party reached tbe Red River after a toilsome jour ney up the Nelson River and across Lake Winnipeg. Being artisans and city-dwellers tbey were unable to endure the rough agricultural labors in the bleak north. Cold, floods, grasshoppers, and uncongenial neighbors rendered the location unpleasant.504 Travellers from the south brought news of a bet ter locality, and towards this place there soon began a movement which, while not great in any one year, was long continued. In 1821 five families made tbe journey to Fort Snelling, and tbeir success inspired others. In 1823 thirteen families made the perilous journey of four hundred miles. From year to year, as families became discouraged they left the colony. Four hundred and eighty-nine persons had arrived at Fort Snelling up to 1835.505 The many hardships endured by these travellers, and tbeir pitiful condition, appealed to the sympathy of the Americans,506 and tbey were welcomed and aided by tbe officers at Fort Snelling. During tbeir stay one party was granted the use of the old bar racks at Camp Cold Water. Employment was given tbe men upon the reservation, and those who pre- 190 OLD FORT SNELLING ferred to remain were allowed to settle upon the mil itary grounds. Comparatively few, however, made tbeir homes here, tbe greater number proceeding to Galena, Illinois, and Vevay, Indiana. On one occa sion provisions for the down-river journey in gov ernment keel-boats were issued by Colonel Snell ing.507 A third class of settlers around the fort was com posed of discharged soldiers. Men stationed at Fort Snelling saw tbe agricultural value of tbe surround ing lands, or the possibility of riches in tbe fur trade. Joseph R. Brown, who came as a drummer boy with Colonel Leavenworth in 1819, entered tbe employ of tbe post sutler when he ceased bis connec tion with the army, and later be became an Indian trader.508 Edward Phelan, John Hays, and William Evans, whose terms of service at Fort Snelling ex pired about this time were among tbe first settlers on tbe land ceded in tbe treaty of 1837.509 In the fall of 1837 it was revealed by a survey that there were one hundred and fifty-seven white per sons, not connected with the fort, living on tbe reser vation. Of these, eighty-two bad tbeir homes in the vicinity of Camp Cold Water and seventy-five at the fur trading establishments. Approximately two hundred horses and cattle were owned by these per sons.510 For many years pleasant relations existed between tbe officers at tbe post and the civilians. Tbe physi cian of tbe garrison willingly responded to calls for his aid made by the people living outside tbe fort. CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 191 "I am compelled", wrote Joseph Renville to H. H. Sibley, "to ask you for some assistance in regard to a disease which is very bad here — tbe whooping cough. I pray you to ask the doctor for some medi cine, particularly for some camphor."511 Many a time Lawrence Taliaferro presided at a frontier wedding, when in one of the rude huts on the reser vation the picturesque figure of the fur trader mingled with tbe glittering uniform of tbe officer, and dusky faces peered in at the windows awaiting the end of the ceremony when tbey also could par take of such a feast as only the prairies, lakes, and sutler's store could provide.512 In the troubles which naturally arose between the settlers and the Indians, the agent was the mediator. Thirty of Peter Musick's cattle were killed by In dians who, wanting only powder horns, left tbe car casses to tbe wolves.518 On July 13, 1834, Jacob Fal- strom came to tbe agency bringing tbe feet and bams of an ox which he claimed had been shot by a Sioux Indian at Mud Lake. He claimed thirty-five dollars from the Indian Department for the loss which he had sustained. As he was a poor man and bad a large family to support Major Taliaferro was moved to make an effort to aid him. "I proposed", be wrote in his diary the same evening, "to contribute $5 for the benefit of J. Faustram to Several of the Gentlemen of tbe Post — but not meeting with a cor responding Sentiment — the poor fellow must be in formed of my bad success in his behalf".514 Only a week later Joseph R. Brown asked to be 192 OLD FORT SNELLING paid for a hog which the Indians had killed.515 Dur ing the summer of 1837 Louis Massy claimed $150 ; Abraham Perry $50; and Benjamin F. Baker $750 for similar damages.516 Many years later the agent wrote of these unpleasant duties: "Tbe traders would make a detective of tbe agent if practicable. All thefts on each other were reported to tbe agent for justice. Deserting boatmen (fed on corn and tallow) must be forced to proceed up the St. Peter's with their outfits for the trade, right or wrong. Every ox, cow, calf or hog lost by persons on the In dian lands, tbe agents were expected to find tbe cul prits or pay for these often fictitious losses." 517 A new era in the history of these settlers began when tbe treaties of 1837 opened the lands east of tbe Mississippi to settlement. Some time before tbey bad heard rumors of the coming negotiations at Washington, and those living west of tbe Mississippi sent a memorial to tbe President stating that they had settled upon the land thinking it was part of the public domain and believing that they would have the right of preemption upon their claims. But now, if a new treaty was made and the land west of tbe Mississippi purchased for a military reservation, they asked tbat they be allowed reasonable compen sation for the improvements they had made. How ever, in tbe treaty no mention was made of a military reservation, tbe title to the land around tbe fort being allowed to rest upon Pike's treaty of 1805. 518 But to Major J. Plympton, who became tbe com manding officer at Fort Snelling during tbe summer CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 193 of 1837, the presence of these people was undesir able, and so in a letter written to tbe Adjutant-Gen eral he called attention to the settlement and com plained of tbe difficulty of obtaining fuel for the garrison when tbe squatters were also engaged in tbe same task. In his reply on November 17, 1837, the Adjutant-General directed that a reservation be marked off — the extent of Pike's purchase being indefinite.519 On March 26, 1838, Major Plympton sent a map of the territory which he chose to have considered as a military reservation. This reservation, contrary to tbe expectations of many, included land on the east side of tbe Mississippi. Thus there were many who thought that they had been using their legal rights of preemption when in reality they were only squatters. Order No. 65 issued at the post on July 26, 1838, forbade the erection of any buildings or fences upon the reservation, and prohibited tbe cut ting of timber except for public use.520 During this same time there seems to have been, on the part of those living on the west bank of the Mississippi, a movement to the east side. Mrs. Abraham Perry came to Agent Taliaferro on October 18, 1838, and complained that tbe Indians had killed three of ber cattle "just below the stone cave" — that is, Foun tain Cave which was on tbe east bank of tbe river.521 Yet her husband was among those who had signed tbe petition of August 16, 1837, as residents on the west side. Within these lands were also a number of shacks 194 OLD FORT SNELLING along tbe river bank a few miles below Fort Snelling. Here whiskey was clandestinely transferred from the boats before tbey proceeded upstream. During tbe winter of 1839 the presence of these resorts had a deteriorating effect upon the garrison. Surgeon Emerson wrote to the Surgeon General of the United States on April 23, 1839 : ' ' Since tbe middle of win ter we have been completely inundated with ardent spirits, and consequently the most beastly scenes of intoxication among the soldiers of this garrison and tbe Indians in its vicinity, which no doubt will add many cases to our sick-list .... I feel grieved to witness such scenes of drunkenness and dissipa tion where I have -spent many days of happiness, when we bad no ardent spirits among us, and con sequently sobriety and good conduct among tbe com mand."522 Brigadier General John E. Wool inspected Fort Snelling on June 2nd, and in a letter on June 28th he urged that the settlers be driven off the reserva tion. "Such is the character of tbe white inhab itants of that country", be wrote, "that if tbey can not be permitted to carry on their nefarious traffic with tbe Indians, it will sooner or later involve them in a war with the United States. ' ' 523 Influenced by these letters and reports Secretary of War J. R. Poinsett determined to compel all the settlers to leave. It is, however, wrong to suppose that all were guilty of whiskey-peddling. In a letter in which he commented on the number of persons present at the Sunday services in the fort the chap- CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 195 lain wrote that ' ' Some of the inhabitants also in the vicinity who were regular in tbeir attendance have removed. ' ' 524 The instructions for the removal were made out on October 21, 1839, and sent to Edward James, Mar shal of the Territory of Wisconsin. Tbey stated that if force should prove necessary to compel tbe people to leave, the Marshal should caU upon tbe commanding officer at Fort Snelling for such aid. In that case he was instructed to act "with as much forbearance, consideration, and delicacy as may be consistent with the prompt and faithful perform ance of tbe duties hereby assigned to you".525 The orders were not received by Marshal James until February 18, 1840, and he immediately for warded them to bis deputy, Ira B. Branson of Prairie du Chien. As soon as navigation opened in the spring be left for Fort Snelling. Notice was at once given to tbe settlers to move, and when they refused a detachment of soldiers was called out on May 6th and under tbe direction of a lieutenant and Marshal Brunson the household goods of tbe settlers were carried out and tbeir cabins destroyed.526 These ejected settlers found new homes a few miles down the river. In the midst of tbeir rude homes a log chapel was dedicated in November, 1841, to the Apostle St. Paul by tbe Reverend Lucian Gal- tier.527 As tbe ceded lands were more and more oc cupied, the little village enjoyed a corresponding growth. Gradually the name of the chapel was adopted as the name of tbe settlement. In 1849 tbe 196 OLD FORT SNELLING Territory of Minnesota was organized with the seat of tbe legislature at St. Paul. The new community prospered, and the town swarmed with settlers, In dians, travellers, and adventurers who lived in tents or slept in barns in lieu of better accommodations. There were also capitalists, tradesmen, and officials wdio here made tbeir homes.528 It was inevitable that between this new community and Fort Snelling close relations should exist. Tbe Territorial government was weak; to enforce order it was necessary for the Governor to make requisi tion on tbe fort for troops.529 Tbe jail at Fort Snell ing was also utilized for the punishment of many undesirable characters always drawn to a new re gion. James Higby who sold a promissory note which had already been paid, and Jacob Sbipler who was arrested on a charge of assault and battery were both given terms in the jail at the fort. John R. McGregor, who became angry and threw bis wife against a cooking stove, was separated from his help meet for a period of three months while he lan guished in the fort.530 The soldiers, in return, visited the frontier town, conducting themselves in tbe eyes of one observer "with much dignity and sobriety".531 Not always, however, could their actions be thus described. Two soldiers who bad just returned from an expedition to the Indian country, started for St. Paul on tbe evening of their return, carrying with them tbeir blankets which tbey meant to sell for "refresh- CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 197 ment". But tbeir bircb canoe upset and before aid could reach tbem tbey were drowned.532 But relations of a more innocent and more desir able sort also existed. In tbe officials of the Terri tory the officers at the fort found congenial spirits. One of the popular pastimes of the little city was to ride out upon tbe frozen Mississippi in sleighs to Fort Snelling. "This command", narrates an offi cial report, "bad the honor of receiving His Excel lency W. A. Gorman Gov. of Minnesota and the Hon. James Shields late of tbe U. S. Senate, on tbe 9th inst. by whom the Command was reviewed &c. in presence of a large concourse of Citizens."533 Tbe band of the Sixth Regiment which had paraded through the streets of Mexico City playing "Yankee Doodle" now found occupation in playing for the balls and parties of the frontier town. Even the inhabitants of Stillwater, twenty-five miles distant, called on tbe fort to furnish tbe music for tbe Valen tine Ball on February 14, 1850.534 During the same month a concert was given, the proceeds going to the Washington Monument Association. A year later the ladies who had arranged to give a tea party to raise money for the benefit of the poor children of tbe community changed tbeir plans and accepted the offer of tbe band wbo volunteered to give a concert for tbe purpose.535 The value of this association of citizens with tbe soldiers led to the remark of an editor that "We consider this band as well as the whole garrison, with its high intelligence — but espe- 198 OLD FORT SNELLING dally the band, of infinite value to St. Paul — in fact, it is the most powerful element of influence amongst us, for our good, next to the pulpit and the press. ' ' 536 The tourists wbo for many years had been fre quenting the upper Mississippi now increased in numbers. In tbe "Drive of All Visitors" were in cluded the Falls of St. Anthony, Lake Harriet, Min nehaha Falls, and Fort Snelling.537 From tbe look out tower of the fort on the edge of the cliff, could be viewed tbe same scenery which had charmed Carver a hundred years before. Undoubtedly many thought as did the newspaper man who wrote : "In the contemplation of this scene from Ft. Snelling, one is ravished with a desire to get upon it ; and to appropriate a little domain for his home. It bas tbe look of home. How can the Sioux ever consent to part with these lands?"538 But two years later they did part with tbem. Tbe two treaties in which tbe cession was acknowledged were brought about without military aid.539 This was in itself prophetic of the new status of the fort. With tbe growth of the Territorial organization, one by one the duties connected with Indian affairs, liquor troubles, and the protection of life and prop erty were taken over by the civil officers, with tbe military men as the executors of their laws only when the regular forces of administration were un able to handle the difficulties. And now tbe fort which bad so long looked down upon the canoes of tbe Indians and traders saw on CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 199 its two rivers a new procession. Flatboats, steam boats, and canoes bore upstream the hardy pioneers and tbeir families, and returned loaded with the products of the farm and the forest. Tbe post which could have successfully resisted the attack of Indian warriors, or even tbe siege of a civilized enemy was to fall before the invasion of tbe pioneers. Tbe frontier bad suddenly leaped far to the westward. In 1858, when tbe troops were withdrawn, there was no need of an establishment such as bad existed dur ing tbe first forty years. It was the passing of Old Fort Snelling which for so many years bad been the remotest outpost of American law. The development of the Northwest was not brought about by tbe spectacular and romantic inci dents which the chroniclers loved to record. So gradual was its progress that tbe factors contribut ing to it can be seen only in tbe perspective of fifty years. It was tbe result of the monotonous details of the life of the fur trader wbo was the unwitting explorer of the Northwest, and tbe forerunner of tbe permanent resident. The routine duties of garrison life and expeditions to the Indian country, often bar ren of any visible result, added to its progress, as also did tbe weary marches of tbe explorer and tbe minute notations of the scientist wbo accompanied bim. The patient sacrifices of tbe missionary who toiled at unaccustomed labors in tbe half-cleared cornfield and taught his primitive pupils in the log mission-bouse, introduced a new civilization. Tbe 200 OLD FORT SNELLING daily contact of tbe Indian and tbe white man at tbe fort and agency were prophetic of a new relationship between tbe two races. But because these events were so commonplace tbe contemporary chroniclers have bequeathed only a brief though eloquent epitome of this old Mississippi River post. It was tbe exception and not the rule to note that a company of soldiers was up tbe river watching tbe movements of tbe Indians, that a mis sionary bad been presented with a ham, or that an explorer took with him so many vegetables from tbe gardens of tbe fort that the gunwale of his boat was brought within four inches of tbe water. But such are the stray references which indicate tbe almost complete dependence upon the fort of all tbe factors in the development of tbe Northwest. In tbe preceding pages an attempt bas been made to gather together from all sources the references which bear upon each particular phase of the pro cess. In most cases tbey are few, not because tbe military men were not concerned with tbem, but be cause at every post in the Mississippi Valley condi tions were practically the same and tbe public, being acquainted with these routine duties, was more inter ested in tbe picturesque Indian legends or in tbe duels between the officers. Of these latter incidents tbe pages of the history of Fort Snelling are full and in this respect it was typical of tbe American army post. But it is also an example of that which is of CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS 201 more importance — tbe contribution of tbe army to the transformation of tbe Mississippi Valley. In many ways Fort Snelling is unique in the list of American forts. Tbe British flag was borne in tri umph to wave from tbe flagstaff of Fort Ticonderoga after it had been evacuated by tbe colonial patriots during the dark days of 1777 ; but never was a for eign flag borne into Fort Snelling except to be burned in the sight of awestruck Indians. The guns of Fort Sumter announced tbe opening of tbe Civil War; never were tbe cannon at Fort Snelling fired at a foe. Mackinac was successively garrisoned by French, English, and American soldiers ; whenever occupied by troops Fort Snelling flew tbe stars and stripes. Tbe stockades at Boonesborougb and Harrodstown were besieged by hundreds of savages who fought to gain entrance and obtain the scalps of tbe pioneer men and women there gathered for safety; no hostile demonstration was ever staged near Fort Snelling. Its history was not made by tbe rifles and sabers of tbe soldiers ; the axe and the plow of the pioneer wbo worked in safety beneath its potential protection have left their history upon the landscape of tbe great Northwest. NOTES AND REFERENCES NOTES AND REFERENCES CHAPTER I 1 Carver 's Travels through the Interior Paris of N orth- America, pp. vii, viii. 2 To the region lying on the upper waters of three great river systems — the Mississippi, the St. Lawrence, and the Red River of the North- — -the writer has applied the name "Upper Northwest" to distinguish it from the "Old Northwest" and the "Pacific North west". 3 For a summary of the French explorations see Folwell 's Minne sota, pp. 1-29. Thwaites 's France in America, p. 74, contains an excellent map of the French operations in the West. * The report of Louis Antoine Bougainville, written in 1757 and based on the reports of Canadian officials, shows the extent of French commerce at the close of the period of French control. At Green Bay (La Baye) trade was carried on with the Folles-Avoines, Sacs, Foxes, Sioux, and other tribes, the annual output being from five to six hundred packages of furs. In the North, extending westward along what is now the international boundary to the Lake of the Woods and then along the lakes and rivers of the Lake Winnipeg system, was the territory of the post known as "The Sea of the West". This included seven forts and produced a yearly supply of from three to four hundred packages. ' ' These regions are every where vast prairies ; this is the route to take for the upper Missouri. ' ' — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, pp. 167-195. A pic turesque account of the life of the French traders is given in Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 115-119. 5 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 251; Turner's The Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Vol. IX, pp. 584, 585. 205 206 OLD FORT SNELLING 6 Thwaites 's Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. VII, p. 373. In 1792, Peter Grant built a trading house on the site of St. Vincent, Minnesota, on the east bank of the Red River, and in 1800-1801 the fort of Pembina was erected by the great trav eller, Alexander Henry, the younger. — ¦ South Dakota Historical Col lections, Vol. I, p. 138. i American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 684. s Thwaites 's Origi/nal Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. I, pp. 227, 228. Traders of the Hudson's Bay Company also frequented the spot. Sergeant John Ordway records in his journal for December 1, 1804, that ' ' a Scotsman Who is tradeing at the Mandens came to visit us. he belonged to the hudson bay company. . . . he brought over Tobacco Beeds & other kinds of Goods. & traded with the Mandens for their furs & buffalow Robes, they bring Some Guns to trade for horses &. C. this hudsons bay compy lay Garrisoned near the N. W. Compy .... Eight or 10 days travel by land a North course from this. ' ' — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XXII, p. 169. 9 Chittenden 's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, p. 556. io Coues 's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 279, 280. 11 Coues 's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 286. 12 Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 280. 18 Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 156. 14 Coues 's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 171. is Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 252. is Wilkinson "s instructions to Pike are printed in Coues's The Ex peditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. II, pp. 842-844. Before the found ing of Fort Snelling the Minnesota River was called by the French voyageurs the "St. Pierre" When the Americans were established on its banks they anglicized this name into "St. Peter's" The fort, the agency, and the fur traders ' establishment are commonly referred to in early literature as "St. Peter's". By a joint resolution of Congress on June 19, 1852, the name Minnesota was ordered to be used in all public documents in which the river was mentioned. This was the Indian name for the river. — United States Statutes at Large, NOTES AND REFERENCES 207 Vol. X, p. 147. In mentioning this river use is made in this volume of the modern name, except when quoting. 17 The account of the treaty is given in Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 83, 84. The treaty itself is printed on page 231 and Pike's speech on pages 226-230. Article I contains the land cession : ' ' That the Sioux nation grant unto the United States, for the purpose of establishment of military posts, nine miles square at the mouth of the St. Croix, also from below the confluence of the Mississippi and St. Peters up the Mississippi to include the falls of St. Anthony, extending nine miles on each side of the river, that the Sioux nation grants to the United States the full sovereignty and power over said district forever. ' ' The meaning of all this is extremely vague. is American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 798. 19 Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relat ing to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 11, 13. 2o A petition of the London merchants to the English government stated that before the war the annual export of furs from Canada amounted to £250,000. Updyke 's The Diplomacy of the War of 181%, p. 204. 21 Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relat ing to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 72, 73. 22 Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relat ing to the Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, pp. 66-69. The figures are given on page 69. 28 Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. 7, Documents Relat ing to tlie Invasion of Canada and the Surrender of Detroit, 1812, p. 184. 24 The best account of the massacre at Fort Dearborn is given in Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, pp. 211-231. 25 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 323. 2s Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, pp. 120, 194. 208 OLD FORT SNELLING 27 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, p. 219. It must be stated that the British in no way sought intentionally to use the Indians for the purpose of massacreing the whites. The in structions to Dickson declared that he "should restrain them by all the means in your power from acts of Cruelty and inhumanity". On March 16, 1813, Dickson reported to the military secretary at Quebec that he had taken steps to redeem the soldiers, women, and children of the1 ill-fated Fort Dearborn garrison, who were still captives. — Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 258, 259. 28 Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 321, 322. 29 There is a summary of Dickson 's activities in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 133-153. so Niles' Register, Vol. VI, p. 176. 3i Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, p. 10; Niles' Reg ister, Vol. VI, p. 242. 82 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XI, pp. 254-270. 88 Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and other powers since July 4, 1776, pp. 404, 405. s-i American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 10, 11 ; Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, p. 561. 35 These treaties were concluded : on July 18th with the Potta wattomies and Piankashaws; on July 19th with the Tetons and Sioux of the Lakes, Sioux of St. Peter's River, and Yankton Sioux; Septem ber 2nd with the Kiekapoos; September 8th with the Wyandots; Sep tember 12th with the Osages; September 13th with the Sacs of the Missouri; September 14th with the Foxes; September 16th with the Iowas. The treaties are published in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 110-123. The reports of the commissioners and also the treaties are printed in the American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 1-11. 36 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 9. 37 For these migrations see the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XXIII, pp. 97, 443; Kingsford's The History of Canada, Vol. IX, p. 69; Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, p. 157. NOTES AND REFERENCES 209 During the negotiations at Ghent the British commissioners had sought to have established a permanent Indian territory to be a bar rier state between the two powers. — Updyke 's The Diplomacy of the War of 1812, p. 204. The Indians felt they had been abandoned by the English. Hence the liberality in gift distribution was an attempt to appease them. 38 See the reports of W. H. Puthuff in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, pp. 430-433, 472-474. 39 Schoolcraft's Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 19. aolrving's The Sketch-Book (Hudson Edition), p. 489. ii Carr 's Missouri, p. 121. 42 Niles' Register, Vol. VIII, p. 436, August 19, 1815. 43 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 86. 44 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. Ill, p. 332. John Jacob Astor of the American Fur Company has received the credit for the passage of this law. — Folwell's Minnesota, p. 54; Coman's Economic Beginnings of the Far West, Vol. I, pp. 344, 345. This is neglecting the fact that there was a unanimous outcry against foreign traders — one of the signs that the War of 1812 marks the rise of American nationality. The legislation of April 29, 1816, was not wholly satis factory to Astor. "I have seen a letter", wrote William H. Puthuff, Indian agent at Mackinac, ' ' addressed by J. J. Astor to a Mr. Franks a British trader now at this place in which Mr. Astor expresses sur prise and regret at the passage of a law forbidding British subjects from trading with Indians, within the American limits etc. ' ' — Wis consin Historical Collections, Vol. XIX, p. 423. What Mr. Astor wanted was the prohibition of trade by American private citizens as well as by British private citizens. If his American Fur Company were given a monopoly as he desired, he also wanted to be free to employ such persons — - American or British — as he needed. 45 Or, more correctly from the point where a north and south line drawn through the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods would intersect this parallel. — Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and other powers since July 4, 1776, p. 416. 210 OLD FORT SNELLING 46 Treaties and Conventions concluded between the United States of America and oilier powers since July 4, 1776, p. 377. 47 Coues's Tlve Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 279. 48 Niles' Register, Vol. XIV, pp. 387-389. 49 There is an excellent account of the United States trading house system in Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, pp. 289-309. so Coues 's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 228. 5i American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. II, p. 6. 52 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 39. CHAPTER II 53 For the erection of these posts see Quaife's Chicago and tlve Old Northwest, 1673-1835, p. 265; Thwaites 's Wisconsin, pp. 180-182; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 137, 138. S4 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. I, p. 669. 55 Major Long's journal is printed in the Minnesota Historical Col lections, Vol. II, pp. 9-88. se Niles' Register, Vol. XIV, p. 192. 57 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. I, p. 779. 58 Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 319. 59 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 32. 60 The story of the Yellowstone Expedition is narrated in detail in Chittenden's Tlie History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, pp. 562-587. See also the preface to James's Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains in Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XIV, pp. 9-26. For the site of this fort see Thwaites 's Early Western Travels, Vol. XXII, p. 275, note 231. ei Executive Documents, 1st Session, 34th Congress, Vol. I, Pt. 2, Document No. 1, p. 21. 62 Leavenworth 's A Genealogy of the Leavenworth Family in the United States, p. 152. NOTES AND REFERENCES 211 63 Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 7. 64 In the Detroit Gassette, February 18, 1820, Vol. Ill, No. 135, there is reprinted from the National Intelligencer an "Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the expedition to the Falls of St. Anthony, to his friend in Washington, dated Cantonment of the 5th regt. U. S. Infantry, St. Peter's River, Nov. 10, 1819." It is from this letter that the dates of arriving at and leaving the various places are taken. The Adjutant General in an order praised the garrison at Fort How ard "for the economy and expedition with which the command con structed transport boats for the accommodation of the 5th regiment in its passage to the Mississippi. ' ' — Detroit Gaeette, September 10, 1819. 65 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. V, p. 96, note. Mrs. Van Cleve gives another version of this affair: "When all was in order, Colonel Leavenworth stepped forth, and, through an interpreter, for mally requested of the Chief permission to pass peaceably through their country. The Chief, a very handsome young brave, advanced, and, with his right arm uncovered, said, with most expressive gestures: ' My brother, do you see the calm, blue sky above us? Do you see the lake that lies so peacefully at our feet? So calm, so peaceful are our hearts towards you. Pass on!' " — Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort SneUimg, Minnesota, p. 11. That these Indians were not so friendly as this account would indi cate is apparent from the statement in Major Forsyth's narrative that Captain Whistler of Fort Howard had been fired at, at different times during the summer of 1819 by these Winnebagoes. — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 167. 66 Major Forsyth 's narrative, covering the time from his depart ure from St. Louis on June 7th until his arrival there again on Sep tember 17th, is published in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 139-167; also in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 188-219. It is from this narrative that the facts regarding the progress of the expedition were obtained. 67 Major Forsyth 's narrative in the Minnesota Historical Collec tions, Vol. Ill, pp. 147, 148, 149. es Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 149; Van Cleve's 212 OLD FORT SNELLING "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 15. 69 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 149-153, 159. Mrs. Van Cleve says that a few days were spent on the shores of Lake Pepin. — Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 16. Mrs. Ellet in her sketch of Mrs. Clark says a week was spent at this place. — Ellet 's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 350. 70 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 153, 154. Neill records that the troops did not reach the Minnesota River "until September". — ¦ Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 320. But in Appendix L., p. 891, he gives the same dates as For syth. In Folwell 's Minnesota, p. 55, the statement is made that ' ' the command arrived at Mendota August 23". As the main body of soldiers did not arrive until August 24th, this latter date should be taken as the birthday of Fort Snelling. 7i Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 154-157 ; Detroit Gazette, October 22, 1819, February 18, 1820. 72 Detroit Gazette, February 18, 1820. 73 Van Cleve 's ' ' Three Score Years and Ten, ' ' Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, pp. 18, 19. The baby was Charlotte Ouisconsin Clark who married General Horatio P. Van Cleve. In 1888 she published a book of reminiscences. It possesses all the merits and defects of a book of reminiscences — vividness of pic tures — inaccuracy in regard to specific facts. 74 Ellet 's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 351 ; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 48. 75 Mrs. Van Cleve, who received her information from her father, gives the number as forty. — Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten, ' ' Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 19. James Doty, who kept the official journal of the Cass Expedition of 1820, and who received his information from the officers at Camp Cold Water, gives the number as forty. — ¦ Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, p. 214. Philander Prescott in his reminiscences states that ' ' Some fifty or sixty had died^ and some ten men died after I arrived". — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 478. L. Grignon wrote on April 3, 1820, that "They tell me that fifty Sol- NOTES AND REFERENCES 213 diers of the river St. Pierre have died of Scurvy"- — Wisconsin His torical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 161. In writing of the attack of scurvy Mr. H. H. Sibley remarks: ' ' It was doubtless caused by the bad quality of the provisions, espe cially of the pork, which was spoiled by the villany of the contractors, or their agents, in drawing the brine from the barrels that contained it, after leaving St. Louis, in order to lighten the load, and causing the barrels to be refilled with river water, before their delivery at the post, to avoid detection. The troops were compelled to live on this unwholesome fare for two successive seasons, before the fraud was discovered. ' ' — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 473, 474. Nowhere else is this explanation given. Sickness could easily come at a frontier post without such villainy. During the same winter at Camp Missouri over half of the garrison of seven hundred men were sick, and nearly one hundred of them died. At Council Bluff there was also a great deal of sickness. — Detroit Gazette, July 21, Septem ber 1, 1820. 76 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 473. 77 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 103 78 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 478, 479. 79 Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Re port No. 351, p. 136. ^ so These facts are from the reminiscences of Philander Preseott in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 478, 479. si Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 105. s2 Snelling to Taliaferro, November 7, 1821. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 30. ss Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 107. Mrs. Van Cleve states that the fort was occupied in the fall of 1821. — Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, p. 32. 84 Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153. 85 Schoolcraft's Narrative Journal of Travels from Detroit North west through the Great Chain of American Lakes to the sources of the Mississippi River, pp. 292-315. The official journal was kept by James Doty. The time spent with Leavenworth's troops is described in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XIII, pp. 212-216. 214 OLD FORT SNELLING 86 Captain Kearny's journal is printed in the Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 8-29, 99-131. Pages 104-110 are devoted to the time spent at Camp Cold Water. s7 These facts regarding the change of the name are taken from Upham 's The Women and Children of Fort St. Anthony, Later named Fort Snelling in the Magazine of History, Vol. XXI, pp. 38, 39. Dr. Upham received his information from a letter from the Adjutant Gen eral of the United States. CHAPTER III ss See Miss Gallaher 's article on The Military-Indian Frontier 1830-1835 in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XV, pp. 393-428. 89 Langham to Taliaferro, August 19, 1820. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 62. so Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 117. si Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 901. 92 Marsh to Taliaferro, June 26, 1827. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 76. 93 This was the opening of the Winnebago War, often called the ' ' Red Bird War ' '. Accounts of it are given in William Joseph Snell ing 's Early Days at Prairie du Chien in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. V, pp. 144-153; and State Papers, 1st Session, 20th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 150-163. 94 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 118. 95 For the movement of troops see State Papers, 1st Session, 20th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 150-163. 96 Taliaf erro to Cass, October 4, 1832. — Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 226. 97 Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, pp. 439, 440, 459; Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 483-487. 9s For an account of the Winnebagoes and their many migrations see Jackson's A Century of Dishonor, pp. 218-256i NOTES AND REFERENCES 215 99 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. Ill, Pt. 2, Document No. 5, pp. 1028, 1029; The Minnesota Pioneer, September 13, 1849. ioo The Minnesota Pioneer, November 28, December 12, 1849. 101 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 3, Document No. 2, p. 421. "The recent arrival at Fort Snelling of a company of dragoons, so long wanted, will greatly assist in intercept ing the migration southward of this discontented people. ' ' — Report of Alexander Ramsey, October 21, 1850, in Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 81. 102 This reservation was agreed upon by the treaty concluded at Washington, D. C, on February 27, 1855; Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 690-693. 103 Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, pp. 316, 423. 104 Bryce 's The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Com pany, pp. 365-372. A description of a hunt, written in French by Rev. M. Belcourt, is given in Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, pp. 44-52. ios Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, p. 4. 106 This was during the period that Professor William A. Dunning describes as "The Roaring Forties". "And the far flung interests of the British Empire need no more striking illustration than the fact that in whatever direction the Americans sought to expand their bounds, whether on the Atlantic or on the Pacific, in the Gulf of the tropics or under the Arctic circle, they found subjects of the Queen, with vested rights, opposing the movement. ' ' — Dunning 's The Brit ish Empire and the United States, pp. 96, 97. 107 Captain Sumner 's report is printed in the Executive Docu ments, 1st Session, 29th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 2, pp. 217- 220. It is reprinted with explanatory notes in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. XI, pp. 258-267. ios The report of Major Woods is printed in Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51. It contains fifty-five pages. Accompanying the expedition was John Pope, Brevet 216 OLD FORT SNELLING Captain of the Topographical Engineers. His report is published in Senate Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. X, Document No. 42. There is an excellent map attached to the report. 109 Colonel Smith's report is printed in the Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Document No. 1, pp. 426-454. no Ansel Briggs to the Secretary of War. — Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 206. The petition was dated Washington, Iowa, July 31, 1849. — Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 208. m Major Woods's report is found in the Indian Office Files, 1849, No. 174. 112 The Minnesota Pioneer, April 3, 1850. us The Minnesota Pioneer, May 16, 1850. H4 See the letter of William Hutchinson, who was one of the party. It is published in The Minnesota Pioneer, June 13, 1850. ' ' Iowa City looks as it did five years ago", he wrote. "A few houses were built since that time; but evidently were not the capitol located at this place, it would be no great shakes, though in time it is bound to come out. Some years since, Uncle Sam erected expensive bridges for the good citizens of Iowa, betwixt Dubuque and Iowa City; and strange to say the people are suffering them to rot down without cov ering them. Iowa City has grown in ten years as large as Saint Paul, which is not 2 years old. Steamboats often get up to this place, but all will not suffice." us Report of Major Woods. — Indian Office Files, 1850, No. 363. ne The Iowa Star (Fort Des Moines), July 18, 1850. 117 The Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VII, pp. 284, 285. "Part of Company D. 1st regiment of U. S. Dragoons under command of Lieut. Gardner passed through here on their way to the Missouri river. We understand they intend to pay a visit to the In dian tribes on the upper Missouri and from thence across Minnesota Territory to their quarters at Ft. Snelling. ' ' — Quoted from the Fort Des Moines Gazette in the Miners' Express (Dubuque), September 4, 1850. The return of the troops to Fort Snelling ia noted in The Minnesota Pioneer, October 3, 1850. NOTES AND REFERENCES 217 118 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 3, Document No. 2, p. 284. An account of the journey is printed in The Minnesota Pioneer, February 12, 1852. no Asa Whitney, a New York merchant, petitioned Congress in January, 1845, for a franchise and a grant of land to make this dream a reality. — ¦ Congressional Globe, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, pp. 218, 219. 12° Act of March 3, 1853. — United States Statutes at Large, Vol. X, p. 219. i2i Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91, pp. 1, 13, 74. i22 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 36th Congress, Document No. 56, p. 36; Post Returns, May, 1853, in the archives of the War De partment, Washington, D. C. i28 A brief account of the expedition is given in Paxson's The Last American Frontier, pp. 197-203. The reports of all the surveys were published by the government. That of Governor Stevens consists of 651 pages, added to the report of the Secretary of War, published in Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91. In 1859 Governor Stevens submitted a Narrative and Final Report, published in two parts in the Executive Documents, 1st Session, 36th Congress, Document No. 56. The various reports of all the explorers are bound in a set of twelve volumes, in which Governor Stevens's first account may be found in Vol. I, and the later narrative in Vol. XII, Pts. I and II. 124 Order No. 7 stated: "It is considered of great consequence that the several trains should not be intermingled; and the dragoons attached to the several parties will continue with them, camping and working with them, receiving their orders only from their particular chiefs, even when the whole force is brought together. ' ' — Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Document No. 91, p. 46. 125 Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 2, p. 112. 126 Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 566. i27Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 567- 570. 218 OLD FORT SNELLING 12s Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 181. 129 Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, p. 161. 130 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 180-183. 131 The Minnesota Pioneer, July 19, 1849. 132 The Minnesota Pioneer, September 6, 1849, July 11, November 21, 1850. 133 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 193, 199. i34Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 588- 593. iss Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, pp. 327, 328; Annals of Iowa (First Series), Vol. VII, p. 290; Post Returns, March, April, 1853, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 136 For Colonel Smith's expedition see above, Note 109. For the building of Fort Abercrombie see the Collections of the State His torical Society of North Dakota, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 7. 137 Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Re port No. 351, pp. 10-12. 138 Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. Ill, p. 2595. 139 For the sale of Fort Snelling see Dr. Folwell's paper on The Sale of Fort Snelling, 1857, in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XV, pp. 393-410. 140 The report of the committee may be found in Reports of Com mittees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351. !4i Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. Ill, p. 2614. 1*2 Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Pt. Ill, p. 2618. 143 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 431. 144 For papers relating to the readjustment see Executive Docu ments, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9. NOTES AND REFERENCES 219 CHAPTER IV 145 Quoted in Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, pp. 58, 59. 146 In the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, pp. 430, 431, there is a list of the commanding officers from September, 1819 to May, 1858. 147 For the life of Henry Leavenworth see the Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. VII, pp. 577, 578, Vol. IX, p. 569, Vol. XI, p. xxi; Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 428 ; Chittenden 's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. II, pp. 630-632; Leavenworth's A Genealogy of the Leavenworth Family in the United States, pp. 150-154. 148 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 777. 149 Ellet 's Pioneer Women of the West, pp. 310-323, contains a sketch of the activities of Captain Snelling during the war. iso Ellet 's Pioneer Women of the West, pp. 313, 314. isi Ellet 's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 316. 152 From the reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 96, 97. Mrs. Adams, as a child, lived several years in the Snelling household. 153 Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 599; Ellet's Pioneer Women of the West, p. 334. 154 From a manuscript entitled ' ' Remarks on General Wm. Hull 's Memoirs of the Campaign of the Northwestern Army, 1812 ' ', by Josiah Snelling. — Draper Collection, 8 U. 114, pp. 42, 43. iss The Works of Daniel Webster, Vol. V, p. 410. ise Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, pp. 440, 441. 157 See the sketch of Captain Scott in Van Cleve 's ' ' Three Score Years and Ten," Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, pp. 28, 29. iss Senate Documents, 1st Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 367. 159 There is a sketch of Martin Scott in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 180-187, from which this story is taken. 220 OLD FORT SNELLING 160 Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 577. i6i Niles' Register, Vol. 73, p. 130. 162 The frontispiece of Mrs. Eastman's Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling was painted by Captain Eastman. 163 Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. II, p. 292. 164 In his notes to Hiawatha Longfellow quotes from the introduc tion of Mrs. Eastman's book, p. ii. — Longfellow's Complete Poetical Works (Cambridge Edition), p. 666. ios Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. II, p. 292. 166 Powell's List of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 449; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 441. 167 The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. VIII, pp. 89, 90. ios Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. IV, p. 328. 169 The American Annual Cyclopaedia, 1863, p. 816. 170 Bancroft's History of Oregon, Vol. II, pp. 611, 612. For the career of General Canby see Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. I, pp. 517, 518. 171 This incident is taken from Folsom's Fifty Years in the North west, pp. 755, 756. Mr. Folsom says he took it "from a St. Paul paper of 1887". 172 For the Dred Scott case see McMaster 's A History of the People of the United States, Vol. VIII, pp. 278, 279. 173 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 50. 174 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 564. 175 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 729-739. 176 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IX, p. 395. 177 Quoted from the complaint of the agent, Nathaniel McLean, September 25, 1850, in Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 106. NOTES AND REFERENCES 221 178 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 249. 179 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 253, 254. iso Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 353. isi Taliaferro to Crawford, July 15, 1839. — Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 512. 182 These papers are in the possession of the Minnesota Historical Society. The dates covered in these diaries are from December, 1830, to June, 1831; May 25 to September 21, 1833; May 23 to August 28, 1834. 183 These letters are in the possession of the Minnesota Historical Society. In Volume I of these letters is the following notice: ' ' These 326 letters, are part of the great mass of correspondence re ceived by Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian Agent at Fort Snelling, 1819-1840. They constitute but a small part of his accumulations in twenty years. The rest were burned in his house at Bedford, Pa., in 18 It was a great loss to us, as, had they been spared, we would have received all of them. But even these 326 contain a large amount of valuable material for Minnesota history. Even as autographs they are valuable, [see autobiography of Taliaferro, Vol. 6, Coll.] These letters were given by Maj. T. in March, 1868. Arranged, bound and indexed (by J. F. W.) 1891." 184 Photostatic copies of many of these letters were taken and are to be found in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society, where they were consulted. iss These letter books are now in the possession of the Kansas State Historical Society at Topeka, where they were consulted. The only volume containing letters from Major Taliaferro is referred to as the William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832. 186 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 253. 187 Powell 's List Of Officers of the Army of the United States, from 1779 to 1900, p. 620. In the Taliaferro Letters are many letters from William Clark and Elbert Herring in which they address Mr. Taliaferro as "major". 222 OLD FORT SNELLING iss Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 11. A note on this letter gives these dates. 189 Nowhere is the date of his arrival at Fort Snelling given. In his autobiography he writes of his journey: "Jean Baptiste Fari bault and family, had gone through by land, in charge of Colonel Leavenworth's horses and cows". — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 198. It was in the spring of 1820 that Faribault per formed this service. — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 103. 190 Clark to the Secretary of War, August 20, 1832. — Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 285. For his resignation see Indian Office Files, 1824, No. 39. i9i Taliaferro 's Diary, March 24, 1831. 192 Taliaferro to Crawford, December 12, 1839. — Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 516. 193 Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 337- 339. 194 In the report for 1850 the agency at St. Peter's is designated a "Sub- Agency"- — Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 31st Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 103. ios Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 339, 340. 196 Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 213, 1827, No. 54, 1843, No. 222. 197 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, p. 341. CHAPTER V i9s See Notes on Canada and the Nortli-West States of America in Blackwood's Magazine, Vol. LXXVIII, p. 323, September, 1855. These articles by Laurence Oliphant were later published in book form under the title of Minnesota and the Far West. 199 This is the height given in Nicollet's Report intended to illus trate a Map of the Hydrographical Basim, of the Upper Mississippi River, p. 69. zoo Seymour 's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, p. 103. NOTES AND REFERENCES 223 201 This sketch of the fort is obtained from the map of Fort Snell ing in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 431; and from a Report of the capacity and condition of the barracks, quarters, hospital, storehouses, $-c, at Fort Snelling, Minnesota Territory, made to the Quartermaster General. This report was made on August 23, 1856. It is printed in Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Con gress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, pp. 407-409. 202 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 122. 203 Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, p. 295. 204 A statement of the equipment at the various posts during the fourth quarter of 1834 is printed in the American State Papers, Mil itary Affairs, Vol. V, p. 853-900. 205 Taliaferro to Lucas, September 30, 1839. - — Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 492. 206 Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153. 207 Taliaferro to William Clark, August 17, 1830. — Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 139. 208 Taliaferro's Diary, April 7, 1831. 209 Taliaferro's Diary, March 8, 1831. 210 Taliaferro to Lucas, September 30, 1839. — Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 492; Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, p. 19. 211 Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153. 212 Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 207. m Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 153. In the Sibley House at Mendota is hung an oil painting of Fort Snelling made by Sergeant Thomas who was stationed at Fort Snelling sometime between 1836 and 1842. This painting, which was made from the hill behind Sibley House, shows the location of these various buildings. 2i4 For Baker 's house see Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 19, 33, 34; also Reports of Committees, 1st session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 400. 2i5 Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, pp. 295, 296. Charles Joseph Latrobe visited the post in the fall of 1833. 224 OLD FORT SNELLING 216 These buildings are shown in the picture mentioned in note 213, above. 217 There is a description of Mendota given in Seymour's Sketclies of Minnesota, the New England of the West, pp. 101, 102. 218 Seymour 's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, p. 117; Bishop's Floral Home; or, First Years of Minnesota, pp. 156, 157. 219 These figures are taken from Keating 's Narrative of an Ex pedition to the Source of St. Peter's Riuer, Vol. I, p. 309. 220 Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, p. 302. 221 Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 37, 38; Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Report No. 351, p. 148. 222 Upham 's The Women and Children of Fort St. Anthony, later named Fort Snelling in The Magazine of History, Vol. XXI, p. 37. 228 See below, the chapter entitled Soldiers of the Cross. 224 This enumeration of the Indian villages is from Pond 's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as they were in 1834 in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 320-330. The spelling of the names follows that used by Pond, although they were all written in many ways. The population figures are from Taliaferro's report in 1834, found in Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 203. 22s See the description of an Indian village in Latrobe's The Rambler in North America, Vol. II, pp. 288, 289; also, Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, pp. 342, 343. CHAPTER VI 226 On December 22, 1819, the House of Representatives passed a resolution directing the Secretary of War, J. C. Calhoun, to prepare a system of martial law and field service. His report was communi cated to the House on December 26, 1820, and was entitled Systems of Martial Law, and Field Service, and Police. It is composed of two parts, namely, General Regulations for the Army, and A System of Martial Law. It is from these regulations that the following sketch of the routine life at a military post is built up. The report NOTES AND REFERENCES 225 is published in the American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 201-274. 227 Ingersoll's A History of the War Department of the United States, pp. 205, 206. 228 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 119. 229 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 210. 230 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 95. 231 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 210. 232 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 217, 218. 233 These account books are in the possession of the Minnesota His torical Society. 284 Bishop 's Floral Home; or, First Years of Minnesota, p. 161. 235 Taliaferro's Diary, March 22, 1831; Post Returns, March, 1840, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 236 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 97. 237 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 345. 288 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 336, 344. 239 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. Ill, pp. 341, 342; Post Returns, September, 1828, in the archives of the War De partment, Washington, D. C. 240 Taliaferro's Diary, February 3, 1831. 241 This report is published in the American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. Ill, pp. 273-277. 242 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, pp. 558, 706, Vol. Ill, p. 115. 243 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 345. 244 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 476. 245 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. Ill, pp. 341, 342. 246 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. Ill, p. 277. 247 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 205 ; Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 101. 226 OLD FORT SNELLING 248 Eastman 's Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, pp. 144, 145. 249 American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. II, p. 265. 250 Detroit Gazette, February 18, 1820. 251 Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, p. 305. 252 The Minnesota Pioneer, July 15, 1852. 253 Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, p. 26; Post Returns, July, 1827, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 254 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 340. 255 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VIII, p. 432. 256 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 115. 257 Joseph M. Street to Postmaster General Barry, April 27, 1831. — ¦ Street Papers, No. 15, Historical Department, Des Moines, Iowa. 258 Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, p. 44. 259 Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1913, pp. 116, 117. 260 Taliaferro's Diary, April 2, 5, 10, February 27, 1831. 26i Street to Clark, March 10, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Cor respondence, 1830-1832, p. 132 ; Post Returns, March, 1830. See also Post Returns, December, 1829, December, 1830, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 262 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 342. 263 Reports of Committees, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Ee port No. 351, p. 131. 264 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 342. 265 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 130. "Monsieur Tonson" was a very popular farce written by W. T. Moncrief in 1821. The French barber, Morbleu, is greatly troubled by a steady stream of visitors who come to make inquiries regarding a certain fictitious Mr. Thompson, hoping thereby to gain information regard ing Adolphine de Courcy who has been traced to his door. — Walsh's Heroes and Heroines of Fiction, p. 360. NOTES AND REFERENCES 227 266 Taliaferro's Diary, January 20, February 22, 1831. 267 Snelling to Taliaferro, October 19, July 25, 1824. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, Nos. 50, 56. 268 The Minnesota Pioneer, November 28, 1849. 2e9 Taliaferro 's Diary, February 10, 11, 24, 1831. 270 George F. Turner to H. H. Sibley, February 11, 1842. — Sibley Papers, 1840-1850. 271 Taliaferro to Street, March 30, 1831. — Street Papers, No. 12. 272 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 100. 273 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 112. 274 Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 920. General Edmund P. Gaines inspected the post shortly afterwards and reported: "From a conversation with the colonel, I can have no doubt that he has erred in the course pursued by him in reference to some of those controversies, inasmuch as he has intimated to his offi cers his willingness to sanction, in certain cases, and even to par ticipate in personal conflicts, contrary to the twenty-fifth article of war." — American State Papers, Military Affairs, Vol. IV, p. 123. 27= Taliaferro's Diary, March 27, 1831. CHAPTER VII 270 Morse 'a A Report to tlie Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs, pp. 78, 79. 277 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 321, 322. 27s Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 203. 279 Taliaferro to Clark, August 5, 1830. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 2. 280 This description of Indian life is based on Pond's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as they were in 1834 in the Minnesota His torical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 319-501. 23i The quotations are taken from Beltrami 's description of an Indian council which he attended at Fort Snelling in 1823. — Bel trami's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, pp. 217-219. 228 OLD FORT SNELLING 282 These are taken from a list which is typical of the character of the presents, among the papers of Thomas Forsyth. — Draper Manu scripts, 2T2. 283 Annals of Congress, 1st session, 17th Congress, Vol. I, pp. 319, 320. 284 Taliaferro's Diary, February 19, 1831. The speech of the chief closes thus : ' ' We know you have nothing on hand for your children, but we hope you will give us some Pork & Bread & a little Tobacco — as our pipes are out & have been for some time our old men will be pleased. ' ' The village of the Red Head was St. Louis, the Red Head being General William Clark, the superintendent of Indian affairs. 285 < ' The Crane and the Hole in the Day — • and other Chippeways at the Agency this day — Several Sissiton Sioux also at the Agency. Issued 24 Rats Bread 20 pounds of Pork — 15 lbs. of tobacco. ' ' — ¦ Taliaferro's Diary, January 23, 1831. See also the diary under the dates of December 24, 1830, January 13, 17, 1831. 286 Cass to Taliaferro, July 28, 1825. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 57. 287 Taliaferro 's Diary, July 19, 1834. 288 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 738. 289 Taliaferro 's Diary, March 4, 1831. 290 Taliaferro to Harris, February 21, 1838. — Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 631. 291 For the suffering during the winter of 1842-1843 and the steps taken to relieve it see the letter from Dr. Williamson in the Mission ary Herald, Vol. 39, p. 355, September, 1843 ; and Bruce to Chambers, April 3, 1843, in Indian Office Files, 1843, No. 222. 292 Taliaferro to Dodge, June 30, 1838. — Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 690. 293 Taliaferro to Clark, March 3, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 129. 294 Taliaferro to Clark, September 14, 1834. — Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 206. 295 Taliaferro's Diary, July 7, 1834. 296 Taliaferro 's Diary, December 25, 1830. NOTES AND REFERENCES 229 297 Taliaferro's Diary, June 28, 30, 1834. On January 17, 1831, he gave a blanket in which to bury a woman. 298 Indian Office Files, 1832, Nos. 287, 294, 295, 296. 299 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 236. soo Snelling to Taliaferro, November 13, 1820. — Taliaferro Let ters, Vol. I, No. 21. soi Found among the Sibley Papers, 1830-1840. 302 Taliaferro to Cass, March 3, 1832. — Indian Office Files, 1832, No. 289. 303 Taliaferro to Clark, July 15, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 235. 304 Post Returns, April, May, 1834, July, 1835, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 305 "These warriors of Mr. Rainville's were constantly with me, for they knew that I was an English warrior, as they called me, and they are very partial to the English. ' ' — Marryat 's A Diary in Amer ica, Vol. II, p. 91. Captain Marryat, the English novelist, visited the upper Mississippi region in 1837. "Many and strong are the recollections of the Sioux and other tribes, of their alliance with the British in the last and revolutionary wars, of which I have met many curious instances". — Catlin 's Let ters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, Vol. II, p. 657, footnote. soe Niles' Register, Vol. XXVI, p. 363, July 31, 1824; Vol. LILT, p. 33, September 16, 1837. 307 Marryat 's A Diary in America, Vol. Ill, pp. 221, 222. 3os Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, p. 320. 309 Niles' Register, Vol. LIII, p. 82, October 7, 1837. sio Snelling to Taliaferro, October 19, 1824. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 50. 8" Taliaferro 's Diary, March 18, 1831. 312 Taliaferro 's Diary, March 11, 1831. 230 OLD FORT SNELLING 3i3 Taliaferro to Clark, April 3, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 161. 314 Renville to Sibley, August 21, 1840. — Sibley Papers, 1830-1840. sis Quoted in Neill 's The History of Minnesota, pp. 338, 339. The two men murdered on the Missouri River in 1820 were Isadore Pou- pon, a French half-breed, and Joseph F. Andrews, a Canadian. 3i6 Quaife's Chicago and tlie Old Northwest, 1673-1835, p. 283. 3" Snelling to Taliaferro, March 19, 1822. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 32. The quotation is taken from this letter. See also Calhoun to Snelling, September 18, 1822. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 40. sis Letter of George Johnson, November 2, 1825. — Indian Office Files, 1825-1826, No. 4. 8i9 Taliaferro to Harris, September 10, 1838. — Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 663. CHAPTER VIII 320 Morse's A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States on Indian Affairs, p. 28. 321 Kellogg 's Early Narratives of the Northwest, 1634-1699, p. 50. 322 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 209. 323 Baker to Taliaferro, May 19, 1829. — Indian Office Files, 1829, No. 64. 324 Speech of Flat Mouth, May 27, 1827. — Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 14. 325 Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 9. 326 From Mrs. Van Cleve 's reminiscences in the Minnesota His torical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 80. 327 The information upon which the entire incident is built is con tained in the letter of Snelling to Atkinson, May 31, 1827, in Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 10 ; the letter of Taliaferro to Clark, May 31, 1827, in Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 12; Neill 's Tlie History of Min nesota, pp. 391-394; Reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams in the Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 107-110; A Reminiscence NOTES AND REFERENCES 231 of Ft. Snelling, by Mrs. Charlotte O. Van Cleve, in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 76-81; Running the Gantlet by William J. Snelling (the son of Colonel Snelling) in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 439-456. The last mentioned account was originally published as a magazine article, and much of it is undoubtedly the product of the author's imagination. It is from this that the writer drew the story of Too punkah Zeze. The article by Mrs. Van Cleve is full of errors and there are some mistakes in Mrs. Adams's reminiscences. For the facts of the attack the writer depended upon the two reports in the Indian Office Files. In a letter written from Prairie du Chien the next winter Joseph Street says that a hostage, an innocent man, was among the Sioux who were executed. — ¦ Street to Dr. Alexander Posey, December 11, 1827, in the Street Papers, No. 7. Of those who were shot, says Sibley in his reminiscences, all re covered. — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 475. On the other hand Flat Mouth complained to Schoolcraft in 1832 that four of the number died. — Schoolcraft's Narrative of an Expedition through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, p. 85. 328 Indian Office Files, 1829, No. 63. 329 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 135. As here given the mother's speech .is partly direct, and partly indirect discourse. The writer has changed it all to the direct discourse. 330 The attack on Hole-in-the-Day 's band is narrated in the letter of Plympton to General Jones, August 13, 1838. — Indian Office Files, 1838, No. 618. See also Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 134-136; Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 136, 137. 331 The particulars of the encounter in 1839 are given in a letter written by the Right Reverend Mathias Loras in July 1839, and pub lished in Acta et Dicta: A Collection of Mstoricdl data regarding the origin and growth of the Catholic Church in the Northwest, Vol. I No. 1, pp. 18-21; and Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 139-147. 332 ' ' Instead of lessening the disasters of Indian warfare, the building of Fort Snelling in the heart of the Indian country and upon the line dividing the ranges of the Dakotas and the Chippewas, had the direct effect of vastly increasing the horrors of that warfare. 232 OLD FORT SNELLING Depending upon the protection of the military, both tribes brought their women and children into the disputed territory, where before the coming of the soldiers they would never have dared to expose them, and it soon developed that the fort afforded no protection to the children of the forest against the savagery of their hereditary en emies, who made treaties of peace only to thereby gain better oppor tunity for butchery. ' ' — Robinson 's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians, p. 154. This is Part II of the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II. 888 At the forks of the Chippewa River in 1838, eleven Sioux were killed while asleep, by Chippewas whom they were entertaining. The mission at Lake Pokegama was attacked in 1840. In 1842, a battle was fought at Pine Coulie near the Indian village of Kaposia. In 1850, on Apple River in Wisconsin, fourteen Chippewas were scalped. See the article by Rev. S. W. Pond on Indian Warfare in Minnesota in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 129-138. As late as 1854, D. B. Herriman, the Chippewa agent, reported that during the preceding year nearly one hundred Chippewas had been killed and scalped by the Sioux. But none of these massacres took place at the fort. — Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 33rd Congress, Vol. I, Pt. 1, Document No. 1, p. 260. 334 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. VIII, Document No. 51, p. 31. 335 Taliaferro's Diary, January 23, 1831. 336 Taliaferro's Diary, June 4, 1831. For other occasions during the winter and spring of 1831 when the agent records the presence of both Sioux and Chippewas see the diary under date of January 31, March 5, May 2, June 15. 337 Taliaferro to Clark, July 6, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Cor respondence, 1830-1832, p. 231. 888 Speech of Taliaferro to the Sioux. — Taliaferro 's Diary, Feb ruary 19, 1831. 339 Eeport of J. N. Nicollet in Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. II, Document No. 52, p. 66. 340 Taliaferro's Diary, January 10, 18, 26, 1831. 34i Taliaferro to Clark, February 8, 1831. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 121. NOTES AND REFERENCES 233 342 The text of the treaty is printed in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 250-255. The treaty was signed on August 19, 1825. 343 Missionary Herald, Vol. XXX, p. 223, June, 1834. Reverend W. T. Boutwell accompanied Mr. Schoolcraft on this journey, and his account of it is published in the religious paper. 344 Schoolcraft's Narrative of an Expedition through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, p. 265. 345 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 684. 346 Taliaferro to William Clark, May 31, 1835. — Taliaferro Let ters, Vol. Ill, No. 234. 347 Taliaferro to Herring, July 16, 1835. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. Ill, No. 238. 348 Taliaferro to William Clark, September 2, 1835 ; Taliaferro to E. Herring, September 20, 1835. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. Ill, Nos. 251, 252. 349 Taliaferro to William Clark, May 26, 1831. — WiUiam Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 195. 350 Taliaferro 's Diary, January 25, 1831. 35i Senate Documents, 1st Session, 28th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 269. 352 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 29th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, p. 490. 353 The Minnesota Pioneer, January 2, 1851. 354 Snelling to Atkinson, May 31, 1827. — Indian Office Files, 1827, No. 10. 355 The Minnesota Pioneer, May 16, 1850. Other occasions when Indians were imprisoned for similar causes are mentioned in The Minnesota Pioneer, September 23, 1852, April 20, 1854. sso The Minnesota Pioneer, October 14, 1852. 357 Report of Agent A. J. Bruce, September 1, 1846. — Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 29th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 4, p. 246. 234 OLD FORT SNELLING 358 Beltrami's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, pp. 233, 234. 359 Taliaferro's Diary, January 31, 1831; Taliaferro to Captain W. R. Lovett, June 30, 1831, in Taliaferro Letters, Vol. II, No. 150. soo Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, p. 138. 36i Taliaferro to Clark, October 4, 1830. — William Clark Papers, Correspondence, 1830-1832, p. 68. 362 Taliaferro 's Diary, June 29, 1834. CHAPTER IX 363 For an account of the attack on the trading house system see Quaife's Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, pp. 301-309; also Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. xiii-xviii. 364 This account of the fur trade is based upon the reminiscences of Mr. H. H. Sibley in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 245-247; and Turner's The Character and Influence of the In dian Trade in Wisconsin in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Vol. IX, pp. 601-607. 365 If an Indian failed continually in paying up his credits, the trader would refuse him any more goods. This would bring on the enmity of the hunter and his whole family. Such was the case of Joseph R. Brown mentioned in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 247. see United States Statutes at Large, Vol. II, pp. 139-146, Vol. Ill, pp. 332, 333, Vol. IV, pp. 729-735. 367 A copy of an American trading license is published in the Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, p. 282. ses Indian Office Files, 1831, No. 70. 369 Indian Office Files, 1831, No. 82. 370 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 200. 371 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 43 372 Sibley to Featherstonhaugh. — Sibley Papers. This letter is printed in Holeombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. II, p. 57. NOTES AND REFERENCES 235 373 Chittenden's The History of the American Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. I, p. 323. 374 A list of the posts in the agency in 1826 is given in the Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 113, 114. "The Secretary of War directs that the traders in the St Peters Agency, who have been directed by you to build their houses in a particular form, as designated by you, be informed that they are at liberty to adapt the shape of their building to their own convenience. He moreover directs that the term of Forts, by which they are desig nated, be changed into Posts. ' ' — William Clark to Taliaferro, March 26, 1827, in Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 72. 375 Taliaferro to Herring, September 15, 1834, in Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 210 ; Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 74. 376 See Sibley's story of a tea party given to a number of traders at Fort Snelling. — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 248, 249. 377 Coues's The Expeditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 230. 378 Taliaferro's Diary, February 22, 1831. 379 Schoolcraft's Narrative of an Expedition through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, p. 44. 380 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, pp. 306, 307. 38i United States Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, p. 564. 382 Norman W. Kittson to Sibley, March 2, 1846. — Sibley Papers, 1840-1850. Mr- Kittson was the manager of the American Fur Com pany's business along the international boundary, with his headquar ters at Pembina. He, with the late James J. Hill, was one of the promoters of the St. Paul, Minneapolis, and Manitoba Railroad Com pany. 383 Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Com pany, p. 370. 384 Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 383. 385 Taliaferro's Diary, January 30, 1831. 386 Kittson to Sibley, August 7, 1846. — Sibley Papers, 1840-1850. Mr. Kittson was the organizer of the picturesque caravans of Red River carts (at one time called "Kittson's carts") which carried 236 OLD FORT SNELLING on the extensive commerce between the Canadian and American settle ments. At an early date this trade assumed large proportions. ' ' The van of the Red River train numbering from an hundred to two hun dred carts made entirely of wood and green hides and drawn by oxen and ponies in harness, reached St. Paul on Sunday with furs, hides, buffalo robes, dried buffalo tongues, pemmican, etc. They have been forty days on the route. ' ' — Tlie Minnesota Pioneer, July 26, 1849. 387 Missionary Herald, Vol. 38, p. 58, February, 1842. ass Indian Office Files, 1839, No. 62. 389 Missionary Herald, Vol. 40, p. 281, August, 1844. 390 Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, p. 563. soi Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XX, p. 383. 392 Taliaferro's Diary, July 23, 1834. 393 Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 74. 394 Marsh to Street, April 28, 1832. — Street Papers, No. 20. 395 Indian Office Files, 1835, No. 326. 396 Bailly to Street, August 3, 1832. — Street Papers, No. 28. 397 Street to Cass, October 3, 1832. — Street Papers, No. 69. 398 ' < Several persons have been arrested near Crow Wing for sell ing whiskey to the Winnebago Indians; and twelve or fifteen barrels of whiskey have been overtaken and knocked in the head, by Capt. Monroe's troops." — The Minnesota Pioneer, August 9, 1849. 399 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 922. 400 Taliaferro to Clark, August 17, 1830. — Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 143. 401 Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 140. 402 Taliaferro to Clark, August 2, 1829. — Indian Office Files, 1829, No. 65. 403 Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, p. 444. NOTES AND REFERENCES 237 404 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 30th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 1, p. 919. 405 Tlie Minnesota Pioneer, May 12, 1849. CHAPTER X 406 Taliaferro writes: "It was some length of time before he could induce the Indians to respect the Sabbath-day — -all days being alike to them. It so happened that hundreds of important peace con ventions were made and confirmed by the hostile tribes on the Lord's day. But time and patience brought them to reason, and for many years they respected the white man's great 'medicine day.' The sign given for the day of rest was the agency flag floating from the flag staff, at the agency council house. ' ' — Auto-biography of Maj. Law rence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 236. 407 Missionary Herald, Vol. 45, p. 429, December, 1849. 408 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 326, 327 ; Talia ferro's Diary,. August 14, 1833. 409 Street to Taliaferro, August 12, 1829. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. II, No. 108. 4io Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 119-121. 4n Taliaferro to Eaton. — Indian Office Files, 1830, No. 151. 412 Taliaferro's Diary, April 18, May 1, June 8, 1831. ai Taliaferro's Diary, August 14, 1833. 414 Taliaferro's Diary, April 18, 1831. 415 Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, p. iv. ne Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 255. 417 Senate Documents, 3rd Session, 25th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, p. 523. 418 Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among tlie Dakotas, pp. 12- 30. This volume, written by the son of Samuel Pond, tells of the work of his father and uncle. 238 OLD FORT SNELLING 419 Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, p. 30. Among the Kemper Papers (Vol. XX, No. 34) the writer found the following permit to enter the Indian country: "The Right Reverend, Jackson Kemper, Missionary Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church, having signified to this Department, his desire to visit and remain sometime in the Indian country, and re quested the permission required by law to enable him to do so, such permission is hereby granted; and he is commended to the friendly attention of civil and military officers and agents, and of citizens, and if at any time it shall be necessary to their protection. Given under my hand and the Seal of the War Department this 1st day of October 1838. S. Cooper. Acting Secretary of War. ' ' 420 Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 31, 32 ; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XII, pp. 324, 325. 421 Taliaferro's Diary, July 7, 1834. 422 Pond 's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 38-42. 423 Pond 's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, p. 47. 424 Featherstonhaugh 's A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor, Vol. II, p. 11. 425 Pond 's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, p. 43. 426 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 127-146. 427 Pond 's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 127, 133. 428 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. Ill, Pt. II, Document No. 5, pp. 1054, 1055. 429 Riggs's Mary and I, Forty Years with the Sioux, pp. 41, 42. 430 Pond's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 49-59. 43i Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 29th Congress, Vol. I, Docu ment No. 4, p. 315. NOTES AND REFERENCES 239 432 Executive Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. II, Pt. Ill, p. 439. 433 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 343. 434 Pond 's Two Volunteer Missionaries among the Dakotas, pp. 63, 64. 435 Missionary Herald, Vol. 41, p. 281, August, 1845; Vol. 32, pp. 188, 189, May, 1836. 436 The Spirit of Missions, Vol. IV, p. 61, February, 1839; Tan ner 's History of the Diocese of Minnesota, p. 24 ; Post Returns, April, 1839, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. 437 Gear to Kemper, Nov. 29, 1841. — Kemper Letters, Vol. 25, No. 103. See also The Spirit of Missions, Vol. 5, p. 68, March, 1840. 438 Acta et Dicta, Vol. I, No. 1, July, 1907, pp. 14-21 ; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, pp. 222-230. CHAPTER XI 439 Catlin 'a Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Con dition of tho North American Indians, Vol. II, p. 592. 440 Merrick's Old Times on the Upper Mississippi, p. 187. The following description was given by Philander Prescott, a fur trader : ' ' The Indians say they had dreamed of seeing some monster of the deep the night before, which frightened them very much. It appears they did not discover the boat until it had got into the mouth of the St. Peter's, below Mr. Sibley's. They stood and gazed with astonishment at what they saw approaching, taking the boat to be some angry god of the water, coughing and spouting water upwards, sideways and forward. They had not courage enough to stand until the boat came near them. The women and children took to the woods, with their hair floating behind them in the breeze, from the speed they were going, in running from supposed danger. Some of the men had a little more courage, and only moved off to a short distance from the shore, and the boat passed along and landed. Everything being quiet for a moment, the Indians came up to the boat again, and stood looking at the monster of the deep. All at once the boat began to blow off steam, and the bravest warriors could not stand this awful roaring, but took to the woods, men, women and children, with their 240 OLD FORT SNELLING blankets flying in the wind; some tumbling in the brush which en tangled their feet as they ran away — some hallooing, some crying, to the great amusement of the people on board the steamboat." — Quoted in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 104, note 1. 441 Beltrami 's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, p. 199. 442 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 191-193. 443 Beltrami published an account of his travels in French in New Orleans in 1824. The English version is entitled A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, leading to the Discovery of the Sources of the Mississippi and Bloody River, and was published in London in two volumes in 1828. It is composed of twenty-two letters addressed to "My Dear Countess" and dedicated "to the Fair Sex". 444 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 101. 445 The story of this exploration was published under the title of Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Lake Winnepeek, Lake of the Woods, Etc. performed in the year 1823, by order of tlie Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, under the com mand of Stephen H. Long, U. S. T. E. It was written by Professor Keating from the notes of the party. An English edition appeared in London in 1825. The references given are to this publication. 446 J. C. Calhoun to Major Long. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 41. 447 Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, p. 324, Vol. II, p. 112. 448 Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, pp. 306-310. 449 Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. I, p. 356. 450 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 241. 451 Beltrami's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, p. 414. NOTES AND REFERENCES 241 452 ' < My head was covered with the bark of a tree, formed into the shape of a hat and sewed with threads of bark; and shoes, a coat, and pantaloons, such as are used by Canadians in the Indian terri tories, and formed of original skins sewed together by thread made of the muscles of that animal, completed the grotesque appearance of my person. ' ' — Beltrami 's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, p. 481. For a short summary of Beltrami's work see the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 183-196. 453 Keating 's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. II, p. 200. 454 Catlin 's North American Indians, Vol. II, pp. 599-602. 455 Catlin 's North American' Indians, Vol. II, pp. 602-607. This quotation is from page 607. 456 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 24th Congress, Vol. IV, Docu ment No. 333. 457 Featherstonhaugh 's A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor, Vol. I, p. 262. 458 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 246. 459 Featherstonhaugh 's A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor, Vol. I, pp. 261, 266, 288. 460 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188. 46i Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 28th Congress, Vol. II, Doc ument No. 52, p. 53. 462 Brower 's The Mississippi River and its Source which comprises Vol. VII of the Minnesota Historical Collections. See p. 162. 463 Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 242-245; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 189. 464 In his reminiscences John C. Fremont has left a very interest ing account of these two expeditions. — Fremont 's Memoirs of My Life, Vol. I, pp. 30-54. 465 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 183. 466 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 129, 133, 134. 242 OLD FORT SNELLING 467 Neill 'a The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), pp. 914, 915. 46s North Western Gazette and Galena Advertiser, June 26, 1840. 469 North Western Gazette and Galena Advertiser, June 5, 1840. 470 Louisville Journal quoted in the North Western Gazette and Galena Advertiser, June 14, 1838. 47i Jackson Kemper was appointed missionary bishop of the Norths west in 1835 and held the position until 1859 when he accepted the bishopric of Wisconsin. His papers and diaries are in the archives of the Wisconsin Historical Society. For an account of his work see Tiffany's A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, pp. 448, 493. 472 Kemper Papers, Vol. XXVII, No. 113. 473 Kemper Papers, Vol. XXVII, No. 116. CHAPTER XII 474 Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 589. 475 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 138. 476 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XVI, p. 566. 477 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1890, p. xxix. 478 These figures are taken from an account of the proceedings of the council published in Niles' Register, Vol. XXIX, pp. 187-192. Taliaferro gives the number of his party as being 385 "Sioux and Chippewas, including the interpreters and attendants. ' ' — Auto-biog raphy of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Minnesota Historical Col lections, Vol. VI, p. 206. 479 The text of the treaty is printed in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 250-255. 480 These are the reasons given by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in his report on December 1, 1837. — Senate Documents, 2nd Session, 25th Congress, Vol. I, Document No. 1, pp. 526, 527. 48i Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 129. 482 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 131 ; Vol. VI, p. 214. NOTES AND REFERENCES 243 483 For an account of the life of Flat Mouth see Coues's The Ex peditions of Zebulon M. Pike, Vol. I, p. 169, note 10. 484 Sketches of the life of Hole-in-the-Day are given in The Spirit of Missions, Vol. VIII, p. 461, December, 1843; North Western Gazette and Galena Advertiser, August 3, 1839; Prairie du Chien Patriot, June 8, 1847. 485 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. V, p. 353. 486 The names of the witnesses of the treaty are given in Kappler's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 493. 487 A contemporary account of the proceedings of the council pub lished in the Iowa News (Dubuque), Vol. I, Nos. 11 and 14, is re printed in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 408-433. 488 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, p. 420. 489 Dodge to Harris, July 30, 1837. — Indian Office Files, 1837, No. 226. mo Executive Documents, 1st Session, 31st Congress, Vol. Ill, Pt. 2, Document No. 5, p. 985. The Indians desired whiskey at the coun cils. In order to prove that it was not refused because of stinginess, two barrels were opened at Prairie du Chien and the whiskey allowed to run on the ground. The old Indian Wakh-pa-koo-tay mourned the loss: ' ' It was a great pity, there was enough wasted to have kept me drunk all the days of my life. ' ' — Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. V, p. 124. 49i Tlie Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 409, 410. 492 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 424- 426. 493 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 416, 417. Taliaferro was violently opposed to granting any funds to the traders. — • Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 215, 216. 494 The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. IX, pp. 431, 432. 244 OLD FORT SNELLING 495 The text of the treaty is to be found in Kappler 's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 491-493. 496 Niles' Register, Vol. LIII, pp. 81, 82; Kappler 's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 493, 494. 497 See an account of the payment in 1849 at Fort Snelling in The Minnesota Pioneer, September 27, 1849. 498 Post Returns, November, 1852, October, 1853, October, 1854, in the archives of the War Department, Washington, D. C. CHAPTER XIII 499 Turner 's The Significance of the Frontier in American History in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1893, p. 211.500 Beltrami 's A Pilgrimage in Europe and America, Vol. II, p. 202. 501 Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 453; Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. I, p. 468. 502 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, p. 319. 503 Kea ting's Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, Vol. II, p. 60. 504 Much has been written on the founding of this colony and the romantic events connected with the struggle between the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company, in which many of the colonists were the innocent victims. Interesting accounts are given in Kingsf ord 's The History of Canada, Vol. IX, pp. 108-150 ; Bryce 's The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company, pp. 202- 257; Bryce 's Lord Selkirk in Tlie Makers of Canada, Vol. V, pp. 115- 206 ; Laut 's The Conquest of the Great Northivest, pp. 113-202 ; Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 75-89. 505 There is a summary of the early trading relations of the Red River Colony with the American settlements in the Collections of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, Vol. IV, pp. 251, 252. The arrival of these people at Fort Snelling is noted in the Minne sota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 124, 127; VI, p. 350. 506 < ' Two families of Swiss emigrants who arrived here yesterday were robbed of almost everything they possessed ' '. — ¦ Snelling to NOTES AND REFERENCES 245 Taliaferro, October 19, 1824, in Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 50. See also the story of the Tully children in Van Cleve's "Three Score Years and Ten, ' ' Life-Long Memories of Fort Snelling, Minnesota, pp. 49-61. 507 The facts concerning the migrations of these Red River ref ugees are taken from the reminiscences of Mrs. Ann Adams who was herself one of the travellers. — Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, pp. 75-95. See also Chetlain's The Red River Colony. This is a small pamphlet written by the son of one of the refugees. 508 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XIV, p. 84. sos Williams 's A History of the City of Saint Paul, pp. 70, 71. sio Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, p. 16. 5n Renville to Sibley, February 22, 1835. — Sibley Papers, 1830- 1840. A story is told of a certain "Simple-hearted, honest fellow" named Sinclair. "One time he was sick, at Mendota, and Surgeon Emerson, at the fort, sent by some one, a box of pills, for him to take a dose from. N. W. Kittson called on him a little while after this, and found that Sinclair had not only swallowed all the pills, but was then chewing up the box! " — Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, p. 123. 5i2 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 127, 129. sis Snelling to Taliaferro, October 19, 1824. — Taliaferro Letters, Vol. I, No. 50. 514 Taliaferro's Diary, July 13, 14, 1834; Indian Office Files, 1834, No. 239. sis Taliaferro 's Diary, July 21, 1834. 516 Indian Office Files, 1837, Nos. 448, 447, 445. 517 The Auto-biography of Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro in the Min nesota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 231. sis Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 14, 15. 519 Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 16, 17. 246 OLD FORT SNELLING 52o Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 18, 23. 521 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 136; Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, pp. 66, 67. 522 Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 23, 24. 523 Executive Documents, 3rd Session, 40th Congress, Vol. VII, Document No. 9, pp. 26, 27. ™±The Spirit of Missions, Vol. V, p. 335, November, 1840. A recent sketch of Fort Snelling states that there were "no white neighbors except traders, agents of fur companies, refugees from civ ilization and disreputable hangers-on." — Hammond's Quaint and Historic Forts of North America, p. 272. Many of the evicted set tlers can not be classed among these. 525 This order is published in Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, p. 94. 526 For the expulsion of the settlers see Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, pp. 99, 100; also, Neill 's The History of Minnesota (Fourth Edition), p. 459. Williams (p. 100) says that in 1849 and 1852 memorials were presented to Congress by those who had been expelled, in which they stated that "the soldiery fell upon them without warning, treated them with unjustifiable rudeness, broke and destroyed furniture wantonly, insulted the women, and, in one or two instances, fired at and killed cattle." Father Galtier, who was there at the time, wrote: "Consequently a deputy marshall from Prairie du Chien was ordered to remove the houses. He went to work, assisted by some soldiers, and, one after another, unroofed the cottages, extending about five miles along the river. The settlers were forced to seek new homes." He makes no mention of personal violence. — Acta et Dicta, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 64. 527 Williams's A History of the City of Saint Paul, p. 111. 528 See the description of St. Paul in 1849 in Seymour's Sketches of Minnesota, the New England of the West, pp. 94-100. 529 The Minnesota Pioneer, January 30, 1850. 530 The Minnesota Pioneer, January 23, February 27, June 27, 1850. NOTES AND REFERENCES 247 53i The Minnesota Pioneer, November 27, 1851. s82 The Minnesota Pioneer, April 17, 1851. 533 Minnesota Historical Collections, Vol. XV, p. 534; Post Re turns, July, 1855, in the archives of the War Department, Washing ton, D. C. 534 The Minnesota Pioneer, February 20, 27, 1850. 535 The Minnesota Pioneer, February 6, 13, 1850 ; Minnesota Chron icle and Register, February 10, 1851. 536 The Minnesota Pioneer, February 13, 1850. 537 Bishop's Floral Home; or, First Years of Minnesota, pp. 152- 163. 538 The Minnesota Pioneer, August 23, 1849. 539 These two treaties were the treaty with the Sisseton and Wah- peton bands of Sioux at Traverse des Sioux, July 23, 1851; and with the Mdewakanton and Wahpakoota bands of Sioux at Mendota on August 5, 1851. — Kappler 's Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 588-593. INDEX INDEX Abercrombie, John J., fort built by, 50 Adams, Mrs. Ann, 245 Agency house, fire in, 101 Agriculture (see Fanning) Aitkin, Mr., 144 Akin, Mr., information furnished by, 172 Alcohol, purchase of, 88 American Fur Company, fort pur chased from, 21 ; warehouse and store of, 81; monopoly of, 135; reference to, 138, 142, 188, 209 Americans, hostility of Indians to, during War of 1812, 8-12; In dians impressed by supremacy of, 112-118; protection promised by, 122 Ammunition, giving of, to Indians, 110 Andrews, Joseph F., 230 Annuities, 42, 43, 111, 126; pay ment of, to Indians, 184, 185 Apple River, massacre on, 132, 232 Apples, purchase of, 88 Ardourly, Jack, 100 Armorer's shop, 77, 78, 79 Articles of Confederation, 176 Assiniboine River, 5 Astor, John Jacob, 135, 209 Atkinson, Henry, fort named in hon or of, 30 ; reference to, 34 Avmt Phyllis's Cabin, 62 Badger, The, murder of, 127 Bailly, Alexis, 99, 188; disagreement between Taliaferro and, 138, 139; whiskey in store of, 142, 143 Baker, Benjamin, trading house of, 78, 79, 125, 192 Ball-plays, 101; holding of, for Cat lin, 164 Balls, music for, 197 Band, fund for maintenance of, 87; music by, 197 Barracks, building of, 25; reference to, 73 ; description of, 74, 75 ; tak ing of sick soldiers from, 85 Bean, J. L., boundary line surveyed by, 130, 131 Bear, hunting of, 105 Bear dance, 164 Bedford (Pennsylvania), 71 Beef, 85; ration of, 109 Beggars' dance, 164 Belen Gate of City of Mexico, 64 Beltrami, J. C, description of coun cil by, 106, 107; reference to, 133, 187; visit of, to Fort Snelling, 160- 163 Bennington (Vermont), 61 Benton, Thomas H., 107 Berries, gathering of, 105 Big Eagle, 83 Big Stone Lake, 103 Big Thunder, 83 ; desire of, to raise corn, 152 Birthplace of soldiers, 92 Black Dog, village of, 83 Black Hawk War, position of Fort Snelling during, 35 Black Hole, confinement of offenders in, 91, 132 Black River, 36, 184 Blacksmith shop, 118 Blacksmiths, work of, 78, 155 Blankets, giving of, to Indians, 110; reference to, 136 Bliss, John H, 68, 114, 151, 153; punishment inflicted by, 90, 91 ; statement by, 99, 100 Bliss, Mrs. John H, 153 Blockhouses, 74 Blue Earth River, Winnebago reser vation on, 37; reference to, 162 251 252 INDEX Boarding-school, success of, among Indians, 156 Boatmen, foi'eigners as, 138 Bois brulis, difficulties with, 37-40; location of, around fort, 188, 189 Books, fund for purchase of, 87 Boonesborough (Kentucky), 201 Boston, 56, 145 Bougainville, Louis Antoine, report of, 205 Boundary line of 1825, 130, 131, 178, 184 Brandy, 86 Braves, desire of, to take part in council, 181 "Brazil" (steamboat), 168, 169 Bread, character of, 86 Bread tickets, 88 Breakfast, 85 Brewers, 92 Briggs, Ansel, 41 Brock, General, 8 Brooke, George M., site for fort chos en by, 48 Broom, purchase of, 88 Brown, Joseph R., 190, 191 Brown, Private, purchases by, 88 Brown's Falls, 81 Bruce, Amos J., 71 Brunson, Alfred, work of, among In dians, 154 Brunson, Ira B., 195 Buchanan County (Iowa), 41 Buck, Solon J., acknowledgments to, ix Buffalo, hunting of, by half-breeds, 37, 38, 40 Buffalo dance, 164 "Burlington" (steamboat), 168 Butter, purchase of, 88 Calhoun, John C, 19, 224 California, emigration to, 43 Camp Cold Water, establishment of, 27; reference to, 58, 110, 189, 190, 212 Camp Missouri, sickness at, 213 Camp Pierce, 46 Campbell, Duncan, 131 Campbell, Scott, service of, as inter preter, 71, 72 Canada, 3, 8, 57, 92, 158; taking of furs to, 6 ; importance of fur trade to, 9; visits of Indians to, 37, 106; difficulties with half-breeds from, 37-40; export of furs from, 207 Canal, 20 Canby, Edward R. S., sketch of life of, 63-65 Candles, 86 Candy, purchase of, 88 Canister shot, 77 Cannon, description of, 77 Cannon River, 137 Canoes, 199 Cantonment Leavenworth, establish ment of, 56 Cantonment New Hope, establishment of, 25; removal of troops from, 27; reference to, 55 Cards, playing of, 99 Carpenters, employment of soldiers as, 96 Cartridges, stock of, 77 Carver, Jonathan, exploration by, 1; statement by, 1, 2 ; reference to, 198 Cass, Lewis, visit of, at Fort Snell ing, 28; reference to, 137, 140, 178; expedition of, 212 CatVnine tails, 90 Catholic chapel, 81 Catholics, religious work among, 158 Catlin, George, visit of, at Fort Snell ing, 163, 164 Catlin, Mrs. George, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 163, 164 Cattle, feeding of, 82, 96 Cellars, 75 Cemetery, 81, 89, 93 Certificates, giving of, to Indians, 113, 114 Chambers, John, 182 Chapel, 81, 195 Chaplain, 88, 101, 194, 195; service of Gear as, 157 Chatel, Mr., work of, 155, 156 Checkers, playing of, 99 INDEX 253 Cheese, purchase of, 88 Cherokee Indians, removal of, 63, 64 Cherubusco, Battle of, 64 Chess, playing of, 99 Chicago, 161 Chiefs, giving of certificates to, 113, 114; visit of, to Washington, 115, 116; council with, 181 Children, education of, at fort, 100, 101 Chippewa, Battle of, 55 Chippewa Indians, early traders among, 3 ; reference to, 7, 48, 104, 108, 139, 142, 144, 163, 177, 178, 228, 231, 242 ; unwillingness of, to make treaty, 13 ; treaty between Sioux and, 28; treaty with, 45, 176-186; land ceded by, 47, 48; home of, 103 ; war parties against, 106; hostility of, 114; feuds be tween Sioux and, 119-134; killing of, by Sioux, 121, 125; murderers killed by, 122-124 ; murder of Sioux warrior by, 127; battle be tween Sioux and, 127, 128, 232; boundary line between Sioux and, 130, 131, 178; trustworthiness of, 134; language of, 172, 173, 174; summoning of, to council, 179 Chippewa River, 131, 172; murder of Sioux on, 232 Choctaw Indians, removal of, 63, 64 Chouteau, Auguste, activities of, as commissioner, 12, 13 Christianity, influence of, 146; meth od of preaching, 150, 151 Church, organization of, at Fort Snelling, 157; attendance at, 194, 195 Churns, 76 Civil War, use of Fort Snelling dur ing, 52; service of Eastman in, 62; reference to, 63, 201 ; service of Canby in, 64 Clark, Charlotte Ouisconsin, 23, 212 Clark, Dan E., acknowledgments to, x Clark, Nathan, 21 Clark, Mrs. Nathan, 23 Clark, William, expedition under, 4, 5; Fort Shelby established by, 11; activities of, as commissioner, 12, 13; reference to, 69, 70, 114, 178, 221, 228 Clarke, Colonel, 44 Clerks, 136 Cloud Man, resolution of, to become farmer, 148; reference to, 153 Cloves, purchase of, 88 Coe, Alvan, coming of, to Fort Snell ing, 149 Coffee, 86 Colhoun, James E., 161, 162 Colors, guarding of, 85 Columbia, Department of, 65 Columbia Fur Company, 138 Columbia River, 5 Commanders of Fort Snelling, influ ence of, 54 ; sketches of lives of, 54-65 Commanding officer, quarters of, 75 Commerce, extent of, 205 Commissary, office of, 75 Commissary department, storehouse of, 75 Commissioner of Indian Affairs, re port of, 37; reference to, 67, 177 Confederation, forming of, among In dians, 13 Congress, right of, to regulate Indian affairs, 176; memorials to, 246 Connecticut, 1 Contreras, Battle of, 64 Coon, story about Scott and, 60, 61 Cooper, S., 238 Cooperation in fur trade, 135 Copper, mining of, 25; block of, 175 Corn, feeding of, to cattle, 82 ; rais ing of, by Indians, 105; giving of, to Indians, 110 Council, holding of, with Indians, 35, 36, 43, 106-109, 129, 179-183 Council Bluff (Nebraska) , fort at, 20; route of road to Fort Snelling from, 28, 29 ; naming of fort at, 30; reference to, 160; sickness at, 213 Council Hall, description of, 106, 107 Council House, erection of, 28; de- 254 INDEX scription of, 77; burning of, 77, 78; rebuilding of, 78 Coureurs des bois, activities of, 3 Court-martial, 102 Crane, The, 129, 228 Crawford, Captain, 159 Crawford County (Wisconsin) volun teers from, 35 Credit, fur trade carried on by means of, 136 Creek Indians, removal of, 63, 64 Croghan, George, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 100 Cross Timbers (Indian Territory), 56 Crow Wing, 236 Crow Wing River, 47 Currants, purchase of, 88 Dahcotah : or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, 62 Dana, Captain, 49 Dance of the braves, 164 Dances, holding of, by Indians, 164 Dakota, Department of, 52 Dakota Indians (see Sioux Indians) Dearborn, Major, 110 Deaths, mimber of, at Fort Snelling, 93 Debts, payment of, to traders, 183, 184 De Courcy, Adolphine, 100 Deer, hunting of, 105 Delaware County (New York), 55 Delhi (New York), 56 Democrats, charges of graft against, 51 Denny, St. Clair, 161 Des Moines River, 1 8, 44 Deserters, dangers faced by, 92 Desertions, causes of, 91 ; prevalence of, 91, 92 Details, duties of, 85 Detroit, 11, 19 ; departure of troops from, 21; surrender of, 57 Devil's Lake, 40 Dickson, Robert, activities of, in be half of English, 11; reference to, 13, 16, 134; instructions to, 208 Diet, description of, 85 Dinner, 85 Dixon, Private, desertion of, 92 Dodge, Henry, visit of, to Fort Snell ing, 168; council of, with Indians, 180-183 Dog dance, 164 Dominoes, playing of, 99 Doty, James D., 212 Douglas, Thomas, settlement of, 188, 189 Draft riots, 64 Dragoons, expedition of, 38, 39, 45, 216; activities of, in Iowa, 44, 45; service of, on survey, 46, 47; ref erence to, 48, 56, 63, 186, 217; frontier service of, 49 ; arrival of, 215 Dress parade, 85 Drummond Island, visits of Indians to, 13, 14 Drunkenness, prevalence of, in gar rison, 89, 90, 194; punishment for, 90 Dubuque, 43, 158, 216 Dubuque, Diocese of, 158 Ducks, 96, 97 Dueling, 102 Duluth, Daniel Greyloson, 3 Dunning, William A., 215 Eagle dance, 164 Eastman, Mary Henderson, writings of, 62 Eastman, Seth, 35, 99, 145; sketch of life of, 62 Eastman, Mrs. Seth, description by, 94 Eaton, John H., 149 Eatonville (Minnesota) , colony at, 118, 149; success of colony at, 150; Pond brothers in charge of, 152 Education, work of, among Indians, 156 "Education Families", 103 Education of children, 100, 101 Edwards, Ninian, activities of, as commissioner, 12, 13 Eighth United States Infantry, 18 INDEX 255 Elk, hunting of, 105 Emerson, John, sketch of life of, 65, 66 ; reference to, 194, 245 Emerson, Mrs. John, 66 Emigration, 14, 15 England, 70 English, rule of, in West, 2, 3 ; ac tivities of, in fur trade, 3, 4, 140; power of, over Indians, 5-17; sup port of, by Indians in War of 1812, 8-12; medals given by, 112; persistence of influence of, 114, 115; use of Indians by, 208 English River, 42 English trading companies, 2 Episcopal Church, 169 Evans, William, 190 Exploring expeditions, 109 Factors, 136; relations of, with of ficers of fort, 138, 139 Factory System, 107 Fall, activities of Indians during, 105, 106 Falls of St. Anthony, 7, 24, 29, 30, 86, 96, 149, 153, 198, 207; jour ney of Long to, 19; plan to es tablish fort near, 20; saw mill at, 27, 28; fort named for, 29; road to, 81; description of, 81, 173, 174; legend concerning, 81, 82; visits of travelers to, 159-175; at tempt to cross, 161, 162 Falstrom, Jacob, 191 Faribault, Jean Baptiste, house of, 80; reference to, 137, 141, 222; trading post of, 187, 188 Faribault, Pelagi, 187 Farmers, 92 ; employment of soldiers as, 95 ; work of, among Indians, 155, 156 Farming, efforts to introduce, among Indians, 148-150; work of Indians at, 150; assistance to Indians in, 152, 153; instruction of Indians in, 155 "Fashionable Tour", 159-175 Fat Duty Win (Indian), 156 "Fayette" (steamboat), 169 Fayette County (Iowa), 41 Featherstonhaugh, G-eorge William, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 153, 165, 166 Ferries, 14 Feny house, 81 Ferryman, 81 Fifth United States Infantry, disem- barkment of, 2 ; orders to, 19, 20 ; location of parts of, 21 ; journey of, to mouth of Minnesota River, 21-24; companies of, taken to Fort Crawford, 32; reference to, 55, 58, 59, 62, 187 Finley, Mr., home of, 81 Fireplaces, heating by means of, 99 Fires, epidemic of, 101 First United States Infantry, 58, 59, 62 Fishing tackle, purchase of, 88 Flag staff, 75 Flags, giving up of, by Indians, 6 ; reference to, 112; slur against, 145 Flat Mouth, 120; career of, 179 Flatboats, 14, 86, 199 Flogging, 90 Florida War, service of Eastman in, 62 ; service of Canby in, 63 Flour, 86 Food, character of, 26, 85-87 Folles-Avoine Indians, 205 Fond du Lac, Department of, 6 Foraging, 85, 96 Foreigners, permission to, to engage in fur trade, 138 Forests, 178 Forsyth, Thomas, journey of, up Mis sissippi, 22 ; presents distributed by, 23 ; arrival of, at mouth of Min nesota River, 24 ; return trip of, 24; reference to, 211, 228 Fort Abercrombie, facts concerning early history of, 49, 50 Fort Armstrong, construction of, 18 ; reference to, 20; garrison for, 22; journey of Webb to, 117 Fort Atkinson (Iowa), dragoons from, 35; expedition from, 38; Major Woods at, 41 256 INDEX Fort Atkinson (Nebraska), naming of, 30; sickness at, 93 Fort Benton, 46 Fort Bridger, 64 Fort Calhoun (Nebraska), 20 Fort Clarke, establishment of, 44, 45 Fort Crawford, establi slime nt of, 18; reference to, 20, 23, 59, 157, 161; arrival of troops at, 22; reinforce ment of garrison of, 32, 34; re moval of troops from, 33 Fort Dearborn, massacre at, 10, 11, 208; reference to, 18, 117; re-oc cupation of, 18 Fort Defiance, 64 Fort Des Moines, 44 Fort Dodge, establishment of, 44, 45 ; reference to, 49 Fort Erie, 57 Fort Gaines, 43, 48 Fort Garry, 40, 188 Fort Howard, erection of, 19; refer ence to, 21, 211 Fort Leavenworth, establishment of, 56 Fort McKay, name of Fort Shelby changed to, 12; re-occupation of site of, 18 Fort Pierre, purchase of, 21; refer ence to, 167 Fort Ridgely, 49, 186 Fort Ripley, 48 Fort St. Anthony, 29 Fort Shelby, establishment of, 11, 12; capture of, by English, 12 Fort Snelling, significance of estab lishment of, 2 ; establishment and early history of, 18-30; range of influence of, 21; erection of, 27, 28; garden at, 28; route of road to, 28, 29; naming of, 29, 30; ser vice of, in protection of frontier, 31-53; attitude of War Department toward, 31 ; Territorial jurisdic tions over site of, 32; activities of troops at, during Winnebago out break, 32-34; character and duties of garrison of, 34, 35; service of troops from, in removal of Winne bagoes, 35-37; expeditions from, 39-45; surveying party escorted by dragoons from, 46, 47; relation of, to other forts, 47 ; fort built by troops from, 48, 49, 50; history of later years of, 50-53 ; desire to lo cate town on site of, 50-52; officers' training camp at, 53 ; biographical sketches of men connected with, 54-72; Dred Scott at, 66; service of Indian agent at, 66-72; descrip tion of, 73-83; view from, 79, 80; glimpses of garrison life at, 84- 102; relation of, to Indian affairs, 103-118; efforts of authorities at, to keep peace between Sioux and Chippewas, 119-134; regulation of fur trade by officers at, 135-139; regulation of liquor traffic by of ficers at, 139-145; work of mission aries at, 146-158; religious activi ties at, 156-158; visits of travelers to, 159-175, 198; Indian treaty made at, 176-186; part of, in open ing country to settlement, 184, 185; part of, in settlement of West, 187-201 ; settlements around, 187- 190 ; removal of settlers from vi cinity of, 192-195 ; relations be tween St. Paul and, 196-198; with drawal of troops from, 199; unique facts concerning, 201 ; arrival of troops at, 212, 215; oil painting of, 223 ; effect of, on Indian af fairs, 231, 232 Fort Sumter, 201 Fort Ticonderoga, 201 Fort Union, 46 Fort William, 9 Fort York, 189 Forts, resistance to building of, 13 ; location of, 18; building of, 18-20, 47; reference to, 136; degenera tion of Indians in vicinity of, 147 "Four Hearts", 68 Four Legs, attempt of, to delay troops, 21 Fourth United States Infantry, 56 Fowle, Major, 34, 122 INDEX 257 Fox Indians, rumor of attack by, 117; reference to, 205 ; treaty with, 208 (see Sac and Fox Indians) Fox River, 19, 163; canal between Wisconsin River and, 20; ascent of, by troops, 21, 22 France, 1, 92 Franks, Mr., 209 Fremont, John C, 167, 241 French, rule of, in West, 2, 3 ; influ ence of, over Indians, 3 ; extent of trade during control of, 205 French traders, 2 Frontier, difficulties on, 15 ; plan for protection of, 19; servTce of Fort Snelling in protection of, 31-53 ; service of Taylor on, 59 Fuel, use of wood for, 99 Funerals, conduct of, 93 Fur trade, 2, 3, 35; activities of English in, 3, 4, 5-17; importance of, to Canada, 9 ; regulation of, 15-17, 135-139; quantity of furs secured in, 137; use of liquor in, 139, 140; extent of, 205 Fur traders (see Traders) Furs, taking of, to Canada, 6 ; sort ing and packing of, 81; quantity and kind of, secured by traders, 137; annual export of, from Can ada, 207 Gaines, Edmund P., 227 Gale, Captain, 131 Galena (Illinois), 32, 151, 168, 170, 175, 190 Galtier, Lucian, 158, 195 Game, killing of, 42 Garden, products of, 28; making of, 95, 96 Gardiner, Captain, 46 Gardner, Lieutenant, 216 Garrison, life of, at Fort Snelling, 84- 102 Gear, Ezekiel, purchases made by, 88, 89; service of, as chaplain, 157; reference to, 169, 170, 173 Geese, 96 "General Ashley" (keel boat), 33 "General Brooke" (steamboat), 169 "General Fatigue", 85 Genoa (Italy), 70 Geological surveys, beginning of, 165 George the Third, medals of, 112 Gettysburg, Battle of, 63 Ghent, negotiations at, 209 Good Road (Chief), 83; village of, 155 Gooding, Mrs., 23 Gooding, Miss, 29 Goods for Indian trade, 136 Goose River, 40 Gorgets, 112, 114 Gorman, W. A., 197 Graft, charges of, 51 Graham's Point, 50 Grant, Peter, trading post of, 206 Grapeshot, 77 Gray, A., report by, 8 Great Britain, exploration of domain of, 1 ; diplomatic correspondence with, 140 Great Lakes, 2, 103 Green, Piatt Rogers, marriage of, 29; reference to, 83 Green Bay, 4, 21, 138; fort on, 19; fur trade at, 205 Greenly, Mr., 43, 44 Greenough, I. K., 101, 143 Green's Villa, 82 Grist mill, 82 Grooms, Mr., 142, 151 Groseilliers, Medard Chuart, explora tion by, 3 Guardhouse, 75 Gull Lake, 179 Guns, giving of, to Indians, 110 Half-breeds, difficulties with, 37-40; reference to, 157, 184; location of, around fort, 188, 189 Hamilton, Mrs. Alexander, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 168 Hannibal (negro servant), 90 Harness, 75 Harriet (negro woman), 66 Harriman, D. B., 232 Harrison, William H, 57 258 INDEX Harrodstown (Kentucky), 201 Hartford (Connecticut), 21 Hastings (Minnesota), 26 Hay, raising of, 96 Hays, John, 190 Heald, Nathan, 10 Heiskell, William King, Fort Snelling reservation sold by, 51 Hennepin, Louis, 3 Henry, Alexander, 206 Herring, Elbert, 221 Hiawatha, 62 Higby, James, 196 "Highland Mary", 43 Hill, James J., 235 Hivernants, 136 Hole-in-the-Day, 124, 126, 129, 228, 231; career of, 179, 180 Holland, 92 Homesickness, 25 Horses, feeding of, 85 ; raising of hay for, 96 ; exchange of, for liquor, 141 Hospital, 75; taking of sick soldiers to, 85; number of soldiers in, 93 Howitzers, 77 Hudson's Bay, 189 Hudson's Bay Company, 8, 140, 188, 206, 244 Huggins, Alexander G., 154 Hull, William, 10, 57; surrender of Detroit by, 57, 58 Hunt, Abigail, marriage of, 57 Hunting, skill of Scott in, 60, 61; success of soldiers in, 96, 97 ; ac tivities of Indians in, 105, 106; reference to, 111, 188; efforts to supplement, by farming, 148 Hunting grounds, 82 Hunting parties, size of, 38; encoun ters by, 129 ; watching of, by In dian agent, 129, 130 Illinois, admission of, 15; Indian out break in, 32-34 Illinois River, 177 Indian affairs, regulation of, 34, 35, 67; relation of Fort Snelling to, 103-118, 231 Indian agency, buildings of, 77; pro posed removal of, 78 ; councils with Indians at, 106-109 Indian agent, protection for, 18; ser vice of Taliaferro as, 66-71; re lation between military authorities and, 67; house of, 77, 78; task of, 103, 104; visit of Indians to, 111; aid given to sick Indians by, 111, 112 ; efforts of, to promote peace between Sioux and Chippewas, 119- 134; service of, as mediator, 191, 192; reference to, 220 Indian ball, 101 Indian country, preparations for march into, 93-95 Indian dances, holding of, for Cat lin, 164 Indian schools, 118 Indian Territory, removal of Indians to, 63, 64 Indian Tribes of the United States, History, Conditions, and Future Prospects of the, 62 Indian villages, 83 Indiana, admission of, 15; reference to, 63 Indians, influence of French traders over, 3 ; trade of English with, 4 ; power of English over, 5-17, 114, 115; support of British by, in War of 1812, 8-12; treaties with, 12, 13 ; sending of presents to, 13, 23 ; visits of, to Drummond Island, 13, 14 ; proposals for dealing with, 15 ; regulation of trade with, 15-17 ; re fusal of, to supply troops with food, 26; relation of Fort Snell ing to, 31; hostility of, 32-34; op position of, to hafcf -breeds, 37 ; power of agents over, 67 ; tepees of, 73 ; blacksmith work for, 78 ; legend of, concerning Falls of St. Anthony, 81, 82 ; treatment of de serters by, 92, 93 ; plan for civili zation of, 103 ; number of, around Fort Snelling, 103, 104; character of life among, 104-106; councils with, at Fort Snelling, 106-109; INDEX 259 effect of military display on, 108, 109; relief of sufferings of, 109, 110; visit of, to agent, 111; help to, in sickness, 111, 112; vaccina tion of, 112; evidence of power cf government given to, by Fort Snell ing, 112-118; medals and certifi cates given to, 113, 114; influence of Fort Snelling over, 116-118; reg ulation of fur trade with, 135-139; goods used in trade with, 136; ef forts to suppress liquor traffic with, 139-145; evil effects of liquor on, 141 ; work of missionaries among, 146-158; degeneration among, 147; log village for, 149; work of, at farming, 150; assistance to, in farming, 152, 153 ; boarding-school for, 156 ; effect of religious work among, 158; paintings of, by Cat lin, 163, 164; relations of United States with, 176-178; speeches by, 181, 182; disputes between settlers and, 191,192; drunkenness among, 194; use of, by British, 208; plans for permanent territory for, 209; respect of, for Sabbath, 237; steam boats feared by, 239, 240 Indigo, purchase of, 88 Intemperance, prevalence of, in gar rison, 89, 90 Interior, Department of, Indian af fairs placed under control of, 67 Interpreter, service of Campbell as, 71, 72; danger to, from fire, 78; activities of, 129, 130, 131; ser vice of Renville as, 161 Interpreters, foreigners as, 138 "lone" (steamboat), 169 Iowa, journey of Kearny across, 29; removal of Winnebagoes from, 35, 36, 47 ; expeditions from Fort Snelling into, 41-45 Iowa, Territory of, 32, 158 Iowa City, Major Woods at, 41, 42 ; reference to, 43 ; description of, 216 Iowa County, petition from, 41 Iowa Indians, 177; treaty with, 208 Iowa River, difficulties with Indians along, 41, 42-44; departure of In dians from, 44 Ireland, 92; immigrants from, 189 Iron, mining of, 25 Irving, Washington, 14 Izard, George, 57 Jack, Captain, war with, 65 Jackson, Andrew, 15 Jail, use of, 196 James, Edward, settlers removed by, 195 James River, 116 Jarvis, Doctor, 112 Jefferson, Thomas, statement of, con cerning trade, 4 Jesuits, work of, 146 Jewellers, 92 Jews' harps, giving of, to Indians, 107 Johnson, George, 118 Johnson County (Iowa), 41 Kansas State Historical Society, 221 Kaposia, 83, 152; missionary at, 154; abandonment of mission at, 155 ; school at, 156; battle near, 232 Kearny, Stephen Watts, survey of route for military road by, 29 Keating, William H., 161, 162 Keelboats, 86 Kemper, Jackson, letters describing visit of, to Fort Snelling, 169-175; reference to, 238, 242 Kentucky, settlement of, 14 ; refer ence to, 15, 63 Kickapoo Indians, treaty with, 208 Kinzie, John, 117 Kitchens, 75 Kittson, Norman W., 140, 235, 245 Knives, 136 La Baye, 205 Laborers, 92 Lac du Flambeau, 118 Lac du Traverse, 16 Lac qui Parle, 110, 116, 144, 154, 155 Laidlaw, William, 138 260 INDEX Lake Calhoun, 82, 96, 118, 133, 148, 153, 154; mission on, 83 Lake Harriet, 82, 96, 127, 154, 198; Indian boarding-school at, 156 Lake Huron, 13, 14, 19, 21 Lake Itasca, 167 Lake Julia, 163 Lake Michigan, 17, 19, 21 Lake Mini-Waken, 40 Lake of the Isles, 82, 96 Lake of the Woods, 16, 140, 209 Lake Pepin, 23, 24, 29, 93, 142, 171, 172, 212 Lake Pokegama, 232 Lake St. Croix, 128 Lake Superior, trading posts on, 6 ; reference to, 9, 47, 160, 162, 172 Lake Traverse, 103, 116 Lake Winnebago, 21 Lake Winnipeg, 4, 162, 189, 205 Lakes, hunting in region of, 82, 83 Landing at Fort Snelling, description of, 73 Lands, questions concerning, 111 Land's End, 138 Land-seekers, effect of coming of, 117, 118; land cessions urged by, 176 Latrobe, Charles Joseph, 223 "Laughing Water," 82 Laundresses, quarters of, 75 Lead mines, 178 Leavenworth, Henry, 21, 29, 63, 190, 211; message of, to Indian chief, 21, 22; journey of, to mouth of Minnesota River, 22-24; arrival of, at mouth of Minnesota River, 24 ; return of, to Prairie du Chien, 24; camp moved by, 27; successor to, 27; sketch of life of, 55, 56 Lee, Francis, 49 Leech Lake, Pike at, 6; trading post on, 6; reference to, 130, 179 Legend concerning Falls of St. An thony, 81, 82 Legend of Sleepy HoUow, The, 14 Lewis, Meriwether, expedition under, 4, 5 ; reference to, 72 Library, purchase of books for, 87; reference to, 99 Licenses, granting of, to traders, 16, 137, 138 Linn County (Iowa), 41 Liquor, 86; effect of, on Indians, 129, 141 ; suppression of traffic in, 129; power of, among Indians, 139, 140; prices charged for, 141, 142; destruction of, 143, 144 Liquor traffic, regulation of, 139-145 Little Crow, 68, 116, 117, 132, 155 Little Falls (Minnesota), 6, 81 Little Thunder, 118 Lockwood, Judge, 170 Log cabins, erection of, 25 Log village for Indians, 149 Long, Stephen H., site for fort ap proved by, 19 ; reference to, 95 ; expedition of, to upper Mississippi, 160-163 Longfellow, Henry W., 62 Lookout platform, 74 Loomis, Gustavus, 36, 156, 166; pun ishment inflicted by, 90 Loras, Mathias, 127, 231; activities of, at Mendota, 158 Lords of the North, 54-72 Louisiana, transfer of, 7 Louisiana Purchase, effect of, 4 Louisville (Kentucky), 169 Lover's rock, 172 Lower Red Cedar Lake, trading post on, 6 "Loyal Hanna" (steamboat), 169 Lumber, making of, 27, 28, 82 McCain, H. P., acknowledgments to, ix M'Gillis, Hugh, 6 McGregor, John R., 196 McKenny, T. L., 17 McKerizie, Kenneth, trading house bought by, 79; reference to, 138 McLean, Nathaniel, 71, 220 McMahon, Doctor, 121 McNeil, Colonel, 117 Mackinac, capture of, by British, 9, 10; reference to, 11, 12, 18, 118, 146, 201, 209; transfer of, to Americans, 18 Madison, James, 12 INDEX 261 Magazine, 74; contents of, 76, 77 Ma-ghe-ga-bo, 182, 183 Magruder, William T., 63, 186 Mahoney, Sergeant, purchases made by, 89 Mail, carrying of, to Fort Snelling, 97-99, 101 Maize, raising of, 95 "Malta" (steamboat), 169 Man-of-the-sky, 133 Mandan (North Dakota), 5 Mandan Indians, Lewis and Clark among, 5 ; reference to, 206 Maple sugar, 120 March, preparations for, 93-95 Marengo (Iowa), difficulties with In dians near, 42, 43 Marion (Iowa), 42 Marquette, Jacques, 3, 146 Marryat, Frederick, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 168, 229 Marsh, John, letter from, 33; ser vice of, as tutor, 100, 101 Marston, Major, 22 Massacre of 1862, 118 Massy, Louis, 192 Mather, William Williams, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 165 Mdewakanton Sioux Indians, treaty with, 247 Meals, character of, 85-87 Medals, giving up of, by Indians, 6 ; giving of, by English, 112; giving of, by United States, 113, 114; slur against, 145 Mendota, treaty of, 49, 247 ; settle ment at, 80, 81; headquarters of fur trade at, 135, 136; factor at, 139; reference to, 142, 212, 223, 245; religious activities at, 157, 158; traders at, 188 Menominee Indians, unwillingness of, to make treaty, 13; reference to, 177 Mess-rooms, 75 Mexican War, services of Taylor in, 59 ; services of Scott in, 61 ; ref erence to, 63; service of Canby in, 64 Mexico, City of, 64, 197 Michigan, Territory of, 32 Military frontier, forward movement of, 17, 18 Military posts, establishment of, 2 ; permission for establishment of, 7 Military reservation, 192; removal of settlers from, 192-195 Military road, survey of route for, 28, 29 Military rules, severity of, 91 Mille Lac, 180 Miller, John, 19 Mills, 82, 149; guarding of, 96 Minneapolis, real estate speculation at, 50 Minnehaha Creek, 27 Minnehaha Falls, 62, 96, 127, 198 Minnesota, Indians in, 103 ; diocese of Dubuque extended over, 158; reference to, 177 Minnesota, Territory of, 32, 216; or ganization of, 196 Minnesota River, Carver on, 1 ; ref erence to, 2, 21, 30, 31, 47, 55, 74, 106, 110, 111, 118, 121, 138, 140, 146, 154, 155, 185, 187, 207; cession of land at mouth of, se cured by Pike, 7, 8; promise of trading house at mouth of, 17; se lection of site for fort' at mouth of, 19 ; arrival of troops at mouth of, 24, 212; fort located at junction of Mississippi River and, 27; con centration of Sioux Indians along, 49; scenery at mouth of, 79, 80; Indian villages on, 83; clearing of timber from banks of, 99; expedi tion up, 162; name of, 206 Minnesota Valley, settlement of, 39; geological survey in, 165 Mission, 83 Missionaries, 3, 118, 146-158; meth ods of, suggested by Taliaferro, 150, 151; service of, 199 Missionary societies, 145 Missions, activities at, 155 Mississippi River, Carver on, 1; ref erence to, 2, 13, 15, 21, 30, 48, 262 INDEX 55, 58, 74, 103, 107, 120, 126, 129, 131, 135, 143, 158, 167, 179, 187, 205, 207; foreign jurisdictions over country west of, 2, 3 ; expedi tion of Pike up, 4 ; activities of British traders on, 5-8; cession of land on, secured by Pike, 7, 8 ; treaties with Indians on, 12, 13 ; proposed trading posts on, 17; forts on, 18, 19; fort located at junction of Minnesota River and, 27; exploration of, by Cass, 28; scenery along, 79, 80 ; road along, 81; Indian villages on, 83; low water in, 86; seizure of liquor on, 144; first steamboat on upper, 159, 160; attempt to find source of, 163; discovery of source of, 167; advertisements of trip on, 168, 169; description of journey up, 169-175; reasons for cession of land east of, 178, 179; cession of land east of, 182-185, 192; mili tary reservation on, 193 Mississippi Valley, settlement of, 39; erection of military posts in, 47 ; work of missionaries in, 146; open ing of, to settlement, 185; refer ence to, 200 Missouri, increase in population of, 15; reference to, 66 Missouri, Territory of, 29, 32 Missouri Compromise, 66 Missouri Fur Company, murder of employees of, 113 Missouri Indians, 116 Missouri River, 2, 3, 6, 13, 21, 30, 37, 46, 56, 72, 107, 112, 113, 116, 135, 138, 148, 167, 205, 216, 230; English traders on, 4 ; Lewis and Clark expedition on, 4, 5 ; treaties with Indians on, 12, 13 ; forts on, 19, 20; return of Sacs and Foxes from, 42 ; removal of Indians to, 44 Modoc Indians, war with, 65 Molino del Rey, Battle of, death of Scott in, 60, 61, 62 Moncrief, W. T., 226 Monroe, James, 36, 49, 186, 236 Monsieur Tonson, 100 "Monsoon" (steamboat), 169 Montreal, activities of merchants of, 4 Moores, Hazen, 143 Morgan's Bluff, 89 Morrill, Mr., 50 Morse, Jedidiah, plan of, for civilizing Indians, 103, 118 Mud Lake, 125, 191 Mumford, Mr., 101 Murderers, surrender of, by Indians, 113 ; killing of, by Chippewas, 122- 124; punishment of, 125, 126, 132 Murphy, R. G., 71, 145 Musick, Peter, killing of cattle of, 191 Musket flints, 77 Muskrat furs, exchange of, for liquor, 142 Muskrats, trapping of, 105 Mutinies, causes of, 91 Nadin, complaint of, 181 Nadoueseronoms, 119 Navajo Indians, expedition against, 64 Needles, purchase of, 88 Nelson River, 189 Neutral Ground, removal of Winne bagoes from, 47 New Mexico, 64 New Orleans, 56 New Ulm (Minnesota), 49 New York City, 56, 145, 172, 175; draft riots in, 64 Niagara Falls, 55, 173 Nichols, R. C, building of Fort Arm strong by, 18 Nicollet, Jean, exploration by, 3 Nicollet, Joseph N., explorations by, 166, 167; reference to, 180 Nine Mile River, 174 Nokay River, 48 North, Lords of, 54-72 North Dakota, 40 North West Company, activities of, 4 ; traders of, 5 ; extent of com merce of, 6; reference to, 8, 9, 10, 244 INDEX 263 Northern Pacific Survey, 46 Northwest, period of foreign rule in, 1-17; reference to, 18; importance of Fort Snelling in, 55, 118; guardian of, 30; work of mission aries in, 146-158; coming of first steamboat to, 159, 160; missionary bishop of, 169, 242; part of Fort Snelling in development of, 199, 200 ; meaning of term, 205 Oak Grove, mission at, 155 Oats, raising of, 95 O'Fallon, Benjamin, 16 Officer of the day, 85 Officers' Mess, 88 Officers' quarters, description1 of, 75 ; fire in, 101 Officers' Training Camp, 53 "O. H. Perry" (keelboat), 33, 34 Ojibway Indians, home of, 103 Old Northwest, settlement of, 14; ref erence to, 205 Oliphant, Laurence, 222 Oliver, Lieutenant, experiences of, 26 Orderly-room, 75 Ordnance, alleged lack of, 76; stock of, 76, 77 Ordnance sergeant, quarters of, 75 Ordway, John, 206 Oregon treaty, 46 Orphan asylum, 118 Orphans, fund for relief of, 87 Osage Indians, treaty with, 208 Ottawa Indians, 177 Otter furs, exchange of, for liquor, 142 Otter Tail Lake, 37, 131 Otto, Helen, acknowledgments to, x Pacific Coast, emigration to, 45; ne cessity of railroad to, 46; survey of route for railroad to, 46, 47 Pacific Northwest, 205 Page, Captain, 36 Painted rock, 175 Painters, 92 "Palmyra" (steamboat), 168 Paper, purchase of, 88 Papermakers, 92 Parade ground, 73 ; sweeping of, 85 Parkman, Francis, 146 Parties, holding of, 100, 101 Pattern farms, 103 Patterson, Robert, visit of, to Fort Snelling, 164 Pawnee Indians, campaign against, 56 Paymaster, office of, 75 Peace conferences between Indians, 131 Peace pipe, 107; smoking of, 126 Pelzer, Louis, vii Pembina, hunting party from, 38; expedition to, 39, 40, 45 ; refer ence to, 140, 163 Pemmican, making of, 37 Peoria (Illinois), 99 Pepper, purchase of, 88 Perrot, Nicholas, 3 Perry, Abraham, 192 Perry, Mrs. Abraham, 193 Pe-she-ke, speech by, 183 Pettijohn, Eli, purchase made by, 88 Phelan, Edward, 190 Philadelphia, 161, 164 Physician at Fort Snelling, sketch of life of, 65, 66 ; service of, to set tlers, 190, 191 Piankashaw Indians, treaty with, 208 Picnic grounds, 82 Picnics, 96 Pike, Zebulon M., expedition under, 4 ; activities of English traders in vestigated by, 5-8 ; cession of land secured by, 7, 8; reference to, 11, 22, 139, 146, 179, 192, 193; promise made by, 17 Pike's Island, 187 Pillager band of Chippewas, treaty with, 45; reference to, 179, 182 Pilot Knob, 80 Pine Bend, 86 Pine Coulie, 232 Pine timber, 172 Pinisha, 83 Pipestone quarry, trip to, 167 Pioneers, protection of, against In- 264 INDEX dians, 116; coming of, 199 (see Settlers) Pittsburgh, 160 Plattsburg, 57 Pleasures of soldiers, 96, 97 £lympton, J., 65, 125, 126, 192, 193 "¥^ageK Sarah, 154 ¦Poinsett, J. R., 194 Police guard, 85 Pond, Gideon, coming of, to Fort Snelling, 151; work of, among In dians, 152-156 Pond, S. W., 72, 103; coming of, to Fort Snelling, 151; work of, among Indians, 152-156 Pontiac's conspiracy, 3 Pope, John, 215 Pork, 86; ration of, 109; giving of, to Indians, 110 Portage des Sioux, 17 Post fund, 87 Post school, 75 ; fund for mainten ance of, 87; organization of, 101 Potatoes, raising of, 95 Potosi (Wisconsin), 170, 173 Pottawattamie Indians, 42, 177; treaty with, 208 Poupon, Isadore, 230 Powder, stock of, 77 Poweshiek (Chief)', 44 Prairie du Chien, 11, 16, 20, 21, 26, 32, 33, 34, 41, 58, 66, 92, 122, 140, 142, 149, 161, 164, 170, 172, 173, 181, 187 195, 243, 246; es tablishment of Fort Shelby at, 11, 12; capture of, by British, 12; round-about route to, 13 ; Fort Crawford at, 18; arrival of troops at, 22 ; return of Leavenworth to, 24 ; carrying of mail between Fort Snelling and, 97-99, 101 ; treaty made at, in 1825, 130, 177, 178 Preemption, 192 Prescott, Philander, 212 Presents, giving of, to Indians, 13, 23, 107, 111 President of United States, 16 Prevost, George, 8 Prices, fixing of, 87 Prison, number of soldiers in, 91 Prisoners, guarding of, 85 Provencalle, Louis, 143 Provisions, distribution of, to In dians, 110; character of, 213 Pump, 74 Punishments, character of, 90, 91 Puthuff, William H., 209 Quaife, Milo M., acknowledgments to, ix Quarrels in garrison, 102 Quarrying, employment of soldiers at, 96 Quartermaster, trouble between physi cian and, 65, 66; office of, 75 Quebec, 118, 208 Radisson, Pierre Esprit, exploration by, 3; reference to, 119 Railroad, survey of route for, 46, 47 Rainville, Mr., 229 Raisins, purchase of, 88 Ramsey, Alexander, 36, 182; treaty made bj1-, 45; council called by, 131, 132 Rations, character of, 85-87, 109; reference to, 95 ; issuance of, to Indians, 181, 182 Real estate speculation, 50 Reconnoitering, 85 Red Bird, hostility of Indians under, 33, 34 Red Bird War, 214 "Red Head," 108, 228 Red River carts, caravans of, 235, 236 Red River of the North, trading posts on, 4, 206; reference to, 16, 49, 50, 103, 138, 151, 188, 205, 236; difficulties with half-breeds from, 37-40; expeditions to, 38-40, 162; Lord Selkirk's colony on, 188 Rod River Trail, 46 Red Wing (Chief), 92; village of, 171, 172; payment of annuities to Indians under, 185 Regulations for the Army, General, 84, 86 INDEX 265 Renville, Daniel, 156 Renville, Joseph, 138, 191; service of, as interpreter, 161 Renville, Rosalie, 156 Republicans, charges of graft made by, 51 Reveille, 84 Revival, success of, 156 Reynolds, Lieutenant, 86 Riggs, S. R., 144 Road to Fort Snelling, 73, 81 Robertson, Mr., work of, 155, 156 Robertson, Gustavus A., 156 Rock Island, building of fort on, 18 ; garrison for fort on, 22; reference to, 117 Rock River, hostility of Indians on, 12, 13 Rocky Mountains, 16 Roll call, 84, 85 ; punishment for ab sence from, 90 Round Tower, Old, 72 ; description of, 74 Routine duties, description of, 84, 85 Rum, 86; evil effect of, 139 Rum River, 27, 101, 130; battle on, 128 Runners, sending of, to Indian camps, 130 Rupel, J. B. F., 143 Ryerson, Private, purchases by, 88 Sabbath, respect of Indians for, 237 Sac Indians, hostility of, 13; pursuit of, 35 ; reference to, 205 ; treaty with, 208 Sac and Fox Indians, 35, 42, 177; return of, to Iowa, 42 St. Anthony (Minnesota), real estate speculation at, 50 St. Croix River, trading posts on, 6; cession of land at mouth of, 8 ; reference to, 126, 172, 174, 175, 180, 207 St. Joseph's, 10 St. Lawrence River, 205 St. Louis, 4, 5, 11, 22, 48, 56, 58, 69, 72, 120, 159, 162, 169, 170, 172, 213, 228; troops from, 34; bringing of supplies from, 86 St. Paul, 36, 46, 71, 216, 236; real estate speculation at, 50; founding of, 195, 196; relations between fort and, 196-198 St. Paul, Minneapolis and Manitoba Railroad Company, 235 St. Peter's, 170, 172, 173, 175, 206 St. Peter's agency, service of Talia ferro at, 68-71 St. Peter's River (see Minnesota River) St. Vincent (Minnesota), 206 Salt, 86 Sandy Lake, trading post on, 6 ; ref erence to, 114, 120, 180 Sanford, John F. A., Dred Scott bought by, 66 Santa Fe Trail, dangers on, 56 Sauk River, 133 Sault Ste. Marie, 119, 163 Saw mill, erection of, 27 ; reference to, 82, 172 Saxton, Lieutenant, 46 Say, Thomas, 161, 162 Scalp dance, 123, 128, 131, 132 Scalps, taking of, 128 Scenery, description of, around Fort Snelling, 79, 80 School, organization of, 101 Schoolcraft, Henry R., statement by, 14; reference to, 119, 130 Schools, success of, among Indians, 156 Scientific expeditions, 109 Scotland, 92; immigrants from, 189 Scott, Dred, fugitive slave case of, 66 Scott, Martin, sketch of life of, 59-62 Scott, Winfield, naming of Fort Snel ling suggested by, 29, 30; refer ence to, 55 Scott vs. Sanford, 66 Scrub brush, purchase of, 88 Scurvy, ravages of, 26, 213 Second United States Infantry, 63 Secretary of War, 19, 10'3, 130, 149 Selkirk, Lord, colony of, 188, 189 Settlement, opening up country to, 184, 185 266 INDEX Settlements, protection for, 18 Settlers, annoyance of, by Indians, 42, 43 ; desire of, for land cession, 178; service of Fort Snelling to, 187-201; disputes between Indians and, 191, 192; memorial of, 192; efforts to exclude from reservation, 192-195; ejection of, 195, 246 Seymour, Samuel, 161 Shakopee (Minnesota) , 83 Shakpay, 83 Shambaugh, Benj. F., introduction by, v; acknowledgments to, vii, ix Shapaydan, 83 Shaw, Mr., 22 Sherman, W. T., military career of, 63 Sheyenne River, 103, 138 Shields, James, 197 Shining Mountains, 3 Shipler, Jacob, 196 ,< Shoemakers, 92 Shoes, purchase of, 88 Shot, stock of, 77 Sibley, General, 64 Sibley, Henry H., description by, 26, 27; house of, 80; hunting by, 96, 97; reference to, 110, 145, 180, 213, 231, 239; relations between officers of fort and, 139 Sibley House, 223 Sick, taking of, to hospital, 85 Sickness, prevalence of, among troops, 26, 213; losses because of, 93; help to Indians in case of, 111, 112 Sinclair, Mr., 245 Sioux Indians, early traders among, 3 ; land at mouth of Minnesota ceded by, 7, 8 ; visits of, to Drum mond Island, 13, 14; goods sent to, 22; treaty between Chippewas and, 28 ; unfriendliness of, 33 ; part of, in Black Hawk War, 35; hostility between half-breeds and, 37; reference to, 48, 98, 101, 151, 158, 171, 177, 178, 179, 180, 184, 198, 205, 229, 231, 242 ; concentration of, 49 ; massacre by, 52, 83 ; visit of, to Washington, 68; villages of, 83; home of, 103; number of, 103, 104; migrations of, to Canada, 106; vaccination of, 112; hostility of, 1 14 ; disillusion ment of, 115; influence of Fort Snelling over, 116-118 ; rumor of attack by, 117; feuds between Chippewas and, 119-134; killing of Chippewas by, 121, 125 ; surrender of murderers by, 122, 125, 126; battle between Chippewas and, 127, 128, 232; boundary line between Chippewas and, 130, 131, 178; imprisonment of, 132 ; untrust- worthiness of, 134; temperance society among, 145 ; farmer for, 155; language of, 174; delegation of, to Washington, 179 ; treaty made by, 184, 247 ; payment of annuities to, 185, 186; amount of land ceded by, in 1805, 207 Sioux of the Lakes, treaty with, 208 Sioux of St. Peter's River, treaty with, 208 Sioux-Chippewa boundary line, 48 Sioux language, school books in, 156 Sisseton Sioux Indians, 113, 129, 228; treaty with, 247 Sixth United States Infantry, com pany of, in Iowa, 44 ; reference to, 48, 57, 63, 197; frontier service of, 49 Skunk River, 42 Smallpox, efforts to check, 112 Smith, C. F., expedition under, 40; site for fort recommended by, 49, 50 Smith, William R., 180 Smuggling of whiskey, 142, 143 Snelling, Josiah, building of fort by, 27, 28; letter by, 28; activities of, during Winnebago outbreak, 32-34; reference to, 55, 96, 100, 102, 117, 132, 142, 163, 190; sketch of life of, 56-59; punishments inflicted by, 90; description by, 113; evil effects of liquor described by, 140, 141 Snelling, Mrs. Josiah, 100, 160 INDEX 267 Snelling, William J., 102, 163 Soap, 86; purchase of, 88 Social life, 99-102 Soiree, 101 Soldiers, building of fort by, 27 ; surroundings of, at Fort Snelling, 73-83 ; life of, at Fort Snelling, 84-102; occupation of, 92; birth place of, 92 ; journeys into Indian country enjoyed by, 93-95 ; em ployments of, 95, 96; pleasures of, 96, 97; carrying of mail by, 97, 98; social life among, 100-102; quarrels among, 102; dependence of missionaries on, 148 ; revival among, 156 ; church services for, 157; expedition escorted by, 162, 163; drunkenness among, 194; ar rival of, at Fort Snelling, 212; ejection of settlers by, 246 Soup, character of, 86, 87 South Dakota, Indians in, 103 Southwest Company, 188 Spain, exploration of domain of, 1 Spanish, rule of, in West, 2, 3 ; In dian trade won from, by English, 4 Speculators, desire of, for land ces sion, 178 Speeches, making of, by Indians, 181, 182 Split Upper Lip, 123 Spring, eagerness for coming of, 102 ; activities of Indians in, 104, 105 Squad-rooms, 75 Squatters, huts of, 79 (see Settlers) Starch, purchase of, 88 Stairway, 73 Stanton, Edwin M., 64 Steamboating, beginning of, on upper Mississippi, 159, 160 Steamboats, use of, to bring supplies, 86; mail carried by, 97; reference to, 159, 199 ; advertisements of, 169; attitude of Indians toward, 239, 240 Steele, Franklin, Fort Snelling reser vation sold to, 51, 52; adjustment with, 52 ; home of, 79 ; account books of, 87 Steen, Mr., 43, 44 Stevens, Isaac I., survey of route for railroad by, 46; reference to, 217 Stevens, Jedediah I., coming of, to Fort Snelling, 149; work of, among Indians, 154; preaching by, 157 Stillwater (Minnesota), 197 Stockade, erection of, 25; reference to, 73, 136 Store, purchase of goods at, 87-89 Storehouse, 75 Storer, William, 131 Stoves, use of, for heating, 99 Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 62 Straits of Mackinac, 21 Street, Joseph M., 149, 231 Strong Earth, complaint of, 121; career of, 180 Strong Ground, career of, 180 Sugar, 86; purchase of, 88 Sugar bush, 105 Summer, activities of Indians during, 105 Sumner, Edwin V., expedition under, 38 Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 67, 71 Supplies, character of, 26 ; bringing of, to Fort Snelling, 86; amount of, furnished to Indians, 182 Supreme Court of United States, 66 Surveyors, destruction of landmarks of, 42 Suspenders, purchase of, 88 Sutler, home of, 79 ; purchase of goods from, 87-89; service of Brown as, 190 Swan, 96 Swan River, 179 Switzerland, immigrants from, 172, 189 Taliaferro, Lawrence, 28, 35, 66, 72, 77, 78, 84, 89, 91, 98, 102, 103, 114, 116, 139, 140, 160, 167, 178, 179, 180, 184, 193, 221; threat against, 33 ; service of, as Indian agent, 68-71; letters and papers of, 268 INDEX 69, 70; speech by, 108; suffering of Indians relieved by, 109, 110; visit of Indians to, 111 ; aid given to sick Indians by, 111, 112; mur derers demanded by, 113; efforts of, to civilize Indians, 118; diffi culties of, with Sioux and Chip pewas, 120-134; traders' licenses granted by, 137, 138; disagree ment between Bailly and, 138, 139; linuor laws enforced by, 142-144 ; efforts of, to induce Indians to farm, 148-150 ; cooperation of, with missionaries, 149-158 ; wed ding ceremony performed by, 191 ; service of, as mediator, 191, 192 Tailing, results of, 102 Tattoo, 85 Taylor, Zachary, service of, at Fort Snelling, 59 Tea party, 197 Teamsters, employment of soldiers as, 96 Temperance societies, 143, 145 Tennessee, settlement of, 14; refer ence to, 15 Tenth United States Infantry, expe dition of companies of, 40 ; refer ence to, 63, 64 Tepees, repairing of, 105 Teton Sioux Indians, treaty with, 208 Theatrical performances, 100 Thespian Players, 100 Third Artillery, 63 Third United States Infantry, 19, 21 Thomas, Sergeant, 223 Throckmorton, Captain, 169 Timber, destruction of, 42 Timber lands, opening up of, 185 Tintatonwan village, 83 Tippecanoe, Battle of, 56 Toopunkah Zeze, killing of, 123, 124, 231 Tourist traffic, extent of, 168, 169 Tourists, increase in number of, 198 (see Travelers) Traders, activities of, 3, 4; regula tion of activities of, 135-145; granting of licenses to, 137, 138; law suit begun by, 144; opposition of, to farming, 150 ; religious work among, 157, 158; desire of, for treaty, 178, 179; presence of, at council, 180; speeches of Indians concerning, 181; payment of debts to, 183, 184; reference to, 187, 192; location of, at Mendota, 188; service of, 199 Trading companies, development of, 135; profit of, 136 Trading house, 78, 79, 135 Trading houses, establishment of, 17; protection for, 18; cluster of, 80 Trading posts, location of, 6, 135, 136, 138; permission for estab lishment of, 7; reference to, 187, 188 Training camp, use of Fort Snelling as, 52, 53 Travelers, visits of, to Fort Snelling, 159-175 Traverse des Sioux, treaty of, 49, 247 Treaties, making of, with Indians, 12, 13, 28, 47, 48, 176-186, 208, 247; making of, between tribes, 131, 132 Treaty of Ghent, terms of, 12, 18 Treaty of Paris (1783), 16 Trinkets, 136 Troops, proposed employment of, in mining, 25 ; troubles of, during first winter, 25-27; ravages of scurvy among, 26; new camp for, 27; service of, in protection of frontier, 31-53; withdrawal of, from Fort Snelling, 52, 199 (also see Soldiers) Truces, making of, between tribes, 131 Turkey River, removal of Winne bagoes from, 35, 36; reference to, 47 Turner, F. J., 187 Tutor, service of Marsh as, 100, 101 Uncle. Tom's Cabin, 62 United States, establishment of mili- INDEX 269 tary posts by, 2; agreement of, to make peace with Indians, 12 ; northern boundary of, 16; expan sion of, 45, 46 ; hostility of In dians to, 114; relations of, with Indians, 176-178; agreement of, with Chippewas, 184; land ceded to, by Sioux in 1805, 207 Upper country, extent of, 2 Utah, 64 Vaccination of Indians, 112 Vail, J., 143 Valentine Ball, 197 "Valley Forge" (steamboat), 169 Van Antwerp, Ver Planck, 180 Van Cleve, Horatio P., 212 Van Cleve, Mrs., 231 Vancouver (Washington), 47 Vevay (Indiana), 190 Vinegar, 86 Vineyard, Miles, 179 Virginia, 70 "Virginia" (steamboat), trip of, up Mississippi River, 159, 160 Volga River, 41 Voyageurs, 136, 157, 188 Wabasha (Chief), 33, 117; land sold by, 35; meeting of couriers at vil lage of, 98; missionary at village of, 154; village of, 171; payment of annuities to Indians under, 185 Wabasha's Prairie, 35 Wahpakoota Sioux Indians, treaty with, 247 Wahpeton Sioux Indians, treaty with, 247 Wall around Fort Snelling, descrip tion of, 73, 74, 76 Wakh-pa-koo-tay, 243 Wakinyantanka, 83 Wamditanka, 83 Wapsipinicon River, 42 War Department, 19, 22, 39, 44, 160; naming of Fort Snelling by, 29, 30; attitude of, toward Fort Snelling, 31 ; Indian affairs placed under control of, 67 War of 1812, English supported by Indians during, 8-12 ; reference to, 18, 209; service of Snelling during, 57; service of Taliaferro in, 70 War parties, 106 Warfare, history of, between Siuox j and Chippewas, 119-134 "Warrior" (steamboat), 151, 164 Warriors, desire of, to take part in council, 181 Washington, George, 168 Washington (Connecticut), 151 Washington, D. C, 46, 58, 62, 64, 98, 192; visit of Indians to, 68, 115, 116, 179; treaty with Sioux at, 184 Washington Monument Association, 197 Washington Territory, 46 Washington's birthday, celebration of, 100 Water power, 178 Weapons, stock of, 76, 77 Webb, James, journey of, to Fort Armstrong, 117 Webster, Daniel, statement by, 59 Weddings, 191 West, prediction of Carver concern ing, 1, 2; foreign jurisdictions in, 2, 3 ; English supported by In dians in, 8-12 ; rapid development of, 14 ; cause of trouble in, 15 ; influence of Fort Snelling in, 52 ; service of Canby in, 65 ; work of missionaries in, 146 West Point Military Academy, 62, 63, 100 Westward movement, 14, 15 Wheat, spoiling of, 86; raising of, 95 Wheeling (West Virginia), 161 Wheelwrights, 92 Whiskey, 86 ; drinking of, by sol diers, 89; efforts to suppress traffic in, 139-145 ; smuggling of, 142, 143 ; destruction of, 143, 144, 243 ; traffic in, 194, 236 Whistler, Captain, 21, 211 White Head, lis Whitney, Asa, 217 270 INDEX Whooping cough, epidemic of, 191 Widows, fund for relief of, 87 Wilcox, Captain, 32 Williams, Lieutenant, 99 Williamson, Thomas S., 110 ; work of, among Indians, 154-157 Williamson, Mrs. Thomas S., 154 Wines, seizure of, 143 ; giving of, to Indians, 144 Winnebago Indians, unwillingness of, to make treaty, 13 ; attempt of, to delay troops, 21, 22; outbreak of. 32-34; removal of, to new reserva tion, 35-37, 48; reference to, 41 42, 177, 211, 236; treaty with. 47 ; new reservation for, 48 ; dis turbances among, 48, 49 ; language of, 174 Winnebago War, 214 Winnipeg, 188 Winona (Minnesota) , 35 Winter, difficulty in securing mail during, 97-99; li'fe at Fort Snell ing during, 99-102 ; life among Indians during, 104, 109, 110 Wisconsin, Nicollet in, 3 ; Indian out break in, 32-34; desire of Winne bagoes to return to, 36; reference to, 168; desire for land cession in, 178; bishop of, 242 Wisconsin, Territory of, 32, 180; marshal of, 195 Wisconsin Historical Society, 242 Wisconsin River, 19, 20, 34; canal between Fox River and, 20 Women, social life of, at fort, 100- 102 Wood, Doctor, aid given to sick In dians by, 111, 112 Wood, securing of, for fuel, 99 Woods, Samuel, expedition under, 38, 41-45; reference to, 40; fort estab lished by, 44, 45 Wool, John E., 194 Wyandot Indians, treaty with, 208 Yankton Sioux Indians, half-breed killed by, 37; treaty with, 208 Yeast powder, purchase of, 88 Yellowstone Expedition, 20 ; failure of, 21 Yellowstone River, fort at mouth of, 19 YALE UNIVERSITY 3 9002 00650 9575