^^ s^l'v m l.Nf S ¦^ •<4t "'•anj'/t .IH', ' ¦¦ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. If'acinnilUe ef the jiutoffrapks ot'go/rcf ofthe di^tinffuisked' men TnentianediaAis work- — HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS LOUISIANA, EMBRACING TRANSLATIONS OP -MANY RARE AND VALUABLE DOC U:\rE NTS RELATING TO THE NATURAL, CIVIL AND POLITICAL HISTOEY OF THAT STATE. COMPILED WITH HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES, INTKODUCTION, E. F. FRENCH, Member of the Louifiiana Historical Society ; of ike American Association for the Advajicement of Science ; Honorary Mftmher of the Historical Society of Pejinsylvania ; Corresponding Member of the Academy of ^Natural Sciences (f Philadelphia ; of the Historical Society of New- York ; etc., etc. * PART III. NEW YOEK: D. APPLETON & COMPANY. New Orleans, J. Ball ; London^ John Chapman ; Faris,, Galigxani & Co. 1851. • Entered according to Act of Congress, in the yeaj 1851, by B. F. FRENCH, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New- York. JOHS F. TRO-W, PRINTER, 49 Ann-st., New- York. "V- THE MEMBERS LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, THIS VO LU ME is tB0|iBttfitlli|: hHrntBii, BENJAMIN F. FRENCH. CONTENTS, page Memoir of the Hon. H. A. Bullard, LL.D., President of the Louisiana His torical Society, ...... 3 A Translation of La Harpe's Historical Journal of the Establishment of the French in Louisiana, with Notes on Marquette and Joliet, Iberville, Bienville,-Saint Denys, Le Sueur, Tonty, Crozat, Law, Marigny, &c., &c. (o) ' A Translation of the Letters Patent granted to M. Crozat, 38 A Translation of the Letters Patent granted to tlje Western Company, 49 1- An Account of the Indian tribes of Louisiana, . ©) ' A Translation of Bienville's Correspondence with Don Martin d'Allar- conne and Father Marcillo, . ^ A Note on the Grants or Concessions of Land in Louisiana, 78) A Treaty of the Company of the Indies with the Ursuline Nuns, i 7i3 A Description of the Military Fortifications and Posts in Louisiana, ^i A Translation of the Black Code of Louisiana, . . . 89^' Rules and Regulations for the Government of the Colony of Louisiana, lOlt' A Memoir on the importance of colonizing Louisiana, . 112 A Translation of the Historical Journal of Father Charlevoix, with Bio- - graphical and Historical Notes, . . . . Cll2_:^ An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Arkansas, Chactas, Chicachas, Cherokee, and Creek Indians, . . (^12S^ An Account of tho Antiquity, Manners, and Customs of the Natchez Indi ans, . ..... i^o_^ An Account of the Massacre of the French by the Natchez Indians, (145^ An Account of the first Inhabitants of New Orleans, . . ^129-.^ An Account of the Belize and Mouths of the Mississippi, . 189 A Letter on the settlement of the first Colony of Huguenots in New France (Florida), 1562, .... 19 O CONTENTS. page An Account of Jean Ribaut's last Expedition, and Fate of the French Colony in New France, 1565. ... 203 The Historical Journal of Sauvole, first Royal Governor of Louisiana. 223 A Memoir of M. de Richebourg on the first Natchez War, . ('^'v MEMOIE HON. HENRY A. BULLARD, LL.D., PRESIDENT OF THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND LATE JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT OF LOUISIANA. Massachusetts and Virginia have been, from early times, distin guished as the nursing-mothers of eminent lawyers, judges, and statesmen. Among these an Otis and a Henry, a Story and a Mar shall, a Parsons and a Wythe, a Webster and a Lee, an Adams and a Jefferson, a Hancock and a Madison, a Bullard and a Barbour, do honor not only to the judicial bench, but to the states that gave them birth. When the second part of this work made its appear ance last year, the subject of this memoir was then living, and I should be doing injustice to the memory of a friend, so distinguished in the annals of Jurisprudence, were I to close this volume without taking some notice of his recent death and public life. The Hon. Henry A. Bullard, LL. D., late Judge of the Su preme Court of Louisiana, was born in Grroton, Massachusetts, on the 9th September, 1788. At an early age he was sent to Harvard University, Cambridge, where he graduated at the age of nineteen. In the following year he commenced the study of the law, and at the same time, several of the modern languages, particularly the French, Spanish, and German, which he spoke and read with great fluency. From Boston he proceeded to Philadelphia, and entered the law office of Peter A. Browne, Esq., LL. D., then one of the most eminent lawyers of that city, but who huh since retired from the bar, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific investiga tions, which do honor to his highly cultivated and gifted mind, and has given him a high rank among the sava?ts of Europe. 6 HISTORICAL UOLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. In this city, he became acquainted with Tilghman, Duponceau, Dallas, Binney, and the Ingersolls, whose w ritings and forensic eloquence, are still the theme of every pen. > From Philadelphia young Bullard followed the onward march of empire to the West, and joined in an expedition to republicanize a part of Mexico. After several hair-breadth escapes, he finally re turned to Natchitoches, where he opened a law office. At that time a practising lawyer in the western district of Louisi ana was compelled to ride a circuit embracing Opelousas, Avoyelles, Alexandria, Natchitoches, Ouachita, and Concordia, a distance prob ably of three hundred miles. The practice was lucrative, and the bar of Louisiana numbered then more men of talent and learning than has appeared at any subsequent period. The names of Livingston, Porter, Wilson, Johnson, Brent, Bowen, Bronson, Lewis, Mathews, Mazureau, Thomas, and Bullard, would have done honor to any country ; and of these only Thomas and Bron son still survive. In 1830, Judge Bullard was elected to Congress, and in 1832 he was appointed District Judge. In 1834, he was elevated to the Supreme Bench, taking the place of Judge Porter, who was elected to the Senate .of the United States. While in Congress, he spoke on several occasions, and was listened to with the most marked attention. His most elaborate speech was on the Tariff bill, in 1832. He remained on the Supreme Bench from 1834 to 1846, with the exception of a few months in 1839, when he filled the office of Secretary of State, and resumed the practice of his pro fession. He kept up to the last his habit of reading the classics and the best writers on French jurisprudence, the Eoman and civil law. His conversation was that of a full man -without the slightest ap- , proach to pedantry. It may well be said of him, that " He was a scholar, and a wise and good one ; Exceeding wise, fair-spoken, and persuading." As a speaker, he had the advantage of a face of great beauty, which the ravages of the gout could not destroy ; a musical voice, and a brilliant eye. When excited, he spoke with great feeling, force, and eloquence. His last public speech, in New Orleans, was at the bar- meeting, called together by the death of the Hon, S. S. Prentiss, on which occasion he pronounced one of the most beautiful eulogies that we have on record. His opinions while on the bench, are models of ju dicial rhetoric, brief, perspicuous, and pointed. As a writer he had few equals ; he wrote without effort, yet with a critical accuracy that defi ed correction MEMOIR OF HON. HENRY A DULLARD. 7 Besides his reported decisions, while on the bench, ho delivered many lectures and addresses, which might well be compared with similar productions in any language. In 1817, he was appointed Professor of the Civil Law, in the University of Louisiana, where he delivered two courses of lectures to a large class. In 1850, he was elected to fill a vacancy in Congress, occasioned by the appoint ment of the Hon. 0, JI. Conrad, to the post of Secretary of War. He did not speak much during this session, (though we know he had prepared himself do so on the California bills.) being prevented by ill health. His thorough knowledge of the Spanish laws, and their system of land-titles, would have enabled him to give Congress much valuable information which is now lost. Daring the session he argued several important cases before the Supreme Court, and was listened to with eager attention. His health gradually de clined, until he reached New Orleans, in April, 1851, where, after a lingering illness of three weeks, he died from gout in the stomach. At an adjourned meeting of the members of the bar, at which the Hon. C. Roselius presided, the following resolutions were unani mously adopted and ordered to be published : The Committee appointed by the Members of the Bar at New Orleans, to present to an adjourned meeting, resolutions expressive of our feelings on the melancholy occasion of the death of the Hon. Henry A. Bullard, respectfully begl eave to report the following : Whereas the Bar of Louisiana has sustained gi-eat loss in the death of a dis tinguished member of its body, whose brilliant talents, varied attainments, public services, and private worth, deserve a permanent record of the respect and esteem of his compeers ; Whereas a manifestation of the regard and admiration entertained by the living for departed worth, is at once a partial discharge of a debt of gratitude to the illustrious dead, and an incentive to the honorable ambition of the sur vivors ; therefore it is 1, Resolved, That we deeply deplore this afflictive dispensation of Providence, which has removed from us, in the midst of his usefulness, and in the fulness of his fame, our distinguished brother, Henry Adams Bullard. 2. Resolved, That as a jurist he was learned and profound without pedantry, and as a scholar, accomplished and refined without ostentation ; and has left on record imperishable memorials of a superior mind. 3. Resolved, That with his intercourse with his brethren of the Bar he was courteous, urbane, and strictly honorable ; and 4. Resolved, That towards the younger members of the profession he was, from the generous impulses of his nature, kind, considerate, and encouraging. 5. Resolved, That the Bar of New Orleans deeply deplore the death of Judge Bullard, who fulfilled well and wisely the duties of Judge of the Supreme Court of Louisiana, Secretary of State, and Representative in the Congrss of the United States, and Professor of thc Roman Law in the University of Louisiana O HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 6. Resolved, That in his death we lament the loss of one of our brightest or naments, ripi St scholars, ablest lawyers, and most useful citizens. 7. Resolved, That in order to testify their profound sense of his public ser vices and private virtues, the members of the Bar of New Orleans will wear crape on the left arm for the space of thirty days. 8. Resolved, That as a further testimonial of their respect, the Attorney Gen eral, and U. S. District Attorney respectively be requested to present a copy of these resolutions to the Supreme Court, and to the U. S. District and Circuit Courts in this city, and to move that they be entered on record on their minutes. 9. Resolved, That the Secretary of this meeting be solicited to transmit copies of these resolutions to the family of the deceased, and to the newspapers for publication. 10. Resolved, That the Reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court be requested to insert the foregoing resolutions in the next number of the Louisi ana Annual Reports. HISTORICAL JOURNAL OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN i LOUISIANA. BY BEN ARD DE LA HAEPE.* TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. In order to depreciate our claim to Louisiana the Spaniards show that Ponce de Leon in 1512, Vasquez d'Ayllon in 1520, Pamfile de * >I. de la Harpe, a French officer of distinction, came to Louisiana in 1718, to settle a colony on Red River. He reached the point of his destination at the close of the same year, and in the month of January, 1719, he built a fort near the present town of Natchitoches, from whence he went to explore the province of Texas. At theVillage of Natsoos, in N. lat. 33° 30', he built a fort as a sign of the jurisdiction of France. After exploring the country to the Rio Grande, he returned to New Orleans in 1721, to report himself to Bienville. In the following August he was ordered to take possession of the country on the Colorado. The force he took with him was too feeble to effect a settle ment there on account of the ^hostility of the Indians, and he was obliged to return to New Orleans a,t the close of the year. In 172-3 he went to France, and there wrote a Journal of the first establishment of the French in Louisiana. A copy of this valuable manuscript, from which this translation is made, is deposited in the library of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, with this endorseinent : " Journal Historique concernant I'^tablissement des Franjais a la Louisiane tir6 des memoirs de Messieurs d'lberville et de Bienville, commandans pour le Roi au dit pays et sur les diScouvertes et recherches de M. Benard de la Harpe nomm^ au Commandement de la Baye St. Bernard. " Par M. Benard de la Harpe. Presented to the American Philosophical Society by William Dakbv." 1 10 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS .^GF LOUISIANA. Narvaezin 1525, and Hernando de Soto in 1539,* took possession of it in the name of his Catholic Majesty. It is no doubt true they paid it a hasty visit, but they neither established posts, planted colo nies, nor acquired rights superior to the French, who were the first to make explorations, build forts, and plant colonies in all that part of Florida afterwards called Louisiana. By the command of Charles the Ninth, Jean Ribaut built, in 1562, the fortress of Charlesfort, at the mouth of the river Cahouitas, or Saint Esprit, to the east of St. Joseph's Bay, and settled a colony there. Rene Laudoniere afterwards built another in Pensacola Bay, which he called Fort .Carolin, and took possession of the country in the name of his King. M. de La Salle arrived in Canada in 1678, and subsequently explored the Mississippi river to its mouth.f He afterwards returned to France and fitted out an expedition, by order of the King, to make further discoveries by the Gulf of Mexico, and plant a colony there.; He embarked accordingly in 1684 for the Mississippi river, but by sailing too far to the west, he missed its month, and landed in a bay which he called St. Louis, where he built a fort and established,^ a colony on the banks of the Gruadaloupe river, in the month of February, 1685. From thence he went in search of the Mississippi river by land a second time, and while engaged .in this undertaking, he was inhumanly murdered by one of his companions. The colony left by him were in part killed by the Indians, and the remainder carried off by a detachment of Spaniards from the new kingdom of Leon, under the command of Don Gregorio Salinas Baronas. On the 24th September, 1698, two frigates, Le Badine, oi thirty guns and two hundred men, commanded by'M. d'lberville;:!: and Le Marin, of thirty guns, commanded by M. le Comte de Surgere, with two store-ships, were fitted out by order of jtheiiKing, and sailed from Rochefort to plant a colony on the Mississippi. On the 4th December, they arrived at Cape Francois, St. Domingo, where they found M. le Blarquis de Chateaumorant, who commanded the'frigate [ * * An account of this expedition, translated from the Portuguese, is published in the second volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana. t The first exploration of this river was made in 1673 by Father Marquette and the Sieur Joliet. A translation of Father Marquette's interesting journal will be found printed in the second volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana, pubUshed in Philadelphia, 1850. X Sieur Lemoyne d'lberville, a distinguished naval commander, was the first Royal Governor of Louisiana. He was the third of the eleven sous of Charles Lemoyne, Baron Longueil, of Canada, all .of whom held commissions in the service of his majesty, viz. : — ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 11 le Prancais, of fifty guns, to whom BI. d'lberville delivered in structions for him to join in the expedition to the Mississippi river. At this port they took on board M." de Grave, a famous bucaneer 1. Sieur Chj^s Lemoyne, Baron de Longueil, served in Canada as Captain of Marine, and was |Wounded in the attack of the F.nglish on Quebec in 1690. He was created by letters patent, " Baron Longueil." 2. Sieur Jacques Lemoyne de Saint Helene, a Captain of Marine, was killed in an attack on the English in Carolina. 3. Sieur Lemoyne d'lberville, the most illustrious of the brothers, and Governor of Louisiana. 4., Sieur Paul Lemoyne de Maricour, Captain of JIariue, who was killed in an expedition against the Iroquois. 5. Sieur Lemoyne de Seris;ny served under his brother d'lberville, at New Orleans, and died Governor of Rochester, 1734. 6. Sieur Lemoyne Bienville, an officer of Marine, was killed by the Iroquois, who surrounded and burnt the house in which he and others were stationed. 7. Sieur Lemoyne de Chateaugue, was an officer of Marine, and died Go vemor of Cayenne. 8. Sieur Lemoyne D'Assigny, an officer in the Marine, and died in St. Do- . mingo, -where his brother d'lberville left him on account of sickness in 1701. 9. Antoine Lemoyne Sauvole, Governor of Louisiana, and died at Biloxi, 1700. 10. Sieur Lemoyne Bienville, thejsecond Royal French Governor of Louisiana, served his country upwards of forty years, and died in Paris March 7, 1767. 11. Sieur Jean Baptiste Lemoyne de Chateaugue, captain of a company of Infantry, and was killed in Louisiana. There appears to have been two brothers who took the name of Bienville, and two of the name of Chateaugu^. There were also two sisters, one of whom married the Sieur de Xoyan, and the other the Sieur de la Chassagne, both distinguished officers, and rendered eminent services to their country in the settlement of Louisiana." The only known representative of this illustrious family, is the Baron Grant, of Longuiel, in Lower Canada, who through the fe male line inherited the barony. * From the time of La Salle's departure from France in 1681, -nith his colony for the ili.s.si.s.sippi.. the jealousy of England was awakened against the extension of the French dominion in North America. They commenced first to excite the Iroquois against the French settlements on the St. Lawrence, and then to make open demonstrations against them by sea in Hudson's Bay and Acadie. In 1686. M. d'lberville was sent by M. Denonville, Governor of Canada, together with his brother, St. Helene, on an expedition to Hudson's Bay under the command of M. de Troyes. In 1687, he was appointed Governor of Hud son's Bay, and in the following year he captured some English ships. In 1694, he captured Fort Bourbon, where he lost his brother Lemoyne Chateaugue, He afterwards distinguished himself in several naval engagements with the English, and in 1697 sailed for France. The King of France up to this period had done nothing to colonize Louisiana. His attention was now, however, turned to this subject, and he appointed M. d'lberville, who had been lately made a Knight of the Order of St. Louis for his gallant conduct in Hudson's Bay, to conduct a colony to Louisiana. 12 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. who had some years before surprised and pillaged the town of Vera Cruz. On the 22d they left the Cape to rendezvous at Leogane, where they ar rived on the 25th. On the 1st of Jan., 1699, the fieettset sail again, On the 24th September, 1798, he set sail from Rochelle, with|two frigates and two hundred colonists, accompanied by his brothers SauvoUe^'and Bienville, to take possession of Louisiana and establish a colony on the -banks of the Mis sissippi. In the beginning of January, 1699, he reached the Chandeleur Isles, explored the channel between Ship and Cat Islands, and on the 27th February, he set out from Ship Island where he had landed the colonists, to explore the mouth of the Mississippi river in two barges, the one commanded by himself, and the other by Bienville. Three days brought them to the Balize, which they entered on the second of March, 1699. They proceeded up the river, and after some days spent in exploring the country and holding intercourse with the pidian tribes near the mouth of the Red River, i'lberville returned with his party through pass Manchac and lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to Ship Island. He afterwards built a fort of four bastions upon the northeast shofe of Biloxi, where he established a colony, and gave the command of it to his brother SauvoUe. During the following summer the colony suffered severely from the yellow fever, which carried off its commander, leaving the youthful Bienville sole commander and superintendent of the Province. Early in- December d'lberville returned with a large fleet and additional settlers. The two brothers met in deep mourning, and after mutual embraces, the brave d'lberville sought the tomb of his brother Sauvolle, where he knelt for hours in silent grief On' the 17th January, 1700, he set out from the hay of St. Louis, to select a suitable site for a fort. After looking about for some time, he selected a spot on Poverty Point, about thirty-eight miles below the present City of New Orleans, where he built a fort and located a small colony. In the month of February, the Veteran Chevalier de Tonty arrived on the lower Mississippi, with a party of Canadian French from the Illinois. He found d'lberville at his newly erected fort, making arrangements to settle colonies on the lower Mississippi. The appearance of de Tonty, his knowledge of the Indian languages and customs, and his acquaintance -with the Indian tribes on the Mis sissippi, rendered him a valuable acquisition to the new colony. With his aid, therefore, he ascended the river and explored the country as far up as the Nat chez, and formed a friendly alliance with this tribe. He selected the bluff on which the City of Natchez is now built, as the site of the future capital of the province, and ordered a fort (Rosalie) to be buil|, whose frowning bastions are still to be seen by the passing traveller, throwing their dim shadows over the father of waters at the hour of twilight. D'lberville and de Tonty again returned to Biloxi, while Bienville set out with M. St. Denys and a few Canadians and Indians, and ascended Red River as far as the Yatasee villages, about thirty miles above the present town of Natchi toches, from whence he afterwards returned to Biloxi, and found that d'lberville had sailed for France for additional supplies. In 1702 war was declared by England against France and Spain. The King of Francje ordered the head: quarters of the Governor to be removed to Mobile. Dauphin Island was used as a convenient station for the fleet, and for many years it was an ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 13 and on the 25th arrived at the Island of St. Rosa. Here they found the Spaniards had established themselves for more than a month pre viously, and fearing a surprise from the French, the Spanish Com mandant of this port, Don Andre de la Riole, notified M. d'lberville that he could not permit him to enter the port, in consequence of which, he was compelled to continue his voyage to Dauphin Island, where he arrived on the 31st. M. de Bienville, then a lieutenant, found here a large quantity of bones of savages, who had been killed by their enemies, from which circums.tance it took the name of Mas sacre Island. On the 6th of February, M. d'lberville anchored off the pass, between Horn and Ship Island, which he named ; and finding it difficult to enter this channel, he sailed four leagues further to the west, where he discovered the Chandeleur Islands. He anchored important port. The whole colony as yet did not number muth above thirty families, besides soldiers. The climate had cut off many of the first emigrants, and famine and Indian hostility now threatened the remainder. But d'lberville was indefatigable in his exertions to protect and provide for the colony. He had by his detachments, partially explored the remotest regions j the channels and passes of the Mississippi ; the outlets and bayous of the Atchafalaya Plaquemines, La Fourche, and Manchac. Aided by the Jesiijts and the Canadian French, the great tributaries of the Mississippi had been ex plored, and missionary stations had been established among the Indian tribes of the valley of the Mississippi, while the Washita, Yazoo, and Arkansas river 5 -^had been partly explored. Sickness, in the meantime, had been busy with the colonists, and Sauvolle, the brother of d'lberville, had fallen a victim to the yellow fever. The war which had broken out between England, France, and Spain, left for awhile the colony unprotected ; but Louisiana, weak as she was gave early proofs of that generous spirit which has ever since animated heri and the towns of Pensacola and St. Augustine, then in the hands of Spain, being threatened by the English, she sent both men and ammunition to their assistance. The year 1703 rolled slowly away, and dTberville was not permitted to re turn. He sent, however, his brother Chateangu^ with supplies at the imminent risk of being captured by the English, Who at that time occupied most of the avenues to the Gulf of Mexico. In 1704, he was about to sail for th e fourth time to carry supplies to the colonists, when he was taken seriously ill at Rochelle, and was detained in France. Finally, in 1706, he sailed again for Louisiana with a large fleet, -with which he meditated an attack on Charleston, in South Carolina. He reached St. Domingo in safety, and took on board a reinforcement of men from the garrison there. But as he was about to set sail for Charleston, he was attack ed with the yellow fever, which put an end to his life on the 9th of July, 1706. Thus perished the bold and persevering founder of the province of Louisiana, a martyr tothe glory of France, as Cavalier de la Salle had been a few years before. He left a widow, "Dame Bethune," and four children to mourn his loss. 14 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. abreast of them and. Ship Island, and ordered the channel between Ship and Cat Islands to be sounded. M. de Chateaumorant only re mained here a short time, and afterwards returned to Cape Francois with M. de Grave, without taking any further part in the expedition. On the 11th M. d'lberville sent a felucca to the mainland, north of Ship Island, where they discovered a bay and a party of Indians in canoes, who instantly fled. On the 12th they captured a woman, who, flattered by their kind treatment, persuaded her nation to ap proach them. They were the Biloxis, after whom the bay was called. On the 13th M. d'lberville took four on board his ship, and left his brother Bienville a hostage until their return. On the same day eighty Bayagoula Indians, who were going on an expedition to fight the jVIobileans, arrived at the bay. They informed us that they lived on the banks of a great river (the Mississippi) to the west. On the 27th M. d'lberville and Bienville embarked in two feluccas, with Father Anatase and thirty men each, to explore the mouths of the Mississippi river. On the 2d of March they entered a large river, which Father Anastase, who had accompanied M. de la Salle, recogniz ed as the Mississippi from the appearance of its turbid waters. On the 7th, having advanced forty leagues up the river, they perceived at some distance three canoes filled with Indians, who all fled except one man, to whom they gave some presents, and learned from him that they belonged to the Bayagoula nation. They met several canoes of Indians belonging to the Ouacha nation, living near the fork of the Mississippi, who told them that they did not live far from the Chitimaohas nation. On the 14th they arrived at the Bayagoula and Mongoulacha nations, numbering a,bout eight hundi^ed warriors. They found here several cloth cloaks, which had been giveu' them by M. de la Salle. These nations received them very kindly, and gave them some chickens to eat, which they said had come from a ship that had been wrecked upon the coast about ^four years before. M. d'lber ville was still uncertain whether it was the Mississippi, having met with no Indians which had been described by M. de la Salle, until it was told him that the Tangipaos had been destroyed by the Quinipissas, and that they had taken the name of the Mon goulachas. It was here, while looking for Father Anatase's brevity, they found several prayer books in an Indian basket, in which were written the names of several Canadians who had accompanied the late M. de la Salle down the river ; together with a letter addressed to him by Chevalier de Tonty", informing tim " that having learned of his de parture from France to form a settlement on this river, he had descended it as far as t|e sea with twenty Canadians and thirty ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 15 Chaounans," from the neighborhood of the Ouabache. This discovery now relieved them from all doubts of the river they were in, and they ascertained the mouth of the Mississippi to be in about twenty-nine degrees north latitude. A coat of mail was also found here, which the Indians said had once belonged to Ferdinand de Soto. M. d'lberville made these Jndians some presents, and then took a guide to conduct him to the Houmas. On the 18th he passed Baton-Rouge, not far from a stream which marked the boundary of the hunting girand between the Houmas and Bayagoulas. As he advanced up the river, he came to a point about twelve leagues round, where he ordered the trees to be felled, and crossed over to the other side with his perogue. The Mississippi afterwards made a passage through this place, and ever since it has gone by the name of Point Coiqiie. On the 28th he arrived at a bend of the river called " Detour a la Croix," where the Houmas have a portage. The Houmas conducted him to their'village, about two and a half leagues inland, where he was well received and smoked the calumet with them. This village numbered about three hundred and fifty warriors. On the 22d M. d'lberville took leave of the Houmas, after making the chiefs some presents. On the 24th he arrived at a very narrow and shallow stream which led to the lakes. Here he ordered M. de Bienville to descend the river with the Biscayans to Ship Island, while he passed through the lakes to the Gulf Onthe25thM.de Bienville repaired to the villages of the Bayagoulas and Mongoulachas to procure provisions, after -which he proceeded on his voyage. \ On the 29th he left the river, and on the 31st he arrived at Ship Island, where he found M. d'lberville, who had passed through the lakes, to which he gave the names of 3Iaurepas and Pontchartrain. . On the 12th April M. d'lberville set out to visit a bay about nine leagues from Ship Island, to which he gave thg name of St. Louis. On finding the water very shallow there, he con. eluded to fix his settlement at Biloxi. Here he built a fort with four bastions, which he mounted with t-s^elve canjions, and gave the com mand of it to his brothers Sauvolle and Bienville ; aud having manned it with a force of thirly-five men, he set sail for France on the 4th May. On the 20th M. de Bienville embarked in a felucca with a Bayagoula chief and twelve Canadians, to visit the Colapissa nation, who lived on the right bank of lake Pontchartrain, about eight 1 eagues inland. On the 22d he arrived at their landing ; and on the 23d he re paired to the Colapissa village, which he found to contain upwards of three hundred warriors, all armed and waiting to attack him. He kept at a distance, and sent the Bayagoula chief to hold a parley with 16 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. them, and to ascertain their object. He learned from them that two days before, two Englishmen, with two hundred Chicachas, had sur prised their village, and carried off a great number of their men, and they had supposed them to be of the same nation. The Baya goula chief having undeceived them, advised them to form an alliance. They accordingly laid down their arms and received M. de Bienvillo^ peaceably ; after which he returned to Biloxi, where he arrived on the 29th. ¦ On the 9th June, M. de Bienville set out with a feWcca and canoe to visit Pascagoula river, four leagues east of Biloxi. .At its entrance he found a bar with six feet of water. At eight leagues up the river he discovered the villages of the Pascagoula, Biloxi, and Mocktoboys: From whence he vi'ent to Mobile, and by land to Pen sacola ; and on the 27th- he returned to Biloxi. On the 1st of July, two bark canoes from the Illinois arrived at Biloxi, bringing MM. de Martigny and Davion, Missionaries, who had learned from the Houmas that there were some French g^ttle- ments on the sea-shore. On the 11th these missionaries departed from Biloxi to take possession of the mission house of the Tonicas on the Yazoo river. On the Sth August upwards of seven hundred Mobile and Tonica Indians arrived at the fort. On the 24th M. de Bienville set out in two bark canoes and five men, with provisions for three weeks to make discoveries. He passed through lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, and on the 27th , arrived at the portage of Manchac. On the 3d September he reached the Bayagoula nation. On the Sth he set out with a guide to conduct him to the Ouacha nation, on the La Fourche. On the 9th he arrived at their village, twelve leagues down the La Fourche, and one quarter of a league inland. He found them ferocious and difficult of access, and he was obliged to retreat to his canoes, which prevented him from descending the La Fourche to the sea. He accordingly returned to the Mississippi on the 12th. On the 16th he discovered in one of the bends of the Mississippi, twenty-eight leagues from the sea, an English ship of sixteen guns, commanded by Captain Barr, whose purpose was to examine the river and afterwards return to Carolina, to fit out an expedition to establish a settlement here. On board of this vessel was M. Secon, a French engineerjjwho gave secretly to M. Bienville a petition addressed to the King, pro posing to his majesty that if he would grant religious liberty to the colony, he would settle m(jre than four hundred fainilies'on the Mis sissippi. This petition was forwarded to the minister M. de Pont chartrain, who replied that the King would not suffer heretics to go ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 17 from his kingdom for the purpose of forming a republic. M. de Bienville informed Captain Barr that this was not the Mississippi river, but a dependence of Canada, which he had taken posses sion of in ^he name of his King ; that it was farther to the west; whereupon the English captain set sail in search of it. After the departure of 'the English vessel, M. de Bienville descended to the mouth and found eleven feet of water on the bar. He ihen reascended it to the B.iyagoula and Mongoulacha villages, wVre he arrived on the 1st October. On the 10th he left these villages, and arrived at the portage of the Tangipahos, and on the next day he crossed the»:|akes and returned to Fort Biloxi. On the 7th December, a salute was fired at the Fort, announcing the arrival of MM. d'lberville and La Surgere, in the ships Renomme of fifty, and the Gironde of forty-six guns, with many officers and passengers, among whom were MM. Dugue, Lasourdy, Hautmaison, Boisbriant, Saint Denis, and sixty Canadians. M. le Sneur also came passenger in the Gironde. He had acquired celebrity by his travels in Canada ; and was now sent on the part of M. L'Huiller, Farmer General, to make a settlement on the Missis sippi, and to work some mines there which he had discovered some years before. * wr''-^ 'M. d'lberville was informed of the attempt of the English to find the Mississippi, and he resolved to make a settlement on its banks. He accordingly set sail in two shallops, with fifty men. and arrived in the river on the 15th January, 1700. He had previously sent M, de Bienville to the Bayagoulas to procure guides, and to select a place above inundation. They conducted him to a ridge of high land, at a distance of about eighteen leagues from the sea. Four days after, M. d'lberville arrived there and commenced building a fort. On the 16th February, M. de Tonty descended the Mississippi from Canada in a pirogue, to discover whether any settlements had been made. On the 19th MM. d'lberville and Bienville, with M. Dugue and ten marines, arrived at the village of the Bayagoulas. On the same day, M. le Sueur, who had set out on his journey to the Scioux nations, also arrived there. On the 26th MM. d'lberville and Bienville returned to the Bayagoulas, and on the 1st March they set out for the Houmas, for the purpose of restoring peace between these two nations. On the 5th March they reached the Houmas, and con- eluded a peace. On the Sth they set out for the Natchez, and reached there on the 11th, where they found M. de St. Come, a missionary, who had lately arrived there from Canada. 18 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. The Great Chief, or Sun, marched before the French, and was fol lowed by six hundred men. They found him polite, but possessing despotic power over his nation. When any of tl^e Suns died,^everal of the natives gave themselves up to death, for the purpos'e,of serving him in the other world. According to their account the nation num bered nineteen hundred Suns, and upwards of two hundre(|i^thousand, people. They kept up a constant fire in their , templ'e, which was attended by a priest, who offered in it the .first fruits of the chase. After death they believed the souls of their warriors went to re side in the land of the buffalo, and those who had not taken any scalps, went to reside in the country of the lakes, where lived only alli gators and fish. On the 12th MM. d'lberville and Bienville set out from the Natchez, and arrived at the village of the Tensas. This nation was composed of about two hundred and fifty men. Their belief and ceremonies were like those of the Natchez. On the 16th their temple was struck by lightning and consumed. During the confla gration, the women threw in their children to appease the Great Spirit, who they said was angry with them. On the 22d M. de Bienville set out with M. de Saint Denys* and twenty Canadians and Indians, to visit the T|tase nation, on Red River, and watch the Spaniards, and on, rthe same day, M. d'lberville set out for the fleet. On the 27th he was informed that Don Andre de la Riole, Governor of Pensacola, had entered the harbor of Ship Island, with a ship of twenty-four guns, one tender, and a shallop, with the •design of breaking up the French colony. He was met by some of the King's vessels and compelled to retreat ; not however without :first making a protest, and sending it to M. de Surgere, declaring that Louisiana was a part of Mexico, and belonged to his Catholic Majesty. On the 15th April, M. d'lberville reached his ship, and was in formed that the Spanish Governor, on leaving Ship Island, lost his ship on one of the Chandeleur Islands, where a part»"of his crew saved themselves, and were taken to Pensacola. On the 18th M. de Bienville arrived at Biloxi. On the 28th he set out for the Ouachita village, situated on the river of that name which empties into Red * This distinguished officer came to Louisiana in company with M. le Sueur, the geologist, who had been sent to examine some mines on the Mississippi and St. Peters's rivers, which had been described by Dugay and Hennepin in 1680. In 1714 M. St. Denys was dispatched up Red River to explore the country, aud observe the movements of the Spaniards. He found they had crossed the Rio Grande, and established a fort called the Presidio of St. John the Baptist ; ¦and they now for the first time claimed jurisdiction over the country, from the ESTABLISHpENT OF THE FRENCH I\ LOUISIANA. l9 River, geveral leagues from its mouth. He was informed by this na tion, that six leagues to the north-east there was a Courois village consisting of about one hundred men. On the 30th he crossed Red River, aad continued his journey on foot. On the same day he met ¦with six Natchitoches Indians, who were taking salt to the Courois. On the 7th May. hearrived at the Ouachita village, where he procured some provisions, and a guide to conduct him to the Yatasse nation. On the 15th he passed two small nations called the Nadassa and Xacasse; and on the •20th he arrived at the Yatasse nation, which consisted of about two hundred men. Here he obtained some infor mation respecting the distance to the Xadaco and Cadadoquiou vil lages. As the time given him by M. d'lberville had now expired, he embarked on the 23d in four pirogues and descended Red River. On the -2'jthjj|e visited one of the villages of the Adayes. On the 28th he stopped at the villages of the Dulchanois, about three leagues from Natchitoches, where he purchased some corn. A few days after he entered the Mississippi, and arrived at the Bayagoula nation,- where he learned that they had entirely destroyed their neighbors, the Mongoulachas. He then proceeded into the sea to meet his brother d Iberville, to whom he gave an account of his expedition. On the 28th May, 31. d'Iber-ville set sail for France, and on the same day M. de Bienville took command of the fort on the Missis sippi On the 20th he dispatched M. de Saint Denis to explore the country in the Red River, and to watch the Spaniards. On the 30th May. the Enflammee of t^venty-six guns, commanded by M. de la Ronde, arrived at Ship Island. Among the passengers was M. Sagan. a traveller from Canada, who had presented a memoir to the minister, M. de Pontchartrain, assuring him that he had travelled all over the Mississippi, arid had found mines of gold on its banks ; and that the Indians had worked them. The minister, putting faith in his statements, granted to M. Sagan some privileges, Rio Grande to Red River. But the French, more effectually to hold the country, established a post on the Sabine, and another about thirty miles west of the priiSKUt town of Nacogdoches, which was kept up for many years. Dnr- ing the first thirty years after the settlement of Louisiana, the French Gover nors kept a watchful look upon the Spaniards, and sent several detachments to drive them out of Texas. In 171-5 he was sent as an envoy to negotiate a commercial treaty with Mexico- and again in 1718, as the agent of M. Crozat, with articles of mer chandise to exchange -with the Mexicans for such articles as would be useful in Louisiana. But the Viceroy being now dead, he was seized as a smuggler and spy, and sent in chains to Mexico, from whence he afterwards made his escape, and returned to Mobile in April, 1719. 20 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and ordered M. de Sauvolle to supply him with twenty-four pirogues and one hundred Canadians, to accompany him to the Missouri. On the 22d August, BI. de Sauvolle died at Biloxi, and M. de Bienville was left sole commander of the colony.* On the 16th September, a party of Chactas arrived at Biloxi to demand of the French some troops to assist them to fight the Chicachag. The Chactas nation contained forty villages, and over five thousand warriors. On the 25th October, twenty Mobileans arrived at Fort Biloxi, This nation was situated a-bout one hundred and forty leagues up that river, and contained about four hundred men. On the 18th December, ashallop arrived from Pensacola with the news that MM. d'lberville and Serigny had arrived there with the King's ships, the Renommee of fifty guns, and the Palmier of forty-four guns. This news spread joy in the garrison, as it had then been living on corn for more than three mon'ths. It had lost by sickness up- * M. de Bienville succeeded to the command of the colony at the age of twenty. He was of one of the illustrious sons of Charles Lemoyne' Bienville, who settled in Canada in 1640 ; all of whom died in the service of their country. ' The early administration of M. de Bienville was marked by petty jealousies and oppositions, common to almost all new settlements. The miserable faction of La Salle, the Commissary of the Crown, and the Curate de la Vente, pushed their intrigues with so much success, that they'finally caused him to be removed from office in 1707. M. de la Muys was appointed in his stead, but died of yellow fever before he reached Louisiana. M. de Bienville was now continued in office. He embraced every opportunity to conciliate the native tribes as he explored the bays and rivers upon the coast, and to attach them to the French interest. The Spanish Governor of Pensacola, failing to expel the French by force, continued to remonstrate against their settlements in Louisiana. The English expedition to Louisiana, commanded.by Captain Barr, (sent out by Dr. Coxe, in virtue of a grant from the English, govemment, of the province of Carolina,) having departed, left the country once more' free from the apprehen sion of any annoyance except from the Spaniards. It was believed in France that Louisiana presented a rich field for enterprise and speculation, and a grant, with exclusive privileges, was obtained by M. Crozat for fifteen years. He expected to derive great profit from mining ope rations and the fur trade, as well as from traffic with the Spanish settlements i n Mexico and the West Indies. In 1712 he appointed M. la Mothe Cadillac, Govq'rnor ; and M. de Bienville, Lieutenant Governor. . In 1714 he sent M. de St. Denys to form a settlement at Natchitoches, to explore the country to the Rio Grande, and observe whiether the Spaniards had advanced across that river into Louisiana. In the following yea r M. St. Denys negotiated a commercial treaty with the Viceroy of Mexico, and established friendly relations between the French of Louisiana and the Spanish settlements on the Rio Grande. M. la Mothe, the partner of M. Crozat, having died, M. de Bienville assumed once more the reins of government. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 21 wardnof sixty men, leaving only one hundred and fifty persons in the colony. %* M. de Bienville received orders by tho shallop to evacuate Biloxi, and remove to Mobile river. On the Sth January, 1701, M. de la 1716 he conducted an expedition ag.iinst the Niitchez Indians, and after bringing them to terms, he finished the fort ("Rosalie,") which had been com menced by his brother d'lberville, sixteen years before. In 1717, three ships belonging to JI. Crozat arriveil, with three companies of infantry and fifty co lonists, and M. de I'Epinary, the nt.-\v Governor. He brought M. de Bienville the decoration of the Cross of St Lcmis, and a rijyal ijatent, conceding to him by mean tenure in soccage, Horn Island, on the coast of Louisiana, which he demanded of M. I'Epinarj' in vain, to be erected in his favor into a noble fief. In the mean time, M. Crozat failing to realize the great profits he had relied upon in his trade with the Indians ami the Spaniards, and the colony having brought him into debt upwards of 12.5.000 livres, he determined to abandon the whole scheme! and accordingly petitioned the King to revoke his charter, or to permit him to surrender it to the Crown. The King complied with his request, and accepted the surrender of his charter in August, 1717. No sooner had he surrendered his charter, however, than another company w-as formed under the name of the Western Company, connected with Law's Bank of France, and sharing its privileges. The charter conferred upon this company had much more extensi%'e powers and privileges than were granted to 31. Crozat. In 1718 three of the company's ships arrived in the port of Mobile, with three companies of infantry and sixty-nine colonists, bringing to M. de Bien ville the commi.--sion of Govemor of the province. He now resolved to remove the head-quarters from the sterile regions of Biloxi, Mobile, and St. Louis bay, to the more fertile country of the Mississippi river. In view of this object, he selected a site .for a town, which is now occupied by the first municipalitv of the present city of New Orleans. In the mean time, the Spaniards had quietly advanced from Mexico to the east side of the Rio Grande. M. de Bienville watched with a jealous eye their encroachments ; but such was the feebleness of his force, that it was not until the winter of 1719-20 he was enabled to check their advance into the country by dispatching M. de la Harpe to build a fort at Natchitoclies. Daily experiments had shown to 31. de Bienville that the fertile soil of the 3Iis.sissippi. as well as the climate, were well adapted to the cultivation of sugar, cotton, tobacco, and rice ; but it was soon discovered that European constitu tions were not adapted to the burning suns of Louisiana, for they sickened and died. The first plantations of any extent were therefore commenced with negroes, imported into Louisiana from Guinea, and for several years the impor tation of negroes was one of the most profitable monopolies of the " Western Company." In 1719, the province became involved in hostilities with the Spaniards, in consequence of the war between France and Spain. The settlement of Loui siana presented a continual scene of military display and hostile preparation. Gov. de Bienville twice reduced the town of Pensacola, and sent detachments to prevent the Spaniards from making inroads into upper Louisiana, and the 22 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUfsiANA. Bienville took up his march for Mobile river, leaving but twenty men under the command of M. de Boisbriant to man the &rt. At Dauphin Island, M. de Bienville had an interview with MM. de country bordering on the Rio Grande. Peace being restored at last, em^rants began to arrive in great numbers from France and Germany. In 1722, M. de Bienville removed his head-quarters to New Orleans. About the same time a spirit of jealous dissatisfaction had appeared among the Indians east of the Mississippi, which soon ripened into hostilities against the qolonists, and they were threatened with extermination. The forts of St. Peter, on the Yazoo, and Rosalie, on the Mississippi, were attacked, and , so complete was the massacre, that but few of the colonists reached New Orkans to bear the melancholy news to the Governor. In the autumn of 1726 the Government of Louisiana passed out of the hands of M. Bienville. He was superseded by M. Perier, as Commandant-General of the Province, and M. Bienville retired to France to recruit hirbealth. The preparation for prosecuting the Natchez war engaged a large share of M. Perier's attention for several years, until this wily nation was entirely subdued. But it so involved the " Western Company" in an enormfl-KS debt, and following so closely upon the failure of Law's financial schemes, that they petitioned the King to surrender their charter to the Crown, -n-hich was accepted in 1732. In 1734 the King reappointed M. Bienville Governor and Commandant- General of Louisiana. Early in a-ntumn he arrived at New Orleans, and entered upon the duties of his office. He still felt a thirst for military fame, and covet ed the honor of humbling the Chickasaw Indians, who had afforded the Nat chez an asylum from the vengeance of the French. He immediately organized an army to march against the Chickasaw nation. In the spring of 1736 hearrived in their country and attacked their strong-holds. He was repulsed with considerable loss ; and, finding himself surrounded by a brave and powerful people, and without any hopes of being able to subdue them, he returned to New Orleans on the 31st of May, mortified with the re sult of his campaign. In the beginning of the year 1737 M. Bienville pro posed to lead another expedition against the Chickasaws, by way of the Chick asaw Bluffs, which received the sanction of the French Minister. The spring of 1739 was fixed on for the contemplated invasion. All things being ready, the main party left New Orleans in a fleet of boats, and slowly moved up the strong current of the Mississi[)pi until the last of June, when they reached Fort St. Francis. He crossed over to Fort Assumption, which was built near the mouth of Wolf River, and remained there until the following March, when he marched into the Chickasaw country. The Indians immediately sued for peace, and, taking advantage of their alarm, M. Bienville entered into a treaty with them, and returned to New Orleans. This campaign closed his military career in Louis iana. He returned to France, under a cloud of censure fl-om his Government, after having faithfully served his country for more than forty years, during which time the wealth and population of the province had continued to fiourish and increase under his paternal government. He died in Paris on the 7th March, 1767, and was buried with military honors in the cemetery of Montmartre. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 23 Serigny and Chateaugue,* who had arrived there with a detachment of "sailors and workmen, to build a magazine for the reception of the goods and provisions which had been brought from France. On the 16th M. de Bienville commenced a settlement on the Blobile river, about eighteen leagues from the sea. On the 10th M. le Sueur returned from his expedition to the Scioux, with two hundred thou sand pounds weight of copper ore. The following is an extract taken from his Journal : — " Having arrived in the colony in December, 1699, with thirty workmen, he set out for the Tamarois in June, 1700. He stopped at the mouth of the Missouri river, and from thence proceeded to the Illinois river, where he was joined by three Canadian travellers, who brought him a letter from Father Marest, a Jesuit from the mission house of ' L'Immaculee Conception de la Sainte Vierge aux Illinois.' •' At twenty-two leagues above the Illinois, he passed a small river, which he named the Buffalo : and on going nine leagues further he met a party of Canadians descending the Mississippi, returning to the Illinois. On the 30th July, he met seventeen Scioux in seven canoes, going to avenge the death of three Scioux by the Illinois, one of whom had been burnt, and the other two killed at Tamarois, a few days before his arrival at this village. He promised the Chief of the Illinois to pacify the Scioux if they should come to make war on him. He presented to the Chief of the party some merchandise to induce him to return to his nation. He told him that the King of France did not wish them to make war, and if he would desist he should be supplied with every thing necessary. The Chief accepted the presents, and promised to obey the King. "From the 30th July to the, 25th August, M. le Sueur travelled fifty-two leagues to a stream, • which he called Mine River ; to the right of which, seven leagues inland, is a lead mine. This river is only navigable for boats from January to June. From the 25th to the 27th, he passed several small streams, and noticed several lead mines. From the 27th to the 30th, he travelled eleven leagues, and met five Canadians, one of whom was dangerously wounded in the head. They were almost naked, and without any ammunition. They said that they came from the Scioux, and were going to Tama rois ; and at forty leagues above they were met by a party of Puans, Saquis, Outagamis, and Poutaouatamis, who were going to make war * The Brothers of MM. de Bienville and d'lberville, who afterwards died in Louisiana. 24 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. on the Scioux, who had cruelly beat and robbed them. They after wards resolved to join our party. ^ " On the 1st September, he passed theJDuisconsin river,'* which is about half a league wide at its mouth. ' On ascending this river about forty-five leagues, he found a jportage of more than a mile in length, consisting in part of marshy ground, from which a little stream took its rise and flowed" into the Puan bay,; inhabited by a great number of Indian tribes, who trade in furs to Canada. From the 1st to the Sth September, he travelled fourteen leagues, and passed a river which came from the northeast, called the Quin- capous, after a tribe of Indians who had once lived on its banks. From the 5th to the 9th, he made ten leagues and a half, and passed the Cachee river. On the saine day he observed some canoes filled with Indians descending the river. The five Canadians recog nized them to be those who had robbed them. He placed sentinels in tlie woods to guard against a surprise, and when they got within speaking distance, he told them that if they advanced any farther he would fire upon them. " A little while after four of the Chiefs advanced in a canoe,. and asked if they had forgotten that they were brothers, and why they were alarmed. * " M. le Sueur replied that after what they had done to the five Frenchmen who were present, they had a right to distrust them. Nevertheless, for the sake of trade, he wished to be at peace with all nations, and would not punish them for the injuries they had done. That the King, his master, wished all his subjects to navigate the river without being insulted. They replied that they had ' been attacked by the Scioux and lost all their baggage ; and to take pity on them by giving them some powder, so that they might be atle to return to their village. ^ " M. de Sueur ordered some p^der to be given them. On the same day he travelled three leagues, and passed a little river from the West and another from the East, which the Indians called Red River, and which is always navigable. "From the 10th to the 14th, M. de Sueur travflled seventeen leagues and a half, passed the river Raisin, and also on the same * It was by this river that M. le Sueur for the first time entered the Missis sippi river in 1683, to visit the nations of the Scioux, among whom he resided for upwards of seven years. It was also by this river that Father Marquette and the Sieur Joliet entered the Mississippi (from the Bay of Puans) to ex plore it to its mouth, in 1673. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 25 day a great river coming from the North called the Bon-Secours, on account of the great number of buffalo, deer, bears and roebucks found there. Three leagues from the banks of this river is a lead mine, and at seven leagues above, on the same side, he passed ano ther river, in the neighborhood of which he discovered a copper mine, from which he took sixty pounds of ore in a former voyage : but to make it of any value, a peace must first be made between the Scioux and the Outagamis. At a league and a-half further to the North- West is a lake, six leagues long and more than a league in width, called Lake Pepin. It is bounded on the West by a chain of moun tains, on the East by a prairie, on the North- West by a second prai rie, not far from which is a chain of mountains, two hundred feet high, and more than a half league in length, in -which are several caves, where the bears retire in winter. Some of them are forty feet deep and about four or five feet high, the entrance to which is very narrow, and filled with salt petre. It is dangerous, however, to enter them, on account of the rattle-snakes, whose bite is very poisonous. " At the distance of seven and a-half leagues, M. le Sueur passed another river, called Hiambouxate-Onontaba, which signifies Roches- Plates River. On the 15th he passed a small river, and saw several canoes descending, filled with Indians. He heard them make a noise similar to that just before they are going to fall upon their enemy ; and, having placed his men behind some trees, he ordered them not to fire until the word of command was given. The chief of fhe party, after making some observations, advanced with the calumet, (which is a sign of peace among the Indians,) and said that, not having seen before any Frenchmen navigating the jMississippi in boats like theirs, they took them to be English, and raised the war-cry. " M. le Sueur told them that the King of France, of whom they had heard so much in Canada, had sent him to settle in the country, and he wished all the nations who inhabited it, as well as those un der his protection, to live in peace. "On the 1 6th he passed a large river to the East, which was named St. Croix, after a Frenchman who was shipwrecked there. It comes from the North North-West. Ascending it four leagues he came to a small lake, at the entrance of which there is a large mass of copper, imbedded in sand.'* " From the 16th to the 19th he advanced thirteen and three quarters '"' The mineral region of Lake Superior was faithfully explored and described by eminent French engineers more than a century and a-half ago. 2 26 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, of a league. Having now travelled from the Tamarois,* two hun. dred and seven leagues, he left the Mississippi to enter St. Peter's River, where he remained till the 1st October. He then entered Blue River, (Minnesota,) so called from some mines of blue earth which he found on its banks. At this place he met nine Scioux, who told him that this river came from the country of the Scioux of the West. He built a post here, but finding that his establishment did not please the Scioux of the East as well as the neighboring tribes ^ he had to tell them that his intentions were only to trade in beaver skins, although his real purpose was to explore the mines in this country, which he had discovered some years before. " He then presented them with some powder, balls, knives and to bacco, and invited them to come to his fort, as soon as it was con structed, and he would tell them the intentions of the King his mas ter. The Scioux, of the West have, according to the accounts of those of the "East, more than a thousand huts. " They do not use canoes or cultivate the land, but wander in the prairies between the upper Mississippi and the Missouri, and live by hunting. " All the Scioux say they have three souls, and that after death the good one goes to a warm country, the bad one to a cold country, and ^the third watches the body. They are very expert with their bows. Polygamy is very common among them. They are extremely jealous, and som.etimes fight duels for their wives. They make their huts out of buffalo skins, sewed together, and carry them with them. Two or three families generally live together. They are great smokers. They swallow the smoke, but some time after they force it up from their stomach through their nose. " On the 3d of October he received several Scioux at the fort, among whom was Ouacantapi, a chief of a village. Shortly after two Canadians arrived, who had been on a-hunting expedition, and were robbed by the Scioux of the East of their guns. " On the 14th, M. le Sueur finished the fort which he named Fort L'Huiller. " On the 22d, he sent two Canadians to invite the Ayavois and the Octotatas to settle near the fort, because they were good farmers, and he wished to employ them in cultivating the land and working the mines. *' The present town of Cahokia Is built upon the site of this once Important Indian vjllage. The Cahokia and Tamarois villages joined each other; the Jesuits had a Missionary establishment there, and the French a Post. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 27 '¦ On the 24th, the two Canadians returned without being able to find the road which led to those tribes. " On the 26th, M. le Sueur repaired to a mountain, and filled three canoes with green and blue earth, some of which he had sent to Paris in 1696 to be assayed. He also brought away with him some mineral specimens. " On the 9th November, eight Mantantous Scioux, who had been sent by their Chiefs, came to the fort to inform him that the Men- douacantons had gone to the lake east of the Mississippi, and they wished to know what satisfaction he wished of them. M. le Sueur replied that he only desired to have a talk with them. " On the 1st December, they invited M. le Sueur to a great feast which they had prepared for him. They made a speech, and pre sented him with a slave and a sack of oats. " On the 12th, three Mendoucaton Chiefs, with a great many fol lowers, arrived at the fort to render some satisfaction for the injuries they had committed on a party of French. They brought four hun dred pounds of beaver skins, and promised to return next summer after they had harvested their oats, to come and establish themselves near the fort. On the same day they departed for their village to the east of the Mississippi. On the 15th, two Scioux Mantantous came expressly to warn M. le Sueur that all the Scioux of the East, and some from the West, had met for the purpose of coming to the fort, as they had been informed that the Christianaux and Assinopoils had determined to make war upon them. These two nations lived in a country more than eighty leagues to the east of the fort, on the upper Mississippi. The Assinopoils speak the language of the Scioux, and were originally a part of that nation ; but they had not for some years lived on terms of friendship with this nation. The Christianaux are accustomed to guns, with which they are furnished by the Hudson Bay Company, and they go to war with the Assino poils, who are their near neighbors. On the 16th, the two Scioux returned and reported that the Ayavois and Octotatas had estab lished themselves on the Missouri, in the neighborhood of the Mahas. " On the 26th, the Mantantous and Oujalespious arrived at the fort, and pitched their huts under the trees."* On the 18th March, 1702, M. d'lberville arrived at Dauphin Island, in the frigate " Palmier," which he brought into port without any difGiculty, there being twenty-one feet or more of water at the * The Intendant commissary of the colony, who was afterwards succeeded by Diron D'Artaguette. 28 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. pass. On the 19th, M. de la Salle* arrived with his family at For- Mobile, which had just been finished, and the head-quarters of the colony about to be removed there from Dauphin (Massacre) Island.f On the 25th, M. de Tonty, who had been sent by M. d' Iberville on a mission to the Chactas and Chicachas, arrived at Mobile, bringing with him some of the principal Chiefs of those nations, to make a treaty of peace. By presents and entreaties' M. d'lberville made them agree to live in peace together. On the 27th, M. d' Iberville returned to Dauphin Island, and from thence he went to Pensacola. On the 13th April, M. Dugue arrived with a transport ladened -with provisions. On the 31st, M. d' Iberville and de Serigny departed for France. On the 12th May, eight Alibamon Chiefs arrived at Mobile to consult with M. de Bienville whether they should continue to war with the Chicachas, Tomes, and Mobilians. He advised them to make a peace, and gave them some presents for this purpose. On the 24th June, a Spanish shallop arrived from Pensacola, on board of which was Don Jose de Roblas, Captain of Infantry, and a son of the nurse of Count de Montezuma, bringing a letter from Francisco Martin, G-overnor of Pensacola, asking to be supplied with some pro visions, which M. de Bienville granted. On the 10th August, M. de Bienville was informed that M. St. Denis and some (}anadians had invaded the territory pf our allies to capture slaves, which he ordered to be restored. On the 1st October, M. Davion, missionary, and Father Limoge, a Jesuit, arrived from the Mississippi, to give notice that one of their brethren and three Frenchmen had been murdered on the Yasous river, by two young Courois. who had acted as their guides. On the 11th November, Don Francisco Martin arrived from Pen sacola, with the news that France and Spain were at war with England, and asked for a supply of arms and powder, which was given him. On the 28th, two shallops, with two Spanish officers, arrived at the fort from St. Augustine, Florida, and brought a letter from Don Joseph de Souniga y Serda, (governor of that place, informing M. de Bienville that it was besieged by fourteen English vessels and two thousand Indians. He further reqtiested that a small vessel might be sent to the Viceroy of Mexico, informing £im of what; had hap pened. M. de Bienville sent him one hundred muskets and five hundred pounds of powder. * The journal of M. Ie Sueur ends here. He returned to France in April, 1702. t The name of this island was changed in compliment to the eldest born o the King of France, presumptive heir to the Crown. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 29 On the 27th December, M. de Becancourt sailed for Vera Cruz, with letters from the Governor of Florida to the Viceroy of Mexico. On the 2d January, 1703, M. de Bienville learned by letters from Pensacola, that the Fort of St. Augustine sustained itself a^inst the united efforts of the Indians and English. On the Sth February, a pirogue arrived from the Ouabache, and brought the news that M. de Jucherau, Lieutenant General of Mont- Real, had arrived there with thirty-four Canadians to form a settle ment at its mouth, and to collect buffalo skins. On the 14th, an officer arrived from Pensacola, with a letter from the Governor, informing 31. de Bienville that the fort of St. Augus tine had received assistance from Havana ; and the English soon after raised the siege with the loss of one of their largest ^ships on the coast. On the 22d, M. de Becancourt arrived from Vera Cruz with pro visions. He reported that M. d'Albukerque, Viceroy of Mexico, had received orders from the King of Spain, to permit the French of Louisiana to enter his ports to buy provisions. On the 3d- of March, the men who had been left at Fort L'Huillier by M. le Sueur, returned to Mobile on account of the bad treatment which they had received from the Indians. On the 3d of May, the English living among the Indians in Carolina, induced the Alibamons to declare war against the French, and;to use a stratagem to get them in their power. They sent two Chiefs to Mobile to notify the French and the neighboring Indians of the Cahouitas tribe, that the English had left their villages, and they could obtain a quantity of corn for themselves and their garrison. M. Labrie and four Canadians were accordingly sent to purchase a supply. j. On the 5th, a Spanish shallop arrived at the fort, with Don Hyacinthe Roque Peres, an officer at Apalaches. He was sent by the Governor of Florida to ask succor for the province of the Apalaches, who were attacked by three thousand Indians, composed of the Cheraqui, Cahouita, Talapouche, Abicas, Alibamons, at the head of which were five Englishmen and two negroes. He reported that at the apnroacn of these nations, the Apalaches had demanded of the Spaniards arms to defend themselves with, which they refused. This refusal had obliged more than two thousand of the Apalaches to join their enemies, and to settle in Carolina. Two villages of the Apa laches, who were Catholics, joined the Spaniards, and retired to the fort, where they made advantageous sallies. He further added that those nations had made great devastation in the province. He re quested a detachment of Canadians and some ammunition to be sent, but only a few guns and some powder were granted him. 30 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. On the 21st, M. de Becancourt sailed for Vera Cruz to procure provisions. On the 24th, Charles, the Canadian who was sent on the 3d of this month with M. Labri to purchase corn of the Alibamons, returned with his arm broken. He said that about two days' journey from the fort, twelve Indians had met them with the calumet of peace; and in the night assassinated his companions. He had barely time to make his escape by throwing himself into the river. On the 25th, three Spaniards came from Pensacola with letters from Don Andre de la Riole, Governor of that place, who gave notice of the arrival of three ships from Vera Cruz with provisions ; and that hearing the garrison at Mobile was in want of some, he offered to furnish" it. This news gave great pleasure, as it had been obliged to seek their provisions from the Indians, or else to live off oysters and fish. M. de Boisbriant was dispatched to Pensacola to purchase a supply. On the 23d July, 1703, M. de Becancourt arrived from Vera Cruz, bringing a letter from M. le due d'Albukerque, thanking M. de Bienville for the assistance he had given Fort St. Augustine, Florida. In the month of August, the Chevalier de Perrot arrived at Mobile in the shallop -' La Loire," commanded by M. Dugue, ladened with provisions and other articles for the garrison. He brought with him seventeen passengers, among whom was M. Paillou, ser geant of a company raised by M. de Chateaugue, brother of M. de Bienville, who was soon to arrive in this country by the first oppor- ¦ tunity, with a commission of second lieutenant in the navy. M. de Paillou had formerly been an officer in France, and was once aid- major of the colony. On the same day four Chicachas brought the news that five Frenchmen had been killed by the Tongarois, a nation living upon the river Casquinimbo, which empties into the Ouabache. On the 16th October, M. Dugue set sail from Dauphin Island for the Havana, where he hoped to find freight for France. On the 22d December, M. de Bienville set out from Fort St. Louis, Mobile, with forty soldiers and Canadians in seven perogues, to punish the Aliba mons, a nation of four hundred warriors, for the murder of the four Frenchmep. # On the 3d January, 1704, he discovered the fires of the enemy, and soon after ten perogues filled with men. He held a council with M. de Tonty and M. de St Denis, who, (contrary to his opinion,) thought they should wait till night to attack them. The Alibamons were encamped on a bluff difficult of access. The night was very dark. They took a road almost impracticable to travel, and where the enemy was posted. They fired and killed two Frenchmen, and ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 31 wounded another, and afterwards retreated. M. de Bienville sunk their pirogues ladened with corn, and on the 11th of the same month returned to the fort at Mobile. On the 14th, a party of twenty Chicachas brought five scalps of the Alibamons, for each of which they received five pounds of balls, and as much powder agreeably to a treaty made with them. On the 6th April, M. Jose de Roble arrived from Pensacola, to get M. de Bienville to send a vessel to Vera Cruz to inform the King of the extreme suffering of the gar rison, which was reduced to three hundred men. On the 20th, letters were received from Pensacola, bringing an account of Don Andre de la RioUe from Havana, with provisions. M. de Boisbriant was sent to obtain some wheat from them. On the 2-2d, two Indians from Pensacola brought a letter from Don Guzman, informing M. de Bienville that the Indian allies of the English had returned to the Apalaches, and killed twenty-eight of his men, and begging that he would render him some assistance. On the 24th, M. Ducoudray-Guimont arrived at Dauphin Island with the " Pelican,'' of fifty guns, from France, bringing provisions and other articles for the colony. He also brought sixty-five soldiers, being part of the two compa nies raised by MM. de Vaulguard and Chateaugue, the latter of whom arrived in company with M. de la Vente, a missionary, and four other priests, sent by the Archbishop of Quebec, under his or ders. There also arrived, in the same ship, two grey nuns, twenty- three poor girls, and four families of artisans. The girls were mar ried in the same month to different Canadians. • In the month of September (1704), a great deal of sickness pre vailed in the colony. M. Ducoudrey Guimont lost the half of his crew, and was obliged to take twenty men from the Garrison^to sail his vessel back to France. MM. de Tonty,* et le Vasseur, Father ¦* JI. deTontr, a distinguished and brave French ofiBcer, came to Canada with M. de Salle in 1678, and was his faithful and confidential friend through out his glorious career. He accompanied him in his exploration of the Mississippi river m 1682. In 1683 M. de la Salle appointed him to the com mand of Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois river, where, in the foUowing year, he was attacked by more than two hundred Iroquois, whom he repulsed, with great loss on their side. In 1686 he went with forty men in carfbes, at his own expense to the Gulf of Mexico, to seek for M. de la Salle, who had previously sailed from Rochelle with an expedition to plant a colony on the Mississippi river Unable to find him, he returned to Montreal and put himself under the command of M. DenonvUle, to engage in the war with the Iroquois. The cam paign being over, he returned to Fort St. Louis, in 1689, to go in search of the remains of M. de la SaUe's colony in Texas, which he was unable to reach, after 82 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Dongy, a Jesuit, and thirty soldiers of the new troops who had just arrived at the fort died during this month. On the 20th October twenty Chicachas came to report that the English at Charleston, Carolina, had made them a present of twelve slaves, taken from the Taensas nation, to retain them in their in terest. On the 27th, three Spaniards brought the news that the fort at Pensacola was entirely destroyed by fire, together with the barracks, houses and goods, and begged that a vessel might be sent to Vera Cruz to report the disaster. On the nth December a French brig arrived from Havana, and reported that an armament of several vessels were fitting out at Carolina, to take possession of Mobile and the Mississippi. On the 21st, the chiefs of the Tonica nation came to the fort to solicit the return of M. Davion, the missionary, to their village, which he had abandoned since the death of M. Foucault, the priest who had been killed there by the Curois, instigated by the English, and in concert with the Yasous. M. de Bienville told them that he would not agree to it until the blood of the murdered Frenchmen were avenged. That if they wished to have him, they must strike a blow upon the Curois and Yasous, and bring him all, the'English that might be found among them. That to facilitate this' enterprise he would send a detachment.of his troops to assist them/ The chiefs were delighted with the proposition, and promised to engage their allies in this undertaking." M. de Bienville agreed to send M. de Saint Denis, -v^th twelve Canadians, to join M. de Lambert, Captain of the fanada Company, and brother of M. de Mandeville, offider bleu, who was descending the Mississippi river with forty Canadians from the Ouabache, where he had been commanding since the death of M. de Guchereau. many months of privation and suffering, through the treachery and desertion of his men. He subsequently joined MM. de Iberville and Bienville,"* on their arrival in the Gulf, and was employed by them in various active services up to the time of his death. All that is known of his personal history and>iadv<.en- tures — for he has not been so fortunate as to have had a biographer to write them — is recorded in a report of his services to the French Govemment, and published in the first volume of the Historical collections of Louisiana. They reflect the highest honor upon him as a brave and generous officer. His achievements in the exploration of the Mississippi "Valley must always rank him next to La Salle ; and probably he contrib-ated more to the successful ex tension of the French possessions in North America than any one man. "What ever doubt the failure of the flrst expedition of De la Salle to the Gulf of Mexico may have produced in France, was afterwards removed by the informa tion which he obtained of this country in his courageous efforts to save his countrymen in Texas. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 33 The Tonica chiefs, after having received some presents, set out for the Mississippi, and agreed to meet M. Saint Denis at the Nat chez. They built pirogues, and after every preparation had been made for the war, M. de Saint Denis changed his mind and refused to go. On the 21st January, 1705, M. de ChateauguS set out for Vera Cruz with letters from the Government of Pensacola. On the 28th, M. de Lambert arrived at Mobile from the Ouabache with the Cana dians he commanded, on account of the war among the Indians there leaving behind thirteen thousand buffaloe skins belonging to M. de Guchereau. On the 1st February M. de Bienville was informed that the Chicachas had sold to the English many of the Chactas families who had come to visit them ; and that this treachery had caused a rupture between the two nations. There were at this time about seventy Chicachas at Mobile, and they were afraid to return to their nation. They begged M. de Bienville to send an escort with them, which he granted, and M. de Boisbriant was ordered, with twenty-five Canadians, to take command of this expedition. He set out on the 9th, and arrived at a village of the Chactas at the end of the month. The chiefs of this nation assured them that they would not oppose the return of the Chicachas, but it was right to reproach them for their treachery in presence of the French. The great chief of the Chactas stood in the middle of the place, with a feather and a calumet in his hand. He invited the Chicachas to sit around him and listen to his speech, which they did with their guns cocked in their hands. The Chactas chief then ordered more than three thousand of his warriors to sit in a circle behind the Chicachas. He then commenced reproaching them for their perfidy. He said the French could not know their treachery, and it was best for them to die. He then lowered the feather of his calumet, which he had been holding up till then, and which was his signal to strike. Several Chicachas were killed, and M. de Boisbriant was wounded by accident as he was retiring. He was carried by the Chactas on a litter to Mobile, where he arrived on the 10th March, accompanied by more than three hundred of this nation. On the 20th March M. de Chateaugue returned from Vera Cruz with provision for the colony. On the 10th April, ten Chicachas arrived from the Tonicas by the Mississippi, to beg M. de Bienville to reconcile them to the Chactas. On the 16th August, M. de Bienville was informed a French corsair was en relache at Pensacola. On the 6th September, he was advised by letter from Don Guzman, Governor of Pensacola, 34 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. that the Le Rosaire, of forty-six guns, commanded by M. Landeche, had been wrecked in port by a sudden gale of wind, which threw her over. Her equipage was afterwards sent in a vessel commanded by M. de Chateaugue, to Vera Cruz. On the 18th, M. de Chateaugug returned from Pensacola to Mobile Point, where he found a small brigantine from Martinique, a bucaneer, dismasted and unable to go to sea. He compelled her to anchor, and sent all the crew on shore, with the exception of a few persons who remained on board. This vessel had on bord $72,000, which M. de Chateaugue sent to Mobile Fort, under the charge of the captain. She was afterwards sunk in a gale of wind. On the 11th October, M. de Chateaugul sailed for Pensacola, where he repaired his vessel ; and on the 16th returned with M. Landeche and some officers. On the 16th November, two canoes with voyaguers, arrived from the Illinois. One of them was M. Lau- rain, who had been to the Missouri river. He gave an account of the nations who inhabited that country, as well as of some Spanish settlements on the frontier of Mexico. On the 9th December, 1705, six Chicachas Chiefs came to solicit M. de Bienville to make peace between them and the Chactas. He accordingly sent a deputation of three Canadians to the Chactas nation. On the 18th, M. de Bienville reconciled the Mobileans with the Thomes, who were on the point of delaring war. On the 29th, M. de Chateaugue arrived in a felucca, which had been sent on a voyage of discovery. On the 7th January, 1706, M. Lambert brought the news that the Chactas had been attacked by four thousaud Indians, led on by the English, who had carried off upwards of three hundred of their women and children. On the 16th, Father Gracio, a Jesuit, returned from the Illinois severely wounded," He had much trouble in making his escape, as that nation had declared war against the French. On the 21st, several Chactas Chiefs arrived, whom M. Lambert had left behind. _ They came at the request of M. de Bienville, to smoke the calumet of peace with the Chicachas Chiefs, who had previously arrived at the fort. On the 21st_February, M. de Boisbriant, who went on an expedition against the Alibamons, returned to the fort with several prisoners. On the 27th, a shallop arrived from Pensa cola, with the Commissary Don Pedro Garcia, to adjust the accounts between the Spanish and the French comtnandants. On the 5th March, two 6liactas came to the fort to inform M. de Bietiville, that notwithstanding the promise of peace, the Chicachas had carried off from one of their villages upwards of one hundred and fifty persons, and asked for assistance and some ammunition. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 35 On the 4th April, M. de Chateaugue sailed for Havana with the crew of the brigantine lost on the coast. On the 28th May, the Governor of Pensacola, sent the French garrison, which was reduced to the last extremity, forty quintals of corn. On the 13th June, M. de Chateaugue returned from Havana, in company with the Eagle, of thirty-six guns, commanded by M. de Noyan, brother-in-law of M. de Bienville. On the 14th August, the frigate Eagle, and a brigan tine commanded by M. de Chateaugue, sailed for Havana. On the 25th August, M. de Bienville was informed that the Taensas were forced to abandon their villages by the Yasous and Chicachas, and to retire among the Bayagoulas ; and that not long afterwards the Taensas attacked the Bayagoulas, and had nearly exterminated them ; a punishment they deserved for having destroyed their allies, the Mongoulachas. The Taensas fearing the vengeance of the Cola- pissas, Houmas, and other nations, the allies and friends of the Bayagoulas. they did not dare to return to their ancient villages ; but invited the Chitimaches and Yaguenechitons living on the lakes, to come and eat corn with them, by which they avoided a surprise. On the 1st October, M. de Bienville was informed that a party of Huron Indians, who had gone to make war on the Arkansas Indians, were surprised and burned alive. On the i9th 31. de Chateaugue arrived from Havana, and re ported that M. de Iberville had fitted out a fleet to seize upon Ja maica, and had taken on board at Martinique about two thousand buccaneers, but hearing that the English had been informed of his intentions, and taken measures to prevent their negroes from revolt ing, he sailed for the islands of St. Christophers and Neuvitias, on which he laid a forced contribution. He then sailed for Havana, and took on board one thousand Spaniards to invade Carolina. The fever broke out among his troops, of which he died, and eight hun dred men and several officers besides. On the 20th an English trader, who had been captured by the Tonicas, took revenge on them by assembling together the Chicachas and Alibamons, and declaring war. The Tonicas. not finding themselves strong enough to fight them, abandoned their villages and joined the Houmas ; and whilst there enjoying their confidence, the Tonicas rose upon them and killed more than one half of the tribe ; the remainder fled to the banks of the Bayou St. John, which empties into Lake Pontchartrain, at a short distance only from the spot where New Orleans has since been built, and established themselves. On the 1st January, 1707, M. Berquier, grand vicar of Quebec, arrived from the Illinois, and reported that M. Saint Cosme, mis- 36 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. sionary at the Natchez, who was descending to the sea, had been killed by the Chitimaches. M. de Bienville sent presents to several of the Indian tribes, and requested that they should immediately declare war against them. In March the Pascagoulas declared war against the Ouachas ; and shortly after the Indian tribes assembled to make war upon the Chitimaches. They were composed of the Biloxis, Bayagoulas and Natchez. They nearly destroyed the Chiti maches, and levelled their cabins to the ground. On the 20th April letters were received from M. de Chateaugue that M. de Noyan,* commander of the frigate Eagle, died at Vera Cruz. On the 16th July BI. de Chateaugue brought from Pensacola a large quantity of bacon, presented to the colony by the Vice Roy of Mexico. On the 25th August M. de Bienville received news that two hundred In dians, allies of the English, had invested Pensacola, burned the houses outside of the fort, killed ten Spaniards, and taken twelve slaves from the Apalache and Chactas nations. On the 16th November some Ouachas arrived at the Mobile fort with four scalps and a young slave, taken from the Abika nation. They informed M. de Bienville that the Alibamons and Abikas awaited the arrival of some English to go and attack Pensacola. On the 20th about two hundred Chactas arrived with four slaves and thirty scalps taken from the Cahouitas and Altamaha nations. On the 24th M. de Bienville was informed that Pensacola was invested by the Indians and English. He took with him one hundred Canadians and arrived there on the 8th December, and found the siege raised and the Indians and English retreated. M. de Bien ville returned to Mobile on the 19th. , On the 9th January, 1708, a French vessel arrived at Dauphin island, and brought letters from M. louche, of the island of Cuba-, informing M. de Bienville that M. Ducasse had arrived at St. Do mingo with a .large fleet to convey several galleons to Spain. He also announced the birth of a prince of Asturias on the .27th August, 1707. On the 24th the Governor of Pensacola sent word that a vessel had arrived there, bringing news that she had met the Re- nmnm^e, a French frigate, upon which M. le Comte de Choiseul, the new Governor of St. Domingo, with several families for the Isle a Vaches, had embarked ; and that the Renommee had brought stores for the colony. On the 10th February the Renommee, commanded by M. Chilez, arrived at Dauphin Island, with provisions for the colony. He brought the news of the dgath of M. de Muys, who had been appointed by the King Governor-General of Louisiana. In * The brother-in-law of M. de Bienville. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 37 this vessel came M. Diron d' Artaguette and one of his brothers, the former to fill the office of Intendent Commissary, and to report on the past conduct of all the officers of the colony ; to examine the port, and decide on the propriety of keeping it there or removing it, according to the new plans approved of by the King. This vessel also brought thirty new recruits for the two companies of infantry serving in Louisiana, with order from the King to discharge all the Canadians who had faithfully served his majesty. In April, 1708, the R^nomnUe sailed for France. During the remainder of this year and the whole of the next nothing particular occurred except the arrival of some vessels bringing provisions from Rochelle and the Islands of St. Domingo and Martinique. In the beginning of 1710 M. de la Salle, Intendant Commissary of the colony, died a short time after his second wife. In the month of September of the same year, an English Corsair made a descent upon Dauphin Island, and destroyed fifty thousand livres of property. In March, 1711, the settlement of Mobile was inundated, and M. d' Artaguette proposed to M. de Bienville to re move their quarters eight leagues above, at the entrance of the river, which was accordingly done. In the month of May, the Chicachas declared war against the Chactas. At the time there were thirty Chicachas at Mobile, who were afraid to return to their villages, and M. de Chateaugue, with thirty soldiers, was ordered to escort them. In September, the Renommee, of fifty-six guns, arrived at Dauphin Island, with provisions, on board of which was M. de Saint Helene, midshipman, who come to serve as aid-de-camp to his uncle. In November, M. d' Artaguette returned to France in this vessel, carrying with him the regrets of the colony. He was an ac complished gentleman, and soon made himself acquainted with what was necessary to make the colony flourish. In January, 1712, M. de Saint Helene was sent to Vera Cruz for provisions. His vessel foundered in the harbor, and the Duke de Linares, Viceroy, who had succeeded the Duke d'Albukerque, furnished him with another in which he returned to the colony. In March, a frigate of Saint Malo, commanded by 31. de la Vigne- Voisin, arrived at Dauphin Island, after having attempted to trade at Tuspan. He had letters from M. Ducase to the Viceroy ; but he only agreed with the merchants as to prices they were to pay for goods at Dauphin Island. A Spanish vessel afterwards arrived with the money to pay for their goods ; but the frigate was not there, and . the vessel returned to Vera Cruz. At the end of the month, M. de 38 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Bienville reconciled the Alibamons, Abikas, and other nations of Carolina with his Indian allies. In the month of May, 1713, the frigate Baron de la Fosse, of forty guns, commanded by M. de la Jonquiere, arrived with pro visions from France, and brought the news of peace concluded at Rastadt. Among the passengers who came were M. de la Mothe Cadillac, the new Governor General of Louisiana : M. Duclos, In tendant Commissary ; M. de Richebourg ; MM. Le Bas, comp troller, and Dirigouin, La Laire des Ursins, agents and directors ap pointed by M. Crozat,* to whom the King had granted a charter of Louisiana, for ten years by letters patent, dated 14th September.! * M. Crozat, Marquis du Chatel, was one of those great financiers who flourished in the reign of Louis XI"Vth, when he obtained the Royal Charter granting him so many commercial privileges. The military force in Louisiana at that time, did not exceed two companies of infantry, of fifty men each, seven ty-five Canadians, and about three hundred persons of every description which was scattered over a boundless territory. He died on the 7th June, 1738. •f- LETTERS PATENT GRANTED BY THE KING OF FRANCE TO M. CROZAT. Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre : To all who shall see these present Letters, Greeting. The care we have always had to procure the welfare and advantage of our subjects having induced us, notwithstanding the almost continual wars which we have been obliged to support from the be ginning of our reign, to seek for all possible opportunities of enlarging and ex tending the trade of our American Colonies, we did in the year 1683 give our orders to undertake a discovery of the countries and lands which are situated in the Northern part of America, between New France and New Mexico : and the Sieur de la Sale, to whom we committed that enterprise, ha-ving had success enough to confirm a belief that a communication might be settled from New France to the Gulf of Mexico by means of large rivers ; this obliged us imme diately after the peace of Ryswick to give orders for the establishing a Colony there, and maintaining a garrison which has kept and preserved the possession, we had taken in the very year 1683 of the Lands, Coasts and Islands which are situated in the Gulf of Mexico, between Carolina on the East, and Old and New Mexico on the "West. But a new war having broke out in Europe shortly after, there was no possibility, tiU now, of reaping from that new Colony the advan tages that might have been expected from thence, because the private men, who are concerned in the sea trade, were all under engagements with other Colonies, which they have been obliged to follow : and whereas upon informa tion we have received concerning the disposition and situation of the said coun tries known at present by the name of the Province of Louisiana, we are of opinion that there may be estabUshed therein a considerable commerce, so much the more advantageous to our kingdom in that there has hitherto been a,^ necessity of fetching from foreigners the greatest part of the commodities which may be brought from thence, and because in exchange thereof we need carry thither nothing but commodities of the growth and manufacture of our own kingdom ; we have resolved to grant the commerce of the country of Louisiana » to the Sieur Anthony Crozat our Councellor, Secretary of the Household, Crown ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 39 At the time of the transfer there was in the colony four hundred persons, including twenty negroes and three hundred head of cattle. The object of M. Crozat was to open a trade with the Spaniards in and Revenue, to whom we entmst the execution of this project. We are the more readily inclined hereunto, because his zeal and the singular knowledge he - has acquired in maritime commerce, encourage us to hope for as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers and sundry enterprises he has gone upon, and which have procured to our kingdom great quantities of gold and silver in such conjunctures as have rendered them very acceptable to us. For these reasons being desirous to show our favor to him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean to grant him the said commerce, after hav ing deliberated this affair in our Council, of our certain knowledge, full power and royal authority, we by these presents, signed by our hand, have appointed and do appoint the said Sieur Crozat solely to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by us, and bounded by New Mexico, and by the lands of the English of Carolina, all the establishment, ports, havens, rivers, and principally the port and haven of the Isle Dauphine, heretofore called Massacre ; the river of St. Lewis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as the Illi nois ; together with the River of St. Philip, heretofore called the Missouri, and of St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with aU the countries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river of St. Lewis. The AHides. I. Our pleasure is, that aU the aforesaid Lands, Countries, Streams, Rivers and Islands be and remain under the Govemment of Louisiana, which shall be dependent upon the General Government of New France, to which it is sub ordinate ; and further, that all the lands which we possess from the Illinois be united, so far as occasion requires, to the General Govemment of "i^ttyr France, and become part thereof, reserving however to ourselves the liberty of enlarging, as we shaU think fit, the extent of the govemment of the Country of Louisiana. n. We grant to the said Sieur Crozat for fifteen successive years, to be reckoned from the day of enroUing these presents, a right and power to trans port all sorts of goods and merchandise from France into the said Country of Louisiana, and to traffic thither as he shall think fit. We forbid all and every person and persons, company and companies, of what quafity and condition so ever, and under any pretence whatever, to trade thither, under penalty of con fiscation of goods, ships, and other more severe punishments, as occasion shall require ; and for this purpose we order our Governors and other officers com manding our troops in the said country forcibly to abet, aid and assist the direc tors and agents of the said Sieur Crozat.. in. We permit him to search for, open and dig all sorts of mines, veins and minerals throughout the whole extent of the said country of Louisiana, and to transport the profits thereof into any port of France during the fifteen years; and we grant in perpetuity to him, his heirs and others claiming under him or them, the property of, in and to the mines, veins and minerals which he shall bring to bear, paying us, in lieu of all claim, the fifth part of the gold and silver which the said Sieur Crozat shall cause to be transported to France at his o-wn charges into what port he pleases, (of which fifth we shall run the risks of the 40 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Mexico, and to establish a commercial depot at the Dauphin Island, with brigan tines to convey merchandise to Pensacola, Tampico, Vera Cruz, Tuspan, and the coast of Campeachy, in which he would have sea and of war,) and the tenth part of what effects he shall draw from the other mines, veins and minerals, which tenth he shall transfer and convey to our magazines in the said country of Louisiana. We likewise permit him to search for precious stones and pearls, paying us the fifth part in the same manner as is mentioned for the gold and silver. We will that the said Sieur Crozat, his heirs, or those claiming under him the perpetual right, shall forfeit the propriety of the said mines, veins and minerals, if they discontinue the work during three years, and that in such case the said mines, veins and minerals shall be fully reunited to our domain, by virtue of this present article, without the formality of any process of law, but only an ordinance of re-union from the subdelegate of the intendant of New Franc, who shall be ine the said country, nor do we mean that the said penalty of forfeiture in default of not working for three years, be reputed a comminatory penalty. rV. The said Sieur Crozat may vend all such merchandise, goods, wares, commodities, arms and amunition as he shall have caused to be transported in to the said country and Government of Louisiana, as well to the French, as savages who are or shall be there settled ; nor shall any person or persons un der any pretence whatsoever be capable of doing the like without his leave expressed in writing. Y. He may purchase in the said country, all sorts of furs, skins, leather, wool, and other commodities and effects of the said country, and tronsport them to France during the said fifteen years : and as our intention is to favor, as much as we can, our inhabitants of New France, and to hinder the lessening of their trade, we forbid him trafficking for castor in the said country under any pretence whatsoever ; nor to convey any from thence into our kingdom or foreign countries. "VI. We grant to the Sieur Crozat, or those claiming under him or them, the property of, in and to all settlements which he shall erect or set up in the said country for silk, indigo, wool, leather, mines, veins and minerals, as likewise the property of, in and to the lands which he shall cause to be cultivated, -with the mansions, mills, aud structures which he shall cause to be built thereon, taking grants thereof from us, which grants he shall obtain upon the verbal process and opinion of our Governor and of the subdelCgate of the intendant of New France in the said country, to be by him reported unto us. We will that the said Sieur Crozat, his heirs, or those claiming under him or them, shall keep in repair the said settlements, manufactories, lands and mills ; and in default thereof during the three years, he and they shall forfeit the same, ;and the said settlements, manufactories, lands and mills shall be reunited to our domain fully and amply, and in the same manner as is mentioned above inf the third article concerning mines, veins and minerals. ' "'''¦ < VII. Our edicts, ordinances and customs, and the usages of the mayoralty and shreevalty of Paris, shall be observed for laws and customs in the said country of Louisiana. "VIII. The said Sieur Crozat shall be obliged to send to the said country of ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 41 succeeded if the Spaniards had not refused since the peace to open their ports to the French, in order to gratify the English, with whom they had made a commercial treaty. Louisiana two ships every year, which he shaU cause to set out in the proper season, in each of which ships he shaU cause to be embarked, w-thout paying any freight, twenty-five tuns of victuals, effects and necessary ammunition, for the maintenance of the garrison and forts of the Louisiana ; and in case we should cause to be laden above the said twenty-five tuns in each ship, we con sent to pay the freight to the said Sieur Crozat, at the common mercantUe rates. He shaU be obliged to convey our officers of Louisiana in the ships which he shall send thither, and to furnish them with subsistence and a captain's table for thirty sols per day, which he wiU cause to be paid for each. He shall Ukewise give passage in the said ships, to the soldiers, which we shall please to send to the said country ; and we wiU cause the necessary pro visions for their subsistence to be furnished to him, or wiU pay him for them at the same price as is paid to the Purveyor-General of our Marine. He shaU be furthermore obUged to send on board each ship, which he shaU cause to set out for the said country, ten young men or women, at his own election. IX. We wiU cause to be deUvered out of our magazines to the said Sieur Crozat, ten thousand weight of gunpowder every year, which he shaU pay us for at the price that it shaU cost us, and this for so long time as the present privilege shaU last. X. The wares and merchandise which the said Sieur Crozat shaU consign to the said country of Louisiana shaU be exempt from aU duties of exportation, laid or to be laid, on condition that his directors, deputies or clerks shaU en gage to give, within the space of a year, to be reckoned from the date thereof, a certificate of their unlading in the said country of Louisiana j under penalty, in case of contravention, to pay the quadmpule of the duties, reserving to ourselves the power of giving him a longer respite in such cases and occur rences as we shaU think proper. *• XI. And as for the goods and merchandise which the Sieur Crozat shaU cause to be brought from the said country of Louisiana, and upon his account, into the ports of our kingdom, and shall afterwards cause to be transported into foreign countries, they shall pay no duties either of importation or expor tation and shaU be deposited in the custom house, warehouses of ports where they ShaU arrive, until they be taken away ; and when the deputies and clerks of the said Sieur Crozat shaU be minded to cause them to be transported m foreign countiies, either by sea or land, they shall be obliged to give security to bring within a certain time, a certificate from the last office, contaming what they exported there, and another certificate of their unlading in foreign coun- ™XII In case the said Sieur Crozat be obUged, for the furtherance of his commerce to fetch from foreign countries some goods and merchandise of for eign manufactures, in order to transport them into the said country of Louisi ana He BhaU make us acquainted therewith, and lay before us states thereof; upon which we, if we think fit, will grant him our particular permission with 3 42 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. The arrival of M. de la Mothe Cadillac could not but have pro duced a good effect in Louisiana, if he had only acted in concert with M. de Bienville ; but being jealous of the popularity of M. de Bienville, it gave rise to repeated altercations between them, out of which grew two parties in the colony, and which exist to this day.* exemptions from, duties of importation and exportation, provided the said goods and merchandise be deposited afterwards in our custom-house ware houses until they be laden in the ships of the said Sieur Crozat, who shall he obliged to bring in one year, to be reckoned from the day of the date hereof) a certificate of their unlading in the said country of Louisiana, under penalty in case of contravention, to pay quadruple the duties ; reserving to ourselves, in like manner, the liberty of granting to the said Sieur Crozat. a longer respite, if it be necessary. XIII. The feluccas, canoes, and other vessels belonging to us, and which are in the said country of Louisiana, shaU serve for loadingj'unloading and transporting the effedts of the said Sieur Crozat, who shall be bound to keep them in good condition, and after the expiration of the said fifteen years shaU restore them, or a like number of equal bulk and goodness, to our Governor in the said country. XIV. If for the cultures and plantations which the said Sieur Crozat is minded to make, he finds it proper to have blacks in the said country of the Louisiana, he may send a ship every year to trade for them directly upon the coast of Guinea, taking permission from the Guinea Company so to do ; he may sell those blacks to the ^habitants of the colony of Louisiana, and we forbid all other companies and persons whatsoever, under any pretence whatsoever, to introduce blacks or traffic for them in the said cojintry, nor shall the said Sieur Crozat carry any blacks elsewhere. X"V. He shall not send any ships into the said country of Louisiana but di rectly from France, and he shall cause the said ships to return thither again; the whole under pain" of confiscation and forfeiture of the present privUege. XVI. The said Sieur Crozat shaU be obUged, after the expiration of the first nine years of this grant, to'pay the officers and the garrison which shaU be in said coimtry during the six last years of the continuance of this present privi lege ; the said Sieur Crozat may in that time propose and nominate the officers, as vacancies shall fall, and such officer, shall be confirmed by us, if we approve of them. Given at Fontainbleau, thej fourteenth day of September, in the year of Grace, 1712, and of our reign the 70th. (Signed; LOUIS By the King PHELIPEAUX, &o. Registered at Paris in the ParUament, the 24th of Septemberji'1712. * On one side, says " Gayarr^, the Historian of Louisiana," was the Gover nor, the Agamemnon of his party, backed by Marigny de MandeviUe, Bagot, Blondel, Latour, ViUiers, and Terrine, scions of noble houses, and all of them young and brilUant officers ; and the fanatic Curate de la Vente, who stimu lated them to the contest. On the other side was de Bienville, the Hector of the opposition, Duclos, Boisbriant, Chateaugu^J Richebourg, du Tisne, Serigny, and others of note and influence, who were at least fully a match for their antagonist. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 43 In the month of August, Baron de la Fosse sailed for France. In December, the frigate Louisiana, of twenty guns, commanded by M. Beranger, stopped at Dauphin Island. She belonged to M. Crozat, and was laden with provisions for the colony. On the 10th, a great number of Chiefs of the Chactas and neighboring tribes came to chaunt the calumet of peace before JIM. de la Mothe Cad^lac and D'Artaguette. The kind reception they received" induced them to reject the offers of the English in Carolina. In the month of April, twelve Englishmen, at the head of two thousand Alibamons, Albikas, Talapoosas, and Chicachas Indians, came to the Chactas nation, and were well received by them. On the 23d August, M. de Saint Denis set out with thirty Ca nadians, to make a reconnoisance of the Spanish missions, in the province of Lastikas, near Red River. At the end of the year 1714, M. Dutine, ensigns de Companie, of Canada, arrived at Mobile to enter the service of M. Crozat. He brought two specimens of minerals from mines in the neighborhood of Cascaskias, which had been given to him by some Canadians. M. de la Mothe Cadillac discovered that they contained a great deal of silver, and concluded to visit them privately. He accordingly set out for the Illinois in the beginning of 1715. On his arrival there he inquired of the Canadians who had given them to M. Dutine, where the mine was te be found. They told him that the specimens came from Mexico,. and that it was in jest they had stated to M. Dutine they came from Gascaskias. Soon after, M. de la Mothe Cadillac set out to explore the lead mines fourteen leagues in the interior, to the west of the river. After the departure of M. de la Mothe Cadillac, M. de Bien- -vUle was informed that the English continued to keep up their estab lishments among the Chactas, Natches, Yasous, and other tribes of the Mississippi; and believing that it was necessary to take prompt measures to prevent the trade of the colony from falling into their hands he sent for the Chiefs of the Chactas, who would only come to him upon the assurance that M. de la Mothe was not at head-quarters. M. de Bienville reproached them for deceiving him by telling him that they only purchased their goods of him, and were all the while buying them of the English. The Chiefs made him a promise that in future they would drive away the English, whom they afterwards pillaged of their goods, and brought three of them prisoners to Mobile. About this period M. Youx, an English officer, passed through all the Indian villages in which were any English, and went by land to Natchez. From thence he proceeded down the river to make an alliance with the Houmas, Bayagoulas, Ouachas, 44 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and Colapissas, and to sound the mouths of the Mississippi. M. d la Loire des Ursins, Commissary of M. Crozat, immediately seni a pirogue and ten Canadians to capture him, they overtook him in the neighborhood of Manchac, and carried him to Mobile; ' From thence he was sent to Pensacola ; but wishing to return by land to Carolina, he was killed on the road by a Thome Indian, who was hunting. In the month of July, 1715, a pirogue with Alibamons arrived at the fort with a Canadian and an Englishman ; they reported that se veral of the Indian tribes in Carolina had fallen upon the English in their towns and had massacred them, including those of Port Royal. Tills revolt cost the English about eight hundred lives. M. de Saint Helene was standing in a cabin of one of the Chicachas at the time, with several Englishmen, who witnessed the massacre. As one of the Chiefs was about to tell him to stand aside and not to be alarmed, two young Indians who had slipped into the cabin, saw him, and believing him to be an Englishman, shot him dead. He was greatly regrStted by the colony. After this massacre M. de Bienville sent deputies to the Alibamons, Albikas, Talaipoosas, and 'Cahouitas, to renew his alliance with them. Two villages of Con- chaques, who had always been faithful to the French and resided near Mobile fort, had been driven out of their country, because they would not receive the English among them. M. de Bienville sent several Chiefs to inform the Chactas that he would not receive or trade with them, unless they reincorporated these two villages, and sent him the head of Ouatachitou, the brother of their principal Chief, for having fomented a civil war. The Chiefs on their arrival delivered this message, which caused a great murmur among them. Nevertheless, they concluded to obey it, and sent the head of the brother of their Chief to M. de Bienville, and likevrise permitted' the itwo villages to join them. On the 15th August, the brig of war " La Dauphine," Captain Beranger, arrived at Mobile, with two companies of Infantry, com manded by MM. de Mandeville* and Bajot, which increased the expenses of the colony to 32,000 livres per annum. M. Rogeon, •came a passenger, to relieve M. Dirigouin, one of the directory' •of M. Crozat. At the same time a frigate" from Rochelle, and a brigantine from Martinique, came to ask the privilege to traffic in goods, which was refused, as M. Crozat had the sole trade of the * M. Marigny de Mandeville published a memoir on Louisiana at Paris, an 1765. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 45 country. In October, M. de la Mothe Cadillac returned from Illi nois with his daughter to Mobile. He brought with him several mineral specimens of little value, and in the following month he sailed for France in the "Dauphine." In January, 1716, some of the Cheraquis Indians who lived north-east of Mobile, killed MM. de Ramsay and de Longueil. Some time after, the father of the latter gentleman, the King's Lieutenant in Canada, engaged the Iroquois to suprise this tribe. They sacked two of their villages and obliged the rest to retreat towards New England. On the 10th February, M. de Chateaugue was despatched to Cape St. Prancais for provisions, at the same time M. de Boisbriant em barked for France. The flute, la Dauphine, brought M. de Bienville the appointment of King's Commandant. He was ordered to take two companies of Infantry, to place one at Natchez, and the other on the Ouabache, and to remove his head-quarters to Natchez. But M. de la Mothe Cadillac would not give him but thirty-five men ; although he knew that M. de la Loire des Ursins had brought the news that five Frenchmen had been killed by the Natchez, and he had barely escaped by the advice of a chief, who had given him the means to save his life. M. de Bienville set out accordingly, and ar rived at the fort on the Mississippi, where he found MM. de Paillou and de Richebourg with the pirogues which had been sent from Mo bile, laden with provisions and utensils to form the settlements at Natchez and on the Ouabache. He ordered them to proceed and join him at the Tonicas, a post which had been established a short time be fore on the Mississippi, about two leagues above the mouth of the Red River, on the borders of a lake. He rejoined them on the 12tb March, and was there informed that the Natchez, had since the departure of M. de la Loire, killed two Frenchmen and pillaged six Canadians, who were descending the river. He was also told that the Natchez had joined the Tonicas. M. de Bienville sent an inter preter to the Natchez to aplicit some provisions and to bring the calu met of peace. The G-reat Chief sent him nineteen persons, five of whom were chiefs of the sun, and seven the chiefs of villages, to make a reconciliation. He also sent him the six Canadians whom they had pillaged. On being presented to M. de Bienville they offered him the calumet of peace, which he refused to receive until satisfaction was rendered for the Frenchmen they had killed. They were confounded at this reply. The great chief of the Temple lowered his calumet, raised his -eyes and arms towards the sun, and invoked the mercy of 46 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. M. de Bienville. He then presented his calumet, which was again refused, M. de Bienville repeated to him that no reconciliation could take place until he delivered up the white chief and his accomplices who had committed the murder. At this proposition the chiefs said that he was, like themselves, a chief of the sun, a man of valor, and could not be given up. M. de Bienville now ordered them to be put in irons and imprisoned. On the 17th the chiefs proposed to M. de Bienville to send two of their chiefs to the great chief at Natchez for the heads of the mur derers, which was granted. They soon brought him the head of a chief, but, suspecting their fraud, he rejected it. They also brought him another, and this he refused. Finally, to put an end to these conferences, M. de Bienville told his prisoners that they could not doubt that the brother of the great chief called " The Arrow" was one of the murderers. He had received the English into his village, and had been a great disturber of the public peace. The chiefs at last agreed to give up his head. The death of this chief restored peace ; and it was now stipulated that the Natchez should furnish posts and lumber to build a fort in this country for the safety of the French. This work was commenced in June, under the direction of M. de Paillou, who was appointed commandant.'* ' On the 12th June, the " La Paix," of 12 guns, commanded by M. Chapy, arrived at Dauphin Island with twenty passengers ; and at the end of July she sailed for France. On the 25th August, M. de Saint Denis returned to Mobile from his voyage of discoveries. On the 15th November (1714) he had repaired to the Assinays, west of Natchitoches, and not finding any Spaniards there he returned to the Natchez, where he reinforced himself with five Canadians. He then re- ascended Red River to Natchitoches, and marched to the Assinays, where he took twenty Indians and some horses to conduct him to the •missionary establishment of St. John the Baptist, two leagues west ¦of the Rio Bravo. Captain Raimond, the commandant of this post, informed the Duke de Lignares, \ iceroy of Mexico, of the arri-yal of M. de Saint Denis, and of his approaching marriage with his niece. . The Viceroy sent orders for M. de Saint Denis to repair immediatejy to Mexico, where he arrived on the 25th June, 1715. He agreed with M. de Saint Denis to accompany nine missionaries who were going to * See the Memoire de M. de Richebourg sur la premiere giterre des Natchez, :at the end of this volume, for the details of this war. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 47 establish themselves among the Adays, Nachodoches, Youays, Assi nays, Natchitoches and Nadacos, in the province of Lastekas. On the 26th October, he left Mexico on this expedition, and visited Saint Louis de Potosi, Saint Louis de la Paz, Charcas, SaltiUo, Boca de Leon, and Saint John the Baptist, on the Rio del Norte (Bravo), where he was marrried On the 4th June, 1716, he returned to the Assinays, and on the 25th August, he arrived at Mobile. In October, MM. de Saint Denis, Graveliije', de le Roy, La Fre- niere, Beaulieu, Freres, Derbanne, (all Canadians.) formed a com mercial co-partnership. They purchased from the stores of M. Crozat sixty thousand livres of merchandise, to sell to the Spaniards in the kingdom of New Leon; and on the 10th October they set out from Mobile to go to Mexico. In the month of January, 1717, M. de la Mothe Cadillac sent a sergeant and six soldiers to take posses sion of the post at Natchitoches, on Red River, which the Spaniards were about to seize. On the Qth March, two of the King's ships. Le Duclos and Le Paon, both of thirty guns, commanded by MM. de Godeville and Dusant-Sentille, anchored off Dauphin Island. They brought M. de L'Epinay a commission to succeed M. de la Mothe Cadillac as Govemor of the colony, and 31. Hubert to succeed M. Duclos as Commissaire Ordonnateur, which every one regretted ; also three companies of Infantry, commanded by MM. Aruths de Bonil, de Lozes^aad Gouris. and fifty other persons, among whom were MM. Artagn'atte, DubreuU, Guenot, Trefontaine, and Mossy, all of whom came to establish colonies in Louisiana. M. de L'Epinay brought M. de Bieville the cross of Saint Louis. It is very remarkable that the commander of the " Paon," who had lately entered the port of Dauphin Island by a^channel of twenty-one feet of water, discovered in two days after that it had changed, and he was compelled to unload and go out by the Grand Gosier Chan nel, which had only a depth of ten feet But what was still more remarkable, that this channel, which had closed up so suddenly, had always maintained the same depth of water from its discovery by M. d'lberville in 1699 to the present time. In the month of June, the ships " Le Duclos," " Le Paon," and " Le Paix," sailed for France. » The arrival of M. de L'Epinay created great dissatisfaction, as he caused some regulations to be enforced, contrary to the wishes of M. de Bienville. This dissension between the high officers of the colony was extremely prejudicial to its prosperity. On the 25th, October MM. Graveline, Derbanne, La Freniere, and Beaulieu arrived from the Rio (Bravo) del Norte. They had set out with M. de Saint Denis in the month of October, 1716, with the 48 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. intention of trading with the natives of New Leon, They arrived at Natchitoches on the 25th November, where they purchased some horses, and on the 25th December they reached one of the villages of the Adayes. From the 29th December to the 4th January, 1717, they travelled eighteen leagues through a country abounding in game. On the 6th, they crossed the river Adayes and slept in the village of the Ayiches, where they found a Spanish mission-house established, consisting of two priests, three soldiers, and a female. The country was interspersed with beautiful prairies, and watered by several streams. From the 12th to the 13th, they travelled nineteen leagues and slept at the mission-station of Nachodoches, where they found four priests, two soldiers, and a Spanish woman. From the 1 Sth to the 21st, they travelled nine leagues to the Assinays or Cenis, where they found two priests, one soldier, and a Spanish woman. At Le Presidio, which was seventeen leagues farther on, they met a captain, ensign and twenty-five soldiers. On the 22d, they crossed two rivers, and at a distance of ten leagues farther, they passed the last mission-station of the Assinays or Cenis, which con sisted of two priests and several soldiers, who furnished them with a relay of horses. From the 23d to the 24th, they travelled eighteen leagues to Trinity River, where they rested. Prom the 26th to the 28th, they advanced twenty-four leagues to the riviere des Irrupiens, where they saw a great herd of wild, Buffaloes. On the next day they crossed the river, which has tworbranches, and slept at night in a village of the same name. From the 20th to the 8th April, they travelled thirty-six leagues, and crossed a desert to the river Colo rado. Here they were attacked by sixty Indians on horseback, who were covered with Buffalo skins, and armed with bows and lances. The conflict was soon ended ; but in their retreat the Indians threw themselves upon their rear guard, and carried off twenty-three mules, one of which was loaded with all their wearing apparel. On the 1 1'th, they made nine leagues and forded the river Saint Marks. On the next day they crossed two branches of the river Guadaloupe. From the 13th to the 14th, they travelled thirteen leagues, and forded the rivers St. Anthony and Madeline. From the 15th to the 19th, they travelled twenty-seven leagues to the riviere aux Noix. From the 20th to the 21st, they travelled to the river Del-Norte (Rio Grande); and two leagues to the west of which they arrived at the Presidio, where they found a, captain, lieu tenant, and thirty Spanish soldiers. In this place was established the missions of Saint Bernard and Saint John the Baptist. Their houses were built around a square, which formed their fortress. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 49 ^ These missionary stations are situated about two hundred and four teen leagues from Natchitoches, in latitude 29° 10'. Here MM. Graveline and Derbanne learned that the merchandise brought by M. de Saint Denis had been seized by M. Raimond, Commandant of the Post, and that he had gone to Mexico to have them restore4 to him. This news compelled them to intrust the goods they had brought with them to the Franciscan fathers, who sold them by degrees to the merchants of Bocade Leon. On the 1st September, they heard of the imprisonment of M. de Saint Denis, which obliged them soon after to set out for Mobile, where they arrived on the 25th October, 1717. They visited on their route a Spanish mission on the Adayes, St. Michel-Archange de Lignares, which was founded on the 29th January, 1717, by the Reverend Father Augustin, Patron de Guz man of the order of Franciscans. In the month of August, 1717, a company was formed in France under the title of the " "Western Company."'* At this period there * LETTERS PATENT GRANTED TO THE WESTERN COMPANY. Loms, by the grace of God, of France and Navarre King, to all to whom these our present letters shall come, Greeting : From the time of our accession to the crown, we have been successfully en gaged in establishing good order in our finances, and in reforming the abuses which long-protracted wars had caused in them ; nor have we paid less atten tion to the restoration of the trade of our subjects which contributes to their prosperity as much as the good administration of our finances. But having taken cognisance of the state of our colonies situated in the northern parts of America, we have remained satisfied that they were so much the more in need of our protection. M. Anthony Crozat, to whom the late King, our most honored lord and great grandfather, had, by letters patent of the month of Sep tember, 1712, granted the privilege of exclusive trade in our government of Louisiana, having humbly prayed that we might allow him to resign it, whicB we did allow him by the order of our council of the 23d of the present month of August, and the contract made with Messrs. Aubert, Neret and Gayot, on the 10th of May, 1706, for the trade in beaver of Canada, expiring at the end of the present year ; We have thought fit, for the good of our service and the advantage of both colonies, to establish a company capable of upholding their trade and of undertaking the different species of husbandry and plantations that may be established there : Wherefore, and for other reasons us thereto in ducing, by and with the advice of our dearly-beloved uncle, the Duke of Or leans Regent, Petit fils de Prance, of our dearly-beloved cousin the Duke of Bourbon, of our dearly-beloved cousin the Prince of Conty, jH-inces of our blood, of our dearly-beloved uncle the Duke of Maine, of our dearly-beloved uncle the Counf of Toulouse, legitimated princes, and other peers of France, grandees and notable persons of our kingdom, and by our certain knowledge and royal authority we have said, determined and ordained, do say, determine and ordain, it is our will and pleasure, 50 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. were in the colony seven hundred persons, and four hundred head of cattle. They had entirely neglected to cultivate the land. The garrison and inhabitants continued to trade with the Indians and I. That there be formed, by virtue of these present letters, a trading com pany by the style of Western Company, in which it shall be allowed to all our subjects, of whatever rank and quality they may be, as well as to all other companies formed or to be formed, and to all bodies and corporations, to take an interest for such sum or sums as they rriay think fit, and they shaU not, on account of the said engagements, be considered as having degraded their titles, quality or nobility ; our intention being that they may enjoy the benefit ex pressed in our proclamations of the months of May and August, 1664, August, 1669, and December, 1701, which shall be executed according to their form and tenor. I II. We grant to the said company, for the space of twenty-five years, begin ning from the day of the registration of these present letters, the exclusive right of trading in our province and government of Louisiana, and also the privilege of receiving, to the exclusion of all other persons, in our colony of Canada, from the 1st of January, 1718, until and including the last day of De cember, 1742, aU the beaver, fat and dry, which the inhabitants of the said colony shall have traded for, whilst we shall regulate, according to the accounts which shall be sent over to us from the said country, the quantities of the dif ferent sorts of beaver, that the company shall be bound to receive each year from the said inhabitants of Canada, and the prices they shaU be bound to pay for them. III. We forbid all our other subjects any sort of trade, within the limits of the government of Louisiana, as long as the charter of the Western Company shaU last, upon pain of forfeiture of goods and vessels ; not intending, however, by the present prohibition, to put any restraint upon their trading within the said colony, either among themselves or with the savages. IV. We forbid likewise all our subjects to buy any beaver within the limits of the government of Canada, with a view to import in our kingdom, upon pain of forfeiture of the said beaver to the company, as also the vessels on board of which it shall be laden. The beaver trade shall nevertheless remain free in the interior of the colony between the merchants and the inhabitants, who may continue to seU and buy beaver as they have done heretofore. V. With a view to give the said Western Company the means of forming a firm establishment, and enable her to execute all the speculations she may undertake, we have given, granted and conceded, do give, grant and concede to her, by these present letters and for ever, aU the lands, coasts, ports, havens and islands, which compose our province of Louisiana, in the same way and extent as we have granted them to M. Crozat, by our letters patent of 14th September, 1712, to enjoy the same in fuU property, seigniory and jurisdiction, keeping to ourselves no other rights or duties than the fealty and liege homage the said company shaUbe bound to pay us and to the kings our successors at every new reign, with a golden crown of the weight of thirty marks. * VI. The said company shaU be free, in the said granted lands, to negotiate and make alliance in our name, with aU the nations of the land, except ;^those which are dependent on the other powers of Europe : she may agree with them ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 51 the Spaniards at Pensacola, which produced a revenue of about S12,000 per annum. This trade being considered very prejudicial to the prosperity of the colony, it was proposed to form plantations on such conditions as she may think fit, to settle among them, and trade freely with them, and in case they insult her, she may declare war against them, at tack them or defend herself by means of arms, and negotiate with them for peace or for a truce. VII. The property of aU mines the said company may open during the time her charter lasts, shaU belong to her by length of possession, and she shaU not be bound to pay us during the said time, for the said mines, and right of sove reignty, whereof we have made and do make her a free gift, by these present letters. "Vin. The said company shaU be free to sell and give away the lands granted to her for whatever quit or ground rent she may think fit, and even to grant them in freehold, -without jurisdiction or seigniory j she shall not, however, be at liberty to dispossess such of our subjects as are already settled in the lands granted to her, of such lands as have been granted to them, or which without special grant they may have begun to clear and cultivate. It is our vriU that such among them as have no grants or letters of us, be bound to take grants of the company, so as to insure to them the property of the land they enjoy, which grants shaU be deUvered to them free of aU expenses. IX. The said company shaU be at Uberty to construct all such forts, castles_ and strongholds as she may find necessary for the defence of the lands we have granted to her, garrison them and raise soldiers in our kingdom, after having taken our commission in the usual and accustomed form. X. The said company shaU be at liberty to establish such governors, offi cers, majors and others as they may think fit, to command the troops, and the said governors and major-officers sball be presented to us by the directors of the company, in order that we may deliver to them our commissions ; and the said company shall be at Uberty to dismiss them as often as they shall think fit and put others in their place, to whom we shaU like-wise deliver our commissions without any difficulty ; and in the mean while, the said officers may command^ for the space of six months or a year at most, under the commissions of the directors ; and the governors aud major-officers shaU be bound to take the oath of allegiance to us. XI. We aUow aU our military officers who are at present in our government of Louisiana and who may wish to remain there, as also those who may wish to go there and serve as captains and subalterns, to serve under the company's commissions, without losing on that account the rank or degree they actually enjoy, either in our fieet or in our army, and it is our wiU that in consequence of the permission thereto that we shaU deliver to them, they may be considered and accounted as still in our service, and we shaU take into consideration their service under the said company as if it had been rendered to ourselves. xn. The said company shall likewise be free to fit out and arm for war as many ships as she may think fit, for the increase and security of her trade, and to place in them as many guns as she pleases, and to hoist the flag.on the hind- castle and the bowsprit, but on no other mast; she shaU also be at -liberty to cast cannons and mark them with our arms, under which she shaU put those we shaU grant her hereafter. 62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. on the banks of the Mississippi to cultivate tobacco, rice, silk, and indigo, as well as to furnish masts, pitch, and tar to France and the "West India Islands. The affairs of the colony were in this situation XIII. The said company being lord of the manor in the lands granted to her, shall be at liberty to establish justices and officers wherever she may think fit, to depose and dismiss them as often as she pleases ; the said justices to take cognisance of all suits of police and trade, civil and criminal ; and also to estab Ush wherever need may be sovereign councils, the members of which shaU be named and presented to us by the directors general of the said company, and after the said nominations we shaU deliver to them their commissions. XIV. The judges of the admiralty which shall be established in the said province of Louisiana, shall perform the same functions, administer justice in the same form and take cognisance of the same suits as those who are estab Ushed in our kingdom and other parts of our dominions, andthey shall receive their commissions from us, after being named by the lord high Admiral of France. XV. The judges estabUshed in all the said places shall be bound to admi nister justice according to the laws and statutes of the kingdom, and more particularly according to the common law of the provosty and viscounty of Paris, which shall be followed in all the contracts the inhabitants shall pass, and no other law shall be allowed to be introduced, to avoid variety. X'Vt. All law suits that may spring up in France between the company and the private people on account of transactions concerning her, shall be decided and determined by the judges of trade in Paris, the decrees of whom shall he executed without appeal for any sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty livres, and for higher sums they shall be executed provisionally with right of appeal to our court of parliament in Paris. And regarding criminal suits in which the company shall be a party, either as plaintiff or as defendant, they shaU be determined by the ordinary judges, without allowing any encroach ment of the criminal over the civil suit, which shall be determined as above. XVII. We shall grant no letter or respite, supersedeas or certiorari, to any persons who shall buy goods of the company, and they shall be compelled to pay their debt by the means and in the way they have engaged to do it. XVIIL We promise to protect and defend the said company, and to employ the force of our arms, if it be necessary, in order to maintain her in the fuU freedom of her trade and navigation ; as likewise to see that justice be done to her for all the injury or ill treatment she may suffer from any nation whatever. XIX. In case any director, sea captain, officer, clerk or agent, while trans acting business for the company, should be taken prisoner by the subjects of the princes or states with whom we may be at war, we promise to get them re leased or exchanged. XX. It shall not be allowed to the said company to make use, for her trade, of any other vessels but those belonging to her or to our subjects, fitted out in the ports of our kingdom, manned with French crews, and they shall be bound to return to our ports ; neither shall it be allowed her to send the said vessels direct from the lands granted her, to the coast of Guinea, upon pain of forfei ture of the. present privilege, and confiscation of the vessels and the goods laden therein. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 53 on the 9th February, 1718, when three ships of the ""Western Com pany," '' Dauphine," " Vigilant," and " Neptune," commanded by MM. Dupuis, Arnaudin, and Beranger, arrived at Dauphin Island. XXI. We allow all vessels belonging to the said company, and those of our subjects, who shall have received permission of her or her directors, to chase and. capture the vessels of our subjects who shall presume to trade in the lands granted to her, contrary to the tenor of the present letters ; and the prizes shaU be awarded according to the regulations we shall make in that respect. XXII. All goods, merchandise, provisions and ammunition, laden on the company's vessels shaU be considered as belonging to her, unless it appear by bills of lading, in due form, that they have been taken on board for freight, by the orders of the company, her directors or agents. XXin. It is our pleasure that such of our subjects as shaU go over to the lands granted to the said company, enjoy the same liberties and immunities as if they had remained living in our kingdom, and that those who shaU be bom there of French inhabitants of the said lands, and even of foreign Europeans, professing the Roman Catholic reUgion, who may come to settle there, be con sidered and reputed as inhabitants of our kingdom, and as such capable of in heriting and receiving gifts, legacies and other advantages without being bound to take letters of free denization. XXTV. And in order to favor such of our subjects as shall settle within the said lands, we have declared and declare them, as long as the charter of the company lasts, free of all duties, subsidies and taxes whatever, as well on their persons and those of their slaves as on their merchandise. XXV. The goods and merchandise which the said company shaU have shipped for the lands granted to her, and those of which she may stand in need for building, outfitting and victuaUing her vessels, shall be free of all duties, as weU towards ns as towards our towns, levied at present or that may be levied in the future, on importation or on exportation, and although they should go out of one of our farmed revenues to enter into another, or from one of our ports to be transferred to another where the outfitting takes place, provided, however, the clerks and agents of the company do sign an engagement to bring back, within eighteen months, a certificate of delivery in the country to which they weje bound, upon pain, in case they fail so to do, of paying four times the duty, reserving to ourselves the right of allowing them a longer term in such cases and circumstances as we shaU think fit. XX"VI. We declare likewise the said company free of the duties of toll, crossing, passage and other taxes levied to our profit on the rivers Seine and Loire, on empty casks, rafters and other wood, vessels aud other goods, belong ing to the said company, provided they send back by the wagoners and barge men certificates signed by two directors. XX"VII. In case the said company should be obliged for the advantage of her trade to draw from foreign countries goods to be imported in the lands granted to her, the said goods shall be free of aU importation or exportation duties, provided they be deposited in our custom-house, warehouses, or in those of the said company, of which the clerks of the general farmers of our reve nues and those of the said company, of which the clerks of the general farmers of our revenues and those of the said company shall each have a key, until 54 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. They brought over M. de Boisbrilliant, the King's Lieutenant of the province. M. de L'Epinay was recalled, and M. de Bienville was appointed Governor General, with a salary of 6,000 livres per annum. such time as the said goods shall be laden in the company's vessels ; the said company being bound to sign an engagement to deliver within the space of eighteen months, from the date of the engagement, certificates of the unload ing of the said goods in the lands granted to her; in default whereof she shall be bound to pay four times the value of the duty, reserving to ourselves the right, whenever the company shall be in need of drawing from the said foreign countries, goods of which the importation might be prohibited, to grant her special leave of importation, if we think fit, for any such goods contained in the list to be submitted to our approbation. XXVIII. The goods imported by the said company for her account, from the lands granted to her in the ports of our kingdom, shall pay, during the first ten years of her charter, the half only of the duty which such goods com ing from the French islands and colonies in America, must pay, according to our regulation of the month of April last past; and if the said company should import from the said lands granted to her, other sorts of goods than those that come from the French islands and colonies in America and are contained in our said regulations, they shall pay the half only of the duty that goods of the same sort and quaUty, coming from foreign countries must pay, whether the said duty belongs to us or has been by us made over to private persons ; and as for lead, copper and other metals, we have granted and do grant, to the said company, entire freedom of all duties laid or to be laid upon them. But if the said company takes goods upon freight in her vessels, she shall be bound to let the same be declared, by her captains, at the offices of our farms, in the usual form and the said goods shall pay the fuU duty. In regard to such goods as the company shall import in those ports of our kingdom, named in the 15th article of the regulations of the month of April last past, and likewise in those of Nantz, Brest, Morlais and St. Malo, for her account, as well from the lands granted to her as from the French islands in America, proceeding from the sale of goods, the produce of Louisiana, and intended for re-exportation to foreign countries, they shall be deposited in the custom house, warehouses of the ports at which they arrive, or in those of the company, in the form hereabove pre scribed, until they be taken away ; and when the clerks of the said company shall wish to send them abroad, by sea or land, as transit goods, which caa only take place through the offices named in our regulation of last month, they shall be bound to take a pass {acquit a caution) containing an engagement to bring back, within a certain time, a, certificate of the last frontier office they pass, and another of their unlading in a foreign country. XXIX. If the company construct vessels in the lands granted to her, we consent to pay to her, as a bounty, out of our royal treasury, the first time the said vessels enter into the ports of our kingdom, a sum of six Uvres per tun, for all vessels not below two hundred tuns burthen, and of nine Uvres also, per tun, for those not below two hundred and fifty tuns, which shall be paid on delivery of certificates of the directors of the company in the said lands, show ing that the said vessels have been built there. XXX. We give the said company leave to deliver special licenses to vessels ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 55 M. Hubert, Director-General, with a salary of 5,000 livres per annum. Agreeably to the instructions of the "Western Company, M. de Bienville sent a detachment of fifty soldiers, under the com- of our subjects to trade in the lands granted to her under such conditions as she may think fit ; and it is our pleasure that the said vessels, bearing Ucenses of the said company, enjoy the same rights, privileges and immunities, as those of the company, as well on the stores, merchandise and goods, that shall be laden in them, as on the merchandise and goods they shall bring back. XXXI. We shall deliver to the said company, out of our magazines, every year during the time of her charter, forty thousand pounds of gunpowder, for which we shaU charge her no more than the prime cost. XXXII. Our intention being that the greatest number possible of our sub jects participate in the trade of this company and in the advantages we grant her, and that all sorts of persons may take an interest according to their for tunes ; it is our pleasure that the stock of this company be divided in shares of five hundred livres each, the value of which shall be paid in exchequer biUs, and the interest be due from the first of January of the present year ; and when the directors of the said company shall have declared that a sufficient number of shares have been deUvered, we shall close the books of the company. XXXni. The certificates of the said shares shaU be made payable to the bearer, signed by the treasurer of the company, and approved by one of the directors. Two sorts of certificates shaU be deUvered, viz : certificates of single shares and certificates of ten shares. XXXIV. Persons who may wish to send the certificates of the said shares to the country or abroad, may for greater security endorse them, but the said endorsement shall not be considered as warranting the share. XXXV. All foreigners may take as many shares as they may think fit, though they should not reside in our kingdom ; and we have declared and do declare that the shares belonging to the said foreigners shall not be subject to the right of aubaine, nor to any confiscation for cause of war or otherwise, it being our pleasure that they enjoy the said shares as fuUy as our subjects. XXXVI. And whereas the profits and losses in trading companies are un certain, and the shares of the said company can be considered in no other light than .as merchandise, we permit all our subjects and aU foreigners, in com pany or for their private account, to buy, seU and trade in them as they shaU think fit. XXX"VII. Every shareholder, bearer of fifty shares, shall have a vote in the court of proprietors, and if he is bearer of one hundred shares he shall have two votes, and so forth, augmenting the number of votes by one for every fifty shares. XXXVIII. The exchequer bills received iu payment for the shares shaU be converted in a stock, bearing four per cent, interest, the said interest to begin from the first of January of the present year ; and as security for the payment of the said interest, we have pledged and assigned, do pledge and assign our revenues of the comptrol of notaries' deeds, of the smaU seal and of lay regis tration, in consequence whereof the commissioners of our council, that we shaU name to that end, shaU make in our name and in favor of the said company, bonds for a perpetual and inheritable annuity of forty thousand livres, each 56 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. mand of M. de Chateaugue, to take possession of St. Joseph's Bay, and to construct a fort, which he left in the command of M. de G-ousy, Captain of Infantry, Twenty-five of his men deserted soon after with a Spaniard to St. Augustine, Florida. bond representing the interest of a capital of one million, at four per cent,, against the finance receipts that shall be deUvered by the treasurer of our royal treasury, in office this present year, who shall receive from the said company one miUion of exchequer biUs at each payment, until the moneys deposited for shares in the said company shall be exhausted. XXXIX. The interest of said annuities shall be paid, viz, the interest of the present year, in the four last months of the year, and the interest of the fol lowing years in four instalments, quarterly, by our farmer of the control of notaries' deeds, small seals and lay registrations, in the hands of the treasurer of the said company, who shall deliver receipts thereof, approved by three di rectors, and, for the first time only, a collated copy of these letters and of their nominations, XL, The directors shall make use, for the trade of the company, of the inter est of the present year on the bonds delivered in favor of the company; but we very expressly forbid them to make use of any part of the interest of the following years, or mortgage them in any way whatever ; it being our pleasure that the proprietors do receive regularly the interest of their shares at the rate of four per cent, a year, beginning with the month of January next year, and the first paytuent of interest to take place, for six months, on the first of July foUowing, and so forth every six months, XLI, Whereas, it is necessary that immediately after the registration of these present letters, there be persons who take charge of all that may be re quired for the opening of the books and other particulars incident on the begin. ning of the said company, which will bear no delay, we shall name, for this time only, the directors we shall choose to that effect,' who shall be empowered to regulate and administer the affairs of the said company, the proprietors o^ which may, after two years have elapsed, in a general court, nominate three new directors, or continue them for three years, if they think fit, and so forth every three years, the said directors to be chosen only among Frenchmen and inhabitants of the kingdom. XLII. Every year, at the end of the month of December, the directors shall close the general balance of the affairs of the company, after which they shall call, by biUs pubUcly stuck up, a general court of proprietors of the said com pany, iu which court the dividends accruing from the profits of the said com pany, shall be fixed and settled. XLIII. Considering the great number of shares that wiU be delivered by the said company, we find necessary to establish, for theease of our subjects, a re gular order for the payment of the interest and dividend, so that every share holder may know what day he. may appear at the oflSce to receive, without any delay, the sums due to him. In consequence, it is our pleasure that the inter est of the said shares, as likewise the dividend accruing .to them out of the profits of the trade, be paid according to the number of the said shares, be ginning by number one and so forth ; the company not being at Uberty to make any alteration in the said order, and every week the directors shaU cause bills ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 57 In February, 1718, M. de Bienville set out to select a place on the banks of the Mississippi for his head quarters, which now bears the name of New Orleans, about thirty leagues from the sea, to be stuck up at the door of the office of the said company, and advertise ments inserted in the public newspapers, containing the numbers that are to be paid in the following week. XLIV. Neither the shares of the company, nor her eff ts, nor the salaries of the directors, officers or agents of the said company, shall be subject to dis tress by any person ot under any pretence whatever, not even for our own moneys and affairs, excepting only that the creditors of the shareholders shaU be at liberty to attach in the hands of the treasurer and book-keeper of the said company the moneys due to the said shareholders, according to the ac counts closed by the company, to which the said creditors shall be bound to submit, without obliging the said directors to show them the state of the com pany's effects or render them any account, neither shall the said creditors establish any commissaries or sequestrees of the said effects, and aU acts con trary to the present edict shall be void. XLV. It is our pleasure that the exchequer bills, delivered iu hands of the treasurer of our royal treasury for the said Western Company, he brought by him to the town hall of our goi)d city of Paris, where, in the presence of M. Bignon, councillor of state in ordinary, late Prevot du marchands (mayor), M Trudaine, councillor of btate, present Prevot du marchands, Messrs. de Sorre, le Vertroys, Harlon and Boucot, who signed the exchequer bills with them, and of the municipal officers i>f the said town hall who shall or may wish to be there, the said exchequer bills be publicly bumed, immediately after the deli very of each bond, and after the draft of a verbal process mentioning the registers, numbers and sums, the inscription and discharge thereof on the said registers, which verbal process shall be >igaed by the said Messrs. Prevots du marchands and other persons named in the present article. XLVI. The directors, or a majority of them, shall nominate all the agents of the company, captains and officers serving on her vessels, military and judi cial officers, and all others employed in the lands granted to her, and they shall be at liberty to dismiss them whenever they think fit ; and the said nominations and dismissions shall be signed by no less than three directors. XL"VII. The said directors shall not be troubled or constrained in their per sons or effects for the affairs of the company. XLVIII. They shall settle the accounts of the clerks and agents, as well in France as in the granted lands of the company, and those of the correspond ents, and the said accounts must be signed by no less than three of the said directors. XLIX. True and exact books shall be kept for the cash, invoices, sale ac counts, expeditions and ledger, by double entry, as well at the general direction at Paris as by the clerks and commissioners of the company in the country and lands granted to her ; the said books shall be endorsed and signed by the direc. tors, and they may serve as evidence before our courts of justice, L. We bestow in gift to the said company the forts, warehouses, houses, cannons, arms, gunpowder, brigantines, boats, canoes, and aU other effects and 4 -^¦' 58 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and which communicates with lake Pontchartrain, by the bayou Saint John. He left fifty persons there to clear the land and build some houses. In March, the ships Dauphine, Neptune, and Vigilant re- utensils we possess at present in Louisiana, all of which shall be delivered over to her on our orders, which shall be dispatched by our navy council. LI. We bestow likewise in gift to the said company, the vessels, goods and effects which M. Crozat delivered over to us, as explained in the decree of our council of the 23d day of the present month, of whatever nature they may be, and whatever may be their amount, provided that in the course of her charter she carry over to the lands granted to her, no less than six thousand white per sons, and three thousand negroes. LII. If, after the twenty-five years of the charter we grant hereby to the said company shall have expired, we should not think fit to grant her a pro longation thereof, all the islands and lands she shall have inhabited or peopled, as likewise the manorial rights, quit and other rents, due by the inhabitants, shall remain her property forever, with liberty to dispose of them as she shaU think fit, and we will never seek to recover the said lands or islands for any cause, occasion or pretence whatever, having given them up from this present moment, on condition that the said company shall not sell the said lands to any other persons than our subjects ; and as to the forts, arms and ammunitions, they shall be delivered up to us by the said company, to whom we shall repay the value of the same according to an equitable valuation, LIII, Whereas, in the settlement of the lands granted to the said company by these present letters, we have chiefly in view the glory of God, by procuring the salvation of the Indian savage and negro inhabitants whom we wish to be instructed in the true religion, the said company shall be bound to build churches at her expense in the places of her settlements, as likewise to main tain there as many approved clergymen as may be necessary, either as vicars, or under any other suitable title, to preach the holy gospel, celebrate Divine service, and administer the sacraments under the authority of the bishop of Quebec, the said colony remaining as heretofore in his diocese, the livings of the vicars and other clergymen, maintained by the company, being in his gift and advowson, LIV, The said company shall be at liberty to take for her coat of arms an escutcheon vert, waved at the base argent, lying thereon a river god proper, leaning on a cornucopia or ; in chief azure service of fieur de lys or, bearing upon a closet or; supporters two savages ; crest a trefoiled crown; and we grant her the said arms that she may make use of them on her seals, and place them on her buildings, vessels, guns and wherever she may think fit, LV, We give the said company leave to draw up and enact the necessary statutes and regulations for the govemment and direction of her affairs and trade, as weU in Europe as in the lands granted to her, and the said statutes and regulations shaU be confirmed by our letters patent, in order that the share holders of the said company be bound to execute them according to their form and tenor. LVI. Whereas it is not our intention that the special protection we grant to the said company be in any respect prejudicial to our other colonies whom we wish also to favor, we forbid the said company to take or receive under any ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA, 59 turned to France. On the 28th April, the ship La Paix arrived with sixty men for the concession of M. Paris Duverney, at the vil lage of the Bayagoulas, which had been destroyed.* In May, the pretence whatever, any inhabitant established in our colonies, and transfer them to Louisiana, unless they have obtained the necessary permission in writing of the governors general of our said colonies, authenticated by the Intendanls or chiefs of the commissariat. Wherefore, we do order our trusty and beloved councillors, holding our court of parliament, audit office, and court of aids in Paris, to let the present letters be read, published and registered, and their contents holden, obeyed and executed, according to their form and tenor notwithstanding any proclamation, declaration, regulation, judgment or any thing else contrary to their contents, aU of which we have made and do make void by these present letters, in the copies of which, authenticated by one of our trusty and beloved councillor secreta ries, faith shall be had as in the original : For such is our pleasure. And in order that this may endure forever, we have attached our seal to these present letters. Given in Paris in the month of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventeen, and of our reign the second. (Signed) LOUIS. And lower, for the King, Le due d'ORLEANs, Regent, present. Pbelypeaux vidit Dagueseau. Seen at the councU VUleroy, and sealed with the great seal of green wax. * The Indian tribes inhabiting the vast country explored by the French, were formerly much more numerous than they are at present. Many of these powerful tribes have either become extinct or so merged in other tribes as to have lost their names. The Mobilians. a numerous tribe, who Uved near the mouth of the Mobile river, have long since become incorporated with the Creeks, and no traces of them left but their names. The Natchez, who occupied a large territory on the Mississippi, embracing the city which bears their name, who worshipped the sun, and were the most civUized of aU the southern Indians, were nearly exter minated by the French, upwards of a century ago. The survivors fled to the Chicachas for refuge, and subsequently to the Creeks, with whom they have been incorporated. The Bayagoulas and Mongoulachas, two very considerable nations, who lived on the west bank of the Mississippi, about two hundred miles above its mouth, are entirely extinct. The Houmas, a powerful and wariike tribe, who lived upon the banks of Red River, near its mouth, are re duced to a few huts only. The Coroas, situated a few miles above the Houmas, are entirely destroyed. The Taensas, a powerful nation, situated a few miles higher up the Mississippi, are reduced to a few cabins. The Tonicas, once a large tribe, but now reduced, live with the AvoyeUes, on a stream that falls into Red River. The Pascagoulas, Tchachagoulas, Ouachas, Biloxis, Tangi- poas. Tchoupitoulas, Colapissas, Chittimaches, and Quinnipissas, who once occu pied a large district of country bordering on the lakes and bayous falUng into the Gulf of Mexico, are either merged into other tribes or have become extinct. The Yasous, Chachmimas, Talusas, Corals, Thumx and Samboukas, have all been destroyed, except, perhaps, a few huts of the Yasous, which are still to be seen upon the banks of the picturesque river which bears their name. The Natsoos, 60 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. fort at St. Joseph's Bay was abandoned, and soon after the Spaniards took possession of it, and established themselves there. On the 10th August, the ship la Paix sailed for France. On the 26th, Natehitncks, and Naudacos, on the Arkansas, are all either destroyed or merged in what is called the Arkansas. The Caddoes, or Caddodoquious, Nassonis, and Taioux, (a nation that gave their name to Texas,) the Adayes and Yatassees, are reduced to a few huts, confined to the banks of Red River. The Chactoos live on Bayou Boeuf, and the Opelousas or Loupelousas, and the Mtacapas, in the parishes of Louisiana which bear their names. Joutel, in his Journal of La Salle's last expedition to the Gulf of Mexico, (a a translation of which is printed in the first volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana,) gives the names of more than thirty tribes of Indians which he passed through (in what is now called Texas,) on his way to Canada, that have become entirely extinct; while the Apaches and Camanches, both powerful and warlike tribes, stiU rove sovereigns of the country, whitened by the bones of those they have destroyed. The Cappas, Tongingas, and Torimans, who lived, at the time of De Soto's visit to this country, on the banks and near the mouth of the Arkansas, have either been killed off or incorporated with other tribes. The Chactas and Chicachas, great and powerful nations, who an ciently occupied all that territory from the Gulf of Mexico to the Cumberland river, bounded on the east by the Cheraquis, and Muskhogees or Creeks, and on the west by the Mississippi river ; although numbering, in the time of De Soto, more than twenty thousand warriors, are now more than half reduced, and have been transferred to the Indian territory west of the Arkansas. The Cheraquis or Chelakees. the Albanians of the south, who occupied all the country lying north of the Creeks, on the Cheraquis or Tennessee and Hi- wasse rivers, and along the mountain gorges of the Apalachian chain, number ing more than thirty thousand warriors when the French first landed on the barren shores of BUoxi, became reduced to less than one half of that number before they were transferred to Arkansas. The Chauanous or Shawaneese, who occupied the basin of the Cumberland, and connected the south-eastern Algonquins with the western Indians, like most of the other great tribes, became by sanguinary wars sadly reduced previous to their removal to their present hunting grounds, west of the Arkansas. This tribe was known to the French missionaries as early as 1672, they were nearly aUied to the Sauks and Foxes. The Muskhogees or Creeks, including, of course, the Seminoles, Chatta- uaches and Apalaches, occupied an immense territory at the time De Soto passed through their country, bounded on the west by the AUbamons, south by the Gulf of Mexico, north by the Cherokees, and on the east by the Savannah river. They were, without doubt, the most warlike and powerful confederacy in aU this country, and constantly at war with other tribes. Subsequently to their removal to the Indian territory west of the Arkansas, this nation could only muster about twenty-five thousand souls. The Creeks, Cherokees Choctaws have good schools and churches estabUshed among them, and live under a form of government of their own. The Alibamons and Coo- sadas, two smaU tribes that formerly lived on the banks of the Talapoosa and Coosa rivers, are either become extinct or incorporated with the Muskho- ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 61 the ships la Duchesse, la Yictoire, and la Marie, commanded by MM. de Roussel, de la Salle, et de Chapy, arrived at Dauphin Island. They brought MM. de Richebourg, a knight of Saint Louis ; gees. The Abikas and Conchas, speaking a dialect of the Chicachas, and who lived north of the Alibamons, are all destroyed. The Miamies or Twighlees, a warlike nation, occupied the country from the Scioto and Wabash to the shores of lake Michigan ; and the Illinois, a kindred nation composed of the Tamarois. Peorias. Cahokias, Kaskaskias and Metchiga- mis, occupied all the country lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and on both sides of the lUinois. The Metchigamias came from the west side of the Mississippi. They were reduced by wars with the Chicachas, Sauks and Foxes and the Five Nations, and begged to be incorporated with the Illinois. The Miamies were a numerous nation when flrst visited by the French in 1669, and continued for a long time in alliance with them. They have always ta ken au active part iu all the wars against the United States, and were finally reduced to less than one thousand souls. The Peorias and Kaskaskias, the last remnant of the great Illinois nation, now reside on the Indian reservation west of the Mississippi. The Piankisaws occupied a portion of territory bordering on the Ohio river. They were nearly allied to the Miamies, and although a numerous tribe, they were greatly reduced by wars previous to their removal to the Indian territory. The Kickapoos occupied all the country between the Dlinois rivers. The remnant of this powerful tribe now reside west of tne Mississippi river. The Eries, Erigas or Cat Nations, were seated on the southern shore of the lake which still bears their name. They were destroyed by the Iroquois in 1655. The Andastes, a more formidable nation, were seated below the Eries, and extending to the Ohio. After many years of disastrous wars they were fi naUy destroyed in 1672. nie Wyandots or Yendots were weU known to the French, who gave them the nickname of Hurons. The Jesuits, who established posts among them as early as 1644. found them not only more warlike than the northern Algonquins, but more civilized. They occupied the peninsula between lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario. In 1649 the Iroquois invaded their countries, and massacred nearly all of the nation, except a part that fied to the Ottawas, and sought an asylum in Canada, where they were pursued by their implacable enemies, even under the waUs of Quebec. The immediate dominion of the Iroquois, where the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas,- Cayugas and Senecas were first visited by the Jesuits, or the war parties of the French, stretched from the borders of lake Champlain to Ontario, along the head-waters of the Ohio, Susquehanna, and Delaware. In the beginning of the seventeenth century they amounted to forty thousand, and, from their geographical position, and their superior intel ligence, it made them umpires in the contest of the French for dominion in the west. Their destruction has been almost exclusively the result of wars among themselves, or against other Indians nations. The Winnebagoes. once a powerful and warlike people, held aU the country from the mouth of Green Bay (Baye des Puants) to the head of Lake Superior, and are now a most miserable and impoverished nation, scarcely numbering four thousand souls. The Menomonies, Ottawas, and Poutoouatimies, like the 62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Grandpre, major of Mobile ; de Noyan and de Meleque, lieutenants ; de L'lsle-Dumesnil and de la Pattie, ensigns; and Dauril, major of New Orleans. M. le Gac, a sub-director ; seventy persons for the concession of M. de la Houssaye, and sixty persons for the concession of M. de la Harpe, besides twelve or fifteen men each for some smaller grants. The total number of persons brought over by these vessels at this time exceeded eight hundred persons. Winnebagoes, are the remnants of powerful tribes, whose territory once ex tended around the northern, eastern and western shores of lake Michigan, and among whom the French missionaries labored for sixty years or more to eon- vert them to Christianity. Southwest of the Menomonies the restless Suuks and Foxes, ever dreaded by the French, held the passes from Green Bay and Fox river to the Mississip pi. The largest portion of their territory lay on the west side of the Mississip pi. They in part subjugated the loways, and admitted them into alliance with them. They were always particularly hostile to the French, and frequently attacked their posts. Sustained by the Chicachas and some of the Scioux tribes, they turned their arms against the Illinois, intercepted the communica tion between Canada and Louisiana, and finally compelled the IlUnois to aban don their villages on the river of that name. ,, The Missouris, a numerous nation, but now greatly reduced, occupied origi nally the country at the junction of the river of that name with the Mississippi. They were driven away by the IlUnois in 1824, and have since joined the Ottoes. The Ottoes and Omahaws, after several changes, now occupy the country on the west side of the Missouri, above and below the river Platte. The Panis or Pawnees consist of numerous villages on the river Platte, west of the Ottoes and Omahaw.s. They are a warlike people, and hunt southerly as far as the Arkansas. They were visited by French travellers as early as 1624, and now, although much reduced in numbers, they still occupy the same country that they did then. Northwest of the Sacs (Sauks) and Foxes (Renards), and west of the Chip- peways, lived the Scioux or Dahcotas on both sides of the Mississippi. The French discovered their wigwams in 1659, and gave them the name of Dahcota. The eastern Dahcotas are composed of four tribes, and the western . of three, viz. : the Yanktons, Yanktoanans, and Tetons. These tribes stiU in habit the country west of the Mississippi, between that and St. Peter's rivers. They carry on a constant predatory warfare against aU the tribes living on the Missouri or its tributary streams, from the Mandans to the Osages; while the eastern Scioux or Dahcotas are continuaUy at war with the Chippeways. The Minetarees consist of three tribes, who cultivate the soil and live in villages situated on the Missouri. They are kept in a continual state of alarm by the predatory excursions of the Assiniboins and Aricarees. The .fouthera Scioux, consisting of eight tribes, originaUy occupied a territory extcHding along the Mississippi to the mouth of the Arkansas. Three of their tribes, the Quap- pas or Arkansas, the Osages, and the Kansas, who inhabit the country south of the Missouri, were the first seen by the French in 1673. and always remained in aUiance with them. It is probable that the Quappas are the Pacahas des cribed by De Soto in his wanderings on that side of the Mississippi, and the Kappas so often described by the first French explorers. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 63 In the beginning of October, M. de Boisbrilliant set out to take command in the Illinois; and at the same time M de la Harpe em barked with fifty men for his concession at Cadodaquioa, on Red River, with orders to establish a post there, and to ascertain the number of Indian tribes in that country. On thc 31st October, the ships, la Yictoire, la Duchesse, and la Marie, sailed for France. On the 17th March, 1719, /e Comte de Toulouse arrived with one hundred passengers, among whom was M de Larchebault, director- general, with a salary of five thousand livres per annum. On the 24th March, M. de Saint Denis arrived from Mexico. It has been previously related that he set out from the Presidio du Nord on the 15th April, 1717, for the purpose of recovering his goods which had been seized by Captain Raimond. He arrived in Mexico on the 3d May. The Marquis of Vallero, Viceroy of New Spain, who had succeeded the Duke de Lignares, received him cour teously, and promised they should be restored to him: Soon after, however, Don Martin d'Alacorne, Captain General of the province of d'Altekas, was informed at SaltiUo that M. de Saint Denis had passed through the province without reporting himself, and he wrote to the Viceroy that he was a suspicious person, and the goods were not owned by him, upon which information the Viceroy had him arrested on the 25th October. He remained in prison until Novem ber, when a royal decree was granted to release him on condition that he should remain in the City of Mexico. He obtained a release of his goods by another decree, which he afterwards sold for a great price. But the friend with whom he had deposited the proceeds, squandered the whole of them. M. de Saint Denis was ordered to be arrested soon after for having spoken indiscreetly of the Spanish G-overnment ; but some of his wife's relations hearing of it assisted him to escape from the City of Mexico on the 25th September, 1718 ; and on the 24th March, 1719, he arrived at Dauphin Island. On the 19th April, the Marichal de Villars and le Phillippe, com manded by MM. Mechin, arrived at Dauphin Island with one hun dred and thirty passengers, among whom were M, de Serigny, knight of Saint Louis, with a commission from the King to explore and sound the coast of Louisiana, in company with his brother M. de Bienville ; he was the bearer of the news of the war with Spain, which had been declared by France on the 9th January, 1719, on the refusal of his Catholic Majesty to sign the treaty of the triple alli ance. His first care was to call a council of war, composed of M. de Bienville, Hubert, Larchebault, and le Gac. It was agreed that they should attack Pensacola, M, de Bienville repaired to Mobile, 64 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. where he assembled four hundred Indians and some Canadians, with whom he marched by land to Pensacola, while M. de Serigny em barked on board the Marichal de Villars, and with two other vessels he arrived before Pensacola on the 14th May. As soon as the Spaniards saw themselves invested the Governor surrendered the town without making any resistance, on the conditions that the garri son should be sent to Havana, and the fort be exempt from pillage, which was granted. The prisoners were embarked on board the Comte de Toulouse and le Marichal de Villars, which sailed for Havana a few days after. On the 6th June, le grand due de Maine, and VAurore, arrived from the coast of Guinea, with five hundred negroes. On the 28th, the ships le Saint Louis and la Dauphine, arrived at Pensacola with merchandise and about thirty new recruits. On the 5th Au gust, a small Spanish fleet composed of the ships Comte de Toulouse and Marichal de Villars, with several brigs, appeared before Pen sacola, commanded by Don Alphonse, brother-in-law of Calderon, the Governor of Havana, who had seized the two French ships in which the Spanish troops had been sent to Havana. MM de Chateaugue, commander of the fort, had put it in a state of de fence ; but most of the soldiers being deserters, they listened to the councils of some Spanish deserters who had been left in the fort, and together with the panic and insubordination among his troops, the commander was compelled to surrender the fort on the 6th. The ship la Dauphine, which was in the port, was burned ; MM. de Chateaugue, de Richebourg, de la Marque, and de Larchebault, were taken prisoners to Havana ; and Matamoro was re-instated Governor of Pensacola. As soon as M. de Serigny received the news of the Spaniards having invested Pensacola, he marched to its succor ; but being informed before he arrived of the surrender of the fort, he coun termarched, believing that the enemy would not confine their opera tions to that place. He had no sooner reached Dauphin Island than the Spanish fleet was discovered to be approaching, ,;, The commander of the fleet sent a boat on board the Phillippe, a ship belonging to the company, commanded by M, Diourse, with the following letter : On board the Notre Dame de Vigogne, .^ 13th August, 1719, 10 o'clock, A. M. Sm: I send you my boat with an officer to summon you to surrender. If you do any damage to your ship I wiU treat you as an incendiary, and neither give you nor M. de Chateaugu^ and his garrison, who are in my power, any quarter. It ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 65 is the order of my King, Phillip the Fifth, to treat all those with rigor who are found with arms in their hands, and with mercy those who surrender. With assurances of my respect, I am. Sir, Yours, &c., Antonie de Mandita. M. Diourse sent the Spanish officer ashore to M. de Serigny, who was much offended at the contents of this letter, and who informed the officer that he disregarded his threats. At this moment more than two hundred men assembled around M. de Serigny, well armed, together with several Indian Chiefs in their war dress, who only waited the command of their officer to fight. In the meantime fifty men were sent on board to man the "Phillippe." After the depar ture of the Spanish officer M. de Serigny made preparations to re sist the attack. Towards evening a vessel was seen to enter Mobile bay, and during the night she captured a shallop ladened with flour and bacon. She afterwards proceeded to plunder " Miragoene,'' about two leagues from Dauphin Island, from which she took upwards of twenty thousand livres worth of goods, belonging to several indivi duals, who had sent them there for safe keeping. She then attempted to make a second descent upon the place, but M. de Bienville arrived in time with a small force to keep her off, in which nine were killed, seven drowned, and eighteen French deserters taken prisoners, seven teen of whom M. de Bienville ordered to be shot. As it was not in our power to prevent the enemy, they continued to hover about Mo bile river. On the 16th, we discovered two ships coming from Pen sacola, which we knew to be the Marichal de Villars and the Santo Christo, which they took from us on the coast of Cuba. They took their station off Dauphin Island, and commenced to fire on the " Phillippe^' which was returned by her and the batteries from the land, until they were compelled to haul off. On the 20th, the Spaniards made another attempt to land, and were beaten off by the troops under M. Serigny. On the same day sixty Indians arrived from Mobile, which increased their number to two hundred and five. There were besides on the island sixty Canadians, one hun dred and fourteen soldiers, nine officers, and seventy sappers and miners. On the 24th, the enemy raised the siege and sailed for Pensacola. On the 1st September, the King's squadron, commanded by M. de Champmeslin, consisting of VHercule, sixty guns ; le Mars, fifty- six guns ; le Triton, fifty-four guns; and two of the company's ships. I'TJnion, forty-eight guns, with one hundred and ninety passengers; 66 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and la Marie, a storeship, arrived at Dauphin Island. MM. de Villardo, director-general, with a salary of 5000 livres, came a pas senger in the I' Union. On the 2d, MM. de Serigny, de Villardo, and le Gac, repaired on board the Admiral's ship, and after several conferences, it was agreed that they should immediately attack Pen sacola before the arrival of a squadron from Vera Cruz. Conse quently, the Admiral ordered that the ships I' Union and le Phillippe should join him, with a reinforcement of two hundred troops. On the 15th, the squadron set sail for Pensacola, and on the same day M. de Bienville set out in a shallop for Perdido river, where four • hundred Indians awaited his arrival. On the 16th, he arrived before Pensacola and invested the fort. M. de Champmeslin seeing his sig nal, entered the port. The small forts and ships kept up a constant fire for about two hours, and then surrendered. He gave them up to the pillage of the Indians. M. de Champmeslin gave the command of the largest fort to M. de L'Isle. The commander of the Spanish squadron presented his sword to M. de Champmeslin, who afterwards returned it to him ; but the Spanish Governor, Matamora, was not so courteously treated. He was disarmed by a sailor, and M. de Champmeslin reproached him for his want of courage. The French commander found about fifteen days' provisions in the place. He immediately dispatched a vessel to Havana with three hundred and sixty prisoners, so as to economize the provisions. On the 18th, a Spanish brigantine, ladened with provisions, entered the port from Havana, and was immediately seized. She brought the re-: port that the whole of Louisiana was in the possession of the Spaniards. On the 4th October, the company's ship La Duchesse de Noailles, commanded by M. de Malvan, entered Pensacola laden with pro visions for the squadron. On the 14th a vessel arrived from St, Joseph's Bay, and reported that a Spanish frigate of 26 guns was lost in the bay of Apalache, but the crew was saved. On the 26th M. de Champmeslin ordered his squadron to get ready to sail the next day. On the same day a vessel arrived from Vera Cruz and reported that a Spanish fleet was daily expected. On the 21st the squadron, consisting of twelve ships, after having fired a salute, put to sea, and M. Terrise was left with a few troops to command the forts. On the 23d the fleet anchored off Dauphin Island, and on the 25th they set sail for France, followed by the Marichal de Villars and Comte de Toulouse. On the 29th December M. de Bienville received a letter from M. Dutisne, dated Kaskaskias, November 22, 1719, with an account of ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 67 his travels to the village of the Missouris by the river, and to the villages of the Osages and the Panis by land. He observed that the water of the Missouri had a strong current, was muddy and filled with floating timber. The country was beautiful and well wooded. That two rivers, from the west, the Osage, and Blue River, emptied into the Missouri. At a distance eighty leagues from the mouth of the Osage are situated the villages of that nation, in the neighbor hood of which are a great number of lead mines. In travelling west he crossed very high mountains, and many streams falling into the Missouri and Mississippi. That from Kaskaskias to the Osages is one hundred and twenty leagues. This nation is not stationary like the Missouris, but spend the winter in hunting buffalo. They are stout and well-made, and great warriors. The chiefs are absolute in their villages. Lead mines are abundant in their country, but they are unacquainted with the uses of it From the Osages to the Panis villages is forty leagues in a northwest direction, and he passed over prairies and plains filled with buffalo. They are not civilized, but are accessible by making them a few presents. In fif teen days he reached the Padoucahs, who are a very brave and war like nation. Here M. Dutisne erected the arms of the King, 27th September, 1719. By the arrival of Les deux Freres at Dauphin Island, M de Cha teaugue received a commission of Lieutenant from the King, M. D'Ar taguette, of Inspector-General, and M. Paillou, Major-General. They also received the news that the Eastern and Western Company was united in one by an edict dated 12th May, 1719. M. D'Artaguette was ordered by the administration of the colony, to remove the colony from Dauphin Island to Biloxi and the Mississippi, as it was impossible for the colonists to improve the sterile lands of the coast, and it was the wish of the King to have the lands on the river cultivated for the support of the colony. By this vessel the colonists received the ordinances fixing the price of all merchan dise sold in Louisiana, viz. : five per cent, advance on the cost price at New Orleans ; ten per cent, at Natchez ; twenty-five per cent, at Natchitoches ; thirty per cent, at Yazoo ; and in Missouri and Illi nois fifty per cent. Articles of merchandise not enumerated in the ""tariff to be sold at a profit of fifty per cent, on the cost. M. Benard de la Harpe returned to Mobile from Red River on the 26th January, 1720, after having established a post at the village of the Cadodaquious. It has been previously stated that he arrived in Louisiana in the month of August, 1718, and 'set out for Red River with fifty men. 68 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. He returned to New Orleans in the following October, and on the JOth December he set out again for Red River with a detachment of troops, to establish a fort among the Cadodaquious. "When he ar rived at Natchitoches (where a fort is built), he found M. Blondel in command, and father Manuel, at the mission of the Adayes, about nine^leagiies distant. At Natchitoches he was informed that Don Martin de Alarconne, commandant of the province of Lastekas, had arrived from the Rio (Bravo) del Norte, where he had established several missions, and a post at Espiritu Santo Bay, in the vicinity of thc rivers Gaudaloupe and St. Mark. He then went to the country of the Assinays to es tablish a post among the Cadodaquious. On the 6th February, 1719, M. de la Harpe proceeded to the Assinays to prevent thc Spaniards from making an establishment there. After a circuitous and very difficult navigation, he arrived at the Nassonites on the 21st April, 1719, having travelled one hundred and fifty leagues in a northwest direction from Natchitoches. The Indians of this country, viz. : the Nassonites, Natsoos, Natchitoches, Yatassees and Cadodaquious, having been informed of his arrival, prepared a great feast for him and his officers, consisting of buffalo meat and smoked fish. During the feast, as is the custom of the Indians, they kept a pro found silence, and after it was over M. de la Harpe informed the chiefs that the great French King heard of the wars of the Chicachas with them, and had sent him with warriors to live among them and to protect them from their enemies. Upon which a venerable old Cadodaquious chief rose and replied it was true that most of their nation had been killed or made slaves of; that they were now but few in number ; that their friends the Canouches (a name which they gave to the French.) had come to protect them, for which they re turned their thanks to the Great Spirit. They knew the Nadouches and other wandering nations had been at peaee with them since the arrival of M. de la Salle, which was many years ago. After he sat down, M. de la Harpe inquired of them the way to the nearest of the Spanish settlements. They told him that he could find them at a distance of fifty leagues off, among the nations of the Nadaco an^ Amediohes, but that he could not go there on account of the low wa ter. That^at sixty leagues on the right of Red River, ascending, there were many nations at war with the Panis, wKere the Spaniards had established themselves ; and that at ninety leagues to the north of their villages there were powerful nations on the Rio Grande, of which they knew but little. On the 27th April M de la Harpe went to visit some land, ten leagues from the Nassonites, on the bor- ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 69 ders of a river, where the Natsoos formerly lived. He found the situation beautiful, the land rich, the prairies fertile, and he would have built a fort there but for the desertion of the Indians who agreed to furnish him with provisions. The Cadodaquious lived, at this time, ten leagues above the Nassonites, and the Natsoos and Natchi toches three leagues above them, on the right of the river. These tribes are scattered over the plains, and not living in villages, which has been the cause of their destruction. Ten years before they numbered about four hundred persons, which comprised some families of the Yatassee nation, who had come to live among them. The Yatassees formerly lived about fifty-six leagues above the Natchitoches, on Red River, but this nation has been almost des troyed by the Chicachas, excepting those who sought refuge among the Natchitoches and Nassonites, The land of this country is generally fiat, with some hills and ex tensive prairies. On the bank of the river it is fit for the cultivation of Indian corn, tobacco, indigo and cotton. They sow oats in March and harvest in June. Corn is sown in April and gathered in July. The common trees of the country are the cypress, pine, catalpa, ash, willow, red and white laurel, walnut, plum, mulberry and paean. The prairies are filled with strawberries, mushrooms, wild onions and purslain. Buffaloes, bears, stags, deer, roebucks, hares, rabbits, tur keys, geese, ducks, swans, partridges, lapwings, ring-doves, starlings, birds of prey and cardinals, the plumage of which is very gorgeous and much prized in Europe, are every where to be seen. M. de la Harpe fixed his establishment upon the land of the Nassonites, in latitude 33° 55, distant eighteen leagues in a straight line from Natchitoches. On the 16th December, 1718, he received a letter from M. de Bienville, New Orleans, for Don Martin D' Alarconne, which he sent to the Assinays village by Saint Francois, a corporal of the garrison, who spoke several Indian languages, and at the same time he ad dressed to Don Martin the following letter : — Monsieur, I am charged with a letter from M. de Bienville, Commanding General of the Province of Louisiana, which I have the honor of sending you. In confiding to me the post of the Nassonites, he has requested me to render aU the services in my power to the Spanish nation. I can assure you. Sir, nothing can give me more pleasure than to execute his orders on every occasion in which they may be needed, I have the honor to be. Monsieur, Yours, &c., De la Hahpe. 70 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. M. de la Harpe having been instructed by the Western Company to open a trade with the Spaniards of these provinces, he deemed it advisable to address the following letter to Father Marcillo, superior of the missions of Lastikas : Reverend Father, The information which has been given me of your reverence, and the pro found respect I have for your position, induces me to write to you and offer my services in these districts, which I command by the orders of the King, my master. Our proximity increases my desire to have an interview with you, and it will depend upon you whether I go to the Assinays to see you, or open a correspondence which may be equally advantageous to both of us. The conversion of the heathen should occupy the attention of all good Christians. I know that some aid is indispensable to the success of the gospel among them. Your zeal is very great, but you must at times need help. Touched by these considerations, I now offer you the means of obtaining it. Inform your friends of New Mexico and Boca de Leon, that they can procure at the Nassonites or Natchitoches, all the goods they may need at a moderate price, upon which I will aUow you a commission of two or three per cent, on all sales that may be made, and thus you may have it in your power to estab lish your missions upon a solid basis. Receive, Reverend Father, the offers of a heart truly devoted to you, in which charity has more a part than any other consideration, I am, &c., &c., De la Harpe. On the 12th May, 1719, a Nassonite Chief assured M, de la Harpe that metallic ores were to be found in the mountains, about forty leagues to the north, and that he would conduct him thither. As the road was then infested with hostile Indians, he took with him nine soldiers and set out for the mountains. For the first three days the guides behaved well, but on arriving in the prairies in sight of the mountains, they perceived a smoke, and nothing could per suade them to go any farther. They returned the same night, and if it had not been for the strict watch we kept, we should have been surprised by a party of Osages, On the 20th, M, de la Harpe sent a detachment to make salt from a spring about ten leagues in a north-east direction from camp. On the [4th June, he dispatched MM. Mustel and Durivage, with six soldiers and some Indians, with presents, to make discoveries, and with instructions how to behave if they saw any Spaniards. On the 6th June, the corporal which M. de la Harpe had sent to the Assinays, arrived with some Chiefs of the Nadaco nation, bringing with him a letter from Don Martin D'Allarconne, and one from Father Marcillo. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 71 Don Martin D' AUarconne to M. dela Harpe. Trinity Rivek, May 20, 1719. Monsieur, I am very sensible of the politeness that M. de Bienville and yourself have had the goodness to show me. The orders I have received from the King, my master, are to maintain a good understanding with the French of Louisiana ; my own incUnations lead me equaUy to off'er them all the services in my power ; but I am compelled to say that your arrival at the Nassonite villa ge surprises me very much. Your Governor could not be ignorant that the post you now occupy belongs to my govemment, and that aU the lands west of the Nassonites are dependencies of New Mexico. I counsel you to give advice of this to M. de Bienville, or you will force me to obUge you to abandon lands that the French have no right to occupy. I have the honor to be, &c., D'Allarconne. Father Marcillo to M. de la Harpe : Assinays, May 24, 1719. Monsieur, I am advised of your arrival among the Nassonites, and from the informa tion I have received from our brothers at the Adayes, I desire to make your acquaintance. The correspondence which you propose to open with me on the basis of charity and friendship, meets with my warm approbation, and I shall write to my friends of your wishes. But as it is not proper for a Priest to engage in commerce, I propose that our correspondence shaU be kept secret, especially as I am on terms of friendship with Don Martin D'Allarconne, who will not, I be Ueve. remain long in this province, as many complaints have been made against him for not executing the orders of the Viceroy. Accept, Monsieur, the assurances of my respect and esteem, Marcillo. On the 8th July, the Chiefs of the Nadaco nation, after having sung the calumet of peace, returned to their village with the follow ing letter from M. de la Harpe to Don Martin D'Allarconne : M. de la Harpe to Don Martin D'' AUarconne : Nassonite, July 8, 1719, Monsieur, The orders from his Catholic Majesty to maintain a good understanding with the French of Louisiana, and the kind intentions you have yourself ex pressed towards them, accord but Uttie with your proceedings. Permit me to inform you that M. de Bienville is perfectly informed of the limits of his 1 government, and is very certain that the post of Nassonite is not a dependency of his Catholic Majesty. He knows also, that the province of Lastikas, of which you say you are Governor, is a part of Louisiana. M. de la Salle took possession 72 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. of it in 1685, in the name of his most Christian Majesty ; and since the above epoch, possession has been renewed from time to time. Respecting the post of Nassonite, I cannot comprehend by what right you pretend that it forms a part of New Mexico. I beg leave to represent to you that Don Antoine du Miroir, who discovered New Mexico in 1683, never pene trated east of that province or the Rio Bravo. It was the French who first made alliances with the savage tribes in this region; and it is natural to con clude that a river that fiows into the Mississippi, and the lands it waters, be long to the King my master. If you will do me the pleasure to come into this quarter, I will convince yon that I hold a post I know how to defend. J I have the honor to be, &c., De la Haepe. On the 13th July, the Chief of the Canicons arrived with six Indians. Their village is on the banks of the Arkansas. The Nas sonites evinced much pleasure at this arrival. They sang the calumet and exchanged presents with M. de la Harpe. On the 24th, a Dulchinois Indian came from Natchitoches to in form the Nassonites that the French were at war with the Spaniards, and that his Chief had sent him to persuade them to declare war against the French ; they replied, that they would not interfere in their matters. So the messenger returned. On the 29th, MM. Mustel and Durivage returned from their dis coveries with two Indians of the Quidehaio nation. They reported that at a distance of sixty leagues west-north-west from Red River they met with a party of Nahodiches, Quidahos, Huanches and Tancaros, who had just been on an expedition against the Kansas, and had destroyed eleven of their villages, near the sources of Red River, where the Spaniards had been working some mines. These tribes have no fixed abode, although they number about two thou sand men dispersed through the country. They build their cabins of buffalo hides sewed together. The Tancaros are the most warlike and the most savage of these nations They eat one another, and in war they neither spare women nor children. They are continually at war with the Kansas. The Spaniards trade with the Kansas and give them sabres for horses, but never any firearms.' It would have been well if the English and French had followed this rule with other nations. On the 1st August, the corporal who had been sent to the Assinays re turned Vi'ith the chiefs of that nation to assure M. de la Harpe of their neutrality in the war with the Spaniards. They brought the news that M. Blondel, commander at Natchitoches, had driven away- and pillaged the Franciscan fathers at the Adayes. The corporal' remained at the Trinity until the Spaniards departed. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 73 M. de la Harpe having now nothing to fear from the Spaniards, he believed it to be the interest of the company to explore the country which had been pointed out to him in the northwest, and by this means to effect an entrance, by treating with the Indians, into New Mexico. For this purpose he took with him an escort of two officers, three soldiers, two negroes, and several Indians who spoke the language of the country, and set out on the 11th August. On the 21st he trav elled forty-nine leagues through a fine country, with sloping hills and prairies abounding in game. He met a party of Natsoo Indians who had been on a hunting expedition, and had killed forty-six buffaloes and cows. On the 22d he passed several prairies, and a little river which emptied into Red River. He then entered into an extensive prairie, surrounded by mountains. On the 26th he had gone eigh teen leagues further, when he met with a party of Osage Indians, who seemed disposed to attack him, but yet suffered him to pass on. On the 27th he travelled six leagues further, over a beautiful prairie country filled with deer and buffalo, and entered the mountains, where he found a number of Indian huts. Travelling six leagues further he met with a party of Kansas, who were encamped on the banks of the Ouachita with forty warriors, and going in pursuit of the Tancaros, On the 28th he passed a beautiful prairie, inter spersed with hills, and a large herd of buffaloes followed by a pack of wolves as large as those of France. On the 29th he travelled three leagues further, to a branch of the Ouachita river, which had about two feet of water in it. On its banks he met a party of Nacodoches, who were occupied in smoking meat. On the 31st he travelled six leagues further, to a river which is a branch of the Arkansas. On the 2d September he advanced fif teen leagues through prairies and over hills, when he came to several lead mines. Six leagues further on he met six chiefs of nations who had come to meet him near a village called Imaham, lat 37° 45', and to assure him of their friendship, M. de la Harpe told them that the great chief of his nation had sent him to assure them of his protection against their enemies, and his desire was that they should be at peace with each other. These chiefs had brought Indian bread and smoked beef, with which they regaled the party. The chiefs made M. de la Harpe dismount from his horse one hundred steps from the tent of the Tancaro chief, when two of the chiefs took him to a spot and seated him on a buffalo robe. The principal chiefs then surrounded him, and gave him their hands as a sign of their friendship. These chiefs belon.^t- dto the Tsacaros, Adayes, Ouaohi- 5 74 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. tas, Ositas, Asinays and Tayas. They number about four thousand people, who live in tents, and are the allies of the Panis, a nation liv ing about forty leagues to the north. The Panis are at peace with the Osages, a nation who are continually at war with the Kansas, the Padoucas, the Aricaras, and other tribes. The old chiefs told M. de la Harpe that a white people (the Spaniards of New Mexico,) traded for metals with the Padoucas, fifteen days' journey off, in a weat-north- west direction, where the mountains furnish rock-salt. On the 4th September more than five thousand Indians assembled to chant the calumet of peace. The old chiefs of the Arkansas and Tayas performed this ceremony and made speeches. Late at night M. de la Harpe retired to sleep, and in the morning the chiefs came to wake him up. They washed his head and feet, painted his face blue and red, and placed a cap of eagle's feathers upon his head. They also threw buffalo robes and other presents at his feet, and presented him with a Kansas slave, of about eight years of age, who had es caped out of seventeen prisoners, which they had eaten at a public feast. M. de la Harpe thanked them for their favors, and regretted it had not been in his power to have saved these unfortunate victims of their vengeance. M. de la Harpe concluded to leave three of his men in. this country, until the Governor of Louisiana decided whether it waa ex pedient or not to establish a post here. But he afterwards changed his mind, as he was informed that the Indians abandoned their vil lages in the autumn to hunt buffalo, and in the following spring they returned to sow Indian corn, beans, and other seed, to supply them with food during the summer. The soil of this country is black, light, and very fertile. It is adapted to the cultivation of wheat, rye, and all kinds of grain. Also tobacco, which the Indians put up in twists, and afterwards flatten between two large stones. The rivers furnish a variety of fish, and the prairies an abund ance of deer, buffalo, turkeys, ducks, and geese. The Indians build their huts dome-fashion out of clay and reeds, and paint their coats of arms on a hide of leather, which they throw over the door. The Tancaros are the most respected of all the tribes, and the chiefs have the privilege of choosing their wives out of any of the villages. In general they are more intelligent and much better formed than those on the Mississippi river, but the fertility of their country makes • them idle and dissipated. The women have regular features, and de vote themselves to pleasure. During our stay among them, they brought us dishes of meat and corn every day, and even disputed among themselves which should give us the most. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 75 On the 18th, M. de la Harpe was invited by the chief of the Canicons to feast at his village, about two leagues from the Tancaros, when he met a great many chiefs, who professed a great deal of friendship for him. The Canicons consist of a few families who live in a very fertile country. They venerate the serpent, and worship the Great Spirit under different forms. On the 10th M. de la Harpe erected a cross there, and planted a post near it, on which he carved the arms of the King. On the 13th, he set out to return to the Nassonis; and on the 17th, he arrived at the Ouachita river, where he waited to procure guides to conduct him to the mountains. On the 1st October, he was surprised by a party of Kansas Indians, and had only time to make his escape, by leaving his baggage behind. His guide ran off, and he was obliged to make his way back, over mountains, without any compass, to the village of the Nadacos, where he arrived, after much suffering, on the 13 th October. On the 27th, he set out to return to New Orleans by the river ; and on the 21st November he reached the portage of the Natchitoches, where he fell sick. He sent several Frenchmen from this place to the Adayes for provisions, as his had nearly given out, and remained here until the 4th December to recruit his health. The Indian doctors bled him freely, and in two days after he embarked in a pirogue to cross the lake ; and on the 10th he reached Natchitoches, where he recovered his health. On the 3d January, 1720, he departed for New Orleans, where he arrived on the 26th. In the beginning of the year, the Chicachas massacred several ¦ Frenchmen, and (at the instigation of the English) declared war against the French, On the 28th February, the King's squadron, commanded by M, de Saujou, arrived at Dauphin Island, It con sisted of the I'AchUle, sixty guns, commanded by M. de Saujon ; le Content, sixty guns, by M. le Rochambeau ; le Mercure, fifty-six guns, by M. de Gabaret, on which was embarked -two hundred and eight passengers, among whom were a number of young women taken from the public hospitals of Paris. On the 29th, M, de Bienville received letters from M. de Boisbriant, informing him that he had established a post on the Mississippi river, eight leagues below Kas kaskias, On the 25th April, the Council removed from office MM. d'Avril, a major, and Val de Terre, a captain of infantry ; and on the same day appointed M, de Noyan, commander of the troops at New Orleans. On the 4th May, the King's squadron", commanded by M, de Saujon, sailed for France, on board of which, M, de Villardo, one of the Directory, embarked to render an account of the condition of the 76 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. colony ; and on the 4th June, MM. de Val de Terre and de Bour- mont embarked on board the Due de Noailles, to return to France. On the Sth, the King's ships I'Amazone, forty guns, and la Yic toire, thirty guns, commanded by the MM. de ViUiers and la laille, arrived at Dauphin Island, with orders to cruise on the coast of Cuba. These ships brought the news of the treaty made with Spain. The Council of Louisiana requested the King's officers to furnish them with provisions for the colony, which they granted, and soon afterwards they set sail for France. On the 1st July, the King's ships le Comte de Toulouse, sixty- four guns, commanded by M. de Vatel ; and le Saint Henri, seventy guns, commanded by M. Douce, arrived at Dauphin Island to aid the company. They brought with them from the Island of St. Domingo a contagious fever, which carried off a great number of persons every day. In the beginning of this month, the ship VHercule, sixteen guns, arrived at Dauphin Island from Guinea, with a cargo of negroes for the colony ; and the Comte de Toulouse, twenty guns, sailed for France, with a part of the deserters from the regiment of La Motte. On the 16th, a brig arrived from Havana, on board of which was MM. le Blanc, Longueval, and de Chateaugu6, with the troopa that had been surrendered at Pensacola. She also brought the news of peace between France and Spain, and an account of the force of the Spanish squadron at Havana. One of the French officers informed M, de Bienville that the ship Marechal WEstres, thirty-six guns commanded by M, de la Godelle, had sailed from France in 1718, with troops and convicts for the colony, and had never been heard of. It appears that the captain had mistaken the mouth of the Missis sippi, and entered a large bay in N, lat. 29°, where she anchored, and an epidemic broke out among the convicts, which produced dreadful havoc. That MM. Billeisle, Legendre, Duclos, Allard, and Corbet, thought it would be less dangerous for them to land, well provided with arms and eight days' provisions, than to remain on board in a contagious atmosphere. Their hope was to meet with some friendly Indians, who would take them to the French settle ments, which they conjectured could not be far off. In the mean \xm the ship sailed away and was never more heard of On the 16th the ships le Due d' Orleans and Le Rubis arrived at Ship Island with supplies for the colony. Towards the end of this month M. de Paillou set out to prevail upon the Natchez and the Yasous to declare war against the Chicachas. On the 3d August le Comte de Toulouse and le Henri set sail for France, after having distributed among the colonists a great number of supplies ; and ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 77 likewise, on the same day, the VHercule and la Driade departed for France, on board of which MM. la Harpe, d'Avril, and de Lon gueval embarked. Copy of a Certificate given by M. de Bienville to M. de la Harpe. Biloxi, Jul7 1, 1720. " I, John Baptist de BienviUe, Knight of the Military Order of St. Louis, and Commanding General in the Province of Louisiana, " Certify, that the M. Benard de la Harpe, commander of the troops sent to the Cadadoquious, Natsoos, Natchitoches and Nassonites, Indian nations on Red River, and on the confines of the Province of Lastekas, has, during a resi dence of eighteen months among them, conducted himself with great prudence and wisdom. That he has discovered other tribes of Indians on the Red and Arkansas rivers, adjoining nations to the Spaniards in New Mexico, and made aUiances with them in the name of the King. In faith of which I have signed this certificate, aud aflSxed the King's seal. M. de Bienville to M. Law. Biloxi, August 1, 1720, Sir:— Knowing the interest you have always taken in the welfare and prosperity of this colony, I have taken the liberty of commending to your notice the Sieur Benard de la Harpe, who is about to return to France for the benefit of his health, which has been very much impaired by exposure in this climate, while exploring the country, and performing the arduous duties imposed upon him. He is a brave and exceUent officer, inteUigent, and competent to conduct any enterprise among the Spaniards that the company may desire. He speaks their language, and is acquainted with most of the officers and mer chants who reside in Mexico. I hope. Sir, that this recommendation will prompt you to honor him with some good appointment, so that this colony may reap the benefit of his services. I have the honor to be, &c. On the 20 th,the frigates le Tilleul smA le Subtile, commanded by MM. Canot and Valedon, arrived at Ship Island, on board of which were MM. Macarty and de la Maisonneuve, ofiicers of infantry, who died a short time after from dissipation. On the 24th August le Saint Andre, 24 guns, commanded by M. de Pradaillon, arrived with two hundred and sixty persons for the concession of St. Catherine, under the charge of M. Pavion Du- manoir. By this ship the company repeated their orders to make the settlement at St. Bernard's Bay, which had been heretofore ne glected because it did not suit the views of the Council of Louisiana 78 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. to do SO. M. Berranger was dispatched accordingly, on the 23d August, to examine the bay, for the purpose of founding a settle ment. On the 16th September the ship le Profond, commanded by M. Guermer, with a transport, arrived at Ship Island with two hundred and forty passengers, under the charge of MM. Elias and Le Bouteaux, for M. Law's concession. These ships also brought over supplies for the concession of M. Diron d' Artaguette.* On the 22d the ships le Portfaix, commanded by M. Bigot, VAd- venturier, by M. Le Blanc, and I' Alexandre, by M. de la Salle, arrived at Ship Island with M. de I'Orme, Director General, MM. Freboul and Marlet, and several other persons and employes for the colony. On the 9th November la Marie, commanded by M, de Ponto, and la Loire, by M, de Ponteshant, arrivedj at Ship Island, On the 1st sixty persons embarked for the concession of de Guiche, and' the company of Montmort, in all one hundred and eighty-six persons; including M, Levens, a director of M. Law's Concession, MM. Mont mort, Roubell and Thierry, officers of infantry. On the la Loire was embarked a number of persons for the eon- cession of Sainte Reine, under the direction of MM. Sicard and Tibain. On the 20th, M. Beranger, who had been sent to examine the bay of St. Bernard, arrived at Ship Island. He reported that he had sailed about ©ne hundred and thirty league* to the west of the Mississippi, and in lat. 25° 45' he found a bay, at the entrance of which there was a bar with nine feet of water on it at low tide. He also found in the neighborhood several Indian nations, who re- * In order to encourage the emigration of industrious and useful citizens to Louisiana, for the purpose of establishing regular agricultural settlements upon the fertUe lands of the Mississippi and its tributaries, the Government' of France made large grants or concessions of land to influential and enterprising persons. Among these was one to John Law, the gi-eat French financier, of twelve miles square, about thirty miles above the mouth of the Arkansas, where he established a mUitary post. One on the Yazoo, to M. Le Blanc and others ; one at Natchez, to MM. de CoUy and Hubert ; one on Red River, above the Natchitoches, to M. Benard de la Harpe ; one at Point Couple, to M. de Mouse ; one at the Tunicas, to M. de St. Reine ; one at Baton Rouge, to M. Diron d' Artaguette ; one at Bayou Manchac, on the west side of the river, at the Bayagoulas, to M. Paris Duvernay ; one at the Tchoupitoulas, to M. de Muys ; one at Cannes- brule, to the Marquis d'Artagnac; one on Black River, to M, de "V"illemont> one on the Pascagoula River, to Madame de Cheaumont; one at the Bay of St- Louis and Old Biloxi, to Madame de Mezieres ; one on the Ouachita, to M, de a Houssaye ; and one at the Houmas, to the Marquis d'Ancenis. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 79 ceived him kindly. As he believed this to be St. Bernard's Bay, he left there a man by the name of Silvestre, a sergeant, and three other persons, among a tribe of Indians, who, to all appearance, were An thropophagi or cannibals. On the 24th, the brig le Cliameau, commanded by M. Fouquet, arrived at Ship Island, on which was embarked sixty laborers, M, de Pauger, Chevalier de Saint Louis, Engineer, who was to serve under the orders of M. de la Tour, who was daily expected. On the 14th December, the ships I'Elephant and le Drome- daire, commanded by MM. Amelot and Saint Mare, arrived at Ship Island with two hundred and fifty passengers for the concession of M. Le Blane, Minister of "War, together with MM. Dillon, Fabry, Duplessis, Le-viUer, La Suze and La Combe, officers for the conces sion, and M. de la Tour, Chevalier de Saint Louis, and Chief En gineer of the colony, with a salary of 8000 livres, and MM. Boispinel and Chaville, Assistant Engineers, with salaries of 5000 livres each. M. de Bizard, Captain of Infantry, and M. Marchand, Secretary of the Board of Engineers. On the 20th, M. de Bienville held a council, at which all the di rectors and engineers assisted. They decided to abandon Old Biloxi, and to establish themselves at New Biloxi. This proved to be an unfortunate move, as it was the cause of the ruin of the concessions, which might have been avoided by removing the capital to the banks of the Mississippi, where the ships could find a secure harbor. It was the opinion of M. de Bienville, as well as of M. d' Artaguette, the director-general, who had always the welfare of the colony at heart, that it would be better to fix it somewhere on the river. Ac cordingly M. de Bienville proposed to send the Dromedaire there, which M. le Gac opposed, because M. Berranger had given a certifi cate that this vessel could not enter it. M. de Bienville, however, took upon himself the responsibility of sending her there. On the 26th, M. Beranger departed for Havana with the remainder of the prisoners which had been taken at Pensacola. On the 3d January, 1721, the ships la Gironde and la Volage arrived at Biloxi with about three hundred persons for the concessions of MM. de Meziers and Cheaumont. On the 5th, la Baleine, commanded by M. de Keralo, arrived with eighty-one young women from the Salpetriere^ of Paris, under the care of Sisters Gertrude, Saint Louis, and Marie.* * TRAITE FAIT AVEC HELIGIEUSES ORSULINES PAR LA COMPAGNIE nES INDES. La Compagnie ayant considered que les fondemens les plus solides de la colonie de la Louisianne sont les etabUssement qui tendent a I'avancement de la gloire de 80 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. On the 7th, the Seine, commanded by M, le Blanc, arrived with sixty persons, under the care of M. de I'Epinas, for the concession of the Marquis d'Ancenis, at the Houmas. On the 25th, the Marie, dieu et a I'edification des peuples tels que sont ceux qu'elle y a faite des R. P. Capucines et des R. P. Jesuites dont le zele et la charitg assurent les secours spirituelles aux habitants et donnent une grande esperance de la conversion des sauvages, et voulant encore par un nouvel etabUssement aussi pieux soulager les pauvres malades et ponvoir au memo temps a Veducaiion des Jeunes fiUes, elle a agr^e et accepts tes offres qui lui ont ete faites par les soeurs Marie Tranchepain, St. Augustin, et Marie le BouUanger Angelique des Urselines de Rouen, Assistees de soeur Catherine de Bruscoly de St. Amand, premiere Superieure des Urselines de France, de se charger du soin de I'hopital de la Nouville Orleans, aux conditions snivantes : I. La Compagnie entretiendra au dit hopital six Religieuses y compris la superieure et leur accordera a chacune cinq cents livres de gratification une sois payee pour leur facUiter les moyens de faire leur voyage. EUes auront leur passage gratuit et celui de qualre servantes sur les valsseaux de la Compagnie. II. Lorsquelles seront arrivees a la Louisianne elles seront miser en posses sion de I'hopital en I'etat qu'il est savoir : la Maison et ses dependences ; le tout paraissant consister en une salle qui peut contenir 60 a 80 malades en un corps de logie ou sont etablir I'economie, les infirmiers et les cuisines et un salle que r on projettait de construire pour les convalesoens et qui doit etre faite a present et eu un lieu separe pour traiter les maladies secretes. III. Ces six Religieuses s'arrangerent dans ce logement dn mieux qu'il leur sera possible, en attendant que la Compagnie leur salle construire les batimens convenables a leur etabUssement cequi s'executera pen a peu suivant que le fonds de I'hopital et ceux destinee aux fortifications et constructions de batimens de la colonie pourront le permettre. rV". II sera au dit hopital nn emplacement aUez grand joignant la maison, tant pour y construire les nouveaux batimens dont en pourra avoir besoin que pour y fkire une basse conr et un jardin pour les ReUgieuses. "V". Les negres et negresses, bestiaux, meubler, lits linges et utensiles destines pour I'usage du dit hopital et tout ce dont it fandra le ponvoir encore pour le service des malades seront remis par Inventaire aux dites Religieuses qui seront tenues d'en compter a la Compagnie. "VI. La superieure destinera une ReUgieuses pour econome, la quelle, en cette quality, sera chargee de tons les efiets, de I'hopital et de tout ce qui y sera fournir pour la subsistance des malades. EUe destinera deux autres ReUgieuses pour etre continueHement ocoupie au service des malades; une autre pour tenir I'eoole des jeunes fiUes, et la sixieme servdra d'aide a, celles qui se trouveront trop surcharges dans leurs fonctions et sera toujours prgte a remplacer celle de ses soeurs, qui par indisposition serait hors d'etat d'agir. "V"!!. Les dites Religieuses ne pourront disposer d'aucune fonds ni efiets appartenant a I'hopital sans le contentement des administrateurs porte par de claration prise en leur conseil qui si tiendra pour cet effet toutes fois et quand fet sera juge a propre et qui sera compose, savoir : — Du Commandant General de la Colonie. Du Premier ConseiUes du Conseil Superieure, qui pourra se substituer ua autre ConseiUes. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 81 le Profond, I' Alexandre, and VAveiUurier, sailed for France. On the 3d Feb., 1721, the frigate /a ilfwZiwe, commanded by M. de Mar- tonne, arrived at Ship Island with one hundred and forty-seven Du Procureur General du dit Conseil. Du Cure de la Nouvelle Orleans. Du Superieure des Missions des Jesuites. De deux notables habitans qui y seront elus par le Conseil Superieure en appeUant les administrateurs a I'Election et qui seront changer tous les deux ans ensorti qu'il en reste un des deux. Et du Medecin entretenu par le Roi auquel, Conseil la Superieure de I'hopital aura entree lorsquelle aura quelque chose a proposer, sans [avoir pour- tant voix deliberative. VIII. II sera tenu par les soins des dits administrateurs un compte exacte des biens du dit hopital et I'emploi en sera fait par leurs ordres, ainsi qui de tout ce qui pourra le revenir par lege, donation, et amendes, les quels ne pour ront jamais etre appliqner aux Religieuses. IX. La compagnie concedera, en propriete au dit hopital un terrain, de huit arpens de fronte sur la profondeur ordinaire, le long de fleuve, le plus pres qu'il se pourra de la Nouvelle Orleans, a fin d y former un habitation qui puisse, pourvoir dans la suite & I'entretien des Urselines, a cause du dit hopital. X. II serait accorde par le Compagnie trois cents livres par an ; a ce lui qui prendra soin a la dite habitation pendant les cinq premieres annees seule- ment. XI. Tant que la dite habitation ne sera point en etat de pourvoir a I'entre tien et a la subsistance des-dites Religieuses, la compagnie leur accordera a chacune six cents livres par an, pour toutes choses ; qui commenceront d courir du jour de leur arrivee au port de I'embarquement ; mais sitot que la dite habitation produira sufl[isamment pour fournir a leurs depenses, cette pension cessera de leur etre payee et les dites, Religieuses disposeront de tous les revenns de I'habitation, comme de chose uniquement aflfectee a leur entretien et a leur subsistance. XII. II sera fourni par la compagnie pendant chacun des cinq premieres annees de I'establissement de la dite habitation huit negres pieces d'Inde, qui seront par les dites Ursuline payes dans les memos termes et aux memes con- ditiones regies pour les habitans au moyen de quoi la compagnie cessera di leur payer la Pension annuelle de 600 livres a chacune lors de I'expiration des dites cinq annees qui commenceront a courir du jour de la livraisou des huit pre mieres negres. XIII. Si par quel qu'evenement les Ursulines cessaient de prendre Soin de I'hopital, elles seraient obligees de remettre & ceux au coUes qui les remplace- raient, I'hopital, I'habitation, et tout ce qu'elles auraient recu par inventoire. Quant a ce qui est de leurs hardes des meubles, bestiaux, negres, &c., qu'elles auraient acquis elles en disposeraient comme de chose d elle appartenant et seraient remboursees des batimens qu'elles auraient fait consti-uire a leurs de pour, soit sur le terrain de I'hopital soit sur I'habitation, pourvu que les dites constructions eussent ete faites du contentement de Conseil Superieure. EUea seraient aussi remboursee de la depense des defriches faite sur le terrain de 82 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. Swiss, commanded by Sieur de Morveilleaux. By this vessel M. de Bienville received a letter from the "Western Company, dated 31st October, 1720, in which they wrote to him, that it was with pain I'habitation ; le tout suivant I'estimatien qui en serait faite, ne pouvantles dites Religieuses, ^tre obligees de remettre a leurs Successseurs que ce qu'elles auraient refU de la Compagnie et de I'hopital. XIV. La Compagnie fera fournir aux dites Religieuses tous ce qui sera ne- cessaire pour la subsistance des malades de I'hopital et I'econome s'en chargera en recette sur un registre paraphe par les Administrateurs, en ouvrant un compte a chaque nature de vivres ; dans le quel registre elle portera toutes les consom- mations, jour par jour ; pour etre les dits comptes, arretes par les Administra teurs a la fin de chaque mois. X"V. Mais, comme il convient que les Religieuses ayant la liberte de vivre a leur maniere, elles auront pour elles, en particulier, une depositaire de I'hopital et qui sera comptable a sa Superieure, pour pourvoir aux besoins des sceurs sur leurs fonde comme pensions et revenue de Thabitation, et elles se gouver- nerout pour I'Interior de la Maison, selon leurs regies et I'esprit de leur Insti tutes, sans que le service de I'hopital en soufifre le moins du monde. X"VI. La Superieur fera tenir un Journal exacte des maladies qui entreront au dit hopital et de ceux qui en sortiront par deces ou autrement. X"Vn. Tous malades de maladies ordinaires et non incurables [seront recus a I'hopital, sur un medicin et, en son absence, du chirurgien major et, s'ils sont pauvres ils feront traites gratis, en rapportant uu certificate de leur cure, vise du Procureur-General comme ils n'ont pas le moyen de payer. X"VIII. Les habitans qui ne se trouveront pas dans le mfeme cas qui se feront porter a I'hopital seront obliges de payer par la somme qui sera reglee par les Administrateur de I'hopital et ces derniers seront remis a I'Economie pour en compter. XIX. Tous gens au service de la Compagnies qui seront malades seront re cus par preference a I'hopital et les rations dont ils jouissejit appartiendrait au dit hopital auquel il en sera tenu compte par la Compagnie pour le temps qu'ls y auront segourne. XX. II sera pareillement tenir compte audit hopital du pr^t des soldats ma lades pendant le sejour qu' ils y feront. XXI. Les Administrators auront attention d'etablir audit hopital un Ueu separe et distingue ou les officiers et employes de la Compagnie qui seront ma lades puisseut se faire porter pour y 6tre traites et les Administrareurs r6gle- ront se qui sera retenu pour chaque journge sur les appointemens des dits offi ciers e't employes au profit de I'hopital. XXII. Le Religiouses qui auront soin de malades pei-metront point qu'- aucuu d'eux, meme des cour a Ie sceur, prennant d'autres aliments que ceux qui seront foumir de la maison, XXIII, Pour douner audit hopital les moyens de pourvoir a une partie de ses depenses, il lui sera concede par la Compagnie, le plus pres qu'il se pourra de la maison du dit hopital, un terrain de huit arpens de front sur sa profondeur ordinaire pour y former, une habitation sur laquelle il sera cultive des vivi'es et eleve des Bestiaux pour la consommation de la maison, et les revenues de cette habitation en quelque chose qu'ls puissant consister, appartiendront audit ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 83 they were informed of the disagreement between him and the direc tors of the company, which had caused so much confusion in its af fairs ; that the efiect it had produced throughout France was very unfavorable to its prosperity ; that his royal highness had been in formed of these disorders, and believed him to be the author of them. But, notwithstanding these reports, they now create him a brigadier- general of the troops, and knight of the military order of Saint Louis. That it was in contemplation to appoint a director-general for the colony, in order to prevent any further difficulties from arising here after. This letter made a deep impression upon M. de Bienville, not withstanding the approbation of his prince, and the further honors hopital. Mais il sera ouvert un compte particulier a la dite habitation dans lequel eUe sera dfebitee de tout ce qui lui sera fourni par la Compagnie, credi- tee de ses produits, afin que, quand le dit hopital sera en etat de se posser des charites de la Compagnie, il soit tenu de payer a la dite compagnie les sommes dont 11 lui sera redevable pour la dite habitation. XXI"V. Lorsque les Religieuses le pourront faire commodement, eUes pren- dront, si eUes le jugent a propes, des fiUes pensionaires, sur le pied que la Su perieure I'aura, regie, et le payment des pensions sera remis entre les mains de la Depositaire des Religieuses, mais aucunes de ceUes qui seront detournges ni appliquees au soin et a I'education des pensionnaires. XX"V. Aussitot que les revenu I'habitation seront assez forts pour I'entre tien et la subsistance des dites six religieuses, elles pourront augments leur nombre. Si elles le jugent a proper, a proportion des dits revenu et le passage seulement sera accorde gratis a celles qu' elles seront venir de Franee ; mais elles ne pourront point recevoir Religieuse aucune fiUe nee dans le pays, sans la permission et I'agrement du Conseil. XX"VI. Si quelque ReUgieuse, ne pourant s'accomoder du pays, on pour quelqu'antre raison particuliere, etait obligee de repasser en France, elle aura son passage gratis pour eUe et une servante et la pension cessara du jour de I'embarquement. XX"VII. Si quelque Religieuse devenait, par infirmete, hors d'etat d'agir, eUe ne fera plus partie du nombre des six qui doivent etre entretennes et ce- pendant elle sera egalement traitee pendant sa vie aux depens de I'hopital, au cas que les religieuses ne fussent pas encorer eu etat de se passer de ce secours. XXVIII. Le present Traite sera adresse au Conseil Superieur, de la Louisi anne pour y etre enregistre et, en cas de contestation sur les articles qu'il con- tient, elles seront decidees par le dit ConseU au Jugement du quel les parties se sont soumises. Fait a Paris, en I'hotel de la Compagnie de Indes, le 19th Septembre, 1726. Signe, I'Abbg Raguet, J. Morin, Dartaguet Diron, Castanier, P. Saintard, Des- hayer, Froraaget et Langeois. Sceur Catherine de Bruscoly de St , Armand, Premiere Superieure des Ursulines de France, Soeur Marie Tranchepain, St. Au- guiitin, Superieure, et Soeur Marie Anne de BouUenger, AngeUque Depositaire, des UrsuUnes de Rouen. 84 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. conferred upon him. M. le Blanc, the minister of war, wrote him a letter at the same time, and couched in similar language, which so mortified him that he decided at once to write a letter to M. le due d'Orleans, informing him that he was sensible of the honors conferred upon him, but that they could not make up for the loss of the displea sure of his prince. That the condition of the colony should not be attri buted to any neglect of his, but to the want of the receipt of the ne cessary supplies, and to the extravagant powers granted to the board of directors. The "Western Company recommended them to have a good under standing with M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, in regard to the wars with the Indians ; ordered that the post established by M, de Boisbriant, nine leagues above the village of the Kaskaskias, should be called Fort Chartres ; that at Biloxi, Fort Louis ; that at Mobile, Fort Conde,* On the 21st, M, de Pauger set out from Biloxi, to * Louisiana, in 1723, was divided into nine civil and military districts, as follows, viz : 1st, the district of the Alibamons ; 2d, of Mobile; 3d, of Biloxi; 4th, of Natchez ; Sth, of New Orleans ; 6th, of Yazoo ; 7th, of lUinois ; Sth, of Arkansas ; and 9th, of Natchitoches. Each was protected by a fort, and under the jurisdiction of a commandant and judge, who administered the military and civil concerns of each. Fort Chartres was the head-quarters of the commandant of Upper Loui siana, and was deemed one of the strongest French posts in North America, It was erected in the vicinity of Prairie du Rocher, (in 1720,) about one mile and a half from the river bank, about twenty-fives miles below Kaskaskias, Its form was quadrilateral, with four bastions, built of stone, and well cemented -with lime. Each side was three hundred and forty feet in length, the walls were three feet thick and fifteen feet high, "Within the walls were spacious stone barracks, a spacious magazine, well, &c. The cornices and casements, port-holes or loops, were of solid blocks of stone. In 1770, the river broke through its banks, and in two years afterwards, two of its bastions fell into the river. It was then suffered to fall into decay, and it is now one of the most beautiful and picturesque ruins in the valley of the Mississippi. Fort Rosalie, at the Natchez, stood on the summit of a hill about six hun dred and seventy yards from the shore of the river, and about one hundred and eighty feet above the surface of the water, overlooking a beautiful cham paign country, and the river for many miles both up and down. It was an irregular pentagon, without bastions, and built of thick plank. The buildings within consisted of a stone house, magazine, houses for the ofiicers and bar racks for soldiers. The ditch surrounding it was partly natural and partly artificial, and in most places nineteen feet from the bottom to the top of the rampart. M. de BienviUe named it RosaUe in honor of Madame la duchessee de Pontchartrain. By the sliding and caving in of the banks of the river, its huge bastions became nearly all destroyed, stUl it is one of the most interesting and picturesque spots that the traveUer can visit in the delta of the Mississippi. The fort at Point Coupee was a quadrangle -with four bastions, built with stockades on the west bank of the Mississippi river. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 85 make a plan of Mobile and a reconnaissance of Mobile river to the white bluffs, situated six leagues from the Chicachas river, and thirty from Mobile. These blufi's are similar to those of Saint Luke at Fort Arkansas was erected in 1685, about three leagues from the mouth of that river, and about two hundred yards from the water side. It was buUt of stockades, and the interior sides of the polygon measured about one hundred and eighty feet long, mounted with cannon. The Arkansas or Quapas Indians lived about three leagues above it, where the celebrated John Law had his concession, which he settled with Germans. After the failure of his great financial schemes, the Germans deserted the settlement and located themselves on the Mississippi, about thirty miles above New Orleans, on smaU plantations, which has ever since bore the name of the German coast. Fort Crevecoeur, afterwards caUed St. Louis, was built by De la Salle, in the country of the Illinois, on his first visit to that country. It was seated on the top of a steep bluff, about two hundred feet high, with a spacious esplanade, and the river washing its base.' M. de la Salle Ukewise built a stockade fort at St. Bernard's Bay, Texas, in 1685, claiming possession and jurisdiction over all the country from the mouth of the Mississippi to the Rio Grande or Rio Bravo del Norte, of Mexico. Fort St. Louis de Carlorette was built in 1719 by the orders of M. de BienvUle, on the right bank of Red River, in N. lat. 33° 55', as a sign of the jurisdiction of France in that part of Louisiana, since called Texas. The first Old Fort Biloxi has been placed by Major Stoddard, in his work on Louisiana, on Perdido bay. the ancient boundary Une of the French and Spaniards, about twelve miles west of Pensacola bay, where he says M. d'lberville erected a fort with four bastions, ou which he mounted twelve cannons, and where it is said some remains of it may still be seen. But be this true or not, M. d'lberville, before he sailed for France in 1699, built a fort upon the northeast shore of the bay of Biloxi, about fifteen miles north of Ship Island, of four bastions, and mounted with twelve cannons, (the remains of which are still to be seen,) which was the sign of the jurisdiction of France, from the Rio Perdido to the Rio Bravo del Norte, and appointed M. de Sauvolle its commander, who kept a journal or history of the colony up tothe day of his death, and which is now printed for the first time in this work. The Balize fort, at the mouth of the Mississippi river, was built about the same time on an island, and mounted with cannon to protect the French ships that anchored there, and to drive oif the Spaniards. Fort Louis de Mobile or Conde was built upon the river Mobile, and below the town, and about fifteen or sixteen leagues from the fort on Dauphin Island. It was constructed of bricks with four bastions, mounted with cannons, after the manner of "Vaubau, with half-moons, deep ditches, covered ways and glacis ; with houses for the officers, and barracks for the sol diers. The foundations of this fort are still tobe seen occupying a considerable space in the city of Mobile. Although this was the head-quarters of the French Govemor for many years, they were afterwards removed to New Or leans, on the banks of the Mississippi, which the French, and afterwards the Spaniards, fortified, after the manner of "Vaubau. A ditch was extended round the city, of about eighteen feet in width. With ramparts of earth, and palisades nearly six feet high along the interior or inner side of them. Five large baa- 86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Paris. They are about two hundred feet high, and are the continu ation of the chain of mountains which run through the country from northeast to southwest. On the 22d, M. de Bienville was informed of the death of M. Blondel, commander of a post at Natchitoches, The council dismissed M. de Saint Marc, captain of the Dromediaiere, at the request of M. de la Tour, who made a complaint against the captain for having acted badly during the voyage of the vessel. On the 1st March, the Deux Freres, commanded by M. Chenot, and le Foudroyant, by M. Fontaine, arrived with forty Germans for the concession of M. Law, on the Arkansas. On the 1 4th, the frigates la Mutine and le Chameau, sailed for France, having on board M. le Gac, director of the company, whose departure was but little regretted. On the 17th, the frigate I'Africain arrived with one hundred and eighty negroes, being the remains of two hundred and eighty which had embarked on board in Africa, On the 23d, le Due du Maine, thirty-six guns, arrived with three hundred and ninety-four negroes, being the remains of four huijdred and fifty-three who had sailed from Africa about the same time. On the 4th April, M, Berranger was sent to Cape Franqais to purchase corn for the negroes, who were dying with hunger at Biloxi (Fort Louis), On the Sth April, M, Semiars de Bellisle* arrived at Fort Louis, He was one of the five officers who had landed from the le Marechal d'Estres, west of the Mississippi, and was left there. It was reported that she was lost on the coast. He related that they were left upon the shore, and after more than two months' wandering were reduced to the greatest extremity for food, tions were erected at proper distances, and likewise five intervening redoubts. The bastions were regularly constructed, each of them was furnished with a banquette, rampart, parapet, ditch, covered way, and glacis. The curtains were whoUy formed with palisades at a small distance from each other, and were musket proof ; they had a banquette within and ditch and glacis without. A small redoubt or ravelin was placed in the centre of each bastion, and all the latter were of sufficient size to admit of sixteen embrasures, four in each face, three in each flank, and two iu the gorge facing the city. The whole of which was mounted with heavy cannon ; the southwest bastion with a countergard and traverses, and a small redoubt on the bank of the river. The two forts (St, Charles and Conde) at the angles facing the river, likewise mounted with heavy Spanish ordnance, constituted the defence of the city, when Loliisiana was ceded to the United States. * M, Semiars de Bellisle, knight of the military order of St. Louis, was one of the bravest and most accomplished officers that ever came to Louisiana. He served the colony in a military and civil capacity for upwards of forty -five years, and then retired to France, where he died in 1763. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 87 That his companions, MM. Corbet, Allard, Duclos and Legendre died from hunger. He afterwards fell in with three Indians upon an island at the entrance of a bay, who stripped him and took him to their nation, with whom he lived eighteen months. They took from him his papers, which he kept in a tin box, and which afterwards fell into the hands of the Assinays, who sent them to M. de Saint Denis, the commandant at Natchitoches, who rescued him soon after. On the 17th, M, de Pauger was ordered to proceed to the mouth of the Mississippi to sound the passes. He found a bar of soft mud nine hundred toises wide, formed by the meeting of the tide of the sea and the current of the river, which is here very sluggish. It appeared to him that some of the passes might be closed up by sink ing some vessels, which would increase the velocity of the current, and deepen the bar, on which only about twelve feet water could be found. He proposed to establish a fort on the island at the Balize, where ships drawing sixteen to eighteen feet might anchor in safety. On the 20th, the frigate la Nereide, commanded by M, de Chaboiseau, arrived with two hundred and ninety-four negroes, being the remains of three hundred and fifty which had been put on board. He reported that the frigate le Charles, with a cargo of negroes, had been burnt at sea within sixty miles of the coast On the 24th, M. de Boisbriant wrote to M. de Bienville from the Illinois that three hun dred Spaniards had left Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, for the purpose of conquering the colony ; but only seventy had put their threat in execution, who had arrived at the Kansas river, where they encountered the Octotata and Panis Indians, who massacred all except a priest, who made his escape on horseback. On the 15th, V Elephant, Iu Gironde, la Baleine, le Ducde Maine, les Deux Freres et I'Africain, ships of the company, sailed for France. On the 26th, the Dromedaire, drawing thirteen feet of water, arrived with supplies for the concessions of M. Law. On the 4th June, the ship le Portefaix, commanded by M. Dufour, arrived with three hun dred and thirty German passengers, and M. Marigny de Mandeville ( Chevalier de Saint Louis), the commander of Fort Conde, Mobile, M. Daransbourg (captain), and thirty Swedish officers. She also brought the news of M. Law's departure from France.* * John Law, a Scotchman by birth, was the comptroUer-general of the fi nances of France when he fled from that country. He was a shrewd financier, and remarkable for his elegance of person and engaging convivial powers, which soon gained him admission into the flrst circles of fashion in Europe. He trav elled extensively on the continent, and while there examined with an inquisi tive eye the operations of the principal banking-houses, and especially, through 88 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. '•About this time M. de Pauger sent in his report on the mouth of the Mississippi to M. de Bienville, and begged him to use his in fluence for abandoning the fort at Biloxi, and fixing his head-quar- the assistance of a friend, he became acquainted with the mode of doing busi ness in the great bank of Amsterdam. In 1705, on his return to England, he proposed to Parliament the establishment of a paper currrenoy, which was re jected on the ground that, if carried into effect, it would be prejudicial to the landed interests of the Kingdom. On the death of Louis XI"V., he retired to France, where he -was patronized by the Duke of Orleans, Regent, during the minority of Louis X"V. By Law's advice, and under his direction, some improvements were made in the finances of the kingdom, and measures adopted for establish. ing upon a firmer basis the sinking credit of the country. In connection with his brother, he set up a private bank under the form of the " General Bank of Law & Co.," and it proved to be so productive to the proprietors, that, about the close of the year 1718, the Duke of Orleans resolved to patronize it. It was, perhaps, this circumstance that led to the speedy development of that stupen dous scheme, which had long occupied the mind of Law, generally known as the Mississippi System. The object of the scheme was, to invest the whole of the national trade, with certain revenues arising from diff'erent sources, in the hands of one great company, who might thus be enabled to extend their commercial projects to an indefinite extent, and to extricate the French government from the enormous debt which Louis XI"V. had bequeathed it. By the suggestion of Law, such a company was actually instituted, under the name of the ""Western or Mississippi Company," and to this company was granted the whole province of Louisiana, of which he was appointed director-general. Nothing was for a while talked of but this company, in which every body desired to hold shares. Hon ors were heaped upon him, and he was elected a member of the Academy of Sciences, The system of Law continued for a while to gain credit and fame, because it gave a sudden rise to the value of property of every kind. Thinking men, however, soon perceived that the necessary consequences of such a state of things would be the destruction of aU government, the stagnation of tirade, and the' dissolution of all morals. Tlie Company speculated to a most enormous extent, and gave out tlieir paper without any regard to its soundness ; hence the cool and reflecting portion of the country drew from the bank enormous sums of gold and silver, which finally left it without a dollar, aud two thousand six hundred milUons of paper dollars in the hands of individuals unredeemed. All credit, both public and private, was soon prostrated. Law was stigmatized and calum niated ; the people became infuriated, and he was obliged to leave the country. He passed through Brussels and Venice, and safely reached London, where he Uved sumptuously untU he heard of the confiscation of his property in France, when he became embarrassed, and, faiUng in the attempt to recover it, he bade adieu to England, and fixed his residence at "Venice, where he died in compara tive indigence on the 21st March, 1729, in the 58th year of his age. The fol lowing epitaph appeared soon after : '* Ci git cet Ecossoia c61«bre, Ce calculateur sans 6gal, ftul, par lea regies de I'algebre, A mis la France i I'hopital. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 89 ters and principal settlement at New Orleans. Consequently, he afterwards wrote to the company on this subject. On the 10th, the frigate la Fortune, thirty-six guns, arrived from Africa with a cargo of three hundred and three negroes.* On the The failure of Law's financial schemes fell heavily upon Louisiana. The rapid expansion of the circulating medium throughout the province during the first three years of his operations, and the consequent sudden prostration of all business, at the time, involved the interests of the company, and embarrassed their operations for advancing the population and prosperity of the province. But who would have believed that in less than one hundred and fifteen years from that time (1835), the "Valley of the Missi.ssippi would have been the theatre of delusions almost as great, under a new system of credit held out by banking institutions and chartered monopolies as rotten and as baseless as Law's Bank of France's * It was soon found by experiment that the European constitution could not stand the labors of the field, but sickened and died under the burning suns of Louisiana, and the chilling dews and fogs of night. The Western Company was therefore compelled to introduce African negroes to cultivate the planta tions scattered on the bayous and rivers of the delta of the Mississippi, and for several years it furnished the agricultural interests of the colony with several hundred annually, which was the origin of African slavery in Louisiana. And as France and Spain, for the next half century, thus furnished their American colonies with negroes for their plantations. Great Britain, true to her,^system of monopolies, encouraged by British legislation, and fostered by royal favor, sup pUed not only her own colonies with slave labor, but contended for the mono poly of supplying both France and Spain. In 1724, M. de Bienville drew up a code, containing all the legislation applicable to slaves in Louisiana, which remained in force until 1803. Its first and third articles seem to be strangely irrelevant to the matter of regulating slaves, yet its intolerant spirit seems stiU to govern the policy of one of the most enlightened nations (Great Biitain) on the face of the globe, in regard to the exclusion of Jews and Catholics both from church and state. BLACK CODE OF LOUISIANA. I. Decrees the expulsion of Jews from the colony. II. Makes it imperative on masters to impart religious instruction to their slaves. III. Permits the exercise of the Roman Catholic creed only. Every other mode of worship is prohibited. I"V. Negroes placed under the direction or supervision of any other person than a Catholic, are liable to confiscation. "V. Sundays and holidays are to be strictly observed. All negroes found at work on these days are to be confiscated. VI. "We forbid our white subjects, of both sexes, to marry with the blacks, under the penalty of being fined and subjected to some other arbitrary punish ment. We forbid all curates, priests, or missionaries of our secular or regular clergy, and even our chaplains in our navy to sanction such marriages. We also forbid aU our white subjects, and even the manumitted or free-born blacks, 6 90 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA 15th July, the frigate la Venus, commanded by M. Dumoulin, ar rived at Ship Island with M. Duvergier, Director-General ; M. de la Harpe, Commander at St. Bernard's Bay ; M. de la Grave, Director to live in a state of concubinage with blacks. Should there be any issue from this kind of intercourse, it is our will that the person so offending, and the mas ter of the slave, should pay each a fine of three hundred livres. Should said issue be the result of the concubinage of the master with his slave, said master shall not only pay the fine, but be deprived of the slave and of the chUdren, who shall be adjudged to the hospital of the locality, and said slaves shaU be for ever incapable of being set free. But should this illicit intercourse have ex isted between a free black and his slave, when said free black had no legitimate wife, and should said black marry said slave according to the forms prescribed by the church, said slave shall be thereby set free, and the children shall also become free and legitimate ; and in such a case, there shaU be no application of the penalties mentioned in the present article, VII, The ceremonies and forms prescribed by the ordinance of Blois, and by the edict of 1639, for marriages, shall be observed both with regard to free persons and to slaves. But the consent of the father and mother of the slave is not necessary ; that of the master shall be the only one required, VIII. We forbid all curates to proceed to effect marriages between slaves without proof of the consent of their masters ; and we also forbid all masters to force their slaves into any marriage against their will. IX. Children, issued from the marriage of slaves, shall follow the condition of their parents, and shall belong to the master of the wife and not of the hus band, if the husband and wife have different masters. X. If the husband be a slave, and the wife a free woman, it is our will that their children, of whatever sex they may be, shall share the condition of their mother, and be as free as she, notwithstanding the servitude of their father ; and if the father be free and the mother a slave, the children shall aU be slaves. XI. Masters shall have their Christian slaves buried in consecrated ground. XII. We forbid slaves to carry offensive weapons or heavy sticks, under the penalty of being whipped, and of having said weapons confiscated for the benefit of the person seizing the same. An exception is made in favor of those slaves who are sent a hunting or a shooting by their masters, and who carry with them a written permission to that effect, or are designated by some known mark or badge. XIII. We forbid slaves belonging to different masters to gather in crowds either by day or by night, under the pretext of a wedding, or for any other cause, either at the dwelling or on the grounds of one of their masters, or elsewhere, and much less on the highways or in secluded places, under the penalty of cor poral punishment, which shaU not be less than the whip. In case of frequent offences of the kind, the offenders shaU be branded with the mark of 'the flower de luce, and should there be aggravating circumstances, capital punishment may be applied, at the discretion of our judges. We command all our subjects, be they ofiicers or not, to seize all such offenders, to arrest and conduct them to prison, although there should be no judgment against them, XIV, Masters who shaU be convicted of having permitted or tolerated such ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 91 of the Concessions of M. le Marquis de Mezieres, Demarche, and Dufreme, She broughtthe Cross of St, Denis for MM, de Chau- teaugu6 and de Boisbriant, and to MM, Blondel, Dutisnfi, Barnaval, gatherings as aforesaid, composed of other slaves than their own, shall be sen tenced, individuaUy, to indemnify their neighbors for the damages occasioned by said gatherings, and to pay, for the first time, a, fine of thirty livres, and double that sum on the repetition of the offence. XV. We forbid negroes to sell any commodities, provisions, or produce of any kind, without the written permission of their masters, or without wearing their known marks or badges, and any persons purchasing any thing from ne groes in violence of this article, shall be sentenced to pay a fine of 1500 livres. XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX, provide at length for the clothing of slaves and for their subsistence. XX. Slaves who shall not be properly fed, clad, and provided for by their masters, may give information thereof to the attorney-general of the Superior Council, or to aU the other officers of justice of an inferior jurisdiction, and may put the written exposition of their wrongs into their hands ; upon which infor mation, and even ex officio, should the information come from another quarter, the attorney-general shall prosecute said masters without charging any costs to the complainants. It is our will that this regulation be observed in all accusa tions for crimes or barbarous aud inhuman treatment brought by slaves against their masters. XXI. Slaves who are disabled from working, either by old age, disease, or otherwise, be the disease incurable or not, shall be fed and provided for by their masters ; and in case they should have been abandoned by said masters, said slaves shall be adjudged to the nearest hospital, to which said masters shall be obliged to pay eight cents a day for the food and maintenance of each one of these slaves ; and for the payment of this sum, said hospital shall have a lien on the plantations of the master. XXII. We declare that slaves can have no right to any kind of property, and that all that they acquire, either by their own industry or by the liberality of others, or by any other means or title whatever, shall be the full property of their masters ; and the children of .said slaves, their fathers and mothers, their kindred or other relations, either free or slaves, shall have no pretensions or claims thereto, either through testamentary dispositions or donations inter vi vos • which dispositions and donations we declare null and void, and also what ever promises they may have made, or whatever obligations they may have sub scribed to, as having been entered into by persons incapable of disposing of any thing, and of participating to any contract. XXIII. Masters shall be responsible for what their slaves have done by their command, and also for what transactions they have permitted their slaves to do in their shops, in the particular line of commerce with which they were in. trusted ; and in case said slaves should have acted without the order or authori. zation of their masters, said masters shall be responsible only for so much as has turned to their profit; and if said masters have not profited by the doing or transaction of their slaves, the peculium which the masters have permitted the slaves to own, shaU be subjected to all olaims against said slaves, after deduction made by the masters of what may be due to them ; and if said pecuUum should 92 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and de Noyan, Captain's commissions. The arrival of M. Duvergier, caused some changes to be made in the appointment of officers, much against the vs^ishes of M. de Bienville. M. de Chateaugue was not consist, in whole or in part, of merchandises in which the slaves had permission to traffic, the masters shall only come in for their share in common with the other creditors. XXIV. Slaves shall be incapable of all public functions, and of being consti tuted agents for any other person than their own masters, with powers to manage or conduct any kind of trade ; nor can they serve as arbitrators or ex perts; nor shall they be called to give their testimony either in civil or in criminal cases, except when it shall be a matter of necessity, and only in default of white people ; but in no case shall they be permitted to serve as witnesses either for or against their masters. XXV. Slaves shall never be parties to civil suits, either as plaintiffs or defend ants, nor shall they be allowed to ap)>ear as complainants in criminal cases, but their masters shall have the right to act for them in civil matters, and in crimi nal ones, to demand punishment and reparation for such outrages and excesses as their slaves may have suffered from. XXVI. Slaves may be prosecuted criminally, without their masters being made parties to the trial, except they should be indicted as accomplices ; and said slaves shall be tried, at first by the judges of ordinary jurisdiction, if there be any, and on appeal, by the Superior Council, with the same rules, formali ties, and proceedings observed for free persons, save the exceptions mentioned hereafter. XXVII. The slave who, having struck his roaster, bis mistress, or the hus band of his mistress, or their children, shall have produced a bruise, or the shedding of blood in the face, shall suffer capital punishment. XXVIII. With regard to outrages or acts of violence committed by slaves against free persons, it is our will that they be punished with severity, and even with death, should the case require it. XXIX. Thefts of importance, and even the steaUng of horses, mares, mules, oxen, or cows, when executed by slaves or manumitted persons, sball make the offender liable to corporal, and even to capital punishment, according to the circumstances of the case. XXX. The SteaUng of sheep, goats, hogs, poultry, grain, fodder, peas, beans, or other vegetables, produce, or provisions, when committed by slaves, shaU be punished according to the circumstances of the case ; and the judges may sentence them, if necessary, to be whipped by the public executioner, and branded with the mark of the flower de luce. XXXI. In cases of thefts committed or damages done by their slaves, mas ters, besides the corporal punishment inflicted on their slaves, shall be bound to make amends for the injuries resulting from the acts of said slaves, unless they prefer abandoning them to the sufferer. They shall be bound so to make their choice, in three days from the time of the conviction of the negroes ; if not, this privilege shall be forever forfeited. XXXII. The runaway slave, who shall continue to be so for one month from the day of his being denounced to the officers of justice, shall have his ears cut off, and shall be branded with the flower de luce on the shoulder : and ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 93 the less disappointed, for he had hoped his services would have enti tled him to the command of the marine, and M. de Lorme was morti fied at not being promoted to a higher office. It was reported at this on a second offence of the same nature, persisted in during one month from the day of his being denounced, he shall be hamstrung, and be marked with the flower de luce on the other shoulder. On the third offence, he shall suffer death. XXXni. Slaves, who shall have made themselves liable to the penalty of the whip, the flower de luce brand, and ear cutting, shall be tried, in the last resort, by the ordinary judges of the inferior courts, and shall undergo the sentence passed upon them without there being an appeal to the Superior Council, in confirmation or reversal of judgment, notwithstanding the article 26th of the present code, which shall be applicable only to those judgments in which the slave convicted is sentenced to be hamstrung- or suffer death. XXXIV. Freed or free-bora negroes, who shall have afforded refuge in their houses to fugitive slaves, shall be sentenced to pay to the masters of said slaves, the sum of thirty livres a day for every day during which they shaU have concealed said fugitives ; and all other free persons, guilty of the same offence, shall pay a fine of ten Uvres a day as aforesaid ; and should the freed or free-born negroes not be able to pay the fine herein specified, they shall be reduced to the condition of slaves, and be sold as such. Should the price of the sale exceed the sum mentioned in the judgment, the surplus shaU be de livered to the hospital. XXXV. We permit our subjects in this colony, who may have slaves con cealed iu any place whatever, to have them sought after by such persons and in such a way as they may deem proper, or to proceed themselves to such research es, as they may think best. XXX"VI. The slave who is sentenced to suffer death on the denunciation of his master, shall, when that master is not an accompUce to his crime, be ap praised before his execution by two of the principal inhabitants of the locality, who shall be especiaUy appointed by the judge, and the amount of said ap praisement shall be paid to the master. To raise this sum, a proportional tax shaU be laid on every slave, and shall be collected by the persons invested with that authority. XXXVII. We forbid all the officers of the Superior Council, and aU our other officers of justice in this colony, to take any fees or receive any perquisites in criminal suits against slaves, under the penalty, in so doing, of being dealt with as guilty of extortion. XXXVIII. We also forbid all our subjects in this colony, whatever their con dition or rank may be, to apply, on their own private authority, the rack to their slaves, under any pretence whatever, and to mutilate said slaves in any one of their limbs, or in any part of their bodies, under the penalty of the con fiscation of said slaves ; and said masters, so offending, shall be liable to a cri minal prosecution. We only permit masters, when they shall think that the case requires it, to put their slaves in irons, and to have them whipped with rods or ropes. XXXIX. We command our officers of justice in this colony to institute cri minal process against masters and overseers who shall have kiUed or mutilated 94 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. time that the ship Garonne, belonging to the "Western Company, was captured by a pirate near the island of St. Domingo, with up wards of three hundred Germans on board, and military supplies their slaves, when in their power and under their supervision, and to punish said murder according to the atrocity of the circumstances ; and in case the offence shall be a pardonable one, we permit them to pardon said masters and overseers without its being necessary to obtain- from us letters patent of pardon. XL. Slaves shall be held in law as movables, and as such, they shall be part of the community of acquests between husband and wife ; they shall not be liable to be seized under any mortgage whatever ; and they shall be equally divided among the co-heirs without admitting from any one of said heirs any claim founded on preciput or right of primogeniture, or dowry. XLI, XLII. Are entirely relative to judicial forms and proceedings. XLIII. Husbands and wives shall not be seized and sold separately when be longing to the same master : and their children, when under fourteen years of age, shall not be separated from their parents, and such seizures and sales shall be null and void. The present article sball apply to voluntary salijs, and in case such sales should take place in violation of the law, the seller shall be deprived of the slave he has illegally retained, and said slave shall be adjudged to the purchaser without any additional price being required. XLIV. Slaves, fourteen years old, annd from this age np to sixty, who are settled on lands and plantations, and are at present working on them, shaU not be liable to seizure for debt, except for what may be due out of the purchase money agreed to be paid for them, unless said grounds or plantations should also be distressed, and any seizure and judicial sale of a real estate, without in cluding the slaves of the aforesaid age, who are part of said estate, shafi be deemed null and void. XLV, XLVI, XLVII, XLVIII, XLIX. Are relative to certain formalities to be observed in judicial proceedings. L. Masters, when twenty-five years old, shall have the power to manumit their slaves, either by testamentary dispositions, or by acts inter vivos. But, as there may be mercenary masters disposed to set a price on the liberation of their slaves ; and whereas slaves, with a view to acquire the necessary means to purchase their freedom, may be tempted to commit theft or deeds of plunder, no person, whatever may be his rank and condition, shall be permitted to set free his slaves, without obtaining from the Superior Council a decree of per mission to that effect ; which permission shall be granted without costs, when the motives for the setting free of said slaves, as specifled in the petition of the master, shall appear legitimate to the tribunal. All acts for the emancipation of slaves, which, for the future, shall be made without this permission shall be nuU ; and the slaves, so freed, shall not be entitled to their freedom ; they shaU, on the contrary, continue to be held as slaves; but they shall be taken away from their former masters, and confiscated for the benefit of the India Company. LI. However, should slaves be appointed by their masters tutors to their children, said slaves shall be held and regarded as being thereby set free to aU intents and purposes. LII. We declare that the acts for the enfranchisement of slaves, passed ac cording to the forms above described, shall be equivalent to an act of natural- ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 95 and clothing destined for the colony. On the 26th, the ship le Porte faix returned to France ; and towards the end of the month M. de Bienville appointed M. de la Harpe to the command of the bay of St. Bernard ; and M. de Noyan to the command of a company of Infantry. On the 15th October, the frigate le Marechal d'Estries, com manded by M. Prudhomme, arrived with one hundred and ninety-six negroes ; and on the same day the le Mouche, VAbeille, and I'Hiron- delle, arrived with supplies for the colony. The orders of the company having been re-issued for the im" mediate settlement of St. Bernard's Bay, the Council could not now, under any pretext whatever, refuse to execute them. M. de la Harpe accordingly demanded the means of carrying them into execution ; but all that he could obtain was a small vessel commanded by M. Beranger, with fifteen quarters of flour, fifteen of meat, and some French brandy, for the support of his detachment of twenty soldiers, and the crew. Copy of the order of Instructions. "It is hereby decreed that M. de la Harpe, commandant of the bay of St. Bernard, shall embark in the packet Subtile, commanded by M. Beranger, with ization, when said slaves are not born in our colony of Louisiana, andthey shall enjoy all the rights and privileges inherent to our subjects born in our kingdom or in any land or country under our dominion. We declare, therefore, that all manumitted slaves, and all free-born negroes, are incapable of receiving dona tions, either by testamentary dispositions, or by acts inter vivos from the whites. Said donations shall be null and void, and the objects so donated shall be ap plied to the benefit of the nearest hospital. LIII. We command all manumitted slaves to show the pro foundest respect to their former masters, to their widows and children, and any inj ury or insult offered by said manumitted slaves to their former masters, their widows or children, shall be punished with more severity than if it had been offered to any other person. We, however, declare them exempt from the discharge Of all duties or services, and from the payment of all taxes or fees, or any thing else which their former masters might, in their quality of patrons, claim either in relation to their persons, or to their personal or real estate, either during the life or after the death of said manumitted slaves. LIV. We grant to manumitted slaves the same rights, privileges, and immu nities which are enjoyed by free-born persons. It is our pleasure that their merit in having acquired their freedom, shall produce in their favor, not only with regard to their persons, but also to their property, the same effects -which our other subjects derive from the happy circumstance of their having been bom free. In the name of the King, Bienville, De la Chaise. Fazende, BrusU, Perry, March, 1724. ab HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. a detachment of twenty soldiers under the command of M. de Belle-Isle, and proceed forthwith to the bay of St. Bernard, in the province of Louisiana, and take possession of it in the name of the King and the Western Company; and shall plant there the arms of the King in the ground ; and build a fort upon whatever spot appears most advantageous to him for the defence of the place. " If the Spaniards or any other nation has already taken possession of it, M. de la Harpe will inform them that they have no right to this country, as it was taken possession of by M. de la Salle in the name of the King of France. And in case they make any opposition M. de la Harpe wiU take possession of it by force in conformity with the orders of the King, dated 16th November, 1718. " He shall notify all strangers to retire who may afterwards arrive, make aUiances with the Indian nations, and distribute presents among them as he may deem necessary and indispensable — keep separate accounts with each nation — and a journal of all that takes place during his command. " If from any unforeseen cause these orders can not be executed, he will then act as his best judgment and prudence may dictate," Bienville. Port Saint Louis, Ang. 18, 1721. On the 16th August, M. de la Harpe set out accordingly in the packet la Subtile, to form an establishment at St. Bernard's Bay, On the 9th September, M. de Bienville left Old Biloxi, to go to Fort Louis (New Biloxi), where the engineers had prepared accommoda tions for him in an old warehouse. On the 14th, the provisions hav ing failed, the troops were sent to Pearl River, and to the Pascagou las to live among the Indians. On the 19th, M. Paque arrived from the Alibamons with some prisoners. He reported that the garrison there to the number of twenty-four soldiers, had deserted on account of the scarcity of provisions. On the 20th, the brig le Saint Andre, commanded by M. de Kuguenal, arrived at Ship Island with mer chandise and provisions. He brought the news that his Royal High ness had placed the company of the Indies in regie, and had appoint ed MM. Dodun, Ferrand, Fagon, and Machant, commissioners. MM. Duvergier and de Lorme represented to M. de Bienville that this change in the administration would lessen their credit and authority) and they wished to resign their appointments, but he would not listen to them, as he could not understand the motives of the company for making this change. The commissioners returned thanks to M. Hu bert for the services he had rendered the company, and requested him to appear before M. de Bienville and the Directors, to explain why he had not registered the rules and orders of the company. He became very much embarrassed at this charge, and threw the blame upon MM. Duvergier, Bienville and de Lorme. On the 3d October, M. de la Harpe returned from his expe dition to the bay of St. Bernard, and reported that he sailed along ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 97 the coast west of the Mississippi for one hundred leagues or more, and on the 27th August entered a fine bay which he believed to be St. Bernard's, situated in 29° 15' N. lat. At the entrance was a bar on which he found eleven and a half feet of water at half tide. Having passed the bar he discovered an island, and sailed to the west, where he found from fifteen to thirty feet of water. On the 29th, he sent M. de Belle-Isle in a sloop to explore the country. He returned on the same day, after having met with some of the natives who wished to approach him in their pirogues, which he kept off for fear of being surprised. They continued to follow him, and he afterwards received them on board of the Subtile. After showing them the eff'ects of the cannon and small arms, he landed them upon the island. On the next day M. de la Harpe sent word to them by M. de Belle Isle, that his intention was to make an estab lishment in this bay, to live in peace with them, and to protect them against their enemies, to which they replied that they would consult their companions. On the 2d September, the Subtile sailed farther up the bay, and on the same day, M, de la Harpe embarked in a canoe with M. de Belle-Isle and a detachment of six soldiers, to ex amine the country, and to fix on a suitable place for an establishment. He coasted along the bay from island to island, until he came to a rive^ which flowed through a prairie, the lands of which were very rich. At a distance of three leagues farther, he arrived opposite the huts of some Indians in the evening, where he remained all night. In the morning he landed with MM. de Belle-Isle and Devin, but the Indians received him coldly, and the women set up a howling, which they considered a bad omen. They asked him if he had brought them any presents, to which M. de Belle-Isle replied they had not, as they only came to seek their friendship. The Indians looked dis appointed, and said that when they came among strangers they should not come empty-handed. During this interview the ship's boat anchored within pistol shot of the shore, with orders to be upon their guard for fear of being surprised. M. de la Harpe again in formed them of his desire to form an establishment on the bay, which they opposed under the pretext that they were afraid of the whites, and requested him to leave their country. The number of Indians of both sexes assembled at this place was about two hundred and fifty. After this interview was ended M. de la Harpe returned to the ship's boat, and crossed over to the south side of the bay. At the bottom of this bay the country is beautiful, and interspersed with forest trees and little hills and prairies as far as the eye can see. The river which flows into the bay here comes from a fine 98 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. country, and is about fifteen toises wide at its mouth ; and still fur ther to the west is another river, which appears to come from the north-west. On the other side of the bay is a large river, navi gable for sloops, which flows through a high country, where quarries of stone are found, and prairies as far as the eye can see, filled with bufialoes and roebuck. M. de la Harpe was disappointed at not being able to make a reconnaissance of this country, which from appearances afforded every facility for establishing a post, and the cultivation of the soil, besides being favorable to the carrying on a trade with the Spaniards in Mexico On the 5th October, M. de la Harpe returned on board of his vessel, and shortly after he saw six pirogues filled with unarmed In dians, and as they approached him, he asked them the reason why they had opposed his making an establishment among them, and they replied that it was because it was quite impossible for them to live together in peace. M, de la Harpe seeing then that it was quite useless to attempt with his small force and without provisions, to es tablish a post among them, he concluded to return to Fort Louis de Mobile, being satisfied that the bay he had been in was no other than St. Bernard's. At the same time he resolved to capture some of the Indians, in hopes that by good treatment he might induce them to per mit him to settle in their country, and to carry out his plans ; he there fore landed again and pretended that he wanted more water for hisvoy age, and seized a dozen or more who informed him that they had been some time at war with the Assinays and Bidayes, whose country was between them and the Assinays. They were the most ferocious and cruel of all the Indians, and frequently eat each other. They told M- de la Harpe that the Spaniards had sailed up this bay, but they had had no communications with them. On the 3d October, M. de la Harpe again set sail with the Indians he had captured, and after having suffered severely from bad weather and the want of provisions, he arrived at Mobile in about two weeks after. Among the Indians he brought to Mobile was the Chief of the nation, and eight young men, handsome, well made, and with agreeable features, which was some thing very rare to be seen among the people of this nation. M. de la Harpe reported to M. de Bienville that in times past the Spaniards had been at this bay, which was, without doubt, St. Bernard's bay. That notwithstanding his attempt to establish a post had failed, yet his discoveries might hereafter be made serviceable to the company. That the bay had at its entrance a depth of eight feet or more of water ; and the country was well watered, very fertile, and at some future day the Council of Louisiana might, with a proper force, take ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 99 possession of it and settle a colony there with advantage. The In dians which he had brought with him, and who had suffered so much from the want of provisions, set out some days after to go to their own country, which, although a very difficult undertaking, they were per mitted to do. On the 4th, the Durance, commanded by M. Gautier, arrived with supplies for the concessions of St. Catharine and St. Rene. M. de Bienville received by this ship a letter from the company, in forming him that his salary was raised to twelve thousand livres per annum ; and that MM. Duche, le Chevalier Baillon, and Moreau, had received appointments from the company. On the 16th, M. de Bienville received a letter from M. Eenard at Natchitoches, inform ing him that the Marquis Aguayo, Governor of the province of Las tekas, had arrived at the Adayes on the 15th August, with four hun dred horsemen and 30,000 dollars in gold, and materials to build a fort there. On the 13th November, the ship la Doure, commanded by M. de Marsay, arrived, having on board M. Desfontaines (director of the concession of M. de Blane) and his wife. On the same day M. de Lorme left Old Biloxi to occupy Fort Louis, which the Council of Louisiana had previously agreed upon. The commissioners continued the establishment of M. Law, on the Arkansas, by appointing M. Dufresne director, with a salary of two thousand livres, and with orders to make arrangements with all per sons who were desirous to cultivate the land. On the 23d, the com missioners ordered an hospital to be built of cypress boards, seventy long by twenty-one feet in width. On the 24th, the commissioners ordered an officer to be sent to the Arkansas river to find out whether it was navigable to the Indian nations which M. de la Harpe had dis covered in 1719. M. de Bienville appointed M de la Harpe to take command of this expedition, and to establish a post there for the purpose of supplying the colony with cattle, as well as to protect all the new settlements of that country. Orders and Instructions to M. de la Harpe. We John Baptist de Bienville, Chevalier of the Order of St. Louis, and Commanding-General of the Province of Louisiana, give orders to M. de la Harpe, Commandant of the bay of St. Bernard, to set out with a detachment of sixteen soldiers to the Arkansas, and there remain a sufficient time to collect provisions ; and further to take with him M. de Franchome, to act as second in command. That the said M. de la Harpe will ascend the head-waters of the Arkansas, to examine the quality of the land, and ascertain what Indian tribes 100 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. live there with whom he can make treaties of alliance, as well as to do all other things which he may judge necessary to be done : keep an exact journal of his route, mark the courses of the streams, their currents, and their islands, and ascertain what mines are in the country ; and if by chance the Spaniards wish to make any settlements there, to inform them that all the countries lying on these rivers are dependencies of France. That when the said Sieur de la Harpe shall have performed all of these duties in a manner that requires nothing fur ther to be done, he wiU return to head-quarters, leaving M. de Franchome at his post. In faith whereof we sign these orders and affix the seal of our arms, at the Fort Louis, this 10th December, 1721. Bienville. On the 16th December, M. de la Harpe set out on his voyage of discovery. The directors furnished him with some merchandise, for the purpose of buying corn and beans of the Indians for his suste nance. On the 7th January, 1822, the ship Saint Andre sailed for France with forty passengers, among whom was M. de Richebourg, who had been appointed commandant of New Orleans, but who re fused to serve under M. de Paillou, major-general of the province. On the 13th, MM. de la Tour and de Boispinel went to Ship Island to select a site for a fort. On the 31st, Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit, arrived from Canada by the river Mississippi, with orders from the King to examine the state of the colony. He was cordially received by every one. He stated that the council of Maine had desired him to discover the western sea by the lakes of Canada, which he at tempted without success, and was compelled to take the route to New Orleans. Many persons believed that he wished to impose upon them, as he could, if he had wished, have found the sea to the west of Canada. During his stay at New Orleans he effected a reconci liation between MM. de Bienville and Hubert, On the 1st March, M. Duvergier returned to France in the ship la Soane. He took with him charges against MM. de Bienville, de la Tour, de Boisbriant, and Chateaugue, besides other officers who had not had the good for tune to please him. About the last of March, the ship fAdour sailed for France with Father Charlevoix, MM. Hubert, Fabrey, De- vens, Navarre, Chirurgier, le Comte, and many others, as passengers. On the 5th April, the ship le Profond arrived with provisions for the colony, of which they were in great need. On the 9th, the ship la Bellone, commanded by M. de Beauchamp, and the brig PEspi- deuil. Captain Bataille, arrived with M. Loubois, chevalier of the military order of St. Louis, who was appointed to the command of Fort Louis. M. de la Tour received by this ship the commission of ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 101 Lieutenant-General of the province, which so mortified MM. de Bienville and his brother de Chateaugue, that they felt themselves disgraced by his promotion, nor did M. de Boisbriant feel less so. Thc following rules and regulations, dated 20th September, 1721, were sent by the Commissioners for the government of the colony, viz. ; — I, Les negres seront vendus aux habitans a six cent soixante livres d'Indie piece, conformement a ce qui a ete regie par la compagnie, pour le paiement desquelles ils feront leurs billets payables dans trois ans, par parties egales du jour de la deUverance, en tabac ou en riz, suivant ce qui sera regie par les di- recteurs par rapport a la qualite des terres des habitans. Si apres la seconde annee echne Vhabitant qui aura re9U des negres se trouve debiteur de ses biUets en entier, sans avoir fait le paiement la premiere annee, les negres seront vendus au profit de la compagnie, apres un seul commande ment de payer, et sera la vente des negres afflchee, indiquee et publiee dans toutes les habitations du quartier, un mois d'advance ; si le produit de la vente desdits negres ne suffit pas pour le paiement de la compagnie, le debiteur sera contraint au paiement de surplus, et sera conduit en prison dans le chef-lieu ou la residence du commandant du quartier, pour y demeurer jusqu'a parfait paie ment. II. Le tabac bon en feuilles ou manoques sera paye aux habitans a vingt- cinq livres le cent, poids de marc, et sera seulement pris deux pour cent de bon poids ; il sera libre aux habitans de le fournir en futaiUes ou en caisses suivant leur commodite. Les habitans qni voudront le mettre en caisses s'assujetiront a les faire de la grandeur convenable pour contenir deux cents livres de tabac bien presse, et aSu qu'il n'y ait pas de difficulte sur la tare des caisses, il sera libre aux habi tans d'en faire vider quartre caisses sur cent, le poids desqueUes servira de regie pour la tare des autres. III. Le tabac et le riz seront livres par les habitans au comptoir du Nouveau- Biloxi de la Nouvelle-Orleans, de la Mobile et non ailleurs ; le tabac sera reju egalement dans trois comptoirs au prix de vlngt-cinq livres le quintal. IV. Le riz sera paye a douze Uvres le quintal poids de marc, deux pour cent de bon poids, et la meme chose sera observee tant pour la tare des barils, que pour celle des casses de tabac ; il sera libre aux habitans de les livrer en balles de toile, auquel cas la tare d'une baile de deux cents Uvres sera de deux livres. Si les habitans trouvent moyen de le livrer dans quelque espece de jonc, ou autre de la fabrique du pays pour epargner la toile, la tare en sera verifiee sur le poids que peseront quatre de ces emballages sur cent. V. Nous exhortons les habitans a ne point negliger la fabrique de la soie, et a replanter des mflriers sur leurs habitations, pour qu'ils se multiplient, en attendant qu'il y ait assez de monde pour travaUler a la soie, qu'ils doivent re- garder comme un objet considerable. VI. Le surplus des autres marchandises du crd et culture de la colonie, et celle de la traite comme peaux de chevreuils, castors et autres seront vendus dans les trois comptoirs cidessus, au prix ordinaire porte par le tarif de la com pagnie des Indes. 102 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. VII. Les marchandises de France seront vendues aux habitans sur le pied ci-apres ; Savoir : Au Biloxi, a la Mobile et a la Nouvelle-Orleans a cinq pour cent de benefice sur la facture de France ; aux Natches et aux Yasons a soixante-dix pour cent de benefice ; aux Natchitoches et aux Arkansas a quartre-vingts pour cent; aux Illinois a cent pour cent : aux Alibamons a cinquante pour cent. VIII. Le vin sera vendu cent vingt livres la barique, et le quart d'eau-de-vie a cent vingt livres, les demi-quarts et ancre a proportion. Sur ce que nous avons ete informes que les commis de la compagnie ont ci- devant detourne les niarchandises les plus recherchees pour les survendre aux habitans a des prix bien plus forts et a leur profit, que ceux regies par la com pagnies, nous leur avons defendu de faire aucun commerce, meme indirecte- ment pendant le temps qu'ils seront employes au service de la compagnie; etau cas que quelques-un d'entre euq contreviennent a nos defenses, nous ordonnons aux habitans de les denoncer aux directeurs, qui leur adjugeront la confiscation des marchandises, et de nous en donner avis en meme temps. IX. Afin que les habitans soient informes des marchandises que seront dans les magasins de la compagnie, nous avons donne nos ordres pour que tous les premiers jours de chaque mois il en soir affiche une liste a la porte de la com pagnie du Nouveau-Biloxi, de la Nouvelle-Orleans et de la Mobile, et attendu qu'il pourrait y avoir au Nouveau-Biloxi des marchandises qui ne se trouve- raient pas a la Nouvelle-Orleans ni a la Mobile, la liste de celles du Nouveau- Biloxi sera envoyee a la Mobile et a la Nouvelle-Orleans par les premieres occa sions qui se trouveront dans le commencement de chaque mois. X. II sera en voye des especes de cuivre pour payer la solde des troupes et les depenses journalieres de la compagnie, lesquelles auront un cours invariable, savoir celles de vingt au marc dix-huit- deniers, celles de quarante au marc neuf deniers, et celles de quatre-vingts au marc quatre deniers et demi. Les habitans ne doivent faire aucune difficulte de recevoir lesdites especes des troupes et autres en paiement des marchandises qu'ils leur vendront, parce que ces m^mes especes seront re§ues dans les comptoirs de la compagnie en paiement de toutes sortes de marchandises pour la meme valeur sans aucune distinction d'especes d'or et d'argent. XI. Nous envoyons des ordres pour diviser la colonie en neuf quartiers, qui seront la Nouvelle-Orleans. le Biloxi, la Mobile, les Alibamons, les Natches, les Yasous, les Natchitoches, les Alkansas, et les Illinois. Les habitans seront informes par le conseil de la Louisiane de quels quartiers ils seront. II y aura dans le chef-lieu de chaque quartier un commandant et un juge, du jugement desquels les appellations seront portees au conseil superieur etabli au Biloxi. Cet ordre est etabli pour que les habitans soient k portee de demander au commandant de leur quartier la protection dont ils auront besoin, et ne soient point eloignes de leurs habitations pour faire juger les affaires qui pourraient naitre entre eux, et nous les exhortons d'eviter les procedures, autant qu'il leur sera possible, de vivre tous en bonne union et Concorde, et se secourir mutuelle- ment. XII. Nous les exhortons pareillement a, etre plus reguliers h remplir les de voirs de Chretiens qu'ils ne I'ont ete jusqu'^ present. Pour les mettre en etat ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 103 d'y satisfaire, nous donnons I'ordre qu'il soit etabU des chapelles et figlises en nombre suffisant, afin que les habitans soient ii portee d'aller au service divin et de recevoir les sacremens. Fait k Paris, le 27 Septembre 1721. Signe, Dodun, Ferrand et de Mahaut. Etat das depenses arritees par messieurs les commissaires du roi, pour la colonic de la Louisiane. fitat-Major.. liv. M. de Bienville, commandant-general 12,000 M. de Boisbrillant, premier lieutenant de roi . . . . 5,000 M. de Chateaugue, second lieutenant de roi 4,000 M. de Paillou, major-general 2,000 M. Diron, inspecteur-general 3,000 26,000 Commandans des Postes.. liv. M. de Richebourg, commandant de la NouveUe-Orleans, par gratifica tion de la compagnie 720 M. de MandevUle, capitaine-commandant au fort Conde de la Mobile sans gratification M. de la Harpe, commandant destine pour la bale Saint-Bernard, k 1,300 livres sans compagnie, reforme a . . , , . . 1,080 M. de Loubois, commandant au Fort Louis, du BUoxi, par gratification, outre sa compagnie 720 M. de Saint-Denis, commandant de poste, sans compagnie, pour ses ap pointemens ... 1,080 M. de la Marque destine pour I'lle aux Vaisseaux, par gratification, outre sa compagnie 720 M. Marchand, commandant des Alibamons, pour ses appointemens . 1,080 M. ce Boumion, commandant du Missouri 1,800 7,200 Appointemens des Ingtniewrs. liv. M. de la Tour, lieutenantgeneral de la Louisiane et ing^nieur en chef 8,000 M. de Boispinel, chevaUer de Saint Louis ...... 5,000 M. de Pauger, id 5,000 M. de Franquet-Chaville . . 2,500 Dessinateurs et piqueurs 3 300 23,800 47,600 104 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. Appointemens des Directeurs et Commis. liv. M. de Lorme, directeur-general . . • 12,000 M. Guillet, directeur des comptes 6,000 M. Bion, sous-directeur des comptes 3,000 M. Bouges, secretaire du colonel 1,500 M. Dalcourt, tresorier ... 2,240 M. Bonneau, garde-magasin general, nomme par le colonel . . . 2,240 M. des Ursins de la loire, commis principal aux Illinois . . . 2.000 Pour autres commis et employes, ci 28,020 67,000 Appointemens des Majors de Postes. Uv. M. de Banes, de la Nouvelle-Orleans . , 900 M. de Beauchamp, de la Mobile , , , . . . , 900 He aux Vaisseaux, vacant 900 M. de Terpuy, aide-major du Biloxi , , , . . , 900 3,600 liv. Pour I'entretien et appointemens de la marine de la Louisiane, ci . , 26,800 Pour les aumdniers et chirurgiens k 800 livres chacun, ci . , . 1,600 Pour les gages, nourriture d'ouvriers et depenses des travaux des forti- cations 74,000 Pour les presens des sauvages 12,000 Pour seize comgagnies d'infanterie 130,104 II est bon de faire observer que toutes ces depenses se montent k 375,204 Uvres prix de France, non compris la compagnie d'ouvriers suisses, qni, forte de deux cent dix hommes, doit cotter 52,000 Uvres, ni I'entretien des h6pitauxi des gens de force, les depenses casuelles, et les frais des armemens de vaisseaux, pour apporter les fonds k la colonie, sur lesquels il y a les cinquante pour cent d'augmentation pour marchandises et vivres, prix qu'elles se vendent a la colo' nie, faisant la somme de 187,752 livres, qui peuvent en partie suppleer k I'aug- mentation des depenses. On re^ut aussi un r^glement par lequel les capucins devaient avoir jurisdiction depuis I'entree du Mississipi jusqu'au Ouabache ; les carmes dechausses, depuis Rio Perdido le long de la c6te jusqu'a I'entree du fleuve, y compris la riviere de la Mobile et des Alibamons ; les jesuites et pre- tres de la congregation, de la mission, le Missouri, les lUinois et les nations du nord. Messieurs les commissaires donnerent ordre d'etablir un conseil aux Illinois pour juger en dernier ressort, et cependant rendre compte au conseil superieur, qu'on devait etablir k la Nouvelle-Orleans, et d'y former le comptoir principal, enjoignant d'abandonner le fort Louis, et de u'y laisser qu'une simple garnison, et sur toutes choses de faire entrer k I'avenir les vaisseaux dans le Mississippi. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 105 The Commissioners announced the news of the establishment of the King's health, and his marriage with the Infanta of Spain, and that of the Prince of Asturias with Mademoiselle de Montpensier. On the 12th April, a te deum was performed in the garrison, on account of the King's restoration to health. M. de Bienville ordered the troops to recognize M. de la Tour as lieutenant-general of the colony, and M. du Loubois commandant of Fort Louis. At night there was public rejoicing. At five o'clock the fleet which was an chored in the harbor fired a salute, and in the evening the troops a feu de joie. On the 18th, three Canadian pirogues arrived from the Illinois. They reported that twentydays before one of their pirogues had been attacked by the Chicachas, opposite Fort Prudhomme, who killed two of their men. On the same day M. de Montigny, the commander at Pensacola, arrested eighteen deserters. On the 18th May. M. Diron, inspector-general of the troops, arrived from Natchitoches, where it was reported he had been killed by" an Indian. On the 19th. M. Bienville was informed that M. de la Boulay, who commanded at the Arkansas, had retired with his troops to White river, a tributary of the Arkansas, to be more convenient to the con cession of M. Law, from whence he could more easily receive succor, and that the Arkansas Indians had abandoned their villages on ac count of the war with the Chicachas. On the 24th, the brig VAdventuiier, commanded by M. Fouquet, arrived with an emission of copper money to circulate in the French colonies of America, in conformity with an edict of the King, dated June 7, 172L On the 25th, M. de la Harpe arrived from the Arkansas river ^ which he had reached on the 20th December, 1721. When he de parted on this expedition M. de Pailloux, who commanded at New Orleans, furnished him with eighteen men, and forty-five days of pro visions. At thirty leagues from New Orleans he reached the portage of Manchac, which leads to lake Maurepas, and when he advanced twenty-five leagues more, he came to Red river, which he passed to the left. Two leagues above on the right he passed the Tonicas, and from thence he went twenty leagues to Natchez, and arrived at Fort Rosalie on the 20th January, 1722. It was commanded by M. de '^arnaval, and is" built upon a high bluff which admits of [no de fence. On the 25th he departed from Natchez, and at the distance of forty Jeagues he passed the Yasous river, on the right of the Missis sippi, in lat 33° 5'. He there met with two pirogues of Canadians, who were descending to New Orleans with five thousand pounds of 7 106 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. salt meat. On the 26th, he entered the YasoUs, and proceeded up the river three leagues, to the concession of M. le Blanc, commanded by M. de Grave. About thirty arpents of this concession is cultivated but the rest of the soil is so thin and sandy, that it can never be cul! tivated, besides the situation is unhealthy. The course of the Ya sous from'its mouth is northwest, and then it turns and runs north- northeast a half league to the stone bluffs, upon which is situated the establishment of M. le Blanc. The cabins of the Yasous, Courois, Offogoula, and Ouspie, are dispersed over the country upon mounds of earth made with their own hands, from which it is inferred that these nations are very ancient, and were formerly very numerous, al though at the present time they hardly number two hundred and fifty persons. From twenty-five to thirty leagues farther to the north east the Choulas have a village, and at a short distance above them lies the village of the Chacchoumas. M. de la Harpe met a party from the garrison of the Arkansas going down to New Orleans for their supplies, and he made them re turn with him to the Yasous, because he had brought them with him. On the 5th February, he set out from Yasous and travelled fifty- four leagues to the ifirst branch of the Arkansas river, which he en tered on the 27th February, although the current was running very rapidly. On the 28th, he continued to sail up this river until he came to White river, which comes from the northwest, from the country of the Osages, and discharges itself into the Arkansas or Sotouis, about four leagues from the Mississippi river, near the vil lage of the, Sotouis, a part of which had been destroyed by the Chickasas. ^. On the nth March, he proceeded to the village of the Sotoiiis, situated on the left side of the river, which the French named Arkansas, and the Indians Nigette, which signifies red on account of the color of the water. This village is situated in N. lat. 34° 45', and contains forty cabins and about three hundred and thirty In dians. The banks here are about thirty feet above low water, and when the river is high it is about eighty toises wide. - M. de la Harpe found at this village M. de la Boulay, who had been here since the 27th of last September, with orders from M. de Bienville to pro tect the. convoys ascending or descending the Mississippi river from the Illinois with provisions. The first care of M. de la Harpe was to inform himself of the course of the river and the nations along its banks, but he was un able to draw any information from the Indians, who appeared to be dissatisfied with his coming among them. They told him that five ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 107 Frenchmen from M. Law's concession had ascended the river last August to the Indian nations, on the head waters of the river, to purchase horses, and they were killed on the route by the Osages. On the 2d, he proceeded with MM. Dufresne and Boulay to the (concession) plantation of M. Law, situated north-northwest from the Sotouis or Arkansas villages, and on the right of the river, as cending about two leagues and a half by the river and one and a half by land. This establishment is about a quarter of a league inland, in a northerly direction, and you cross a bayou to get to it. In high water the land is overflowed to within a quarter of a league of the prairies, where it is located. He found at this concession forty-seven persons of both sexes, who had commenced to cultivate the land, which was partly sown in wheat. He took an inventory of the effects he found here, as the concession was nearly abandoned, and forwarded it to New Orleans. On the 3d, M. de la Harpe sent one of his pirogues to the village of the Arkansas to purchase provisions and to fetch the Armorer, who had been sent there for some corn, as he was much needed to put the arms of his detachment in good order. M. Boulay ordered Saint Dominique, a soldier of the garrison who spoke several Indian lan guages, to accompany the expedition as interpreter. The Arkansas nation live on the banks of the Mississippi, near an island, and is divided into three villages, viz. : the Ougapa or Kappa, Toriman, and Tonginga, about a league distant from each other, and containing together about four hundred persons. The principal Chief is an Ougapa, and the Sotouis acknowledge him for theirs. They have all sprung from one nation and speak the same language. They render a kind of worship to snakes, and invoke them in their sickness. They reverence no particular divinity, but worship those which they believe will favor them most in their war and hunting expeditions. On the 9th, the men whom M. de la Harpe had sent to the Ar kansas villages returned with an Indian pirogue. In this he placed some articles and seven men, with orders to proceed up the river, and wait for him at two days' journey on the road. On the 10th, after making some preparations for his journey, he left the settlement with his detachment, composed of twenty-two men and M. Defranchomme, ensign of the company at the post of Arkansas. As soon as the Indians discovered their pirogue was gone, they followed him by land with several warriors to recover it from him ; and M. de la Harpe, not wishing to have a rupture with them, returned it to them, and re mained at a cypress swamp until he could build another ; afterwards 108 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. he continued his journey, and made ninety leagues in a north west direction to a large rock, which he called le Rocher Francais, where he arrived on the 9th April. This rock is on the right of the river ascending, and forms three steep hills of one hundred and sixty feet in height, near to which are several fine slate quarries. He as cended the western hill, from which he discovered a fine country.'^ At the foot of this rock is a water-fall, which forms an extensive and beautiful basin. The water of this river for a distance of thirty leagues is of a reddish color, but afterwards it becomes clear and excellent to drink. The country is elevated, and the banks in some places are seventy feet high. The river was at this time low, and the sand-bars were uncovered. It is usually from eight to ten feet in depth, and in high water the width is from one hundred and fifty to two hundred toises. The eye in every direction can see herds of buffaloes, red deer, stags, bears, and turkeys. M. de la Harpe continued his explorations to the 17th April, when he became short of provisions by the upsetting of one of his pirogues. To this accident was added the dysentery, which attacked several of his men, and prevented him from pushing his discoveries any farther. From the appearance of the river he concluded it waa navigable in high water to the settlement of the Padoucas, and the Spaniards in New Mexico. The lands that border upon it are of the finest description, and would make magnificent settlements. The river is filled with a variety of fish and turtles ; and the prairies with beautiful flowers. M. de la Harpe having ascended the Arkansas by water, one hundred and fifteen leagues to this place,/ although it is not above fifty or sixty by land, he laid up his pirogues to visit the mountains to the west of the river. On the 15th, he commenced hiS; march, each one carrying his sack of corn on his back. On the 19th, hay ing advanced two leagues, he came to high mountains, between which are valleys and prairies, presenting beautiful views. Two leagues farther he came to the borders of a river two hundred' toises widC- On the 21st, he ^mbarked on board of his pirogue to return to the settlement of M. Law, which he found had been abandoned by his people, who had gone to New Orleans. On the 4th, M. de la Harpe left the Sotouis (Arkansas) to re turn to Biloxi, which he reached on the 25th May, barely espaping a surprise by a Chicachas war party. ¦ On the 26th, an English ship of twelve guns, commanded by Captain Marshall, entered the harbor with a cargo of merchandise for Tampico. He reported- that the ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 109 Sainte-Andre, which had sailed from Ship Island for France last January, was obliged to put into Havana. On the 28th, the ship le Profond sailed for France with M. de Noyan as a passenger. And on the same day the ship la Sainte Rene, belonging to the concession of MM. de Kolys, also sailed for France. On the 31st, a Spanish vessel arrived from Vera Cruz, commanded by M. Espinola, with M. Alexander Wauchopp, who brought a letter from the Marquis of Valero, Viceroy of Mexico, to M. de Bienville, on the subject of the restitution of Pensacola, with all its artillery and munitions of war, taken at the time of its surrender to the French, and in conformity with the King's orders. On the 4th June, M. de Montmort, was sent in pursuit of deserters, and returned without taking any. He landed at St. Jo seph's Bay, where he found the officers and passengers and a part of the crew of the ship PAdour, which he brought back with him in two shallops. Among the passengers were Father Charlevoix and MM. Fabry and Hubert, and the Curate le Vente. This vessel had left New Orleans about the last of March, and in the night of the 14th April, she was driven by the currents upon the island of Martyrs, at the entrance of the Bahama channel, without being able to get any relief. The crew and passengers took the long boat and arrived at an island, where they rested ten days, and afterwards a part went to the Havana, and the remainder sailed for St. Joseph's Bay. On the 10th, MM. Wauchopp and Espinola took leave of M. de Bienville, and embarked in a vessel for Vera Cruz. On the same day M. de la Tour embarked in the vessel PAventurier, to go to New Orleans by the Mississippi river. On the 11th, Richard arrived at Fort Louis from the country of the Mentos, on the Arkansas, where he had been sent with a pirogue and six men the year before, by order of M. le Vens, director of the concession of M. Law, to purchase horses. He reported that he was plundered on the way by the Osages. He afterwards with difficulty reached the country discovered by M. de la Harpe in 1719, where he was well received at the Indian villages. On the 16lh, the ship la Bellone set sail for Cape Francais with Father Charlevoix, MM. Fabry and Arcoite, and several other officers of the colony, who were going to France. On the 17th, the Council, at the solicitation of M. de Lorme, appointed M. le Vens director of accounts, with a salary of six thousand livres per annum. An attempt was afterwards made to give him a voice in the Council, which was opposed by MM. de Bienville and de la Tour. On the Sth, information was received that the ship PAventurier had passed the bar at the mouth of the Mississippi. On the 6th, M. de Bienville 110 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. received two letters from M. de Graves, commandant at Fort Saint Pierre des Yasous, informing him that the Chicachas had come to the village of the Yasous, and carried off a quantity of provisions, which had been sent there, and had attacked and wounded the ser geant in whose charge they had been placed. He was also advised that two Chachounias had been sent by their chiefs to inform him that five parties of Chicachas had set out to make war upon the Yasous, Courois, and Offagoulas, and that these Indians had sent in their women and children to the fort. On the 12th, the Swiss Com pany, commanded by M. Brand, who had embarked on board the transport Elizabeth, rose against the captain and forced him to sail for Havana. M. de Bienville on hearing this news armed the trans port Subtile, and ordered M. de la Harpe, Pradel, Montigny, de Belle-Isle, and Saint Estebene, to go in pursuit of the deserters. On arriving at St. Joseph's Bay they found there the frigate la Hollan- daise, twenty guns, commanded by Don Juan Alberto, who, with Don Joseph Prime de Ribera, the Governor, refused to let them come into port ; and, not having been able to discover any traces of the deserters, they returned to Fort Louis on the 30th. On the 5th August, M. de Bienville set out for New Orleans ; and on the 1 1th of the same month, M. Andriot, Major of Fort Louis, died. On the 14th, two convoys with provisions, one from Natchi toches and the other from Illinois, arrived at New Orleans. On the 18th, M. Desfontaines, director of one of the concessions of M. le Blanc, embarked in a ship with M. le Blondel de la Tour, brother of the Lieutenant-General, to go to New Orleans, when twenty men, armed with guns, seized upon her and made their escape to Havana. On the 24th, a chief of the Koanatinos, living west of the Missis sippi, came to smoke the calumet of peace with M. de Bienville. On the 27th, a pirogue arrived from the Illinois, in which was embarked M. de Noyan, Jr., a nephew of M. de Bienville and M. Dutisne. M, de Noyan brought letters from MM. de Boisbriant and Renaud, directors of the company of miners. These letters informed M. de Bienville that the Indians brought him daily pieces of very pure copper, M, Renaud wrote that he had been up the Illinois to search for a copper mine, and that he had discovered a hill from which he had obtained lead, copper and silver in small quantities, but, learning that the Indians were at war, he was compelled to return to fort Chartres, On the last of this month they burnt a negro alive at New Orleans, who had killed a Frenchman, From the 1st to the 4th September, the ships la Loire, les Deux Freres, ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. Ill and V Alexandre arrived, commanded by MM. Chenot, Butelaine and Amelot, laden with provisions and merchandise to the value of 900- 000 livres. They also brought three Capuchins, MM. Guillet, a di rector, and de Bourmont, who had received the cross of St. Louis. M. Law had procured him this honor to induce him to return to the colony, for the purpose of trading with the Indian nations on the Mississippi, and especially to make a treaty with the Padoucas, who are the allies of the Spaniards in New Mexico. The commis sioners ordered that no one should go to France without their per mission ; and announced that M. Duvergier was arrested, who had left the colony without their permission. They recommended har mony among the directors, and added that it was the intention of his royal highness to give to M. de Bienville full powers to preside in the council, and to execute its deliberations, so that he should not only be looked upon as the commanding general, but should be pre sent at the meetings of the council, not only as commandant-general, but as first director, in order that he should share the blame or praise of the failure or prosperity of the colony. On the 9th, la Loire and les Deux Freres set sail for New Orleans, but afterwards returned to Ship Island on account of the weather. On the Uth, a violent hur ricane commenced to blow in the morning from the southeast to the southwest, which damaged all the rice, corn and bean crops, and threw down a great number of houses, both at Fort Louis, Biloxi, and New Orleans. It sunk the ship I'Epidule, three transports, and as many pirogues, and had likewise damaged the ships Neptune and Santo Christo. On the 14th, M. de Bienville sent a pirogue with a letter to the ship PAventurier, which was about to return to France, on board of which were twenty-seven passengers, including M. Hubert, who wrote a letter to the companies informing them that the hurricane had de stroyed more than one half of the crop of rice, and demanding of them further supplies. On the 20th, they arrested the two thieves who had pillaged the store-house at M. Law's concession. On the 23d, M. de Bienville was informed that the ship le Dromedaire had rode out the hurricane at the mouth of the Mississippi, as well as those at Ship Island, without receiving any damage. On the 24th, several of the directors of the concessions informed the council that they had successfully cultivated Indigo* on their plantations, and requested that a vessel might be dispatched to the Island of St. Do mingo for a supply of seed, which they granted. * Indigo was cultivated for many years in Louisiana until cotton and sugar took its place, but it was always an uncertain crop to make. 112 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. ^ On the 28th October, M. de Kelerion reported that a transport, laden with provisions and merchandise for the garrisons of Mobile and Alibamons, had been carried off by a part of the crew. On the 29th, M. Dutisne arrived from the Natchez, and related to M. de Bienville that a sergeant of the garrison there had an altercation with some Natchez Indians, and had killed a son of the chief On the next day they attempted to capture a waggon of provisions, escorted by a strong guard, and were repulsed. Afterwards a party of eighty Indians attacked the French settlement, and were again repulsed, but not until they had killed and scalped several of its inhabitants. Two of the principal chiefs descended the river to New Orleans, to bring the news to M. de Bienville, who gave them some presents and sent them back with M. de Pailloux to Natchez. On the 3d Novem ber, MM. de Lorme and Guillet arrived at New Orlean.s. On the 12th, the Sieur Urit was dispatched to Cape Francais with pine planks to purchase Indigo seed. On the 13th, the ship P Alexandre sailed from Ship Island to New Orleans. She crossed the bar at the mouth of the Mississippi, drawing thirteen feet of water, and arrived on the 15th at New Orleans. About the last of November, M. de Bienville fell dangerously sick, and for a long time his life was despaired of His illness was attributed to the chagrin he felt on account of the neglect of those whom he had served for upwards of twenty-three years, for not pro moting him to a higher rank. On the 12th December, M. de Bien ville received letters from Pensacola informing him that M. de Wau chopp had arrived there in the frigate la Grande Hollandaise from Vera Cruz. On the next day he dispatched M. de la Harpe to Pen sacola to restore to his Catholic majesty the garrison and effects at that place." About the end of this month, M. Diron d' Artaguette * Memoire destini h faire connaitre Vimportance de la colonie de la Louisiane, et la necessite d^en continuer V etabUssement par M. benard de la Harpe. Pour pouvoir juger de Tutilite de la colonie de la Louisiane il faut connaitre sa situation ; la voici : ce qu'on appelle le pays de la Louisiane est celui de I'Amerique septentriouale qui est entre les Illinois au nord, et le golfe du Mexi- que au sud, ayant a Vest toutes les colonies anglaises qui tiennent la cote de cette partie de I'Amerique depuis I'Acadie jusqu'a la Carolina, peu eloigne du canal de Bahama. La partie de Youest de cette province conduit par terre au Nouveau-Mexique, a la province de Lastekas, et au royaume de Leon, oil les Espagnols ont des mines considerables. L'^tendue de cette cote de I'ouest a I'est court dupuis le port decouvert le 27 aoQt 1721. par M. de la Harpe, a la latitude de 29" 12', a 282° de longitude jusqu'a Rio Perdido. situe entre Pensacole et la Mobile, a 29" de longitude, de qui donne environ cent soixante lieues marines de c6te. Pour ce qui est du ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 113 set sail in a boat to return to the Illinois. He had twice made this voyage, and noted with accuracy the course of the Mississippi river. On the 9th January, 1723, M. de la Harpe returned to New dedans des terres, la longitude de la Louisiane jusqu'a la hauteur de 39°, s'e- tend depuis les limites du Nouveau-Mexique, c'est-a-dire, depuis 275° jusqu'aux frontieres de la Nouvelle- Angleterre, aux environs de 307° de longitude ; mais cette ctendue varie par-de-la les SS" de latitude, car au-dessus de cette hauteur du p61e, nous avons droit de nous etendre a I'ouest aussi loin que pourront aUer nos decouvertes. La largeur de la Louisiane est plus assuree ; on peut la faire courir depuis le 29 de latitude qui est ceUe de I'entree du fleuve, jusqu'aux 42" 30' qui est la hauteur du detroit : cette province est situee entre le quatrieme climat et le huitieme exclusivement, ce qui fait que la duree des jours et des nuits, oCi ils sont les plus courts, ne sont guere au-dessus dequatorze heures trente minutes, ni au-dela de quinze heures trente minutes, oii ils sont les plus longs. Le climat en general est tempere ; il est le meme de la Perse, du Mogol et d'une grande partie de la Chine ; toutes les saisons y sont assez bien marquees, et si les nouveau-venus trouvent que le pays soit plus chaud que froid, c'est qu'ils viennent la plupart des pays septentrioneaux ; ceux que arrivent des Ues pensent difleremment. Pour connaitre la bonte du climat de cette province il faut remarquer de I'air que Ton y respire est sain, et que les terres sont tres fertiles. On ne salt ce que c'est que les maladies epidemiques qui desolent les antres parties de I'Amerique, et s'U y a dans le pays quelques mortalites, eUes n'ont ete causees que par les maladies contractees a Saint-Domingue, et par la misere oil les colons ont ete reduits en arrivant a la cote. L'experience a fait connaitre depuis long-temps que les maladies des Europeens se communiquent facilement aux Indiens, que ce.les de ces derniers aux Europeens, ce qui vient de ce que les pores de la chair des blancs sont plus resserres que ceux des sau vages. On remarque a la verite que les nouveau-venus sont pour la plupart at- taques d'une fievre lente ; mais quoiqu'elle affaiblisse beaucoup, on ne voit pas de personnes en mourir. II faut aussi convenir que les c6tes de la mer dont le terrein sablonneaux est moins humide sont tres saines, et des qu'on a franchi ces bas-fonds, en avanfant dans les terres, on y jouit d'une sante tres constante ; que si Ton voit peu de vieillards parmi les sauvages, c'est qu'ils se tuent les Tins les autres avant d'arriver a la vieillesse, ou qu'ils detruisent la bonte de leur temperament par des travaux qui les epuisent en peu de temps. Cette position de la Louisiane, bien entendue sur la carte qu'en a donnee le sieur de la Harpe, il est aise de comprendre que le premier objet de cette de- couverte a ete la communication du Canada avec le golfe du Nouveau-Mexique, par un pays sauvage de pres de cinq cents lieues, et cependent tres aise a etab- Ur par le fleuve de Jlissisipi, qui court du nord au sud, pour venir se jeter dans le golfe du Mexique, et par les rivieres d'Ouabache et des Illinois, qui viennent par le cdte du Canada se jeter dans le Missisipi. n s'agit d'examiner quels avantages on peut tira de cette communication, tant pour le commerce, que pour empecher I'accroissement des autres puissances de I'Europe, qui out des etablissemens dans I'Amerique, particuliSrement les Anglais ; mais avant d'entrer dans le detail du commerce, il est bon de faire quelques reflexions sur I'etabUssement de cette colonie par rapport aux Anglais. 114 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. Orleans from Pensacola, after having taken the troops to Mobile. He reported that the Spaniards had established themselves upon the island of Santa Rosa, and were waiting for the necessary armament Les Anglais possedent dans I'Amerique septentriouale I'Ue de Terre-Neuve, I'Acadie, la Nouvelle-Angleterre, la Pennsylvanie, York, la Virginie et la Caro line, lis ont les lies de la Providence a la proximite de La Havane, celles de la Jamaique, de la Barbade et plusieurs autres moins considerables. Toutes ces colonies sont tres puissantes et foumissent un commerce immense a 1' .Angle terre. Les Anglais ont des aUiances avec un grand nombre de nationes sauvages de I'Amerique, et ils les etendent journellement avec les Iroquois, les Charaquis, les Chaouanons, les Chicachas, les Cahuitas, les AUbamons, et plusieurs autres nations voisines de la Louisiane ; on les avus pousser leur traite jusque sur le Missisipi, et aux portes de la Mobile, et s'ils avaient mis a execution leur pro- jet d'etablissement sur la rivigre des Ouabaches, dont la source vient environs de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, il arriverait que dans peu de temps ils debouehe- raient et mettraient dans leur parti les Illinois, les Miamis, les Octotata, les Ren ards, les Scioux et autres nations du Haut-Canada ; ce qui apporterait un grand prejudice a la Nouvelle-France de laquelle depend I'lle du cap Breton, qui est la seule oti nous pouissions etre en sftrete pour faire la peche de la morue. La perte du Canada ne serait pas la seule qui pourrait en resulter ; cela les mettrait en etat de penetrer dans le Mexique qu'ils pourraient attaquer par differens endroits: par mer, en faisant descente aux environs de la Vera-Cruz, ou du cote de Panuco et de Tampico qui ne sont point fortifies ; ou par terre, eu penetrant dans le nouveau royaume Leon, ce qui leur serait facile, en faisant un etabUssement au port decouvert par M. de la Harpe a cent lieues a I'ouest de I'entree du Missisipi. Ce passage serait d'autant plus important pour eux, qu'ils formeraient une barriere au Franjaise de la Louisiane, a I'eflet de les emp^chei-, non seulement de penetrer chez les Espagnols, mais meme de corn- mercer par les terres avec eux, attendu que leurs comptoirs seraient bien plus a portee que les postes que nous occupons sur la riviere Rouge ; joint a cela que ce serait une relache pour teurs balandres et autres petits bSitimens inter lopes qui vont aux c6tes de Campeche et de la Vera-Cruz, lesquels par ce moy en ne se trouveraient pas dans la necessite de debouques le canal de Bahama sur la moindre apprehension. II est aise de comprendre que cette augmenta tion de puissance des Anglais dans I'Amerique infliierait beaucoup sur les afi- faires d'Europe, et qu'U est important de les prevenir ; les vues qu'ils ont tou jours sur I'Amerique ont paru dans toutes les occasions par le traite d'alliance qu'ils flrent a La Haye avec I'empereur et les HoUandais le 7 de Septembre, 1701. II est stipule a I'article 6 que le roi de la Grande-Bretagne et les seig neurs gtats-generaux pourront conquerir a force d'armes, selon qu'ils auront concerte entre eux pour I'utilite de la navigation et du commerce de leurs su- jets, les pays et les villes que les Espagnols ont dans les Indes, et que tout ce qu'ils pourront y prendre sera pour eux, et leur demeurera. Les memes vues se justiHent encore au sujet de I'etabUssement quils avaient projete de faire a la c6te deserte, dans le continent de I'Amerique meridionale, qui s'etend depuis la riviere de la Plata, situee aux 36° de latitude jusqu'au cap des Vierges, qui orme I'entree du detroit de Magellan aux 52°, dans lequel continent sont les ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 115 to fortify themselves at Grand Terre. That they had entirely aban doned the bay of St. Joseph's, and had taken with them all the inhabi tants and troops to Pensacola, and that the Marquis Casa Fuerte had succeeded the Marquis de Valero as Viceroy of Mexico. ports de Saint-Julien-le-Desire et celui des Lions, et cela dans I'intention d'avoir communication par les terres avec les cfttes voisines de I'ile de Chiloe, et par ce moyen se mettre en etat deparvenir un jour a la conquete du Chili. Leurs memes desseins se prouvent encore par I'attention qu'ils ont portee au mois d'aotit 1724 au memoire presente a milord due de New-Castle, cham- beUan et secretaire de sa majeste le roi George, par M. Jean-Pierre Pury, de Neufcha.tel en Suisse, ci-devant employe dans la compagnie des Indes en France, par lequel il fait connaitre I'lmportance de I'etabUssement de la Caroline, sa situation avantageuse et les droits que les Anglais ont sur les terres de I'ouest de cette partie de I'Amerique, suivant les chartres accordees aux concession- naires en 1664 et 1666, sous le regne de Charles II. Pour juger de I'a vantage qu'on peut tirer du commerce de cette colonie il reste k expliquer quelles sont les marchandises qu'on en pourra retirer, sans que pour cela il sorte aucune espece d'or ou d'argent du royaume. II est certain qu'on y etablira deux commerces, I'un avec les Espagnols, et I'autre dans le pays, pour le culture des terres qui produiront plusieurs bonnes marchandises : I'avantage du commerce avec les Espagnols est connu, et Ton peut dire que la Louisiane est le seul endroit qui reste pour I'introduire, parce que c'est une espece de magasin dans le meme continent que le Mexique, oii les marchandises peuvent demeurer en d^p6t en attendant les occasions de les de- biter dans quelques-uns de leurs ports, ou par nos rivieres de I'ouest, qui afilu- ent dans le Missisipi, particuliferement par la riviere Rouge, qui fait la separation de la riviere de Lastekas oOi les Espagnols se sont etablis en 1718 ; laquelle joint le nouveau royaume de Leon, abondant en bestiaux et en mine- raux. Cet article est d'une tres grande consequence pour la compaigne, et messieurs les directeurs ne sauraient y donner trop leur attention ; ils doivent bien considerer qu'il est bien plus avantageux de I'entreprendre par la Loui siane avec lo Mexique, que par mer avec le Perou. L'exemple de I'escadre M. de Saint-Juan doit convaincre que ces sortes d'entreprises ne se peuvent faire sans risquer le tout, et sans entrainer des frais immenses ; au lieu qu'en etablis- sant un comptoir au port decouvert par M, de la Harpe, dans le fond du golfe du Mexique, on pourrait avec faciUte faire un commerce considerable, sans donner d'ombrage aux puissances etrangeres, et sans rien risquer dans ces en- treprises, parce que le commerce ne se ferait que dans de petits batimens, les quels dans quatre ou cinq jours se rendraient dans les endroits convenus avec lea marchands et sur la moindre alarme, s'en retourneraient dans aussi peu de tem|>s et attendraient une conjoncture plus favorable. Quant a ce que la colonie de la Louisiane peut produire, en voici Ie detail : il y a plusieurs mines de plomb abondantes, peu eloignees du fleuve, et ce plomb est facile a fondre. Si la compagnie des mineurs qu'on a envoyee aux lUinoiSi sous la direction de M. Renaud, avait pu y 6tre transportee en arrivant a la co lonie, elle aurait fait certainement des envois considerables de ce metal ; mais son sort ete egal a celui des autres compagnies qui ont deperi, ou le temps de leurs engages s'est ecoule inutilement. 116 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. On the 27th August, 1 722, M. de Bienville was informed that the vessel which had been carried off by a company of Swiss had ar rived at Havana, and the Governor had refused to let them enter the - II y a des mines de cuivre dans la rivifere des IlUnois, dans ceUe des Oua baches, et dans plusieurs autres de la partie ouest du fleuve ; les Canadiens et les sauvages en ont apporte plusieurs morceaux qu'ils ont ramasses dans des plaines et des ravines, a la chute des montagnes: il est certain que la nation Ouabache salt od elles sont ; ainsi il ne s'agit que de connaitre leur secret, ce qu'il est facile de faire par le moyen de quelques presens. On n'a point encore de certitude qu'il y ait des mines d'or ou d'argent con siderables, mais il y a grande apparence qu'on pourrait en trouver : les mor ceaux de vert-de-gris, I'azur et les eaux sal6es qu'on trouvre, joint aux mon tagnes arides et colorees, comme ceUes ofi sont les mines des Espagnols, sont des indications certaines : aussi M. Renaud, qui a fait I'fepreuve de quelques pierres metalliques. tireesa I'entree de la riviere des Illinois, y a trouve quelque argent qu'il a remis en 1722 au conseil de la compagnie des Indes. On tirera de la Louisiane des peaux de boeufs sauvages, dont la laine peut servir; c'estce qui ne souifre aucune ditficulte, puisque M. de Juchereau, lieu tenant-general de la juridiction de Mont- Real, qui avait etabli' en 1702 un poste sur Ouabache, avec trente-quatre Canadiens au nom d'une coinpagnie, y avait ramasse en peu de temps quinze mille peaux de bceufs, ainsi qu'il est marque a I'article du journal historique du mois de Janvier 1705. *' On tirera par cette colonie des peaux de chevreuils, d'ours, de cerfs et de plus belles pelleteries que par le Canada, parce que le haut de la riviere du Missisipi communique avec plusieurs nations du nord qui sont trop eloignees des lacs par lesquels on descend la riviSre de Saint-Laurent, et c'est par cette meme raison qu'on ne peut pas tirer par le Canada des peaux de boeufs, les Ca nadiens n'ayant pu porter leur commerce jusque-la ; ce sont les sauvages Scioux de la partie de I'est, et les Assinipolis, qui portent anx Anglais de la bale d'Hudson, par le moyen des christianaux, la plus grande partie des plus belles pelleteries ; mais il serait facile de renouveler allians avec eux, et d'at- tirer leur commerce par le Missisipi, parce que, pour aller a la bale d'Hudson il faut qu'ils fassent un grand voyage dans un 'pays toujours glace et sans vivres, portant leurs marchandises sur leur dos, au lieu que pour traiter avec nous Us n'auraient qu'a desceudre la riviere du Missisipi dans leurs canots, jusqu'a I'entree de la riviere Saint-Pierre, oil ils trouveraient un climat plus tempere, et nn pays plus abondent en toutes sortes de choses ; mais il faudrait en ce cas faire des etablissemens sur les herds de cette riviere, et suivre le projet,de feu M. le Sueur de la maniere qu'il etait convenu avec M. L'HuiUier, fermier general. Les mtiriers sont coramuns a la Louisiane, les vers a soie s'y elevent tres bien, l'experience qu'on en a faite doit donner des esperances pour la fabrique de la soie, mais on ne doit pas esperer cet avantage, jusqu'a ce que la pays soit bien peuple, et se fournisse abondamment de toutes les choses necessaires a la vie. Pour la culture des terres, elle donnera indiff"eremment de toutes sortes de grains et de legumes : le tabac, le riz, le chanvre et I'indigo. On doit s'attendre peu-a-peu a des retours de ces marchandises, surtout de I'indigo, qui donnera trois coupes pour chaque ann6e. ESTABLISHMENT OP THE FRENCH IN LOUISIANA. 117 H port. That some of the deserters escaped on shore and joined the troops, but the remainder had sailed to Carolina. M. de Wauchopp wrote in a few days after to M. de Bienville that he had expected Le cafe, les oliviers et le coton pourraient y reussir. La compagnie devrait donner ses attentions pour y eu faire passer des plantes ; c'est une chose qu'on ne doit point negUger. La Louisiane est un pays si etendu et si rempli de toutes sortes d'arbres, qu'il est aise de comprendre qu'on y peut tirer parti des bois propres a la con struction des vaisseaux et au d^bit des iles de TAm^rique et des brais et gou- drons que nous tirons des etrangers. On trouve dans cette colonie quantite de simples utiles a la medecine, comme I'esquine, le sassafras, la moreal, le zinzin. II y a pareillement le baume de copaUne, et plusieurs gommes, plusieurs simples et racines inconnues dont les sauvages se servent avec succes. On y a fait recemment la deoouverte d'une racine que les sauvages nomment tisaougene, qui teint en rouge. On peut juger par le recit naturel qu'on vient- de faire de I'attention que merite cette colonie, par rapport au commerce, qui peut apporter dans le royaume des marchandises que nous ne tirons des etran gers qu'avec de I'argent, et joindre a cela que cette province etant bien etablie, elle occuperait un nombre considerable de vaisseaux, ce qui est d'autant plus important, que nous n'avons pas presentement beaucoup d'occasions de former des matelots, chose neanmoins bien necessaire a I'etat ; k quoi il faut ajouter que les Fran?ais ont decouvert plusieurs pays qui appartiennent aujourd'hui a des strangers qui en tirent de grands avantages, et il arriverait la meme chose de la Louisiane si on I'abandonnait : ce qui serait tres honteux a la France, apres les depenses qu'on y a faites, et I'idee qu'on en a voulu donner aux Strangers. Apres avoir marque le bien qui doit resulter de I'etabUssement de la Louisi ane, il reste a faire connaitre les causes qui ont emp6che ses progres, et celle de la situation oil elle se trouve en 1724. Ceux qui ne jugent des choses que par les apparences soutiennent que cette province sera toujours a charge au roi et a la compagnie, qu'on n'en peut rien tirer. lis appuient leur sentiment sur ce qu'on y a depense prSs de huit mil Uons, sans qu'on ait apporte aucun retour en France. II est certain qu'une pa- reille depense doit donner des idees desavantageuses ; mais lorsqu'on examinera sans prevention la maniere dont les fonds qu'on reproche ont ete employes, on ne pourra point disconvenir que ce n'est pas la faute du pays, mais les disposi tions qui ont ete prises en France, par les fraudes commises sur les achats des marchandises, et par le peu d'ordre, qui a 6te apporte dans les envois de monde et de vivres, qui, avec la mauvaise regie des directeurs a la Louisiane, ont re- cule son etabUssement. En effet la compagnie I'a commence par y faire passer des for9ats et gens sans avec des flUes de debauche ; les troupes qu'elle y a en- voyees ont ete composges de deserteurs et de personnes ramasseos sans distinc tion dans les rues de Paris. On y a vu une multitude de commis sans experi ence piller publiquement les magasins, et se mettre a I'abri des fripponeries par des proces-verbaux faux sans nombre ; elle a contracte des traites desavanta geuses avec des compagnies suisses, des AUemands, des cleracs et des mineurs, et elle n'a point execute les conventions, ce qui le a rendues inutiles ; eUe y a 118 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. two vessels with provisions to arrive from Vera Cruz ; but as they had not yet come he wished to know whether he could furnish him thirty barrels of fiour, for which he would send a vessel to New Or leans. M. de Bienville ad-yised with the Council what he should do, and they decided that it would not be prudent to permit the Span iards to come into the Mississippi before it was fortified, but that he could have the flour by sending for it to Mobile. On the 16th, M. de Bienville received letters from Natchitoches, informing him that five hundred persons under the command of the Marquis de Guallo had entered the province of Lastekas. On the 29th, the ships la Loire and Deux Freres passed over the bar at the mouth of the Mississippi, on which were embarked MM. DutisnS, Lafreniere Freboul, le Vens, Dubuisson, and a number of other pas sengers, who were going to France. M. Dutisne returned on account of family matters, and had to resign his ofiSce, which he had faith fully filled for many years in the colony. On the 2d February, 1723) M. dQ la Harpe returned to New Orleans from Pensacola. His health being now greatly impaired by exposure to the climate, he was compelled to ask permission of the Council to let him return to France, which was granted. M. de Bienville gave him letters, and the Council settled his accounts by paying him three thousand livres which was due to him by the Company of the Indies. On the 12th, the ship P Alexandre crossed the bar at the mouth of the Mississippi, and sailed for France, having on board MM. de la Harpe and Mon tigny, officers ; Gamier, Haniele, and Murtel, concessionnaires ; forty sailors, and the equipage of the ships PAdour and le Dromedaire. cree une infinite d'emplois a charge ; la plupart des directeurs qu'elle y a en- voyes n'ont pense qu'a leurs interets, et a contrecarrer M. de Bienville plus au fait du pays qu'eux. S'U a propose de faire entrer les vaisseaux dans le fienve, ils s'y sont opposes avec opiniatrete, dans la crainte que s'eloignant de la cdte, ils ne se fussent trouves hors de situation de commercer avec les Espagnols, et de ramasser des piastres. C'est ces vues d'interet que toutes les depenses sont devenues inutUes, par les consommations que se sont faites a I'Ue Dauphine, au Vieux et au Nouveau-Biloxi, oil ils ont laisse perir, a I'injure du temps et dans les sables, une tres grande quantite d'effets, Les traversiers, chaloupes, bar teaux et pirogues ont tellement ete negliges, que toute cette marine s'est trouvee absolument hors de service ; les navires ont ete si long-temps retenue a la cote que la depense des salaires a augmente considerablement! a quoi U faut ajouter Ie guerre avec I'Espagne, qui a constitue dans des frais d'armement, par rapport a Pensacole, de sorte qu'on ne droit compter I'etabUssement de cette colonie depviis 1722, qu'on a pris le parti de faire entrer les vaisseaux dans le fleuve, et d'etablir le comptoir principal a la Nouvelle-Orleans, a trente lieues dans la ri viere, od les habitans se sont fixes, et tit ils travaillent avec succes a la culture des terres. HISTORICAL JOURNAL or FATHER PIERRE FRANCOIS XAVIER RE CHARLEVOIX,'* IN LETTERS ADDRESSED TO THE DUTCHESS OF LESDIGUIEKES. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, Kaskaskias, Nov. 8, 1721. As I have as yet seen in Louisiana only this post,t the first of all by right of antiquity, I cannot judge of it by comparison with others. But it appears certain to me, that it has two advantages, * Father Pierre Francois Xavier de Charlevoix, a Jesuit Priest and distin guished traveller and writer, was born at St, Quentin, France, in 1682. He em barked at Rochelle in July, 1720, to visit the missions in Canada, where he arrived in Seplember of the same year. From Quebec he proceeded up the St. Lawrence to the lakes, and from thence he descended by the lUinois to the mouth of the Mississippi river, touching at New Orleans, which had just been •|i,Belected for the head-quarters and capital of Louisiana. In this journal Father 'Charlevoix has given us a most accurate and vivid description of Louisiana; of the Mississippi and its tributaries, the face of the country, th : manners and customs of the Indian tribes and their vUlages ; of the missionary establish ments and colonial posts, and of persons and things as they existed at that day. At New Orleans he embarked for the Island of St. Domingo, where he ar rived in 1722, and from thence he returned to France. He afterwards travelled in Italy, and for more than twenty years performed very important) trusts con fided to him by the Society of Jesuits. He published a history of St. Domingo, drawn up from the memoirs and Mss. of Father Pers, who Uved in that island more than twenty-flve years. A histor/ of New France, containing a very full account of all that transpired in this country for nearly a century ; a history of Paraguay ; and a history of Japan, drawn up from memoirs and letters forward ed by the missionary fathers to the Society of Jesuijsln France. •f The Jesuits had here a flourishing mission, and the French a post. They 120 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. one of which can never be disputed, and the other renders it at pre. sent necessary to the whole province. The first arises from its situation, which is near Canada, with which it will always have a communication equally useful to the two colonies. The second is, that it may be made the granary of Louisiana, which it can supply with plenty of wheat, though it should be quite peopled down to the sea. The land is not only fit to bear wheat, but has hitherto refused nothing that is necessary for the food of man. The climate is very mild) in thirty-eight degrees, thirty-nine minutes North latitude. It would be very easy to increase fiocks here. They might also tame the wild bufialoes, from which they would obtain a great benefit in the trade of their wool and hides, and for the sustenance of the in habitants. The air is good here, and if we see some distempers, we may attribute them only to poverty and dissoluteness, and perhaps in some small degree to the lands newly turned up ; but this last incon venience will not continue always, and the climate will not at all affect those who hereafter shall be born here. Lastly we are assured of the Illinois, more than of any nation of savages in Canada, if we except the Abenaquis. They are almost all Christians, of a mild disposition, and at all times very affectionate to the French. I am here, Madam, one hundred and fifty leagues from the place where I began this letter : I am going to finish it here, and trust it with a traveller, who reckons to be at New Orleans much sooner than I jbecause he will stop nowhere, and I must make some stay at the Natchez, I had depended on two things on leaving the Illinois ; the first, that as I was going down a very rapid river, and on which I was in no danger of being stopt by those falls and torrents so fre quent in the rivers of Canada, I should not be long in my journey, though I had near four hundred leagues to go, because of the wind ings which the river makes. The second was, that my route being all the way to the South, it would be quite unnecessary to take any divided it into two because they thought it best to form two viUages of Indians, the most populous of which was on the banks of the Mississippi, near Fort Chartres and the other about four leagues farther down, and about one from the river. In the early settlement of the country, Louisiana was divided into three grand ecclesiastical districts. The first was intrusted to the Capuchins, and extended from the mouth of the- Mississippi to the lUinois, The second to the Carmelites, who had jurisdiction over all that section of country which ex tended from the Alibamons to Mobile ; and the third to the Jesuits, (who are always in advance .of civilization,) the immense wilderness of country washed by the lakes, the Ohio, IlUnois, Mississippi, and its tributaries. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 121 precautions against the cold; but I was mistaken in both. I found myself obliged to sail still slower than I had done on the lakes, which I was obliged to cross, and I suffered a cold as piercing as any I had ever felt at Quebec. It is true, that it was still quite another thing at the Kaskaskias, which I had left a few days before ; for the river, as I heard on my route, was soon frozen in such a manner that they went upon it in carriages. It is notwithstanding a good half league wide at that place, and more rapid than the Rhone. This is the more surprising, as generally excepting, some slight frosts caused by the north and northwest -winds, the winter in this country is scarcely perceivable. The river was not frozen where I was, but I was all day in an open pettiaugre, and by consequence exposed to all the injuries of the air, and as I had taken no precaution against the cold which I did not expect, I found it very severe. If I could have made more way, I should have found every day a sensible decrease of the cold ; but we must navigate the Missis sippi with prudence. We do not really hazard ourselves upon it in canoes of bark, because the river always bringing down a great num ber of trees, which fall from its sides, or which are brought into it by the rivers it receives, many of these trees are stopped in passing by a point, or on a shoal ; so that every moment one is exposed to run upon a branch or against a root hidden under the water, and there needs no more to split these frail conveyances ; especially when to shun an enemy's party, or for any other reason, we proceed in the night, or set out before day. Therefore one is obliged to use pettiaugres instead of canoes of bark, thai is to say, trunks of trees made hollow, which are not sub ject to the same inconvenience, but which are very clumsy, and are not managed as we please I am in one which is made of a walnut tree, so narrow that it will not bear a sail ; and my conductors, accus tomed to the little paddles which they use in the canoes, find it diffi cult to manage the oars. Add to this, if the wind is a little fresh the water comes into the pettiaugre, and this frequently happens at this season of the year. It was the 10th of November, at sun-set, that I embarked on the little river of Kaskaskias ; I had but two leagues to the Missis sippi, nevertheless I was obliged to encamp at about half way, and the next day I could make but six leagues on the river. The leaves fall sooner in this country than in France, and new ones do not ap pear till the end of May ; and yet it very seldem snows here, and I have already observed that the winters here are generally very mild. 122 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. What then can be the reason of this backwardness? I can see no other than the thickness of the forests, which hinders the earth from being so soon warmed to make the sap rise. The 12th, after having gone two leagues, I left Cape St. Anthony on the left hand. It is here that we begin to see canes or reeds; they are much like those which^row in many places of Europe, but they are higher and stronger. It is said that they are never seen but in a good soil ; but the lands where they grow must be moist, and of consequence fitter for rice than wheat. They do not take the pains to pull them up when they would clear the land where they grow ; and indeed it would not be very easy to do it, their knotty roots being very long, and joined together by a great number of fila ments, which extend a great way. These roots have naturally a pretty fine polish, and come near to those of the bamboos of Japan ; of which they make the fine canes which the Dutch sell by the name of Rottangs. They content themselves therefore when they could cultivate a field covered with these reeds, to cut them down at the foot; and then leave them to dry, and afterwards burn them : the ashes serve them for manure, and the fire opens the pores of the earth, which they stir lightly, and they sow what they please ; rice, maize, water-melons — in a word, all sorts of grain and pulse, except wheat, which in these rich soils shoots into straw and produces no ears. This defect might be remedied by throwing sand on this soil, and by throwing maize on it for some years. As for the high grounds, and others which are not exposed to the inundations of the river, they are very fit at present to bear wheat, and if the trials which they have made in some places have not suc ceeded because the grain grew smutty, it was because the country not being open enough, the air is too much confined to disperse the mists that breed the smut. The proof of this is, that among the Illinois, where there are more meadows than woods, wheat grows up and ripens as well as in France. The 13th, after a very hot night, we went about three leagues in spite of a south wind, which was continually blowing stronger and stronger, and which became at last so violent that it obliged us to stop. A great rain made it lull in the evening, and about midnight there arose a northwest wind, which began the extreme cold I have mentioned. To complete our ill-luck, an accident stopped us all the next day, though it was not safe for us to remain where we were. It is not long since that the Cherokees killed forty Frenchmen here, at whose head was a son of M. de Ramezai, Governor of Montreal, and JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 123 one of the Baron de Longueuil's, the King's Lieutenant for the same town. Besides these savages, who are not yet reconciled to us, the Outagamis, the Sioux, and the Chicachas, kept us in great uneasi ness, as I had only three men with me. The 15th, the wind changed to the north and the cold increased. We went four leagues to the south, then we found that the river turned four leagues to the north. Immediately after this reach, we passed on the left by the fine river Ouabache (Wabache), by which one may go quite up to the Iroquois, when the waters are high. Its entrance into the Mississippi is little less than a quarter of a league wide. There is no place in Louisiana more fit, in my opinion, for a settlement than this, nor where it is of more consequence to have one. All the country that is watered by the Ohio, and by the Ouabache which runs into it, is very fruitful. It consists of vast'meadows, well watered, where the wild buffaloes feed by thousands. Furthermore, the communication with Canada is as easy as by, the river of the Illinois, and the way much shorter. A fort with a good garrison would keep the savages in awe, especially the Cherokees, who are at present the most numerous nation of this continent. Six leagues below the mouth of the Ouabache, we find on the same side a very high coast, on which they say there are iron mines. We went a great way this day, which was the 16th ; but we suffered much more by the cold. It still increased the following days, though the wind was changed to south-southwest. We were' also obliged to break the ice, though it was indeed but thin, to get for ward. The 19th, we went four leagues, after which a south wind stopped us short. I never felt a northeast wind sharper than this from the south. It is very probable that it was still the northeast wind that blew, but which the land refiected sometimes one way, and sometimes another, as we turned with the river. We meet on this route with a kind of wild cats, called Pijoux, which are very much like ours, but larger. I observed some that had shorter tails, and others that had much longer and bigger ; they also look very wild, and they assured me that they are very carni vorous and good hunters. The forests are full of walnut trees like those of Canada, and their roots have several properties which I have not heard remarked of the others. They are very soft, and their bark dyes a black color ; but their principal use is for physic. They stop the fiux of the belly, and are an excellent emetic. The 20th, it snowed all day, and we never stirred. The weather grew milder, but the next night the southwest wind cleared the sky, and the cold began again with the greatest severity. The next morn- 124 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. ing some brandy which we had left all night in the pettiaugre was found thick like frozen oil ; and some Spanish wine which I had for the Mass was frozen. The further we went down it, the more we found that the river winded ; the wind followed all these turnings, and which way soever it came, the cold was still excessive. They had never known any thing like it in this country in the memory of man. The same day we perceived on the right side of the river a post set up ; we went near it, and we found it was a monument set up by the Illinois for an expedition they had lately made against the Chicachas. There were two figures of men without heads, and some entire. The first denoted the dead, and the second the prisoners. One of my conductors told me on this occasion, that when there are any French among either, they set their arms a-kimbo, or their hands upon their hips, to distinguish them from the savages, whom they represent with their arms hanging down. This distinction is not purely arbitrary ; it proceeds from these people having observed that the French often put themselves in this posture, which is not used among them, Garcilasso de la Vega speaks of the Chicachas in his History of the Conquest of Florida, and places them nearly in the same place where they are at present, He reckons them among the people of Florida who submitted to the Spaniards ; but this pretended sub mission lasted no longer than the Spaniards continued in their neighborhood ; and it is certain that the Spaniards bought the victory dear which they gained over them. They are still the bravest warriors of-Louisiana. They were much more numerous in the time of Ferdinand de Soto than they are at present ;* but for the riches, which this historian gives them, I do not easily conceive neither from where they could get them, nor what could dry up the source from whence they derived them ; for they are now neither more wealthy nor less savage than their neighbor nations. It was our alliance with the Illinois which set us at war with the Chicachas, and the English of Carolina blew up the fire. Our set tlement in Louisiana makes them very uneasy ; it is a barrier, which we set between their powerful colonies of North America and Mexico, and we must expect they will employ all sorts of means to break it The Spaniards, who are so jealous of seeing us fortify ourselves in this country, are not yet sensible of the importance of the service * See a translation of the narrative of De Soto's expedition, in second volume of the Historical CoUections of Louisiana. JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 125 we do them. A few days after I had passed by the place where we saw the post of the Illinois, the Chicachas had their revenge on two Frenchmen, who followed me in a pettiaugre. These savages lay in ambush in the reeds, by the side of the river, and when they saw the Frenchmen over against them, they moved the reeds, without dis covering themselves ; the Frenchmen thought it was a bear or some other beast, and they approached, thinking to kill it ; but the moment they prepared to land, the Chicachas fired upon them and laid them dead in their pettiaugre. I was very fortunate in not being seen by them, for my people would lose no opportunity of going after game. On the 23d, after a very cold night, we had a very fine day ; for though the earth was covered with snow, the cold was to be borne. The next day we passed before the mouth of the river of the Chica chas, which is but narrow, but it comes a great way. Its mouth is north and south. They reckon from thence to the Kaskaskias eighty-six leagues ; but the way would not be half so much by land. Nothing would be more pleasant than this navigation, if the season was milder ; the country is charming, and in the forests there are a number of trees always green ; the few meadows we. meet with also preserve their verdure, and a considerable number of islands well wooded, some of which are pretty large, form very agreeable canals, where the largest ships may pass : for they say, that at above four hundred and fifty leagues from the sea they find in this river even to sixty fathom water. As to what concerns the forests, which cover almost all this great country, there are perhaps none in the world that are comparable to them, if we consider either the bigness and height of the trees^^or the variety and the uses that may be made of them ; for excepting woods for dyeing, which require a warmer sun and which are found only between the tropics, we cannot say that there is any kind of wood wanting here. There are woods of cypress that extend eight or ten leagues. All the cypress trees here are of a bigness propor tionable to their height, which exceeds that of the highest trees in Prance. We begin to be acquainted in Europe with that species of evergreen laurel, which we call the tulip tree from the shape of its flowers. It grows higher than our horse-chestnut trees, and has a finer leaf The copalme is still bigger and higher, and they distil from it a balsam which perhaps is not much inferior to that of Peru. All the known species of walnuts are here very numerous, and also all the woods that are fit for building and the carpenter's use, that can be desired. But in using them, care must be taken not to fix upon those which grow on the side of the river, nor where the inun- 126 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, dation of the river reaches, because having their roots continually in the water, they will be too heavy, and will soon rot. At length, I arrived yesterday, December the 2d, at the first vil lage of the Arkansas or Akanseas, about ten in the morning. This village is built in a little meadow on the west side of the Missis sippi. There are three others in the space of eight leagues, and each makes a nation or particular tribe ; there is also one of the four which unites two tribes ; but they are all comprised under the name of Arkansas, They call the savages which inhabit the village from whence I write, Ouyapas, The Western Company have a magazine here which expects some merchandises, and a clerk, who fares but poorly in the mean time, and who is heartily weary of living here. The river of the Arkansas, which they say comes a great way, runs into the Mississippi by two channels, four leagues distant from each other. The first is eight leagues from hence. This river comes, as they say, from the country of certain savages, whom they call the Black Panis, and I think they are the same which are more com monly known by the name of Panis Ricaras. I have with me a slave of this nation. One goes up the river of the Arkansas with difficulty, because there are many falls or torrents in it, and in many places the waters are often so loy? that there is a necessity to tow the pettiaugres. The separation of its two branches is made at seven leagues above the second, and the smallest of its two mouths but only at two leagues above the first. It receives a fine river that comes from the country of the Osages, and which they call La Riviere Blanche (the White River). Two leagues higher are the Torimans and the Togingas, who make but one village. Two leagues higher are the Sothouis. The Kappas are a little further. This nation was very numerous at the time of Ferdinand de Soto, and even when M. de la Salle finished the discovery of the Mississippi.* Over against their village we see the sad ruins of Mr. Law's grant, of which the company remain the proprietors. It was here that the nine thousand Germans were to be sent, which were raised in the Palatinate, and 'tis a great pity they never came. There is not perhaps in all Louisiana a country more fit, after that of the Illinois, to produce all sorts of grain, and to feed cattle. But Mr. Law was ill-used, as well as the greatest part of the other grantees. It is very probable, that it will be a long time before they * See an account of these nations in a Memoir of the Sieur de la Tonty, in the first volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 127 will be able to make such large levies of men ; they have need of them in the kingdom, and indeed it is pretty common among us to square our measures according to the success of such enterprises, instead of observing what their miscarriage was owing to, in order to correct what was before done amiss. I found the village of the Ouyapas in the greatest tribulation- Not long since, a Frenchman passing this way was attacked with the small-pox ; the distemper was communicated presently to some sav ages, and soon after to the whole village. The burying-place appears like a forest of poles and posts newly set up, and on which there hangs all manner of things: there is every thing which the savages use. I had set up my tent pretty near the village, and all the night I heard weeping ; the men do this as well as the women : they repeated without ceasing Nihahani, as the Illinois do, and in the same tone. I also saw in the evening a woman, who wept over the grave of her son, and who poured upon it a great quantity of sagamite. Another had made a fire by a neighboring tomb, in all appearance to warm the dead. The Arkansas are reckoned to be the tallest and best-shaped of all the savages ou this continent, and they are called by way of distinction the fine men. It is thought, and perhaps for this reason, that they have the same origin as the Cansez of the Missouri, and the Pouteouatamis of Canada.* * The Arkansas nation, next to the Natchez, was probably the most civi lized of all the aborigines of our country. At the time of De Soto's visit, they i ved in mud-waUed towns, fortified with high circular towers. They worshipped a Great Spirit which they called Coyocopchtl, and when it thundered they said it was the Lord of Life who spoke to them. They also worshipped both the sun and moon. From the peculiar structure of their language, and the terminations of their words, it must be inferred that they were the descendants of the Aztec race. Before going to war they made a great feast, and after it was over they held a council, to which they invited their alUes to assist them in their deUber ations. The chiefs painted their bodies black, and fasted some days before set- tmg out, after which they washed it off, and painted themselves red. They consulted their Manitou on all occasions, which was sometimes an animal, a bird, or a snake, and attributed aU of their good or bad luck to it. The Nat chez, Houmas, and other Mississippi tribes, worshipped the sun, and kept up a perpetual fire in their temples ; and at one period in the history of the south western Indians, the worship of the sun was not less common among them than it was among the primitive nations of the old world, and who can then doubt for a moment that most of our southern tribes were the descendants of the Az tecs' of Mexico and the Incas of Peru 1 for Uke them they built mounds and temples, and performed sacrifices. The best writers on Indian anticiuities now admit that they are at least analogous to those of Mexico. The Indian mounds 128 HISTORICAL COI,.LECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. At the Natchez, Deo. 25, 1721. I departed on the 3d of December something late from the village of the Ouyapas ; nevertheless I went to encamp a little below the first mouth of the river of the Arkansas, which appeared to me to be of Louisiana and Mississippi, of which so little is known and much less has been written, are among the most extensive and interesting of any on this con tinent. Many of them are from fifty to one hundred yards in length, and from ten to fifty feet high, and forming regular quadrangular terraces. No less than five extensive mounds are situated near the junction of the Washita, Catahoola4. and Taensas rivers, in an alluvial soil. Four of them are nearly of equal dimen sions, about twenty feet high, one hundred feet broad, and three himdred feet long. The fifth seems to have been designed for a tower or turret, the base of which covers an acre of ground. It rises by two steps or stories ; its circumfer ence gradually diminishes as it is ascended, and its summit is crowned by a flattened cone. The height of the tower is about eighty feet, and seems to have been designed in part for defence and in part for the reception of the dead. The great mounds of the Natchez, and others on the coast and islands of the Gulf of Mexico and the lakes of the Delta, are not less remarkable for their ex tent than their height, and evince a knowledge of the science of fortifications that would do credit both to the ingenuity and science of a more civilized peo ple. .In time of war the Arkansas tribes armed themselves with a war-club, a bow and arrows, which they swung to their backs. Their baggage consisted of a bear's skin which served them for a bed, a buffalo skin to cover them, and a wild cat's skin for a pouch or bag to hold their calumet and tobacco. They each took with them a small bag of roasted corn, pounded fine, which they mixed with a little water, to eat with their bear or buffalo meat. If victorious! they returned with their prisoners to their villages, where it was the privilege ... of the women to receive them, and if they had lost their husbands or sons, to replace them with their captives, but if they had not, they were then tortured and burned at a slow fire. For a description of the other more powerful tribes east of the Mississippi, with whom the French made treaties of alliance and had constant intercourse up to the period of the cession of Louisiana to Spain, I am indebted for the following graphic and interesting account left by an eminent American naturalist and botanist, -who travelled among them at that early period. The males of the Cherokees, Chicachas, Chactas, Mus- cogulges or Creeks, and their confederate tribes, (says Mr. Bartram,) are tall, erect, and moderately robust; their limbs well-shaped, so as generally to form a perfect human figure; their features regular, and countenance open, dignified and placid; yet the forehead and brow so formed, as to strike you instantly with heroism and bravery; the eye though rather small, yet active and full of fire ; the iris always black, aud the nose commonly inclining to the aqmline. Their countenance and actions exhibit an air of magnanimity, superiority and independence. Their complexion is of a reddish brown or copper color ; their hair long, lank, coarse, and black as a raven, and reflecting the like lustre at diff'erent expo sures to the Ught. JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 129 at most but five hundred paces wide. The next day I passed by the second, which is very narrow, and the Sth we pushed on to La Point Coupee (the point cut ofi). This was a pretty high point, which ad- The women of the Cherokees are taU, slender, erect, and of a delicate frame ; their features formed with perfect symmetry, their countenance cheerful and friendly, and they move with a becoming grace and dignity. The Muscogulge or Creek women, though remarkably short of stature, are well formed ; their visage round, features regular and beautiful; the brow high and arched ; the eye large, black and languishing, expressive of modesty, diffidence, and bashfulness ; these charms are their defensive and offensive weapons, and they know very well how to play them off", and under cover of these allur ing graces, are concealed the most subtle artifice ; they are, however, loving and affectionate : they are, I believe, the smallest race of women yet known, seldom above five feet high, and I beUeve the greater number never arrive to that stature ; their hands and feet not larger than those of Europeans of nine or ten years of age : yet the men are of gigantic stature, a full size larger than Europeans ; many of them above six feet, a few under that, or five feet eight or ten inches. Their complexion much darker than any of the tribes to the north of them that I have seen. This description will, I believe, comprehend the Muscogulges, their confederates the Chactaws. and I believe the Chicasaws (though I have never seen their women), excepting however some bands of the Seminoles, Uches and Savannucas, who are rather taller and slenderer, and their complexion brighter. The Cherokees are yet taller and more robust than the Muscogulges, and by far the largest race of men I have seen ; their complexion brighter and some- _ what of the olive cast, especiaUy the adults ; and some of their young women are nearly as fair aud blooming as European women. The Cherokees in their dispositions and manners are grave and steady ; dig nified and circumspect in their deportment ; rather slow and reserved iu con versation, yet frank, cheerful, and humane; tenacious of the liberties and natural rights of man ; secret, deliberate and determined in their councils ; honest, just and liberal, and ready always to sacrifice every pleasure and grati fication, even their blood, and life itself, to defend their territory and maintain their rights. The Muscogulges or Creeks are a proud, haughty and arrogant race of men ; they are brave and valiant in war, ambitious of conquest, restless and perpetually exercising their arms, yet magnanimous and merciful to a vanquished enemy, when he submits and seeks their friendship and protection : always uniting the vanquished tribes in confederacy with them ; when they immediately enjoy, un- exceptionably, every right of free citizens, and are from that moment united in one common band of brotherhood. They were never known to exterminate a tribe, except the Yamasees, who would never submit on any terms, but fought it out to the last, only about forty or fifty of them escaping at the last decisive battle, who threw themselves under the protection of the Spaniards at St. Augustine. If we consider them with respect to their private character, or in a moral point of view, they must, I think, claim our approbation, if we divest ourselves of pre. judice and think freely. As moral men they certauily stand in no need of European civilization. 130 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. vanced into the river on the west side : the river has cut it off, and made it an island, but the new channel is not yet passable, but in the time of the floods. They reckon from this place to the principal They are just, honest, Uberal, and hospitable to strangers ; considerate, lov ing and affectionate to their wives and relations ; fond of their children ; indus trious, frugal, temperate aud persevering ; charitable and forbearing. I have been weeks and months amongst them and in their towns, and never observed the least sign of contention or wrangling ; never saw an instance of an Indian beating his wife, or even reproving her in anger. In this case they stand as examples of reproof to the most civilized nations, as not being defective injus tice, gratitude and a good understanding ; for indeed their wives merit their esteem and the most gentle treatment, they being industrious, frugal, careful, loving and affectionate. The Muscogulges are more volatile, sprightly and talkative than their north ern neighbors, the Cherokees ; and, though far more distant from the white settlements than any nation east of the Mississippi or Ohio, appear evidently to have made greater advances towards the refinements of true civilization, which cannot, in the least degree, be attributed to the good examples of the white people. Their internal police and family economy at once engage the notice of European travellers, and incoutrovertibly place these people in an illustrious point of view : their liberality, intimacy and friendly intercourse one with another, without any restraint of ceremonious formaUty, as if they were even insensible of the use or necessity of associating the passions or affections of avarice, ambition or covetousness. The Muscogulges, with their confederates, the Chactaws, Chicasaws, and perhaps the Cherokees, eminently deserve the encomium of all nations, for their wisdom and virtue in resisting and even repelling the greatest, and even the common enemy of mankind, at least of most of the European nations, I mean spirituous liquors. The constitution or system of their police is simply natural, and as little complicated as that which is supposed to direct or rule the approved economy of the ant and the bee ; and seems to be nothing more than the simple dictates of natural reason, plain to every one, yet recommended to them by their wise and virtuous elders as divine, because necessary for securing mutual happiness ; equally binding and effectual, as being proposed and assented to in the general combination : every one's conscience being a sufficient conviction (the golden rule, do as you would be done by) instantly presents to view, and produces a society of peace and love, which in effect better maintains human happiness, than the most complicated system of modern politics, or sumptuary laws, en forced by coercive means ; for here the people are all on an equality, as to the possession and enjoyments of the common necessaries and conveniences of life, for luxuries and superfiuitie? they have none. This natural constitution is simply subordinate, and the supreme, sovereign or executive power resides in a council of elderly chiefs, warriors and others, respectable for wisdom, valor and virtue. At the head of this venerable senate presides their mico or king, which signifies a magistrate or chief ruler ; the governors of CaroUna, Georgia, &c., JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 131 branch of the river of the Arkansas twenty-two leagues, but it is not perhaps ten in a straight line, for the river winds much in the seventy leagues we make to go from the village of the Ouyapas to the river are caUed micos, and the King of England is called Ant-apala-mico-clucco, that is, the great king, over or beyond the great water. The king, although he is acknowledged to be the first and greatest man in the town or tribe, and honored with every due and rational mark of love and esteem, and when presiding in council, with a humility and homage as reverent as that paid to the most despotic monarch in Europe or the east, and when ab sent his seat is not filled by any other person, yet he is not dreaded ; and when out of the council, he associates with the people as a common man, converses with them, and they with him, in perfect ease and familiarity. The most active part the mico takes is in the civil governnjent of the town or tribe : here he has the power and prerogative of calling a council, to deli berate ou peace and war, or all public concerns, as inquiring into, and deciding upon complaints and differences ; but he has not the least shadow of exclusive executive power. He is complimented with the first visits of strangers, giving audience to ambassadors, with presents, and he has also the disposal of the pub Uc granary. The next man in order of dignity and power, is the great war chief: he re presents and exercises the dignity of the mico, in his absence in council ; his voice is of the greatest weight in military affairs ; his power and authority are entirely independent of the mico, though when a mico goes on an expedition, he heads the army, and is there the war chief There are many of these war chiefs in a town or tribe, who are captains or leaders of military parties ; they are elderly men, who in their youthful days have distinguished themselves in war by valor, subtilty and intrepidity ; and these veteran chiefs, in a great de gree, constitute their truly dignified and venerable senates. There is in every town or tribe a high priest, usually caUed by the white people jugglers or conjurers, besides several juniors or graduates. But the an cient high priest or seer presides in spiritual affairs, and is a person of conse quence ; he maintains and exercises great infiuence in the state, particularly in military affairs ; the senate never determine on an expedition against their ene my without his counsel and assistance. These people generaUy believe that their seer has communion with powerful invisible spirits, who they suppose have a share in the rule and government of human affairs, as -nell as the ele ments ; that he can predict the result of an expedition ; and his influence is so great, that they have been known frequently to stop and turn back an army, when within a day's journey of their enemy, after a march of several hundred mUes ; and indeed their predictions have surprised many people. They foretell rain or drought, and pretend to bring rain at pleasure, cure diseases, and exer cise witchcraft, invoke or expel evil spirits, and even assume the power of di. recting thunder and lightning. These Indians are by no means idolaters, unless their puffing the tobacco smoke towards the sun, and rejoicing at the appearance of the new moon may l>e termed so. So far from idolatry are they, that they have no images amongst them, nor any religious rite or ceremony that I could perceive ; but adore the Great Spirit, the giver and taker away of the breath of life, with the most pro- 182 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. of the Yasous or Yachqux, which I entered the 9th in the afternoon. It has not snowed here, as in the country of the Illinois, and at the river Ouabache, but there has fallen a hoar frost, which has broke found and respectful homage. They beUeve in a future state, where the spirit exists, which they call the world of spirits, where they enjoy different degrees of tranquiUity or comfort, agreeably to their life spent here : a person who in his Ufe has been an industrious hunter, provided well for his family, an intrepid and active warrior, jiist, upright, and done all the good he could, wiU, they say, in the world of spirits, live in a warm pleasant country, where are expansive, green, flowery savannas and high forests, watered with rivers of pure waters, replenished with deer, and every species of game ; a serene, unclouded and peaceful sky ; in short, where there is fulness of pleasure uninterrupted. They have many accounts of trances and visions of their people, who have been supposed to be dead, but afterwards reviving, have related their visions, which tend to enforce the practice of virtue and the moral duties. The youth of both sexes are fond of decorating themselves with external or naments. The men shave their head, leaving only a narrow crest or comb, be ginning at the crown of the head, where it is about two inches broad and about the same height, and stands frizzed upright ; but this crest tending backwards, gradually widens, covering the hinder part of the head and back of the neck : the lank hair behind is ornamented with pendent silver quills, and then jointed or articulated silver plates ; and usually the middle fascicle of hair, being by far the longest, is wrapped in a large quUl of silver, or the joint of a small reed, curiously sculptured and painted, the hair continuing through it terminates in a tail or tassel. Their ears are lacerated, separating the border or cartilaginous limb, which at first is bound round very close and tight with leather strings or thongs, and anointed with fresh bear's oil, until healed : a piece of lead being fastened to it, by its weight extends this cartilage an incredible length, which afterwards be ing craped, or bound round in brass or silver wire, extends semicircularly like a bow or crescent ; and it is then very elastic, even so as to spring and bound about with the least motion or flexure of the body ; this is decorated with soft white plumes of heron feathers. A very curious diadem or band, about four inches broad, and ingeniously wrought or woven, and curiously decorated with' stones, beads, wampum, por cupine quills, &c., encircles their temples; the front peak of it being embel lished with a high waving plume of crane or heron feathers. The clothing of their body is very simple and frugal. Sometimes a ruffled shirt of fine linen, next the skin, and a flap, which covers their lower parts ; this garment somewhat resembles the ancient Roman breeches, or the kUt of the Highlanders ; it usually consists of a piece of blue cloth, about eighteen inches wide ; this they pass between their thighs, and both ends being taken up and drawn through a belt round their waist, the ends fall down, one before and the other behind, not quite to the knee ; this flap is usually plaited and indented at the ends, and ornamented with beads, tinsel lace, &c. The leg is furnished with cloth boots ; they reach from the ancle to the calf, and are ornamented with lace, beads, silver bells, &c. The stillepica or moccasin defends and adorns the feet ; it seems to be an JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX, 183 all the tender trees, with which the low points and the wet lands are covered ; one would think that some one had broken all their branches with a stick. imitation of the ancient buskin or sandal, very ingeniously made of deer-skins, dressed very soft, and curiously ornamented according to fancy. Beside this attire, they have a large mantle of the finest cloth they are able to purchase, always either of a scarlet or blue color ; this mantle is fancifuUy decorated with rich lace or fringe round the border, and often with Uttie round silver or brass bells. Some have a short cloak, just large enough to cover the shoulders and breast ; this is most ingeniously constructed, of feathers woven or placed in a natural imbricated manner, usually of the scarlet feathers of the flamingo, or others of the gayest color. They have large silver crescents or gorgets, which being suspended by a rib bon round the neck, Ue upon the breast ; and the arms are ornamented with silver bands or bracelets, and silver and gold chains, &c., a coUar invests the neck. The head, neck and breast, are painted with vermUion, and some of the warriors have the skin of the breast, and muscular parts of the body, very cu riously inscribed or adorned with hieroglyphic scroUs, flowers, figures of ani mals, stars, crescents, and the sun in the centre of the breast. This painting of the flesh, I understand, is performed in their youth, by pricking the skin with a needle, until the blood starts, and rubbing in a bluish tinct, which is as perma nent as their life. The shirt hangs loose about the waist, like a frock, or split down before, resembling a gown, and is sometimes wrapped close, and the waist encircled by a curious belt or sash. The dress of the females is somewhat different from that of the men : their flap or petticoat is made after a different manner, is larger and longer, reaching almost to the middle of the leg, and is put on differently ; they have no shirt or shift, but a little short waistcoat, usually made of calico, printed linen, or fine cloth, decorated with lace, beads, &c. They never wear boots or stockings, but their buskins reach to the middle of the leg. They never cut their hair, but plait it in wreaths, which are turned up and fastened on the crown with a silver broach, forming a wreathed top-knot, decorated with an incredible quantity of silk ribbons, of various colors, which stream down on every side almost to the ground. They never paint, except those of a particular class, when disposed to grant certain favors to the other sex. But these decorations are only to be considered as indulgences on particular occasions, and the privilege of youth; as at weddings, festivals, dances, &c., or when the men assemble to act the war farce, on the evening immediately preceding their march on a hostUe expedition ; for usually they are almost naked, content ing themselves with the fiap and sometimes a shirt, boots and moccasins. The mantle is seldom wom by the men, except at night in the winter season, when extremely cold ; and by the women at dances, when it serves the purpose of a veU ; and the females always wear the jacket, fiap, and buskin, even children as soon or before they can walk ; whereas the male youth go perfectly naked until they are twelve or fifteen years of age. The junior priests or students constantly wear the mantle or robe, which is white ; and they have a great owl skin cased and stuffed very ingeniously, so 134 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. The entrance of the river of the Yasous is northwest and south west, and is about a hundred perches wide : its waters are reddish, and they say they give the bloody-flux to those who drink them ; and well executed, as almost to represent the living bird, having large sparkling glass beads or buttons fixed in the head for eyes : this ensign of wisdom and divination, they wear sometimes as a crest on the top of the head, at other times the image sits on the arm, or is borne on the hand. These bachelors are also distinguishable from the other people by their taciturnity, grave and solemn countenance, dignified step, and singing to themselves songs and hymns in a low sweet voice, as they stroll about the towns. These people, Uke all other nations, are fond of music and dancing : their music is both vocal and instrumental ; but of the latter they have scarcely any thing worth the name ; the tambour, rattle-gourd, and a kind of fiute, made of a joint of reed or the tibia of the deer's leg ; on this instrument they perform badly, and at best it is rather a hideous melancholy discord than harmony. It is only young fellows who amuse themselves on this howling instrument ; but the tambour and rattle, accompanied with their sweet low voices, produce a pa thetic harmony, keeping exact time together, and the countenance of the musician, at proper times, seems to express the solemn elevated state of the mind : at that time there seems not only a harmony between him and his in- strument, but it instantly touches the feelings of the attentive audience, as the infiuence of an active and powerful spirit ; there is then an united universal sensation of delight and peaceful union of souls throughout the assembly. Their music, vocal and instrumental, united, keeps exact time with the per formers or dancers. They have an endless variety of steps, but the most common, and that which I term the most civil, and indeed the most admired and practised amongst themselves, is a slow shuffling alternate step ; both feet move forward .one after the other, first the right foot foremost, and next the left, moving one after the other, in opposite circles, i. e. first a circle of young men, and within a circle of young women, moving together opposite ways, the men -with the course of the sun; and the females contrary to it ; the men strike their arm with the open hand, and the girls clap hands, and raise their shrill sweet voices, answering an elevated shout of the men at stated times of termination of the stanzas ; and the girls perform an interlude or chorus separately. To accompany their dances they have songs of different classes, as martial, bacchanalian and amorous, which last, I must confess, are extravagantly libi dinous ; and they have moral songs, which seem to be the most esteemed and practised, and answer the purpose of reUgious lectures. Some of their most favorite songs and dances they have from their enemies, the Chactaws ; for it seems these people are very eminent for poetry and music ; every town amongst them strives to excel each other in composing new songs for dances ; and by a custom amongst them, they must have at least one new song for exhibition at every annual busk. They have a variety of games for exercise and pastime : some particular to the men, some to the female sex, and others wherein both sexes are engaged. The ball play is esteemed the most noble and manly exercise. This game is exhibited in an extensive level plain, usually contiguous to the town: the in- JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 135 besides this, the air is very unwholesome. I was obliged to go up it three leagues to get to the fort, which I found all in mourning for the death of M. Bizart, who commanded here. Every where that I habitants of one town play against another, in consequence of a challenge, when the youth of both sexes are often engaged, and sometimes stake their whole substance. Here they perform amazing feats of strength and agility. The game principally consists in taking and carrying off the ball from the opposite party, after being hurled into the air, midway between two high piUars, which are the goals, and the party who bears off the ball to their pillar wins the game, each person has a racket or hurl which is an implement of a very curious con struction, somewhat resembling a ladle or little hoop-net, with a handle near three feet in length, the hoop and handle of wood, and the netting of thongs of raw hide, or tendons of an animal. The foot-ball is likewise a favorite, manly diversion with them. Feasting and dancing in the square at evening ends all their games. They have besides feasts or festivals almost for every month in the yeari which are chiefly dedicated to hunting and agriculture. The busk, or feast of first-fruits, is their principal festival ; this seems to end the last, and begin the new year. It commences in August, when their new crops of com are arrived to per fect maturity ; and every town celebrates the busk separately, when their own harvest is ready. If they have any religious rite or ceremony, this festival is its most solemn celebration. When a town celebrates a busk, having pre-viously provided themselves with new clothes, new pots, pans, and other household utensils and fumiture, they collect all their worn-out clothes and other despicable things, sweep and cleanse houses, squares, and the whole town, of their filth, which, with all the remain ing grain and other old provisions, they cast together into one common heap, and consume it with fire. After having taken medicine, and fasted for three days, all the fire in the town is extinguished. During this fast they abstain from the gratification of every appetite and passion whatever. A general am nesty is proclaimed, all ma'efactors may return to their town, and they are ab solved from their crimes, which are now forgotten, and they restored to favor. On the fourth moming, the high priest, by rubbing dry wood together, pro duces new fire in the public square, from whence every habitation in the to-wn is supplied with the new and pure fiame. Then the women go forth to the harvest field, and bring from thence new com and fruits, which being prepared in the best manner, in various dishes, and drink withal, is brought with solemnity to the square, where the people are as sembled, apparelled in their new clothes and decorations. The men having re galed themselves, the remainder is carried off and distributed amongst the fami lies of the to-wn. The women and children solace themselves in their separate famiUes, and in the evening repair to the public square, where they dance, sing, and rejoice during the whole night, observing a proper and exemplary decorum : this continues three days, and the four following days they receive visits, and rejoice with their friends from neighboring towns, who have purified and pre pared themselves. 136 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. met with any Frenchmen in Louisiana, I had heard very high eulo- giums of this officer, who was born in Canada : his father was a Swiss, and a major at Montreal. At the Yasous they told me extraordinary As to mechanic arts or manufactures, at present they have scarcely any thing worth observation, since they are supplied with necessaries, conveniences, and even superfiuities by the white traders. The men perform nothing except erecting their mean habitations, forming their canoes, stone pipes, tambour, ea gle's tail or standard, and some other trifiing matters ; for war and hunting are their principal employments. The women are more vigilant, and turn their at tention to various manual employments ; they make all their pottery or earthen ware, moccasins, spin and weave the curious belts and diadems for men, fabri cate lace, fringe, embroider and decorate their apparel, &c., &c. As to their marriage ceremonies, they are very simple, yet differ greatly in the various nations and tribes. Amongst some of the bands in the Muscogulge confederacy, I was informed the mystery is performed after the foUowing man ner : When a young man has fixed his affections, and is determined to marry, he takes a cane or reed, such as they stick down at the hills of their bean vines for their support : with this (after having obtained her parents' or nearest rela tions' consent) he repairs to the habitation of his beloved, attended by his friends and associates, and in the presence of the wedding guests, he sticks his reed down upright in the ground ; when soon after his sweetheart comes forth with another reed, which she sticks down ' by the side of his, when they are married : then they exchange reeds, which are laid by as evidences or certifi cates of the marriage, which is celebrated with feasting, music and dancing ; each one of their relations and friends, at the wedding, contribute something towards establishing the new family. As soon as the wedding is over, the town Is convened, and the council orders or recommends a new habitation.to'be con structed for the accommodation of the new family ; every man in the town joins in the work, which^is begun and finished in a day's time. The greatest accompUshments to recommend a young man to his favorite maid, are to prove himself a brave warrior and a cunning, industrious hunter. They marry only for a year's time, and, according to ancient custom, at the expiration of the year they renew the marriage ; but there is seldom an instance of their separating after they have children. If it should so happen, the mother takes the children under her own protection, though the father is obUged to con tribute towards their maintenance during their minority and the mother's wi dowhood. The Muscogulges allow of polygamy in the utmost latitude; every man takes as many wives as he chooses, but the first is queen, and the others her handmaids and associates. It is common for a great man amongst them, who has already half a dozen wives, if he sees a child of eight or nine years of age who pleases him, and he can agree with her parents or guardians, to marry her and take her into his house at that age. Adultery is always punished with cropping, which is the only corporal pun ishment amongst them, and death or outlawry for murder, and infamy for less crimes, as fornication, theft, &c., which produces such repeated marks and reflections of ridicule and contempt, that it generaUy ends in voluntary banish- JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 137 things of his religion, his piety, and his zeal, of which hewas the vic tim. Every body regretted him as their father, and every one agrees that in losing him this colony has had an irreparable loss, ment; and these renegadoes and vagabonds are generally the ruffians who com mit depredations and murders on the frontiers. The Muscogulges bury their deceased in the earth. They dig a four-square deep pit under the cabin or conch which the deceased lay on in his house, lining the grave with cypress bark, where they place the corpse in a sitting pos ture, as if it were alive ; depositing with him his gun, tomahawk, pipe, and such other matters as ho had the greatest value for in his lifetime. His eldest wife, or the queen dowager, has the second choice of his possessions, and the remain ing effects are divided amongst his other wives and children. The Chactaws pay their last duties and respect to the deceased in a very different manner. As soon as the person is dead, they erect a scaffold eighteen or twenty feet high, in a grove adjacent to the town, where they lay the corpse, Ughtly covered with a mantle : here it is suffered to remain, visited and pro tected by the friends and relations, until the flesh becomes putrid, so as easily to part from the bones ; then undertakers, who make it their business, carefully strip the flesh from the bones, wash and cleanse them, and when dry and puri fied by the air, having provided a curiously wrought chest or coffin, fabricated of bones and splints, they place all the bones therein ; - it is then deposited in the bone-house, a building erected for that purpose in every town. And when this house is full a general solemn funeral takes place ; the nearest kindred or friends of the deceased, on a day appointed, repair to the bone-house, take up the respective coffins, and foUowing one another in order of seniority, the near est relations and connexions taking up their respective corpse, and the multitude foUowing after them, all as one family, with united voice of alternate AUelujah and lamentation, slowly proceed to the place of general interment, where they place the cofi&ns in order, forming a pyramid ; and lastly, coT^er all over with earth, which raises a conical hill or mount. Then they return to town in order of solemn procession, concluding the day with a festival, which is called the feast of the dead. The Chactaws are called by the traders fiats, or fiat-heads, all the males having the fore and hind part of their skulls artificially fiattened, or compressed ; which is effected after the following manner : As soon as the chUd is bom, the nurse provides a cradle or w-ooden case, hollowed and fashioned to receive the infant, lying prostrate on its back, that part of the case where the head reposes being fashioned like a brick mould. In this portable machine the little boy is fixed, a bag of sand being laid on his forehead, which by continual gentle com pression gives the head somewhat the form of a brick from the temple upwards ; and by these means they have high and lofty foreheads, sloping off backwards. These men are not so neat in the trim of their heads as the Muscogulges are, aad they are remarkably slovenly and negligqht in every part of their dress, but "otherwise they are said to be ingenious, sensible and virtuous men ; bold and intrepid, yet quiet and peaceable, and are Acknowledged by the Creeks to be brave. They are supposed to be most ingenious and industrious husbandmen, hav ing large plantations or country farms, where they employ much of their time 9 138 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. He had chosen a bad situation for his fort, and he was preparing, when he died, to remove it a league higher in a very fine meadow, where the air is more healthy, and where there is a village of Ya- in agricultural improvements, after the manner of the white people ; by which means their territories are more generally cultivated and better inhabited than any other Indian repubUc that we know of The number of their inhabitants is said greatly to exceed the whole Muscogulge confederacy, although their ter ritories are not a fourth part as extensive. It appeared to me from observation, and what information I could get, that the Indians entertained rational notions of the soul's, immortality, and of a future state of social existence; and accord ingly, in order to inculcate morality, and promote human happiness, they ap plaud praiseworthy actions, as commendable and necessary for the support of civil society, and maintaining the dignity and strength of their nation or tribe, as securing an exceUent and tranquil state and degree in the world of spirits, after their decease. And they say the Great Spirit favors all good and brave men. The Muscogulge language is spoken throughout the confederacy, (although consisting of many nations, who have a speech peculiar to themselves,) as also by their friends and allies, the Natchez. The Chickasaw and Chactaw, the Creeks or Muscogulges say, are dialects of theirs. This language is very agreeable to the ear, courteous, gentle and musical : the letter R is iiot sounded in one word of their language : the women in par ticular speak so fine and musical, as to represent the singing of birds ; and when heard and not seen, one might imagine it to be the prattling of young chUdren. The men's speech is indeed more strong and sonorous, but not harsh, and in no instance guttural, aud I believe the letter R is not used to express any word, in any language of the confederacy. The Cherokee tongue, on the contrary, is very loud, somewhat harsh, and very sonorous, sounding thc letter R frequently, yet very agreeable and plea sant to the ear. AU the Indian languages are truly rhetorical or figurative, as sisting their speech by tropes ; their hands, fiexure of the head, the brow, in short, every member, naturally associate and give their assistance to render their harangues eloquent, persuasive and effectual. The pyramidal hUIs or artificial mounds, and highways or avenues, leading from themf.to artificial lakes or ponds, vast tetragon terraces, chunk yards, (chunk yard, a term given by the white traders, to the oblong four square yards, adjoining the high mounds and rotundas of the modern Indians. In the centre of these stands the obelisk, and at each corner of the farther end stands a slave post or strong stake, where the captives that are burnt alive are bound), and obelisks or pillars of wood, are the only monuments of labor, ingenuity and magnificence, that I have seen worthy of notice or remark. The region lying between Savannah river and Oakmulge, east and west, and from the seacoast to the Cherokee or Apalachian mountains, north and south, is the most remark able for these high conical hills, tetragon terraces and chunk yards. This region was possessed by the Cherokees, since the arrival of the Europeans, but they were afterwards dispossessed by the Muscogulges, and all that country was, probably many ages preceding the Cherokee invasion, inhabited by one nation or confederacy, who were ruled by the same system of laws, customs JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 139 sous, mixed with Curoas and Ofogoulas, which may have been at most two hundred men fit to bear arms. We live pretty well with them, but do not put too much confidence in them, on account and language, but so ancient that the Cherokees, Creeks, or the nation they conquered, could render no account for what purpose these monuments were raised. The mounds and cubical yards adjoining them, seem to have been raised in part for ornament and recreation, and Ukewise to serve some other public purpose, since they are always so situated as to command the most ex tensive prospect over the town and country adjacent. The tetragon terraces seem to be the foundation of a fortress ; and perhaps the great pyramidal mounts served the purpose of look-out towers and high places for sacrifice. The sunken area, caUed by traders the chunk yard, very likely served the same con veniency that it has been appropriated to by the more modern and even pre sent nations of Indians, that is, the place where they burnt and otherwise tortured the unhappy captives that were condemned to die ; as the area is sur rounded by a bank, and sometimes two of them, one behind and above the other, as seats to accommodate the spectators at such tragical scenes, as weU as the exhibition of games, shows and dances. From the river St. John's, are to be seen high pyramidal mounds, with spacious and extensive avenues, leading from them out of the town, to an artificial lake or pond of water ; these are evidently designed in part for ornament or monuments of magnifi cence, to perpetuate the power and grandeur of the nation, and not inconsider able neither, for they exhibit scenes of power and grandeur, and must have been public edifices. The great mounds, highways, and artificial lakes up the St. John's, on the east shore, just at the entrance ef the great Lake George, one on the opposite shore, on the bank of the Little lake, another on Dunn's Island, a Uttie below Cliar- lottevUle, one on the large beautiful island just without the capes of Cape George, in the sight of Mount Royal, and a spacious one on the banks of the Mosquito river near New Smyrna, are the most remarkable of this sort that occurred to me ; but undoubtedly many more are yet to be discovered farther south in the peninsula; however 1 observed more westward after I left St. John's on my journey to the little St. John's, near the bay of Apalache. But in all the region of the Muscogulge country, southwest from the Oak; mulge river quite to the Tallapoosa, down to the city of Mobile, and thence along the sea-coast to the Mississippi, I saw no signs of mounds or highways, except at Taensa, where were several inconsiderable conical mountains ; and but one instance of the tetragon terraces, which was at the Apalachicola old town, on the west bank of that river ; here were yet remaining conspicuous monuments, as vast four-square terraces, chunk yards, &c., almost equalUng those eminent ones at the Oakmulge fields, but no high conical mounds. Those Indians have a tradition that these remains are the ruins of au ancient Indian town and fortress. It was not in the interior parts of the Chactaw territories, and therefore I am ignorant whether there are any mounds or monuments there. To conclude this subject concerning the monuments of the Americans, I deem it necessary to observe as my opinion, that none of them that I have seen discover the least signs of the arts, sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world, yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most remote antiquity. 140 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. of the connections which the Yasous have always had with the English, « There are many caymans in this river, and I saw two, which were at least from twelve to fifteen feet long. We hear them seldom but in the night, and their cry so much resembles the bellowing of bulls. that it deceives one. Our French people nevertheless bathe in it as freely as they would in the Seine. As I declared my surprise at it, they replied that there was no cause for fear ; that indeed when they were in the water, they saw themselves almost always surrounded with caymans, but they never came near them ; that they seemed only to watch to seize them at the moment of their coming out of the riv er ; and that then to drive them away, they stirred the water with a stick, which they had always the precaution to carry with them, and that this made these animals run away far enough to give them time to get out of danger. The company has in this post a magazine of expectation, as at the Arkansas ; but the fort and the land belong to a society compose^ of M. le Blanc, secretary of state, of M. le Compte de Belle-Isle, of M. le Marquis d'Asfeld, and M. le Blond, brigadier engineer. The last is in the colony with the title of director general of the company. I can see no reason why they chose the river of the Yasous for the place of their grant. There was certainly choice of better land, and a better situation. It is true, that it is of importance to secure this river, the source of which is not far from Carolina ; but a fort with a good garrison, to keep under the Yasous, who are allies to the Chica chas, would be sufficient for that purpose. It is not the way to settle a colonjr on a solid foundation, to be obliged always to be on their guard against the savages who are neighbors of the English. I departed from the Yasous the 10th : and on the 13th, had it not been for a Natche, who had asked his passage of me to return home, I would have been lost in a gulf, which none of my conductors knew, and which one does not discover till he is so far surrounded by it that it is impossible to get out. It is on the left hand, at the foot of a great capej. where they affirm there is a quarry of very good stone : this is what they are most afraid of wanting in this colony ; but in place of it they can make as many brick as they please. On the 15th we arrived at the Natchez.* This canton, the finest, * The Natchez Indians (says Father le Petit, in his account of the last Natch^ war,) inhabit one of the most beautiful and fertile countries in the world, and are the only ones on this continent which appear to have any regular worship. Their religion in certain points is very similar to that of the ancient Romans. They have a temple filled with idols, which are different figures of JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 141 the most fertile, and the most populous of all Louisiana, is forty leagues distant from the Yasous, and on the same hand. The land ing place is over against a pretty high hill, and very steep ; at the men and animals, and for which they have the most profound veneration. Their temple iu shape resembles an earthen oven, a hundred feet in circumfer ence. They enter it by a little door about four feet high, and not more than three in breadth. No window is to be seen there. The arched roof of the edi fice is covered -with three irows of mats, placed one upon the other, to prevent the rain from injuri^ the masonry. Above, on the outside, are three figures of eagles made of wood, and painted red, yellow, and white. Before the door is a kind of shed with folding doors, where the Guardian of the Temple is lodged ; all around it runs a circle of palisades, on which are seen exposed the skulls of all the heads, which their warriors had brought back from the battles in which they had been engaged with the enemies of their nation. In the interior of the Temple are some shelves arranged at a certain distance fronf' each other, on which are placed cane baskets of an oval shape, and in these are inclosed the bones of their ancient chiefs, while by their side are those of their victims whom they had caused to be strangled, to follow their masters into the other world. Another separate shelf supports many fiat bas kets very gorgeously painted, in which they preserve their idols. These are figures of men and women made of stone or baked clay, the heads and the tails of extraordinary serpents, some stuffed owls, some pieces of crystal, and some jaw-bones of large fish. In the year 1699, they had there a bottle and the foot of a glass, which they guarded as very precious. In this temple they take care to keep up a perpetual fire, and they are very particular to prevent its ever blazing ; they do not use any thing for it but dry wood of ^the walnut or oak. The old men are obliged to carry, each one in his turn, a large log of wood into the inclosure of the palisade. The number of the Guardians of the Temple is fixed, and they serve by the quarter. He who is on duty is placed like a sentinel under the shed, from whence he examines whether the fire is not in danger of going out. He feeds it with two or three large logs, which do not bum except at the extremity, and which they never place one ou the other, for fear of their getting into a blaze. Of the women, the sisters of the great chief alone have liberty to enter with in the temple. The entrance is forbidden to all the others, as well as to the common people, even when they carry something there to feast to the memory of their relations, whose bones repose in the temple. They give the dishes to the guardian, who carries them to the side of the basket in which are bones of the dead ; this ceremony lasts only during one moon. The dishes are after wards placed on the palisades which surround the temple, and are abandoned to the fallow-deer. The sun is the principal object of veneration to these people ; as they can not conceive of anything which can be above this heavenly body, nothing else appears to them more worthy of their homage. It is for the same reason that the great chief of this nation, who knows nothing on tho earth more dignified than himself, takes the title of brother of the sun, and the credulity of the peo ple maintains him in the despotic authority which he olaims. To enable them better to converse together, they raise a mound of artificial soil, on whichthey 142 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. foot of which runs a little brook, that can receive only boats and pettiaugres. From this first hill we ascend a second smaller one, at the top of which they have built a kind of redoubt, inclosed with build his cabin, which is of the same construction as the temple. The door fronts the east, and every morning the great chief honors by his presence the rising of his elder brother, and salutes him with many bowlings as soon as he appears above the horizon. Then he gives orders that they shaU light his cal umet ; he makes him an offering of the flrst three ptiffs which he draws ; after wards raising his hands above his head, and turning from the east to the west, he shows him the direction which he must take in his course. There are in this cabin a number of beds on the left hand at entering, but on the right is only the bed of the great chief, ornamented with different painted figures. This bed consists of nothing but a mattress of canes and reeds, very hard, with a square log of wood, which serves for a pillow. In the middle of the cabin is seen a small stone, and no one should approach the bed until he has made the circuit of this stone. Those who enter salute by a howl, and ad vance even to the bottom of the cabin, without looking at the right side, where is the chief Then they give a new salute by raising their arms above the head, and howling three times. If it be any one whom the chief holds in considera tion, he answers by a slight sigh and makes a sign to him to be seated. He thanks him for his politeness by a new howl. At every question which the chief puts to him, he howls once before he answers, and when he takes his leave, he prolongs a single howl until he is out of his presence. When the great chief dies, they demolish his cabin, and then raise a new mound, on which they build the cabin of him who is to replace him in this dig nity, for he never lodges in that of his predecessor. The old men prescribe) the laws for the rest of the people, and one of their principles is, to have a sovereign respect for the great chief, as being the brother of the sun, and the master of the temple. They believe in the immortality of the soul, and when they leave this world they go, they say, to live in another, there to be recompensed or punished. The rewards to which they look forward, consist principally in feasting, and their chastisement in the privation of every pleasure. Thus they think that those who have been the faithful observers of their laws will be con ducted into a region of pleasures, where all kinds of exquisite viands will be furnished them in abundance, that their delightful and tranquil days will flow on in the midst of festivals, dances, and women ; in short, that they will reve) in all imaginable pleasure. On the contrary, the violators of their laws will be cast upon lands unfruitful and entirely covered with water, where they will not have any kind of corn, but will be expoced entirely naked to the sharp bites of the musquitoes, that all nations will make war upon them, that they will never eat meat, and have no nourishment but the flesh of crocodiles, spoiled fish, and shell-fish. These people blindly obey the least wish of their great chief They look upon him as absolute master, not only of their property but also of their lives. and not one of them would dare to refuse him his head, if he should demand It ; for whatever labors he commands them to execute, they are forbidden to exact any wages. The French, who are often in need of hunters or of rowers for their long voyages, never apply to any one but the great chief. He fur- JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 143 a single palisade. They have given this intrenchment the name of a fort. Several little hills rise above this hill, and when we have, passed nishes all the men they wish, and receives payment, without giving any part to those unfortunate individuals, who are not permitted even to complain. One of the principal articles of their religion, and particularly for the servants of the great chief, is that of honoring his funeral rites by dying with him, that they may go and serve him in the other world. In their blindness they wil Ungly submit to this law, in the foolish belief, that in the train of their chief they wiU go to enjoy the greatest happiness. To give an idea of this bloody ceremony, it is necessary to know that as soon as an heir presumptive has been born to the great chief, each famUy that has an infant at the breast is obliged to pay him homage. From all these in fants they choose a certain number whom they destine for the service of the young prince, and as soon as they are of a competent age, they furnish them with employments suited to their talents. Some pass their lives in hunting, or in fishing, to furnish supplies for the table ; others are employed in agriculture, while others serve to fill up his retinue. If he happens to die, all these servants sacrifice themselves with joy, to foUow their dear master. They first put on all their finery, and repair to the place opposite to the temple, where all the peo ple are assembled. After having danced and sung a sufficiently long time, they pass around their neck a cord of buffalo hair with a running knot, and imme diately the ministers appointed for executions of this kind, come forward to strangle them, recommending them to go and rejoin their master, and to render to him in the other world services even more honorable than those which had occupied them in this. The principal servants of the great chief having been strangled in this way, they strip the flesh off their bones,- particularly those of their arms and thighs, and leave them to dry for two months in a kind of tomb, after which they take them out to be shut up in the baskets, which are placed in the temple by the side of the bones of their master. As for the other servants, their relatives carry them home with them, and bury them with their arms and clothes. The same ceremony is observed in like manner on the death of the brothers and sisters of the great chief The women are always strangled to follow the latter, except when they have infants at the brea.st, in which case they con tinue to live, for the purpose of nourishing them. And we„often see many who endeavor to find nurses, or who themselves strangle their infants, so that they shall not lose the right of sacrificing themselves in the public place, according to the ordinary ceremonies, and as the law prescribes. Their government is hereditary; it is not, however, the son of the reigning chief that succeeds his father, but the son of his sister, or the first princess of the blood. This policy is founded on the knowledge they have of the licen tiousness of their females. They arc not sure, they say, that the children of the chief's wife may be of the royal blood, whereas the son of the sister of the great chief must be, at least on the side of the mother. The princesses of the blood never espouse any but men of obscure family, and they have but one husband, but they have the right of dismissing him whenever it pleases them, and of choosing another among those of the nation. 144 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. them, we see on every side great meadows, divided by little clumps of trees, which have a very fine effect. The trees most common in these woods are the walnut and the oak ; and everywhere the lands are provided he has not made any other alliance among them. If the husband has been guilty of infidelity, the princess may have his head cut off in an instant ; but she is not herself subject to the same law, for she may have as many lovers as she pleases, without the husband having any power to complain. In the presence of his wife he acts with the most profound respect, never eats with her, and salutes her with howls, as is done by her servants. The only satisfac tion he has is, that he is freed from the necessity of laboring, and has entire authority over those who serve the princess. In former times the nation of the Natchez was very large. It counted sixty villages and eight hundred suns or princes ; now it is reduced to six little vil lages and eleven suns. In each of these villages there is a temple where the fire is always kept burning as in that of the great chief, whom all the other , chiefs obey. The great chief nominates to the most important offices of the state ; such are the two war chiefs, the two masters of ceremony for the worship of" the temple, the two officers who preside over the other ceremonies which are ob served when foreigners come to treat of peace, another vvho has the inspection of the public works, four others charged with the arrangement of the festivals with which they publicly entertajiu the nation, and ,such strangers as come to visit them. All these ministers who execute the will of the great chief are treated with the same respect and obedience as if he personally gave the orders.l Each year the people assemble to plant one vast field with Indian corn, -' beans, pumpkins, and melons, and then again they collect in the same way to gather the harvest. A large cabin situated on a beautiful prairie is set apart to hold the fruits of this harvest. Once in the summer, towards the end of July, the people gather by order of the great chief, to be present at a grand feast which he gives them. This festival lasts for three days and three nights, and each one contributes what he can to furnish it ; some bring game, others flsh, &c. They have almost constant dances, while the great chief and his sister are in an elevated loflge covered with 'boughs, from whence they can "see the joy of their subjects. The princes, theprincesses, aud those who by their office are of distinguished rank, are arranged very near the chief, to whom they show their respect"and submission by au infinite variety of ceremonies. The great chief and his sister make their entrance in the place of the as sembly on a litter borne by eight of their greatest men : the chief holds in his hand a great sceptre ornamented with* painted plumes, and all the people dance and sing about him in testimony of the public joy. The last day of this feast he causes all his subjects to approach, and makes them a long harangue, in which he exhorts them to fulfil all their duties to religion ; he recommends them above all things to have a great veneration for the spirits which reside in the temple, and carefully to instruct their chUdren, If any one has distin guished himself by some act of zeal, he is then publicly praised. Such a case happened in the year 1702, The temple having been struck with Ughtning and reduced to ashes, seven or eight women cast their infants into the midst of the flames to appease the wrath of Heaven, The chief caUed these heroines, and JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 145 excellent. The late M, d'lberville, who was the first that entered the Mississippi by its mouth, being come as high as the Natohezi found this country so charming, and so advantageously situated, that gave them great praises for the courage with which they had made the sacri fice of that which they held most dear ; he finished his panegyric by exhorting the other women to imitate so beautiful an example in similar circumstances. The fathers^ of families do not fail to carry to the temple the first of their fruits, their com and vegetables. It is the same even with presents which are made to their nation ; they are immediately offered at the gate of the temple, when the Guardian, after having displayed and presented them to the spirits, carries them to the house of the great chief who makes a distribution of them as he judges best, without any person testifying the least discontent. They never plant their fields -without having first presented the seed in the temple with the accustomed ceremonies. As soon as these people approach the temple, they raise their arms by way of respect, and utter three howls, after which they place their hands on the earth, and raise thamselves again three times with as many reiterated howls. When any one has merely to pass before the temple, he only pauses to salute it by his downcast eyes and raised arms. If a father or mother see their son fail in the performance of this cere mony, they will punish him with repeated blows of a stick. Such are the ceremonies of the Natchez Indians with regard to their reUgion. Those of marriage are very simple. When a young man thinks of marrying, he has only to address himself to the father of the girl, or if she have none, to her eldest brother, and they agree on the price, which he pays in skins or mer chandise. When a girl has even lived a licentious life, they make no difficulty in receiving her, if there is the least idea that she will change her conduct when she is maiTied. Neither do they trouble themselves as to what family she be longs, provided that she pleases them. As to the relatives of the girl, their only care is to inform themselves whether he who asks her is an able hunter, a good warrior, and an excellent workman. These qualities diminish the price which they have a right to ask on the marriage. When the parties have agreed, the future husband goes to the chase with his friends, and when he has sufficient either of game or of flsh, to feast the two families who have contracted the alliance, they assemble at the house of the parents of the girl. They particularly serve the new married pair, who eat frOlri the same dish. The repast being ended, the bridegroom smokes the calumet towards the parents of his wife, and then towards his own 'parents, after which all the guests retire. The new married people remain together untU the next day, and then the husband conducts his wife to the residence of her father-in-law, where they live until the famUy has built for him a cabin of his own. While they are constructing it, he passes the whole day in the chase to furnish food, which he gives to those who are employed in this work. The laws permit the Natchez to have as many wives as they choose, never theless the common people generally have but one or two. This, however, is not the case with the chiefs ; their number is greater, because , having the right to oblige the people to cultivate their fields, without giving them any wages, the number of their wives is no expense to, them. The mirriage of the chiefs is made with less ceremony. They content 146 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. he thought he could find no better situation for the metropolis of the new colony. He traced out the plan of it, and intended to call it Rosalie, which was the name of Madam, le Duchesse de Pont- themselves with sending to fetch the father of the girl whom they wish to es pouse, and they declare to him that they wUl give her the rank of their wives. They do not fail however, as soon as the marriage is consummated, to make present to the father and mother. Although they have many wives, they keep but one or two in their own cabins : the rest remain at the houses of their parents, where they go to see them when they wish. At certain periods of the moon these Indians never live with their wives. Jealousy has so little place in their hearts, that many find no difficulty in lend ing their wives to their friends. This indifference in the conjugal union results from the liberty they have of changing when it seems good to them, provided however that their wives have never borne children to them, for if any have been born of the marriage, nothing but death can separate them. When this nation sends out a detachment to war, the chief of the party erects two kinds of poles, painted red from the top to the bottom, ornamented with red plumes, and arrows and tomahawks, also painted red. These poles are pointed to the side to which they are to carry the war. Those who wish to join the party, after ha.ving ornamented and daubed themselves with different colors, come to harangue the war chief This harangue, which one makes after the other, and which lasts nearly half an hour, consists of a thousand protes tations of service, by which they assure him that they ask nothing more than to die with him, that they are charmed to learn of so able a warrior the art of taking scalps, and tliat they fear neither the hunger nor fatigues to which they are going to be exposed. When a sufficient number of braves have presented themselves to the war chief, he causes to be made at his house a, beverage which they call the War Medicine. This is an emetic, which they make from a root they boil in large kettles of water. The warriors, sometimes to the number of three hundred, having seated themselves about the kettle, they serve each one with two pots of it. The ceremony is to swallow them with a single effort, and then to throw them up immediately by the mouth, with efforts so violent that they can be heaTd at a great distance. After this ceremony, the war chief appoints the day of departure, that each one may prepdre provisions necessary for the campaign. During this time, the braves repair evening and morning to the place before the temple, where, after having danced and related in detail the briUiant actions in which their bravery was conspicuous, they chant their death songs. To see the extreme joy they show at their departure, we should say that they had already signalized their valor by some great victory, but a very small thing alone is necessary to disconcert their plans. They are so superstitious with respect to dreams, that a single one' of evil augury can arrest the execution of their enterprise, and oblige them to return when they are on the march. We see parties, which after having gone through with all the ceremonies I have mentioned, immediately break off from their expedition, because they have heard a dog bark in an extraordinairy manner : in an instant their ardor for glory is changed into a perfect panic. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 147 chatrain. But this project is not likely to be soon executed, though our geographers have always roundly set down in their maps, the town of Rosalie at the Natchez. When on the war-path, they march in single file : four or five men who are the best walkers lead the way, and keep in advance of the army a quarter of a league, to observe every thing, and give immediate notice. They encamp every evening an hour before sunset, and lie down about a large fire, each one with his arms near him. Before they encamp, they take the precaution to send out twenty warriors to the distance of a half league around the camp, for the pur pose of avoidiug all surprise. They never post sentinels during the night, but as soon as they have supped, they extinguish all the fires. At night the war chief exhorts them not to give themselves up to a profound sleep, and to keep their arms always in a state of readiness. He appoints a place where they shall rally in case they are attacked during the night and put to fiight. As the war chiefs always carry with them their idols, or what they caU their Spirits, well secured in some skins, at night they suspend them from a smaU pole painted red, which they erect in a slanting position, so that it may be bent on the side towards the enemy. The warriors, before they go to sleep, with tomahawk in hand, pass one after the other in a dance before these pretended Spirits, at the same time uttering the fiercest threats towards the side on which are their enemies. When the war party is considerable, as it enters the enemy's country they march in five or six columns. They have many spies, who go out on scouting expeditions. If they perceive that their march is known, they ordinarUy adopt the resolution of retracing their steps, leaving a small troop of from ten to twenty men, who detach themselves, and endeavor to surprise some hundred at a distance from the villages ; on their return they chant their songs w'th refer ence to the scalps they have taken. If they have taken any prisoners, they force them to sing and dance for some days before the temple, after which they present them to the relatives of those who have been kiUed. These relatives are dissolved in tears during this ceremony, and drying their eyes with the scalps which have been taken, they contribute among themselves to recompense the warriors who have taken these captives, whose lot is to be bumed. -» The Natchez, like aU the other nations of Louisiana, distinguish by particu lar names those who have killed a greater or less number of the enemy. The old war chiefs distribute these names according to the merit of the mrriors. To deserve the title of a great man-slayer, it is necessary to hav^ taken ten slaves or to have taken off twenty scalps. When a person understands their language, the name of a warrior enables him to learn all his exploits. Those who, for the first time, have taken a scalp or made a captive, do'iiot sleep at their return with their wives, and do not eat any meat ; they ought not to par take of any thing but fish and thickened milk. This abstinence lasts for six months,' If they fail to observe it, they imagine that the soul of him whom they have killed will cause them to die through sorcery, that they will never again obtain any advantage over their enemies, and that the slightest wounds they may receive will prove fatal. They take extreme care that the great chief shaU not in any way expose his Ufe when he goes to war. If, carried away by his valor, he should happen 148 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. It is certain that we must begin by a settlement nearer the sea ; but if Louisiana ever becomes a flourishing colony, as may very well happen, I am of opinion that they cannot find a better situation for to be killed, the chiefs of the party and the other principal warriors would be put to death on their return ; but executions of this kind are almost without„f example, on account of the precautions they take to preserve him from this evil. This nation, like the others, has its medicine-men ; these are generaUy old men, who, without study or any science undertake to cure all complaints. They do not attempt this by simples, or by drugs ; all their art consists in different juggleries ; that is to say, that they dance and sing night and day about the sick man, and smoke without ceasing, swallowing the smoke of the tobacco. These jugglers eat scarcely any thing during all the time that they are engaged in the cure of the sick, but their chants and their dances are accompanied by contortions so violent, that although they are entirely naked and should natu rally suffer from cold, yet they are always foaming at the mouth. They have a little basket in which they keep what they call their Spirits, that is to say, small roots of different kinds, heads of owls, small parcels of the hair of faUow deer, some teeth of animals, some small stones or pebbles, and other similar trifles. It appears that to restore health tothe sick, they invoke without ceasing that which they have in their basket. . Some of them have there a certain root, which by its smell can put serpents to sleep and render them harmless. After having rubbed their hands and body with this root, they take hold of these reptiles without fearing their bite,'which is mortal. Sometimes they cut with a flint the part afflicted with the malady, and then suck out all the'blood they can draw from it, and in returning it imtnediately into a dish, they at the same time spit out a little piece of wood, or straw, or leather, which they.ihave con cealed under the tongue. Drawing to it the attention of the relatives of tide sick man, " There," say they, " is the cause of the sickness." These medicine men are always paid in advance. If the sick man recovers, their gam is very considerable, but if he should die, they are sure to have their heads cut off by the relatives or friends of the deceased. This never fails to be done, and even the relatives of the medicine-men find nothing at all of which to complain, and do not testify any concern. There is the same rule with some other jugglers, who undertake to procure rain or fair weather. These are commonly indolent old men, who, wishing to avoid the-labor which is required in hunting, fishing, and the cultivation of the fields, exercise this dangerous trade to gain a support for their famUies. Towards spring, the nation taxes itself to purchase from these jugglers favor able weather for the fruits of the earth. If the harvest prove abundant, they gain a handsome reward, but if it is unfortunate, they take it from thero, and cut off their heads. Thus those who engage in this profession risk every thing to gain every thing. In other respects their life is very idle ; they have no other inconvenience than that of fasting aad 'dancing, with a pipe in their mouth full of water, and pierced like a watering-pot, which they blow into the air on the side where the clouds are thickest. In one hand they hold the sieiouet, which is a kind of rattle, and in the other their Spirits, which they JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 149 the capital than in this place. It is not subject to the inundation of the river, the air is pure, and the country very extensive ; the soil is fit for every thing, and well watered ; it is not too far from the sea, stretch out towards the clouds, uttering frightful cries to invite them to burst upon their fields. If it is pleasant weather for which they ask, they do not use these pipes, but they mount on the roof of their cabins, and with their arms make signs to the clouds, blowing -with all their strength, that it shall not stop over their lands, but pass beyond. When the clouds are dissipated according to their wish, they dance and sing about their Spirits, which they place reverently on a kind of pillow ; they redouble their fasts, and when the cloud has passed, they swallow the smoke of tobacco, and hold up their pipes to the sky. Although they never show any favor to these charlatans, when they do not obtain what they ask, yet the profit they receive is so great, when by chance they succeed, that we see a great number of these savages, who do not at all fear to run the risks. It is to be observed, that he who undertakes to furnish rain, never engages to procure pleasant weather. There is another kind of charlatans to whom this privilege belongs, and when you ask them the reason, they answer boldly that their Spirits can give but the one or the other. When one of these Indians dies, his relatives come to mourn his death dur ing an entire day, then they array him in his most beautiful dresses, they paint his face and his hair, and ornament him with plumes, after which they carry him to the grave prepared for him, placing by his side his arms, a kettle, and some provisions. For the space of a month, his relatives come at the dawn of day and at the beginning of the night, to weep for half an hour at his grave. Each one names his degree of relationship. If he were the father of a famUy, the wife cries, " My dear husband, ah ! how I regret you !" The children cry, " My dear father!" The others, "My uncle! my cousin!" &c. The nearest relations continue this ceremony for three months ; they cut off their hair in sign of grief, they abstain from painting the body, and are never found at any assembly for festivity. When any foreign nation comes to treat of peace with the Natchez Indians, they send their couriers to give notice of the day and hour when they shall make their entrance. The great chief orders the masters of ceremony to pre pare all things for this grand occasion. They begin by naming those who dur ing each day should support the strangers, for the expense never falls upon the chief, but always ou his subjects. Then they clear the roads, they sweep the cabins, they arrange the seats in a large hall which is on the mound of the great chief by the side of his cabin. His throne, which is on an elevation, is painted and ornamented, and the bottom is furnished with beautiful mats. On the day that the ambassadors are to make their entrance, all the nation assembles. The masters of ceremony place the princes, the chiefs of the vil lages, and the old chiefs of quality near the great chief, on particular seats. When the ambassadors arrive, and are within five hundred steps of the great chief, they stop and chant the song of peace. The ambassage ordinarily con sists of thirty men and six females. Six of the best made, and who have the finest voices, march in front; they are followed by the others, who chant in like manner, regulating the cadence with the sieiouet. The six females are the last. 150 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. and nothing hinders ships from coming hither. Lastly, it is near all the places where, according as appears, there is any design to make settlements. The company have a warehouse, and keep a clerk here, who has not as yet mnch employment. When the chief has directed them to approach, they advance ; those who have the calumets, chant and dance with much agility, now turning around each other, and now presenting themselves in front, but always with violent move ments and extraordinary contortions. When they have entered the circle, they dance about the chair on which the chief is seated, they rub him with their calumets from his feet even to his head, and after that go back to find those who belong to their suite. Then they fill one of their calumets with tobacco, and holding the fire in one hand, they advance altogether before the chief and smoke it : they direct the flrst puff of smoke towards the heavens, the second towards the earth, and the others around the horizon, after which they without ceremony present the pipe to the princes and to the other chiefs. This ceremony having been finished, the ambassadors, as a token of alliance, rub their hands on the stomach of the chief, and rub themselves over the whole body : they then place their calumets before the chief on small forks, while the person among the ambassadors who is particularly charged with the orders of his nation, delivers an harangue which lasts for an entire hour. When he has finished, they make a sign to the strangers to be seated on the benches ranged near the great chief, who responds to them by a discourse of equal length. Then the master of ceremonies lights the great calumet of peace, and makes the strangers smoke, who swallow the tobacco smoke. The great chief in quires of them, whether they arrived safe, that is, whether they are weU, and those who are around them go one after the other to discharge the same office of politeness. After which they conduct them to the cabin which has been prepared for them, and where they are feasted. The same evening at sunset, the ambassadors, with the calumet in their hands, go with singing to find the great chief, and having raised him on their shoulders, they transport him to the quarter in which their cabin is situated. They spread on the ground a large skin, on which they cause him to sit down. One of them places himself behind him, and putting his hands on the chief's shoulders, he agitates aU his body, while the others, seated in a circle on the ground, chant the history of their distinguished deeds. After this ceremony, which is repeated night and morning for four days, the great chief returns to his cabin. When he pays his last visit to the ambassadors, these place a stake at his feet, about which they seat themselves : the braves of the nation having arrayed themselves in aU their finery, dance around, striking the stake, and in turn recounting their great exploits in war; then follows the presentatipn of presents to the ambassadors, which consist of kettles, hatchets, guns, powder, balls, &c. The day foUowing this last ceremony, it is permitted to the ambassa,dprs to walk through the whole village, which before they were not able to do. Then every evening they give them spectacles, that is to say, the men and women in their most beautiful dresses assemble at the public place, and dance until the night is far advanced. When they are ready to return home, the masters of the ceremonies furnish them with the provisions necessary for the journey. JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 151 Among a great number of particular grants, which are already in a condition of producing something, there are two of the first mag nitude ; that is to say, four leagues square : one belongs to a society of St. Malo, who bought it of M. Hubert, governing commissary, and After having thus given you a slight idea of the character and customs of the Natchez Indians, I proceed, my Reverend Father, as I have promised you, to enter on a detail of their perfidy and treason. It was on the second of De cember of the year 1729, that we learned they had surprised the French, and had massacred almost all of them. This sad news was first brought to us by one of the planters, who had escaped their fury. It was confirmed to us on the following day by other French fugitives, and finally, somrf French women whom they had made slaves, and were forced afterwards to restore, brought us all the particulars. At the first rumor of an event so sad, the alarm and consternation was ge neral in New Orleans. Although the massacre had taken place more than a hundred leagues from here, you would have supposed that it had happened under our own eyes ; each one was mourning the loss of a relative, a friend, or some property ; all were alarmed for their own lives, for there was reason to fear that the conspiracy of the Indians had been general. This unlooked for massacre began on Monday, the 28th of November, 1729, about nine o'clock in the morning. Some cause of dissatisfaction which the Natchez thought they had with the commander, and the arrival of a number of richly loaded boats for the garrison and the colonists, determined them to hasten their enterprise, and to strike their blow sooner than they had agreed with the other confederate tribes. And it was thus that they carried their plan into execution. First they divided themselves, and sent into the fort, into the village, and into the two grants, as many Indians as there were French in each of these places ; then they feigned that they were going out for a grand hunt, and undertook to trade with the French for guns, powder, and ball, offering to pay them as much, and even more than was customary, and in truth, as there was no reason to suspect their fidelity, they made at that time an exchange of their poultry and com, for some arms and ammunition which they used advan tageously against us. It is true that some expressed their distrust, but this was thought to have so little foundation, that they were treated as cowards who were frightened at their own shadows. They had been on their guard against the Tchactas, but as for the Natchez, they had never distrusted them, and they were so persuaded of their good faith, that it increased their hardihood. Hav ing thus posted themselves in different houses, provided with the arms obtained from us, they attacked at the same time each his man, and in less than two hours they massacred more than two hundred of the French. The best known are M. de Chopart, commander of the post, M. du Codere, commander among the Yasous, M. des Ursins, Messieurs de KoUy, father and son. Messieurs de Longrays, des Noyers, Bailly, &c. The Father du Poisson had just performed the funeral rites of his associate, the Brother Crucy, who had died very suddenly of a sun-stroke : he was on his way to consult M, Perrier, and to adopt with him proper measures to enable the Arkansas to descend to the banks of the Mississippi, for the accommoda tion of the voyagers. He arrived among the Natchez on the 26th of Novem- 152 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. President of the Council of Louisiana : the other belongs to the com pany, who have sent hither some workmen from Cleral to make to bacco here. These two grants are so situated, that they make an exact triangle with the fort, and the distance of one angle from the ber, that is, two days before the massacre. The next day, which was the first Sunday of Advent, he said mass in the parish, and preached in the absence of the Cure. He was to have returned in the afternoon to his mission among the Akansas, but he was detained by some sick persons, to whom it was necessary to administer the Sacraments. On Monday, he was about to say mass, and to carry the Holy Sacrament to one of those sick persons whom he had confessed the evening before, when the massacre began ; a gigantic chief six feet in height, seized him, and having thrown him to the ground, cut off his head with blows of a hatchet. The Father in falling only uttered these words, " Ah, my God ! ah, my God !" M. du Codere drew his sword to defend him, when he was him self kiUed by a musket ball from another Indian whom he did not perceive. These barbarians spared but two of the French, a, tailor and a carpenter,* who were able to serve their wants. They did not treat badly either the negro slaves, or the Indians who were willing to give themselves up ; but they ripped up the belly of every pregnant woman, and kiUed almost all those who were nursing their children, because they were disturbed by their cries and tears. They did not kill the other women, but made them their slaves, and treated them with every indignity during the two or three months that they were their masters. The least miserable were those who knew how to sew, because they kept them busy in making shirts, dresses, &c. The others were employed in cutting and carrying wood for cooning, and in pounding the corn of which they make their sagamite. But two things, above all, aggravated the grief and hard ness of their slavery ; it was, in the first place, to have for masters those same persons whom they had seen dipping their cruel hands in the blood of their husbands ; and, in the second place, to hear them continually saying, that the French had been treated in the same manner at all the other posts, and that the country was now entirely freed from them. During the massacre, the Sun, or the great chief of the Natchez, was seated quietly under the tobacco shed of the company. His warriors brought to his feet the head of the commander, about which they ranged those of the princi pal French of the post, leaving their bodies a prey to the dogs, the buzzards, and other carnivorous birds. i When they were assured that not another Frenchman remained at the post, they applied themselves to plunder the houses, the magazine of the India Com pany, and all the boats which were still loaded by the bank of the river. They employed the negroes to transport the merchandise, which they divided among themselves, with the exception of the munitions of war, which they placed for security in a separate cabin. While the brandy lasted, of which they found a good supply, they passed their days and nights in drinking, singing, danSing, and insulting in the most barbarous manner the dead bodies and the memory of the French. The Tchactas, and the other Indians being engaged in the plot ¦ A M. Perrlcault, who afterwards wrote a Journal of all that passed in Louisiana from 1709 to 1722, which is deposited in the Bibliotheque du Roi, Paria JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 153 other is a league. Half way between the two grants is the great vil lage of the Natchez. I have carefully visited all these places : and here follows an account of what I found most remarkable : with them, they felt at their ease, and did not at all fear that they would draw on themselves the vengeance which was merited by their cruelty and perfidy. One night, when they were plunged in drunkenness and sleep, Madame des Noyers wished to make use of the negroes to revenge the death of her husband and the French, but she was betrayed by the person to whom she confided her design, and came very near being burned alive. Some of the French escaped the fury of the Indians by taking refuge in the woods, where they suffered extremely from hunger and the effects of the weather. One of them, on arriving here, relieved us of a little disquietude we felt with regard to the post we occupy among the Yazous, which is not more than forty or fifty leagues above the Natchez by water, and only from fifteen to twenty by land. Not being able longer to endure the extreme cold from which he suffered, he left the woods under cover of night, to go and warm himself in the house of a Frenchman. When he was near it he heard the voices of In dians, and deliberated whether he should enter. He determined, however, to do so, preferring rather to perish by the hand of these barbarians, than to die of famine and cold. He was agreeably surprised when he found these savages eager to render him a service, to heap kindnesses upon him, to commiserate him, to console him, to furnish him with provisions, clothes, and a boat to make his escape to New Orleans. These were the Yazous, who were returning from chanting the calumet at Oumas. The chief charged him to say to M, Perrier, that he had nothing to fear on the part of the Yazous, that " they would not lose their spirit," that is, that they would always remain attached to the French, and that he would be constantly on the watch with his tribe, to warn the French boats that were descending the river to be on their guard against the Natchez, We believed for a long time that the promises of this chief were very sin cere, and feared no more Indian perfidy for our post among the Yazous. But learn, my Reverend Father, the disposition of these Indians, and how little one is able to trust their words, even when accompanied by the greatest demonstra tions of friendship. Scarcely had they returned to their own village, when, loaded with the presents they received from the Natchez, they followed their example and imitated their treachery. Uniting with the Corroys, they agreed together to exterminate the French. They began with Father Souel, the missionary of both tribes, who was then Uving in the midst of them, in their own village. The fidelity of the Ofogoulas, who were then absent at the chase, has never been shaken, and they now compose one village with the Tonikas. On the 11th of December, Father Souel was returning in the evening from visiting the chief, and while in a ravine, received many musket-balls, and fell dead on the spot. The Indians immediately rushed to his cabin to plunder it. His negro, who composed all his family and aU his defence, armed himself with a wood-cutter's knife, to prevent the pillage, and even wounded one of the sav ages. This zealous action cost him his life, but, happily, less than a month be fore he had received baptism, and was living in a most Christian manner. 10 154 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, The grant of the Maloins is well situated ; it wants nothing to make an improvement of the land but negroes, or hired servants, I should prefer the last : when the time of their service is expired, they These Indians, who even to that time had seemed sensible of the affection which their missionary bore them, reproached themselves for his death as soon as they were capable of reflection ; but returning again to their natural ferocity, they adopted the resolution of putting a flnishing stroke to their crime by the destruction of the whole French post, " Since the Black Chief is dead," said they, " it is the same as if all the French were dead — let us not spare any," The next day they executed their barbarous plan. They repaired early in the moming to the fort, which was not more than a league distant, and whose occupants supposed, on their arrival, that the Indians wished to chant the calu met to the Chevalier des Roches, who commanded that post In the absence of M. de Codere. He had but seventeen men with him, who had no suspicion of any evil design, on the part of the savages, and were therefore all massacred, not one escaping their fury. They, however, granted their lives to four women and flve children, whom they found there, and whom they made slaves. One of the Yazous having stripped the missionary, clothed himself in his garments, andshortly after announced to the Natchez, that his nation had re deemed their pledge, and that the French settled among them were all massa cred. In this city there was no longer any doubt on that point, as soon as they learned what came near being the fate of Father Doutreleau. This missionary had availed himself of the time when the Indians were engaged in their winter occupations, to come and see us, for the purpose of regulating some matters re lating to his mission. He set out on the first day of this year, 1730, and not expecting to arrive at the residence of Father Souel, of whose fate he was igno rant, in time to say mass, he determined to say it at the mouth of the little river of the Yazous, where his party had cabined. As he was preparing for this sacred office, he saw a boat full of Indians land ing. They demanded from them, of what nation they were "! "Yazous, com rades of the French," they replied, making a thousand friendly demonstrations to the voyagers who accompanied the missionary, and presenting them with provisions. While the Father was preparing his altar, a flock of bustards passed, and the voyagers fired at them the only two guns they had, without thinking of reloading, as mass had already commenced. The Indians noted this, and placed themselves behind the voyagers, as if it was their intention to hear mass, although they were not Christians. At the time the Father was saying the Kyrie Eleison, the Indians made their discharge. The missionary perceiving himself wounded in his right arm, and seeing one of the voyagers killed at his feet, and the four others fied, threw himself on his knees to receive the last fatal blow, which he regarded as inevit able. In this posture he received two or three discharges. But although the Indians fired whUe almost touching him, yet they did not infiict on him any new wounds. Ending himself, then, as it were, miraculously escaped from so many mortal blows, he took to fiight, having on stiU his priestly garments, and without any other defence than an entire confidence in God, whose particular protection was given him, as the event proved. He threw himself into the wa ter, and, after advancing some steps, gained the boat in which two of the voya- JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 155 become inhabitants, and increase the number of the king's natural subjects ; whereas the first are always strangers : and who can be assured, that by continually increasing in our colonies, they will not gers were making their escape. They had supposed him to be Wiled by some of the many balls which they had heard fired on him. In climbing up into the boat, and turning his head to see whether any one of his pursuers was following him too closely, he received in the mouth a discharge of small shot, the greater part of which were fiattened against his teeth, though some of them entered his gums, and remained there for a long time. I hive myself seen two of them. Father Doutreleau, all wounded as he was, undertook the duty of steering the boat, while his two companions placed themselves at the oars. Unfortunately one of them, at setting out, had his thigh broken by a musket-baU, from the effects of which he has since remained a cripple. You may well imagine, my Reverend Father, that the missionary and his companions had no thoughts of ascending the river. They descended the Mis sissippi with all the speed possible, and at last lost sight of the boat of their enemies, who had pursued them for more than an hour, keeping up a continual fire upon them, and who boasted at the village that they had killed them. The two rowers were often tempted to give themselves up, but, encouraged by the missionary, they in their tm-n made the enemy fear. An old gun which was not loaded, nor in a condition to be, which they pointed at them from time to time, made them often dodge in their boat, and at last obliged them to retire. As soon as they found themselves freed from their enemies, they dressed their wounds as weU as they could, and for the purpose of aiding their flight from that fatal shore, they threw into the river everything they had in their boat, preserving only some pieces of raw bacon for their nourishment. It had been their intention to stop in passing at the Natchez, but having seen that the houses of the French were either demolished or bumed, they did not think it advisable to listen to the compliments of the Indians, who from the bank of the river invited them to land. They placed a wide distance between them as soon as possible, and thus shunned the balls which were ineffectually fired at them. It was then that they began to distrust all these Indian nations, and therefore resolved not to go near the land until they reached New Orleans, and supposing that the savages might have rendered themselves masters of it, to descend even to the Balize, where they hoped to find some French vessel provided to receive the wreck of the colony. In passing the Tonikas, they separated themselves as far as possible from the shore, but they were discovered, and a boat which had been dispatched to reconnoitre them, was not a long time in approaching. Their fear and distrust was renewed, and they did not decide to stop, until they perceived that the persons in that boat spoke very good French, when they overcame their fears , and in the weak state they were, gladly availed themselves of the opportunity to land. There they found the little French army which had been formed, the officers compassionate and every way kind, a surgeon and refreshments. After recovering a little from the great dangers and miseries they had endured, they on the next day availed themselves of a boat which had been fitted out for New Orleans. I cannot express to you, my Reverend Father, the great satisfaction I felt at 156 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. one day become formidable enemies ? Can we depend upon slaves, who are only attached to us by fear, and for whom the very land where they are born has not the dear name of mother country ? seeing Father Doutreleau, his arm in a scarf, arrive after a voyage of more than four hundred leagues, all the clothes he had on having been borrowed, except his cassock. My surprise was increased at the recital of his adventures. I placed him immediately in the hands of Brother Parisel, who examined his wounds, and who dressed them with great care and speedy success. The missionary was not yet entirely cured of his wounds, when he departed to go and act as chaplain to the French army, as he had promised the officers, in accordance with their request. He endured with them the fatigues of the campaign against the Natchez, and there gave new proofs of his zeal, his wis dom, and his courage. On his return from the Natchez, he came to recruit himself here for six weeks, which he found very long, but which appeared to me very short. He was impatient to return to his dear mission, but it was necessary for me to fit him out generally with every thing proper for a missionary, and he was obliged to wait for the escort which was going to the Illinois. The risks which they ran on the river during this insurrection of the Indians, induced the commander to forbid voyagers going in separate companies. He set out, therefore, ou the 16th of April, with many others, in a body sufficiently large to relieve them from all fear of their enemies. I learned in fact that they had proceeded above the Akensas without any accident. The pleasure of seeing Father Doutreleau for the flrst time, and seeing him, too, after his escape from such imminent perils, was much impaired by the vivid grief I felt for the loss of two missionaries, with whose merit you were as well acquainted as myself You know that to a most amiable disposition they united the appropriate qualifications for apostolical men, that they were very much at tached to their mission, that they had already become well acquainted with the language of the Indians, that their earliest labors had produced great fruits, and they gave the promise of still greater results, since neither of them was more than thirty-five or thirty-six years of age. This deprivation, which en tirely occupied my thoughts, gave me no time for thinking of the loss we had sustained of their negroes and their effects, although it very much deranged a mission which had just been commenced, and whose necessities you know bet ter than any one else. But nothing has happened to these two excellent misssonaries for which we should mourn, or for which they were not prepared when they devoted them selves to the Indian missions in this colony. This disposition alone, independ ent of every thing else, has without doubt placed a great difference in the eyes of God between their death and that of the others, who have fallen martyrs to the French name. But I am weU persuaded, that the fear of a simUar fate will not in the least diminish the zeal of those of our Fathers who had thought of following them, neither will it deter our Superiors from responding to the holy desires they may have of sharing our labors. Knowing, as you do, my Reverend Father, the vigilance and the oversight of our Governor, you can well imagine that he did not sleep in this sad crisis in which we now found ourselves. We may say without flattery, that he surpassed JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 157 The first night I lay in this habitation, there wa.s a great alarm about nine at night. I inquired the cause of it, and they told me that there was in the neighborhood a beast of an unknown species, himself by the rapid movements he made, and by the wise measures he adopt ed to revenge the French blood which had been shed, and to prevent the evils with which almost all the posts of the colony were threatened. As soon as he was apprised of this unexpected attack by the Natchez In dians, he caused the news to be carried to all the posts, and even as far as the Illinois, not by the direct and ordinary route of the river, which was closed, but on one side by Natchitoches and the Akensas, and on the other by Mobile and the Tchicachas. He invited the neighbors who were our allies, and particu larly the Tchactas, to avenge this perfidy. He furnished arms .and ammunition to all the houses of this city and to the plantations. He caused two ships, that is, the Due de Bourbon and the Alexandre, to ascend the river as far as the Tonikas. These ships were like two good fortresses against the insults of the Indians, and in case of attack, two certain asylums for the women and children. He caused a ditch to be dug entirely around the city (New Orleans), and placed guard-houses at the four extremities. He organized for its defence many companies of city militia, who mounted guard during the whole night. As there was more to fear in the grants and in the plantations than in the city, he fortified them with the most care. He had good forts erected at Chapitou- las, at Cannes brtiles, at AUemands, at Bayagoulas, and at Pointe Coupee. At first, our Governor, listening only to the dictates of his own courage, adopted the design of placing himself at the head of the troops, but it was re presented to him, that he ought not to quit New Orleans, where his presence was absolutely necessary, that there was danger of the Tchactas determining to fall upon the city, if it should be deprived of its troops ; and the negroes, to free themselves from slavery, might join them, as some had done with the Natchez. Moreover he could feel perfectly easy with regard to the conduct of the troops, as the Chevalier de Loubois, with whose experience and bravery he was weU acquainted, had been appointed to command them. Whilst our little army was repairing to the Tonikas, seven hundred Tchac tas mustered, and conducted by M. le Sueur, marched towards the Natchez. We were informed by a party of these people, that the Indians were not at all on their guard, but passed aU their nights in dancing. The Tchatas took them therefore by surprise, and made a descent on them on the 27th of January, at the break of day. In less than three hours they had delivered fifty-nine per sons, both women and children, with the tailor and carpenter, and one hundred and six negroes or negro women with their children ; they made eighteen of the Natchez prisoners and took sixty scalps. They would have taken more, if they had not been intent on freeing the slaves, as they had been directed. They had but two men killed and seven or eight wounded. They encamped with their prizes at the grant of St. Catherine, in a mere park enclosed with stakes. The victory would have been complete, if they had waited the arrival of the French army, as had been agreed upon with their deputies. The Natchez seeing themselves attacked by the formidable Tchactas, re garded their defeat as certain, and shutting themselves up in two forts, passed the following nights in dancing their death-dance. In their speeches we heard 158 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. of a monstrous size, and the cry of which resembled no animal that we knew. However, no person aflirmed that he had seen it, and they only guessed at its size by its strength. It had already carried off them reproaching the Tchactas for their perfidy, in declaring in favor of the French, contrary to the pledge they had given, to unite with them for our de struction. Three days before this action, the Sieur Mesplex landed at the Natchez with flve other Frenchmen, They had volunteered to M, de Loubois, to carry to the Indians negotiations for peace, that they might be able under this pretext to gain information with regard to their force, and their present situation. But in descending from their boat, they encountered a party, who, without giving them time to speak, killed three of their men, and made the other three pri soners. The next day they sent one of these prisoners with a letter, in which they demanded as hostages, the Sieur Broutin, who had formerly been com mander among them, and the Chief of the Tonikas. Besides, they demanded as the ransom for the women, children, and slaves, two hundred guns, two hun dred barrels of powder, two hundred barrels of balls, two thousand gun-flints, two hundred knives, two hundred hatchets, two hundred pickaxes, five hogs heads of brandy, twenty casks of wine, twenty barrels of vermilion, two hun dred shirts, twenty pieces of Umbourg, twenty pieces of cloth, twenty coats with lace on the seams, twenty hats bordered with plumes, and a hundred coats of a plainer kind. Their design was to massacre the French who should bring these goods. On the very same day, with every refinement in cruelty, they burned the Sieur Mesplex and his companion. On the Sth of February, the French, with the Tonikas, and some other small tribes from the lower end of the Mississippi, arrived at the Natchez, and seized their temple dedicated to the sun. The impatience and impractibility of the Tchactas, who like all these In dians are capable of only striking one blow, and then disperse, the small num ber of French soldiers who found themselves wom down by fatigues, the want of provisions which the Indians stole from the French, the failure of ammu nition with which they were not able to satisfy the Tchactas, who wasted one part of it, and placed the other in reserve to be used in hunting, the resistance of the Natchez who were well fortified, and who fought in desperation, all these things decided us to listen to the propositions which the besieged made, after the trenches had been opened for seven days. They threatened, if we persisted in the siege, to bum those of the French who remained, while on the other hand, they offered to restore them, if we would withdraw our seven pieces of cannon. These, in reality, for want of a good gunner, and under present cir cumstances, were scarcely in a fit state to give them any fear. These propositions were accepted, and fulfilled on both sides. On the 25th of February the besieged faithfully restored all that they had promised, while the besiegers retired with their cannon to a small fort which they had hastily uilt on the Ecors near the river, for the purpose of always keeping the Natchez in check, and insuring a passage to the voyagers. M. Perrier gave the command of it to M. D'Artaguette, as an acknowledgment of the intrepidity with which, during the seige, he had exposed himself to the greatest dangers, and every where braved death. [The Natchez finally fled across the Missis- JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 159 some sheep and calves, and- killed some cows. I said to those who told me this story, that a mad wolf might have done all this ; and as to the cry, people were mistaken every day. I could bring no body to be of my opinion ; they would have it that it was a monstrous beast : they had just then heard it, and they ran out armed with the first thing they could find, but all to no purpose. The grant of the company is still more advantageously situated than that of the Maloins. The same river waters both, and after wards discharges itself into the Mississippi, two leagues from the grant of the Maloins, to which a magnificent cypress wood, of six leagues extent, makes a screen, that covers all the back parts. To bacco has succeeded very well here, but the workmen of Clerac are almost all returned to France. I saw in the garden of the Sieur le Noir, chief clerk, very fine cot ton on the tree, and a little lower we begin to see some wild Indigo. They have not yet made a trial of it ; but it is very likely that it will turn out as well as that they found in the island of St. Domingo, which is as much esteemed there as that which is brought from other places. And furthermore, experience teaches us that the soil which naturally produces Indigo, is very fit to bear any foreign sort that one chooses to sow in it. The great village of the Natchez is at present reduced to a very few cabins. The reason which I heard for it is, that the savages, from whom the great chief has a right to take all they have, get as far from him as they can ; and therefore many villages of this nation have been formed at some distance from this. The Tioux, their al lies and ours, have also settled a village in their neighborhood. The cabins of the great village of the Natchez, the only one I saw, are in the shape of a square pavilion, very low, and without windows ; the top is rounded much like an oven : the greatest part are covered with the leaves and stalks of maize ; some are built of clay mixed with cut straw, which seemed to me to be tolerably strong, and which were covered within and without with very thin mats. That of the great chief is very neatly plastered in the inside : it is also larger and higher than the rest, placed on a spot something elevated, and stands alone, no other building adjoining to it on any side. It fronts the north, with a large open place before it, which is not of the most sippi and intrenched themselves near Red river ; they were pursued by the French and compeUed to surrender. Their children and women were reduced to slavery ; some of the warriors fled to the Chicachas, but the Great Sun or Chief, with four hundred prisoners, were shipped to Cuba and sold as slaves. Thus perished the great Natchez nation.] 160 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. regular figure, All the furniture I found in it was a narrow couch of boards, raised about two or three feet from the ground. Probably when the great chief wants to lie down, he spreads a mat upon it, or some skin. There was not a soul in the village : all the people were gone to a neighboring village, where there was a feast, and all the doors were open ; but there was nothing to fear from thieves, for there was no thing to be seen any where but the bare walls. These cabins have no vent for the smoke, nevertheless, all those which I entered were white enough. The temple is very near the great chief's cabin, turned towards the east, and at the end of the open place. It is composed of the same materials as the cabins, but its shape is dif ferent ; it is a long square, about forty feet by twenty wide, with a common roof, in shape like ours. At the two ends there is to ap pearance like two weather-cocks of wood, which represent very indif ferently two eagles. The door is in the midst of the length of the building, which has no other opening. On each side there are benches of stone. The inside answers perfectly this rustic outside. I'hree pieces of wood, which touch at the ends, and which are placed in a triangle, or rather equally distant from each other, take up almost all the midst of the temple. These pieces are on fire, and burn slowly. A sa vage, whom they call the keeper of the temple, is obliged to tend the fire, and prevent its going out. If it is cold, he may have his fire apart, but he is not allowed to warm himself at that which burns in honor of the Sun. This keeper was also at the feast, at least I saw him not ; and his brands made such a smoke that it blinded us. As to ornaments, I saw none, nor absolutely any thing that could make me know that I was in a temple. I saw only three or four chests placed irregularly, in which there were some dry bones, and upon the ground some wooden heads, a little better wrought than the two eagles on the roof In short, if I had not found a fire here, I should have thought that this temple had been a long time aban doned, or that it had been plundered. Those cones wrapped up in skins, which some relations speak of; those bodies of the chiefs ranged in a circle in a round temple, terminating in a kind of dome ; that altar, &c. ; I saw nothing of all this. If things were thus in times past, they are very much changed since. Perhaps also, for we ought to condemn nobody, but when there is no way to excuse them ; perhaps, I say, that the neighborhood of the French made the Natchez fear that the bodies of their chiefs, and every thing that was most precious in their temple, were in some dan- JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 161 ger, if they did not convey them to another place ; and that the little attention they have at present to guard this temple, proceeds from its being deprived of what it contained most sacred in the opinion of these people. It is true, notwithstanding, that against the wall, over against the door, there was a table, the dimensions of which I did not take the pains to measure, because I did not suspect it to be an altar. I have been assured since, that it is three feet high, five long, and four wide. I have been further informed that they make a little fire on it with the bark of oak, and that it never goes out ; which is false, for there was then no fire on it, nor any appearance of there ever having been any made. They say also, that four old men lay by turns in the temple, to keep in this fire ; that he who is on duty, must not go out for the eight days 'of his watch ; that they carefully take the burning ashes of the pieces that burn in the midst of the temple, to put upon the altar ; that twelve men are kept to furnish the bark ; that there are marmosets of wood, and a figure of a rattle-snake likewise of wood, which they set upon the altar, and to which they pay great honors. That when the chief dies, thoy bury him directly ; that when they judge his flesh is consumed, the keeper of the temple takes the bones up, washes them clean, wraps them in whatever they have most valuable, and puts them in great baskets made of canes, which shut very close ; that he covers these baskets with skins of roebucks very neatly, and places them before the altar, where they remain till the death of the reigning chief ; that then he encloses these bones in the altar itself, to make room for the last dead. I can say nothing on this last article, only that I saw some bones in one or two chests, but they made not half a human body ; that they appeared to be very old, and that they were not on the table which they say_is the altar. As to the other article, first, as I was iu the temple only by day, I know not what passes in it at night ; second, there was no keeper in the temple when I visited it. I very well saw, as I said before, that there were some marmosets or gro tesque figures ; but I observed no figure of a serpent. As to what I have seen in some relations, that this temple is hung with tapestry, and the ficor covered with cane mats ; that they put in it whatever they have that is handsomest, and that they bring every year hither the first fruits of their harvest, we must certainly abate a great deal of all this. I never saw any thing more slovenly and dirty, nor more in disorder. The billets burnt upon the bare ground ; and I saw no mats on it, no more than the walls. M. le Noir, who was with me, only told me that every day they put a new 162 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. billet on the fire, and that at the beginning of every moon they made a provision for the whole month. But he knew this only by report ; for it was the first time he had seen this temple, as well as myself As to what regards the nation of the Natchez in general, here follows what I could learn of it. We see nothing in their outward appearance that distinguishes them, from the other savages of Canada and Louisiana. They seldom make war, not placing their glory in destroying men. What distinguishes them more particularly, is the form of their Government, entirely despotic ; a great dependence, which extends even to a kind of slavery, in the subjects ; more pride and grandeur in the chiefs, and their pacific spirit, which, however, they have not entirely preserved for some years past. The Hurons believe, as well as they, that their hereditary chiefs are descended from the Sun ; but there is not one that would be his servant, nor follow him into the other world for the honor of serving him there, as it often happens among the Natchez. Garcilasso de la Vega speaks of this nation as of a powerful people, and about six years ago they reckoned among them four thou sand warriors. It appears that they were more numerous in the time of M. de la Salle, and even when M, d'lberville discovered the mouth of the Mississippi. At present the Natchez cannot raise two thousand fighting men. They attribute this decrease to some con tagious diseases, which in these last years have made a great ravage among them. The Great Chief of the Natchez bears the name of the Sun ; and it is always, as among the Hurons, the son of the woman who is near est related to him, that succeeds him. They give this woman the title of Woman Chief; and though in general she does not meddle with the Government, they pay her great honors. She has also, as well as the Great Chief, the power of life and death. As soon as any one has had the misfortune to displease either of them, they order their guards, whom they call Allouez, to kill him. " Go and rid me of that dog," say they ; and they are immediately obeyed. Their subjects, and even the chiefs of the villages, never approach them, but they salute them three times, setting up a cry, which is a kind of howling. They do the same when they retire, and they retire walking backwards. When they meet them, they must stop, and range themselves on both sides of the way, and make the same cries till they are gone past. Their subjects are also obliged to carry them the best of their harvest, and of their hunting and fishing. Lastly, no person, not even their nearest relations, and those who are of noble families, when they have the honor to eat with them, JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 163 have a right to put their hand to the same dish, or to drink out of the same vessel. Every morning, as soon as the Sun appears, the Great Chief comes to the door of his cabin, turns himself to the east, and howls three times, bowing down to the earth. Then they bring him a calu met, which serves only for this purpose, he smokes, and blows the smoke of his tobacco towards the Sun ; then he does the same thing towards the other three parts of the world. He acknowledges no superior but the Sun, from which he pretends to derive his origin. He exercises an unlimited power over his subjects, can dispone of their goods and lives, and for whatever labors he requires of them, they cannot demand any recompense. When this Great Chief, or the Woman Chief dies, all their Allouez, or guards, are obliged to follow them into the other world ; but they are not the only persons who have this honor ; for so it is reckoned among them, and is greatly sought after. The death of a chief sometimes costs the lives of more than a hundred persons ; and I have been assured that very few principal persons of the Natchez die, without being escorted to the country of souls by some of their relations, their friends, or their servants. It appears by the various relations which I have seen of these horrible ceremonies, that they differ greatly. I shall here describe the obsequies of a Woman Chief, as I had it from a traveller, who was a witness of them, and on whose sincerity I have good reason to depend. The husband of this woman not being noble, that is to say, of the family of the Great Chief, his eldest son strangled him, according to custom; then they cleared the cabin of all it contained, and they erected in it a kind of triumphal car, in which the body of the de ceased woman, and that of her husband, were placed. A moment after they ranged round these carcasses twelve little children, which their parents had strangled by order of the eldest daughter of the Woman Chief, and who succeeded to the dignity of her mother. This being done, they erected in the public place fourteen scaffolds, adorned with branches of trees, and cloths on which they had painted various figures. These scaffolds were designed for as many persons, who were to accompany the Woman Chief into the other world. Their relations were all round them, and esteemed as a great honor for their families the permission that they had obtained to sacrifice themselves in this manner. They apply sometimes ten years before hand to obtain this favor ; and the persons that have obtained it, must themselves make the cord with which they are to be strangled. They appear on their scaffolds dressed in their richest habits, 164 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. holding in their right hand a great shell. Their nearest relation is on their right hand, having under their left arm the cord which is to serve for the execution, and in their right hand a fighting club. From time to time their nearest relation makes the cry of death ; and at this cry the fourteen victims descend from their scaffolds, and go and dance all together in the middle of the open place that is be fore the temple, and before the cabin of the Woman Chief That day and the following ones they show them great respect; they have each five servants, and their faces are painted red. Some addf that during the eight days that precede their death, they wear a red ribbon round one of their legs ; and that during this time, every body strives who shall be the first to feast them. However that may be, on the occasion I am speaking of, the fathers and mothers who had strangled their children, took them up in their hands and ranged themselves on both sides the cabin : the fourteen persons, who were also destined to die, placed themselves in the same manner, and were followed by the relations and friends of the de ceased, all in mourning ; that is to say, their hair cut off. They all made the air resound with fuch frightful cries, that one would have said that all the devils in hell were come to howl in the place. This was followed by the dances of those who were to die, and by the songs of the relations of the Woman Chief At last they began the procession. The fathers and mothers who carried the dead children, appeared the first, marching two and two, and came immediately before the bier on which was the body of the Woman Chief, which four men carried on their shoulders. All the others came after in the same order as the first. At every ten paces, the fathers and mothers let their children fall upon the ground: those who carried the bier, walked upon them, then turned quite round them ; so that when the procession arrived at the temple, these little bodies were all in pieces. While they buried the body of the Woman Chief in the temple, they undressed the fourteen persons who were to die. They made them sit on the ground before the door, each having two savages by him ; one of whom sat on his knees, and the other held his arms be hind. Then they put a cord about his neck, and covered his head with a roebuck's skin. They made him swallow three pills of to bacco, and drink a glass of water : and the relations of the Woman Chief drew the two ends of the cord, singing, till he was strangled. After which, they threw all the carcasses into the same pit, which they covered with earth. When the Great Chief dies, if his nurse is living, she must die JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 165 also. The French not being able to hinder this barbarity, have often obtained leave to baptize the young children that were to be strangled ; and who of consequence did not accompany those, in whose honor they were sacrificed, in their pretended paradise. We know no nation on this continent, where the female sex are more irregular, than in this. They are even forced by the Great Chief and his subalterns to prostitute themselves to all comers ; and a woman, for being common, is not the less esteemed. Although polygamy is permitted, and the number of women they may have is unlimited, commonly each has only one, but he may put her away when he pleases ; a license which few but the chiefs make use of. The women are pretty well shaped for savages, and neat enough in their dress, and every thing they do. The daughters of the noble families can marry none but obscure persons ; but they have a right to turn away their husbands when they please, and to take another, provided there is no relationship between them. If their husbands are unfaithful to them, they can order them to be knocked on the head, but they are not subject to the same law themselves. They may also have as many gallants as they think fit, and the husband is not to take it amiss. Tbis is a privilege belong ing to the blood of the Great Chief The husband of any one of these must stand in the presence of his wife in a respectful posture ; he does not eat with her ; he salutes her in the same tone as her do mestics. The only privilege which such a burthensome alliance pro cures him, is to be exempt from labor, and to have authority over those who serve his wife. The Natchez have two war chiefs, two masters of the ceremonies for the temple, two officers to regulate what is done in treaties of peaee or war, one that has the inspection of works, and four others who are employed to order every thing in the public feasts. It is the Great Chief who appoints persons to these offices, and those who hold them are respected and obeyed as he would be himself The harvest among the Natchez is in common. The Great Chief sets the day for it, and calls the village together. Towards the end of July he appoints another day for the beginning of a festival, which lasts three days, which are spent in sports and feasting. Each private person contributes something of his hunting, his fishing, and his other provisions, which consist in maize, beans, and melons. The Great Chief and the Woman Chief preside at the feast, sitting in a cabin raised above the ground, and covered with boughs : they are carried to it in a litter, and the Great Chief holds in his hand a kind of sceptre, adorned with feathers of various colors. All 166 HISt'oRICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. the nobles are round him in a respectful posture. The last day the Great Chief makes a speech to the assembly. He exhorts every body to be exact in the performance of their duties, especially to have a great veneration for the spirits which reside in the temple, and to be careful in instructing their children. If any one has distin guished himself by some action of note, he makes his elogium. Twenty years ago, the temple was reduced to ashes by lightning. Seven or eight women threw their children into the midst of the flames tto appease the Genii. The Great Chief immediately sent for these heroines, gave them publicly great praises, and finished his dis course by exhorting the other women to follow their great example on a like occasion. The fathers of families never fail to bring to the temple the first fruits of every thing they gather ; and they do the same by all the presents that are made to the nation. They expose them at the door of the temple, the keeper of which, after having presented them to the spirits, carries them to the Great Clyef, who distributes them to whom he pleases. The seeds are in like manner offered before the temple with great ceremony ; but the offerings which are made there of bread and fiour every new moon, are for the use of the keepers of the temjle. The marriages of the Natchez, are very little different from those of the savages of Canada. The principal difference we find in them consists in that here the future spouse begins by making, to the rela tions of the woman, such presents as have been agreed upon ; and that the wedding is followed by a great feast. The reason why there are few but the chiefs who have several wives, is, that as they can get their fields cultivated by the people without any charge, their wives are no burthen to them. The chiefs marry with less ceremony still than the others. It is enough for them to give notice to the rela tions of the woman on whom they have cast their eyes, that they place her in the number of their wives. But they keep but one or two in their cabins ; the others remain with their relations, where their husbands visit them when they please. No jealousy reigns in these marriages. The Natchez lend one another their wives without any difficulty : and it is probably from hence that proceeds the rea diness with which they part with them to take others. When a war chief wants to levy a party of soldiers, he plants, in a place marked out for that purpose, two trees adorned with feathers, arrows, and fighting-clubs, all painted red, as well as the trees, which are also pricked on that side which is towards the place whither they intend to carry the war. Those who would enlist, present themselves JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 167 to the chief, well dressed, their faces smeared with various colors, and declare to him the desire they have to learn the art of war under his orders ; that they are disposed to endure all the fatigues of war, and ready to die, if needful, for their country. When the Chief has got the number of soldiers that the expedi tion requires, which he intends to make, he causes a drink to be pre pared at his cabin, which is called the medicine of war. This is a vomit made with a root boiled in water. They give to each man two pots of it, which they must drink all at once, and .which they throw up again^^aitHost as soon as they have drank it, with most violent retchings. Afterwards they labor in making the necessary preparations ; and till the day settled for their departure, the war riors meet every evening and morning in an open place, where after much dancing, and telling their great feats of war, every one sings his song of death. These people are not less superstitious about their dreams, than the savages of Canada ; there needs only a bad omen to cause them to return when they are on a march. The warriors march with a great deal of order, and take great precautions to encamp, and to rally. They often send out scouts, but they never set sentinels at night. They put out all the fires, they recommend themselves to the spirits, and they sleep in se curity, after the chief has exhorted every one not to snore too loud, and to keep always their arms near them in good condition. Their idols are exposed on a pole leaning towards the enemy, and all the warriors, before they lay down, pass one after another, with their fighting-clubs in their hands, before these pretended deities : then they turn towards the enemy's country, and make great threatenings, which the wind often carries another way. It does not appear that the Natchez exercise on their prisoners, during the March, the cruelties which are used in Canada. When these wretches are arrived at the great village, they make them sing and dance several days together before the temple, after which, they are delivered to the relations of those who have been killed during the cam paign. They, on receiving them, burst into tears, then after having wiped their eyes with the scalps which the warriors have brought home, they join together to reward those who have made them the present of their captives, whose fate is always to be burnt. The warriors change their names as often as they perform new exploits. They receive them from the ancient war chief, and these names have always some relation to the action by which they have merited this distinction. Those who for the first time have made a prisoner, or taken off a scalp, must, for a month, abstain from seeing 168 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. their wives, and from eating fiesh. They imagine, that if they should fail in this, the souls of those whom they have killed or burnt, would effect their death, or that the first wound they should receive would be mortal ; or at least, that they should never after gain any advantage over their enemies. If the Great Chief, called the Sun, commands his subjects in person, they take great care that he should not expose himself too much ; less perhaps through zeal for his preservation, than because the other,^ar chiefs, and the heads of the party, would be put to death for their want of care in guarding him. The jugglers or doctors of the Natchez, pretty much resemble those of Canada, and treat their patients much after the same man ner. They are well paid when the patient recovers ; but if he hap pens to die, it often costs them their lives. There is in his nation another set of jugglers, who run no less risk than these doctors. They are certain lazy old fellows, who, to maintain their families without being obliged to work, undertake to procure rain, or fine weather, according as they are wanted. About the spring time they make a collection to buy of these pretended magicians a favorable season for the fruits of the earth. If it is rain they require, they flll their mouth with water, and with a reed, the end of which is pierced with several holes, like a funnel, they blow into the air, to wards the side where they perceive some clouds, whilst holding their chichicoue in one hand, and their manitou in the other, they play upon one, and hold the other up in the air, inviting, by frightful cries, the clouds to water the fields of those who have set them to work. If the business is to obtain fine weather, they mount on the roof of their cabins, make signs to the clouds to pass away ; and if the clouds pass away, and are dispersed, they dance and sing round about their idols ; then they swallow the smoke of tobacco, and present their calumets to the sky. All the time these operations last, they observe a strict fast, and do nothing but dance and sing. If they obtain what they have promised, they are well rewarded ; if they do not succeed, they are put to death without mercy. But they are not the same who undertake to procure rain and fine weather ; the genius of one person cannot, as they say, give both. Mourning among these savages consists in cutting off their hair, and in not painting their faces, and in absenting themselves from public assemblies ; but I know not how long it lasts. I know not either, whether they celebrate the grand festival of the dead, which I have before described. It appears as if i j this nation, where every body is in some sort the slave of those -^ho command, all the honors of the dead are for those who do so, especially for the Great Chief and the Woman Chief JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 169 Treaties of peace and alliances are made with great pomp, and the Great Chief on these occasions always supports his dignity like a true sovereign. As soon as he is informed of the day of the arrival of the ambassadors, he gives his orders to the masters of the ceremonies, for the preparations of their reception, and names those who are by turns to maintain these envoys ; for it is at the cost of his subjects that he defrays the expenses of the embassage. The day of the entry of the ambassadors, every one has his place assigned him ac cording to his rank ; and when the ambassadors are come within five hundred paces of the Great Chief, they stop, and sing the song of peace. Commonly the embassy is composed of thirty men and six wo men. Six of the best voices march at the head of this train and sing aloud, the rest follow, and the chichicoue serves to regulate the time. When the Great Chief makes signs to the ambassadors to ap proach, they renew their march ; those who carry the calumet, dance as they sing, and turn themselves on every side, with many motions, and make a great many grimaces and contortions. They renew the same tricks round about the Great Chief when they are come near him ; then they rub him with their calumet from head to foot, and afterwards go and rejoin their company. Then they fill a calumet with tobacco, and holding fire in one hand, they advance all together towards the Great Chief, and present him the calumet lighted. They smoke with him, and blow towards the sky the first whiff of their tobacco, the second towards the earth, and the third round about the horizon. When they have done this, they present their calumets to the relations of the Great Chief, and the subaltern chiefs. Then they go and rub with their hands the stomach of the Great Chief, after which they rub themselves all over the body ; and lastly, they lay their calumets on forks over against the Great Chief, and the orator of the embassy begins his speech, which lasts an hour. When he has finished, they make signs to the ambassadors, who till now were standing, to sit down on benches placed for them near the Great Chief, who answers their discourse, and speaks also a whole hour. Then a master of the ceremonies lights a great calumet of peace, and makes the ambassadors smoke in it, who swallow the first mouthful. Then the Great Chief inquires after their health, and all those who are present at the audience make them the same compli ment ; then they conduct them to the cabin that is appointed for them, and where they give him a great feast. The evening of the same day the Great Chief makes them a visit ; but when they know 11 170 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. he is ready to do them this honor, they go to seek him, and carry him on their shoulders to their lodging, and make him sit on a great skin. One of them places himself behind him, leans his hands on his shoulders, and shakes him a pretty long time, whilst the rest, sit ting round on the earth, sing their great actions in the wars. These visits are renewed every morning and evening ; but in the last the ceremonial varies. The ambassadors set up a post in the midst of their cabin, and sit all round it. The warriors who accom pany the Great Chief, or as they call him, the Sun, dressed in their finest robes, dance, and one by one strike the post, and relate their bravest feats of arms ; after which they make presents to the ambas sadors. The next day they are permitted for the first time to walk about the village, and every night they make them entertainments, which consist only in dances. When they are on their departure, the master of the ceremonies supplies them with all the provisions they may want for their journey, and this is always at the expense of pri vate persons. The greatest part of the nations of Louisiana had formerly their temples, as well as the Natchez, and in all these temples there was a perpetual fire. It seems also probable, that the Maubileans had over all the people of this part of Florida, a kind of primacy of religion ; for it was at their fire they were obliged to kindle that, which by negligence or accident had been suffered to go out. But at present the temple of the Natchez is the only one that subsists, and it is held in great veneration among all the savages which inhabit this vast continent, the decrease of which nation is as considerable, and has been still more sudden, than that of the savages of Canada, without its being possible to discover the true cause of it. Whole nations have entirely disappear-sd-within forty years at most. Those which are still subsisting, are but the shadow of what they were when M. de la Salle discovered this country. I take my leave of you, madam, for reasons which I shall have the honor to explain to you soon. New Orleans, January 10, 1722.. I am at length arrived in this famous city, which they have called la Nouvelle Orleans. Those who have given it this name, thought that Orleans was of the feminine gender; but what signifies that? Custom has established it, and that is above the rules of Grammar, JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 171 ' This city is the first, which one of the greatest rivers in the world has seen raised on its banks. If the eight hundred fine houses, and the five parishes, which the newspapers gave it some two years ago, are reduced at present to a hundred barracks, placed in no very great order ; to a great storehouse, built of wood' ; to two or three houses, which would be no ornament to a village of France ; and to the half of a sorry storehouse, which they agreed to lend to the lord of the place, and which he had no sooner taken possession of, but they turned him out to dwell under a tent ; what pleasure, on the other side, to see insensibly increasing this future capital of a fine and vast coun try, and to be able to say, not with a sigh, like the hero of Virgil, speaking of his dear native place consumed by the flames, and the fields where the city of Troy had been,* but full of a well-grounded hope, this wild and desert place, which the reeds and trees do yet almost wholly cover, will be one day, and perhaps that day is not far off, an opulent city, and the metropolis of a great and rich colony. Tou will ask me, madam, on what I found this hope ? I found it on the situation of this city, at thirty-three leagues from the sea, and on the side of a navigable river, that one may come up to this place in twenty-four hours ; on the fruitfulness of the soil ; on the mild ness and goodness of its climate, in 30^ north latitude ; on the in dustry of its inhabitants; on the neighborhood of Mexico, to which we may go in fifteen days by sea ; on that of the Havana, which is still nearer ; and of the finest islands of America, and of the Eng lish colonies. Need there any thing more to render a city flourish ing ? Rome and Paris had not such considerable beginnings, were not built under such happy auspices, and their founders did not find on the Seine and the Tyber the advantages we have found on the Mississippi, in comparison of which, those two rivers are but little brooks. ' But before I undertake to mention what there is here wor thy your curiosity, that I may proceed according to order, I shall take up my journal again where I broke it off. I stayed at the Natchez much longer than I expected, and it was the abandoned condition in which I found the French, with respect to spiritual aids, that kept me there till after Christmas. The dew of heaven hath not yet fallen on this fine country, which above all others may boast of its portion of the fatness of the earth. The late M. d'lberville had destined a Jesuitf for this purpose, who accompanied him in the second voyage he made to Louisiana, with a design to es tablish Christianity in a nation, whose conversion, he made no doubt, * Et Campos, ubi Troja fuit. t Father Paul du Ru. 172 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. would be followed by that of all the rest. But this missionary pass ing by the village of the Bayagoulas, thought he found there more favorable dispositions for religion, and while he was thinking to fix his abode amongst them, he was called to France by superior orders. After this, an ecclesiastic of Canada* was sent to the Natchez, and remained there a pretty long time, but he made no proselytes, though he had gained the good graces of the Woman Chief, who out of respect to him, gave his name to one of her sons. This mission ary having been obliged to make a journey to Maubile, was killed on the way by savages, who probably only wanted his baggage, as it hadv happened before to another priestf on the side of the Arkansas. Since that time all Louisiana, above the Illinois, has remained without any priest, except the Tonicas, who have had for several years an eccle- siasticl, whom they loved and esteemed, and whom they would have made their Chief, and who, notwithstanding, could never persuade one of them to embrace Christianity. But it is something preposterous to think of taking measures for the conversion of infidels, whilst the household even of the faith are almost all without pastors. I have already had the honor of telling you, madam, that the canton of the Natchez is the most populous of the colony ; neverthless, it is five years since any French man has heard mass here, or even seen a priest. I soon saw that the privation of the sacraments had produced in the greatest part of them that indifference for the exercises of religion, which is the com mon effect of such privation, yet many showed a great desire to take advantage of my presence, for regulating the affairs of their con sciences ; and I thought it was my duty to help them to this comfort without much solicitation. The flrst proposal that they made to me was, that I would agree to marry in the presence of the church, some inhabitants, who by virtue of a civil contract, drawn up in the presence of the command ant and the principal clerk, lived together without any scruple, alleging, as well as they who had authorized this concubinage, the necessity of peopling the country, and the impossibility of having a priest. I represented to them, that there was one at the Yasous, and at New Orleans, and that the matter was worth the pains of taking the journey. They replied that the contracting parties were not in a condition to take long journeys, nor to be at the expense of bringing a priest hither. In short, the e-vil was done, and there re mained nothing but to remedy it, which I did. Then I confessed all * M. de S, Cosme. t M. Foucault. ^ M. Davion. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 173 who presented themselves, but the number of these was not so great as I had hoped. Nothing more detaining me at the Natchez, I departed from thence the 26th of December, pretty late, accompanied by M. de Pauger, the King's engineer, who was visiting the colony to examine the places where it was fit to build forts. We went four leagues, and encamped at the side of a little river, which we found on the left. We re-embarked the next day two hours before it was light, with the wind pretty high and against us. The river in this place makes a circuit of fourteen leagues ; and as we turned, the wind turned with us, being beaten back by the land, and by the islands, which we found in great numbers, so that it was always in our faces. Notwithstanding which, we_ went ten leagues farther, and entered into another little river on the left hand. All night we heard a great noise, and I thought it was the effect of the wind that was grown stronger ; but they assured me that the river had been very quiet, and that the noise which had waked me, was made by the alligators that dasl^d about the water with their tails. ?he 28th, after having gone two leagues, we arrived at the river of the Tonicas, which appeared to me at'first to be but a brook ; but at a musket-shot distance from its mouth, it forms a very pretty lake. If the Mississippi continues to throw itself as it does on the other side, all this place will become inaccessible. The river of the Tonicas has its source in the country of the Tchactas, and its course is very much obstructed with falls. The village is beyond the lake, on a pretty high ground, yet they say that the air here is bad, which they attribute to the quality of the waters of the river ; but I should rather judge that it proceeds from the stagnation of the waters in the lake. This village is built in a circle, round a very large open space, without any inclosure, and moderately peopled. The cabin of the chief is very much adorned on the outside for the cabin of a savage. We see on it some figures in relievo, which are not so ill done as one expects to find them. The inside is dark, and I observed nothing in it but some boxes, which they assured me were full of clothes and money. The chief received us very politely ; ¦ he was dressed in the French fashion, and seemed to be not at all uneasy in that habit. Of all the savages of Canada, there is none so much depended on by our commandants as this chief He loves our nation, and has no cause to repent of the services he has rendered it. He trades with the French, whom he supplies with horses and fowls, and he understands his trade very well. He has learned of us to hoard up money, and he is reckoned very rich. He has a long time 174 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LpUISIANA. left off the dress of a savage, and he takes a pride in appearing al ways well dressed, according to our mode. The other cabins of the village are partly square, as that of the chief, and partly round, like those of the Natchez. The place round which they all stand, is about a hundred paces diameter, and not withstanding the heat of the weather was that day suffocating, the young people were diverting themselves at a kind of truck, much like ours. There are two other villages of this nation at a little distance from this ; and this is all that remains of a people formerly very numerous. I said before that they had a missionary whom they greatly loved ; I have learned that they drove him away not long since, because he had burnt their temple, which nevertheless they have not rebuilt, nor lighted their fire again ; a certain proof of their little attachment to their false religion ! They even soon recalled the missionary ; but they heard all he could say to them with an in difference, which he could never conquer, and he has forsaken them in his turn. From the bottom of the lake, or the bay of the Tonicas, if we used canoes of bark, we might make a portage of two leagues, which would save ten on the Mississippi ; but this is not practicable with pettiaugres. Two leagues lower than the river of the Tonicas, we leave On the right hand the Red river or Rio Colorado ; at the en trance of which, the famous Ferdinand de Soto, the conqueror of Florida, ended his days and his exploits, or rather his rambles. This river runs east and west some time, then turns to the south. It is scarcely navigable for pettiaugres, and that for no more than forty leagues ; after which we meet with impassable marshes. Its mouth appeared to me to be about two hundred fathom wide. Ten leagues higher, it receives on the right hand the Black river, otherwise called the river of the Ouatchitas ; which comes from the north, and has water only for seven months in the year. Nevertheless, there are several grants situated here, which in all appearance will not grow very rich. The motive of this settlement is the neighborhood of the Spaniards, which at all times has been a fatal enticement to this colony. In hopes of trading with them, they leave the best lands in the world uncultivated. The Natchitoches are settled on the Red river, and we have judged it convenient to build a fort among them, to hinder the Spaniards from settling nearer us. We encamped the 29th, a little below the mouth of the Red river, in a very fine bay. The 30th, after having gone five leagues, we passed a second point JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 175 cut off. The Mississippi, in this place, makes a great winding. Some Canadians, by dint of hollowing a little brook, which was be hind the point, brought the waters of the river into it ; which spread ing themselves impetuously in this new channel, completely cut off the point, and hath saved travellers fourteen leagues of way. The old bed of the river is actually dry, and has no water in it but in the season of the fioods ; an evident proof that the Mississippi casts itself here towards the east ; and this deserves to be considered with the greatest attention, in making settlements on either side of the river. The depth of this new channel has been lately sounded, and they have let out a line in it of thirty fathom long, without finding any bottom. Just below, and on the same hand, we saw the weak beginnings of a grant, which bears the name of St. Reyne, and at the head of which are Messrs. de Coetlogon and Kolli. It is situated on a very fertile soil, and there is nothing to fear from the overfiowing of the river ; but with nothing, nothing can be done, especially when they want men for labor, and men want an inclination for labor ; and this seemed to us to be the condition of this grant. We went a league further this day, and came to the grant of Madam de Mezieres, where the rain stopped us all the next day. Some huts covered with the leaves of the lattanier and a great tent of cloth at present form all this grant. They wait for men and goods from the Black river, where the magazines are, and which they are not willing to leave. I am afraid that by endeavoring to make two settlements at once, both will fail. The soil on which they have begun this, is very good ; but they must build a quarter of a league from the river, behind a cypress wood, which is a marshy ground, and of which they might make ad vantage in sowing rice and making gardens. Two leagues further in the wood, there is a lake two leagues in compass, the sides of which- are covered with wild fowl, and which perhaps may supply them with fish, when they have destroyed the caimans, which swarm in it. I have learnt in this place some secrets, which you shall have, madam, at the same rate they cost me, for I have no time to make trial of them. The male cypress bears in this country a pod, which must be gathered green, and then they find it a sovereign balm for cuts. That which is distilled from the copalme, has, among other virtues, that of curing the dropsy. The root of those great cotton trees I mentioned in another place, and which we find continually on all the route which I have made from the lake Ontario, is a certain remedy 176 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. against all hurts of the skin. You must take the inside of the bark, boil it in water, bathe the wound with this water, and then lay on the ashes of the bark itself. On New-Year's day we went to say mass three leagues from Madam de Mezieres, in a grant very well situated, and which be longs to M. Diron d' Artaguette, Inspector-General of the troops of Louisiana.* They brought us here a monstrous tortoise, and they assured us that these animals were capable of breaking a large iron bar. If the fact is true, for I should be willing to see it before I believe it, the saliva of these animals must be a very powerful dissolvent. As for the leg of a man, I would not trust it in their jaws. This is certain, that the meat of that which I saw, was enough to satisfy ten persons who had good stomachs. We staid all the day in this grant, which is not much forwarder than the rest, and which they call la Baton Rouge (the red stick). The next day we made eleven leagues, and we encamped a little below the Bayagoulas, which we had left on the right hand, after having visited here the ruins of the ancient village I mentioned be fore. It was very populous about twenty years since. The small pox has destroyed a part of its inhabitants, the rest are gone away and dispersed. They have not so much as even heard any news of them for several years, and it is a doubt whether there is a single family remaining. The land they possessed is very rich. Messrs. Paris have a grant here, where they have planted in rows a great number of white mulberry trees, and they make very fine silk here already. They also begin to cultivate here, with much success, indigo and tobacco. If they labored the same in all other places, the pro prietors of grants would soon be indemnified for all their expenses. The 3d of January we arrived about ten o'clock in the morning at the little village of the Oumas, which is on the left, and where there are some French houses. A quarter of a league higher up in the country is the great village. This nation is very well affected to us. The Mississippi begins to fork or to divide into two branches, - two leagues higher. It has hollowed itself on the right, to which it always jnclines, a channel, which they call the fork of the Chetimachas or Sitimachas ; and which, before it carries its waters to the sea, forms a pretty large lake. The nation of the Chetimachas, is almost entirely destroyed ; the few that remain are slaves in the colony. We went that day six leagues beyond the Oumas, and we passed the night on the fine spot where they had settled the grant of M. le * He died the King's Lieutenant at Cape Fran9ois, in St. Domingo. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 177 Marquis D'Ancenis, at present Duke de Bethune ; which, by a fire happening in the great magazine, and by several other accidents, one after another, is reduced to nothing. The Colapissas had here formed a little village, which did not subsist long. The 4th we arrived before noon at the great village of the Cola pissas. It is the finest village of Louisiana, yet they reckon in it but two hundred warriors, who have the character of being very brave. Their cabins are in the shape of a pavilion, like those of the Sioux, and they seldom make any fire in them. They have a double roof ; that in the inside is made of the leaves of the lattanier, interwoven together, that in the outside is made of mats. The cabin of the chief is thirty-six feet diameter : I had not before seen one so large ; for that of the great chief of the Natchez is but thirty feet. As soon as we appeared in sight of this village, they beat a drum ; and we were scarcely landed, before the chief sent his compliments to me. I was surprised, in advancing towards the village, to see the drummer dressed in a long gown, half white and half red, with white sleeves on the red side and red sleeves on the white. I inquired into the origin of this custom, and they told me it was not ancient ; that a Governor of Louisiana had made a present of a drum to these savages, who have always been our faith ful allies, and that this kind of beadle's habit was their own invention. * * The women are better shaped here than in Canada, and their way of dressing themselves is also something more becoming. After dinner we went five leagues further, and we stopped at Cannes brulees (the burnt reeds), where the grant of M. le Comte d'Artaguiere has an habitation on it, which is also to serve him for a store-house, if it has not the fate of almost all the rest This house is on the left ; and the first object that presented itself to my sight was a great cross set up on the bank of the river, about which they actually sing vespers. This is the first place of the colony, from the Illinois, where I found this mark of our religion. Two mousquetaires, MM. d'Artiguiere and de Benao, are the directors of this grant; and it was M. de Benac who had the direction of the house of Cannes brulees, together with M. Chevalier, nephew to the master of the mathematics to the king's pages. They have no priest, but it is not their fault : they had one whom they were obliged to get rid of, be cause he was a drunkard ; and they judged rightly, that a bad priest is likely to do more harm in a new settlement, where he has no supe rior that watches over his conduct, than his services are worth. Between the Colapissas and the Cannes brulees, we leave on the right hand the spot which was formerly possessed by the Taensas, 178 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. who, in the time of M. de la Salle, made a great figure in this coun try, but who have entirely disappeared for some years. This is the finest place and the best soil of Louisiana. M. de Meuse, to whom it was granted, has done nothing here yet : nevertheless he keeps here a director, who has neither men nor merchandise. On the Sth we stopped to dine at a place which they call the Chapitoulas, and which is but three leagues distant from New Or leans, where we arrived at five in the evening. The Chapitoulas, and some neighboring habitations, are in a very good condition. The soil is fruitful, and it is fallen into the hands of people that are skilful and laborious. They are the Sieur du Breuil and three Canadian brothers, named Chauvins. The last have contributed nothing but their industry, which was perfected by the necessity of laboring for a subsistence. They have lost no time, they have spared no pains, and their example is a lesson for those lazy people whose poverty very unjustly disparages a country which which will render a hundred fold of whatever is sowed in it. TODLODSE IsLANlj, OS La BXLISE, / (The Buoy, or .Sea Mark,) January 2^, 1722./ The environs of New Orleans have nothing very remarkable.' J did not find this city so well situated as I had been told. Others are not of the same opinion. These are the reasons on which their opinion is founded : I will afterwards explain mine. The first is, that about a league from hence, inclining to the northeast, they have found a little river, which they have called the Bayouc of St. John,* which at the end of two leagues discharges itself into the lake Pontchar train, which communicates with the sea : by this means, they say, it is easy to keep up a certain commerce between the capital and la Maubile, Biloxi, and all the other posts which we possess near the sea. The second is, that below this city the river makes a great turn, which they have called le Detour aux Anglois (the English Reach), which may cause a retardment, which they judge very advan tageous to prevent a surprise. These reasons are specious, but they don't appear to me to be solid ; for in the first place, those who have reasoned in this manner, have supposed that the entrance of the river could receive none but small vessels ; therefore in this case, * Bayouc in the Indian language signifies a rivulet. JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 179 what is there to be feared from a surprise, if the town is ever so lit tle fortified, as I suppose in my turn it will be soon ? Will they come to attack it with boats, or with vessels which cannot carry guns ? On the other hand, in whatever place the city is situated, must not the mouth of the river be defended by good batteries, and by a fort, which will at least give time to receive intelligence, and to keep themselves ready to receive the enemy? In the second place, what necessity is there for this communication, which cannot be car ried on but by boats, and with posts, which they cannot succor if they were attacked ; and from which consequently they can receive but weak succors, which for the most part are good for nothing : I add, that when a vessel must go up the English Reach, they must change their wind every moment, which may detain them whole weeks to make seven or eight leagues. -7 A little below New Orleans the land begins to have but little depth on both sides of the Mississippi, and this goes on diminishing quite to the sea. It is a point of land, which does not appear very ancient ; for if we dig ever so little in it, we find water ; and the number of shoals and little islands, which we have seen formed with in twenty years past in all the mouths of the river, leave no room to doubt that this slip of land was formed in the same manner. It ap pears certain, that when M. de la Salle came down the Mississippi quite to the sea, the mouth of this river was not the same as it is at present. The more we approach the sea, the more what I say appears evi dent : the bar has scarce any water in the greatest part of those little outlets, which the river has opened for itself, and which are so much increased only by the means of the trees, which are brought down with the current, one of which being stopped by its branches, or by its roots, in a place where there is little depth, stops a thousand others. I have seen heaps of these two hundred leagues from hence, one of which alone would have filled all the wood-yards of Paris. Nothing is capable of removing them, the mud which the river brings down serves them for a cement, and covers them by degrees ; every inun dation leaves a new layer, and in ten years at most the reeds and shrubs begin to grow upon them. Thus have been formed the greatest part of the points and islands, which make the river so often change its course. I have nothing to add to what I have said in the beginning of the -fbnaer letter concerning the present state cf New Orleans.!* The !>' * The foUowing is a list of the first inhabitants to whom lots were assigned for building purposes in the City of New Orleans, including those appropriated 180 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. truest idea that you can form of it, is to represent to yourself two hundred persons that are sent to build a city, and who are encamped on the side of a great river, where they have thought of nothing but for pubUc purposes. The numbers designate the lots thus-occupied in each square, according to the plan of the city made by M. Broutin in 1728. There appears, however, to have been two plans of the city, viz., the one by M. de la Tour, and the other two years after by M. de Pauger, dated 1723, which was probably the same afterwards signed by M. Broutin. M. de Pauger was one of the royal engineers employed by the Western Company, who accompa nied Father Charlevoix in his travels through the country in 1721 and 1722. Neither Dumont nor Du Pratz has fixed the precise period at which the city was laid out, but it may be inferred (though the order was given in 1717) - from the remarks of the former, that it was in the year 1718. In his Memoires Historiques Sur la Louisiane,, a. translation of which will soon appear in the fourth volume of the Historical Collections, he says, " The" commander M. de Bienville, remaining alone at Old Biloxi with his troops and the ofiicers of the company, thought of procuring in the country for the colony, a more fixed and more solid establishment than any which had been formed up to this period. With this view he selected a spot situated about thirty leagues above the mouth of the Mississippi river, and sent M. de la Tour, the chief of the engi neers, thither with orders to select in this canton a situation for a city worthy of becoming the capital, and the source from whence all the other plantations which were about being formed, might have recourse and receive supplies. As soon as M. de la Tour arrived on the spot, which then consisted of a few in considerable plantations scattered here and there, and which had been cultivated by voyageurs who had come from the Illinois, he caused to be made along the river a clearing of sufiicient extent to enable him to carry his intended plan into execution. Afterwards, with the aid of piqueurs, he traced the streets and squares which were to compose the new city, and made known to all who desired lots or places to build on, to present their application to the Council. Each inhabitant who presented himself received ten toises (sixty feet French measure) front by twenty toises in depth ; and as each square was fifty toises square, it is easy to conceive that each square contained twelve inhabitants, of which two lots in the middle had ten toises front by twenty-five toises in depth. It was ordered that all who should obtain these building lots {emplacemens) should be obliged to inclose them with a picket fence, and leave all around an empty space, three feet wide, for the construction of drains to carry off the waters of the river in the season of its overfiovr. M. de la Tour thought him self not only obliged to order these canals or ditches which communicate with each other, from square to square, but he caused likewise, in order to preserve the city from inundation, to be erected in front of it, and close to a small ele vation which leads to the river, a dyke or levee of earth, at the foot of which he caused to be excavated a simUar drain." M. le Page du Pratz says, " that when he arrived in Louisiana, in 1718, New Orleans only existed in name, and that M. de Bienville had gone to the Mississippi to lay out a city, and that he returned to Dauphin Island after he had landed there. That M. de Bien ville had made choice of this spot, because, of all others, it was the most suita ble and most convenient place to communicate, either by the river or by the JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 181 to shelter themselves from the injuries of the air, whilst they wait for a plan, and have built themselves houses. M. de Pauger, whom I have still the honor to accompany, has just now showed me one of lakes, with Mobile, which was then the head-quarters or capital of the colony." He gives a plan of the city, which he describes as being divided into sixty-five squares, eleven in length on the river, and six in depth, with a levee in front, extending above and below for seven miles. After M. de la Tour had traced the plan of New Orleans, he descended with M. de Pauger, assistant engineer, to the mouth of the river to establish a post called " la Balize,'' which was in the year 17 It may therefore be safely assumed that the City of New Or leans was not finally established until the year 1722 : the same year in which the seat of government was removed thither, after a plan signed by M. de Pauger in 1724. The lands on each side of the city, both above and below it, were afterwards laid out into plantations ; and many of them since that period have been divided off into lots, which now make np the extensive plan of that city. The old city was regularly fortified up to the cession of France to the United States, after which the fortifications were entirely demolished. The in habitants and others passed in and out by means of four large gates. They were defended by military works and mounted with heavy cannon. They were shut every night at nine o'clock, and after that no one was permitted to walk the streets without permission from the Governor. De Bienville. Dubreuil. Leblanc and Dasfield. Bonvard.ChavaoDes. Touyadon. Tissenant. De Paoger. f La Freniere. 11, 22. 12. 13. 14,15.16.17. 18, 212,238.) 19. - 20, 166, 258. 21.23. 24, 2S, 26,27,31, 32,33,34.35, 37,38.39, 234,;236.' ¦ Delery. De Mandeville. Dreu.\ Freres. Perricanlt.Dausseville.Chauvin.Duval. =.Rosard, Dupny Freres. !.St. Martin. Dalby. Jonnellerie. Forge de la Marine. > Magasins des Direction. . Commissary du Govemm' Maison a la Compagnie. VillerS. Provenche.Gannrit, > Pelerin. ¦ Kolly Freres. 40.41. 42. 44. 45. 46.47. 48. 49.50.51, 79. 52. 53, 12-:!. 54, 160. 55, 58, 75. 59. 60, 135. 61, 65.62. 63. 64. 66.67.68. t. 70.71,72. 73. 74. 76.77. 78. 80. 81. 83. D'Artaguette, Lazon, Raguet. Hospital de la Compagnie. Convent des Ursulines. Trudeau. Maison de la Jesuits. St. Reyne. Deblanc. Demorand. j Michel. Fleurian. I Morriset. I Vendome. > Brnsle. Le Page. [ St. Hilaire. > Goublaye.Vve. Sarazin. " Vitre. Lecourt. Ponpart, TisniS.Roger.Passepartout, Delattes, Belair, Bourbeau, Thomasson, Benac. De Mezieres, Chantilly, Aufrere, Ozanne, Revardi. 84, 85. 86, 98. 87. 88,90. 89. 91.92. 192, 282. 93. 94.96. 97. 99. inn. 101,130. 103, 100.103, 199. 104. 105. 107. 108 in9. 110. 111. 112. 113.114.115.110.117, 297, 211. 118. 119. 121. Dubourg. Corps de la Garde. ^ Maison de les Capucins. Vve. Trejianier. > Carriers. Delassus. I Caron. J Pascal. Montauban. Lennrmand. Langlois. Rivaro. Renard de Massacre. Vve. St. Jean. J Moreau. j Malot. > Francois. Vve. Drillant. Barrasson. Blainville. Robert. Gourbin. Vve. Cardenal. Bijraut. Datcour. Vve. Carpentier. " Laurent. Bretonne. Grandjean. > Grand Court. Montagu. Pierre. Livandais. 182 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. his drawing. It is very fine and very regular ; but it will not be so easy to execute it as it was to trace it on paper. We set out the 22d of July for Biloxi, which is the head-quarters. Between New Or leans and the sea there are no grants ; they would have too little depth; there are only some small private habitations, and some magazines for the great grants. Behind one of these habitations, which is on the right, immedi ately below the English Keach, there was not long since a village of the Chaouachas, the ruins of which I visited. I found nothing entire but the cabin of the chief, which was pretty much like the house of one of our peasants in France, only with this difference, that it had no windows. It was built of branches of trees, the vacancies be tween which were filled up with the leaves of lattanier ; the roof was of the same structure. This chief is very absolute, as are all those of Florida ; he never hunts or shoots but for his diversion, for his subjects are obliged to give him part of their game. His village is 133,158. 124. 125.136.137. 138. 129.130.131,133133.134. 136,281.137. 138.140. 141. 142.143, 279. 144. 145.148.147. 148.149.150.151.152. 153,311.154, 150. 155.15li.157. 161.163, 163. 164. 165.167,,168. i 169.170. ' Schmidt. 171. 17-2. Bingal. Love. Bom part. 173. Jean Louis. Alexandre. Demerveiileux, 174, 175. i Masson. l.avigne 176. Belvine. Trongidy. 177. Lacoste, Liberty. 178. Toutin. Anduni. J 79. Labb6. ¦ Jassande. 1 180. 181. Chesnier. Lemanselier, O'Invilliers. 183. Amelin. Cassernes et Forges. 184 Bjgnot. '¦ Rose. 185. 189. De Beaume. St. Jean. Hammont. 190. Raymont. Vve, Perot. Leveuf. 191, 192. ^ Laville. Perrier. 193, Porier. Menard, 194, Petit. La Fontaine, 196. 196. Brunet. Bonnaventure. Sautier. 197. Joiicoeur. R'leher. 198. Gindon. Menerolle. 200. Raguet. Durantye. 201. Didier. Goulay. 203. Geleseau. Bernard. 204. Grace. Djcas. 205. Journel. Francoenr. 206. Carlos. Marie Francoise. 213. Paul. La France, 214. 215. Dauphin. IVlesmer. Forestier. 216.217. Gail lard. Pigney. Senet, 218. La Forge. Fostillo, 219. Jean Soutz. Marie Michel, 220. Soisson. Dezier, 227. Mesnard. D'Artaguette, 228. Begnet. Soubagniere,La Riviere, 230,313. i Comtois. Soyer, 231. Manceau, Pinet, 332. Saulnier. 233 Avette. Lemaire, 233. Christina. Duparc. 247. Laclef. 240, Le Duo. 241 . Poussin. 2j'^; j Gautier. 243. Rondeau, 245. Duplessis. 2.50. Bresetont. 251. Ducreux. 252. Blache. 253. Brosset. 254. Dnfres. 2.')7. Ronget. 263. Tnussaint. 264. Carnet. 265. Dansenille. 2(57' J Bouner. 207^ ) „ .„ 268 1 Ba.lley, 269 Bourdon. 27-2 ( *^ardere, 274* [ Borduzat. 277. Merin. 278. Lanier. 279. Lambert. 282. Marcheterre. 284283,290, 29, ¦ Xavier Chevos. Poacher. Courtablon. 293, ) „ 294. \ **ourgaignou. 296; ( „ 3Q9 t Barre. 2971 Vincent. 308. Fournier. 210. Laurent. 313. Gentilhomme, 43, -j 56,83, ^ A la Compagnie, 95, I 130, J JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX, 183 at present on the other side of the river, half a league lower, and the savages have transported thither even to the bones of their dead. A little below their new habitation the coast is much higher than any where hereabout, and it appears to me that they should have placed the city there. It would be but twenty leagues from the sea, and with a south wind, or a moderate southeast, a ship would get up in fifteen hours. The night of the 23d we quitted the boat which had brought us hither, and embarked in a brigantine, in which we fell down with the stream all night. The next morning by day break we had passed a new circuit, which the river makes, and which they call the Keach of the Plakimines. We found ourselves soon after in the midst of the passes of the Mississippi, where it requires the greatest attention to work the ship, that it may not be drawn into some one of them, from whence it would be impossible to recover it. The greatest part are only little rivulets, and some are even only separated by sand banks, which are almost level with the water. It is the bar of the Mississippi which has so greatly multiplied these passes ; for it is easy to conceive by the manner in which I have said there are formed every day new lands, and the river, endeavoring to escape by where it finds the least resistance, makes itself a passage, sometimes one way and sometimes another; from whence it might happen, if care was not taken, that none of these passages would be practicable for vessels. The night of the •24th we anchored beyond the bar, over against la Balise. The contrary wind keeping us still here, we were willing to make some advantage of this delay. Yesterday, the 25th, being Sunday, I began by singing a great mass in the island, which they call la Balise, on account of a sea-mark which they have set up for the direction of ships. I afterwards blessed it, we named it Toulouse Island,* and we sang the Te Deum. This island is scarce more than half a league in compass, taking in also another island, which is sepa rated from it by a gutter, where there is always water. On the other hand it is very low, excepting only one place, where the floods never come, and where there is room enough to build a fort and some maga zines. They might unload vessels here, which could not easily pass the bar with their whole lading. M. de Pauger sounded this place with the lead, and found the bottom pretty hard, and of clay, though there come out of it five or * This island, situated, at the time of the visit of Father Charlevoix, on the edge of the Gulf of Mexico, is now more than nine miles inland from the pre sent mouths of the Mississippi. 184 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. six little springs, but which yield little water ; this water leaves on the sand a very fine salt. When the river is lowest, that is to say, during the three hottest months of the year, the water is salt round this island : in the time of the floods it is quite fresh, and the river preserves its freshness a good league in the sea. At all other times it is a little saltish beyond the bar. Therefore it is entirely a fable, which has been reported, that for twenty leagues the Mississippi does not mix its waters with those of the sea. M. Pauger and I passed the rest of the day with the pilot Ker- lasio, who commanded the brigantine, in sounding and discovering the only mouth of the river which is navigable ; and these are exactly our observations on the state in which we found it, for I do not an swer for the changes which may happen in it. It runs northwest and southeast the space of three hundred fathom, in going up from the open sea quite to the island of Toulouse, over against which there are three little islands, which have yet nothing growing on them, though they are pretty high. In all this interval, its breadth is two hundred and fifty fathom, its depth is eighteen feet in the middle, the bottom soft oose : but we must navigate here with the sounding- line in hand, when we are not used to the channel. From hence going upwards we make still the northwest for four hundred fathom, at the end of which there is still fifteen water, the same bottom ; and it is to be observed that every where the anchorage is safe, and that we are sheltered from all the winds but the south and the southeast, which may, when they are violent, make the ships drive with their anchors, but without danger, because they would run on the bar, which is a soft oose : then we make the northwest by northeast for five hundred fathom. This is properly the bar, twelve feet water, mean depth ; we must also work here with great atten tion, for we meet with many banks ; this bar is two hundred and fifty fathom wide between low lands that are covered with reeds. In the pass of the east, which is immediately above, we make full west for a league : it is two hundred and fifty fathom wide, and from four to fifteen feet in depth. Then all at once we find no bottom. In taking again the great pass at coming off the bar, we make again the northwest the space of three hundred fathom, and we have al ways here forty-five feet water. We leave on the right the pass of Sauvole, by which boats may go to Biloxi, making the north : this place took its name from an of&cer, whom M. d'lberville made com mandant in the eolony upon his return to France. Then we must return to the west and by northwest for fifty fathom, and in a kind of bay, which we leave on the left ; at the end JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 1^5 of this space there are three passes, one to the south-southeast, ano ther to the south, and a third to the west-southwest. This bay is notwithstanding only ten fathom deep, and twenty wide ; but these passes have little water. We continue to follow the same rhumb of the wind, and at fifty fathom farther there is on the same hand a second bay, which is twenty fathom wide and fifty deep. It contains two little passes, which canoes of bark would be troubled to get through, and therefore they seldom reckon them among the passes. From hence we take to the west for the space of five hundred fathom, and we come over against the pass a la Loutre (of the Otter). It is five hundred fathom wide, but is passable only for pettiaugres. Then we turn to the southwest for twenty fathom ; we return to the west for three hundred, then to the westby-north the space of one hun dred ; to the west-northwest as many, to the northwest eight hun dred ; then we find on the left the pass of the south, which is two hundred and fifty fathom wide, nine fathom water at its entrance on the side towards the river, and two feet only where it goes out to the sea. Two hundred and fifty fathom farther is the pass of the south west, nearly the same breadth ; never less than seven or eight feet water. Hereabout the country begins to be not so marshy, but it is overflowed during four months of the year. It is hounded on the left by a succession of little lakes, which are at the end of that of the Chitimaches ; and on the right by the islands de la Chandeleur (Candlemas) : it is thought that oetween these islands there is a pas sage for the largest vessels, and that it would be easy to make a good port here. Great barks may go up from the sea to the lake of the Chitimaches. and nothing hinders from going thither to cut down the finest oaks in the world, with which all this coast is covered. I think it would be best to stop all the passes but the principal one, and nothing would be easier ; to effect this we need only guide the floating trees into them, with which the river is almost always covered. From hence it would follow in the first place, that nothing would enter the river, not even barks and canoes, but by one passage, which would defend the colony from surprises ; in the second place, that all the force of the current of the river being united, its sole mouth would deepen itself as well as the bar. I found this conjec ture on what had happened at the two points cut off, which I men tioned before. Then there would be nothing more to do than to pre serve the channel, and to hinder the floating trees from causing any obstruction in it, which does not appear to me to be very difficult. As to what concerns the breadth of the river between the passes, that is to say, for the four leagues from the island of Toulouse to the 12 186 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA, pass of the southwest, it is never more than fifty fathom; but imme diately above this pass, the Mississippi insensibly recovers its usual breadth, which is never less than a mile, and seldom more than two miles. Its depth also increases from the bar upwards, which is the reverse of all other rivers, which are commonly the deeper the nearer they come to the sea. It would be here a proper place. Madam, to entertain you with the causes of the failure of those numerous grants which have made so much noise in France, and on which so many persons had built such mighty hopes ; but I had rather refer this to our first interview, and confine myself at present to communicate to you my thoughts of the method that persons should pursue in settling in this country, if the success of so many efforts, and of such large sums advanced to no purpose, does not entirely disgust our nation. It appears to me that the habitations ought not to be placed on the side of the river ; but I would have them removed higher up the country, at least a quarter of a league, or even half a league. I am not ignorant that it is possible to be freed from the inconveniences of the common floods by making good ditches ; but I think it is a great inconvenience to build upon a soil where, if you dig ever so little, you immediately find water ; and of consequence one can have no cellars. I am also of opinion that they would be great gainers by leaving the lands all open to the annual inundation of the river. The mud that settles on them,^hen the waters are gone off, re news and enriches them : one might employ a part of them in pastur age, the other might be sown with rice, pulse, and in general with every thing that requires rich and wet lands. In time we should see on both sides of the Mississippi nothing but gardens, orchards and meadows, which would be sufficient to feed the people, and would supply matter for a useful commerce with our islands and the other neighboring colonies. In short, I think I could answer for it, having landed twice or thrice every day as I came down the river, that al most every where, at a little distance from the sides, we may find high grounds, where we might build on a solid foundation, and where wheat would grow very well when they have given air to the country by thinning the woods. As to what concerns the navigation of the river, it will always be difficult when we are to go up it, because of the strength of the cur rent, which obliges us even in going down to be very cautious, as it bears upon points that run out, and upon shoals ; so that to navigate it safely we must have vessels that have both sails and oars. More over, as we cannot go forward at night when it is cloudy, these voy- JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 187 ages will be always very tedious and expensive, at least till the bor ders of the river have settlements near each other, on the whole ex tent of the country, that is, between the Illinois and the sea.* Such, Madam, is this country which they have so much talked of in France for some years, and of which few people have a just idea..^ AVe have not been the first Europeans to acknowledge the goodness of it and to neglect it. Ferdinand de Soto ran over it for the space of three years, and his historianf could not forgive him for not hav ing made a solid settlement here. '¦ Where could he go," says he, " to do better ?" Indeed, I never heard Louisiana lightly spoken of, but by three sorts of people that have been in the country, and whose testimony is certainly to be rejected. The first are the mariners, who, from the road of Ship Island or Isle Dauphin, could see nothing but that island quite covered with barren sand, and the still more sandy coast of Biloxi. and who suffered themselves to be persuaded that the en trance of the Mississippi was impassable for ships of a certain bulk, or that it was necessary to go fifty leagues up this river to find a * Even after the mouths of the Mississip,ji were surveyed, sounded, and buoyed, ships arriving from Europe preferred to anchor at Ship Island, than to encounter the difiiculties of crossing the bar and ascending the river to New Orleans, which sometimes took a month or more. Steam-tugs had not then been thought of The southeast pass was then the only practicable entrance for vessels drawing fourteen feet of water; and to preserve as well as to improve it, a OToZe built of piles was thrown up, which preserved the channel from the ex treme point of main land to the sea. A water battery, a military post, store houses, a powder magazine, and chapel, were built upon the bank formed by these piles. A garrison of fifty men was usually kept there, as well as pilots and a few sailors. This spot was known as Balize fort. At first constructed on the edge of the shore, about seven hundred yards from the Gulf-shore, the de posits of earth by the current of the river have been so great, that it now stands about nine miles from the sea-shore. The engineer de Pauger, to increase the depth of that mouth or channel, proposed to inclose it between two moles built of drift-wood, covering an extent of two thousand four hundred yards. This plan would doubtless have improved the channel, but it was never executed. Although this channel has remained about the same ever since, still it is deeply to be regretted that scarcely any efforts have been made to in crease its depth, which would not only have been of great advantage to commerce, but would have prevented much destruction of property, and valuable land and plantations from being annually inundated. Fifty thousand dollars a year, \{ judiciously laid out by the State, would insure sixty or seventy feet of water in this channel, through which probably pass upwards of two hun dred millions of dollars annually ; besides lessening the risk to merchants and ship-owners. t Garcilaso de la Vega's History of the Conquest of Florida. 188 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. place that was habitable. They would have been quite of another opinion if they could have mistrusted those who talked to them in this manner, and haye discovered the motives which induced them so to do. The second sort are poor wretches who are being driven out of France for their crimes or bad conduct, true or false, or who, whether to shun the pursuit of their creditors, have engaged themselves in the troops and in the grants. Both these looking upoji this country as a place of banishment, are disgusted at everything. They do not interest themselves in the success of a colony, of which they are members against their inclination, and they concern themselves very little about the advantages which it may procure for the state: the greatest part of them are not even capable of perceiving these ad vantages. The third sort are those who, having seen nothing but poverty in a country on which excessive expenses have been bestowed, attribute to it without reflection that we ought entirely to cast on the incapa city or on the negligence of those who had the care of settling it. You also know very well the reasons they had to publish that Loui siana contained great treasures, and that it brought us near the fa mous mines of St. Barbe and other still richer, from which they flat- tered themselves they could easily drive away the possessors ; and because these idle stories had gained credit with some silly people, instead of imputing to themselves the error, in which they were en gaged by their foolish credulity, they have discharged their spleen on the country, where they have found nothing of what had been promised them. On Boaro the Adour, April 5, 1722, The 26th, after having closed my letter, I embarked, and we pre pared to sail ; but after we had made one tack to the south, the wind coming against us obliged us to return to our anchorage, and to re main there the two following days. The 29th we weighed anchor early in the morning, but the wind was so weak and the sea ran so high, that in twenty-four hours we made but fourteen leagues, which was but half the way we had to go. The 30th we had neither the wind more favorable nor the sea more calm till towards four in the afternoon, when a shower of rain cleared up the weather, which was very thick, and calmed the sea ; but after an hour or two the mist JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 189 returned, and became so thick that, not being able to see how to steer our vessel, we came to an anchor. The next day as the fog did not disperse, M. de Pauger and I went into the boat to gain the road of I'lsle aux Vaisseaux* (Ship Island) ; we visited there some ships of Franee, and we got back to Biloxi about four in the after noon. All this coast is extremely flat ; merchant ships cannot come * Ship Island was always the first point on the coast where vessels anchored on coming from France. A fort.was built there with convenient accommoda tions for troops, besides warehouses for the storage of goods and supplies for the colony. For a number of years Biloxi was the principal factory of the company, until the head-quarters were removed to Mobile. Here Iberville built a fort, a barracks for the troops, and sheds for the colonists, until they could be re moved to other points. On Deer Island a hospital was built for the accommo dation of the sick. The transportation of the colonists was performed by boats of the company, which starting from Biloxi, passed through lakes Pontchar train and ilaurepas. and Bayou JNIanchac. At the outlet of the bay, a post was established which communicated directly with the upper part of the river, by means of stations ranged all along its course, at which boats employed in car rying correspondence and conveying troops could obtain all their necessary sup plies. The boats on the river stopped at the port of Manchac, which before the head-quarters were removed, was sometimes called New Orleans. Those of Biloxi only passed from Manchac to Biloxi. Thirty miles a day was considered a good passage for boatsgoing up the river Mississippi. The governmentof France, at this early period, had recommended the opening of a road by land from Biloxi to the country of the Illinois, to obviate the delays which the overflow of the river occasioned in the correspondence between these two points of the colony. A bearer of dispatches left each of these points once a month. Dauphin Island, near the entrance of Mobile bay, was for many years an im portant post. It was regularly fortified, and served as a convenient harbor for the French shipping in summer. There was a military post at the mouth of Bayou St. John, nine miles from New Orleans, defended by a battery of six guns. One at Cat Island; one at the Balize; one at Point Coupee; one at Natchez ; one at Natchitoches ; one on the Arkansas ; one at the Yasons ; one at Attakapas; one at the Illinois; and one on the Alabama. Each of these posts was under the command of a chief, who exercised both civil and military jurisdiction. The administration seat of the colony remained at Biloxi until the year 1723, when Governor Bienville removed his head-quarters to Ne\v Orleans. This transfer gave an impetus to New Orleans, which from a miserable ham let, has now become the third great commercial mart of the United States, and is doubtless destined, when the Tehuantepec route is opened between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and the lines of railroads connecting the South with the North are completed, to be what Alexandria in Egypt was in the times of the Romans, the great inter-oceanic caiiital of the world. Already her exports exceed that of any city In the United States, while with well- directed enterprise, and encouraging coastwise and foreign steam navigation with all parts of the world, her imports may be made to exceed in a very 190 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. nearer it than four leagues, and the smallest brigantine than two ; and even these are obliged to go further off when the wind is north or northwest, or else they find themselves on ground ; as it happened the night before I debarked. The road is the whole length of Ship Island, which extends a small league from east to west, but has very little breadth. To the east of this island is Dauphin Island, formerly called Massacre Island, where there was a tolerable port, which a gust of wind shut up in two hours, a little more than a year ago, by filling the entrance of it with sand. To the west of Ship Island lie one behind the other the Island des Chats or de Bienville, the Is land a Corne, and the Isles de la Chandeleur. What they call the Biloxi is the coast of the main land, which is to the north of the road. This is the name of a nation of savages which were settled there formerly, but who are now retired towards the northwest, on the borders of a little river called the river of pearls, because they have found in it a poor sort of pearls. They could not have chosen a worse situation for the general quarters of the colony, for it can neither receive any .succors from the ships, nor give them any, for the reasons I have mentioned. Besides this, the road has two great faults ; the anchorage is not good and it is full of worms, which damage all the ships ; the only service it is of is to shelter the ships from a sudden gust of wind when they come to dis cover the mouth of the Mississippi, which, having only low lands, it would be dangerous to approach in bad weather without having first discovered it. The Biloxi is not more valuable for its land than for its sea. It is nothing but sand, and there grows there little besides pines and cedars. The cassine, otherwise called the apalachine, also grows there every where in plenty. It is a very small shrub, the leaves of which, infused like those of tea, pass for a good dissolvent and an excellent sudorific, but its principal quality is diuretic. The Span iards use it in all Florida ; it is even their common drink. It began to be used in Paris when I left it; but we were then in. a bad time few years, her great rival in wealth and enterprise, the city of New-York. The following table will give some idea of the extent of country watered by numerous large rivers, which is now made by steamboat navigation, in some measure tributary to the commerce of New Orleans, viz. : — Valley of the Ohio 200 000 sq. miles. " " Mississippi proper, . . 180,000 " " Missouri, ... . 500000 " " " Lower Mississippi, . . 330 000 " Area in square miles, . , . , 1,210,000 " JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 191 for new trials ; they dropped as suddenly as they were taken up. Nevertheless, I know that several persons who have used apalachine praise it greatly. There are two kinds, which differ only in the size of the leaves. Those of the large sort are above an inch long, the others are little more than half that length. In shape and substance they are much like the leaves of box, except that they are rounder at the ends and of a brighter green. The name of apalachine which we have given this shrub, comes from the Apalaches, a people of Florida, from whom the Spaniards learnt its use, and this is their manner of preparing it. They set on the fire in an earthen pot a certain quantity of leaves, and they let them parch in it till their color becomes reddish, then they pour water on them gently till the pot is full. This water takes the color of the leaves, and it froths when it is poured out, like beer. They drink it as hot as possible, and the savages would sooner go without eating than miss drinking it night and morning; they think they should be sick if they went without it, and it is said the Spaniards have the same notion. Half an hour after they have taken it, it begins to pass off, and this lasts an hour. It is hard to conceive how a drink which passes so soon through the body can be so nourishing as they say it is : it is easy to comprehend that it may cleanse away whatever hinders the passage of the urine, and causes diseases of the reins. When the savages would purge themselves, they mix sea-water with it, and this produces great evacuations ; but if the dose of sea-water is too strong it may kill them, and this is not without example. I have seen it taken in France without so much ado in preparing it, and iu the manner one makes tea, but only doubling the dose, and making it boil near half a quarter of an hour ; and I make no doubt but that it has then a great effect. They find here also a kind of myrtle with large leaves, which I knew already was very common on the coast of Acadia, and of the English colonies on this continent. Some give it the name of laurel, but they are mistaken: its leaves have the smell of myrtle, and the English always call it the candle myrtle. This shrub bears a little grain, which being thrown into boiling water swims upon it and be comes a green wax, less fat and more brittle than that of bees, but as good to burn. The only inconvenience they have found in it is that it breaks too easily, but they might mix it with another wax ex tremely liquid which they get in the woods of the islands of America^ which, however, is not necessary, unless they want to make large ta pers. I have seen candles made of it which gave as good a light and 192 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. which lasted as long as ours. Our missionaries of the neighborhood of Acadia mix suet with it, which makes them apt to run, because the suet does not mix well with this wax. The Sieur Alexandre, who is here in the service of the company in the quality of surgeon and botanist, mixes nothing with it, and his caudles have not this fault; their light is soft and very clear, and the smoke they make when they are blown out has a smell of myrtle very agreeable. He is in hopes of finding a way to blanch them, and he showed me a mass of it, which was above half blanched. He says that if they would allow him five or six of those slaves who are least fit for the common labors, to gather the grain in the season, he could make wax enough to load a ship every year. At thirteen or fourteen leagues from the Biloxi, inclining to the east, we find the river of the Maubile, which runs from the north to the south, and the mouth of which is over against Dauphin Island. It rises in the country of the Chicachas, and its course is about a hundred and thirty leagues. Its bed is very narrow, and it winds much, which does not hinder it being very rapid ; but there are scarce any but the little pettiaugre that can go up it when the waters are low. We have on this river a fort, which has been a long time the principal post of the eolony ; yet the lands are not good, but its situation near the Spaniards makes it convenient for trading with them, and this was all they sought for at that time. It is reported that at some leagues beyond the fort they have discovfered a quarry ; if this be true, and the quarry abounds with stone, it may prevent tho entire desertion of this post, which many inhabitants begin to forsake, being unwilling to cultivate any longer a soil which does not answer the pains they take to improve it. Nevertheless, I do not believe that they will easily resolve to evacu ate the fort of Maubile, though it should serve only to keep in our alliance the Tchactas, a numerous people, who make us a necessary barrier against the Chicachas, and against the savages bordering on Carolina, Garcilasso de la Vega, in his history of Florida, speaks of a village called Mauvilla, which no doubt gave its name to the river, and to the nation that was settled on its borders. These Mauvilians were then very powerful ; at present there are hardly any traces left of them. They are at present 'engaged in seeking to the west of the Mis sissippi, a place fit to make a settlement which may bring us nearer to Mexico ; and they think they have founfl it at a hundred leagues from the mouth of the river, in a bay which bears the name some times of St, Magdalen, and sometimes of St. Louis, but oftener that JOURNAL OP FATHER CHARLEVOIX 193 of St. Bernard. It receives many rivers, some of which are pretty large ; and it was there that M. de la Salle landed when he missed the mouth of the Mi.-?sissippi. A brigantine has been sent lately thither to reconnoitre it, but they found there some savages, who ap pear little disposed to receive us, and whom tbey did not treat in such a manner as to gain them to us. I also hear that tlie Spaniards have very latftly prevented this design by settling there before us. There is in "truth something more pressing and better to be done than this enterprise. I know that commerce is the soul of colonies, and that they are of no use to such a kingdom as ours but for this end, and to hinder our neighbors from growing too powerful ; but if they do not begin by cultivating the lands, commerce, after having enriched some private persons, will soon drop, and the colony will not be established. The neighborhood of the Spaniards may have its use, but let us leave it to them to approach us as much as they will, we are not in a condition, and we have no need, to extend ourselves farther. They are peaceable enough in this country, and they will never be strong enough to give us any uneasiness. It is not even their interest to drive us out of this country; and if they do not comprehend it yet, they will without doubt soon be sensible that they cannot have a better barrier against the English than Louisiana. The heat was already very troublesome at the Biloxi in the middle of ^larch, and I judge that when the sun has once heated the sand on which we walk here, the heat must be excessive. They say indeed that without the breeze which rises pretty regularly every day be tween nine and ten in the morning, and continues till sunset, it would be impossible to live here. The mouth of the Mississippi is in twenty-nine degrees latitude, and the coast of the Biloxi is in thirty. We had here in the month of February some cold weather, when the wind blew from the north and northwest, but it did not last long ; and it was even followed by great heats with thunder and lightning and storms, so that in the morning we were in winter, and in the afternoon in summer, with some small intervals of spring and au tumn between both. The breeze comes generally from the east. When it comes from the south it is only a reflected wind, which is much less refreshing ; but it is still a wind, and when it falls entirely there is no breathing. The 24th of 31arch I departed from Biloxi, where I had been stopped by a jaundice, which held me about a month, and I returned to New Orleans, where I was to embark in a pink belonging to the company named the Adour. I made this voyage in a pettiaugre. and I never yet made one more disagreeable. Five leagues from the 194 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. Biloxi, the west wind, which in three hours brought nie there, gave place to a south wind so violent that I was obliged to stop. I had scarce time to set up my tent before we were overflowed with a deluge of rain, accompanied with thunder. Two little vessels that set out with me were willing to take ad vantage of the wind, which carried them a great way in a few hours, and I was very sorry that I could not do the same, but I soon heard that their fate deserved rather pity than envy. The first was in con tinual danger of being lost, and her passengers arrived at New Or leans rather dead than alive. The other was run aground about half way, and five persons were drowned in a meadow, of which the storm had made a lake. The wind continued all night with the same violence, and the rain did not cease till the next day at noon. It be gan again at night, and continued till day with thunder. When we sail in sight of this coast it appears very pleasant, but when we come nearer it is not the same thing. It is all along a sand as at the Biloxi, and we find on it only poor woods. I observed here a kind of sorrel which has the same taste as ours, but the leaves of which are narrower ; and which causes, as they say, the bloody- flux. There is also in these parts a kind of ash, which they call Bois d'Amourette (Lover's Wood), the bark of which is full of prickles, and passes for a sovereign remedy, and very speedy against the tooth-ache. The 26th it rained all the day, and though the sea was calm we made little way. We got a little further the 27th, but the following night we went out of our course above the island of Pearls. The next day we went and encamped at the entrance of lake Pontchar train, having left a little before on the right the river of Pearls, which has three mouths. The separation of these three branches is at four leagues from the sea, and the Biloxies are a little above it. In the afternoon we crossed the lake Pontchartrain. This tra verse is seven or eight leagues, and at midnight we entered the Bayouc of St. John. Those who first navigated this lake, found it, as they say, so full of caimans (alligators) that they could scarce give a stroke of the oar without hitting one. They are at present very scarce in it, and we only saw some traces of them at our encamping ; for these animals lay their eggs on the land. After I had rested my self a little at coming out of the lake, I pursued my way by land, and I arrived at New Orleans before day. The Adour was gone from thence, but not far, and I came up with her the next day, the 1st of April. The inundation was at its height, and of consequence the river much more rapid than I found JOURNAL OF FATHER CHARLEVOIX. 195 it two mo^iths before. Moreover, a ship, especially a pink, is not so easily worked as a sloop ; and as our sailors were not used to this navigation, we had a great deal of trouble to get out of the river. The ship driven sometimes to one shore and sometimes to the other, often tangled its yards and tackling in the trees, and they were obliged more than once to cut away tho tackling to free us from this embarrassment. It was worse still when we came to the passes, for the current always drew us into the nearest with great violence. We got even into one of the smallest, and I could never yet conceive how we could get out again. We came off', however, with the loss of an anchor which we left there. We had already lost two days be fore, so that we had only two remaining. Such a bad beginning made us a little thoughtful, but the youth and little skill of those with whom they had trusted us gave us still more uneasiness. The Adour is a very pretty vessel of three hundred tons burthen. It sailed from France with a very good crew, under the conduct of a captain who understood his business, and a lieutenant who had a very good character. The latter was left sick at St. Domingo. The captain soon after his arrival at the Biloxi, quarrelled with one of the directors of the company, who displaced him. To supply the places of these two officers, they have chosen a young man of St. Malo, who came three years ago to Louisiana, in the station of pilot's mate or apprentice, and who since that time got the command of a sloop in the road of the Biloxi, to go sometimes to la Maubile and sometimes to New Orleans with provisions. He appears to have every thing that is requisite to become a skilful mariner ; he loves his business and applies himself to it ; but we should be very willing to see nothing of his little experience, -especially in a navigation which is attended with great difficulties. He has for his second an officer who came from France in the quality of Ensign ; he also is a young man very fit to be a subaltern under principals of experience, who would leave nothing to him but the care of executing their orders. It would be hard to find a sea man of more courage in a storm, which he has been used to from his childhood in the painful fisheries of Newfoundland ; and two or three shipwrecks from which he has happily escaped, has given him a confidence, which I shall be much surprised if he does not come into a bad plight by. Our first pilot appears a little more experienced than these two officers, and they depend much on the knowledge he has of the chan nel of Bahama, which he has passed once already. But this is but little to be acquainted with this passage the most dangerous that 196 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. there is in the American seas, and where they reckon shipwrecks by thousands. Moreover, I am greatly apprehensive that a certain self- sufficient air which I observe in him will produce some fatal effect. He has two subalterns who are very good natured fellows ; we have fifty sailors of Bretagne, a little mutinous, but strong and vigorous ; almost all have been at the cod-fishery, and that is a good school. The seamen appear to be men of judgment and experience, In spite of all these hindrances which I have mentioned, we -an chored on the outside the bar the 2d, at night ; we passed it the 3d, and for want of wind we could go no farther. Yesterday we were again stopped all the day, and this night we have had a storm from the south, which made us give thanks to the Lord that we were not at sea so near the coast. I hope, madam, to write you in a short time from St. Domingo, whither our pink is bound to take in a cargo of sugar, which lays there ready for us. I take the advantage of a sloop which is going up to New Orleans, to send this letter to you by a vessel that is bound directly for France. COPPIE d'vne LETTRE TENANT DE LA ELORIDE, ENUOYEE A IIOUEN, ET DEPUIS AU SEIGNEUR D'EUERON ; ENSEMBLE LE PLAN ET PORTRAICT DU FORT QUE LES FRANfOIS T ONT FAICT. 1564* Mon tres honore pere estat arrive en oeste terre de la Nouuelle France, en bcfnne prosperite et sante (Dieu mercy) lequel ie prie que ainsi soit-il de vous. Ie n'ay voulu faillir a prendre la plume en la main, et la faire courir sur le papier, pour vous faire vn petit dis- cours de I'isle de la Floride dicte la Nouuelle Prance, et de la sorte * This is an important document, because it fixes the precise time and place of settlement of the first French colony in New France, about forty years after its discovery by Verazzano, and corrects the mistake that M de la Harpe has fallen into by fixing on Pensacola bay as the place where M. Laudoniere built fort Carolina, and planted a French colony. The honor of the discovery of this part of North America, called by the Spaniards, Florida, no doubt belongs- to them, but after the disastrous expeditions of Ponce de Leon, Pamflle de Narvaez, and Hernando de Soto, to take possession, it was virtually aban doned by the Crown of Spain, as a vast wilderness unfit for conquest and un worthy of her arms. It was not therefore until the Huguenots of France, un der the patronage of Admiral Coligny, had fled fromthe persecution and intoler ance of the Catholic Church in the reign of Charles the Ninth, to found a Pro testant empire in New France (North America), that the Crown of Spain pre tended to set up any title to it. The French, therefore, are not only entitled to the honor of building the flrst fort and establishing the first colony in that country, but also for having explored the Mississippi and the countries border ing on it, and the Gulf of Mexico, which they afterwards colonized and called Louisiana. 198 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. et maniere des sauuages. Lequel vo' plaira predre en gre, vous 'sup- pliat tres humblement m'auoir pour excusfi si ne vous esoriptz plus amplement comme desirerois. Mais la cause a est6 que trauaillons iournellement ^ nostre fort, lequel est de present en deffence. Nous partismes du Haure le xxii de avril, 1564, soubz la con- duiete du seigneur Rene de Laudonniere, gentil-homme Poicteuin, ayant charge de trois nauires de guerre, dont celle sur laquelle il nauigeoit se nomme P Ysabeau, ds Homfleur, dot est maistre lean Lucas, dudict lieu admiral : I'autre lequel estoit vis-admiral navigeoit le cappitaine Vasseur, de Dieppe, lequel se nommoit le Petit Brelo, auquel estois embarque, et ay fait mo voyage: I'autre se nomme le Faulcon, auquel nauigeoit le capitaine Pierre Marchant, lesquelz tous ensemble (auec I'ayde de nostre bon Dieu qu'auons eiie) auos tou- siours nauige enseniblc auec beau te,ps, sans s'eslogner I'un de I'autre pi' de trois lieues, tellement que pouuons dire (rendant grace a Dieu) auoir este des plus heureux nauigeas qui furet iamais-en mer, voyat la grand faueur que ce bon Dieu a vse enuers nous qui sommes pauures pecheurs nous ayat conduictz en bonne prosperity sans trouuer nul empeschement sinon que come passions par la coste d' An gleterre trouuasmes enuiron dix huict ou vingt hurques, que nous estimos estre Anglois, qui noiisguettoiens pour nous prendre, et les ayas desoouuerts nous nous mismes en bataille pour les recepuoir : car I'o nous auoit diet auat de partir qu'il y auoit de^ Anglois qui nous guettoient pour nous predre, et lesquelles hurques nous ayans descouuers, et nous voyas toutes noz eseignes desployees et nos hus- nes bastillonnees tous prets a combatre, nous apperceusmes I'admiral et le vis-admiral desdiotes hurques qui faisoient reger les autres hur ques et puis s'en vindrent droict a nous, et nous a eulx, et a ceste heure nous apperceusmes q' c'estoiet hurques de Fladres ausquelles no' parlasmes, lesquelles nous dirent qu'ils alloient en brouage pour charger du sel parquoy nous les laissasmes aller, et prinsmes nostre routte iusques au vingt deuxieme iour de iuin, que nous sommes ar- riuez a le veue de la Nouvelle France, autres fois appel6e la Floride, oil nous sentismes vne douceur odoriferante de plusieurs bonnes choses a cause du vent qui venoit de la terre, et voyans la terre fort platte sans vne senile montaigne, fort droicte au log de la mer, et toute plaine de beaux arbres, et tous bois tout le long de la riue de la mer. Ie vous laisse a penser en quelle ioye nous pouuions estre tous, mesmes que sur le midy nous eusmes cognoissance d'vne fort belle riuiere, ou il print enuie audit seigneur de Laudoniere y de- scendre pour la recognoistre, et de faict y alia accompagne de douze soldats seuUement, et si tost que ilz mirent pied a terre, trois roys LETTRE VENANT DE LA FLORIDE, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE 199 auec plus de quatre cens sauuages, vindrent tous saluer a leur mode ledict seigneur de Laudoniere, ei» le flattat tous ainsi comme si on adoroit vne image. En appres cola faict, lesdicts roys le meneret vn peu plus loing, enuiron vn traict d'are, auquel lieu auoit vne fort belle feuillee de laurier, et la s'assirent tous ensemble, en monstrant signe d'auoir grad ioye de nostre arriuee, et aussi faisant signe (en mos- trant ledict seigneur de Laudoniere ct le Soleil) disant que ledict seigneur estroit frere du Soleil, et qu'il yroit faire la guerre auec eulx cotre leurs ennemys, lesquels ils appellet Tymangoua, en nous faisant signes par trois inclinations de nuict, qu'il n'y auoit que trois iour- nees, ce que ledict seigneur de Laudoniere leur promist qu'il yroit avec eulx, dot I'un apres I'autre, selon leur qualite, se leueret et le remercierent. Peu apres ledict seigneur voulut aller vne autre fois plus amont ladicte riviere, et en regardant sur vne petite dune de sable, eut cognoissance de la borne de pierre blanche, la ou les ar- moyries du roy sont en gravees, laquelle auoit este plan tee par le capitaine lean Ribault,* de Dieppe, au premier voyage qu'il fict. * The Huguenots, as has been stated, were the Protestants of France. Un der the patronage of their sagacious and distinguished leader, Gaspard de Co ligny, Admiral of France, they fitted out an expedition to found a Protestant Empire in New France, America. On the 18th February. 1502 two ships, under the command of Jean Ribaut and Rene Laudonniere, distinguished French ofiicers of Marine, set sail from Dieppe for the purpose of making the first permanent European settlement in those regions of romance. They arrived on the coast of Florida, the same which had been previously described by Verazzano in 1523, and entered the river St. John's, which they called May river because they had discovered it on the first of May. but subsequently known by the name of St. Matheo, it being the day on which the Spaniards inhumanly massacred the French colony. The French navigators extended their researches along the whole coast to the capes of Virginia and returned to the river of May, where they set up a pillar of stone, on which they engraved the arms of France, as a sign of her jurisdiction. From thence they pursued a northerly course and continued to plant columns, and to take possession of the country after the usual forms, conferring names upon several rivers which they borrowed from similar well-known rivers in France. They finally entered Port Royal river, where they built Fort Charles, which they manned, and returned to France for further aid and supplies. On the 22d April, 1564, M. Laudonniere sailed from France in three ships, with additional emigrants and aid and succor for the colony, which he reached on the 25th June. On the 30th June he entered the river May where he built a fort which he called Carolina, in honor of Charles IX. It was built in the form of a triangle. "On the side towards the west, which was towards the land, it was enclosed by a breastwork and towers ; on the side towards the river it was enclosed by a palisade of timber; on the south side it was defended by a ba^ion, with a house for the ammunition. In the midst was a great court or es- 200 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. (15G2) dont ledict seigneur de Laudoniere fut fort ayse, et si recog- neut estre en la riuiere (selon letnom que ledict lean Ribault luy avoit donne a so arriuee qui fut au premier iour de may), I'appellant pour cette cause la riuiere de May : et nous demeurasmes pres la dicte borne I'espace de demie heure, q' lesdicts sauuages apporterent du mil de laurier, et de leur breuuage excellent, et embrassant ladicte borne, crians tous tymatigoua, come voulant dire en faisant cela, qu'ils auroient victoire centre leurs ennemys, qu'ils appellant i«/ma?t- goua, et q' le Soleil auoit enuoye ledict seigneur de Laudoniere, son frere, pour les reuenger, dont apres leur avoir faict quelques presents, ledict seigneur de Laudoniere commada se retirer a bord, laissant ces pauves gens crier et pleurer de notre departie : tellement qu'il y en eut vn leqvel se mist dans la barque par force, et vint coucher a bord, et le vendredy fut renvoye a terre. Puis ayat leue I'acre et regeat la coste iusques au dimanche que no' descouvrismes vne belle riuiere, en laquelle ledict seigneur de Laudoniere enuoya le cappitaine Vasseur, aocopagne de dis soldats, dont i'en estois I'un ; et sitost que feusmes en terre trouuasmes un autre roy auec trois de ses filz et plus de deux ces sauvages, leurs femmes et leurs petits enfans, lequel roy estoit fort aage, et nous fai- soit signe auoir veu cinq lignees, assauoir les enfas de ses enfans ius ques a la cinquieme lignee. Lequel apres nous auoir faict asseoir sus du laurier, qui estoit au pres de luy, nous faict signe de tyman goua, aussi bieii que les autres : mais au reste les plus grands larrons du monde, car ils prenent aussi bie du pied que de la main, nonobs- tant qu'ils n'ayent que des peaulx deuant leurs parties hoteuses, et toutes painctes de noir, en fort beau compartiment: et les femmes ont a I'entour d'elles une certaine mousse blanche fort logue, couu- rant fort mamelles et leurs parties honteuses, fort obeissantes a leurs marys, non larronnesses comme les homes, mais fort enuieuses des bagues et carcans pour pendre a leur col : et vn iour ayat sonde la- planade, where was built a corps de garde and houses on the other side to wards the north.'' In the following year, 1565, M. Ribaut returned to the colony with a large fieet, and relieved M. Laudonniere of his command, who af terwards sailed for France. Unfortunately for this colony and the permanence of French settlements in Florida, Ribaut's fleet was shipwrecked and dispersed in # storm. The Spaniards afterward fell suddenly upon the defenceless colo nists, and committed the most cruel excesses. Thus was the French colony of Florida or New France destroyed in its Infancy by an attack as cowardly as it was detestable for its barbarity. It was founded at a period when, in conse quence of discoveries and settlements made to the north and south, anterior to those of the English or Spaniards, France claimed and extended her sovereignty over the whole'of the new continent. LETTRE VENANT DE LA FLORIDE, OU NOUUELLE PRANCE. 201 dicte riuiere, fut trouu6 assez bonne c6modit6 d'entree pour les nauires, mais non pas comme celle de May, tellemet qu'estant ledict seigneur de Laudoniere rebourne a bord, delibera auec le cappitaine Vasseur, retourner a la dicte riuiere de May, et le mardy en suyuant nous leuasmes I'ancre pour y retovrner, auquel lieu le vendredy en suyuant arriuasmes incontinent en terre, ou feusmes recuz honorable- ment des sauuages comme la premiere fois. et nous meneret au lieu mesme ou de present auos faict nostre fort lequel se nome le fort de la Carreline, et la on nomme ainsi parce que le roy a nom Charles, duquel en pouuez veoir le pourtraiot cy apres, Lequel fort est sur la dicte riuiere de May, enuiron six lieues das la riuiere loing de la mer, lequel en peu de teps auos si bie for- tifie que I'auos mis en defence, ayas les comoditez fort bonnes, lean iusque dans nostre fosse du fort ; mesmes auons trouue vn certain bois d'Esquine, qui sert grademet a faire la diette, qui est la moindre vertu qui est en luy: car I'eau qui en precede a telle vertu en elle que si vn homme ou femme maigre en buuoit continuement quelques teps, il deviedroit fort gras et replet, ayat autres bons remedes. Nous auos entendu par les ohirurgies qu'elle se vend fort bien en France, et y est bie reoueillie : le dit seigneur de Laudoniere a defedu a nous autres soldats d'en enuoyer par les presens nauires, et n'y a q' luy qui en enuoye pour faire preset au roy, ct aux autres princes de Frace, et a monsieur I'admiral: auec de I'or d'vne mine qu'auos trouug par deca: mais a donne edge s'en fournir pour les premiers, nauires qui reuiendrot : tellemet qu'auec I'ayde de Dieu s'en feray bone prouision, m'asseurant qu'elle sera fort requise par de la, ou en autre lieu. Voulant ledict seigneur de Laudoniere s'il y a profit que ses soldats en ayent leur part. Auons trouue aussi vne certaine sorte de canelle, mais non de la bonne, quelque peu de scarlatte, et aussi de la rubarbe, mais fort peu : toutes fois auos esperance qu'auec le temps on pourra s'asseurer des comoditez qui y pourrot estre. A vingt-cinq lieues de nostre fort y a vne riuiere laquelle se nomme le lourdain, en laquelle se trouue de fort belles peaux de martres sub lines, auquel lieu esperons aller auec I'aide de Dieu, auant qu'il soit six sepmaines. Au surpl' il y a fort beau cedre rouge come sang, et ces bois en sont cy plains q' ce n'est quasi autre chose : et aussi force pins, et d'vne autre sorte de bois qui est fort iaulne : et mesmes les bois 'sont si plaines de vignes, que vous ne scauriez marcher deux pas que nc trouuex force raisins, et comencet a present a meurir, telle ment que nous esperons faire bientost du vin, qui sera quelque peu bon. Aussi le seigneur de Laudoniere delibera quinze lours apres la fortification du fort, enuoyer deux barques a Tymangoua, et de 13 202 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. faict le samedy quinziesme iour de ce preset mois y alleret, dont es toit conducteur monsieur d'Antigny et le cappitaine Vasseur, et y demeuraret iusque au xviii en suspeant, et estat de retour apporte rent fort bones nouuelles, disans auoir descouuert la mine d'or et d'arget, auquel lieu y peut auoir enuiron de nostre fort soixante lieues, et si lon y va par nostre riviere de May : ou estas arriuez traffiqueret auec les sauuages, lesquels eurent grand crainte, se tenas tousiours sur leur gardes, a cause de leurs voisins qui leur fot tou- siours la guerre, come ils mostreret depuis audict seigneur d'Antigny, et audict cappitaine Vasseur. L'arriuee fut telle qu'ils laisseret leurs. almadis sur le bort de lean, la ou fut mis par le diet seigneur d'Antigny quelque marchadise et feit retirer les barques, les quelles estant retirees lesdicts sauuages approchant de leurs almadis ou trou- uerent ladicte marchandise, et comencet a s'asseurer, faisant signe q' 16 s'approchast, criat Amy Thypola Panassoon ! qui est autat a dire frere et amy come les doigtz de la main. Co que voyant le diet seigneur d'Antigny et le cappitaine Vasseur s'approcharent et ayant receus grades cerimonies, les meneret a leur village, et les traioteret a leur mode, qui est de doner du mil et de lean boullie auec vne cer tain herbe de laquelle ils vsent, qui est fort bone, en sorte que s'il plaict a Dieu no' doner la grace de viure encor deux ans, nous espe- ros auec I'ayde qu'il plaira au roy nous enuoyer, luy garder la dicte mine. Entre cy et ledict teps i'espere copredre la maniere de faire desdits sauuages, lesquels sont fort bones gens, estat la trafficque auuec eulx fort aisee, mostrant par signe qu'ils baillerot autant d'or et d'argent q' la gradeur de ce qu'on leur baillera, soit hasches, serpes, cousteux, ou carcans de petite valleur. Ie n'ay voulu oublier a vous escrire que bier vendredy fut prins vn grand cocodrille, de la mesme sorte d'vn lezard, mais a les bras come une personne auec les ioinctures, et cinq doigtz aux pattes de deuant, et quatre a celles de derriere : duquel la peau est enuoye en Frace par les preses nauires qui s'en retournet : en la dicte riuiere on ne voit autres choses que cocodrilles, et en iettat la seine dans leau pour pescher, 16 pred des plus terribles poissons que iamais lon iiyt encores veu. Adieu. HISTOIRE MEMORABLE DU DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, LIEU APPELE LA FLORIDE, (NOUUELLE FRANCE,) FArr PAR LE CAPITAINE lEAN RIBAUT, ET ENTREPRIS PAR LE COMMANDEMENT DTJ ROY, EN L'AN M. D. LXV. Le roy et plusieurs princes et seigneurs en son conseil; aupa- rauat que les troubles et tumultes de la guerre civile s'esleuassent en ce royaume, auoit arreste d'enuoyer vn bon nobre d'hommes auec plusieurs nauires en I'vne des contrees des Indes, nommee la Floride, nouuellemant cognue et descouuerte par les Fraqois, parquoy I'edit de pacification publie de I'autorite de sa maieste, le propos se con- tinua et pour executor I'enterprise, lean Ribaut, h6me de coeur et de conseil, et grandemet exerce en la marine, fut mande a la cour et recent la comission du roy de faire equipper sept nauires, qui portas- sent hommes, viures et munitions et de la, I'honorant du titre de son lieutenat, et chef de tous ces gens de guerre, qu'il luy auoit com mands leuer, a I'expedition d'vne telle enterprise, et luy fut expres- sement defendu de n'attenter aucune descente en quelque autre pays ou isle que ce fust, singulieremet en nulle qui seroit sous la seigneu- rie du roy d'Espagne, ains que singlat la grand' mer Oceane, il fist route droit a la Floride. Les nouuelles de ce voyage a faire furent incontinet diuulguees par tout, et plusieurs furent persuadez a se submettre au commandement de ce capitaine, et sous I'autorite du roy, menez toutes fois d'affections diuerses, car les vns estoyent in- citez d'vn desir honeste et louable d'auancer en la cognoissace de I'univers, pour en rapporter la science telle que le coeur de I'homme 204 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. bien assis desire naturelleinent, ayant opinion qu'a cela la nauigation leur apporteroit grad auantage, les autres eschauffez encor en leur coeur guerrier, si rendirent aussi : aimas mieux encourir la fascherie des eaux, que posans les armes se retirer a leur premiere codition, ce qui pouuoit aussi bien fort inciter les vns et les autres, c' estoit le bruit qui couroit par deca, c'est a sauoir que la Floride promettoit le suffisant contentement de tout ce que I'homme pourroit desirer en la terre, d'autant que ce pays receuoit du ciel vne faueur et demeure singullere, quand il pe seroit ne glace ne gele de la roide froidure du septentrion, ne rosty et brusle de I'ardeur du midi : que les champs sans estre labourez ou aucunemet exercez, produisent assez de quoy soustenir et sufBsamment entretenir la vie du peuple qui y habite- roit : qu'il semble que pour en faire vn pays de plus fertiles et riches de toute la rondcur des terres, ne seroit requis sinon qu'hommes de- liges et industrieux qui employassent la bonte et graisse de la terre, a I'utilite pu genre humain, qu'ayant son estedue de I'aquilon au sep tetrion, quasi en pareille longitude que nostre Europe, et la latitude de 23 degrez, souuent qu'elle est frappee des rayons de son haut so leil, reejoit en elle force chaleur, laquelle toutes fois est temperee, non seulement de la fraischeur de la nuit ou de la rosee du ciel, mais aussi de graoieuscs pluyes en abondance, dont le gazon en deuient fertile, voires de sorte que I'herbe forte y croist en hauteur admira ble, qu'elle est riche d'or et de toutes sortes d'animaux: qu'ayant les champs pleins et spacieux; ce neantmoins aussi ses montagnes sont assez hautes, les fleuves plaisans a merueilles, arbres diuers, rendant la gomrae odoriferante. Que tout cela considere, ne pouuoit, autre ment aduenir que I'home ne trouuast la grand plaisir et singuliere delectation. Plusieurs done allechez de telles promesses, aueuns aussi d'vn auare desir de se faire riches en ce voyage, a cause de I'or, se rendoyant par troupes en ceste villa, ou la monstre se deuoit faire, pour en choisir ceux qui, au iugement du lieutenant du roy en ceste part, se trouueroyant les plus idoines a continuer I'enterprise. Or, elle ne fut pas si tost mise en effect, c6me aueuns le desiroyent, et ceux principalement qui auoyent receu les soldats et leur hostel; car ils estoyent enuyez d'auoir hommes qui fisset telle chere sans payer leur escot, combien qu'on leur promit auec asseurance, qu'en bref temps its seroyent contentez et satisfaits, et furent quatre mois et plus en ceste ville a faire la piafie ; et finalemet ils furent obligez, par serment solennel, de se porter fidelement au seruice du roy, re- ceuant la paye pour six mois, ce qui ne vint pas au contentement du coronal, car enuiron le mois de may, que de rechef le denombrement des hommes se deuoit faire pour embarquer, aueuns de ceux mesmes DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE. 205 qui auoyent touehe la paye se formas vne conscience d'vn si long voy. age, estonnez aussi de la face barbare de la mer, changercnt inconti nent leur propos, et se retireret secretement sans passer plus outre. Or, peur aller au deuat de ceste dissolution et desbauchement d'hom mes qui se promettoiet, ils furent de rechef instamment appelez, et leur fut commande que tout incontinet et a la meme heure s'embar- quassent, qui fut le 10' iour de may (1565), et demeurasmes en ceste rade iusques au 22' iour du mesme mois, attendans quelques bestiails et farines. Le nombre des homes qui monteret pour le voyage es toit de trois ces, comprins aueuns artisans auec leurs families ; et come nous attendions le commandement et c6modite de nostre lieu tenant du roy, et vent fauorable, le mardi, 22 dudit mois, no' fasmes assaillis de vents impetueux. soufflants d'vne part et d'autre ; de sorte que les vagues s'entrerecontroyet d'vne fa^on indicible, et donnerent telle frayeur a nos mariniers, qu'ils ne trouuerent autre remede ni moye propre, sinon couper les cables, quitter les ancres et nous aban- donner au gre du vent, le plus violent qui fust, vn vent de nord-est lequel nous chassa de telle vitesse, qu'incontinent nous volasmes au Haure-de-Grace, et la demeurasmes trois lours, attendas nouuelles de Dieppe, par vn brigandin que nous y enuoyasmes expres ; et puis nous appareillasmes de cest rade le 26 du mesme mois ; et comme nous tendions a singler droit a nostre route, nous trouuasmes incon tinent vent contraire, et nous commanda d'aller terrir et poser les ancres en I'isle d'Wich, I'vne des contrees d' Angleterre, oil les Ang lois voulurent cognoistre de nostre entreprise ; et nous ayans cogneus s'offrirent a nous faire plaisir. Or du iour que nous arriuasmes la, qui fut le 28 de ce mois, nous y demeurasmes ancrez iusques au 14 de iuin; et le iour mesme nous eusmes le vent nord-est a souhait et leuasmes les voiles pour chasser droit a la Floride, laquelle nous ap- petions comme une nouuelle France, et demeurasmes singlans la grand'mer Oceane deux mois entiers, premier que puissions auoir au cune cognoissance des terres de la Floride, reserue I'vne des isles des Entilles, appellee des paysans Vocaiouques, et en fran9ois la Grand- Lucoise ; aueuns des nostres la voulurent appeler du nom de Cath- erine-la-Roine, mere du roy ; et disent qu'elle est de 27 degrez de latitude ; nous trouvasmes aussi quelque nauire a deux cents lieues de la vers I'eau, mais nous ne I'approchasmes de plus pres que do trois au quatre lieiies. Lorsque no' fusmes arrivez en la terre de la Floride, qui fut le 14 d'aoust (1565), nous apperceusmes le feu q' les Indes nous faisoyent ; nous enuoyasmes le brigandin qui descouurit vne petite riuiere; et au-dessus de I'embracheure s'y trouuerant ^elques sauuages qui troquerent quelque argent a de la marchadise 206 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA, que nous anions portee de ce pays, et disoyet que I'argent leur estoit demeure d'vn nauire la eschoiie, reuenant des Entilles ; no' y trou uasmes aussi un seul Espagnol eschappe d'vn naufrage il y auoit vingt ans passez, lequel nous receuillismes auec nous, et nous enquis" mes s'il auroit entendu quelque chose des Francois, et ou ils pour- royent estre campez ; lequel nous respondit ne rien sauoir autre chose que ce qu'il auoit entedu des sauuages, c'est qu'ils estoyet placez a cinquate lieiies plus nord que le lieu oii nous anions terri. Or de la nous resinglasmes loin au long de la coste, qui nous sembla basse et la terre sablonneuse, plantee d'arbres fort petis, et y sont aussi les marees qui viennent du susuest, assez petites, et a mi- chemin, de la nous descouvrismes vne riuiere que nos gens aupara- vant auoyant appellee la Riuiere de May, ou mesmes les marees ne sont grandes, qui viennet du nord nord-est, et peut-on voir, a cause de la basse eau, la bouche des ancres, et auons esprouue qu'a trois ou qua tre lieiies de la terre il n'y a que six ou sept brasses d'eau ou enuiron ; il me souuiet aussi qu'entre la riuiere de May et vne autre qu'on appelle d'Ay, nous-en cogneusmes vne autre qui demeure nord de celle de May enuiron deux lieues, et la mouillans I'ancre chasque nuict a huit en neuf brasses d'eau, trouuios fonds de sable, aucunes fois de grauiers, et aucunes fois de vase ; nous sondasmes aussi la riuiere des Dauphins, et la trouuasmes haute sur la barre de deux brasses ; mais la mer y croist de trois quartiers de brasse ; et apres que nous eusmes, le long de la coste, regarde a descendre, le 27 d'aoust (1565) no' vinsmes mouiller a la rade de la rieuiere de May, a sept brasses d'eau, demeurans de I'eau a la terre enuiron deux lieues. Le mercredi, 29 du mesme mois, nous entrasmes trois des petits na uires et chassasmes a mot la riuiere, droit au fort de la Carreline, que noz gens auoyent auparauant basti pour leur estre lieu d'asseurance et de retraite, place assez comode, tant pour la riuiere qu'elle a d'vn coste et le bois de I'autre, qui n'est distant que d'vn bien petit quart de lieiie, et le champ entre le fort et le bois, et un costau fort plai- sant tout couuert d'herbes fort grandes et espesses, et n'y a chemin au bois, sinon que la largeur d'vn pas d'homme que noz gens auoyet fait pour aller k la fontaine dans le bois, Quand done nous fusmes arriuez pres d'icelle place, nostre lieu tenant fist descharger et porter les viures au fort, et autres munitions pour recreer la place, et commanda que nous artisans, femmes et petits enfans, y allissions, et nous y fait conduire par le sieur d'Vlly, de Beauchaire et autres, ausquels aussi il laissa la garde de son plus precieux baggage, Ceux qui nous attendoyet au fort furent gran demet resiouys de nostre venue, car ils estoyent angoissez et troft- DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE. 207 blez d'estre si long temps sans rien ouir de la France : et qui plus augmentoit leur douleur, ils estoyent sans viures, sinon qu'ils se vousissent renger a la facon de viure des paisans sauuages, desquels encor ne pouuoyent-ils rien auoir, si non par covrses, auec force et violece comme plus amplemet nous dirons en son lieu. Or quand nous fusmes de seiour, ie consideray la forme des habitans de la terre, qui me sembla bonne et assez h,umaine, car les homes sont droits et quarrez, et d'vn taint tirant au rouge. I'ay entendu dire qu'ils ont rois en chasque village, et pour ornement ils ont le cuir marquete d'vne estrange facon ; ils n'ont aucun accoustrement, non plus les hommes que les femmes ; mais la femme ceint vn petit voile de pcl- lisse de ciof ou d'autre animal, le noeud batat le coste gauche sur la cuisse, pour couurir la partie de sa nature la plus honteuse ; ils ne sont ne camus ne lippus, ains ont le visage rond et plain, les yeux as- pres et vigoureux ; ils nourrissent leurs cheueux fort longs, et les troussent proprement a I'entour de leurs testes, et ceste trousse de cheueux leur sert, comme de carquois, a porter leurs fleches quand ils sont en guerre ; c'est merveilles que soudainement ils les ont en main pour en tirer loin et droit au possible. Quat aux moeurs, ils sont dissolus, ils n'enseignent point leurs enfans et ne les corrigent aucu- nement ; ils prennent sans coscience et s'attribuent tout ce qu'ils peuuent secretement emporter. Chacun a sa femme propre, et gar- dent le mariage, voire avec toute rigueur. lis sont en guerre centre les pais frotiers, qui sont de diuers languages. Les armes les plus insignes sont arcs et fleches ; leures demeures sont de figure ronde et quasi a la facon des colombiers de ce pais, fondees et establies de gros abres, couuertes au dessus de feuilles de palmiers. et ne craignet point les vents et tempestes ¦ ils sont souuent faschez de petites mousches, lesquelles ils appellent en leur language maringons, et faut qu'or dinairemet aux maisons ils facet feu, et expressemet sous leurs lits, afin d'estre deliurez de ceste vermine ; ils disent qu'elles piquet fort aspremet, et la partie de la chair touchee de leur morsure deuiet come celle d'vn ladre. lis n'estiment rien plus riche ou plus beau que plumes d'oiseaux de diuerses couleurs ; ils ont en grand prix, petis calcules qu'ils font d'os de poissons, et autres pierres verdes et rouges ; leurs viures sont racines, fruits, herbes et poissons de diuer ses sortes, et le poisson leur est fort gras qu'ils sorissent, et I'appel- lent en leur langue bovquani ; ils en tirent la graisse et s'en seruent au lieu de beurre ou d'autre sausse ; ils n'ont pas de ble, mais ils ont le mil en abondance, et croist a la hauteur de sept pieds ; il a son tuyau gros come celuy d'vne canne, et son grain est gros c6me vn pois, I'espy long come d'vn pied ; sa couleur est ainsi que celle de la 208 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. cire recente ; le moyen d'en vser est premierement de le froisser et resoudre en farine; puis apres le deffbnt par meslinge, et en font leur migan, qui ressemble le ris que Ton sert en ce pays ; ille faut mager aussitost qu'il est fait, pource qu'il se change incontinent, et n'est point de garde ; ils ont force vignes bastardes, rampates a I'entour des arbres, ainsi que nous voyons en quelques contrees de ce roy aume ; mais ils n'ont point I'vsage d'en tirer le vin ; leur boisson, qu'il sappellet cassinnet, se fait d'herbes composees, et m'a semble de telle couleur quo la ceruoyse de ce pays ; i'en ay gouste et ne I'ay point trouue fort estrange. Qvat au pays il me semble montueux, et y a beaucoup de forests, qui peut bien estre cause de tant de bestes sauuages, lesquelles ils disent porter grande nuisance a ceux qui ne se donnent garde. Ie laisseray a dire beaucoup de choses des animaux estranges, desquels seulemet i'ai ouy parler ; ce m'est assez de racon- ter ici ce que i'ay veu et qui me semble digne de memoire, pour la posterite ; et singulierement des crocodillcs que I'on voit assez sou uet sortir du sable pour aller a leur proye. Nous en auons veu plu sieurs, mesmes vn mort, et auons mange de sa chair, qui nous sembla tendre et blache comme celle d'vn veau, et quasi de mesme goust ; il auoit este tue d'vn coup de harquebouzade, porte entre deux escailles ; que s'il n'eust este la frappe, ses escailles autrement sont assez fortes pour le garentir de tous coups ; il auoit la gueulle fort grande, et les maschoiieres renuersees d'vne horrible faqon, desquelles les dents s'entretenoyet ainsi qu'vn peigne, et pouuoit ouurir la gueulle assez grande pour deuorer vne genisse ; il estoit long de corps de douze a treze pieds ; il auoit les iabes fort courtcs a la proportion du corps ; ses ongles estrages et cruels, sa queue forte et longue, en quoy gist et cosiste sa vie et sa principale defe.nse. Aussi ie n'ay veu en sa gueulle aucune apparece de langue, si elle n'estoit cachee en son pa- lais, car il auoit (comme i'ay dit) la maschoiiere de dessous dessus, chose monstrueuse, et qui seulement a regarder pouuoit donner fray eur aux homes ; i'ay veu aussi vn serpent mort, assez pres du bois, qui auoit este tue par I'vn de noz gens, duquel les sauuages vindrent coupper la teste, et I'eporteret auec vn grand soin etdiligece; ie n'ay sen savoir la raison pourquoy il auoit ailes par lesquelles il pouuoit aucunemet voltiger sur la terre. Aueuns des nostres estimoy^nt que les sauuages faisoyet cela par quelque superstition, et a ce que i'en ay veu, ils ne sont pas sans opinion de divinite, mesmes aussi ay ie prins coniecture de quelques circostances que facilement on les pour roit dresser, non seulement a ciuilite et honijestete, mais aussi a sainctetg et religion, si le decret du Seigneur le parmettoit ; car aus sitost que la cloche du fort auoit sonne pour faire les prieres, ils se DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE. 209 tournoyent en la place, et la c6me nous dressoyent les mains au ciel, voire auec reuerenoe et attention, Ce temps, apres nostre coronal, estoit apres pour s'acquitter fidelement de sa charge, et donoit ordre que la place fust tellement remparee et niunie, qu'elle servist apres de sauuegarde, si d'auenture les sauuages nous eussent voulu courir sus, lorsque le lundi, troisieme de septembre. arriueret, pres do nostre equippage, cinq nauires espagnols. L'admiral se monstrant a la grandeur de quatre cens tonneaux, la barque de cent cinquante, suiuis de trois patenas qui vindret mouiller I'ancre a I'enfonseure de nos quatre nauires, environ les neuf heures du soir. La nuict ils parle- menterent ensemble, et sur ce que les nostres demanderent pourquoy et a quelle fin ils les cerchoyent. respondirent qu'ils estoyent enne- mis et que la guerre estoit suffisammont declaree. Lors les nostres regardant a la force des Espagnols, a leur enuie et manuals vouloir, deshabillerent et mirent les voiles haut, et les Espagnols firet chasse apres eux , mais ils ne les peurent auoir a la voile. Par quoy ils se retireret en la riuiere des Dauphins ; car la ils auoyet delibere de faire descete, apres avoir comunique de nostre ruine auec les sauuages, com me I'issue deleur entreprise I'a fait finalement cognoistre ; et de ceste riuiere enuoyerent de leurs h6mes par embuscades, autant que iig pen- serent estre de necessite pour executer leur entreprise. Et auons de puis entendu des sauuages, qu'ils estoyent en armes enuiron six cens hommes ; tost apres trois de noz nauires reuenus a la rade, car la Trinite, nostre admiralle,-auoit este emportee vers I'eau ; le capitaine lean Ribaut se delibera auec ces trois d'aller trouuer les Espagnols. Apres auoir resolu en son conseil qu'il estoit necessaire de se m6s- trer centre eux sur les eaux, sinon que nous vousissions encourir la perte de noz vaisseaux. Car noz homes estans a terre, rie ne les eust empesche d'aborder noz nauires, de les crocher, qui nous sem- bloit vne perte intolerable, pour ce regard principalement; c'est a sauoir que n'aurios pour I'auenir comodite d'enuoyer en France, pour faire entendre a la maieste du roy, de I'estat de nostre entreprise. Parquoy le lundi, dixieme iour de septembre (1565), trois heures apres midi, le capitaine et lieutenant de roy voulut receuoir ses homes, et apres les auoir exhortez de bien faire pour le seruice du roy, s'embarqua ensemble auec eux ; prenant pour sa defense, non seulement les soldats qu'ils auoyent nouuellement amenez, mais aussi les plus signalez de ceux qui tenoyent la place aupafauant, nomement I'enseigne, caporal et sergent du capitaine Lauduniere. Ce capitaine, ennuye de n'avoir entendu nouuelles de France, et fasche d'estre prive de viures, vn peu auparavat que nous fussions la arrivez, pensoit a retourner, et cependant ne se soucioit beaucop si 210 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. ceux de sa compagnie faisoyet choses aux sauuages ; de quoy leur bone affection se destournast des Francois ; ains il les permettoit forcer et amener prisonniers dans le fort, prendre et rauir leur mil et autres choses que la necessite, laquelle ne peut estre so'aucune loy, leur commandoit. Et d'autant que le desir de se venger est naturelle- ment plante au coeur de I'homme, mesmes aussi I'appetit commun a tous animaux de se defendre, son corps et sa vie, et de destourner les choses qui semblent apporter quelque nuisance; il ne faut douter que ce sauuages ne coplota et prattiqua auec I'Espagnol, comme il se pourroit deliurer de ceste gent, de laquelle il estoit et en son corps et en ses biens trauaille. Le mardy, onziemo de septembre, a huict heures du matin ou enuiron, lorsque noz gens estoyet assez pres des Espagnols, se leua un tourbillo de vent quicontinua long temps, auec de grosses pluyes, esolairs et tonnerres ; de sorte qu'a la fois I'air es toit comme en feu, et les parties effrayees des menaces du ciel s'es- carterent ; les nostres trois nauires furent constraints de ponger ; et les autres, admiral et barque espagnole, de faire le vet bon ; et dura la malice de ce temps iusques au vingt troisieme iour de septembre. Or les Espagnols descedus a terre eurent assez de loisir de nous espionner et mesmes de s'informer des moyes qu'ils ti«ndroyet pour nous surprendre, estans bien aduertis que noz forces estoyent sur les eaux, et que le reste qui estoit demeure au fort, estoit compose partie de malades encor alterez de I'air de la mer: partie aussi d'artisans, de femmes et petits enfans, le tout montant au nombre de deux cens quarate ames, recomandees a la garde et diligence du capitaine Lau duniere qui ne se doutoit aucunemet qu'aucune force peust venir par terre pour les endommager. Parquoy la garde leua pour s'en aller rafraischir, acausedes mauvais temps qui auoientcotinue toute la nuict vn peu deuat soleil levant, la pluspart des nostres au fort dormans et eu leurs licts : le guiohet ouuert, I'Espagnol ayant tracasse bois, estags et riuieres, coduit par le sauuage, et arrive le ieudy vingtieme iour de septembre au matin, temps fort pluuieux, et entrent sans nulle resistence dans le fort, et font vne horrible execution de la rage et furie qu'ils auoyet conceue cotre nostre nation ; c'estoit lors a qui mieux esgorgeroit homes, sains et malades, femmes et petits enfans, de sort qu'il n'est pcssible de soger vn massacre qui puisse estre esgale a ceslui-ci, en cruaute et barbarie. Aueuns des nostres les plus habiles sortans de lieurs licts s'escouleret, et se sauuerent de vistesse dans les nauires qui estoyent en la riuiere, laissez du co ronal a la garde de laques Ribaut, capitaine d'vn navire nomme la Perle, et de Loys Ballard, son lieutenant : les autres surpris saute- rent pardessus la pallisade, singulierement le capitaine Lauduniere DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE 211 se sauna par la, auec celle qui le seruoit a la ehambre. Ie fus aussi surprins allant a ma besongne, le fermoir a la main ; car sortant de la cabane,.je rencontray les ennemis, et ne trouuay autre moyen des- chapper, sinon tourner le dos, et me haster au possible de sauter aussi pardessus la pallissade ; car i'estoye aussi poursuivi de pas a pas d'vne picque et pertizane, et ne say coment autremet, sinon de la grace de Dieu, mes forces se redoubleret, de moy, dis-ie, poure viel- lard que ie suis, et tout gris : toutes fois ie sautay le rapart, ce qu'a loisir ie n'eusse peu faire en rampant, car il estoit esleve de huict a neuf pieds, et lors ie me hastay de me sauuer au bois : et comme i'es toye assez pr6s de la rive du bois, a la distance d'vn bon trait d'arc, ie me retournay vers le fort et m'arrestay vn peu de temps sur la coste, et d'autant plus hardiment, parce que personne ne me pour- suiuoit. Et comme de cest endroit, tout le fort, mesmes la basse court me fut descouuerte, aussi vi-ie la vne horrible tuerie, qui se faisoit de noz gens, et trois enseignes de noz aduersaires platees sur les rampars. Ayant donques perdu tout esperance de voir noz gens ralliez, ie resignay tous mes sens au Seigneur, et me recommandat a sa misericorde, grace et faueur, ie me lancay das le bois, car il me semblait que ie ne pourroye trouuer cruaute plus grade entre les bestes sauuages, que celle des ennemis : laquelle i'auoye ven se des- border sur les nostres. Or la misere et angoisse en laquelle ie me trouuay lors presse et enserre, ne voyant plus en terre moyen de salut, sin6 que le Seigneur de grace speciale et pardessus toute opi nion d'homme me deliurast : me faisoit letter souspirs en sanglots, et d'vne parole rompue de destresse, crier ainsi au Seigneur. O Dieu de noz peres, et seigneur de misericorde, qui nous as commande de t'inuoquer, mesmes du profond des enfers et des abysmes de mort, proiinettant incotinent ton aide et ton secours, monstre moy pour I'esperance que i'ay en toy, quel chemin ie doy tenir, pour venir a fin de ceste miserable vieillesse, plongee au gouffre de douleur et d'amer- tume : au moins fay que sentant I'effect de ta mercy, I'asseurace que i'ay de tes promesses conceue en mon coeur, ne me soit arrachee, pour I'apprehension de la cruaute de ces bestes sauuages et furieuses d'vn coste, et de tes ennemis et les nostres d'autre : qui nous en veulent plus, pour la memoire de ton nom qui est inuoque sur nous, q' pour autre chose : Aide-moy, mo Dieu, assiste-moy, car ie suis tant afflige que plus n'en puis. Et cependant que ie faisois ce discours, trauer- sant le bois fort espes et comme tissu de ronces et cspines, au dessous des hauts arbres, ou il n'y auoit chemin ne sentier aucun, a peine auoy-ie tracasse le chemin de demie heure, quand ie vins a entendre vn bruit, come de pleurs et gemissemens d'hommes qui estoyent a 212 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. I'entour de moy. Et m'auanqat au nom de Dieu et en la confianoe de son secours, ie descouuri I'vn des nostres, nomme le sieur de la Blonderie, et un peu arriere de luy, un autre, nomine maistre Robert, assez cognu de no' tous, d'autat qu'il auoit charge de faire les priores en nostre fort. Tost apres aussi nous trouuasmes le laquais du sieur d'Vlly, le neueu de M. Lebeau, maistre laques Touse, et plusieurs autres : et nous assemblez conferions de nos miseres, en c6mun, et deliberlos de'ce que nous aurios a faire pour sauuer noz vies: I'vn des nostres, .assez estime d'estre fort exerce en la leqon des Escri- tures sainctes, proposa quasi en ceste maniere : Freres, nous voyons en quelle extremite nous somes, quelque part que nous tournios les yeux, nous ne voyons que barbarie, Le ciel, la terre, la mer, le bois, les hommes : bref, rien ne no' fauorise : que savons-nous si nous ren- das a la misericorde de I'Espagnol, il nous fera grace? Bien encor qu'il nous tue, ce sera pour souffrir vn peu de temps : ils sont h6mes, et ce peut faire pue leur fureur appaisee, ils nous receuront a quelque composition; autrement que pourrions-nous faire? Ne vaut-il pas mieux tomber en la main des hommes, qu'en la gueulle des bestes sauuages, ou bien se laisser mourir defaim en ceste terre estrange? Apres qu'il eut ainsi parle, la plus part de notre compagnie fut de son aduis, et loua son coseil. Noobstant que ie remostrasse la cru aute encor toute sanglate des aduersaires, et que ce n'estoit point seulement pour vne cause ou debat humain qu'ils auoyent executS d'.vne telle fureur leur entreprise, mais principaleme'ht pour I'aduer- tissement qu'on leur auroit donne, quo nous seri6s de ceux qui se se royent reformez a la predication de I'Euagile ; que nous serious lasches de regarder plustost aux hommes qu'a Dieu qui fait viure les siens au milieu de la mort, et donne ordinairement son assistance, lorsque I'espfirance des hommes est en d6faut. Aussi allegtioy-ie quelques exemples de I'Escriture a propos de loseph, de Daniel, d'Elie et des autres prophetes, mesmes des apostres, come de 8. Pierre et de S. Paul, qui tous ont este tirez hors d'afiliction, voier par moyes extraordinaires et estrages au sens et a la raison de I'home: son bras, disoy-ie, n'est amoindri ne affoibli aucunemet, se main est touiours vne. Ne nous souuiet-il poit, disoy-je, de la fuite des Isra elites deuant Pharao ? Quelle esperace auoit le peuple d'eschapper des mais de ce tyran puissant et cruel? il leur marohoit quasi sur les talons. Deuant eux ils auoyet la mer, aux deux costez les montagnes inaccessibles. Quoy done? celuy qui a ouuert la mer pour faire la voye a son peuple, et pour puis apres engloutir ses ennemis, ne pourroit-il nous conduire par les lieux champestres de ce pays estrage ? Quoy que DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE, 213 ie tiiise tels propos, six de la compagnie suiuirent la premiere pro position ; et nous abadonnerent pour se retirer a la part de noz en nemis, esperant trouuer grace deuant eux ; mais ils cogueurent in continent, et par experience, quelle folic c'est de se fier plux aux hommes qu'aux promesses de Seigneur, Car estans sortis hors le bois, come ils descendoyent au fort, ils furent incontinent saisis des Espagnols, et traittez a la facon des autres. lis furent done esgor- gez et massacrez, et puis trainez au bord de la riuiere, oil les autres tuez au fort estoyent par monceaux. Ie ne veux pas ici me taire d'vn exeraple d'extreme cruaute. laques Ribaut, capitaine de la Perle, tenoit les nauires a- I'ancre, a cent pas pres de ceste boucherie, oii il recent beaucoup de ceux qui eschapperet de ceste tuerie. Or les Espagnols ayant le coeur gros a cause de leur victoire, et acharnez a pactuer le reste des Francois, braquerent les canons du fort contre les nauires et batteaux ; mais a cause du temps pluuieux, et que les canons aussi estoyent mal apprestez. ils ne feirent aucun dommage a noz gens ; mais ils firent marcher vne trompette jusqu'a eux pour les sommer de se rendre. Et quad ils veirent que cela ne les intimidoit aucunement, ils enuoyeret un de leurs hommes iusques aux nauires, mettant en auant I'authorite de Don Pedro de Malendez, coronal de leur compagnie, pour composer auec noz gens, a telle condition qu'ils quittassent les nauires et qu'ils se retirassent auec les batteaux, leurs bagues sauues, aux autres nauires qui estoyent bas a I'embouchure de la riuiere, distant du fort enuiron deux lieues ; a quoy noz gens respondirent qu'il y eust aucune guerre entre eux, que depuis six mois ils auoyent receus commande ment du roi pour faire ce voyaoe, que tant s'en faut qu'il fust entre- pris pour faire tort ou exaction a aucun, quand il leur estoit expres semet defendu de sa maieste, et mesmes de son admiral, de ne faire descente en aucune terre d'Espagne, ni mesmes en approcher de peur de les offenser. Nous au6s garde et obserue inuiolablemet le com mandement du roy, et ne pouuez dire contre nous que nous ayons este cause du massacre que vous auez fait de noz hommes c6tre tout vsage de guerre, ce qui nous fait seigner le coeur et de quoy pourrez bien vous ressentir en teps et lieu. Quant au nauire que vous de- mandez, vous auriez plustost noz vies ; et ois vous n'voudrez parfor- cer, nous employerons le moyen que Dieu et nature nous a donn§ pour nous defendre. L'Espagnol retourne rapporta que noz gens ne se mouuoyent pour rien, ains qu'ils estoyet deliberez de se bien de fendre. Lors ceste furieuse troupe reietta sa colere et sanglant des- pit sur les morts, et les" exposerent en monstre aux Francois qui restoyent sur les eaux, et taschoyent a naurer le coeur de ceux des- 214 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. quels ils ne pouuoyent, comme ils eussent bien voulu, desmembrer les corps ; car, arrachant les yeux des morts, les fichoyent au bout des dagues, et puis auec oris, heurlemens et toute gaudisserie, les iettoy- ent contre noz Fran9ois vers I'eau. Quant a nous qui demeurasmes au bois, nous continuasmes a trauerser, tirans a nostre iugement au plus pres de la mer. Et comme il pleut a Dieu de conduire noz pas et dresser noz voyes, bientost nous paruinsmes a la croupe d'vne montagne, et de la c6mencasmes a voir la mer. Mais il y auoit en cor grande distance ; et qui pis estoit, le chemin que nous anions a tenir se monstroit merueillcusement estrange et difficile ; premiere- met, la montagne de laquelle descedre il nous estoit necessaire, es toit de telle hauteur et si roide qu'il n'estoit possible a homme, en descendant, se tenir debout, et iamais n'eussions ose nous mettre a descendre sans I'esperace que nous anions de nous c6tretenir par les braches des buissons qui estoyet frequens sur le costau de la mon tagne, et pour sauuer la vie, n'espargnant point les mains, lesquelles nous avions toutes gastees et sanglantes, mesmes les iambes et quasi tout le corps deschire. Or, descendus que nous fusmes de la mon tagne, no' perdismes la veue de la mer, a cause d'vn petit bois qui estoit cotre nous plante sur vne petite colline, et pour aller au bois il nous falloit trauerser vne grande pree toute de vase et de fondri- ere, couuerte de roseaux et autres sortes d'herbes fort estrages ; car le tuyan estoit dur comme bois, et les fueilles nous decoupoyent pieds et iambes iusques au sang, estans tousiours en I'eau iusques au foure, et qui redoubloit nostre misere et calamite ; la pluye tomboit tellemet du ciel sur nous que, come, en vn deluge, nous estionstout ce temps-la entre deux eaux; et plus nous marchions auant, aussi nous trouui6s I'eau profonde. Et lors, pensant bien efctre au dernier periode de nostre vie, nous embrassasmes I'vn I'autre, et d'affection commune nous commenqasmes a souspirer et crier au Seigneur, accu sant noz pechez, et recognoissans sur nous la rigueur de ses iugemens. Helas ! Seigneur, disiosnous, que sommes-nous plus q' poures ver- misseaux de terre ? noz ames, toutes alterees de douleur, se rendent entre tes bras ; 6 Pere de misericorde et Dieu de charit6 ! deliure- nous de ce pas de la mort ; ou si tu veux qu'en ce desert nous tiri- ons le dernier soupir de la vie, assiste-nous a ce que la mort, de toutes choses la plus terrible, nous venant saisir, ne nous estonne d'auantage, mais que nous demeurions fermes et stables au sens de ta faueur et bien vueillance que nous auons tant et tant esprouvee a cause de ton Christ, pour d6ner lieu a I'esprit de Satan, esprit de de- sespoir et de defiance ; car, soit que nous mourions, nous protestos maintenat deuant ta maieste, que nous voulons mourir a toy ; soit DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE. 215 que nous viuions, ce sera pour raconter tes merueilles au milieu de I'assemblee de tes seruiteurs. Nos prieres faites, nous marchasmes a grand'peine droit au bois, tat que nous arrivasmes pres d'vne grosse riuiere q' couroit au milieu de ceste pree ; le canal estoit assez es troit, mais fort profond, et I'eau y coulloit de grande vistesse, d'au tant que tout le champ pendoit vers la mer. Ce fut vne autre augmentation de noz angoisses, car il n'y auoit homme des nostres qui osast entreprendre a passer la riuiere a nage ; mais en ceste c6- fusion de noz pensees. quat a trouuer moyen de passer outre, il me souuint du bois que nous auios laisse derriere nous ; apres auoir ex- horte mes freres a patiece et a continuer a bien esperer du Seigneur, ie retournay au bois, et y coupay vne logue perche, auec vn fust d'vn fermoir assez grad qui me demeura en main, de I'heure que le fort fut pris, et retournay aux autre^ qui m'attendoyent en grade per- plexite. Or (ja, dis-ie, freres, essay 6s si Dieu, par le moyen de ce has ten, nous voudra donner quelque auantage a parfaire nostre chemin. Lors nous couchasmes la perche dessus I'eau ; I'un des nostres, et chacun a son tour, la tenat par le bout et entrat en I'eau, portoit la perche quant a soy ; et au milieu du canal, come nous en perdions la veue, le poussasmes de force assez pres de I'autre riue, oii il print terre a I'aide des Cannes et autres herbes qui estoyet de I'autre bord ; et, a son exemple, passames ainsi vn a la fois ; mais ce ne fut pas sans grad peril et sans boire beaucoup de ceste eau salee, voire et tellement que nous, venans a I'autre bord. nous anions le cceur tout espoussete, et estions ainsi affadis comme si nous eussions este a demi noyes. Apres que nous fusmes reuenus et que nous eusmes repris courage, tedans touiours a ce bois que nous anions remarque proche de la mer, le perche mesme no' fut necessaire a passer vn autre bras d'eau, qui ne nous donna pas moins de fascherie que le premier ; mais, graces a Dieu, nous le passa mes et entrames le soir mesme dedas le bois, ou demeurames la nuict en grande crainte et tremblement, estans debout contre les arbres. Et combien que nous fussions trauaillez tant et plus, si n'avios-nous pas volonte de dormir. Car quel pourroit estre le repos des esprits en telle frayeur. Mes mes no' vismes aussi enuiron le poinct du iour vne beste grande comme vn cerf, a cinquante passes pres de nous, qui auoit la teste fort grosse, les yeux flamboyans et sans siller, les oreilles pendantes, ayant les parties de derriere eminetes. Elle nous sembla monstreueuse a cause de ses yeux fort estincellans et grans a merueilles ; laquelle toutes fois ne s'approcha de nous pour nous faires aucune nuisance. Le iour venu nous sortismes du bois et reuismes la mer, a laquelle nous aspirions apres Dieu, comme au seul moye de sauuer noz vies ; 216 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA mais nous fusmes de rechef faschez et troublez, car nous apperceus mes vn pays de mareses ct lieux fangeux, plein d'eau et couuert de roseaux, come celui que nous anions passe le iour preoedet. Nous marchames done au trauers de ceste pree, et assez pres de la route que nous aui6s a faire. Nous apperceusmes parmi les roseaux vne troupe de ges que nous estimions estre de prime face noz ennemis, qui fussent la venus pour nous coupper chemin ; mais quad nous eusmes veu de pres que ils estoyent desolez comme nous, nuds et effrayez, nous entendisnies incontinent qu'ils estoyent de nos ges; aussi estoit-ce le capitaine Lauduniere, sa fille de ehambre, lacques Morgues de Dieppe, Fracois Duval de Roiien, le fils de la couronne de fer de Rouen, Nigaise de la Crotte, Nicolas le nienuzier, la trom pette du sieur de Lauduniere et autres, qui tous ensemble faisoyet le nombre de vingt-six hommes. Sur la deliberation de ce que nous anions a faire, deux de nos gens monterent au couppeau de I'vn des arbres le plus haut, et des couvrirent I'un de noz petis nauires, qui es toit celuy du capitaine Maillard, auquel ils donnerent le signal, pout lequel il fut aduerti que nous anions besoin de son secours, Lors il nous fait arriver sa petite barque ; mais pour approcher du riuage il nous estoit necessaire de trauerser des roseaux et autres deux riuieres semblables a celles que nous anions passees le iour precedet, A quoi nous furet grandement vtiles et necessaires la perche que i'avoye couppee I'autre matin, et deux autres desquelles ceux du sieur de Lauduniere auoyent fait prouision, et vinsmes assez pres de la barque, mais le cceur nous faillit et de faim et de travail, et fussions demeurez la, sinon que les matelots nous eussent preste la main, qui se monstreret fort secourables, et nous porterent les vns apres les autres iusques dedas la barque, et nous rendirent tous au nauire ou nous fusmes bien et cherement receus ; ils nous donnerent pain et eau, et apres avoir mange nous commenqasmes petit a petit a repre- dre force et vigueur qui nous fut argument tres-certain de recognois tre le salut du Seigneur, lequel nous auait sauuez cotre I'esperance d'vne infinite de dagers de mort, desquels nous anions este enuiron- nez et assiegez de toutes parts, pour luy en rendre graces et louanges a iamais. Nous passasmes ainsi toute la nuict, racontans les mer ueilles du Seigneur, et nous consolasmes les vns les autres en la souuenance de nostre salut. Et le iour estant venu, laques Ribaut, capitaine de la Perle, neus aborda pour conferer auecques nous de ce que nous pourrios faire, et du moyen que nous pourrions tenir pour sauuer le reste de noz homes et les vaisseaux. Et alors il fut remos- tr6 le peu de viures que nous anions, noz forces rompues, noz muni tions et apparats de defense saisis, I'incertitude de I'estat de nostre DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE PRANCE. 217 coronal, ne sachant s'il estoit eschou6 en quelque cost6, au loin arri ere de nous, emporte de la tourmente. Nous conclumes done que nous ne pourrions mieux faire que d'essayer de retourner en Frace, et furent d'aduis les plus grans de nostre copagnie de separer en deux parties ceux qui estoyet eschappez de la iournee du fort, etque I'une demeurast en la Perle, et I'autre se retirast sous la charge du capi taine Maillard. Or le ieudi, vingt-cinquieme iour du mois de sep- tebre, nous partismes de ceste coste a la faueur d'vn gros vent du nord, estans deliberez de nous retirer en France ; et, des le premier iour, noz deux nauires ont e^rte tellement escartez, que plus ne nous sommes entre-trouuez sur les eaux. Nous singlasmes cinq ces lieiies assez heureusement; et alors, un matin, enuiron soleil leuant, fusmes assaillis d'vn nauire espagnol, le quel nous soutinsmes au possible, et les canonnasmes d'vne telle sorte que nous les rendismes sublets a nostre deuotion, et les batismes tel lement qu'6 voyoit le sang regorger par les naugeres ; nous les tenios ainsi comme rendus et descendus tout bas; mais il n'y auoit aucun moyen de les cramponner, a cause du temps qui estoit fort impetu eux; car il y auoit danger en les cramponnat's s'entrefroisser, qui eust este pour nous enfondrer et faire couler bas, eux aussi se coten- tans de ceste charge nous donneret conge, et les laissames ioyeux, et remerciaiis Dieu, de ce qu'aucun de nous ne fut blesse en ceste escar- mouche ne tue, sinon nostre cuisinier. Le reste de nostre nauigation a este sans aucune rencontre d'ennemis; mais nous auons este fort tourmetez des vents, qui nous ont maintes fois menassez de nous jet- ter a la coste d'Espagne, qui eust est6 le comble de noz malheurs, et la chose que nous anions en plus grade horreur. Nous auons aussi endure sur les eaux beaucoup d'autres choses, come froitet faim, car, il faut bien entendre que nous autres qui estions eschappez de la Floride, n'auions pour tout vestement ou accoustrement, tant pour le iour comme pour la nuict, fors que la simple chemise, ou quelque autre petit haillon, qui estoit bien peu de chose pour nous defendre a I'encontre de I'iniure du teps: et qui pis est, le pain que nous man- gions, nous le mangions fort escharsemet, et estoit tout corrompu et gaste, mesmement aussi I'eau que nous anions estoit toute empuatie, de laquelle neantmoins n6' n'auios pour tout le long de la iournee que plein une petit tasse. Ceste mauuaise nourriture a este cause que nous estans descen dus a terre, sommes tobez en beaucoup de diverses maladies, les quelles ont emporte plusieurs des hommes qui estoyent en nostre compagnie, et fusmes pour la fin de ceste nauigation perilleuse et la mentable, rendus a coste de la Rochelle, oii nous auons este receus et 14 218 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. traittez fort humainement et gracieusemet des habitans du pays et de ceux de la ville, nous donnat de leurs biens autant que nostre neces site le requ^roit : et assistez que auons este de leur grace, nous auons eu assez de quoy chacun retourner en son pays. LIVRE SECOND. Novs au6s dit de lean Ribaut qu'il s'embarqua avec I'eslite de nos soldats pour aller trouuer les Espagnols, et les ayant cerchez par I'espace de cinq iours ne les trouua pas, mais il rencontra I'admirale de son equippage, nommee la Trinit6, et resolu de eotinuer a defendre la coste contre la descente des Espagnols, ignorant ce qui nous estoit aduenu au fort, entra dedans : pour, selon la discipline ordinaire en mer, mieux commander a tous ses hommes : le teps leur estoit fort fascheux, d'autant que le vent estoit merueilleusement impet-ueux, et plouvoit incessamment. Le cinquieme iour la tempeste se redoubla, et les pressa de telle sorte, qu'onques ne se peurent garder d'estre eschouez a la coste, au-dessus de la riuiere de May, enuiron cinquante lieues : les vaisseaux furent tous rompus, et leurs munitions perdues '¦ les homes toutes fois vindrent tous a terre, reserue le capitaine La Grange, qui se ietta sus vn mast, et fut englouti des eaux ; home en tre les autres lequel est a regretter, tat pour le bon conseil et adresse qui estoit en luy, que aussi pour les fruicts de son amiable accoin- tance, tant il estoit comode k dresser les homes pour les rendre ver- tueux et semblables a luy. Noz gens alors estans sauuez a terre de la furie des ondes, se trouuerent incontinet en vne autre fascherie : car a la faim qui les tenoit ils n'auoyent aucun remede, sinon qu'ils le prinssent tel que la terre leur presentoit, c'est a sauoir, herbes, racines ou autres telles choses, desquelles ils pensassent appaiser leur abbayant estomach. II n'y auoit aussi de quoy satisfaire a leur soif : sinon des vieilles cisternes, ou I'eau estoit fort trouble, mesmement I'escume qu'elle iettoit, pouuoit tant seulement au regarder faire des plus sains les plus malades : neatmoins la rage de leur grande famine les emportoit a tout aualer, combien qu'il leur semblast fort estrage, et furent en telle misere I'espace de huict iours entiers. Le neufi- eme iour ils trouueret d'auenture vne barque assez petite, et furent de cela aucunement recr6ez, esperas vue par ce moyens ils pourroy- ent faire entedre leur naufrage a ceux du fort. Or entre eux et le fort, il y auoit distance de douze lieiies par terre, et cinquante par mer, et eust fallu qu'ils eussent trauerse la riuiere des Dauphins qui DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, 6u NOUUELLE FRANCE. 219 est fort profonde et large, enuiron d'vn grand quart de lieue, parquoy sans vaisseau ce leur estoit vne chose impossible de passer outre. Quad done ils eurent recouure la barque, ils la calfaderent de leurs chemises en lieu d'estouppes. Adonc le capitaine lean Ribaut, de sa grace et modestie accoustumee, en appela plusieurs de son conseil, et leur fist enuiron telle remonstrance : Compagnons et amis, il n'y a moyens de eotinuer la vie en telles miseres et calamitez : la mort nous seroit plus a souhaitter, que de viure estans chargez de telles afilictions, sinon que nostre bon Dieu nous a d6n6 la foy de sa proui- dence, pour attendre le secours tel qu'il luy plaira nous donner, et cependant c'est a nous d'employer tout nostre entendement, si nous pourros trouuer I'issue de ces angoisses. Je suis d'aduis, qu'il y en ait quelques vns d'entre nous, lesquels par ceste petite barque tendet par deuers le fort, a fin d'auertir noz gens qo'ils nous viennent don ner secours en ceste extreme necessite. Et sur le chap iettant grosses larmes commen^a a inuoquer le nom de Dieu, se prosternant a terre, et tons ceux aussi de sa c6pagnie. Les prieres estant faites, ils commenceront a regarder qui seroit le plus idoine a faire le voyage ; et nonierent Thomas le Vasseur de Dieppe, a qui lean Ri baut dona charge, qu'au plustost il fist entedre a noz gens en quel desastre ils estoyet tombez, et allerent auecques luy, Vincent Simon, Michel Gouor et autres iusqu'au nombre de seize. Noz gens, comme i'ay dit ci devat, estoyent du coste de la riuiere au dela ku fort, et le iour mesme veirent de I'autre coste vers le fort vne trouppe d'homes en armes, I'enseigne desployee. Apres qu'ils eurent cognu par coiee- tures, autant qu'ils en peuret prendre, en telle distance de lieu, que c'estoyent Espagnols. Noz Francois en telle abysme d'angoisse, pour extreme recours envoyeret a nage quelques vns de la compagnie, pour leur faire offre de se rendre leurs vies sauves. Les deleguez furent requs de prime face assez humainement. Le capitaine de ceste compagnie Espagnole, lequel se faisoit nomer Vallemande, pro- testa en foy de gentilhomme, cheualier et chrestien, de sa bienvueil- lance enuers les Franqois, mesmement aussi que c'estoit la faqo qui auoit este de tout temps pratiquee en la guerre que I'Espagnol vie- torieux se cotentast, a I'endroit du Franqois principalement, sans passer plus outre: exhortant en truchemet, afin q' tous fussent persuadez de ceste belle promesse, que iamais il ne voudroit faire en cest endroit, dequoy les nations se puissent en apres ressentir, et prestement fist accoustrer vne barque, en laquelle il comada qu'il y eust cinq homes Espagnols qui entrassent dedans, et qu'ils passassent outre a nos gens, ce qu'ils firent. Or estans passez, et la harangue faite de la part du capitaine Vallemande, le capitaine lean Ribaut 220 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. entra des premiers en la barque avec les autres, iusques au nombre de trente, qui fut recjeu de Vallemande assez humainemet, mais les au tres lesquels estoyent de sa compagnie furent menez assez loin arri ere de luy et liez tous, deux deux, les mains derriere le dos. Alors le reste des nostres passoit, trente a la fois, cependant que Vallemande faisoit entretenir de paroles feintes et simulees ce bon capitaine lean Ribaut, lequel s'attendoit simplement a la foy de ce Vallemande, a laquelle il s'estoit rendu. Or les nostres estans tous passez furet ainsi liez ensemble deux a deux, et comme ils estoyent tous ensemble, Francois et Espagnols, cheminoyet vers le fort : le capitaine lean Ribaut et autres nommeiment le sieur d'Ottigny, quand ils veirent ainsi les, nostres estans couplez ensemble, commen ceront a changer de couleur, et de rechef se recommanderent a la foy dudit sieur de Vallemande qui les asseuroit: leur disant, que ces liens estoyent seulemet pour les mener iusques au fort en asseurance, et que la il leur tiendroit ce qu'il auoit promis : et come ils estoyent assez pres du fort, il commeqa a s'enquerir de ceux qui estoyent ma telots, charpentiers de navire, canoniers et autres, lesquels seroyent vtiles aux offices de la marine, lesquels estans choisis se trouuerent le nombre de trente homes, et bientost apres voici vne compagnie du fort, laqtielle compagnie venoit a I'encontre de noz gens, lesquels on faisoit marcher arriere du sieur de Vallemade et de sa compagnie, ainsi comme on feroit vn trouppeau de bestes lequel on chasseroit a la boucherie, lors, a son de ,phiffre.s, tabourins et trompes,lahardiesse de ces furieux Espagnols se besbedessur ces poures Francois, lesquels estoyent liez et garottez : la c'estoit a qui donneroit le plus beau cousp de picque, de haUebarde et d'espee, de sorte qUe en demye heure ils gagneret le champ et empo?terent ceste glorieuse victoire, tuans ceux-la vaillamment qui s'estoyent redus, et lesquels ils avoyet receu a leur foy et sauuegarde. Or durant ceste cruaute le capitaine lean Ribaut fait quelques remontrances a Vallemande, pour sauuer sa vie : mesmes le sieur d'Ottigny se iettant a ses pieds, I'appelloit de sa promesse : mais tout cela ne leur servit de.fien:, ,car Igjir tournant le dos maroha quelques pas arriere d'eux, etl'vn de Ses bpurreaux frappa par derri ere d'vn coup de dague le capitaine lean Ribaut, tellement qu'il le fist tomber par terre, et puis bien tost apres redoubla deux ou trois coups, tant qu'il luy eust este la vie. Voil-a quel a este le traitemet que les nostres (lesquels s'estoyent rendus sous ombre de bonne foy) ont leqn. de I'ESpagnol, Et pour combler leur cruaute et barbarie : ils ont rase la barbe du lieutenant du roy, pour faire monstre de leur expedition, et I'ont bien tost DERNIER VOYAGE AUX INDES, OU NOUUELLE FRANCE. 22J apres enuoyee a Ciuile, ainsi c6me aueuns de noz matelots, rSseruez et employez pour ce mesme voyage, nous ont ces iours passez fidele- • ment raconte, nommement Christophe le Breton du Haure de Grace, lequel s'est secrettement retire de Ciuile a la ville de Bourdeaux, et s'est fait porter par les nauires de Bourdeaux a Dieppe, et pour le trophee de leur renommee et victoire, demembrerent le corps de ce bon et fidele seruiteur du roy, et firent de sa teste quatre quartiers lesquels ils ficherent en quatre picques, et puis les planteret aux quatre coings du fort. [This narrative is one of great value and importance to the historian, and is necessary to establish the claim of France to Florida. Louisiana was a part of the vast territory of the new world, claimed by the Spaniards under the name of Florida, and by the French under that of New France. After the disastrous expeditions of Narvaez and De Soto, Spain virtually abandoned this wilderness of territory as unworthy of her arms, and for more than thirty years she neg lected to confirm her claim to its discovery by any one act of possession as re cognized by the laws of nations. Such was the state of things when the brave and intrepid commander, Jean Ribaut, arrived in New France or Florida, (which had been previously dis covered and described by Verazzano, a French navigator,) to settle a colony and take possession, by order of his King, Charles IX., in 1562. For two years or more the French held peaceable possession of all this country, and their occupancy gave to them an indisputable title. The legitimates of France and Spain, Charles the Ninth and Philip the Second, were at this time at perfect peace ; but the latter, finding that the French had taken possession of New France, dispatched Don Pedro Melendez de Aviles, a man of cruel dis position and accustomed to scenes of blood, in 1565, to dispossess the French and drive them from the country. He arrived on the coast on the 28th August, 1565, and having ascertained the strength and position of the Ff ench colony, he deemed it his first duty to destroy the colonists. About the same time, Jean Ribaut ai-rived with succors and aid for the colony, but his fleet was driven to sea by a storm, and his vessels wrecked. Melendez landed his troops near the present town of St. Augustine, and by a rapid and secret march through woods and swamps he arrived before Fort Carolina, and after a spirited resistance it was taken by storm, and th« garrison put to the sword. He then decoyed the troops of the French expedition which had been cast away on the shores of Florida, and most treacherously massacred them on St. Matthew's day (the St. Bartholomew's of the Protestants in America), not even sparing their brave commander, Jean Ribaut, who was dLspatched liy the dagger of an assassin. The whole number of French who fell in this carnage was about nine hundred. Many of the bodies were sus pended from trees with this inscription : " Not as Frenchmen, but as heretics. ' M. De Gourgues, a French nobleman, finding that his sovereign neglected to call Spain to an account for this outrageous and cruel act, fitted out at his own risk and expense an expedition, in 1567 and sailed for Florida. He arrived after a long voyage at the mouth of the river May, and was saluted by the Spaniards, who mistook him for one of their own nation. To confirm them 222 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. in their error, he returned the salute and passed on to the St. Mary's, where he , landed. He there assembled a body of the natives, who were strongly attached to the French, and marched for the river St, John's, The Spaniards had rebuilt Fort Carolina, changing the name to St, Matheo, and constructed two other forts nearer the sea. These were garrisoned by three hundred men. The French and Indians surprised the forts, killed a great number in the issault, and the rest he hung upon the trees. Having accomplished his object and destroyed the forts, M. de Gourgues returned to France. The French made no further attempt to establish themselves in this part of New France. But after the discovery of the Mississippi river they fitted out an expedition under M. de la Salle to colonize Louisiana.] JOURNAL HISTORiaUE DE L'ETABLISSEMENT DES EEANCAIS A LA LOUISIANE PAR ^ M. DE SAUVOLE.* Recueil que fai pris sur mon journal de ce qui s'est passi de plus remarquahle depuis h dipart de M. d^ Iberville, du 3 Mai 1699 jusqtCen 1701. M. d'lberville m'ayant donne le commandement du fort qu'il a fait construire, j'ai fait travailler nos gens pour se mettre a I'abri des injures du temps ; ce qui n'avait pu se faire avant son depart presse * The Historical Journal of M. de Sauvole is a narrative of great interest and value, because it gives the details of what took place when the first colony of Louisiana was established. It should have preceded that of La Harpe's Journal in this volume. M. de Sauvole was one of the most accomplished offi cers that ever went to Louisiana. He was a poet, an orator, and a soldier. In the high circles of society, where his birth and fortune entitled him to appear, he made a great sensation on account of his brilliant attainments as a scholar. Although born to fortune he preferred a life of activity in the service of the country to one of ease and retirement, and when he heard that M. d'lberville was about to sail for Louisiana, he begged to join the expedition. Having located the colony, and protected them by a fort, M. de Iberville set sail for France in the beginning of 1699, leaving Sauvole and Bienville his lieutenants, the first to command the fort, and the other as general superintendent of the colony. In the course of this year two missionaries from Canada, accompanied by sixteen Canadians, descended the Mississippi to Its mouth, and sailed along the coast until they reached the colony at Biloxi. A communication with Canada was afterwards kept open by Pass Manchac or Iberville and the lakes, in the rear of New Orleans. During the absence of M. d'lberville, Bienville was inde fatigable in making explorations to secure the prosperity and perpetuity of the 22-i HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. par le peu de vivres qu'il avait. Leur logement etant fini, je leur ai fait clore le magasin qu'il avait dresse ; ensuite, nous avons fait un H6pital, et nous nous sommes donnes autant de jour que nous I'avons pu autour du fort, en abattant les arbres d'alentour qui etai- ent d'une grosseur prodigieuse. Je me suis attache des le com mencement a connaitre le fort et le faible d'un chacun, pour etablir la discipline qu'il faut toujours faire observer. L'on ne le saurait sans peine, surtout a des gens ramasses dont la plupart n'en ont ja mais en la moindre teinture: notre Aum6nier a dit journellement^ comme dans nos vaisseaux, les prieres ordinaires et la messe. M. de Bienville et Levasseur, et M. Bordeneau, notre Aum6nier. leur ont donn6 tres bon exemple. Le 17 de Mai, nous avons apperqu une fum6e a I'ouest du fort, de I'autre c6t6 de la rade. J'y ai envoye un canot pour voir qui c'etait — nos gens ont amene le chef des Baiagoulas avec trois autres sauva ges. Je leur ai fait la meilleure reception qu'il m'a ete possible, et fait mettre la garnison sous les armes ; ce qui n'a pas laisse de les effrayer. Comme c'etait la premiere de leurs visites en ee fort, j'ai comble d'honneurs ce chef, et I'ai fait manger tout son saoul; c'est le plus grand de leurs plaisirs. Heureusement, ce jour la nos chas seurs avaient tue trois chevreuils. Leur ayant mis une chemise a chacun sur leur corps, je leur ai fait voir le fort : ils ont ete surpris qu'en si peu de temps nous ayons entassg de si grosses pieces de bois les unes sur les autres ; nos canons ne les ont pas moins etonnes; ils les ont trouves monstrueux, bien qu'ils ne soient que de 8. J'ai fait tirer deux coups a baile devant eux : ils ne savaient ou se mettre tant ils avaient peur. Ayant passe une nuit tres tranquillement parmi nous; a une alarme pres que le sergent leur donna avec sa hallebarde, venant prendre I'ordre, et parlant au major a I'oreille ; cela les fit rever profonderaent : m'en etant apperqu, je les rassurai colony. But the condition of the colonists soon became changed by the inroads of the climate upon their constitutions; and before M. d'Iberville's return, sick ness had made such ravages among them that many died of malignant fevers, probably of what is now called the congestive and yellow fever, so common to Louisiana, among whom was the youthful commander of Biloxi. the lamented M. Sauvole. His career was short but brilliant. Beloved by all the colonists and followed to the grave by their tears and regrets, his name will ever be con secrated with those who sacrificed their lives to the glory of France and the colonization of Louisiana. The picturesque ruins of the old fort of Biloxi, now occupied by an Anglo-American family, with its bastions still throwing their evening shadows upon the placid waters of the hay, mark the spot where Iber ville and Bienville often met to drop a tear upon the grave of one ever dear to the memory of Louisianians. JOURNAL DE M. SAUVOLE. 225 par des caresses. Le lendemain, au point du jour, ils m'avouerent que leurs femmes etaient de I'autre c6te, et qu'ils seraient ravis de leur faire voir le fort. Le chef les voyant dcbarquer me fit signe de faire mettre les soldats sous les armes, et chercha dans le fort, criant hautement que sa femme y etait, et qu'il fallait lui faire les mfimes honneurs qu'a lui. Je n'avais pas compte que les sauvages y fussent sensibles. Apres 6tre reste trois ou quatre joiirs parmi nous, ils partirent Je leur ai donne deux de nos jeunes garqons pour qu'ils apprennent leur langue ; ils enverront I'un aux Houmas et garderont I'autre chez eux. Ce chef s'appelle Antobeteania. C'est le sauvage le plus ruse que je connaisse, et qui va le plus a ses fins. II m'a dit que la converture que M. d'lberville lui avait donnee, avait eu le meme sort que sa maison qui avait ete brdlee ; bien que je n'en crusse rien, je lui ai donne un habit rouge ou capot ; mais je lui ai fait en tendre que je ne le lui donnais que pour qu'il eilt plus de soin du jeune homme que je lui confiais. Je donnai a chacun des autres de petits presents, des rassades, des couteaux, quelques baches ; et les engageai par la a conduire M. de Bienville aux Equinipichas, aux- quels j'envoyai aussi un present d'un capot, d'un calumet, de rassades et autres affaires propres a gagner pareilles gens. Le chef des Baia goulas balanqa long-temps s'il y irait ou non, me disant qu'il ne re- pondait pas que les autres ne tuassent nos gens. Je lui dis que nous ne craig'nions personne, et que s'ils faisaient quelque mauvaise demarche, j'irais les tuer tous. Voyant qu'il ne pouvait plus se dis penser d'y aller, il s'y determina. II ne disait tout cela qu'en vue d'avoir tout pour lui et pour ne pas nous donner connaissance d'aucune autre nation. Le 29, M. de Bienville est revenu des Coulapissas, c'est ainsi qu'ils se nomment. Ils no'nt jamais oui parler de M. de Lasalle ni de M. de Tonty. II y a ete bien regu. lis ne sont qu'a quatre journees de nous. Ils m'ont envoye deux calumets de paix ; malgrS cela, ils n'ont jamais approche d'ici. II faut que le chef des Baia goulas les ait intimides, faisant croire que c'etait eux que nous cher- chions. M. d'lberville et moi, lorsque nous les avons tant ques- tionnes sur la fourche de la riviere et sur les Quinipissas. lis ne sont pas plus de cent cinquante hommes, mais tres bien faits. Le ble d'inde que nous avions seme et autres herbages ont ete brales par I'ardeur du soleil. M. d'lberville peut avoir avanoe que tout y venait a merveille ; il est vrai aussi que quand il partit, je lui offris a manger d'une salade de laitues, bien qu'il n'y eOt que 18 jours qu'on I'avait semee. Mais la secheresse a ete si grande, que tous les marais ont s6che. Le mois de Juin est le plus chaud, c'est celui-la 226 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. OU nous avons 6te en grande disette d'ean ; et sans le secours d'un petit ruisseau que je trouvai 6tant a la chasse k une lieue et demie du fort, nous eussions ete mal dans nos affaires, n'en trouvant pas une goutte dans les autres endroits. II y a une si grande quantiti de crocodiles qu'on en voit a tout moment ; mais nous n'avons pas lieu de nous en plaindre jusqu'a present ; nous en avons tu6 plu sieurs au pied du fort ; ils n'y reviennent plus si frequemment. Les serpens sont beaucoup plus dangereux. J'en ai vu la preuve sur un de mes chiens qui etant mordu par un serpent a sonnettes ne vecut point un quart d'heure. II enfla si fort sur le champ, qu'il ne put branler de I'endroit. Heureusement personne n'a eu ce meme sort. J'ai envoye reconnaitre la bale de la Mobile le 9 Juin, et le fort de Pensacola ; voir si les Espagnols ne I'auraient point aban- donne faute de vivres, comme leurs deserteurs nous I'avaient assure ; ce qu'ils n'avaient point fait par le rapport de M. de Bienville qui y a ete; mes instructions le portant, je n'eusse fait nulle difficulte d'y envoyer dix hommes jusqu'a I'arrivee des vaisseaux, ou pour mieux dire, nous nous y fussions tous transportes. Je ne saurais occuper nos gens que deux heures le matin et deux heures le soir, a cause du grand chaud, pour defricher et briiler au tour du fort, tant il fait chaud. La plupart de nos gens ont 6te atteints de la dissenterie. Les mauvaises eaux la leur ont sans doute causee ; encore, n'en trouve-t-on pas quand on veut : a I'egard du terrain, il est assurement fort ingrat. Ce n'est quasi que du sable brftlant — nos gens ont seme tres soUvent, et infructueusement. Les arbres sont sur pied perces de vers ; les traversiers en ont ete en- dommages. Ca n'a pas ete sans peine si nous les avons remis en 6tkt, personne ne s'en etant defie, et encore (ja n'etait il pas trop bien ; j'avoue tres ingenuement tout contre moi sur ce qui vient en ma con naissance. La riviere de la Mobile est peu de chose ; son terrain est bas et sterile ; point d'eau a son entree, 7 pieds seulement ; encore I'entree est elle tres difficile, Le 25 de Juin, nos gens ont amene deux savages de la nation des Biloxis qu'ils ont trouve sur le bord de I'eau. Ils n'ont pu parler a leurs femmes qui etaient avec eux et qui s'en sont enfuies. Je leur ai fait le meilleur accueil que je I'ai pu, et donne quelques baches, un sabre et un chapeau. Le chef des Baiagoulas m'a laisse ici un sauvage age de 22 ans pour apprendre notre langue : il a fort bien redresse les autres sur ce qu'il leur voyait faire qui n'approchait point de notre maniere; il nous copie de son mieux ; il serait fort fache de nous quitter. JOURNAL DE M. SAUVOLE. 227 J'ai envoye reconnaitre la riviere des Pascagoulas et Biloxis qui est a deux ou cinq lieues d'ici ; son terrain est bon a deux journees de son embouchure ; il n'y a que deux pieds d'eau a son entree, et a un demi cable 7 a 8 brasses ; elle serpcnte beaucoup ayant fait 16 lieues. L'on rencontre les villages des Pascagoulas, Biloxis et Moc- tobis qui ne sont pas 20 cabanes en tout. Juillet. — II est arrive deux canots d'ecorce le ler de ce mois, dans lesquels il y avait deux missionnaires. lis etaient en tout 18 hom mes. lis sont du seminaire de Quebec. L'un est etabli aux Taen sas, et I'autre anx Tonicas. lis ont appris de nos nouvelles aux Houmas, et sont descendus par le bas du fieuve a la mer. lis ont etfi dix jours dans leur traversee ici, et sans le secours de quelques pluies, ils seraient morts de soif indubitablement ; car, la plupart etaient tres mal par la disette d'eau. Je leur ai fait tous les plaisirs qu'on peut faire en pareil lieu, et les ai fait refraichir par des bouillons de chev- reuil qui ne leur a pas manque. lis sont restes neuf jours parmi nous. Je les ai pries de prendre le parti de s'en aller, vu que nous n'avions que peu de vivres. M. de Montigny a qui je me suis adresse, m'a dit que je lui faisais plaisir, qu'il n'osait commander aux gens qu'il avait avec lui ; qu'ils lui eussent voulu du mal, s'il leur en e trois soldats pour retourner a la Mobile. Le 12, M. de Bienville, qui retenait depuis quelque temps les Canadian voyageurs, leur permit d'aller a leur commerce au bas de la colonie, leur fit remettre les deux chefs de guerre, et leur donna MEMOIRE DE M. DE RICHEBOURG. 251 I'ordre de leur casser la tete, lorsqu'ils seraient eloignes de dix a douze lieues. Comma on conduisait cos deux malheureux pour les embarquer, l'un d'eux, le Barbu, cessa pour un moment de chanter sa chanson de mort et chanta celle de guerre. II conta ses hauts faits contre differentes nations, et le nombre de chevelures qu'il avait levees. II nomma les cinq Franqais qu'il avait fait tuer, et dit qu'il mourrait avec le regret de n'en avoir pas tue davantage. Le Ser pent-Pique, qui pour lors etait le seul de sa nation parmi nous, I'e- coutait attentivement, et dit a M. de Bienville : C'est mon frere mais je ne le regretto point. Tu nous defais d'un mechant homme. Comme le Mississippi ne baissait point, et que I'eau etait toujours a cinq ou six ponces sur al surface de la terre, ce qui continuait a nous donner beaucoup de maladies, M. do Bienville fit passer les malades et les convalescents au village de Tunicas, qni sont sur des terres tres hfutes Ces sauvages eurent grand soin de leur fournir des viandes fraiches de boeuf et de chevreuil. Le 14 juin, il arriva chez les Tunicas huit Natchitoches, dans une pirogue chargee de sel, que ceux-ci venaient vendre. M. de Bienville eut par ces sauvages avis de la marche des Espagnols du Mexique pour venir s'etablir sur la riviere Rouge, au nombre de cinq cents hommes a cheval, avec deux cent cinquante mulcts de charge. Pour les prevenir, il fit partir sur-le-champ six soldats et un sergent, pour aller prendre possession du haut de cette riviere avant eux. Le ler de juillet, M. de Pailloux ecrivit a M. de Bienville que les trois quarts des pieux pour notre fort etaient charroyes sur place; qu'il y avait des sauvages qui travaillaient a faire des rigoles, et qu'il aurait besoin de six soldats des adroits pour montrer aux sauvages a planter des pieux droits et de hauteur egale. Le lendemain, 2 du dit mois on lui envoya six soldats et tous les outils necessaires. Le 22, M. de Bienville, ayant appris que son fort etait presque fini, ordonna au chef des Tunicas de lui fournir trente de ses gens pour nous aider a monter la riviere, qui etoit tres rapide. II ne nous restait pas dix soldats en sante. Le 26, nous arriv&mes aux Natchez. Le Serpent-Pique, que nous avions avec nous, fit venir cent cinquante de ses gens, qui porterent tous nos effets a notre fort, le meme jour, Le lendemain, nous mimes le peu de soldats que nous avions en sante au travail du fort, et continuames jusqu'au 2 aoflt, qu'il fut en tierement ferme, Les Natchez nous fournirent toutes les ecorces qu'on leur avait demandees, et qu'on employa a couvrir un magasin, une poudriere, un corps-de-garde et de casernes. Le tout fut fini le 3 aoat. 252 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. Le 25, une trentaine d'hommes Yazous et Offagoulas vinrent chanter le calumet a M. de Bienville, qui les requt parfaitement bien. Le meme jours, les Natchez vinrent, au nombre de cinq a six cents hommes, sans armes, et environ trois cents femmes, pour faire une danse publique devant notre fort. Les ches entrerent dedans, firent fumer M. de Bienville, et lui dirent que tous ces gens etaient venus danser a sa porte pour lui marquer leur joie d'avoir des Franqais etablis parmi eux. Le 28 aodt, M, de Bienville, voyant que les choses etaient fort tranquilles dans sa garnison, et qu'il n'y avait rien a craindre de la part des sauvages, donna au sieur de Pailloux des ordres et instruc tions sur ce qu'il y avait a faire. et prit Ie parti de descendre a la Mobile, pour rendre compte a M. de Lamothe Cadillac. Le 4 d'oc tobre, il arriva a la Mobile, ou il lui fut remis un paquet du conseil de marine, dans lequel etait pour lui un ordre du roi, pour comman der en chef dans la colonie, en I'absence de M. de I'Epinay, nomme a ce gouvernement a la place du sieur de Lamothe Cadillac, auquel 1 n'eut point le desagrement de rendre compte. Ainsi finit la premiere guerre des Natchez. THE NEW ORLEANS FREE LIBRARY. REMARKS It is deemed important, for the educational interests of our City, to lay before the public the following correspondence published several years ago in two of the official Journals of this City, and to call the attention of the Citizens and City Fathers to the present shameful condition of the Fisk Build ing and Free Library, in order that some immediate action may be taken to redeem the pledges of the city when she accepted this munificent donation. The letters of the Mayor, Alvarez Fisk and Benjamin F. French, Esquires, set forth what was done to carry out this praiseworthy act, which is destined, no doubt, at some future day, under the protecting care of the Councils of this City, to prove a great blessing to her citizens. We shall hail the day when the City Councils will settle upon some plan by which this noble institution will rise from her dusty repose and enable New Orleans to vie with her sister Cities in similar institutions, and especially to place in the hands of her citizens, and future generations, ample facilities, free of cost, for acquiring information of a commercial, literary or scientific nature. All that is now needed is but an energetic movement on the part of thie citizens and City Councils to give to this city one of the largest Libraries in the United States. Such a Library would put the finishing hand to that system of public educa tion which lies at the basis of her prosperity, and which, toge ther with her charitable and other institutions, must make her one of the most delightful residences in the South. A Public Library, well supplied with books in the various departments of literature, art, and science, and open at all times to the stranger, to the student, to the youth of our Public Schools, and to the adult citizens, free of charge, is now absolutely needed to make our admirable system of Public Education com plete, and to continue in some degree through life that happy equality of intellectual privileges which now exists in our pub lic schools, but which, without free Libraries, must terminate with them. Is it not, therefore, a reproach to our city, that — so far as the means of carrying on the great work of instruction beyond the limits of a Public School education are concerned — no public provision has yet been made in favor of those of our citizens who are unable to indulge in the luxury of a large Library, because our City Fathers have hitherto deemed Cor poration suppers and dinners, or a public parade, costing thour sands of dollars, of more importance than the annual appro priation of a few hundred dollars for the increase and support of a Free Library. I am confident, if the City Councils will but take the initiative, as they are bound to do by the cdiidi- tions of the donation, this library would soon become an pb- ject of Public favor. The people would regard it as one of their own creation, and would make every exertion to build it up. Authors, Publishers, Citizens, Senators, our own and Foreign G-overnments, would vie with each other in adding something of value^ and from time to time important additions might be expected by gift or bequest, which in a few years would more than quadruple its size. But if the City will make no appropriation for its support, then I beg leave to suggest that all classes of citizens will call a Public Meeting in its be half, appoint a Committee to inquire into its present resources and condition ; the policy of making the building fire-proof; and memorializing the City Councils for aid and support. ^ A CITIZEN. ¦ New Orleans, January, 1852. CORRESPONDENCE. New Orleans, March 9, 1847. To the Hon. A. D. Grossman, Mayor of the City of New Orleans SlE, — I have the honor to inform you that in a few days my very valuable and extensive private Library will be presented to the City for the purpose of putting into operation, imme diately, a Free Public Library. New Orleans will be indebted for this act of munificence to the philanthropy of Alvarez Fisk, Esq., a distinguished citizen of Natchez, who has very promptly co-operated with me in ca];rying out my long cherished wishes on this subject. I have the honor to be, respectfully, yours, BENJAMIN F. FEENCH. Mayoralty of New Orleans, 10th March, 1847. To the Honorable President and Members of the Council of Municipality No. Two. Gentlemen, — It is with an unusual degree of pleasure that I have the honor of transmitting to your honorable body a copy of a letter addressed by Alvarez Fisk, Esq., to B. F. French, Esq., in relation to the purchase and donation of the large and valuable Library of the latter gentleman by the former, and its presentation to the City of New Orleans. Also, a copy of a letter from Mr. French to me, in relation to said Library, and my reply, accepting in behalf of the City this valuable donation. 6 The suggestions of Mr. French are replete with sound views, and if adhered to, will, with the foundation laid through the generous act of Mr. Fisk, lead to the establishment of a free public Library, that will be the pride of our State, and admi ration of the numerous strangers visiting our City. Such a noble institution will cause, more promptly, the great reform of our youth, by withdrawing them from the evil paths con stantly besetting them, and prepare and qualify them for the highest station in our country, where they may keep the hon ors and distinctions which alone can be attained through such a channel ^and while they offer their gratitude to the generous benefactor of this institution, they will not forget to accord to you the merit of having nobly seconded his views by your prompt aid. With great respect, I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, A. D. CROSSMAN, Mayor. Natchez, March 9th, 1847. Benjamin Franlclin French, Esq. My Dear Sib, — The motive which actuated me in the pur chase of your valuable and extensive Library, containing many rare works, was that it might be preserved to the City of New Orleans (with which place I have been connected in a com mercial way for a great number of years) and also to carry into effect the object of my late brother's bequest of establishing a public Library for the benefit of the reading community, and to afford a pleasant resort to the numerous strangers who visit that great and growing commercial metropolis, from every quarter of the world. That this purpose may be promptly commenced, and ulti mately extended, until it shall become, in some degree, com mensurate with the resources and magnitude of its population, I now embrace the occasion which this purpose presents, of tendering the entire Library to that City, and of assuring you of the very great pleasure I derive in making you the organ of communication, to its Mayor and Aldermen ; knowing, as I do, the deep interest you take in founding and carrying out an enterprise of this nature, so connected with the intellectual and commercial, as well as classical and scientific reputation of that great City ; and entertaining the hope that the advantage of your great experience and travels in Europe, as well as scholastic attainments, will be cheerfully bestowed, in system atizing and furthering this undertaking, and placing the Li brary in a position for immediate use, I am, very truly, re spectfully your friend and humble servant, ALYAEEZ- FISK. New Orleans, March 10, 1847. Sir, — Having long been solicitous that my rare and exten sive collection of books should be rendered serviceable in the cause of literature and science, and that New Orleans, so far behind her sister cities, in the cultivation of letters, and in the establishment pf public Libraries, should have the benefit of it, I am pleased to announce to you that my wishes can now be gratified. The bequest of the late Abijah Fisk, Esq., a distinguished merchant of this City, contemplating the estab lishment of a free public Library, for the use of the citizens of this great and growing commercial emporium, and the numer ous strangers who annually visit it from every part of the world, has enabled me, through his brother Alvarez Fisk, Esq., of Natchez, to consummate my long cherished desire, and I am honored with a letter from him, appointing me the organ of communicating his wishes and presenting to the City of New Orleans, in his name, which I now have the honor to do, my large and valuable library of books, for this purpose.* In order, therefore, that the object of this useful and greatly needed institution should be fully carried out, and not meet with the fate of others so often attempted in this city, within the last half century, the donor of this practical and useful * No Catalogue of this library has yet been published, but it is supposed to contain over six thousand volumes of rare and costly works. 8 collection of books, in the ancient and modern languages, adapted by its variety to the wants of the population of our city, as well as being rich in works relating to history, natural and physical science, commerce, finance, statistics, biography, voyages, travels, &c. &c., expects from the city, accepting this gift, that you will recommend, to each of the councils of the municipalities to appropriate at least five hundred dollars per annum, and to the city of Lafayette a like sum, to be laid out annually in the purchase of books, as well as to defray the current expenses of keeping it open, for reference and consulta tion free of charge, to the citizens of both cities. That the councils of each municipality shall annually elect three persons, resident citizens, to compose a board of managers, whose duties will be to purchase books, elect a librarian, su perintend its fiscal concerns, pass by-laws and regulations for its government, and publish on the third Monday in January of every year, a report of its condition. The Mayors and Ee- corders of both cities to be ex-of&cio members of the board of managers. That the commissioners of the general sinking fund, to whom is now confided the care and revenue of the property be queathed by the late Abijah Fisk, Esq., for a library building, will cause as many of the rooms in the second story of said building, with as little delay as possible, to be appropriately fitted up, with book cases, in the gothio style, out of the funds in their hands, and apply any surplus remaining, together with the rents of any portion of the building, to be expended in the purchase of books, under the direction and superintendence of the board of managers. I would here respectfully remark, before closing this com munication, that the present time appears to be the most aus picious that could have been selected, for the successful estab lishment of a public Library in this city, for both a beautiful building and a splendid collection of books have been gratui tously provided for it, by two liberal and enlightened indivi duals, which, under ordinary circumstances, and in the usual mode, would have taken many years to have accomplished. It cannot be denied that without such institutions among us, with its rapidly increasing population, and its other improve- ments, this city can never attain to any greatness that gives power and influence, or commands respect. But let this Library once begin to shed its genial rays upon us, and other literary and scientific institutions will rise into existence. To make this city a desirable place of residence, other attractions must therefore be held out than those of money- making. It should not merely have the show of wealth, but its refinements. It should not be known only as a trading community, but as a refined and intelligent one, giving to mind its due influence, and cherishing those objects that are worthy of the liberal and enlightened citizen. It is now time, too, that we should have other temples than those of dissipation, where the virtuous and aspiring youth of this and other cities, who come to reside among us, may spend their leisure hours in the pursuit of knowledge and science, inasmuch especially as the success of commerce depends on the intelligence and character of the men who engage in it. It will not be denied that the high moral standard of the merchants of our country is in part to be attributed to the support and interest they 'uniformly take in fostering and en couraging the dissemination of knowledge, and the establish ment of literary and scientific institutions in our cities. Then let the example now set by the munificence of the founders of this Library have its due influence, and their sug gestions be fully carried out by the unanimous voice and sup port of the people, and it will be the means of supplying the only link now wanting, to complete the chain of our system of public education, so happily conceived and successfully put into operation by the councils of this city. I have the honor to be, respectfully, your ob't serv't, BENJAMIN F. FEENCH. To A. D. Orossrnan, Esq., Mayor of the Oity of New Orleans. Mayoralty of New Orleans, March 13th, 1847. Sir,— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated 10th inst., communicating Mr. Alvarez Fisk's in- 10 tention of presenting to the City of New Orleans your valua ble Library, for the purpose of carrying into effect the object of the bequest of his brother the late Abijah Fisk. Fully appreciating this intended gift and the liberal and praiseworthy motives of the donor, I deem it my duty to state that I will, as soon as practicable, lay your communication be fore the different councils in order that they may become ac quainted with Mr. Alvarez Fisk's intentions,- and with your own sound suggestions, relative to the establishment of a free public Library for the use of the citizens of New Orleans. In behalf of the City of New Orleans, I accept the donation. I am, respectfully, your ob't servant, A. D. CEOSSMAN, Mayor. Benjamin F. French, Esq., New Orleans. New Orleans, March 23, 1847. Sir, — I am this day honored with a letter from my friend Alvarez Fisk, Esq., of Natchez, requesting me to present in his name, and which I have the honor to do, the following valuable Philosophical Instruments and my collection of plants of Louisiana, to be deposited in the Library, presented by him to this City, 1. A brass mounted Eefracting Telescope ; 2. A brass mounted Compound Microscope ; 3. A brass mounted Case of Mathematical Instruments ; 4. A brass mounted Case containing my Louisiana Herba rium, 6 vols. fol. This important addition to the Fisk Free Library of. New Orleans will greatly enhance its value, and render it not only more attractive to the scientific student, but to strangers visit ing this city. The spirit which has actuated Mr. Fisk, in promptly co-oper ating wit]i me,- in founding, this Library, on a liberal and en lightened plan, must ever do honor both to his heart and head ; and if carried out in the same spirit by the Councils of this 11 city, it will doubtless become one of the greatest ornaments both of the City and State. The appropriation now asked for from the city, to place it on a permanent foundation, is comparatively trifling when we take into consideration the amount of good that will be effect ed by it, and, if apportioned among its inhabitants, would scarcely amount to a contribution of one cent from each person while even this small sum will be lessened every year, with the rapid growth of this city, until it will be reduced to less than Haifa cent per head per annum, from each one entitled to make use of this Library. It now rests with the people, therefore, and with those who represent them in the Councils, to avail themselves of this only cheap and practicable mode of securing a magnificent Library for their free use, and of strangers visiting our city ; and rest assured that if no narrow and selfish policy springs up in the Councils to retard its progress, or destroy its usefulness, this Library will, in less than half the time it has taken the Phila delphia Library to become established, boast of a collection of 80 or 90,000 volumes of Books, dispensing, in the mean time, its rich treasures to all who will seek to enter its portals in search of knowledge. The success of this institution will also, doubtless, wield a powerful influence over the destinies of this State, for let it be but once generally understood that it is a city institution, and not dependent on yearly subscriptions, or the caprice and favor of individuals, it must soon attract the attention, and receive the cordial support of wealthy individuals, who will esteem it an honor to have their names associated with it, by legacies and donations of books. I now beg leave to close this communication, by presenting to the city, for the use of this Library, my brass-mounted Ee- flecting Telescope. A small collection of Southern shells and minerals. A manuscript history of the Eevolution in England, 1688. A manuscript history of the proceedings of the first Ameri. can Congress, which met in New-York in 1765, presented to me by the late Hon. Charles Thompson, Secretary of the first Congress, held in Philadelphia in 177-1, with an autograph let- 12 ter of the Hon. Edward Livingston, Secretary of State, addressed to me, on the historical importance of this docu ment, stating, that no copy of it could be found in the archives of the department of State. Two fine paintings, and my large map of New Orleans. A copy of my Lives of Distinguished Americans, (Biographia Americana,) and two copies of my Historical Collections of Louisiana, translated from copies of original French docu ments, deposited in the Marine Department, Paris. I have the honor to be, respectfully, your ob't serv't, BENJAMIN F. FEENCH. To A. D. Grossman, Esq., Mayor, New Orleans. Mayoralty of New Orleans, 26th March, 1847. Council of Municipality No. One, Sitting of Monday, 22d March, 1847. Eesolved, — That the thanks of this Council be voted to Mr. Alvarez Fisk, for his donation of Books to the City of New Orleans, and that the Committee on Education be appointed to confer with a similar Committee from the Second and Third Municipalities, to take such measures as may be deemed ne cessary to carry out the object of the donation. Provided it be done according to law. Signed, JOSEPH GENOIS, Eecorder. Approved 23d March, 1847. J Signed, A. D. Grossman, Mayor. \ Mayoralty op New Orleans, March 29th, 1847. Benjamin F. French, Esq. Sir, — ^Inclosed I have the honor to transmit to you herewith copies of the Eesolutions passed by the several Municipal Councils, expressive of their sincere thanks for the valuable donation of Books presented, through you, to the City of New 13 Orleans, by Mr. Alvarez Fisk, for the purpose of carrying into effect the object of the bequest of the late Abijah Fisk.* It devolves on me to tender, through your channel, to Mr. Alvarez Fisk, in behalf of the Councils and of the citizens of New Orleans, their grateful acknowledgments for this truly munificent gift. In accomplishing the task, I feel the utmost pleasure and gratification, from the circumstance that no tri bute of gratitude and admiration can be found too great to be awarded to the liberal and public-spirited citizen who has thus endowed our city with an extensive collection of useful and scientific books. Mr. Fisk has very justly felt that a Public Library, accessible to all, had become necessary in this market place of trade, where the votaries of traffic are prone to be engrossed by naught but the pursuits of sordid interests. He has felt, too, that a few hours snatched from the bustle and from the dusty path of commerce would have the beneficial tendency of awakening in many a noble and high ambition of intellectual improvement. To him will our youths be indebted for the means of developing their mental faculties otherwise doomed, perhaps, to lie dormant in obscurity and oblivion, for want of proper cultivation and nourishment. We hear ever and anon of great and extraordinary public services which call forth the admiration, and are greeted by the applause of the multitude, but in my humble conception, he deserves the very highest encomiums, and has more solid claims, than all others, to the gratitude and veneration of his fellow-creatures, who, with a generous hand, distributes the wealth for which he has toiled through life, to let flow in abundant streams among all classes of society, the fountain of science and of learning. The names of Messieurs Abijah and Alvarez Fisk will long live in the hearts of their follow-citi- zens as public benefactors. I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, A. D. CEOSSMAN, Mayor. * The late Abijah Fisk, Merchant, bequeathed by will a large building at the corner of Custom-House and Bourbon Streets, to the City of New Orleans, for the use of a Public Library. • 14 Mayoralty of New Orleans, 13th Sept., 1847. Sir, — In acknowledging the receipt of your letter of 23d ult., making still further valuable donations to the " Fisk Free Library" by the founders thereof, Alvarez Fisk, Esq., and your self, permit me to express my warmest feelings of gratification in being the instrument, on the part of the City of New Or leans, to return thanks for this continued and determined effort to erect a fountain of knowledge in our city, whence shg,ll flow intelligence and usefulness, and affording the gratuitous means of elevating to the highest pinnacle of fame those whom their position and narrow circumstances would otherwise have kept in ignorance and mediocrity. Very respectfully I am your obedient servant, A. D. CEOSSMAN, Mayor. To B. F. French, Esq,, New Orleans, i,-:^.-^. 4>i ¦.ift tr-j