"I give theft Books
for tht founding of a College inthis Colony"

G-ift of
Dr. Hiram Bingham
ofthe Class of 1898
1907

THE
MONKS OF THE WEST
FROM ST. BENEDICT TO ST. BERNARD

BY THE
COUNT DE MONTALEMBERT
MEMBER OF THE FRENCH ACADEMY
IVITH AN INTRODUCTION BY THE
REV. F. A. GASQUET, D.D., O.S.B.
AUTHOR OF
"HENRY Vin. AND THE ENGLISH MONASTERIES"
FIDE ET VERITATE
IN SIX VOLUMES
VOLUME THE SIXTH

NEW YORK
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
AND LONDON
MDCCCXCVI

Printed ly Ballantyne, Hanson & Co.
At the Ballantyne Press

CONTENTS

BOOK XTK— (continued)
ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
OHAP. PAGE
VI. ST. GREGORY VII. IN HIS CORRESPONDENCE, HIS HOLINESS,
AND HIS VICTORY  3

BOOK XX
THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
I. VICTOR IIL, URBAN IL, PASCAL TI., AND GELASIUS II. . 4 1
II. YVES DE CHARTRES AND THE PURITY OP MARRIAGE . . 93
III. URBAN n., PETER THE HERMIT, AND THB PREPARATIONS
FOR THE CRUSADE  IO4
rv. THE PAPACY AND THB FIRST CRUSADE . . . . II5
V. ROYALTY AND THE INDEPENDENCE OP THE CHURCH . . 12$
VL DISTINCTION OF THE TWO POWERS  165
VIL THE CHURCH IN CONFLICT WITH THB EVIL PASSIONS OF
KINGS  224
VIII  245
IX. FRANCE ALWAYS ORTHODOX, AND CLUNY ALWAYS UNRIVALLED 273
X. THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR AT ROME .... 292
XL VICTORY OF THE TEMPORAL POWER  319
XIL TRIALS OF THE PAPACY  360
XIIL TRIUMPH OF THE SPIRITUAL POWER  381
XIV. THE PAPACY RECONCILED TO THB EMPIRE . . . .431

BOOK XIX— (continued)
ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE

VOL. VI.

CHAPTER VI
ST. GREGORY VII. IN HIS CORRESPONDENCE, HIS
HOLINESS, AND HIS VICTORY
Fine qualities allied to great vices in Henry IV. — Young, ardent, and
passionate, he was never trustworthy. — Gregory VII. was not jealous
of the power of bishops. — Grief of the Pope at witnessing the cowardice
of the French bishops and the scandalous life of their king. — The
paternal affection of St. Gregory extended over kingdoms, churches,
and individuals. — Gregory the first to plan a crusade in the Holy
Land. — Nature of the relations of Gregory VII. with princes and
nations. — Gregory's letters to the King of Germany, to the Duke of
Poland, to the Kings of Denmark, Hungary, and Norway. — What is
particularly striking in Gregory's letters is his passion for justice and
his fear of compromising the safety of his soul  Gregory's tender
ness of heart seen throughout his intimacy with the two countesses
Beatrice and Matilda. — Confidences made by Gregory to Abbot Hugh
of Cluny. — His tender devotion to the Blessed Virgin.— He restrains
even his most innocent inclinations. — He left to his successors an
authority against which no human power has been able to prevail. —
The triumph of Gregory VII. was the triumph of humility over pride,
of the soul in subjection to God over the flesh iu revolt against Him.
If a conscientious study of facts could yet leave in our
minds some doubts as to the respective merits of the two
causes which were at war in the eleventh century, all that
is needed to dissipate them is a comparison of the char
acters of the two individuals in whom were personified
the Empire and the Church.
It would be unjust, however, to deny to Henry IV. many
of those qualities which make a great king ; he possessed
together with extraordinary activity, perseverance, and in
trepidity, worthy of the best of causes, a rare prudence and
sagacity.^ But these qualities were united in him to all the
1 " Homo magni consilii et mirabiliter sagax." — Bonizo, p. 8i6.
3

4 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
vices and excesses of a tyrant. We have seen with what
deeds of cruelty and of monstrous debauchery he was re
proached by the German Catholics. The Saxons declared
that they had taken up arms against him less to avenge
serious injuries, and escape the yoke of an oppressive des
potism, than to punish the incest and sacrilege of which the
prince had been guilty,^ and which entitled him to rank
first among the most cruel tyrants. Christendom, indeed,
saw with horror the revival, in the reign of a king pro
fessedly obedient to the Gospel, of such infamies as are
attributed to the gods of mythology and the most barbarous
persecutors of the Church.^ Were the excesses imputed to
Henry exaggerated ? It is difiBcult to believe it ; for they
are afiBrmed by all orthodox writers, and contested by no
one.^ Nevertheless, several incidents of the monarch's life
prove that evil passions had not extinguished in him that
foundation of faith and attachment to religion which then
formed, as it were, the moral basis of existence.* In this
respect we must not confound Henry IV. with more modern
persecutors, who were strangers, alike in faith and practice,
' "Hos . . . quorum terram, quod omnium quse passi sumus gravis-
simum ducimus, inauditis adinventionibus nee Christiano ore nominandis
incestaret." — Lambert, ann. 1073, ap. Peetz, v. 198. Cf. eumdem, pp.
201-203. 2 "Si mihi recolas Jovem adulterum, Neronem spurcum . . . Maximi-
minum, &c. . . . ego adhuc istis illi palmam dederim, qui aut »qualis
eis aut etiam superior in flagitiis ... in augmentum sceleris eamdem
flagitia sub titulo christianitatis peregit." — Gbhoh. Ebichbsp., De statu
eccles., c. x.
2 Stentzel affirms that Henry IV.'s excesses must be attributed to his
bad education and the evil counsels of the favourites who surrounded him.
* For example, the profound indignation of the emperor on hearing of
the destruction of the church of Harsbourg (Lamb. Schafn., ad ann. 1074)
— his grief at being deprived of the sacraments at Cliristmas while he was
a prisoner (1105). — Sigbb. Gbmbl., and Udalr., Cod., p. 116. If we were
to adopt the system of the Imperialist historians, we should attribute to
skilful hypocrisy the expression of sentiments little in harmony with the
actions of Henry IV. ; but it is at once juster and more natural to allow
that this prince may have had revulsions of feeling such as a thousand
circumstances of his social life might bring about.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE S
to the worship which, for the profit of selfish interests, they
undertook to regulate. The emperor's refusal to accept, at
Canossa, the communion which Gregory offered to him as a
pledge of confidence in his repentance, attests at least the
respect the prince felt for the august sacrament of the altar ; ^
for such an action must have been considered as an avowal
of the crimes imputed to him, and an acknowledgment
that the sentence pronounced was just.^ The perjured, in
general, do not yield to such scruples at the moment of
committing sacrilege. Unhappily, this was the only moment
of the prince's life in which he gave real proof of conscien
tiousness ; the ruling trait of his character was an absolute
want of straightforwardness and sincerity. Contemporaries
wondered to find in a man so young and so passionate, so
great a perfection in cunning, dissimulation, and perfidy;
they found it hard to explain how the extreme vivacity of
such a character never tempted him to lose an opportunity
of hypocrisy or deceit.
This inveterate duplicity was the great objection which
other princes opposed to all projects of reconciliation with
Henry.^ In Gregory, on the contrary, they found nothing
1 Cf. Lambert, ann. 1077 ; and Bonizo, Liher ad amicum, ap. (Epele,
p. 816.
2 The reflections of Stentzel on this point (vol. i. p. 410) must be read to
form an idea of the blindness and bitterness to which Protestant fanaticism
may lead. The only excuse for the author is, that he can neither know
nor imagine what the Holy Eucharist is with regard to Catholic unity,
both for him who consecrates and for him who communicates. It is
Stentzel who, at p. 502, discovers Jesuits in the eleventh century, which,
at all events, is a testimony to the invariable nature of the active forces
in the Church.
3 This is confessed almost on every page by Stentzel, his ardent apologist
(vol. i. pp. 306-336, 341-414). At the same time, the author is far from
considering it a crime in the emperor. "The eloquence of Archbishop
Guibert of Eavenna," he says, "made the king repent of what he had
done ; but the cunning Henry resolved to get aU possible profit from what
had passed, and to trick the Pope before breaking with him. . . . The
veil of former prejudices fell from his eyes ; he saw clearly ; his bonds
were broken ; free, without restraint, fearing scarcely anything of all that
his epoch considered holy, THENCEFORWARD HE walked THROUGH LIFE

6 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
which could be supposed cunning — no trace of a complicated
or tortuous policy : frankness, honesty, and an indomitable
perseverance, were the Pontiffs only weapons.-' From the
first day of his reign to the last, no change is to be observed
in his conduct or in his attitude — it is always the simplicity
of faith victoriously combating all the enterprises of the
world and all the artifices of error. Let us hear, on this
subject, the unassailable testimony of one of the Pope's most
openly-declared adversaries, a violent partisan of the schism,
Thierry, Bishop of Verdun, who wrote to the Pope in these
words : " This is what we know of you from yourself and
from persons worthy of all confidence : Pointed out from in
fancy by certain presages of future glory — enrolled in youth
among the Christian army, among the contemners of the
world — laboriously devoted to the service of the Church, —
as archdeacon you won the love of all, and reached the height
of Christian renown. More than once, on the point of being
elected Pope, you escaped by flight from the burden with
which you were threatened : but at last you were obliged
to submit to the yoke ; and then, urged by the necessities
of your pastoral charge, you were forced to labour with all
your strength to bring back perverted hearts, to teach the
truth without respect to persons ; later still, having become
the object of mortal execration to the reprobate, you have,
without swerving, followed the royal path on which you had
AS A MAN. He began the struggle with courage and decision, with inex
haustible resources of wit and cunning" (vol. i. pp. 414-416, ed. of 1827).
We see what becomes of historical morality in the hands of scientific
rationalism. Stentzel no doubt counts among the devices of this cour-
ageouLs and enlightened prince the many demonstrations of submission and
devotion which he made to the Pope from 1077 to 1080. The excuse
giveu by the historian (pp. 446-452, &c.) is, that the emperor was not yet
ready. 1 Stentzel himself is obliged to acknowledge this (vol. i. p. 362), though
later (vol. ii. pp. 148-153) he accuses Gregory of duplicity. We insist on
this historian's contradictions, because we recognise in him one of the
remarkable writers of modern Germany, although, unlike Voigt and Bow
den, he has used great knowledge and an excellent method onlyrto give
way to the narrowest and most profane views.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 7
entered, striking right and left with the weapons of justice
and of prayer." ^
However, in order to appreciate the character of Gre
gory VTI., we are not reduced to the evidence, in some degree
involuntary, of his adversaries, nor to conjectures and the
laborious researches of erudition. The nine books preserved
to us of the correspondence of the great Pope,^ are an im
perishable monument of that good faith, moderation, upright
ness, tenderness of heart — in a word, of all the various forms
of greatness — which filled the soul of the immortal champion
ofthe Church.
Therefore certain Protestant critics, understanding all the
^ "De vobis vel a fidelibus audita, vel a nobis ipsis comperta. . .
Strenua et laudabili ofificii hujus administratione in totius orbis notitiam
et dilectionem brevi pervenisse ad summum Christiani nominis. . . . Juxta
qnod boni et fide digni homines attestantur. . . . Culmen. . . . Urgenti
pastoralis officii necessitate, distorta perversorum corda ad rectitudinis
lineam summa vi corrigere nitentem, absque personse acceptione veritatem
omnibus palam facere . . . perditorum hominum odium et detractionem,
immo execrationem aoerrimam usque ad mortis damnationem incurrisse :
tamen in omnibus inconcussum, immotum viam regiam quam semel
intravit per arma justitise, a dextris et a sinistris arguendo, obsecrando,
inorepando, fortiter adhuc incedere. H»c sunt quss de vobis conperimus
. . . hase de vobis credimus." — Thes. anecd., vol. i. p. 215. It is remark
able that these eulogies, heaped upon Gregory VII. by a violent adversary,
agree identically with those given to him by one of his most enthusiastic
partisans : " Naotus omnium bonorum dilectionem ob zeli Dei f ervorem et
justitiaa exequtionem. Sed quia nulla est societas luoi ad tenebras, per
ditorum hominum odium et detractionem, immo persecutiouem acerrimam
incurrit ; regiam tamen viam quam semel intraverat, inconcussus, immotus,
per arma justitiae a dextris et siuistris fortiter incessit." — HuG. Flavin.,
p. 207, ap. Labbe.
" The tenth book of St. Gregory's correspondence has been lost, and
there are only two letters of the eleventh and last. This collection, com
posed of 361 letters, is known by the name of Regestum Oregorii VIL, and
is found in all the collections of councils. That of Labbe, which was pub
lished at Venice by Coletti in 1730, has two appendices containing seven
teen more letters than the other coUections (378 instead of 361). These
seventeen letters are important ; but it is to be desired, in the interests of
religious and historical truth, that there might be added to the letters
already published those which are, as it were, lost in the works of Pau
Bemried, Hugh de Flavigny, and, above all, of Bruno.

8 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
importance of such a document, have made incredible efiForts
to prove that it is not authentic.^ This argument could not
fail to be maintained, beyond the Ehine, by one of those
sophists who exhaust themselves in trying to show that the
Gospel itself is but an altered text, and who do not find it
extraordinary that the unknown inventor of the correspon
dence of Pope Gregory VII. should have been able, like the
writer of the Gospel, to exhibit a genius so lofty and so pure.
It is from the correspondence of Pope Gregory that we
learn really to know and to love the Pontiff. A man can
not write nearly 400 letters, many of them with his own
hand, in haste, in the most various circumstances, without
betraying, here and there, the depths of his soul.^ But we
defy the most minute criticism to point out, in the corre
spondence of the illustrious Pope, a single passage, a single
line, where there appears the smallest trace of egotism, of
worldly ambition, of anger — of any one, indeed, of the lower
passions of humanity.^
^ It is M. Cassander of Hesse Darmstadt who may claim the honour of
haviug made this fine discovery in 1 842. The author, in his clumsy German
libel, depends chiefly on a passage of letter 5, book viii., in which Gregory
reproaches Henry IV. for having taken part in the election of the anti-Pope
Cadalaus in 1063, at which date Henry was only thirteen, and consequently
could not be responsible for the actions of his Council. It is not impos
sible that a wrong date may have found its way into the letter in question ;
but to conclude thence that all the other letters are apocryphal is an enor
mity. We may remark, also, that the accusation brought by the Pope
against Henry is not to be found in either of the two sentences fulminated
against him.
Since the death of M. de Montalembert there has been published a new
and very good edition of the Letters of St. Gregory, by M. Jaff^, the col
laborator of M. Pertz, whose premature loss has been regretted by the
learned. — Note hy the Editor.
2 " Vobis enim non aliquem vioarium in dictando acquire, sed me ipsum
labori, licet rusticano stylo, supponi." — Ep. i. 50, addressed to the two
countesses Beatrice and Matilda.
^ Of all the historians who have hitherto treated of the pontificate of
Gregory VII., M. I'Abb^ Rohrbacher is the one who has most profited by
St. Gregory's correspondence. With the authentic text of these letters
mutilated and falsified by the adversaries of the papacy, ignored or
neglected by its defenders, the CathoUc historian has been able to refute

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 9
It is then to this source, beyond suspicion, that the friends
of Catholic truth must apply in order to complete the proofs
of all that has been said of the greatness and holiness of
Gregory. There they will see how the Pontiff regarded that
awful ministry which bound him to truth and justice towards
all men ; which demanded of him to compromise no man's
salvation by his silence ; ^ which, every day, loaded him with
the anguish of an immense responsibility ; ^ which, in short,
invested him with an authority so great that all the efibrts
of kings and emperors, all human forces whatever, seemed
to have no more weight against it than the dust or the straw
that the wind carries away.* In this authority the episco
pate, whose power and dignity seemed to him superior to
royal majesty,* ought to have largely shared ; for Gregory,
we repeat, was no jealous adversary of episcopal influence.
He indeed complained bitterly of the crimes of many of the
bishops of his time ; he perceived that all the ills of Chris
tendom arose from the prevarication of those among whom
victoriously both the calumnies of Protestants, and certain assertions, at
least careless, of Fleury and Bossuet, in the Dif ense des quatre articles,
attributed, it is to be hoped wrongly, to the great bishop. The sixty-
fifth book of the Hist. univ. de I'Eglise, by Rohrbacher, is, with the work
of the AngUcan Bowden, the best account we know of the pontificate of
Gregory VII.
* " Non ignorare credimus prudentiam vestram, quin sancta et apostolica
sedes princeps et universaUs mater sit omnium ecclesiarum et gentium
quas divina clementia ad agnitionem sui nominis in fide Domini et Salva
toris nostri Jesu Christi per evangelicam et apostolicam doctrinam venire
prseordinavit : quibus hanc curam et perpetuam debet solUcitudinem, ut
sicut ad conservandam catholicse fidei veritatem, ita quoque ad cognoscen-
dam et tenendam justitiam documenta et salutifera administret monita.
Ad cujus dispensationis officium . . creditum nobis ministerium valde
pertimescimus, scientes quoniam et his qui prope et his qui longe sunt
debitores sumus, nee apud supernum Judicem excusationis locum habere
poterimus, si nostra taciturnitate eorum aut salus negligitur aut culpa
fovetur." — Ep. iv. 28, ad Hispanos.
^ "Potestas, qua quotidie angustamur apostolicse sedis." — Ep. iv. i.
^ " Hoc in animo gerens, quod regum et imperatorum virtus, et universa
mortaUum conamina, contra apostolica jura et omnipotentiam summi Dei
quasi faviUa computentur et palea." — Bp. iii. 8, ad Thedald. cleric. MedioL
^ Ep. ii. 5, and iv. 2.

IO ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
he ranged himself;^ and he congratulated himself that the
laity, not excepting women, should devote themselves to the
liberty of the Church when so many prelates deserted the
cause.^ But the Pontiff's correspondence gives, on almost
every page, proof that episcopal authority had no firmer
defender than he. He wished that even when episcopal
decisions were unjust they should be obeyed, provided they
did not compromise the general safety of the Church.* We
see him refusing presents from the Couut of Anjou, because
he was excommunicated by his bishop. The jurisdiction of
bishops as to consecration was, with him, the object of most
scrupulous respect.* He never failed to enforce in their
favour the decretals of the martyr popes against unworthy
clerks;* finally, as a crowd of examples shows, he never
hesitated, in disputes between bishops and monks, to decide
against the latter, even his fellow-Clunists, if equity required
it.* For him, the princes of the Church were truly the
leaders of the Lord's army ; and he urged them incessantly,
by the example of secular chivalry, to self-sacrifice, devotion,
and perseverance in the battles of their Master.^ " They
will tell you," he wrote to the Archbishop of Mayence, in
1075, "that you have a right to put ofif till another time
the strict execution of our decrees ; but boldly answer thus :
' When knights have been warned to hold themselves in
readiness for war, what should they do if they hear that
enemies are carrying sword and fire into their king's palace ?
Should they instantly seize their weapons to chase and over
whelm the assailant, or should they stay quietly watching
1 "Nos . . . prselati . . ." — Ep. ii. 45.
2 Ep. ii. II. 3 Ep. u. 45, aud ix. 22.
i Ep. ix. 29. 6 Ep. vn. ii. 6 jjp. vi. 33.
'' " . . . Et quid regios milites, sanctos videlicet sacerdotes oportet
facere, nisi . . . clypeo caritatis munitos gladio divini verbi accinctos
auctoritatis vigore consurgere ; multum namque debet nobis videre puden
dum quod quilibet sseculi miUtes. . . . Et nos qui sacerdotes Domini
dicimur, non pro illo nostro rege pugnemus qui omnia fecit ex nihilo I " 
Ep. iu. 4. See also, Append., No. 15, the fine letter mentioned by Hugh
de Flavigny, p. 230.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE I I
what the enemy will do? And what is the spirit of evil
doing but devastating incessantly the Church of God ? and
what is the duty of the knights of the great King of Heaven
— that is. His consecrated priests — but to throw themselves
into the combat armed with the shield of charity and the
sword of the divine word ? . . . Ah, how should we blush !
Secular knights every day combat for their temporal prince,
every day they brave danger for his sake ; and we, who are
called the priests of the Lord, we do not fight for our King
— for that King who has made all things out of nothing,
who has not feared to suffer death for us, and who promises
us an eternal reward ! ' " ^
When Gregory saw the soldiers of God unfaithful to their
mission, he could not restrain the holy fire of his reproaches.
With what indignation did he raise his voice against the
weakness of the French bishops in presence of the scandals
and crimes of their king, Philip I. !
"It is you, my brothers," wrote the Pontiff, "who are
guilty ; you who, by failing to resist with sacerdotal vigour
the wickedness of the prince, have become the open accom
plices of his iniquities. We say it with regret and with
lamentation, but it must be said : We fear lest you should
receive the wages, not of shepherds, but of hirelings, since,
seeing the wolf tear the Lord's flock under your very eyes,
you have taken flight, and hidden yourselves ia silence, like
dogs who have forgotten how to bark ! ... If you fancy
that to repress your sovereign's faults is unlawful, and incom
patible with your oath of fidelity to him, know that you are
in great error ; for he who has saved a man from shipwreck
even in spite of himself, is really more faithful to him than
one who would have let him perish. As for the fear with
which your king inspires you, it is useless to speak of it ; for if
you unite in defence of justice, you will acquire such strength
that you will be able, without danger, to tum your prince
from his bad habits, and at the same time to free your souls
^ Bp. iii. 4.

12 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
from responsibility. But allowing that you have all things
to fear, even death, nevertheless you ought not to abandon
the liberty of fulfilling your priestly obligations. We implore
you, therefore, and enjoin you, in virtue of our apostolic
authority, to think of your country, your fame, and your
salvation, and to go in one united body to the king. Let
him be warned of the peril and shame which menace his
realm and his soul ! Denounce to his face the crimes of
which he is guilty ; seek to soften him ; persuade him to
make reparation for his rapine, to amend his depraved life,
and, by the practice of justice, to restore the degraded glory
and majesty of his kingdom ! " ^
In the case of Philip remaining obstinate in ill-doing,
the Pope ordered an interdict on all the kingdom, announc
ing plainly that he would spare no effort to dethrone the
king, and that, if the bishops showed themselves lukewarm
in the execution of their duty, they also should be deposed.
" Remember," he added in conclusion, " this divine word :
' The fear of man bringeth a snare : but whoso putteth his
trust in the Lord shall be safe.' ^ So act, then, as to show
that your souls are as free as your words ; shun that de
struction which will be drawn upon you by your fear of
a man weah as yourselves ; and, strong in the Lord and in
the power of His might, go up, like brave knights of Christ,
to the assault of glory in this world and in the next." *
1 " Vos etenim in culpa estis qui dum perditissimis factis ejus non
resistitis. . . . Proinde, quod inviti ac gementes dicimus, fugitis, dum
quasi canes non valentes latrare, sub silentio vos absconditis. . . . De
timore vero vauum est dicere. . . . Quoniam vobis ad defendendam justi
tiam conjunotis et constanter accinctis tanta virtus foret. . . . Etsi timor
ao periculum mortis immiueret, vos tamen a libertate vestri sacerdotalis
officii desistere non oporteret. . . . Rogamus vos ut . . . patriae, famje
vestrse ac saluti cousulatis . . ."— Ep. ii. 5. Notice here the use of the
word patria, the idea of which has beeu said to have been unknown in the
middle ages.
2 " Qui timet hominem, cito corruet, et qui sperat in Domino suble-
vabitur." — Prov. xxix. 25.
2 " Ita agite, ita vos habetote, ut quam sit vobis libera mens et lingua
ostendatis, neo timentes hominem iufirmitatis vestrK ruinam patiamini

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 13
Now let us listen while he rehearses, in the last letter he
wrote, and from which we have already quoted some pas
sages, the duties and trials imposed upon him by his mission,
as head of the Church. " The only reason," he says, " which
could have assembled and armed against us the princes of
the nations and the princes of the priests is this — that we
have not chosen to keep silence as to the danger which
threatened the holy Church, or to become the accomplice of
those who did not blush to reduce the bride of Christ to
slavery. In every country of the world the poorest woman
is allowed to choose a legitimate husband according to her
will and to the law of the land ; but at the desire of the
wicked, and under the empire of detestable customs, the
holy Church, the spouse of God, and our mother, is for
bidden to remain lawfully faithful to her Husband, in
obedience to her own will and to the Divine commandment.
Can we suffer that the sons of this holy Church should be
condemned, as if they were sprung from an infamous
adultery, to have for fathers only heretics and usurpers?
This is the source of all the evils, all the perils, and all
the crimes which you have witnessed, and over which you
groan. . . . There are in the world thousands of men who
daily risk death to obey their lords ; but for the great God
of Heaven, for Him who has ransomed us, how many shrink,
not firom death only, but even from the hatred of certain
other men ! And if there are, as thank God we do find,
though but in small numbers, men who resist the wicked
openly, and even to death, for love of the Christian law,
not only are they unsupported by their brethren, but they
are held imprudent, indiscreet, foolish ! . . . We conjure
you, therefore, by the Lord Jesus, force yourselves to under
stand what are the tribulations and anguish which we endure
at the hands of enemies of the Christian religion, and to
sed confortati in Domino, et in potentia virtutis ejus, sicut strenui milites
Christi, ad celsitudinem prsesentis ac fnturae gloriae sublevamini." — Ep.
ii. 5.

14 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
learn how and why we suffer them. Since the Church
placed me, against my will, on the Apostolic throne, I have
used all my efiforts that the holy Church, the spouse of God,
our mother and our lady, should regain her ancient glory,
and become once more free, chaste, and catholic. But be
cause nothing is more hateful than this to our old enemy,
he has taken up arms. And since it is to me, though a
sinner and unworthy, that the words of the prophet, ' Cry
aloud and spare not,' have been spoken, therefore, willing
or unwilling, without shame and without fear, without any
earthly consideration, I cry, I cry, perpetually I cry aloud,
to announce that the Christian religion, the true faith which
the Son of God, come down from heaven, has taught us by
our fathers, is degenerating into mere secular customs, is
being lost, falling to nothing, and becoming an object of
derision not only to the demon, but also to Jews, Saracens,
and Pagans. For they at least obey those laws in which
they believe ; while we, intoxicated by love of the world
and a miserable ambition, and sacrificing religion and honour
to pride and cupidity, live without law, without reason,
without faith, without hope. The small number of those
who still fear God fight chiefly for themselves, and not for
the common salvation of their brethren. How many are
there who spend their sweat or their blood for God, as
secular knights spend theirs for their lords, or even for
their friends and vassals ? If then, like all Christians, you
believe St. Peter to be the prince and father of all the
faithful, the chief shepherd after Christ, and that the holy
Pioman Church is the mother and mistress of all Churches,
I implore and command you, — I, your brother and your
unworthy master, — to come to the help of that father and
that mother, and thus to merit the absolution of your sins,
the divine benediction and grace in this world and in the
next." Side by side with these majestic utterances of a zeal
equally pure and intrepid, the correspondence of St. Gregory

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE I 5
shows ns also the intense solicitude which filled his soul.
This solicitude, the precious dower of the most lofty genius,
embraced all the interests, great and small, of a world much
vaster, as Gregory himself said, than the wide empire
founded by the Romans, in which the rule of Christ had
succeeded the rule of Augustus.^ Glancing with paternal
and attentive care from Norway^ to Mauritania,^ from
Armenia* to Galicia,* turning away irom the most critical
events and the most imminent dangers to uphold in some
distant country the despised rights of som6 obscure victim,
Gregory everywhere interfered for the protection of weak
ness and of justice — sometimes for the shipwrecked, who
were snbject to the barbarous wreckers^ — sometimes for
poor women cruelly treated as witches by the Danes ; ' here
to obtain the restitution of an unjustly detained succes
sion,^ there to hasten the return of an exile ; ^ everywhere,
and always, to enforce respect for the liberties of all, and
for the possessions of religious houses.^" On the other hand,
as he always kept in view the general interests of nations
and Churches, Gregory energetically maintained liturgical
unity against all the too exclusively national and local pre
tensions of the Slavonic nations ^^ and the people of the
Iberian peninsula ; ^^ he protected Russia '^ and Denmark
• " Plus enim terrarum lex Eomanorum pontificum quam imperatorum
obtinuit : in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum et quibus imperavit
Augustus, imperavit Christus."— Ep. ii. 75, addressed to Sweyn, King of
Denmark. ^ Ep. vi. 13. In this letter Gregory invites King Olave to send him the
sons of the Norwegian nobles : " De junioribus et nobUibus terrse, quatenus
sub aUs Apostolorum Petri et PauU sacris et divinis legibus diligenter
edocti . . . lingua et scientia moribusque prudentes digne Deo prsedicare
et efficaciter excolere valeant." ^ Ep. i. 22, 23 ; ui. 19, 20, 21.
« Ep. vii. 28 ; viu. i. •'' Ep. iv. 28 ; vi. 16.
« At the councU of 1078.— Labbe, vol. x. p. 370, ed. Paris.
' Bp. vii. 221. * Ep. vi. 32. " Ep. vi. 29.
i» Ep. i. 13, 31, 37, 81 ; ii 15, 33. 69 ; ix. 6. " Ep. vii. 11.
^ " Romana te cupit scire Ecclesia, quod filios, quos Christo nutrit, non
diversis uberibus, neo diverso cupit alere lacte." — Ep. iiL 18.
" Ep. u. 73, 74.

1 6 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
against their enemies within and without,-^ Dalmatia
against foes and dangers of various kinds ; public peace in
Brittany,^ Arragon,* and Bohemia,^ against the intestine
quarrels of princes and bishops ; the liberty of merchants
and pilgrims on their travels, from the extortions of the
King of France ; " the sacredness of marriage, and the help
lessness of women against the barbarity of the Scotch : '
finally, after having everywhere exercised his authority so
as to re-establish discipline, to calm dissension, and to
repair injustice in the heart of Christendom, he extended
his solicitude beyond it; with noble confidence he recom
mended the Churches of Carthage and Hippo, purified by
his cares,^ to the Mussulman princes, who were their
neighbours ; ^ and forestalling the future by an inspiration
worthy at once of his genius and of his great heart, he
preached a crusade to the whole Christian world,'^'' offering
himself as leader in an enterprise which included not only
1 Ep. vi. 13. ^ Ep. vii. 4. ^ Ep. vii. 15 ; iv. J.
^ Ep. vi. 16. = Ep. ii. 6, 7, 8, 71, 72.
^ Ep. i. 35 ; ii. 5. From Ep. vii. 20, it appears that the young kiug
atoned for his crimes, for the Pope speaks of them as things olim, and
congratulates him on the good dispositions several times expressed by
his ambassadors.
' "Nefas quod de Scotis audivimus, quod plerique uxores non solum
deserunt, sed etiam vendunt, modis omnibus prohibere."^ — App. ad. Epist.
ii. ad. Lanfrancum. ^ Ep. i. 21, 22 ; iii. 19, 20.
9 It must be remarked that Anzir, King of Mauritania, sent to Gregory
an embassy with presents aud released prisoners, the very same year that
the natural head of the Christians, King Heury, had issued a sentence
of deposition against him (1076). The Pope replied to him in terms of
indulgent charity : " Omnipotens Deus qui omnes homines vult salvos
facere, et neminem perire, nihil est quod in nobis magis approbet, quam
ut homo post dilectionem suam hominem diligat, et quod sibi nou vult
fieri, alii non faciat. Hanc itaque caritatem nos et vos speciaUus nobis
quam ceteris gentibus debemus, qui unum Deum, licet diverso modo,
credimus et confitemur. . . . Bt quotidie laudamus et veneramur. . . .
Ut ipse Deus in siuum beatitudinis sanctissimi patriarchse Abrahse post
longa hujus vitse spatia te perducet corde et ore rogamus." — Ep. iii. 21.
1" The first mention of this project is found in his letter, written in
1074, to Count WUliam of Burgundy.— Ep. i. 46. Some days later
(March i, 1074), he addressed himself to all Christians "(omnibus Chris-

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE tJ
the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, but also the defence
of the Church of Constantinople, schismatic as it was !
"The Christians of the Bast," wrote the pontifif in 1074
to King Henry, on whom he thought he could count —
" those Christians whom the pagans daily kill like sheep —
have called upon me to come to their help. Filled with
grief, and with a desire to do good, I would choose rather to
give my life for them than to command the whole universe,
and neglect them. I have therefore exhorted and implored
all Christians to give their life for their brethren, to defend
the law of Christ, and thus to display the true nobility of
the sons of God. On both sides of the Alps my voice has
been listened to, and more than fifty thousand men are pre
paring, if they can have me for leader and chief of the
expedition, to march armed against the enemy, and to force
their way, under the Lord's guidance, to His Holy Sepulchre.
What chiefly urges me to this enterprise is, that the Church
of Constantinople, though dissenting from us as to the Holy
Spirit, looks to the Holy See for the restoration of harmony.
Our fathers and predecessors, whose steps, though unworthy,
we wish to follow, have often gone into those countries to
consolidate the Catholic faith there ; and we also, aided by
the prayers of the faithful, if Christ deigns to open us a
way, wiU go thither in our turn to defend the faith and
those who profess it." ^
tiamis) fidem defendere volentibus," to teU them of the disasters of the
Greeks, and exhort them to succour the Byzantine empire. — Ep. ii. 49.
The first mention of the Holy Sepulchre is found in the letter to King
Henry, a passage from which is quoted in the text. At the end of Decem
ber of the same year he exhorts all those faithful to St. Peter beyond
the Alps to send commissaries to him to prepare the means of going
beyond sea. — Ep. ii. 37,
^ " Magis enim veUem pro his animam meam ponere, quam eos negli-
gens, universo orbi ad libitum carnis imperare. . . . Jam ultra quinqua
ginta mUlia ad hoc se preparant. . . . Armata manu contra inimicos Dei
insurgere, et usque ad sepulcrum Domini, ipso ducente, pervenire. Illud
etiam me ad hoc opus permaxime instigat, quod Constantinopolitana
Ecclesia de Sancto Spiritu a nobis dissidens, concordiam apostolicae sedis
exspectat." — Ep. ii. 31.
VOL. VI. B

1 8 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
The excesses and perfidy of the German sovereign put
an obstacle in the way of the realisation of this great idea.
But the germ, sown in the mind of Christian nations, was
not to perish : twenty years later, the project conceived by
Gregory was accomplished by the unanimous impulse of
Europe ; and the war-cry, God wills it ! served for two
centuries to draw to the banner of the Cross all the flower
of Christian knighthood.
It is, above all, in the letters of St. Gregory that we
must study the true nature of his relationships either with
princes or with nations, and the kind of authority which
he claimed over them. We see there that his sole object,
in striving to maintain his supremacy, was the moral weight
of a friend — the beneficent and profltable influence of a
father. The instructions which he gave to the different
Powers of this world were proclaimed without disguise, and
with perfect frankness. He showed a great affection for
the people,^ rejoicing to see them retain their ancient
liberties,^ and promising them the cordial support of their
' We do not mean that Gregory addressed himself to the people in the
modern seuse — that is, to the lower classes exclusively, or to the whole
mass of men — but it is certain that he wished to influence aU classes,
and aU the free aud active individuals of a. nation possessing certain
social functions, according to the place they occupied in the social hier
archy, as is shown by the heading of several of his letters. For example :
"Omnibus episcopis, et viris nobUibus, cunctisque tam majoribus quam
minoribus in insula Corsica consistentibus." — Ep. v. 4. " Archiepisco-
pis, ducibus, comitibus et universis Christifidelibus clericis et laicis, tam
majoribus quam minoribus, in Teutonioo regno constitntis." — Ep. iv.
28. "Clero et populo in Turonensi provincia constitutis." — Ep. vii. 15.
"Duci et genti Venetorum." — Ep. ix. 8. "Duci et populo Venetise." —
Bp. iv. 27, and ix. 8. And, as we have already said, it is evident that
Gregory had succeeded in gaining the hearts of most of the lower classes
in Germany by the reproach which Henry addressed to him in the letter
announcing his deposition : " Eectores S. Ecclesiae . . . sub pedibus tuis
calcasti, in quorum conculcatione tibi favorem ab ore vulgi comparasti." 
Cod. Udal. Bab. ap. Bccaed., No. 163.
2 "Multum gavisi pro dilectione . . . et libertate quam ab antiqua
stirpe Romanse nobUitatis acceptam conservastis." — Ep. iv. 27, ad Venetos.
"Notum esse credimus . . quod jam ab ineunte setate terram vestram

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 1 9
mother, the Roman Church.i He reminded the nobles,
then aU-powerful, that they ought to preserve the inheri
tance of virtue, together with that of an illustrious descent.^
" Friend," he wrote to a certain count, " thou who, by God's
permission, hast command over many men, is it not just
that, in return, thou shouldst consecrate to the service of the
Lord at least one man — that is to say, thyself — by endea
vouring to preserve all the purity of thy heart and soul ?
Those very duties which thou wouldst not have thy vassals
neglect to perform towards thee, art thou not bound thyself
to pay them to Him who has created thee in His image
and ransomed thee with His blood ? " *
To kings and sovereigns, whether inhabiting the neigh
bourhood of Rome — and always ready, as in the case of
the Italian princes, to make him suffer for his generous
frankness* — or whether dwelling at the ends of the earth,
like the Scandinavian kings," he constantly took care to
give those lessons of humility which he judged necessary
to subdue the working of pride in their hearts.^
Let us hear him speaking to the King of Germany
himself : " You will never be truly king,'' he says, " until
et Ubertatem hujus gentis valde dileximus." — Ep. ii. 39, Bu/ii et populo
Venetios; see also Ep. ix. 8.
1 " Eomana Bcclesia mater sit omnium Christiauorum ; quse licet ex
consideratione officii sui omnium gentium saluti debeat invigUare, speci-
alem tamen et quodammodo privatam vobis soUicitudinem oportet eam
impendere." — Ep. i. 29, ad Judices Sardinice.
2 Ep. viii. 16. — E. and N., NolUihus comitibus.
3 "Dignum est ut cui tuo metui tantam hominum multitudinem sup-
posuit, hanc ei vicissitudinem recompenses, ut unum hominem, videlicet
teipsum, pura semper mente sibi et corde conserves . . . ut quod a sub
jectis tibi vis fieri non negligas pro UUus amore agere qui te ad suam
imagiiiem creavit, et suo precioso sanguine redemit." — Ep. ix., T. nobUis-
simo comiti Probably Thibault, Count of Champagne.
^ Ep. vi. 37, to the Prince of Capua.
^ Ep. vi. 13, to the King of Norway.
6 " Imperatoribus et regibus, ceterisque principibus, ut elationes maris
et superbise fluctus comprimere valeant arma humilitatis, Deo auctore,
providere curamus."

20 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
you make your pride of domination bow before Christ, the
King of kings, and assist Him to restore and to defend
His Church ; i ... for otherwise how shall we succeed,
being such as we are, in giving to our Creator and Re
deemer that honour we demand from those who are but
our brothers and companions in our state of servitude on
earth ? " '
To the Duke of Poland he said : " Keep ever before
your eyes that last day of your life, which will come you
know not when ; and be always in fear of the last judgment,
so as to use, with scrupulous care, the authority committed
to you by God ; for know that there is nothing, in all that
has been confided to you, of which the Supreme Judge will
not demand an account, and that you will have to undergo
a judgment all the more severe as the right and the autho
rity with which you are invested are the more extensive." ^
To the King of Denmark he wrote : " With sincere
affection we implore you to endeavour to exercise the
royalty confided to you according to the will of God, to
make your virtues match with the great name of king
which you bear, and to enthrone in your own heart that
justice which gives you the right to command your sub
jects. . . . Tou know that kings and beggars alike must
end in dust and ashes ; that we must every one appear at
that last judgment, all the more terrible for us, priests and
kings, as we must give account not only for ourselves, but
for all those who shall have obeyed us. Live, then, my
dearest brother, and reign, so that you may be able to stand
without fear before the face of the eternal King, and receive
from His divine hands a crown everlasting and beyond
' "Tunc demum regiam potestatem recte obtinere cognoscas, si regi
regum, Christo, ad restaurationem defensionemque Ecclesiarum suarum
faciendam, dominationis tuse altitudinem inclinas." — Ep. ii. 30.
- " Honorem quem conservis et fratribus nostris exigimus."  Ep. Ui. 7.
2 "Scire enim debetis quoniam supernus arbiter quse vobis commisit
irrequisita non relinquet : cui tanto distinctius responsuri estis, quanto
ampiiora sunt jura et judiciorum moderamina quse tenetis.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 21
compare, in recompense for having worthily borne your
earthly dignities."-'
To the Spanish princes he spoke as follows : " You know,
and you see evidence of it daily, how ephemeral life is, and
how deceitful are our human hopes. Willing or unwilling,
we must always hasten towards our end, and be always
exposed to a certain fate, without knowing when death will
strike us. . . . Think, then, of this end — think of the
bitterness of the moment when you must leave this world,
to rot under ground ; think of the terrible judgment which
will follow your actions, and arm yourselves beforehand
against these dangers. Consecrate your arms, your wealth,
your power, not only to secular pomp, but chiefly to the
honour and service of the eternal King : govern, administer,
in such a manner as to make of your well-doing an offering
of righteousness pleasing to the Almighty ; so that you
may be able to depend on Him who alone gives safety to
kings — who alone can snatch you from death, and transform
the decaying grandeur which surrounds you here below
into that sovereign beatitude and that divine glory which
have neither rival, nor admixture, nor end."^
And to the King of Hungary this was his language :
" We recommend to your prudence that you should walk,
without delay or turning, in the way of justice — that you
should defend, with paternal tenderness, widows, orphans,
' "Rogamus te et sincera et caritate monemus . . . quatenus eam, per
cujus principatum subjectis imperas, in corde tuo semper regnare justitiam
ostendas. . . . Nosci quod reges jequa conditione ut pauperes futuri sunt
pulvis et cinis. . . . Age ergo, dilectissime, ut ita vives, ita regnes ut tunc
seterni regis et judicis faciem securus aspicias," &c. — Ep. ii. 51, ad Suenum
regem Domorum. See also Ep. v. 10, and vii. 21, to Haco, son and successor
of Sweyn.
2 "Quotidie videtis quam fluxa et fragUis est vita. . . . Arma vestra,
opes, potentiam, non ad secularem pompam tantum, sed ad honorem et
servitium seterni regis vertite . . . ut superindicat vos eminentiori olari-
tate . . . et de caducis honoribus quos nunc habetis transferat vos in
regnum glorise seternse suse, ubi nee beatitudine finem, nee gloria corrup-
tionem, nee dignitas habet comparationem."— Ep. iv. 28, " regibus, comiti
bus, ceterisque principibus Hispanic."

2 2 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
and strangers, and not only do no wrong to churches, but
preserve them from the violence and pride of invaders." ^
He said to the King of Castile: "Your humility and
obedience have earned for you the possession of divine truth
and justice. . . . But as pious hearts love to be encouraged,
and virtue needs always to be exercised, we exhort your
highness to raise your soul from the perishable rank of this
world towards that which is eternal — to use the one as a
thing which will soon vanish, and to seek eagerly for the
other, which gives at once the fulness and perpetuity of
glory. . . . That our words may be better graven on your
heart, we send you a little key, which contains a relic of the
chains of the Blessed Peter, in hope that God, who by a
miracle of His omnipotence broke the iron fetters of His
apostle, may set you free by his merits and his intercession
from the chain of your sins." ^ Elsewhere he says : " Do
not hesitate to call to the highest offices of your Church
foreigners or men of low birth, when they are suitable ; for
the Roman Republic has owed its growth, great in the time
of the pagans, and yet greater under the dominion of Christ,
to the fact that she has always thought less of noble race
or origin than of the powers of the soul and body." ^
To William the Conqueror, King of England, Gregory
spoke thus : " Dearest son, whom I always embrace with
tenderness in Christ, thou art already the pearl of the
princes of our day, and I desire that, by thy justice and
obedience to the Church, thou shouldst always serve as rule
and model to all the princes of the future. If, when en-
^ Bp. vi. 29.
^ " Divina dignatio . . . usque ad vestra reservavit tempora ut veri
tatem Dei et justitiam . . . vestra mereretur suscipere sublimis humUi-
tas et fidelis obedientia . . . vobis olaviculam auream in qua de catenis
Beati Petri benedictio continetur." — Ep. vii. 6.
^ "Cum Romana respublica, ut paganorum tempore, sio et sub Chris
tianitatis titulis inde maxime, Deo favente, excreverit, quod non tam
generis aut patrise nobUitatem, quam animi et corporis virtutes perpeu-
dendas adjudioavit." — Ep. ix. 2.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 23
lightened by thy example, they will not follow thee, still
thy glory and recompense shall not be lessened, and even
in this world Heaven will grant to thee and to thy lineage
victory, honour, and power. If thou hadst raised some
wretched serf to royal estate, wouldst thou not expect that
he should honour thee ? Now God has taken thee, like a
wretched serf of sin (for so are we all born), to make of
thee, freely, a most powerful king : think and strive always,
therefore, to glorify the almighty Jesus, to whom thou owest
all that thou art, and do not let thyself be hindered by the
crowd of evil rulers. Evil has always the multitude on her
side ; good has but the chosen few. In battle, the more
cowards there are, the greater is the glory of the brave
knight who stands flrm. Yes, the more the great ones of
this world, blinded by pride, rush to plunge into the abyss,
the more fitting is it for thee, whom God has cherished
more than them, to increase thy greatness by humility and
obedience. May this God and Father deign so to imprint
these virtues in thy soul, that after the triumphs and con
quests of thy mortal reign, thou mayst sit down for ever in
the heavenly kingdom among its kings and saints." ^
To the Queen of England, who offered him beforehand
whatever presents he might choose to ask of her, he
answered : " Instead of gold, of jewels, or of all the pre
cious things of this world, these are the presents which
you may give me, O queen, and which I ask of you, — lead
a pure life ; share your wealth with the poor ; love God
^ " Nunc igitur, carissime et in Christo semper amplecteude fill . . .
talem te volo . . ut, sicut cooperante Deo, gemma principum esse meru-
isti, ita regula justitiae et obedientise forma cunctis terrse principibus esse
merearis. . . . Sicut eum veUes ... sic et tu, quem ex servo peccati ut
misero et pauperculo (ita quippe omnes nascimur) potentissimum regem
Deus gratis fecit. . . . Nee ab hoc impediat te pessimorum principum
turba. Nequitia enim multorum est, virtus autem paucorum. Gloriosius
est probate mUiti, multis fugientibus, in prselio stare. Pretiosior ilia est
gemma quse rarius invenitur. . . Et in futuro cum Sanctis regibus ad
regna super ccelestia inexcogitabiliter meliora feliciter introduoat." — Ep.
vU. 33, written the year after he refused the homage of WiUiam.

24 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
and your neighbour ; ^ esteem and cherish all that is honest
and true."
To another queen he said : " Write in your heart that the
sovereign of heaven, the queen exalted above all the choirs
of angels, the honour and glory of all women, the source of
salvation and of dignity to the elect, did not disdain, on
earth, to live in poverty and in holy humility. God will
only acknowledge as queen the woman who shall have ruled
her life by the fear and love of Jesus : thus it is that so
many holy women v? ho have been of the poor of this world
are glorified in heaven and earth ; while so many queens,
and even empresses, are dishonoured before God and before
man. We implore and enjoin you, therefore, to labour to
draw towards God the soul of our dear son, your lord and
king, that he may serve the Church with all his power, and
defend the poor, and all victims of oppression and injustice."^
Finally, to the King of Norway he wrote : " It is you of
whom the Gospel speaks, ' They shall come from the east
and from the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob in the kingdom of God.'^ Hasten thither, then.
You are at the end of the world ; but if you quicken your
steps you shall be associated in the royalty of the first fathers.
Hasten to the goal which faith, love, and desire point out
to you. Pass through life thinking of the nothingness of
human glory. Use your power to defend and protect widows
1 " Designastis ut quidquid de vestris vellemus, si notum vobis fieret,
sine mora susciperemus . . quod enim aurum, quae gemmse, quse mundi
hujus pretiosa mihi a te magis sunt exspectanda, quam vita casta, rerum
tuarum in pauperes distributio, Dei et proximi dilectio, hsec a te munera
optamus ; ut Integra et simplicia diligas nobilitatem tuam precamur." —
Bp. vii. 26.
^ " Scribe in corde tuo, quia summa regina cceli, quEe est decus et gloria
omnium mulierum . . . imo salus et nobilitas omnium electorum. . . .
lUa enim mulier vere apnd Deum regina dicitur quse mores suos in timore
et amore Christi moderatur. Inde fit ut . . . multse sseculares etiam re
ginae, vel imperatrices apud Deum et homines nee bonam famam valere
mereantur. Rogamus ergo te et prsecipimus ut semper studeas animum
domini tui regis et carissimi filii nostri. . . ." — Ep. viii. 22.
2 Matt, viii. 11.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 2$
and orphans, and not only love righteousness, but serve her
with all your energies." ^
What, however, is particularly shown in Gregory's corre
spondence is the inner nature of his soul.^ There we find
his ruling passion — charity, — and the only fear which he
ever knew — the fear of violating justice' and of compro
mising his salvation. " I say with the prophet," he wrote
to the Countesses Beatrice and Matilda, " ' Offer the sacrifice
of righteousness and hope in the Lord.' * I place the defence
of the miserable and oppressed as much above prayers, vigils,
fasts, and other good works, as I rank charity, with the
apostle, above all other virtues." And elsewhere : " We are
placed above the other men who are confided to our care,
much less to show them our power than our justice.^ It is
far safer for us to resist even to blood in defence of virtue,
than to risk our eternal safety by complying with iniquity.
It is safer for us to die braving the power of the wicked,
than to betray poor Christians who love their God, obey His
law, and prefer righteousness to life." ^
1 " De ultimis finibus estis ; sed si curritis, si festinatis, primis patribus
in regno sociati eritis. Sit cursus vester fides amor et desiderium. Sit
iter vestrum mundi gloriam assidue meditari esse caducam. . . . Sit vestrse
potentise usus et exercitatio, subvenire oppressis . . . justitiam non solum
diUgere, sed etiam tota virtute defendere." — Ep. vi. 13.
2 The Pope no longer releases from the oath of fidelity, but nations
release themselves ; they revolt, they dethrone their princes, they send
them to the scaffold ; they do yet worse— they say to them, " You suit us
no longer, go ! " — Db Maistrb, Du pape, book ii. c. 2, written and pub
Ushed in 1817. We see that the great man was not only, as has been said
of him, a prophet of the past.
2 He valued justice as much in others as in himself : what made him
prefer WUUam the Conqueror to aU other princes was his love of justice
(Ep. iv. 18) ; and among the Germans he acknowledged no partisans but
those who loved justice and the chair of St. Peter (Bp. vi. 14).
* " Sacrificate sacrificium justitiae, et sperate in Domino."— Psalm iv. ;
Ep. i. 50.
= " Neque ad hoc prselati sumus, ut nostrse commissos providentise
potenter magis quam juste tractemus." — Ep. L 81.
8 " Certe tutius nobis est defendendo veritatem pro sui ipsius salute ad
usque sanguinem nostrum sibi resistere, quam ad explendam ejus volun-

26 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
Gregory ends the letter just quoted with these fine words,
" To abandon righteousness is to shipwreck the soul." ^ " My
greatest fear," he wrote to the Germans, " is to be accused
before the Supreme Judge of neglect in the administration
of my office." ^ Then, addressing the Duke of Bohemia, " It
is God," he says, "who urges and threatens me by His
prophet Ezekiel, when he says, ' If thou dost not warn the
wicked, he shall die in his iniquity, but his blood will I
require at thy hand.' " * "I am ready in all things to mode
rate the rigour of the doctrine of the holy fathers, except
in what touches the honour of the King Eternal or endan
gers souls." * "I will do for King Henry all that justice or
mercy permit me to do without peril to my soul or his."
We may remark that this reservation is the same which
the Pope had already made in regard to Robert Guiscard,
the only defender the Holy See possessed, and with whom
it was so important to keep on good terms.®
St. Gregory's tenderness of heart was displayed, above all,
in his intercourse with Beatrice and Matilda — those brave
and noble princesses to whom he justly gave the name of
daughters of St. Peter, his true sisters,^ whom he remem-
tatem iniquitati oonsentiendo secum, quod absit, ad interitum mere." —
Ep. i. II. "Mori tutius est quam legem ejus (Christi) derelinquere, aut
pro mimdi gloria impiorum potius, si sint potentes, quam eorum personas
respicere, qui, Ucet sint pauperes, legem sui conditoris exquirunt, mandata
diligunt, vitam potius quam justitiam deserunt." — Ep. ii. 12.
1 " Cum nobis. . . . Deserere justitiam, animse, sit naufragium." — Ep.
i. 39- 2 "Urgente me, prse omnibus, cum eo timore, ne susceptse me apud
supernum Judicem negligentia dispensationis accuset." — Ep. i. 39.
3 " Per Ezechielem namque prophetam sub interminatione nostri iuteri-
tus impellimur dicentem : Si non annuntiaveris iniquo iniquitatem suam,
ipse iniquus in imiquitate sua morietur j samguinem autem ejus de manu tita
requiram." — Ep. i. 17.
•» "In quo salvo seterni Regis honore, et sine periculo animarum nos-
trarum . . . temperare possemus . . . eorum consUiis coudescenderemus."
— Ep. iii. 10.
5 " Sicut et te agere et me suscipere decet sine periculo animse tu^ et
mese." — Act of investiture, inserted in the Regis., b. viii. Ep. i and 2.
•¦ "Sicut sororum nostrarum et fiUarum sancti Petri." — Ep. ii. 9.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 27
bered every day in his prayers,^ and who recalled to him
the holy women of the Gospel at the tomb of the Saviour,
when they came with pious love to seek, as it were, the
captive and buried Church in the sepulchre of aflBiction, and
to labour for the resurrection of her freedom.^ The Pope
wrote in ali the frankness of spiritual fatherhood, and with
that warm and confiding afifection which served as a pretext
for calumny : ' " We shall have to give account to you of
our actions, and thus give you the most certain proof of the
force of the afifection which binds us to you.* Adieu, dearly
beloved friends in Christ, know that we hold you in the
depths of our heart — chained, as it were, to our love."^
Finally, in this correspondence is betrayed the secret of
those sublime sufi'erings, the disgust of life, the passing
sadness of a great mind overwhelmed by the weight of
anguish, which sometimes threw him into despair, but always
ended by changing into passionate aspirations towards heaven.
" I am cured," he wrote to the two countesses ; "I have
recovered from a serious illness beyond all hope, and I am
sorry for it. For my soul was sighing for that celestial
country where He who sees my sadness and my labour
prepares rest and refreshment for my weariness. I am
' Ep. u. 9.
2 " Per vos Ulffi mulieres olim quserentes Dominum in monumento ssepe
nobis ad memoriam redeunt ... ita vos Ecclesiam Christi quasi in
sepnlcro afiUctionis positam, prse multis, imo prse omnibus terrarum prin
cipibus, pro amore visitatis, et ut ad statum Ubertatis suse resurgat, totis
viribus connitentes," &c. — Bp. i. 85, to the Empress Agnes, who shared
with the two illustrious countesses in his eulogies and in his affiection.
' "Hsec est mulier ilia, de qua ab obtrectatoribus fidei, et conculcatori-
bus veritatis crimen incestus sancto Pontifici objiciebatur. Cui si deessent
meritorum laudes, hoc solum satis eam commendabilem redderet, quod
cum taU viro, dum exprobratur, dum convicia suscipit, dum improperia
audit, approbatur, honoratur, laudatur." — HuG. Flavin., p. 228.
¦* " Vobis rationem de factis nostris non inviti reddimus, in eodemque
quanta vis dUeotionis, qua vobis adstringimur, non alia vobis adhuc cer-
tiora signa dedimus." — Ep. i. 77.
^ "Valete in Christo, carissimse, et in nostra dilectione corde tenus vos
annexas esse scitote." — Ep. i. 11.

28 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
given back to my accustomed toils, to my ceaseless cares,
condemned to suffer daily like a mother in travail, yet with
out being able to save the Church from shipwreck." ^ To
Hugh of Cluny he addressed these words : " How many
times have I prayed to Jesus either to take me out of this
world, or to make me of use to our common mother ! and,
nevertheless. He has not yet released me from my tribula
tions, and my life has not yet been of any use to that
mother whose bonds He has willed should be chains also
for me.^ A sea of troubles encompasses me on all sides ;
the Eastern Church has deserted the Catholic faith, and the
devil already punishes her for having obeyed him, by caus
ing her children to be massacred by the barbarians, as if to
prevent their repentance. If I look to the West, to the
North, to the South, everywhere it is hard to find bishops
who are legitimate by their appointment and by their
morals ; among all secular princes I know none who prefer
God's glory to their own, and uprightness to gain. The
Romans, the Lombards, and these Normans among whom
I live, are in some ways, as I often tell them, worse than
Jews and pagans. . . . Between a daily renewed grief,
and a hope too often, alas ! disappointed, beaten by a
thousand storms, I live as always dying. I wait for Him
who has bound me with His fetters, who has carried me
back, in my own despite, to this Rome, where unwillingly
I have spent twenty years ; I cry to Him perpetually,
' Hasten, do not delay ! Set me free, for the love of the
Blessed Mary and of St. Peter.* ... If thou hadst laid
1 " Tendebat anima nostra, et toto desiderio ad illam patriam anhe-
labat, in qua IUe, qui laborem et dolorem considerat, lassis quietem et
refrigerium praestat. Verum reservat adhuc ... in singulas horas,
quasi parturientis dolores et angustias patimur, dum pene in oculis
nostris naufragantem Ecclesiam nullo valemus eripere guberuaculo." 
Bp. ii. 9.
^ "Tamen de magna tribulatione adhuc non eripuit, neque vita mea
praediota matri, cujus me catenis aUigavit, ut sperabam profuit."  Ep.
ii. 49.
3 " Circum vaUat euim me dolor immanis et tristitia universaUs

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 29
so great a burden upon Moses or upon Peter, I think it
would have overwhelmed them. How, then, will it be
with me, who, compared to them, am nothing? It must
needs be, 0 Jesus, that Thou Thyself, with Thy Peter,
guide the pontificate, or that Thou consent to see Thy ser
vant faU and the pontificate fall with him.' " ^
Happily the great Pope knew a remedy for so many
distresses : all the treasures of the spiritual life were open
to him, for he never ceased to take refuge in prayer, until
he was able to cry, "0 Jesus, Divine Consoler, true God
and true man, when Thou boldest out a hand to my misery
Thou givest me back joy ; but of myself I am ever dying,
and only find a few moments of life in Thee ! " ^
Convinced that the defeats of the good cause resulted
only from the sins of its defenders,^ Gregory VII. regarded
the prayers of pure souls as his best auxiliaries ; he begged,
therefore, those of the monks of Cluny,* those of the com
munity of Bee, and of Abbot Anselm,^ who was soon to
Romse, in qua coactus, Deo teste, jam a viginti annis inhabitavi. . . .
Inter dolorem, quse quotidie in me renovatur, et spem quse nimis, heu !
protenditur, miUe quassatus tempestatibus quoquomodo moriens vivo.
" Etenim qui me suis allegavit vinculis, et Romam invitum reduxit,
iUicque miUe angustiis praecinxit exspecto. Cui frequenter dico : Fes-
tina, ne tardaveris . . . meque libera amore B. Mariae et S. Petri." —
Ep. U. 49.
1 "Frequenter hsec vita nobis est tsedio, et mors carnis desiderio. . . .
Ad iUnm gemens clamo : Si Moysi et Petro . . . restat ergo ut aut tu
ipse cum tuo Petro pontificatum regas, aut me succumbere, et eumdem
pontificatum confundi cemas." — Ep. v. 21 ; also to Hugh.
2 " Cum pauperi Jesus, Uie pius consolator . . . manum perrigit, valde
tristem et affiictnm Isetificat ... in me quippe semper morior, sed in eo
interdum vivo, et cum viribus omnino deficio." — Ibid.
2 " Quoniam nihU in terra sine causa fit . . . quod dudum sancta Ec
clesia fluctuum proceUarumque mole concutitur, quodque tyrannioae per-
cussionis hactenus rabiem patitur, non nisi nostris peccatis exigentibus
evenire credendum est." — Bp. viii. 9, ad Germanos.
* " Precor, exoro, rogo ut eos qui merentur audiri pro vitae meritis,
rogites . . . nt pro me Deum exorent ea caritate . . . qua debent uni-
versalem diUgere matrem." — Ep. ii. 49.
^ " Credentes pro certo. . . Ecclesiam Dei . . . tuis similiumque tui

30 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
follow so gloriously in his footsteps. With what enthusiasm
does he quote words of encouragement drawn from the
Fathers, when he recommends frequent communion to the
Countess Matilda ! " One who has received a wound seeks
the remedy; our wound is sin; our remedy the divine
sacrament. As a woman is urged by nature to nourish
with her milk the child to whom she has given birth, thus
Christ constantly nourishes with His blood those to whom
He has given regeneration." ^
Whether he had, for the second time, to fulminate a
sentence against the sovereign of Germany, or whether he
felt the need of pouring out his heart in the secrecy of
correspondence, with what tender and humble confidence
did he invoke the help of the Queen of heaven ! 2 How
ardently did he pray that the salvation of Matilda might
be the special care of her whom he regarded as the highest,
the holiest, the best of protectresses, the gentlest mother
of sinners, the most ready to help them in their fall, and to
respond to their love ! *
This tender devotion to our Lady procured for him in
sickness more than one vision in which the mother of God
revealed to him, by salutary warnings, the way to perfection.*
precibus etiam ab instantibus pericuUs Christi subveuiente misericordia
posse eripi." — Inter epist. S. Anselmi, vol. ii. No. 31.
' "Qui vulnus habet, medicinam requirit. Vuhins est quia sub pec
cato sumus. . . . Sicut mulier affectionis natura cogente genitum alere
sui laotis fecunditate festinat, sic et Christus quos ipse regeuerat suo
sanguine semper enutrit."— Quotations from St. Ambrose and St. John
Chrysostom in Bp. i 47.
" See the Acts of the Councils of Rome from 1076 to 1080 ; and Ep. iv.
I, to the Germans ; vi. 14, to Duke Wolf of Bavaria ; viii. 22, to a queen ;
ix. 2, to King Alfonso of Castile, and elsewhere.
^ " De matre vero Domini, cui te principaliter commisi et committo et
nunquam committere omittam . . quanto altior et melior ac sanctior
est omni matre, tanto clementior et dulcior circa converses peccatores
et peccatrices. . . . Invenies iUam promptiorem carnali matre, et mitl-
orem in dUectione tui. . ." — Ep. i. 47, to MatUda.
^ PAUL Bernried, i. 32, 33. The Holy Virgin told him that she had
intended to caU him to the company of virgins in Paradise, but that he
had lost his right to this favour, because, when his niece visited him

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 31
This is one of the tokens and privileges of saintship which
the Chnrch commands us to recognise in Gregory VII.
Supernatural cures worked by the intercession of the
Pontiff, and other miracles, attested this saintship to his
contemporaries from his youth to his death.^ It is related,
among other facts, that while he was celebrating mass at
Monte Cassino, where he had been taken by Robert Guiscard,
towards the close of his life,^ two peasants came to look at
him. While they followed all the movements of the Pope
with ardent curiosity, suddenly one of them fell into an
ecstasy, and saw a white dove with a golden breast descend
from heaven, alight upon Gregory's right shoulder, and
spreading its wings over his head, plunge its beak into the
chalice which he had just consecrated.^ The thrice-repeated
apparition of St. Peter to this same peasant induced him to
relate his vision to Gregory himself, in order to excite him
to persevere in his work by the aid of the Holy Spirit.*
The Pope, amidst the burden of secular affairs, coming from
all corners of the world, had sometimes ecstasies which de
livered him for the moment from his load, and transported
him in fancy to the bosom of Paradise. When he was able
during a severe illness, he had asked the young girl, while playing with
her necklace, when she meant to marry. " Ut nepti animse suas super
segritudine sua levigaret, monUia ejusdem manu tenens, an nubere vellet
requisivit." 1 " Signa etiam et prodigia, quae per orationes papffi frequeutius fie
bant, et zelus ejus ferventissimus pro Deo et Ecclesiasticis legibus, satis
eum contra venenatas detractorum linguas communiebant." — Lambert.
ScHAiTir., ann. 1077. Cf. Paul Bernried, u. 7 and 35.
^ This is the version giveu by Baronius in the Chron. of Monte Cassino,
b. iu. c. 54. Paul Bernried, i;. 30, places the miracle at the Lateran, and
the date immediately after the accession ofthe Pope.,
' " Duo rustici, non improbabili curiositate ducti. . . . Alter eorum, velut
in extasin raptus, vidit columbam, de coelo descendere humeroque dextro
Gregoru insidentem aUs extensis caput ejus velare, complete canone . . •
caUci rostrum, ut sibi visum est, immisit." — Paul Bbrneied, i. c. " Vir
quidam, Johaimes nomine livei coloris columbam, cujus guttur videbatur
esse aureum. . . ." — Pbtr. Diac, i, c.
^ "Vade, quantooius auribus Papse hoo ipsum intimate, ut constanter
vigore S. Spiritus coeptum opus peragat." — Ibid.

32 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
to enjoy some hours of solitude, celestial visions came im
mediately to temper and refresh his soul.^ These super
natural privileges changed in no way the humility which
formed, as it were, the very groundwork of his character,
but which never hindered his efiforts to merit heaven. The
Pontiff's fervent devotion sought eagerly that gift of tears
accompanying prayer, which, as contemporary historians
attest, was so dear to medieval piety .^ We must add, as a
last touch to the moral portrait of the great Pope, that he
shrank from none of the minute penances of cloistral life ;
that having mounted the pontifical throne, he kept his
body in subjection by fasts, vigils, and the use of discipline,
like the lowest of monks ; * and that this hero, this giant
among the soldiers of the faith, this conqueror, whose name
has filled the world, had learned to rule his will, and even
his most innocent inclinations, to the point of depriving
himself of certain vegetables — such as pears and onions —
because he took too much pleasure in eating them.* Thus
it must not be forgotten that it is not only a great man but
a great saint that Catholics venerate in Gregory VII. It
is not enough to admire and bless his memory ; we have a
right also to implore and to claim his intercession with God,
For his name, after having shone with unequalled splendour
in the pages of history, has been inscribed by the Church in
that most glorious book ever given to man to write — in the
Martyrology.^ ^ " In ipsis saecularibus negotiis ssepius excessit mente, exhilaiato spiritu
suo ccelesti contemplatione : qui si privatus interdum existeret, revelationi-
bus etiam divinis jucundatus est et confortatus." — Vit. S. Anselm. Lucens.,
c. 3, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 473.
'^ Paul Bernried, cc. 32 and 33.
2 " Completis itaque duarum hebdomadarum vigiliis, jejunio et corporal!
disciplina." — Paul Beeneied, c. 32, ap. Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix.
^ It is St. Peter Damianus who teUs us this in a letter addressed to
Gregory : " Ipse mihi nuper confessus es quoniam ideo te f unditus pur-
rorum sive coeparum perceptione compescis, quia videlicet his acuminibus
uberius delectaris." — Opusc. 33, c. i.
^ This is how he is mentioned in the Eoman Martyrology : "Salerni;

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 33
To one who studies the course of centuries from a Catholic
point of view, it signifies much less to note the material
successes of the Church, than to make clear the ever-abiding
presence of the supernatural power of faith, the triumph of
Christian opinion, the maintenance of the soul's dignity and
purity, in the great events and great representatives of her
history. Nowhere is this delight of the faithful heart more
complete than in reading the life of Gregory VII. In him,
indeed, reached its highest point the divine independence of
the soul bought by the blood of a God as opposed to the
powers of the world and the devil. And we do not fear to
affirm that it is this, above all, which is to be noted in that
famous interview at Canossa, where the young and splendid
representative^ of imperial power, and of the greatest lay
sovereignty of Europe, was forced to prostrate himself in all
the humility of Christian penance before a little old man of
low birth ^ who governed the Church of God. Certain
recent apologists of the papacy have wished to see in this
the triumph of the Southem race over the Northern, which
had so long been the oppressor, of civilisation over the bar
barous world, of intelligence over material force. But why
should we suffer a false and profane pride to lessen the true
majesty of such a spectacle ? . . . Let us dare to say that
this was a victory independent of all questions of race, of
time, or earthly rivalries, — a victory such as the Church has
won by thousands, though with less brilliancy — such as the
lowest of priests or the most ignorant of monks may still
gain every day ; — that is to say, a victory of humility over
deposUio Beati Gregorii papce septimi Ecclesiasticos libertatis propugnatoris ac
defensoris acerrimi."
1 Henry IV. was then twenty-six years of age : "In turba procerum
coeteris eminentior et major seipso videbatur . . in vultu terribUe quod
dam decus prseferebat." — Alberti Lbodibns. epist. de Vit. Henr. IV., ap.
GrOLDASTi, Apolog., pro Imp.
2 " Homuncio exUis staturse." — Will. Malm., De gestis reg., b. iii. p. 60.
" Quanquam statura pusUlus esset." — Labb., Concil., Vit. Gregorii VIL,
vol. xii. p. 230, ed. Coletti.
VOL. VI. C

34 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
pride, of a vigorous and upright conscience over violence
for a moment disarmed, of the soul obedient to God over
rebellious human nature, of Christian duty over earthly
passion ; in a word, a victory of all those supernatural powers
which eternally constitute the divine independence of the
Church over all the cunning and all the violence of her
enemies. In his lifetime Gregory knew little success, except of a
purely spiritual kind ; and this he bought at the cost of
trials and disappointments the hardest and most bitter, and
which were constantly repeated till the end of his days. He
foresaw this, and accepted it beforehand : " If I had been
willing," he often said, "to let the princes and great ones
of the world reign by the guidance of their passions ; if I
had been silent when I saw them trample under foot God's
justice ; if, at the peril of their souls and of mine, I had
concealed their crimes ; if I had not had righteousness and
the honour of the holy Church at heart, ah ! ... I might
better have counted upon submission, wealth, repose, and
homage more surely than could any of my predecessors.
But knowing that a bishop is never more a bishop than
when he is persecuted for right's sake, I resolved to brave
the hatred of the wicked by obeying God rather than pro
voke His anger by guilty complaisance towards them. As
to their threats and their cruelty, I pay no regard to them
being always ready to die rather than consent to partake of
their iniquity and betray the good cause." ^
1 "Si principibus et divitibus terrae vestraj regnare pro Ubidine et
justitiam Dei couculcare taciti consentire vellemus, profecto amicitias
munera, subjectiones, laudem, et magnificas ab eis honorificentias habere
possemus."— Ep. ii. 12, to the Bishop of Halberstadt. "Peccatorem me
esse, sicut verum est, confiteri minime piget. Verum si causa odii vel
detraotionis eorum qui in nos fremuut, subtUiter investigetur, profecto
non tam alicujus iniquitatis meae intuitu, quam ex veritatis assertione,
injustitiseque contradictione, iUos in nos exarcisse patebit. Quorum
quidem servitia et largissima munera, nos satis abundantius multis ante-
cessoribus nostris habere potuimus, si ad periculum iUorum et nostrum
veritatem silere, malitiamque ipsorum dissimulare maluissemus. At nos

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 35
Gregory kept his word to the end, as is testified by his
last utterance on his bed of death at Salerno, 2 Sth May
1085, the day of St. Urban, Pope and martyr. "My
beloved brothers," he said to the cardinals and bishops who
surrounded him, " I account my trials as nothing, and place
my confidence in one thing only — that is, that I have
always loved righteousness and hated iniquity ; yet it is
for this that I die in exile." ^ To which a bishop answered :
" My lord, you cannot die in exile, for, as the representative
of Christ and His apostles, you have received the nations
as your inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for
your possession."^
The bishop was right ; Gregory's was no exile. His was
a death worthy of such a champion, the seal of a victory
which posterity alone could value rightly; for we may
boldly affirm that he would have chosen well even if he
had not foreseen the earthly triumph of his cause. Even
if he had been vanquished, even if he gathered no fruit of
his courage but defeat and exile, his glory would not have
been lessened. But he succeeded ; and the annals of the
certe (ex hujus vitae termino et temporalium commodorum qualitate) per-
pendentes nunquam melius quanquam posse Episcopum nominari, quam
quum persecutiouem patitur propter justitiam, decrevimus potius divinis
mandatis obtemperando pravorum inimicitias incurrere, quam illis male
placendo iram Dei provocare." — Ep. ix. 2, to the King of CastUe. "Tu
ipse, amande frater, cognoscis quia si nos amor justitiae et honoris Ec
clesiae non teneret . . . nuUus aliquando antecessorum meorum . . .
tam amplum et devotum servitium . . . habere potuerunt. Verum
quoniam iUorum minas et ssevitiam pro nihilo ducimus, magis, si necesse
erit, mortem suscipere parati erimus, quam impietatibus eorum assen
sum prffibere aut justitiam reUnquere." — Ep. ix. 11, to the Abbot of
Monte Cassino.
1 " Ego, fratres mei dUectissimi, nullos labores meos aUcujus momenti
facio, in hoc solummodo confidens quia semper dilexi justitiam et odi-
iniquitatem, propterea morior in exUio."— Part of the phrase is borrowed
from Psalm xliv.
2 "Quidam venerabilis episcopus: Non potes, Domine, mori in exilio,
qui vice Christi et apostolorum ejus divinitus accepisti gentes haeredita-
tem et possessionem terminos terrae."— Paul Bbrneied, Vit. Gregor., 12,
ap, BoUand., p. 140.

36 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
most remarkable earthly contests have guarded the memory
of no success more complete and durable than his. He
found the Church degraded within, enslaved without; he
at once purified and freed her. Thanks to him, the mar
riage of the clergy, at the moment when it was about to
become a general law, disappeared ; and this principle, so
vulnerable in all men commissioned to teach the truth, has
never been seriously attacked since his time : he made celi
bacy the imperishable heritage of the Catholic priesthood.
Thanks to him, simony was solemnly proscribed, and though
constantly disguising herself under a thousand perfidious
shapes, has been completely extirpated from the bosom of
the Church. Thanks to him, but only after fifty years of a
war begun by his decrees and directed by his genius, the
institution of bishops, the true basis of ecclesiastical govern
ment, ceased to be confounded with lay investiture ; above
all, thanks to him, the independence of pontifical elections,
annulled during two centuries by imperial usurpation, was
guaranteed for all time.^
After his pontificate, the consent of the emperors was
neither asked nor even offered, but he left to his successors
a throne which they might mount without any human
power daring to enervate and discredit their authority by
claiming to control it. He left them yet more — the most
magnificent example of that mysterious and immortal force,
always ignored by persecutors, because veiled under the
sacred weakness of the Church, which survives them all,
' "Ita plane persecutionibus indesiuentibus, diversi generis aerumnis,
atque ssepe csedibus sacerdotum multo felicius paritur Ecclesise pax,
libertas acquiritur atque confirmatur Ecclesiastica, et salus quaeritur
animarum. Sic sacerdotes suos pugnare et vincere Christus docuit
cujus passionibus et infirmitatibus robur ac fortitudo, ac morte denique
vita est fidelibus comparata. Mentiar nisi ista jam experimento rerum
praesentium monstrari possint, per Gregorium nempe vindicatas e man
ibus principum Ecclesiarum investituras, liberam electionem Eomanorum
pontificum postliminio restitutans, disciplinam Ecclesiasticam collapsam
penitus reparatam, et alia immunera bona parta." — Baronius Ann. ad.
ann. 1085.

ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE 37
which they never provoke with impunity, and which always
flashes out at the most unforeseen moment, to confound
their cunning and exhaust their violence. In all these
things Gregory VII. triumphed, and his triumph has lasted
to our days. The only point where his work has not en
dured, although continued with equal courage and constancy
by his successors through three centuries, — the only point
where the future has not completely justified him, — has
been in the establishment of the power of supreme arbitra
tion between kings and people \ — a power which the greatest
minds have always desired and admired, and which he
believed that he drew honestly from the example of his
predecessors, from the unanimous consent of Christian
nations, and from the political and religious constitution of
the society of his time. But he never pretended to bind
the conscience of Christians by any solemn decree ^ on the
subject of this power, which might be a benefit for temporal
society, bnt was not absolutely necessary either to the
authority or liberty of the Church. After having willingly
recognised and invoked it, first kings, and then their
subjects, thought well to refuse the maternal jurisdiction
which the Church has now for a long time ceased to exercise
or even to claim : kings have shaken ofif the yoke of those
ideas and beliefs which rendered them amenable to the
Church ; but as all earthly sovereignty needs a bridle —
and, thanks to heaven, this bridle will never be wanting —
others have set themselves up as judges of princes. As to
the nations, they have united, in agreement with their
masters, to overthrow the barrier which the Church had
raised between the weak and the strong, and we are assured
that it is a happiness and a progress for the whole of
^ Henry IV. of France and Leibnitz. See the latter's remarkable opinion
in his Tractatus dejure swprematus, quoted by Gosselin, pp. 471 and 511 ;
and his Lettres d, M. Grimaret.
2 This is acknowledged by Fleury himself : Discours sur I'histoire
que, from A.D. 600 to iioo ; 9, 18.

38 ST. GREGORY, MONK AND POPE
society to have silenced that grand voice which spoke so
loudly to monarch and to subject. Is it so in truth ? The
scaffold of Louis XVI., the partition of Poland, and the
French Revolution, may bear witness for the one and for
the other what they have gained by it.

BOOK XX
THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.

" Omnis pontifex ex hominibus assumptus, pro hominibus constituitur
in iis quffi sunt ad Deum, ut offerat dona et sacrificia pro peccatis : qui
condolere possit iis qui ignorant et errant, quoniam et ipse circumdatus
est infirmitate." — ILaiBR. v. i, 2.

CHAPTEE I
VICTOR III., URBAN II. , PASCAL II., AND GELASIUS II.
Robert Guiscard and Anselm of Lucca soon follow Gregory VII. to the
tomb. — Abbot Didier, of Monte Cassino, appointed Pope' under the
name of Victor III. — Heroism of the Countess Matilda. — Norman
princes in SicUy remain faithful to the Holy See. — Freuch monks
assist in the Catholic restoration of Spain. — Henry IV. defeated at
Bleichsseld, August lo, io86. — Death of Burkhard, Bishop of Halber
stadt. — Henry IV. rejects the offer of peace made by the Catholic
princes. — Beautiful letter of the Couut of Thuringia to the Arch
bishop of Magdeburg. — Manegald, the monk, reconciles Alsace with
the Holy See. — Unsuitable marriage of Countess Matilda to Duke
Welf. — Urban II. restores the Sicilian churches, and makes that of
Pisa metropoUtan. — St. Bruno founds the Order of Carthusians. — His
death. — The Lombard towns take up arms against Henry IV. — Great
distress of the Pope, who is succoured by Geoffrey of Anjou. — Public
confession of the Empress Adelaide at the Council of Placentia.
Geegoet died at Salerno, on the day of St. Urban, pope
and martyr (25th May 1085). They buried him beside
the relics of St. Matthew the apostle and evangelist, for
whom he had always had a special veneration. He was
mourned by the poor,'' the monks,^ the Normans,^ and all
who had been his allies before God and man. Robert
' " De cujus obitu omnes reUgiosi utriusque sexus, et maxime pauperes,
doluerunt." — Berth. Const., Chron., ad ann. 1085.
2 " Nunc monachi flerunt, monachus quia noscitur esse.''
— DOMNIZO, in Math., ii. 3.
' " Dux uon se lacrymis audita forte coercet
Morte viri tanti : non mors patris amplius illum
Cogeret ad lacrymas. . . .
. . . Quia magnus amoris
Vivere dum licuit, nexus conjunxerat Ulos," &c.
— Guill. Apulibns., b. v. p. 277, ap. Murat.

42 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
Guiscard, who had loved him as a son, with a constant and
dutiful love, died a few months after him,'' at the end of a
victorious campaign against the Greek schismatics. He
was buried, as befitted a champion of his time and his race,
in a Benedictine abbey which he had founded at Venusia,^
This great blow did not shake the cause of the Church.
Gregory, in dying, did not leave an empire to be shared
among his lieutenants : he had founded, in the breast of
Christendom, a spirit henceforth imperishable ; he had
taught all Catholics, all pure and generous hearts, to ally
themselves against traitors and oppressors ; he had created
of these chosen ones an army which might be often defeated,
but would never be annihilated. Thus the death of this
great man brought about no triumph for his enemies, no
defection among the champions of the Church.
Meanwhile the dangers remained unaltered, and the
human means of opposing them were insignificant. The
death of Robert Guiscard seemed to expose the new-born
sovereignty of the Normans to the dangers of a divided
succession. Rome was, in fact, in the hands of the im
perialists ; in Germany the Catholic party had but an
inefficient head in its elected king, Hermann of Luxemburg.
The first need of the Church was to find a worthy successor
for Gregory VII. He had, on his deathbed, named four
monks as candidates, whose zeal and courage he had known
how to value : first, Didier, Abbot of Monte Cassino ; then
Hugh, Abbot of Cluny ; Odo, a monk of the same mon
astery, Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia ; and Anselm, also a monk
of the rule of Cluny, and Bishop of Lucca.*
For the first time then, for several centuries, the bishops
and cardinals were able to proceed to the election of the
supreme pontifif without regard to the imperial power, and
^ At Cephalonia, July 17, 1085. Robert had distinguished himself, as
became a Norman knight and aUy of St. Gregory VII., by great liberaUty
towards Monte Cassino.
2 Historia Roberti Guiscardi, ed. Champollion, p. 320. 1835.
' Leo Ostibns., b. iU. c. 64.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 43
thus to put a definitive seal to Gregory's great victory.
Obedient to his voice and to his dying wish, the prelates
chose the Abbot of Monte Cassino ; and in spite of Didier's
absolute refusal, they undertook, in agreement with the
Norman princes, to oblige him to accept their election.
This resolution was fortified by the death of the holiest of
the candidates for the papacy — of Anselm of Lucca — to
whom Gregory, when dying, had bequeathed his mitre, as a
presage of the future.'' Anselm, the minister and confessor
of the Great Countess, had been, after Hildebrand, the chief
support of the orthodox in Italy ; his benediction urged on
the soldiers of Matilda to victory^ — his holiness attached
them to duty, by conquering worldly passions in their
hearts ; * and his zeal for ecclesiastical regularity forced him
to declare that it would be better for the Church to have
neither clergy nor monks than to have irregular ones.* The
example and affection of Gregory had alone been able to
console Anselm for ha'ving to abandon his monastic retreat
and face the storms of the world.^ Deprived of such a
guide and friend, Anselm felt the sources of his life dry up,
and he quickly followed to heaven. He died at Mantua,
I Sth March, exhorting the cardinals, bishops, and knights
gathered round his bed, to remain always faithful to the
doctrine of the blessed Gregory, whose last words he de-
1 "Die moriens mitram capitis sui transmisit isti, quasi potestatem
suam ligandi et solvendi, sed et miraculi, credo faciendi." — Act. SS. 0. B.
ix. 481. He died on i8th March 1086 ; he was nephew of Pope Alex
ander II.
" Act. SS. 0. £., vol. ix. p. 479.
' "Milites domus iUius, etsi nimium sseculares, in ilium tamen res-
pexerunt omnes, plus ipsum quam naturalem dominam metueutes." —
Ibid., p. 481.
* " Se maUe ut in Bcclesia nullus esset vel clericus vel monachus, quam
irregularis et irreligiosus." — Ibid.
5 " Dum vitam rememoravit monasticam, quam se crebro deflevit amis-
isse, consolatus in eodem magistro est." — Ibid., p. 482.
' "IUe fons erat: hic quasi rivus bonus ab iUo fluebat et aridam irri-
* gabat. IUe ut caput . . . iste, quasi manus studiosa . . . iste sicut
sol. . . ."^—Vita, c. 26.

44 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
lighted to repeat : "I have loved righteousness and hated
iniquity ; therefore I die in exile." ^
Monks and bishops disputed for the body of him who
had done equal honour to the cloister ^ and the episcopate ;
schismatics rejoiced in his death.* But the Church was not
quite widowed of his virtues and his courage, for the mir
acles wrought at his tomb inspired in Cathohc Italy new
energy for the struggle with imperial tyranny.*
The voices of the faithful pointed unanimously to Didier,
the antecedents of whose life offered all the guarantees
desirable. Sprung from the blood of the ancient Lombard
princes of Beneventum,® and nearly related to those of
Salerno, he had early triumphed over all the seductions of
the world. At twenty years of age, renouncing the brilliant
marriage which his parents had provided for him as the
only hope of their race, he one day left his servants, his
horses, and his sword at the door of a church, and escaping
by a private entrance, went to hide himself in a hermitage.*
Dragged from this retreat, he resisted the tears of his
mother and the violence of his family; and the Prince of
Salerno conducted him — surrounded by all his relations and
1 "Post omnia, dilexi justitiam," &c. — Vita, c. 32.
" Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, would not leave his body to the Abbey of
Padolirone, where he had chosen his burial-place, because it was a de
pendency of Cluny, where he had been a monk.
^ "De cujus vere tristantur morte fldeles, schismatici gaudent." —
DOMNIZO. ^ " Fideles S. Petri contra tyrannidem Henrici adhuc in carne 'vivens
multum incita'sdt, sed multo plus post obitum suum miraculis coruscans,
eosdem contra eumdem persistere conforta-nt." — Bernold. ad ann. 1086.
" MiracuUs approbat quod sermone docebat. Omnes ergo qui in unitate
cathoUca prseceptis domni paps Gregorii hactenus obedistis, gaudete et
exsiUtate." — Vita S. Anselmi, c. 27.
^ " Ex nobilissima Beneveutanorum principum origine sanguinis lineam
ducens." — Leo Ost., Chron. Cass., iu. i.
* " Quadam die . . . quasi spatiandi gratia civitatem egressi . . . equos
et gladium, quo tunc erat accinctus, famuUs pro foribus veluti servanda
relinquunt . . . puer tam nobilis, tam delicatus, tam dives, et prsecipue
parentibus singularis." — Ibid., iii. c. 2.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 45
the whole town, touched by so great a sacrifice — to the
monastery of St. Sophia, which he had chosen as his retreat.^
Being afterwards transferred to Monte Cassino, Didier there
succeeded Pope Stephen IX. as abbot, and for twenty-eight
years governed the greatest abbey in the world with a
wisdom beyond comparison.
The vast labours of this holy monk for the restoration
and embellishment of his famous monastery, had excited
general admiration.^ Though his father had fallen by the
Norman sword, Didier was able to live in friendship with
Richard and Robert Guiscard, the leaders in the new con
quest of Sicily, and to exercise the most salutary influence
over them. His relations with Henry IV. were marked
with the double stamp of moderation and courage. The
emperor, following the example of his predecessors, claimed
a special right to the adhesion of the imperial abbey of
Monte Cassino, and summoned the abbot to come and swear
faith and homage to him. Didier obeyed the summons to
avert greater evils, but declared that he would take no oath,
either to save the abbey or to earn the greatest honours in
the world. He urged, also, that Henry had not yet
received the imperial crown ; and that even when he
should have done so, he, Didier, might reserve to him
self liberty to choose between resignation and the oath
demanded.^ The pious abbot only promised to aid Henry to become a
legitimate emperor ; and when they opposed to him a pre
tended diploma of Nicholas IL, by which it was stipulated
that no pope should be elected without the imperial consent,
^ Ch/ron. Cass., iii. c. 5.
2 We have spoken of this in the preceding book, where the reader may
see the detaUs given by Leo of Ostia and Peter Diaconus in b. iii. of
Chron. Cassin.
^ "Se non modo pro abbatia, sed nee pro honore totius mundi id minime
esse facturum. . . . Cum Romani imperU coronam eum habere vidisset,
tunc si sibi videretur, abbatiam ab ipso reciperet, si vero noUet dimitteret."
— Chron. Cass., Hi. 50.

46 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
he replied that " the Roman Church was mistress and not
servant ; that she was superior to all ; that no one had the
right to sell her as a slave ; that, if it had been possible for
Pope Nicholas to execute the act of which they spoke, he
would have committed an injustice and a folly ; and that it
was as impossible to allow that the dignity of the Church
could have been compromised by the foolishness of a man
without the good pleasure of God, as to believe that a Ger
man king could ever in future he permitted to institute a pope
at Bome." ^
An imperialist bishop having replied to these words, that
such language, if heard beyond the Alps, would raise the
whole world against Didier, the latter declared that, " even
if the whole universe should league together against him,
nothing would make him change his opinion. No doubt the
emperor, with God's permission, may have his way for a time,
and do 'violence to ecclesiastical right ; but he will never
bring Catholics to sanction his deed."^
The man who thus avowed the principles proclaimed and
maintained by Hildebrand, was clearly the one who was
fittest to succeed him in the throne of St. Peter.
^ " Apostolica enim sedes domina nostra est, non anciUa . . . ut eam
aliquis quasi famulam vendat. Quod si hoo a Nicolao papa factum est,
injuste procul dubio et stultissime factum est ; nee pro humana stultitia
potest aut debet amittere suam dignitatem Bcclesia . . . neo, Deo volente,
amplius fiet ut Eex Alemannorum Papam constituat Eomanorum." — Chron.
Cass., iii. I.
" " Potest quidem imperator ad tempus, si tamen permiserit Deus, prae
valere, et vim Ecclesiasticae justitiae inferre ; nostrum tamen consensum
ad hoc nunquam poterit iuclinare." — Ibid. It does not appear that Didier
ever had any other relations with Henry ; yet Stentzel, with the usual
good faith of Protestants, does not fear to aflSrm that his conduct was
always equivocal, and opposed to the party of Gregory VII. The only
trace of disagreement between the two pontiffs is fouud in the interdict
which Gregory laid upon Monte Cassino to punish Didier for having
allowed a Norman prince to carry off the treasure which was kept
there. — Ibid., iii. 46. The nomination of Didier by Gregory on
his deathbed, shows that he had completely forgiven this act of
weakness.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 47
After a year of interregnum, being sent to Rome to supply
the needs ofthe Church at the Pentecost of 1086, Didier
became the object of the most ardent solicitations, and even
violence, from the cardinals, clergy, and Catholics of Rome,
who were determined to have him for pope.^ But it was in
vain that they knelt before him, weeping and imploring him
not to abandon the Chnrch to shipwreck ; ^ the holy man
replied, that being vowed to a solitary life, he wished to
finish his pilgrimage as a monk, and pointed out to the
suffrages of his colleagues the monk Odo, Cardinal-Bishop
of Ostia. But as the Abbot of Monte Cassino was the only
one whom the electors desired, they, driven to extremity,
dragged him to the church of St. Lucia,^ where, having pro
claimed him under the name of Victor IIL, they succeeded
in clothing him with the red cope, which was then part of
the insignia of the papacy.* But, four days afterwards, the
newly-elected pope fled from Rome ; laid aside, at Terracina,
all marks of pontifical dignity ; and took refuge in his abbey,
as he had abeady sworn to those who laid violent hands on
him that he would do. There he remained a whole year,
firmly resisting all the supplications of the faithful, until he
was forced to surrender,® overcome by the urgency of the
Norman princes, Jordan and Roger,* of Censius the prefect,
and a part of the Roman nobles, who threw themselves at
his feet at the Council of Capua. On Palm Sunday, 1087,
1 "Et Eomani omnes qui in fide catholici gregis perdurabant . . . epis
copi et cardinales una cum clero et populo." — Chron. Cass., iii. c. 66.
2 "Multotiens ad genua ejus, nonnuUis lacrymantibus, omnes pariter
rnentes." — Ibid.
3 " In Desiderii duritiam stomachantes . . . statuerunt -Tiolenter causam
perficere. . . . Uno consensu et animo Ulum capientes, invitum et reniten-
tem attrahunt." — Ibid.
* "Cappam quidem rubeam induebat, albam vero nunquam ei potuerunt
induere." — Lbid.
5 '•• Tandem cum dux et princeps . . . &c., flentes ejus pedibus adjaoerent
. . . coactus vix succubuit." — Lbid., c. 68.
6 Jordan was son of Richard, flrst Norman Prince of Capua ; and Eoger,
the only son of Robert Guiscard.

48 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
the Normans brought the pontifif to Rome, and chased the
partisans of the anti-Pope Guibert from the church of St.
Peter, where the orthodox pope was consecrated and installed.
Eight days after his consecration, the friend of Gregory VII.,
already consumed by the malady which was soon to carry
him off, returned to his monastery, but was almost immedi
ately recalled to Rome by the Countess Matilda, who came
to salute the successor of the great pope, whom she had so
nobly defended. This famous princess, daughter of Marquis
Boniface of Tuscany, and widow of Duke Godfrey of Lorraine,
was, for ten years, the sole ruler of Tuscany, Lombardy, and
Liguria, the vast domains of which her mother Beatrice, at
her death, had left her the administration.^ During more
than half a century these two illustrious women gave to the
ser'sdce of the Church not only their power and their soldiers,
but also a most masculine vigour, tempered by profound
humility. Beatrice, who asked that on her tomb, before
' The Sunday after Ascension, 9th May.
^ Beatrice, daughter of Frederic, Duke of Upper Lorraine, and of
MatUda of Suabia, sister-in-law of the Bmperor Conrad II., was descended
on both sides from the blood of Charlemagne ; in 1036 she married Boni
face of Tuscany, by whom she had the great Countess Matilda, and who
left her the enjoyment of his States. In 1063 she married Godfrey with
the Beard, Duke of Lorraine, whose death we have elsewhere related, and
who strongly opposed the imperial supremacy both in Germany and in
Italy, and rendered important services to Popes Nicholas II. and Alex
ander II., although he has beeu suspected of haviug been led by views
of personal ambition foreign to the noble nature of his wife and step
daughter. Godfrey had, by a former marriage, one son, Godfrey the Hunch
back, whom he and Beatrice married in 1065 to Matilda, born in 1046, and
now become, by the early death of her brother, the sole heir of Marquis
Boniface. This double alliance, between Godfrey 'with the Beard and
Beatrice on one hand, and their chUdren Godfrey the Hunchback and
Matilda on the other, was of the utmost importance to the independence
of the Church, since it united in the same hands distant States, such as
Lorraine and Tuscany, one of which gave access to Germany, and the
other formed a centre of resistance to the imperial power iu Italy. But
the conjugal union of Matilda and the second Godfrey turned out Ul ; the
prince allied himself with Henry IV., and died assassinated in 1076. — See
Dissert, on Beatrice and Matilda in Muratori and St. Marc, History of Ltaly,
vol. iv. pp. 1298-1315.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 49
all her other titles, should be inscribed that of sinner,^ was
worthy to be the mother of Matilda, all whose public docu
ments commenced thus : " I, Matilda, by the grace of God
what I am," &c.^ Beautiful, accomplished, learned even,
for her time, especially in languages,^ yet excelling priests
or bishops in piety,* the countess commanded the respect
and admiration of her contemporaries. Nearly all North
Italy was subject to her.^ Her strict justice placed a salu
tary check on the small tyrants who sheltered their violence
under the imperial flag.* Round her, as in a tranquil har
bour, bishops, monks, and Catholics, of all ranks and of all
countries, exiled or despoiled by German oppression, found a
refuge ; she often fed and clothed them with her own hands.^
^ " Quamvis peccatrix, sum domna vocata Beatrix.
In tumulo missa jaceo quse comitissa."
In the Campo Sauto of Pisa is stUl seen the mausoleum, whioh bears this
inscription, " encore plus grossi^re que simple," as says the GalUean phUo
sopher St. Marc. — Hist, d'ltalie.
^ Mathitdis, Dei gratia id quod sum, or si quid est, or quidquid est."
' " Russi, Saxones, Guascones atque Frisones,
Arverui, Franci, Lotharingi quoque, Britanni
Hanc tantum noscunt, quod ei sua plurima poscunt . . .
Omnibus ex istis equites habet alta Mathildis.
Responsum cunctis haec dat sine murmure turbis . .
Haec Apices dictat, scit teutonicam bene linguam ;
Hsec loquitur quin francigeuamque loquelam. . . .
Libros ex cunctis habet artibus atque flguris. . . ."
— DOMNizo, b. ii., Prol. and c. 20.
^ " Ista sacerdotes de Christi vincit amore . . .
NuUus ea praesul studiosior invenietur. . . ." — Ibid.
^ " Ad instar fortissimi principis totam terram illam suo dominio sub-
jugavit." — Chr. Ursperg., ad ann. 1125.
^ " Stabant o quanti crudeles atque tyranni
Sub specie justa, noscentes hanc fore justam I "
— DoMNizo, infine.
' " Catholicis prorsus fuit haec tutus quasi portus.
Nam quos damnabat rex, pellebat, spoliabat
Pontifices, monachos, clericos, Italos, quoque Gallos ;
Ad vivum fontem currebant funditus omnes.
Scilicet ad dictam dominam tam mente benignam . . .
Vestibus e sacris multos haec nota ducatrix
Patres catholicos vestisse quidem reminisoor." — Ibid., U. 4.
VOL. VI. D

so THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
She herself, with knightly courage, led her soldiers to battle
against the enemies of the Church,^ for she hated them with
the perfect hatred spoken of by the Psalmist.^ Alone in
Italy, until the definite alliance of the Normans with the
Church was concluded, she succeeded in resisting Henry IV.,
defeating his artifices, and triumphing over his military
enterprises.* It was at her residence at Canossa, and in her
presence, that unrighteous power, personified in Henry IV.,
was for a moment prostrated before the justice and the
majesty of the Church. Associated with the glory* and
the virtues of Gregory, she was associated also in the calum
nies invented against the holy pontiff by ignoble adversaries,
on account of the affection which existed between her and
him.^ Time cleared away this ignominy, and Matilda con
tinued to the Church, widowed of her great shepherd, the
same love she had sho'wn to Gregory. She came to support,
with her authority and her respect, the newly-elected pope,
' " Oblita sexus, nee dispar antiquis Amazonibus, ferrata virorum
agmina in beUmn agebat foemina." — Will. Malmbs., de Gest. reg., b. iii.
" Nullum fere periculum metuebat. . . . Quisnam potentum unquam,
ut ilia, deduxit exercitum." — Vit. S. Anselm., c. i8, in Act. SS. 0. B.,ix.
477-479. 2 " Perfecto utique odio oderat exoommuuicatos." — Ibid. " Perfecto
odio oderam illos." — Psalm cxxx'yiii. 22.
^ " Sola resistit ei Mathildis filia Petri,
Eex exardescens contra quam concitat enses."
— DoMNizo, ii. I.
"Inventa est sola atque unica dux et marchionissa Mathilda in fide
permanens . . . pap» Gregorio obediens, totam se suae tradidit disposi
tioni . . . cui iu remissionem datur ut, sicut altera Debora, populum
judicet, mUitiam peragat." — Vit. S. Anselm. , Act. SS. 0. B., ix. 474, 475.
" Sola enim tunc temporis inventa est inter foeminas, quae regis potentiam
aspernata sit, quse calliditatibus ejus et potentiae etiam bellico certamine
obviaverit." — Hug. Plaviniac, ap. Pagi, 1199.
* " Gregorium papam, cui servit ut altera Martha." — Domn. loe. cit.
^ " Haec est muUer ilia de qua ab obtrectatoribus fidei et conoulcator-
ibus veritatis crimen incestus Sancto Pontifici objiciebatur. Cui .si dees
sent meritorum laudes, hoc satis eam commendabilem redderet, quod
cum taU 'viro dum exprobratur, dum con-ricia suscipit, dum improperia
audit, approbatur, honoratur, laudatur." — Hug. Flavin., loc. cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. Si
as became one who, the moment she was mistress of her
person and her states, had made the Roman Church her
sole heir.^
Thanks to the army of the princess,^ the partisans of the
legitimate pope were able to snatch from the schismatics
all Rome right of the Tiber, comprising Castle St. Angelo,
St. Peter's, and also the island in the Tiber situated in the
inidst of the city. It was there that Victor established his
residence, and received the homage of almost the whole
Roman nobility.^ But a new revolt broke out, on the eve
of the festival of St. Peter, among the numerous population
which remained attached to the imperial cause and to the
anti-Pope Guibert. It prevented Victor from celebrating
the feast of the Holy Apostle, and obliged him to return to
Monte Cassino, the crosier of which abbey he had deter
mined to retain as long as he lived. This holy house, after
having been the cradle of monasticism, was to serve, for a
while, as asylum and true See to the papacy, so gravely
endangered by the tumultuous disturbance of the Roman
people. Reality is here in harmony with a vision which is
said to have appeared to certain pilgrims. These strangers
were journeying to Monte Cassino, when they encountered
a venerable old man, who was no other than the Apostle
Peter, and who told them that he was going to take refuge
with his brother Benedict, on account of the troubles of
the apostolic city.*
Tranquil in the retirement of his monastery, and supported
on one side by the Normans, and on the other by Matilda,
^ By her first donation, made in 1077, and repeated in her second deed
in 1 102. Her mother and husband had both died in the previous year,
and she had no chUdren.
^ " A comitissa et ejus exercitu." — Chron. Cass., iii. 68. "... Auxilio
et ope comitissae. . . ."
•¦ " Omnem psene nobUium coetum." — Ihid.
* " Canonicum seuem. Percoutautibus quis esset : Petrum apostolum
se esse respondit. . . . Ad fratrem Benedictum proficiscor, ut cum Ulo
passionis meae celebrem diem. Romae quippe consistere nequeo, quia
Bcclesia mea diversis proceUis agitatur."— /Sici.

52 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
the new pope thought it wise to send against the external
enemies of the Church all the Catholic forces at his disposal.
He assembled an Italian army, chiefly of Pisans and Genoese;
gave them the banner of St. Peter ; and despatched them to
Africa, for the purpose of there repressing the excesses of
the Saracens, and also, no doubt, in order to effect a favour
able diversion on the side of Sicily, where the Normans,
under the son of Robert Guiscard, were still proceeding in
their career of conquest. The expedition was fortunate :
the fleet of the two republics came back loaded with spoil,
which was chiefly consecrated by the victor to the embellish
ment of churches.-'
Meantime the anti-pope continued to devastate the im
perialist provinces subject to his authority, and everywhere
replaced Catholic bishops and abbots by simoniacal, disorderly,
and ignorant clergy.^ Warned by the indignation of the
faithful, Victor, who had just confirmed the excommunica
tion and deposition of Henry IV. ,^ assembled the bishops
of southern Italy at the Council of Beneventum, where he
renewed the anathemas pronounced by Gregory against the
anti-pope, against those who should receive bishoprics or
abbeys from the hands of laymen, and against every emperor,
king, duke, or secular person whatever, who should dispose
of ecclesiastical dignities.*
The sovereign pontiff was also obliged to cut off from the
communion of the faithful two men who, until then, had
1 Chron. Cass., ui. c. 70 ; Bbrthold., Const., ad ann. 1088 ; Pagi, Crit.,
ad ann. 1087, c. 3.
^ "Soelestos et Uliteratos, singulis urbibus, monasteriis ecclesiisque
praefecit . . . dum non esset qui armato resisteret. . . . Catholici vero qui
zelo Dei fidem ac reUgionem tuebantur, Victori papae adhserebant. " — Chron.
Cass., ui. 69.
^ "Litterae domini Papae in quibus . . . judicium sui antecessoris piae
memoriae Gregorii papae super Henricum et fautores ejus apertissime con-
firmavit." — Bbethold., Const., ad ann. 1087.
« "Nontimens aeterni imperatoris judicium. . . . Si quis item impera
torum, regum, ducum. . . . Ecclesiasticam dignitatem dare praesumpserit.
. . ." — Und., c. 71. This councU was held in August 1078.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. S3
nobly combated for the good cause : Hugh, Archbishop of
Lyons, and Richard, Abbot of Marseilles, who contested the
validity of his election. Victor had resisted the unanimous
suffrages of the electors so long, that he had a good right,
in the interests of the peace and unity of the Church, to
proceed against those who disputed the authority he had so
un-willingly assumed. Hugh, hitherto so zealous for the
cause of the Church, that Gregory, when dying, had, as we
have seen, named him among those whom he pointed out as
his successors, was now, perhaps, misled by a movement of
envy and ambition ; and, in a letter to the Countess Matilda,
he calumniated both the antecedents and the intentions of
Victor, imputing to him a culpable complaisance towards the
emperor.^ The archbishop nobly expiated this fault by his
after-conduct ; and if it is true that ambition had inspired
it, he was promptly punished — for Victor dying a little while
afterwards,^ Hugh, being suspended, was naturally excluded
from the choice of the cardinals, and thus left without a rival
Odo of Ostia, the only eligible candidate among the four
whom Gregory had recommended. Victor, feeling the
approach of death, convoked the bishops and cardinals at
Monte Cassino, and presented Odo to them as his successor.*
It was only, however, after another interregnum of six
months, in March 1088, that Odo, thanks to the exertions
of the Countess Matilda, was elected in an assembly held at
Terracina. The Cardinal-bishop of Porto brought the ad-
1 Hugh founded his accusation ou the promise made by Didier, whUe
StiU Abbot of Monte Cassino, to Henry IV., that he would intercede with
the pope to obtadn his coronation as emperor— a promise which was in no
way to be blamed, since he knew that Gregory would never consent to
crown an emperor who should not have satisfied the Church, as Noel
Alexandre and Pagi have well remarked. The letters of Hugh to MatUda
are found in the chronicle of Hugo de Flavigny, ap. Labbb, Bibl. MS.,
vol. i., and in Coletti, Concil., vol. xU. p. 705.
= September 16, 1087.
3 "Juxta Gregoru Papae statutum. . . . Acoipite eum et in Romana sede
locate, meamque vicem iu omnibus, quousque id facere possitis, habetote."
— Chron. Cass., iii. o. 73.

54 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
hesion of the Roman clergy, and the Prefect of Rome, Bene
dict, that of all the faithful laity. The bishops, cardinals,
and abbots,^ to the number of forty, after having prepared
themselves by a three days' fast, declared that their unani
mous choice fell upon Odo. His woollen frock was then
taken from him, he was clothed in purple, and proclaimed
pope under the name of Urban II. Thus it was again a
monk who, after Gregory VII. and Victor III., was com
missioned to preside over the Church in most critical cir
cumstances. Urban was a Frenchman, son of a noble of
Champaigne.^ After having received the instructions of St.
Bruno at Rheims, he became a monk at Cluny under the
Abbot St. Hugh, who sent him as his representative to the
Court of Gregory VIL, at the latter's accession. Successively
named Cardinal and Bishop of Ostia, and then legate in
Germany, Urban was made prisoner by Henry IV. ; and in
this hard school was formed a character strong enough to
continue the contest begun by Hildebrand, and to preach
the first Crusade — ^the greatest enterprise of Christendom.
The day following his election, the new pope announced, by
an encyclical letter to the Catholic world, the heavy charge
which had been imposed upon him,^ and declared to the
bishops and faithful the spirit which animated him. " Those
who nominated me," he says, " declare that they resolved to
do so by the authority and command of my predecessors,
Gregory and Victor, of pious memory. God knows how
great a constraint they have been obliged to put upon my
desires and my will. But since, without ambition or pre
sumption on my part, I have been forced to accept such a
burden, it remains only for me to conjure you to continue
' In the first rank of the latter we find Oderisio, successor to Victor as
Abbot of Monte Cassino : " ex nobili Marsorum comitum stirpe," says the
chronicle. He governed uutil 1 105.
^ His father was Seigneur of Lagery, between Chatillon-sur-Marne and
Rheims. ' " Statim in sequenti die, missis litteris omnibus catholicis." — Chron.
Cass., iv. 2. This letter, the loss of which Baronius deplored, has beeu
found by D. Martene, and published by him iu Ampliss. coUect, vol. i. p. 520.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 55
faithful to the Church, to defend her, and to fight like
valiant warriors in the day of the Lord's battles. As for
me, have confidence, and believe that, eager to follow point
by point the steps of our blessed father Pope Gregory VIL,
I will repulse all he repulsed, condemn all he condemned,
embrace all that he loved, and confirm all that he thought
good and Catholic." ^
Aiter this. Urban, skilfully drawing upon the resources
fumished to him by his monastic relations, appealed to his
former superior. Abbot Hugh of Cluny. " I implore you,"
he wrote, " if you have any pity in your heart, if you cherish
any recollection of your son and pupil, come and satisfy my
ardent desires by your presence ; or if this may not be,
send me at least such of your children, my old comrades, as
I may consider and receive like yourself, who will fill your
place near me — who will in my troubles make me seem to
hear your consoling words, taste the sweetness of your love,
and know what concems yon and the congregation of our
brothers. Above all, I beg of you, cause them to pray and
entreat the Lord that He will deign to restore His Church,
now so cruelly exposed; and know that this is a special
obligation which I impose on you."^
' "De me porro ita confidete et credite, sicut de beatissimo 'patre nostro
Papa Gregorio, cujus ex toto sequi vestigia cupiens, omnia quae respuit
respuo, quae damnavit damno, quse dilexit prorsus amplector, quse vero rata
et catholica duxerit confirmo et approbo, et ad postremum in utramque
partem quaUter ipse sensit, in omnibus omnino sentio atque consentio. . . ."
— Datum Terraciuse, iii.. Id. Mart.
^ " Si qua tibi sunt pietatis 'viscera, si qua filii et alumni memoria . . .
tales de fiUis tuis confratribus meis, in quibus te videam, te suscipiam,
tuae consolationis in immensis perturbationibus positus verba cognoscerem,
qui tuam caritatem, tuseque dUectionis affectum mihi repraesentens," &c.
—Mab., Aim. Ben., v. I, 67, No. 55. This letter, in the copy of it given
by MabiUon, is dated May 13th ; but, as he has himself remarked, the first
part shows clearly that it wais 'written the same day as the preceding,
March 13th. . . . Some months later, by a diploma of November ist, he con
firms all the immunities and possessions of the monastery, where he had
been regenerated by a second grace of the Holy Spirit, and received from
Hugh the first lessons of monastic life. — Bibl. Cluniao., p. 514.

56 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
His acts corresponded with this effusion of his soul. He
tried to surround himself with monastic assistants. He raised
his namesake Odo, also a monk of Cluny, to the dignity of
Cardinal-bishop of Ostia, which he himself had borne before
his election. He took two deacons from among the monks
of Monte Cassino to be his secretaries ; one Leo,^ distin
guished by learning and eloquence — the other, John, whom
he shortly afterwards named Cardinal and Chancellor of
the Church, and who was one day to succeed him under the
name of Gelasius II. The pope then went to Monte Cas
sino, the palace and citadel of the sovereign pontiff: he
there received a visit from Roger and Bohemond, sons of
Robert Guiscard, and hastened to consecrate their expiatory
gifts to the Abbey of Bantino, in Apulia, by going himself
to dedicate the church, and by gi'ving complete immunity
to this monastery, which had been despoiled by the first
Normans, and, moreover, impoverished by the sacrilegious
usurpation of simoniacal bishops.^
The sons of Robert Guiscard were at this time in arms
against each other to dispute their father's succession ; and
as they agreed to acknowledge the authority of Urban II.,
he was able to become the mediator of their quarrels, and
to bring about a reconciliation and an equitable division.^
^ We must not, as Baronius has done, confound this Leo with the Leo
who was author of the first books of the Chronicle of Monte Cassino.
They were both monks of that abbey, and both Cardinals and Bishops of
Ostia. — Pagi, Crit., ad 1088, c. 3 ; Pbtr. Diac, De. vir. Ul., cc. 30 and 31.
^ " Quia monasterium ipsum . . . cum sacrilegis usurpationibus epis
coporum innumera lugenda detrimenta et indigne sustinuit." — Deed of the
pope, quoted by Baronius, ad ann. 1088, c. 8 ; Ughblli, Ltalia sacra, vol.
vii. ; D. Euin ART, Hist. d'Urbain LL., 0. 28. Bantino is in the diocese of
Acerenza. We find also in Baronius, ad. ann. 1090, co. 20-28, an important
diploma given by the two princes, with the consent of their barons, in
favour of the liberties of Bantino.
3 The treaty between the two brothers was concluded in 1089, by their
uncle Count Eoger, and Cardinal Henry, Urban's legate. Roger had the
duchy of PouiUe and Calabria ; Bohemond, afterwards so celebrated in
the first Crusade, had Bari, Otranto, Tarento, &c. — Pirro, SUicia Saicra,
vol. iii., not. Episc. Miazzar ; St. Maeo, Hist, of Ltaly, iv. 844.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 57
In spite of their intestine dissensions, these valiant princes,
in Italy as well as in Normandy, never failed in their de
votion to the orthodox popes, and their energetic assistance
was never wanting to Urban 11.^
King Philip of France, on his side, hastened to acknow
ledge the new pope ; ^ and Christian Spain soon rendered
double homage to his authority and his solicitude. The
day that Gregory VII. breathed his last at Salerno, Toledo,
the ancient metropolis of Spain, was taken by assault from
the Arabs by Alfonso VL, King of Castile and Leon ; ^ and
the victor immediately convoked an assembly of lords and
prelates, where a French monk of Cluny, named Bemard,
was unanimously chosen archbishop of the illustrious see
thus reconquered.* Alfonso, who showed the tenderest de
votion to the ancient abbey, contributed more than any one
to the construction of the immense abbatial chnrch. It was
said that he had wished to become a monk there,'' and had
obtained Bemard from Abbot Hugh, in order to place him
at the head of the famous Abbey of St. Just and St. Facond.
The new archbishop desired to go to Italy to receive the
pall from the hands of a pope who, like himself, was sprung
from the ranks of Cluny. Urban did more than was asked
of him ; he re-established the ancient primacy of Spain in
favour of the metropolitan see of Toledo, thus gloriously re
stored, after 370 years of interruption, by the heroic efforts
of Christian knighthood.®
1 " Normanni Catholico papae concorditer favebant ; verum inter se trucu-
lenter dissidebant." — Ord. Vit., vii. 677.
' Berth., Const., ad ann. 1089.
<" May 25, 1085.
* " Convocavit regui proceres, et majores episcopos et abbates et viros
religiosos . . . et commuuiter et concorditer elegerunt. . . ," — Rodbr.
TOLBT., b. vi. c. 24.
5 Barron., ann. 1093, c. 10. A chronicle quoted by Baronius calls him
" in conversatione Cluniacensis abbatis obedientiarius."
« "Labore populi Christiani."— Diploma given at Anagni, Oct. 15, 1088.
In Archbishop Roderick of Toledo, book iv. c. 26, may be seen the
curious accouut of the anger of King Alfonso with the Primate Bernard,

58 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Bernard, and the other monks of Cluny established in
Spain, where their ascendency was very considerable,
contributed with all their might to the substitution of the
Gallo-Roman liturgy for the Mozarabic ritual.^ Another
French monk, Adelme,^ Abbot of Chaise-Dieu, had been
present with the King of Castile's army at the passage
of the Tagus. Mounted on his ass, he rode into the
swollen river singing the verse of the Psalm, "Ei in curri-
bus et hi in equis : nos autem in nomine Domini." The
example of the good monk shamed the hesitating soldiers ;
they swam after him, and the stream was crossed by the
whole Christian army.^ Adelme went barefoot to Rome,
whence he returned to shut himself up in the Abbey of
Chaise-Dieu.* The report of his virtues and his miracles
crossed the Pyrenees. Queen Constance, wife of Alfonso
VI. , implored her husband to bring the holy monk to Spain,
hoping that his example might sanctify their subjects.
They gave him, at the gates of Burgos, a chapel and hos
pital, which became a famous abbey under the name of San
Juan de la Vega, where he ehded his life in works of charity
and penitence,^ but not until he had first propagated the
because the latter had made a church of the great mosque whioh the king
had sworn to leave to the Moors. Alfonso 'wished to have him burned
alive, in expiation'of the perjury ; but the Moors themselves, fearing the
indignation of the Christians, obtained his pardon. Bernard succeeded,
as legate in Spain, another monk, Richard, Abbot of MarseiUes, of whom
we have spoken in a pre'rious book.
1 " Monachi Cluniacenses, qui magna in Hispania auctoritate poUebant,
quique natione Galli erant, usus Galileos, quantum poterant, introduce-
bant." — Pagi, ad ann. 1091, c. 11.
2 Adelme was born at Loudun, in Poitou, of a great house there.
3 EadulbuS, auct. Vit. S. Addmi, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 870.
* " Bailtemn mUitare . . . praecinxit, in cujus status exercitamentis non
nullos sago miles, corde monachus, transegit annos. . . . Ne ab amicis
detineretur, intempeste nocte, cum armigero quodam suo . . . clam dis-
cessit. Aliquantulum progressus, permutatis cum comite vestibus pre-
ciosis, nudis pedibus iter arripiens," ko.—Lbid.
5 " Gloriosis facinoribus aulam et urbes illustrabat." — Ihid., p. 869. The
Spaniards venerated him under the name of St. Elesmes. He died in 1097.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 59
strict observance of the Benedictine rule then followed at
Chaise-Dieu. The Prench seem to have been called upon at
this time to take a glorious and considerable part in the
Catholic restoration of Spain : on one hand holy monks,
and on the other numerous knights, had hastened from all
the provinces of France at Alfonso's call,^ when the inva
sion of the Almiravides gave fresh power to the Saracen
sovereignty in the Peninsula. The most distinguished
among these Frenchmen was the Norman William.^ The
presence or influence of men of this race, in Spain as in
Italy, almost always indicates the preponderance of a deep
feeling of devotion to the Roman Church ; and, in fact,
such had been the consequence of the alliance of the
Normans and Catalans by the marriage of Raymond Beren
ger IIL, Count of Barcelona, with Matilda, daughter of
Robert Guiscard.^
In 1090, Raymond wished to present his whole county
to the Roman Church, declaring himself the tributary and
vassal of St. Peter's successor, as much for love of God and
His apostles as for the purpose of securing his independence
with regard to other princes.* He added a special gift of
the town of Tarragona, where Pope Urban hastened to re
establish the ancient metropolis, suppressed for more than
^ " Hoc accepto nuncio Gallorum proceres certatim miUtes congregant :
denique tam urbana quam rustica plebs se offert. Milites vero gregatim
convenientes," &c. The noise of their coming alone put the Saracens to
flight. — Pragm. Histor., ap. Duchesne, Script., vol. iv. p. 88.
" "Inter quos unus GuiUeknus . . . quem vidimus, et erat Normannus."
— Chron. MaUeac., ad ann. 1087.
' GuiLL., Apvl., b. iv. p. 270, ed. Muratori.
* " Ego Berengarius . . . amore Dei ductus, donavi Deo et apostolorum
principi B. Petro, ejusque vicario Romanae sedis apostoUco, omnem meum
honorem . . . ut ego et mei posteri omnes . . . teneamus hoc totum per
manum et vocem B. Petri . . . ejusque Vicarii, persolventes ei censum
. . . ut omnis hic honor sicut superius continetur, nuUatenus transferri
possit in alterius potestatis dominium, sed ego tantummodo et posteri
mei in perpetuum teneamus hoc totum per manus principis apostolorum
. . . et successorum ejus B. Petri sedem canonice regentium." — Colbtti,
ConcU., vol. xii. p. 718.

6o THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
four centuries in consequence of the Moorish conquest.
" The Lord is just," said the pope, in the diploma relating
to this reconstitution, " and holy in all His works ; and
though His judgments are often incomprehensible, it is He
who guides the revolutions of kingdoms and of ages. It
has seemed good to Him, then, to restore lately the glory of
Tarragona, while punishing the sins of its inhabitants.
For 390 years the Saracens had made of this city almost a
solitude ; and behold, the Lord has put into the heart of
Christian princes the thought of restoring it. Count
Berenger, for the salvation of his sonl, and with the con
sent of his nobles, has given it with all its territory to the
blessed Peter. We take it, therefore, under the special
protection of the Holy See, and we confirm the liberties and
immunities conferred by the Count." ^
But the joy of seeing the almost simultaneous restoration
of two celebrated metropolitans did not cause the sovereign
pontiff to lose sight of the protection he owed to other sees
in Spain. King Alfonso ha'nng ventured to depose and
imprison the Bishop of Compostello, the pope issued a
reprimand which breathes the very spirit of Gregory VIL :
" The world is ruled by two powers — the priestly and the
royal. But the one is above the other, inasmuch as kings
themselves must give account to the King of the universe.
The pastoral ofi&ce obliges us to provide, according to our
power, for the salvation not only of the small, but of the
great, that we may restore unhurt, to the true Shepherd,
the sheep which He has confided to us. "We are bound,
above all, to watch over thy safety, 0 king, whom Christ
has chosen to be the champion of the faith and of His
Church. "We pray thee therefore, glorious prince, in the
'¦ "Justus Dominus in viis suis. . . . Ipse transf ert regna et mutat
tempora. . . . Ipsi visum est, &c. B. comes pro animse suae salute, cum
suae potestatis magnatibus non solum restitutioni prsefatse urbis institit,
sed et urbem ipsam et omnem potestatis Suse terram B. Petro ejusque
vicariis legali stipulatione tradidit," &c. Given at Capua, July i, 1091. —
Coletti, Concil, vol. xii. p. 718.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 6 1
name of God and His apostles, to cause this bishop to be
restored to his dignity by the Archbishop of Toledo, and to
send him to us with thy ambassadors, that we may judge
him. Otherwise thou wilt oblige us to that against thee
which we should do unwillingly." ^
"While Urban II. thus corrected the excesses of orthodox
kings, and saw the victorious Catholics of Spain declare
themselves his vassals, he was himself almost a prisoner in
the island of the Tiber, forced to defend himself against the
snares of the schismatics who occupied half Rome — and so
poor, that he lived upon the alms of the Roman ladies, and
even of women of the lower classes." ^
The time, meanwhile, had arrived when he must occupy
himself with the most pressing danger which menaced the
Church — the increase of power in the hands of the emperor,*
the fomenter and protector of the schism of which the anti-
Pope Guibert was pontiff. Though the imperialists of Ger
many and Italy were Guibert's only adherents,* their support
was formidable, on account of the number of German and
Italian bishops who belonged to the party. If, profitiag by
the hesitation of Didier, and the lamentable uncertainty of
the two interregnums which intervened between the death
of Gregory and the accession of Urban, Henry had been
able to return to Italy at the head of a victorious army, he
would no doubt have procured the triumph of the anti-
pope, and assured for a long time the servitude of the
1 "Duo sunt, rex Ildefonse, quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur.
. . . Sed sacerdotalis dignitas tanto potestatem regiam antecedit, ut, &c.
. . . Sin autem facere nos erga dUectionem tuam compelleres invitos,
quod nos quoque fecisse noUemus." — Colbtti, ConcU., vol. xii. p. 752.
2 St. Marc, Hist, d'ltalie, vol. iv. p. 843.
-'' Like Cardinal Baronius and other Catholic 'writers, we give to Henry
IV. the title of emperor from the time of his coronation at Rome, in 1084,
although this ceremony was performed by the anti-pope.
* "Solus Henricus et pedissequi ejusdem Guilberto cohserebant. Galli
vero et AngU aUseque gentes pene omnes per orbem Urbano pie obsecun-
dabant." — Oedbh. Vit., b. viii. p. 677. This assertion is not correct as
regards England, as will be seen later.

62 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Church.^ But the hand of God detained the prince in Germany
long enough to allow an energetic pope to reunite and direct
against him all the Catholic powers. The Saxon people,
who had so generously joined their cause to that of the
Roman Church during the lifetime of Gregory, was still,
after his death, the principal bulwark of apostolic liberty.
This noble nation, though distant from Italy, thus shared
with the Normans the mission of repulsing or warding off
the blows destined for the Church.
Henry IV. had reawakened all their exasperation against
him, by placing intruders in the sees of orthodox bishops,
and retaining the confiscated property he had promised to
restore. The Bavarians, his oldest adherents, declared
against him, headed by their Duke Welf, an offshoot of
the famous Guelphic race. The Suabians, who obeyed as
their duke the son of King Rodolph — killed fighting for
the Church and the ancient laws of the Empire — joined the
Saxons. Henry, at the head of 20,000 men, chiefly raised
in the Rhine cities, marched against the confederates. The
latter, only i o,000 in number, advanced under the command
of Ecbert, Margrave of Misnia, and of Hermann of Luxem
burg, the prince whom the German Catholics had elected
king : they drew with them a car surmounted by an im
mense cross and a consecrated banner, as the insignia of a
Catholic army.2 The forces met on the fleld of Bleichsseld,
near Wiirzburg, August 11, 1086. Before the battle, all
the Catholic army knelt while the Archbishop Hartwig, of
Magdeburg, invoked the aid of God, in whose name they
were about to draw their swords.* Unlike most mediseval
battles, this was a combat of infantry : Duke Welf, with his
' LtJDEN, b. ix. pp. 238, 239.
" In this may be recognised the model of the carroccio, so mnch used in
the Lombard cities during their wars 'with the emperors.
3 "Jamjam congressuri, omues in terram prostrati, coelum oratione
penetravere, quam . . . archiepiscopus cum multis lacrymis et gemitibus
effudit. Igitur in nomine Domini congressi."— Berthold., Const., ad 1086.
This 'writer was an eyewitness of the battle.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 63
Bavarians and many Saxons, chose to flght on foot,^ like the
imperialist burghers. Those troops did no great service to
their master ; the men of Cologne and Utrecht fled at the
very outset. Henry defended himself bravely, but never
theless sustained the most complete defeat of his whole
reign. The Catholics immediately occupied the town of
Wurzburg, capital of the duchy of Franconia, and of the
hereditary domains of the imperial house : there they re
established the legitimate bishop, Adalberon, who had been
ten years in exile. The Bishops of Salzburg and Passau
were also shortly afber restored. But as the emperor united
most indefatigable activity to great personal courage, he
soon repaired the consequences of his defeat, and retook
Wiirzburg. Before bringing back the intruded bishop,
Meginhard, Henry tried to win Adalberon over to his
party ; but the latter would not even see him. He said to
the princes sent on this mission by the emperor, " You
may kiU me, but you cannot force me voluntarily to see or
speak with your king." ^ Accordingly, he again quitted his
bishopric, and leaving his episcopal city, sought refuge in the
Abbey of Lambach, which he had founded on his patrimonial
estates, and where he died after four years of exile.^
The following year various conferences between the em
peror and the Catholic lords, who called themselves the
faithful of St. Peter,* brought about no result. The princes
communicated to Henry letters from the new pope, Victor
IIL, which confirmed Gregory's sentence ; ^ they promised
to obtain his recognition everywhere as emperor if he would
1 " WeUo dux cum sua legione, et Magdeburgensis legio, relictis equis,
pedites incedebaut." — Bbrthold., Const., ad 1086; cf. Stentzel, i. 528.
2 "Dicens se quidem posse mori, non autem flecti ut vellet unquam
sponte sua regem Henricum videre vel alioqui." — Waltram., De unit.
Eccles. adversus HUdebrand., vol. u. p. 303, ed. Freher.
3 He was son of the Count of Lambach ; the abbey still exists ou the
Traun, in Upper Austria. He died Oct. 6, 1090.— Stentzel, ii. 294.
* " Fideles S. Petri." — At Oppenheim in March, and at Worms in
August 1087.
5 Bernold, ad ann. 1087. Quoted before.

64 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
only be reconciled with the Church ; ^ but Henry declared
that he did not regard himself as excommunicated. The
princes then refused to treat with a public sinner who
hardened himself in misdoing. They were, perhaps, en
couraged in this course by a message from King Ladislas,
of Hungary, who sent them word that, in case of need, he
would come with 20,000 knights to the help of the faithful
of St. Peter against the schismatics.^ But though strong
enough to make head, often with success, against Henry,
and to hinder him from acting vigorously against the Church
in Italy, the confederates wanted a military chief possessing
suflScient ascendency to maintain himself in opposition to
the emperor. Hermann de Salm, Count of Luxemburg,
the king whom they had some time previously elected, had
shown himself completely unfitted for his mission, and,
loaded with mortifications inflicted by his allies, had re
tired to Lorraine, where he died in 1088. The most in
fluential chief of the Catholics, both before and after this
death, was Ecbert, Margrave of Misnia, an equivocal per
sonage, selfish, but brave and skilful, who often deceived
both parties, and was entirely without that loyalty and
religious devotion indispensable to the Church's defenders.
In an insurrection at Goslar, fomented by this Margrave,
but the cause of which is difiBcult to discover, the Church
lost one of its bravest and purest pontiffs, Burkhardt, Bishop
of Halberstadt. On the eve of the outbreak, having just
arrived in the city, drawn thither by a projected conference
with the imperialists, who were ravaging the lands of his
diocese, he had declared to his intimates that he felt him
self too old and weary to continue the war, but that as long
as he lived he would avoid, like a pestilence, all communion
with tyranny, and that his only ambition was to find a
refuge in some country, no matter what, where he might be
1 " Eique adjutorium suum ad obtinendum regnum si de excommunica-
tione exire vellet, fideliter promiserunt." — Bernold, ad ann. 1087.
2 Bbrnhold., ad ann. 1087.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 6S
for ever delivered from the sight of the tyrant.'' Assailed
in the dead of night by assassins, he was struck down with
stones and clubs, and finally pierced by a lance, the iron of
which remained in his body. They carried him, dying, to
the neighbouring abbey of Ilsemburg, which he had reformed,
and where he had chosen his burial-place; for the monas
teries in Germany were even more than elsewhere the last
asylum of orthodox bishops. He died there, singing a hymn
to the Prince of the Apostles, to whom the last offering of
his life was thus presented.^ Some months later death
carried off Gebhard, the holy Archbishop of Salzburg,^ who
had been restored shortly before to his metropolis by the
swords of Count Engelbert and his knights. The monks
of the abbey of Admont, founded by this bishop, received
his body, and graved on his tomb the following epitaph :
" He suffered for love of justice ; he endured exile through
the hatred of the king ; he preferred misery to schism. . . .
0 Rome, he obeyed thy decisions. . . . Faithful to the law
of God, he feared neither king, nor violence, nor ^shame." *
Henry wished to replace him immediately by one of his
own creatures ; but the Catholics of the province chose an
orthodox prelate in the person of Thiemon,^ Abbot of St.
Peter, a Bavarian noble, who had been a monk at Hirschau,
^ " Tyrannioae communionis consortium tanquam letif eram pestem quoad
vixerit fugiendam decrevisse. Ba propter id sibi potissimum cordi esse,
quatenus . . . quodcumque sors obtulerit, exilium expetat, ubi non solum
a communione, verum etiam ab aspectu tyranni perpetuo exsors maneat."
— Ann. Saxon., ad ann. 1088.
2 "Hymnum : Jam bone Pastor Petre, altisona voce exorsus." — Anm. Sax.,
AprU 6, 1088.
3 Died June 15, 1088,
* " Propter justitiam toleravit et ipse rapinam ;
Regis ob hanc odium fugit in exilium,
Malens Uie miser quam schismatis esse minister . . j
Servans, Eoma, tuo debita judicio. . , .
Hio pro lege Dei nesoivit cedere Eegi,
Vel cuiquam forti, vel quoque dedecori."
—Acta S. Gebh., ap. Canis., Leet. antiq., vi. p. 12371
5 Elected, March 25, 1090.
VOL. VI. E

66 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
which, as we have said, the holy Abbot William had suc
ceeded in making a centre of Catholic resistance in Germany.
Meanwhile Henry, fortified by the death of the Bishop
of Halberstadt, by the submission of the Archbishop of
Magdeburg, and the equivocal conduct of the Margrave
Ecbert, was able again to attempt the subjugation of
Saxony, and had nearly accomplished it when Ecbert sur
prised and defeated him near Gleichen in Thuringia.^
Burkhardt of Lausanne, a bishop who, by a scandal unique
even amidst the disorders of his party, was married,^ and
thus worthy to bear the banner of a schismatic emperor,
was killed in the battle ; and another of Henry's .most
active adherents. Archbishop Liemar of Bremen, was taken
by the young Count Lothaire,* son of a knight killed at
Nohenburg* for the good cause, who thus, at the age of
fourteen, began a life which he was to end in the imperial
purple after having given peace and freedom to the Church.
Soon after this victory, Ecbert perished, assassinated by
the soldiers of the Abbess of Quedlinburg, sister of the
emperor. The position of the Catholics was lamentable on
account of the defection or intrusion of most of the bishops.
Only five could be counted in the ranks of the orthodox ; ^
two of these, Adalberon of Wurzburg and Hermann of Metz,
died in 1 090 ; but there remained Altmann of Passau and
Gebhard of Constance, upon whom Urban principally de
pended, when, at this epoch, he resolved to interfere directly
in the affairs of Germany. Gebhard was descended from
' At Christmas, 1088.
^ According to Stentzel this was to fulfil the words of the Apostle
(unius uxoris virum, i Tim. iU. 2). It is unfortunate for Burkhardt and
his modern panegyrist, that he was the only bishop of his time. Catholic
or schismatic, who interpreted the Apostle's text in this manner.
' Of Suppliugeuburg.
* Victory gained by Henry over the Saxons, 1075.
' Hermann of Metz, Adalberon of Wurzburg, Albert of Worms, Altmann
of Passau, and Gebhard of Constance. — Bernold, ad ann. 1089. The
three first were imprisoned or driven from their dioceses.  Cf. B. I. p.
165, No. 2.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 67
the house of Lahringen, equally powerful and devoted to
the Church ; he was a monk of Hirschau, and pupil of the
Abbot St. William. Urban had known him during his
legation, and had himself consecrated him Bishop of Con
stance. By his letters of April 18, 1089,^ he constituted
him his legate, and while renewing the excommunication in
the first degree against Henry and the anti-pope, and in
the second degree against their supporters and soldiers, he
gave to Gebhard the powers necessary for modifying, with
regard to the faithful, the consequences of their relations
with the excommunicated, relations which became difiBcult
to avoid during so prolonged a war. The Catholic princes
in vain renewed their offers of peace and complete submis
sion to the emperor, on the sole condition that he should
renounce the anti-Pope Guibert, and reconcile himself with
the Church. Henry himself seems to have been inclined
to do this, but the bishops ordained in the schism dissuaded
him from it, in the weU-founded fear that they might find
themselves sacrificed together with the anti-pope in the
future treaty.^ It was necessary, therefore, to continue the
war. These supporters of the revolt against the Church
did not fight with arms only ; besides warlike bishops, such
as Burkhardt, the married Bishop of Lausanne, who died for
his emperor on the field of battle, there were pleaders and
preachers who spoke in the name of Holy Scripture, and
took advantage of the calamities which fell upon the Catho
lics, to gain souls to the imperialist schism.* It was with
this object that Waltram, intruding Archbishop of Magde
burg, wrote to Count Louis of Thuringia a letter in which
1 Cf. Colbtti, ConcU., xii. 737.
^ " Duces et comites fideles S. Petri cum Henrico colloquium habuerunt
. . . quam quidem conditionem nee ipse multum respuit, si tamen iu
hoc ei principes sui asseutiri vellent, videlicet episcopi, qui se cum
Guiberto deponendos esse non dubitaverunt ... hi ergo penitus hac
•yice dissuaserunt ne S. Ecclesise reconciliaretur." — Bern., loc. cit. ; cf.
Waltram, Apolog. Henr. LV., ap. Febhee, Script, i. 296.
^ "Ex nostro triumpho vos domino nostro Imperatori lucrifaciamus." —
Epist. Waltram, ap. Dodechin., in Piptoe, Script., vol. i.

68 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
he expatiates on the advantages of concord and charity, and
invokes those texts on which so many have tried to justify
the complicity of the Church with tyranny and wicked
ness. " The Apostle says, ' Let every soul be subject unto
the higher powers. For there is no power but of God : the
powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore
resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.' ^ And
yet our friends would persuade women and ignorant people
that they ought not to obey the royal authority. Will they
resist God ? Are they stronger than He ? But what says
the prophet : ' All they that were incensed against Thee, Lord,
shall he confounded, and they that strive with Thee shall
perish.' ^ Rodolph, Hildebrand, Ecbert, and many other
lords have resisted the ordinance of God in the person of
the Emperor Henry, and have perished : what has ended
so ill must have had an ill beginning." The Count of
Thuringia borrowed the pen of Stephen, Bishop of Halber
stadt, the worthy successor of the martyr Burkhardt, and
addressed to the intruder a letter, of which these are some
passages.^ "We say that your understanding of the Apostle's
precept is wrong, and your interpretation worse. For if all
power comes from God in the sense which you understand,
how does it happen that the Lord says by His prophet,
' They have reigned, and not hy Me ; they have made princes,
and I knew them not ' ? *
" Augustine, explaining the Apostle's sentence, says, ' If
a power commands that which is against God, then contemn
the power and have no fear of it.' ® But let us listen to the
Apostle, who himself speaks thus, ' There is no power hiut
; ' Rom. xiii. I. ^ Isaiah xli. ii.
3 We borrow Fleury's translation, B. 63, c. 52. Cardinal Baronius
adds : " Hue usque litterae Waltrami quem nostri sKCuli politici statuant
sibi sui ipsorum dogmatis auctorem et defeusorem."
* " Ipsi regnaverunt et non ex me : principes extiterunt et non cognovi
eos." — Os:^B, viii. 4.
" " Quod si potestas aliquia jubeat quod contra Deum sit, hic contemne
potestatem, non timendo potestatem alioquin."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 69
what comes from God ; ' and afterwards says, ' And those
which come from, God are ordained.' ^ "Why have you sup
pressed this truth? Why have you wished to veil from us
the marrow and the bone of this sentence ? Foreseeing by
the inspiration of the Holy Spirit that there would arise
one day in the Church heretics, such as you and your
fellows, who would call evil good and good evil, who would
change light into darkness, and transform the precepts of
truth into arguments for error, the Apostle chose to cut
short the conjectures of the reprobate mind by this addi
tion, ' Those which come from God are ordained ; ' now show
us an ordained power and we will no longer resist, but hold
out our arms to it. But how, if a single drop of blood re
mains in your veins, do you not blush to call Henry IV.
king, and to say that he is ordained ? ^ Is he ordained to
authorise crime, to confound all human and divine law ?
Is he ordained to sin against his own body, and to abuse
his wife in a manner before unheard of ? Is he ordained
to treat as prostitutes the widows that come to him to
demand justice ? "
Here follows a vivid enumeration of Henry's crimes and
attacks upon the Church, upon the bishoprics, upon the
abbeys sold by him or given up for often infamous reasons.*
Then the pontiff goes on : " Excommunicated for his crimes
by the Apostolic See, he will never have rule or power over
us who are CathoKcs. Yon reproach us with hating our
brothers, but God grant that we may never count Henry
among our brothers or among Christians, who, deaf to the
^ This is the translation given by Fleury, loc. cit., moving the comma
of the verse thus : " Quse autem sunt a Deo, ordinatse sunt."
^ " Miror si in te vel gutta sanguinis est quod non erubescis. . . . An
ordo tibi videtur jus dare soeleri . . . uxorem propriam soelere omnibus
saeculis mundi inaudito lupanar facere ? "
^ "Etenim Constantiensem, Babenberg, Mogunt, et plures alias pro
pecunia, Ratisbon. August. Strasburg. pro gladio, abbatiam Fuldens. pro
adulterio, Monasteriens. episcopatum (quod dicere et audire nefas est) pro
sodomitica immunditia vendidit, quae si impudenter negare volueris, teste
coelo, teste terra, omnes etiam a furno redeuntes scioU concludent."

70 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
repeated call of the Chnrch, should rather be considered a
heathen and a publican ! We hate him, and we offer our
hatred to God as a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist,
' Do not I hate them, 0 Lord, that hate Thee ? am not I grieved
with Thine enemies ? ' ^ For this reason we strive to regard
the enemies of the Church as our own enemies, and we hate
them because they are the enemies of God, not ours. . . .
You preach to us peace with all men ; but you forget to
add, with the apostle, 'if it may he.' Now it cannot be
with the enemies of God. What said the divine Saviour,
who is Himself our peace ? ' I come not to hring peace upon
earth, hut a sword.' ^ What is this ? Why does peace bring
a sword ? Why does it declare war ? To annihilate the
peace of Satan, for he also has his peace, of which the Lord
spoke when He said, ' While the strong man keeps his house,
his possessions are in peace.' ^ Oh, with what skill does the
devil defend his house in these days by the aid of you, his
satellites, who, armed with perfidy, are impenetrable to the
shafts of truth and faith ! But our Lord may also come
and vanquish the strong man, and snatch from him the
arms in which he trusts. We are not wrong, then, in
detesting that false peace, more cruel than all wars, which
the Psalmist thus brands, ' / detested the foolish when I saw
the prosperity of the wicked.' * You tell us also that Pope
Gregory, King Rodolph, and the Marquis Ecbert are dead
miserably, and you felicitate your master on having survived
them ! But is it not better to die well than to live ill ?
Why not also felicitate Nero on having survived the apostles
Peter and Paul ? of Herod on having survived St. John ? or
Pilate our Lord Jesus Christ ? . . . For us who have graven
the Word of God on our hearts as on diamonds, we contemn
all the phantoms which rise up against the truth of God ;
1 "Cujus odium pro magno sacrificio Deo offerimus, dicentes cum
Psalmista : Nonne qui oderunt te, Domine, oderam, et super inimicos
tuos tabescebam? Perfecto odio oderam illos et inimici facti sunt." 
Psalm cxxxix. ^ Matt. x. ' Luke xi.
^ "Super iniquos zelavi, pacem peccatorum videns." — Psalm IxxU.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 7 1
we glorify ourselves in tribulation ; we may be calumniated,
proscribed, exiled, killed, but beat or vanquished never!
Our greatest joy is in the glory of our fathers, who, in
resisting the commands of princes, have gained a blessed
eternity." ^
Thus spoke a Catholic prince by the mouth of an orthodox
bishop, and such writings balance many battles. Scattered
throughout Germany, they roused the zeal of the pontifical
party, which, in spite of its recent losses, still counted num
erous adherents, especially among the higher nobility of
southern Germany. If the Saxons, exhausted by so many
combats, resigned themselves, with the exception of Werner,
the exiled Bishop of Merseburg, to the emperor's yoke, the
Bavarians, on the other hand, under Duke Welf, continued
to offer to him an energetic resistance. The legate, Altmann
of Passau (who died soon after),^ left the Catholics of the
banks of the Danube under the guidance of a vigorous chief,
the monk Thiemon, now Archbishop of Salzburg, who was
able, like his sainted predecessor, to endure exUe, captivity,
and all the violence of persecution. Condemned to die in
prison, he felt the headsman's axe fall twice upon his neck.*
The contest was, above all, warm in Suabia, nnder the
direction of Gebhard, the legate of Constance, where William
of Hirschau was still living.* The holy abbot, not content
¦• "Quae nos verba iu memoria adamantina soribentes . . . omnem
simiUtudinem extoUentem se adversus veritatem Dei contemuimus; et
gloriantes in tribulatiouibus, calumniari, prosoribi et exterminari, denique
occidi possumus : flecti vel vinci nou possumus. Bt cum magno tripudio
iUud . . . de patribus nostris exultamus, qui, oontemuentes jussa prin
cipum, meruerunt pr^mia aeterna." — Dodechin., loe. cit.
^ He died August lo, 1081.
' " Surgensque dicto symbolo oum oratione procubuit, et cervicem super
lignum extendit. Accedens Uctor, totis viribus ensem adegit, sacram vero
cervicem . . . secare nou potuit. Tantum summa cutis vix teuuem velut
Uneam ictus, et quod solus ictus agnosceretur, accedit, quod signum
ulterius obduci, quamdiu in corpore vixit, non potuit." At the second
blow the axe broke.— ACTA SS. Thiemon, ap. CaniSIUM, Leet. antiq., vol.
iv. p. 637.
* He was martyred in Palestine, Sept. 28, iioi.

72 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
with training courageous bishops, such as Gebhard and
Thiemon, had also given a most powerful impulse to the
intemal and spiritual movement by which so many persons
of both sexes and all ranks felt themselves drawn to embrace
the monastic life in the character of lay brothers and sisters,
or to constitute themselves vassals of chapters or monasteries
to which they rendered daily services, professing obedience
towards the regular congregation.^ Whole villages in Suabia
were seen subjecting themselves to these voluntary obliga
tions, and thus forming religious communities of a new kind.*
Urban gave the apostolic sanction to this new manifestation
of Catholic spirit, which had not failed to excite much
criticism,* but the good effects of which he had been able
himself to appreciate ; for it alone consoled the Church for
the coldness and defections which followed on the prolonga
tion of the schism.^ Besides this popular movement, the
principal nobles of Suabia, in accord with Duke Welf and
the Bavarians, maintained the cause of the Church, and
succeeded in repulsing the domination of Frederic of Hohen-
1 July 4, logi.
^ " His temporibus iu regno Teutonioo communis vita multis in locis
floruit . . . etiam in la'icis se suisque ad eamdem communem -ritam de
votissime offerentibus. Qui, etsi habitu nee clerici neo monachi videren-
tur . . . se servos eorumdem pro Domino fecerunt. ... Se et sua ad
congregationes tam clericorum quam mouachorum regulariter viventium
devotissime coutulerunt, ut sub eorum obedientia communiter vivere et
eis servire mererentur. . . InnumerabUis multitudo. . . . Bisque more
anciUarum quotidiani ser'ritii pensum devotissime persolverent : iu ipsis
quoque 'nllis filiae rusticorum innumerae conjugis et saeculo renuntiare,"
&c. — Bernold., ad. ann. 1091. We recognise here the type of the third
order, organised in the thirteenth century by St. Francis and St. Dominic.
^ " In Alemannia potissimum . . . multse vUlse ex integro se religioni
contra dederunt," &c. — Lbid.
* " Quosdam accepimus morem vestrorum coenobiorum corrodent es
quos laicos sseculo renuntiantes, &c. . . . suscipitis. Nos eamdem . . .
sicut oculis nostris inspeximus, approbamus, sanctam et cathoUcam no-
minamus," &c. — Lbid. See also Mabill., Amn. Ben., vol. v. book 68,
No. 18.
^ "Multo ex Catholicis in partem excommunicatorum avaritia decepti
sponte sua se transtulerunt." — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 73
staufen, the emperor's son-in-law, whom Henry wished to
impose upon them as Duke of Suabia. Thus was already
begun the rivalry between the Guelfs and Ghibelines, which,
after the elevation of Frederic's sons to the imperial throne,
was to be, to a great extent, confounded with the permanent
conflict between the emperor and the Church.'' To oppose
Frederic, and the intruded bishops who supported him, the
Catholics elected Duke Berthold of Zahringen, brother of
the legate Gebhard of Constance, and son-in-law of the
orthodox King Rodolph, who had also been Duke of
Suabia.^ The Counts of Montfort, Hellenburg, Toggenburg,
Kiburg, and Bregens, and all the grand vassals of the pro
vince,* solemnly recognised the two brothers Berthold as
dukes, and Gebhard as legate, at the provincial diet at Ulm
(1093). They there also proclaimed the truce of God until
1096, so as to protect monasteries, travellers, and merchants;
and this clause gained them the assent even of the towns
always devoted to the emperor. Every count caused it to
be swom to in his county, by all the nobles and freemen.*
Alsace was kept in the right path by a regular canon named
Manegald, so learned that he was surnamed the master of the
doctors^ and already known by his writings in favour of
Gregory Vll. He caused almost the whole of the Alsatian
nobUity to abjure the schism, and to be publicly reconciled
1 Those of Coire, Bale, Lausanne, and Strasburg. Alsace and German
Switzerland were then comprehended in the Duchy of Suabia or Ala-
mania. 2 Berthold, son of Eodolph, had first been opposed to Frederic by the
CathoUcs ; but he died in 1090. Berthold of Zahringen, his brother-in-
law, then replaced him. He was the founder of the present house of
Baden. 3 We may point out among the proofs of the Catholic dispositions of
the Suabian feudatories at the time the foundation of the abbeys of
Neresheim in 1095, by Hartmann, Couut of Kyburg, aud Adelaide his
wife, aud of Isny, in 1096, by the Counts of Waeringen.
^ Stentzel, vol. i. p. 549. Pfepfel, Histoire et droit public de V Alle
magne, ann. 1092.
5 Anon. Mellic. in Pahr. Bibl. Pedes., 0. 105. Bbrthold, ad ann.
1095-1098. Hist, littir. de Prance, vol. ix. pp. 280-288.

74 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
with the Holy See. The emperor vainly tried to win him
over; furious, he threw Manegald into prison, where he
kept him for a long time. This lengthened captivity was
the reward of the unconquerable resistance Manegald had
so long and so generously opposed to all attempts to corrupt
him.i Meanwhile Henry IV. had again started for Italy, the
principal theatre of the war. The Catholic party there had
been weakened, in 1089, by the death of two of its most
valiant defenders — St. Peter Igneus, Cardinal-bishop of
Albano ; ^ and the heroic Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, and after
wards of Placentia, martyred by the schismatics of his
episcopal city, who first tore out his eyes, and then cut off
his limbs one by one.^ In September of this year Urban
convoked a council of seventy bishops at Melfe,* where he
published a series of canons, which were intended to con
firm the sentences already pronounced against investitures,
simony, the marriage of priests, and the presence of clergy
at the court of princes,^ and by which it was forbidden to
all ecclesiastical persons to hecome the vassals of laymen.^ In
the same assembly, the pope received the homage and oath
of fidelity of Roger, son of Robert Guiscard, to whom he
' " In causa S. Petri, ferventissimus." — Berth., ad ann. 1089.
'' See above, the manner in which he gained the surname of Igneus,
July 14, 1089. ^ Bbrthold.
^ Labbe and Pagi have proved that this Council, wrongly placed by
Baronius iu 1090, was held iu 1089 ; and St. Marc (Hist, d'ltalie, vol. iv.
pp. 840-849) maintains, with justice, as it seems to us, that it is the same
of which Berthold speaks as being held at Eome in this same year.
* " Clericorum acephalorum genus . . . qui in curiis morantur." — Can.
9, ap. Baron, ann. logo.
8 " Ne gravamen aUquod sancta patiatur Bcclesia, nullum jus laicis in
clericos esse volumus et censemus ... si forte clericorum aliquis cujus
libet laicis possessionibus usus fuerit, aut vicarium qui debitum reddat,
inveniat, aut possessione cadat, ne gravamen Ecclesise iuferatur." — Can.
ii., Lbid. Urban, iu this CouncU, responded to the complaints of several
bishops, by forbidding the abbots to receive any new donations with
exemptions ; he confirmed all the old ones. — Pagi, Crit. ui ann. 1090,
n. 3.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 7S
confirmed the possession of the Duchy of Apulia, by placing
in his hands the ducal banner.^
More and more assured of the help of the Normans,
Urban devised a plan for uniting and arranging the forces
of which the partisans of the orthodox Church could dis
pose in Italy and Germany. He persuaded the Countess
Matilda to marry the young Welf, son of the Duke of
Bavaria, one of the principal leaders of the German Catholics.
The marriage was disproportioned, for Matilda was forty-
three years of age and Welf only eighteen ; but for the
good of the Church, though against the will of the countess,
it took place.^ It was impossible that harmony should
continue between the married pair ; in the beginning, how
ever, there was no disagreement between them. Welf
showed himself, like his father, a vigorous champion of the
pontifical cause, and became a source of great disquiet to
the emperor,* who decided to return to Italy, where he
hastened to seize all the possessions of Matilda to the north
of the Alps.* He then went down into Lombardy (1090),
invested Mantua, one of the chief cities of the countess's
states, and made himself master of it after a siege of eleven
months.^ The Romans of the imperial party again opened their
gates to the anti-Pope Guibert, and for the third time since
Gregory's death gained possession of Castle St. Angelo.
The Catholics were reduced to offer peace to the emperor ;
Duke Welf agreed to be reconciled to him if he would merely
renounce Guibert, and restore the confiscated domains. Henry
for the third time refused.** His triumph intoxicated him.
The fall of Mantua soon brought about the submission of all
Matilda's states north of the Po. Ferrara was taken by the
1 "Ligius ejus homo effectus . . . accepit per vexiUum ab eo terram
cum ducatus honore." — EomuALD, Salem. Chr., ad ann. 1090.
2 "Invitam licet, jam provectioris aetatis . . . nunquam voluit com-
misceri viro." — BaeoniuS, ad. ann. 1089, u. 9.
= Berthold. * Domnizo, vol. ii. p. 4. ^ April 12, 1091.
" Bernold, ad. ann. 1091.

T6 the PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
troops of the emperor, who carried the war to the south of
the river, and began to ravage the estates of Welf,'' to punish
him for his marriage with the countess, and his alliance with
the Holy See.
Henry then made himself master of several fortresses
belonging to Matilda, in the Modena country, and be
sieged Montevio, which was one of the most important of
them. These successes terrified most of the vassals of the countess,
who obliged her to try negotiations. Henry promised peace
on the single condition of her acknowledging the anti-Pope
Guibert ; but this condition was indignantly refused,^ which
proves clearly that the independence of the Church was the
true object of the contest.
There was a conference held at Carpineta. Many bishops
and monks were assembled there to examine the bases of a
treaty. Bishop Heribert, of Reggio, insisted on the necessity
of yielding to the emperor's victorious arms ; but a monk,
named John,* protested against this conclusion. " God for
bid," he cried, addressing the countess, " that such a peace
should be made, for it would be contrary to the honour of
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit ! Would you lose
the fruit of so many efforts, so many labours, endured for
Christ ? Do not cease the battle ; victory is there await
ing you ; the prayers of St. Peter will obtain it from the
Lord."* •^ Welf was grandson and heir of Azo, Marquis of Ferrara.
^ " Hoc audire quidem nolunt aures comitissae."' — DOMINZO, vol. ii. p. 7.
' Muratori proves that he was abbot of St. Apollonius at Canossa. — In
not. ad. Domnizo, pp. 372, 373.
^ " Absit ne fiat, quia pax hsec est inimica
Spiritui sancto, Patri, proprio quoque filio !
Ergo sudores amittes, atque labores
Tantos pro Christi quos nomine sustiuuisti.
Ne titubes pugna, quoniam victoria multa
De prope de coelo veniet tibi, dante sereno
Christo pro Petri precibus. ..." — Domnizo, vol. ii. p. 7.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. "J "J
The assembly, carried away by these words, cried out that
it would be better to die than to treat with Henry.^ Matilda,
all whose wishes agreed with this resolution, was rewarded
for her constancy ; for the prophecy of John was soon ful
filled. The emperor's natural son was killed in attacking
Montevio, and the emperor was forced to raise the siege.
He tried to make up for this check by surprising Canossa,^
and thus avenging the humiliation he thought he had suf
fered there at the feet of Gregory VII. But the inhabi
tants, encouraged by the prayers and hymns of John and
his monks, defended it to the utmost.*
Henry then found himself forced to retreat, after having
lost his banner, which, by Matilda's order, was hung in the
church of Canossa, a glorious monument of the defeat of the
perjured prince, who had carelessly forgotten all his promises
of repentance, and thus robbed himself of the easy means of
becoming the legitimate sovereign of Europe.
Before the winter of 1090, Matilda reconquered all that
she had lost south of the Po. Henry was obliged to take
refuge in Lombardy, where Welf kept him shut up, thus
preventing his junction with the King of Hungary, whose
help he expected.
Meanwhile Urban, driven from Rome by the success of
the anti-pope, had sought shelter in the Campagna, in the
ancient territory of the Samnites, under Norman protection.
Without fixed abode, li-nng on alms, but perhaps greater
amidst the hazards and agitations of this fugitive life than
in the lap of the splendid Roman Court, the Pope carried
into the exercise of his pontifical duties a marvellous vigi-
^ " Turba sacerdotum firmatur catholicorum.
Ante volunt lethum quam regis denique fcedus."
— Domnizo, vol. ii. p. 7.
^ " At memor est factus Canossae quae mala passus. . . .
Nunc ulciscendi tempus se credidit ex his. . . ." — Ibid.
5 " Cumque tubse magnse reboant, abbasque Joannes
Cum monachis psalmos psallebat. . . .
Abbas orabat, pugnabat plebs memorata. . . ." — Lbid.

78 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
lance and activity. He did not content himself with renew
ing, in a council held at Benevento,^ the anathemas which
his predecessors had fulminated against the emperor and the
anti-pope ; he also interposed daily in the general govern
ment of Christendom, by diplomas, by legations, by audiences
granted to the numerous pilgrims who followed his steps in
his exile, or by the dedication of churches, which rose in all
parts of the country where he found an asylum.^ That mag
nificent country, extending from the Bay of Naples to that
of Taranto, contained, besides Salerno, Amalfi, Monte Cassino,
La Cava, and many other places eternally associated ¦with
the glory of the Roman republic. Lately opened to northern
Europe by the exploits of the Normans, this happy land was,
as it were, consecrated in the eyes of all Christians by the
residence and death of Gregory VII., and also by the fact
that it served afterwards for the abode and sanctuary of the
series of great popes who followed Hildebrand.
No Catholic traveller can pass through these scenes, em
bellished by all the magic of nature and all the souvenirs
of history, without remembering that it was amidst them
that those fugitive but indomitable pontiffs who vanquished
the world, and saved the Church in the most terrible crisis
of its history, renewed their courage. Salerno, above all,
must have attracted Urban II. ; for, as he said, in a solemn
diploma, to the archbishop placed over the see, "You have
already the body of the Apostle St. Matthew, and those of
the holy martyrs Fortunatus and his companions ; and now,
in our days, God has deigned to confer upon you a new
glory from the exile and the tomb of that Gregory of apos
tolic memory, whose uprightness, leaming, and marvellous
constancy are proclaimed by the Roman Church, confessed
' March 28, 1091.
" Side by side with the constant largesses of the Norman conquerors to
monasteries, we must point out, by way of contrast, the oppressions which
Count William Tassio inflicted on the abbey of Casa Auria. — Mabillon
Ann., i. 691, No. 85.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 79
by the whole West, and proved by the fall of vanquished
tyrants." ^
Meanwhile the new church of the monastery of La Cava
was finished. Urban went to consecrate it,^ accompanied
by Duke Roger and a crowd of bishops,* cardinals, clergy,
and laymen. In a bull addressed to the Abbot Peter,* the
Pope again bore witness to his reverence for the memory of
Gregory VIL, and his zeal for monastic liberty : —
" Firmly attached to the institutions of our predecessor
Gregory, who had so much affection for this monastery, who
brought you from the famous house of Cluny to be its abbot,
and who so well secured the liberty of this house and its
dependencies, that to this day it has remained free from all
human yoke, we, in our turn, confer upon it, by this privi
lege, an absolute liberty with regard to all persons, secular
or ecclesiastic." ^ He then enumerates the different indul
gences and exemptions which he grants to the monks,^ —
favours, whose object indeed was only to better guarantee
the exact performance of all monastic duties.
Duke Roger also associated himself with the Pope's work.
^ " Apposuit etiam Deus tertii muneris claritatem ut eam nostris tem
poribus Gregorii apostoUcse memoriae VII. papae tam exiUo quam tumulo
Ulustraret. Cujus quam egregia jura (?) quam prseclara doctrina quam
miranda constantia fuerit, Eomana Ecclesia praedicat, Occidens universus
agnoscit, tyraunorum pertinacia tolerat, et conculcata testatur." — Colbtti,
ConcU., xu. 735.
" September 5, 1092.
" Bight bishops, eight cardinals — ". . . cum immunera clericorum et
laicorum turba." — Baron., ad anu. 1092, No. 18.
* The holy abbot had refused to wear the mitre which Urban, in full
councU, had sent to him. — Ibid., ad ann. 1091, No. 2.
^ " Prsedecessoris nostri . . . institutis tenacius adhaerentes, cavent
coenobium, quod ipse singulariter dilexit. . . . Cluniacum locum iUum
famosum dirigens inde te ut abbatem . . . adscivit, &c. . , . Nos quoque
hujus nostri privUegii pagina communimus, et ab omnis tam saecularis
quam Bcclesiasticse personae jugo liberam omnino esse decernimus." —
Baron., loc. cit.
* He granted to the abbot the right of consecrating churches in the vast
domains of the abbey, and many other privileges, which may be seen in
the diploma, ap. BARON., and Colbtti, ConcU., xii. 722-727.

So THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
He grant6d to the monastery the tithe of the sea-fishery,
guaranteed the independence of its jurisdiction, and con
firmed, in advance, all gifts or cessions of fiefs which his
barons or vassals might wish to make to it. Leo, a holy
abbot of La Cava, who had been repulsed with harshness by
Gisulf, the^last Lombard Prince of Salerno, when he came
to beg the pardon of three condemned prisoners, had fore
told to the prince that he would soon cease to reign. ^ Robert
Guiscard and his Normans shortly afterwards undertook to
accomplish this prediction. Their new chief, no doubt re
membering the circumstance, conferred on the abbots of La
Cava the perpetual right of pardoning those condemned to
death or other penalties, throughout his duchy, and specially
those whom they might meet on the way to execution.^
This was the privilege which the Romans granted to
vestals, and it reappeared, in the criminal law of Christian
knights, as a tribute to true devotion and holy virginity.^
' "Dum ad mensam cum fratribus sederet, tristis nuntius affuit, qui
venerando viro tres homines privari lumine jussos a principe iudicavit, et
ejulans atque exclamaus subjunxit, dicens : Curre, pater, curre, quia jam
miseri producuntur. . . . Pro crudelitate tua post parum temporis, hujus
terrffi dominus nou eris." — Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 379. St. Leo died in
1079, and Robert Guiscard dethroned Gisulf in 1075.
2 " Concessit etiam vobis in perpetuum, ut in quacumque parte sui
ducatus, tu vel tui successores personaliter fueritis, et unus vel plures
homines ibi fuerint ad mortem, vel ad quodlibet supplioium judicati,
possitis eos, sicut volueritis, Uberare et ubicumque per suum ducatum
transitum feceritis, obviosque habueritis in vestro transitu condemnatos
qui ad suspendium vel decoUationis supplioium deportentur, valeatis eos,
si vobis placuerit, facere Uberari." This privilege, with others granted by
Roger, are inserted in the Pope's buU, ap. Baeon., and Coletti, loc. cit.
2 This same privUege had beeu granted to the Abbot of Glastonbury in
England, and to the Abbess of Lindau, on Lake Constance. — Hurtbr,
iii. 462. The Catholic spirit, so inexhaustible and so varied in its affec
tionate skiU in the things of God, reproduced, with admirable similarity,
the same fruits in the most distant places. The Eeformation and modern
policy have freed the world from these anomalies. The privilege here
aUuded to was aboUshed in a characteristic manner conformably to the
spirit of the Eeformation, when Henry VIII. caused the last Abbot of
Glastonbury to be quartered at the door of his monastery, Nov. 14, 1538,
for denying that the king was the visible head of the Church.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 8 1
The Normans gloriously continued their mission. Count
Roger, brother of Robert Guiscard, and uncle of the young
Duke of Apulia, had just completed the conquest of Sicily,
then held by the Saracens.'^ He immediately occupied him
self with the establishment of bishoprics and monasteries
there : Palermo, Messina, Catania, Agrigento, Syracusa, and
Chazzara were made bishops' sees by the pope, at the victor's
request, and most of them received as their first bishops
monks from Normandy, sharers in the first conquests of
their race in Italy.
Urban, by the care he devoted to the regulation of these
different foundations, deserved to be considered the restorer
of the Chnrch in Sicily.^ At the same time he raised the
city of Pisa to metropolitan rank, and presented to it the
island of Corsica, doing this at the request of Matilda, and
in gratitude for the services rendered to the Holy See by
this Republic, and for its victories over the Saracens.* The
cares of the sovereign pontiff were not bounded by Italy
and its dependencies ; their wide extent is proved by the
many deeds,* dated from these years of exile which relate to
monastic affairs, and the liberty of episcopal elections in
France and elsewhere.^ At the very moment when the em
peror, crossing the Alps, seemed about to fetter the papacy
more than at any time since the death of Gregory VIL,
Urban was able to reunite to the Holy See, by the closest
^ By the surrender of Castro Giovanni, 109 1.
^ Flburt, b. 64, No. 14. We refer to the leamed dissertation of Car
dinal Baronius on the subject of the pretended ecclesiastical rights conferred
upon Count Roger by Urban — rights which were, later, the object of such
grave dispute. — Ann., ad ann. 1097, No. 18-143.
3 Bulls of June 28, 1091, and April 22, 1092, ap. Fleury, b. 64, No. 8.
'' In re Cluny, Amiens, Marmoutier, S^ez, Crespin, &o. He had, above
all, defended the immunities of Fecamp against the Archbishop of Rouen,
himself a monk, bnt not the only bishop sprung from a monastery, and
unfaithful to his origin. Happily the pope-monks never yielded to this
tendency. ^ Ep. 19, ad abbat. Fiscamn. See also Bp. 33, ad. Lamb., ap. Atrebat.,
No. 40.
VOL. VI F

82 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
bonds, two Frenchmen whose influence and services were
destined to honour and fortify the Church— Bishop Yves of
Chartres, and St. Bruno, founder of the Carthusian Order.
Yves was not a monk, but he had been the pupil of Lanfranc
at Bee, and being placed at the head of a community of
regular canons at St. Quentin of Beauvais, he had preserved
during his whole career a lively recollection of the peace and
spiritual pleasures of the cloister. He had composed a vast
collection of canon law, known under his name,'' and which
retained great authority until the publication of the famous
decretals of Gratian. When Bishop Geoffrey of Chartres had
been deposed after a long process at the Court of Rome, as
guilty of simony, concubinage, and treason, Yves was chosen
to replace him by the unanimous suffrages of the clergy and
people of Chartres.^ King Philip of France acknowledged
him ; but not so the metropolitan Richer, Archbishop of Sens,
who, being a partisan of Geoffrey, refused to consecrate Yves.
The latter was obliged to go to the pope, who himself conse
crated him at Capua,* and sent him back to France with a
letter to the inhabitants of Chartres, in which he enjoined
them to receive the prelate, as consecrated by the hands of
St. Peter himself.* And as Richer, far from yielding to the
judgment of the supreme authority, wrote an injurious letter
to the new prelate, in which he seemed scarcely to allow the
validity of his consecretion,^ Yves replied_!.by an ardent vindi
cation of the Holy See, and by declaring all those who did
not respect it to be heretics.^ Richer in vain tried to obtain
1 " Decretum Yvonis Carnotensis."
^ He had to be forced to accept it. He wrote to the pope that he was
not noble enough to be a bishop. — Ep. 3. It is not known on what
authority his biographer, Fronteau, wrote of him, " a nobili sanguine
nobilem animum traxit." — Vit. Tvon., in ed. Paris, 1647.
'¦> In 1090, according to Pagi ; 1091 according to Mabill., b. 68, No. 27.
^ " Tanquam B. Petri manibus consecratum." — Pp. Tvon. i.
^ "Non simpliciter benedictionem, sed qualemcumque hostiU irrisione
appeUastis." — Ep. Tvon. 28.
8 "Cujus judiciis et constitutionibus obviare plane est hsereticae pra-
vitatis notam incurrere." — Lbid. Urban II. had shortly afterwards to

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 83
his deposition by a provincial council, as having acted to the
prejudice of the royal authority in going to Rome to be con
secrated. Yves retained his episcopal see, where we soon
find him in the first rank of champions of the authority and
discipline of the Church.
Bruno, born at Cologne, of a noble and warlike race,^ had
been canon and schoolmaster of Rheims, where he taught
Greek, Hebrew, and theology, and where he counted among
his pupils the young noble of that country who afterwards
became pope under the name of Urban II. To avoid the
dignity of Archbishop of Rheims, which was pressed upon
him, Bruno renounced teaching and the world. Accompanied
by his friends, two of whom were laymen, and the third a
foreigner,^ he went to beg a retreat with Hugh, Bishop of
Grenoble, who had been his pupil at Rheims, and become a
monk at Chaise-Dieu.
On the eve of their arrival at Grenoble, Hugh dreamed
that he was transported to the midst of the mountains of
Dauphin^ in the most savage and inaccessible part of his
diocese. In his 'vision he seemed to see rising on the broken
rocks a magnificent temple, while seven stars, coming from
afar, paused over the roof of the building and flooded it with
their light. Next day, when Hugh saw seven travellers
arrive, led by his old master Bruno, he understood that the
vision was to warn him of their coming, and he himself led
them to the place pointed out by the apparition of the seven
stars.^ arrange a simUar difiSculty in favour of Lambert, elected at Arras by the
clergy of the recently restored see. In spite of the strong opposition of
the clergy of Cambrai (on which Arras had tUl then depended), aud that
of the K'ing of France and the emperor, the metropolitan having beeu im-
¦willing to consecrate him, Lambert went to Rome, and Urban himself
consecrated him, March 19, 1094.
1 It is said that his family bore the name of Hartenfaust or Strongjisted.
2 Landuiu of Tuscany, who succeeded him as Prior of the Chartreuse.
8 I purposely abridge the story of the foundation of the Chartreuse, a
story which has become popular, thanks to the pencU of Lesueur and the
twenty -two masterpieces 'with which this great painter had decorated the

84 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL
They could arrive there only by crossing forests and pre
cipices, so difficult of access, that they risked their lives on
the journey ; and when they did arrive, they found merely
a narrow plateau surrounded by pines, dominated by steep
mountains, and perpetually swept by avalanches.^ The tra
vellers joyfully established themselves there, built an oratory
and some cabins of branches, and gave themselves entirely
to contemplation, peace, and the love of God. This solitude
was called the Chartreuse, and this was the origin ofthe order
of Carthusians (Chartreux),^ who at first bore the honour
able title of Christ's Poor. By a mysterious exercise of the
Divine Will, of all the monasteries which covered France, the
Chartreuse alone has escaped the common and sacrilegious
destruction. The new-comers bound themselves to follow the rule of St.
Benedict, but restored it to its primitive rigour, and modifled
it to a more hermit-like fashion. Isolated cells within the
boundaries of the monastery were substituted for the com
mon refectory and dormitory ; each of the thirteen monks
(the number to which those of each house were strictly
limited) inhabited one of them, where he ate, slept, and
worked in solitude.
They had few common services; the conventual mass
was only celebrated on Sundays and feast-days. On these
occasions the solitaries permitted themselves the use of fish
and cheese ; * at other times their sole nourishment was
bran bread and vegetables. They cultivated but little
of the sterile soil of their mountains, and lived only on
cloister of the Chartreuse at Paris, whence they were transported to the
Lou'VTe after the sacrilegious destruction of the monastery.
^ On January 30, 1133, the cloister and cells of the first monastery,
situated where the chapel of Notre Dame de Casalibus now stands, were
buried, together with seven monks, by the fall of an avalanche. It was
after this that the monastery was built on its present site.
2 In 1084, Pauperes Christi, DuCANGE ; V°- Pauper, Pagi, Crit, ad ann.
1086. 3 Prior Guigues says so expressly in the preamble to his statutes.— Ap.
Mabill., vol. v. b. 66, No. 65.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 8S
the produce of their flocks; it was forbidden to them to
preach. The transcription of MSS., and above all that of Holy
Scripture, was their principal occupation. " We will thus,"
said their statutes, " preach the Word of God, not by our
lips, but by the work of our hands." ^
Count William of Nevers, who was destined to end his
life as one of them, having gone to visit them from devotion,
was so touched by their poverty that on his return he sent
them a costly set of plate. They returned it to him ; but
they gratefully accepted the parchments which he gave
them afterwards,^ and which they used in forming the rich
library they shortly afterwards organised.* This new branch
of the Monastic Orders was in reality a rehabilitation of the
eremitic life of the first Fathers of the Desert, but sheltered
from the dangers of an absolute solitude. Austere as the
system was, it excited not only the emulation of all monks,
but also the admiration and envy of all laymen. Great
troops of men, women, and even children * were seen, says a
contemporary, soliciting admission into the new fold of
penitence and divine love. Meantime the number of houses
was, at first, very limited. Bruno had lived six years at
the Chartreuse, when an order of the pope drew him thence.
Urban, amidst all the storms of his pontificate, had deter
mined to call his old friend to the help of the Church ; in
1090, therefore, he enjoined him to come to him,^ and kept
him near to himself during the whole of his stay in Italy,
seeking assistance in all the papal councils from his know-
1 "Ut quod ore non possumus, Dei verbum manibus praedicamus." —
Statut. Omgon. xxvii., 4, ap. Hurter, iii. 578.
2 " Bourn coria et pergamena plurima quae ad scribendos Ubros eis neces
saria cognoverat." — Guib. Novig., Vit i. c. 21.
^ " Ditissimam bibliothecam coaggerant." — Lbid.
i " Greges virorum feminarumque et immo decennes et undecennes in-
fantiUi." — Guib. Novig., Vit. i. c. 29.
5 "Per Utteras ad S. Ecclesiae praestanda officia graviter praecipiens, ne
venire ad urbem cunctaretur."- Fit S. Brun., pp. SuRlUM, c. 16.

86 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
ledge and his affection.^ Count Roger of Sicily, who shared
the special regard felt by Norman nobles for monks, dis
puted with the pope the possession of Bruno, and loaded
him with marks of his generosity and tender affection. In
vain he offered to the Carthusian the Archbishopric of Reggio;
but when the saint, wearied of the life he led at the Roman
Court,^ had obtained his liberty, he accepted from the hands
of the Count a monastery in Calabria,* to which the pope
allowed him to retire. Bruno soon quitted his solitude to
go and baptize the son of Roger, who was one day to be the
first Christian king of the Two Sicilies, and to receive the
last sighs of the illustrious Count to whom is due the
honour of ha-ving founded this kingdom. The saint died
four months after his friend,* and the whole Church
mourned him who had enriched her with a new legion of
soldiers and saints.
Meantime, with the year 1093 there seemed to open a
more favourable phase of the Catholic cause. The emperor,
scarcely recovered from the defeat of Canossa, sustained a
still more cruel misfortune in the defection of his eldest son
Conrad, whom he had already caused to be crowned King
' " Papam solatio et consiUo iu Ecclesiasticis negotiis juvaturus." — De
institut. ord. Cartusiens., ap.<;LABBB, Bibl. i. 638. "Ejus opera usus in
celebrandis consiliis." — Baron., ad ann. 1092, No. 12. These relations
suggested to Zurbaran one of his finest pictures ; the pope and the saint
in the dress of the time are represented alone, seated face to face. This
masterpiece of the monastic painter, par excellence, was taken to the new
museum at SeviUe when the Chartreuse of that city was changed into a
china factory by a greedy manufacturer, who does not even allow strangers
to visit the place he has profaned.
^ " Cum tumultus et mores curiae ferre non posset, relicitis solitudinis
et quietis amore flagrans." — Baronius. After the CouncU of Placentia iu
1085. ^ La Torre, near Squillace. The saint drew the most charming picture
of it in his letter to Raoul le Vert, Archbishop of Eheims. See the deed in
which Eoger recounts the causes of his confidence in, and gratitude towards
Bruno. — BARON., ad ann. 1097, c. 14 ; SURIUS, vol. v., die 5th Oct.
* October 6, iioi. It is known that the Carthusian Order, by a unique
exception, has never needed to be reformed.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 87
of the Romans. This young prince, whose pious and pacific
disposition is praised by all his contemporaries, was revolted
by the sight of his father's crimes ; above all, he was horri
fied by the odious attempts of the tyrant upon the person of
his second wife, Adelaide of Russia.^ An unnatural father,
as well as an unworthy husband, Henry IV. had wished to
make Conrad, the stepson of the victim, his accomplice.^
Carried away by the most righteous indignation, the young
prince fled and joined Matilda and her husband Welf, who
were carrying on the war against Henry. Conrad fell, a
few months later, into the hands of his father, who caused
him to be imprisoned ; but he succeeded in escaping, and
being received with transport by the pontifical party, he
was proclaimed King of the Lombards by the Archbishop
of Milan. At the same time Matilda succeeded in rescuing
Adelaide from the prison where Henry kept her at Verona.*
The persecutor of the Church had thus to undergo a double
punishment ; his wife and son had both escaped, and having
sought refuge in the ranks of his adversaries, raised their
accusing voices to reveal the horrible mysteries ofthe tyrant's
private life. His despair may be imagined ; it was so great
that some thought he would kill himself.* There was also a
1 Some authors caU her Praxeda ; she was the daughter of the Czar of
Russia. He had married her in 1093, she being then widow of the Mar
grave of Brandenburg. He himself had lost his first wife Bertha, the
mother of Conrad, who at this time was nineteen years old.
^ " Incarceraverat eam, et' concessit ut plerique vim ei inferrent, immo
filium hortaus, ut eam subagitaret. Quo recusante patris poUuere stratum,
eum Rex nou suum sed peregrini filium esse aflfirmavit." — Albert Stb-
dens, Chron. im Schittir. scriptor. ; HbbmoLD., Chron. Slavor., ed. 1659 ;
Dodechin., ad anu. 1093 ; in Pistor., Script. Germ., vol. i., and ap.
Baron., &c. This terrible story, upon which Henry's apologists throw
doubts, is only too much in harmony with acts of the same kind with
which the insurgent Germans always reproached Henry (see above, the
letter of the Couut of Thuringia) ; it is, besides, confirmed by the pubUo
declarations of the empress at the CouncUs of Constance and Placentia,
as we shall see.
^ Domnizo, U. 8.
^ " In quamdam munitionem se contulit, ibique diu absque regia dig-

0 5 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
violent reaction against the prince in the very heart of that
Lombardy which, for several years, had been the chief seat
of his operations. The great towns of the country declared
against him, others announced that redoubtable municipal
league, which, a century later, was to be the bulwark of the
Church and of Italian liberty against a new race of emperors.
Milan, Lodi, Cremona, and Placentia swore to remain friends
for twenty years, and concluded an offensive alliance against
the emperor, the duration of which was also to be twenty
years ; their soldiers, united to those of Matilda and Welf,
occupied the passes of the Alps to prevent the arrival of
Henry's German allies.^ In Germany a similar movement
broke out in the towns which hitherto had furnished to the
emperor his most zealous partizans ; the burghers of Augs
burg, Metz, Toul, and Verdun, drove out the bishops whom
the schismatics had placed over them. These great news
came to Urban in the depths of Apulia, at Traja, where he
had just held his annual council,^ and they brought him back
to Rome, where he was able to celebrate the feast of Christ
mas (1093). Guibert was with the emperor in Lombardy;*
but his followers still occupied the greater part of the city,
and especially Castle St. Angelo, the Lateran, and the
bridges over the Tiber. The pope, concealed in the for
tified house of John Frangipani,* was reduced to almost
complete destitution, and loaded with debts.® The account
nitate moratus, nimioque dolore affectus, seipsum ut aiunt morti tradere
voluit, sed a suis prseventus, ad effectum venire non potuit." — Bernold.,
ad ann. 1093.
1 " In viginti anuos, conjuraverunt contra Henricum." — Lbid.
2 March 11, 1093. There were seventy bishops and eleven abbots as at
Melfi in 1089. This council published several canons as to degrees of
consanguinity, and on the means of maintaining God's truce, &c.
3 Bbrnold., ad ann. 1094.
« "In domo Joannis Fricapanem latitare." — GOTFRID. Vindocin., Ep.
8. " In quadam firmissima munitione, prope Sanctam Mariam novam." —
Bbrnold., loc. cit.
5 "Pene omnibus bonis temporalibus nudatum, et alieno sere nimis op-
pressum inveni." — Goff. Vendoc, loc. cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 89
of this distress having reached the ears of a young Angevin
noble named Geofirey,^ he, though as yet only a novice,
started immediately with all the resources he could collect,
to go to the pontiff's help, and reached him at night, in
disguise, after braving a thousand dangers. A fortnight
before Easter (1094) Ferruccio, who occupied the Lateran in
Guibert's name, offered to give the palace up to the pope for
a fixed price ; but as neither Urban bimself, nor the car
dinals and bishops of his party had the means of paying.
Abbot Geoffrey sold his horses and mules, and sent the price,
with all that he possessed, to the sovereign pontiff, who was
thus able to satisfy Ferruccio. The doors of the Lateran
were thus opened to Geoffrey, who had the privilege of being
the first to kiss the feet of Urban II. , re-established on the
throne which no orthodox pope had occupied since the exile
of St. Gregory VIL'
Urban then went to Tuscany, summoned by Matilda, who
was following up the success already obtained against the
Imperialists. She brought to Rome the unfortunate empress,
who, prostrate before the common father of the faithful, re
lated to him the shameful crimes of which she had been the
victim.* Already in an assembly of German princes and pre
lates, held at Constance by the legate Gebhard,* the empress
^ He was son of Henry Seigneur du Lion d'Angers, and grandson of the
Seigneur du Craon, and a princess of France. — Hist. Litt. de Prance, vol.
xi. p. 177. He was consecrated abbot by Yves de Chartres, August 24,
1093. - " Mens accessi ad eum dicens ut secure cum Ferruccio iniret pactum.
Ibi aurum et argentum, uummos, mulas et equos expendi : et sic Latera
nense habuimus, et intra-sdmus Palatium. Ubi ego primus osculatus sum
Domini papse pedem, in sede videlicet apostolica, in qua longe ante catho-
Ucus nou sederat papa." — Lbid.
^ "Quse susceptam reginam ad venerabilem perduxit Urbanum. . . .
Cujus provoluta pedibus, profusis lacrymis ac intimis singultibus omnem
suae, quam. pertulerat, calamitatis intimavit miseriam."— Dodbchinus,
loc. dt.
* At Easter, 1094. This council forbade people, under pain of excom
munication, to be present at the services of the simoniacal or married
priests.

90 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
had denounced the outrages which she had endured from her
unworthy husband.^ She renewed these terrible accusations
before the most solemn tribunal in the world, at the general
council convoked by the pope at Placentia, in the midst of
the district formerly most infected by the Imperialist schism
(March 1095).^ To this solemn assembly came the bishops
of Italy, France, Burgundy, and Germany, to the number of
200, more than 4000 clerks and monks, and 30,000 laymen.
No church being able to contain such a crowd, the council
had to be held in the open air outside the town. Adelaide
appeared, and after a public confession of the horrible ex
cesses to which her husband had condemned her, she obtained
absolution for the involuntary part she had taken in them,*
while a new excommunication was fulminated against her
unworthy husband.* Meantime King Philip of France, who
1 " Querimonia Praxedis reginae . . . pervenit, quae se tantas tamque
inauditas fornicationum spurcitias, et a tantis passam fuisse conquesta est,
ut etiam apud inimicos fugam suam faciUime excusaret, omnesque catho-
Ucos ad compassionem tantarum injuriarum sibi conciliaret." — Bernold.,
ad ann. 1094.
2 " In media Longobardia inter ipsos schismaticos et contra ipsos." —
Bernold., ad ann. 1095. "Primus erat mensis quo nascitur humor iu
herbis." — DOMNizo, ii. 8.
' " Cujus querimoniam Dominus Papa cum S. Synodo satis misericorditer
suscepit, eo quod ipsam tantas spurcitias non tam commisisse quam in
vitam pertulisse pro certo cognoverit. Unde et de poenitentia pro hujus
modi flagitiis injungenda illam absolvit. Bbrnold., loc. cit. Henricum
denuo excommunioaidt pro illicitis ac nefandis, omnibusque saeculis inau
ditis rebus in legitima uxore perpetratis." — Dodechin., loc. cit. Adelaide
returned to Eussia, where she ended her days in a cloister.
^ Among Henry's contemporary apologists, one only ( Vit., Henric, Anon.,
ap. Urstir) accuses Matilda of having won over the young King Conrad ;
and they all keep prudent sUence as to the overwhelming accusations of
Adelaide. Protestant historians are less embarrassed, and show themselves
only the more disposed to defend their hero. Let us take, for example,
among the most learned of the moderns, MM. Liiden and Stentzel. Liiden,
to explain the double accusation of wife and son, invents the most extra
ordinary explanation. According to him, Conrad and Adelaide must have
been carried off from Verona by MatUda, who, in league with the pope,
taught them their lesson, and dictated to Adelaide the infamous accusation
she was to, bring against her husband. He quotes no contemporary autho-

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 9 1
had been excommunicated the previous year for bigamy, in
a council held at Autun, had been cited before that of Pla
centia ; but he asked a delay, which the pope granted. The
ambassadors of Alexis Comnenus, emperor of the Bast, came
thither also to beg humbly from the pope and Christians of
the West some help against the infidels who were already
menacing Constantinople. Urban, without making an ob
stacle of the schism which was infecting the Byzantine
Church, exhorted the Catholics to give this help, and many
engaged themselves by oath in the enterprise.
The councU afterwards regulated a number of points of
discipline, and renewed the previous condemnations against
the heresy of Berenger and against simoniacs and married
priests. The pope then went to Cremona, where the young
King Conrad joined him, served as his squire on his entrance
to the city, and took an oath of fidelity to him. Urban
rity whatever iu his short but laborious dissertation on the subject, b.
xix. c. II, No. 17, vol. ix : "I cannot," he says, "understand the matter
otherwise." This is a satisfactory reason to give to a conscientious reader !
Thus the pope, the Countess MatUda, the empress, the young king, the
councU of German princes and prelates at Constance, the general council
of Placentia, and contemporary historians, must aU have been dupes or
instruments of an abominable pretence I This hypothesis is accepted as
more admissible thau the crime of a single man, because this mau, in this
quaUty as enemy of the Church, was one of the preciusors of modern
'wisdom ! M. Liiden cannot understand it otherwise I As to M. Stentzel (vol.
i. p. 552), he does not seek to deny the fact ; but, like Liiden (vol. ix. p.
246), he feels indignation not at the crimes committed by Henry against
the person of his vnie, but at the effrontery of the latter, who dared to
complain openly in a couucil! "It may be," he says, to excuse not the
victim but the executioner, "that this woman, being of a colder nature
(she was a Russian), may have felt a repugnance for the excessive volup
tuousness to which her husband subjected her." These incredible words
should be quoted iu the original: "Es mag seyn dass dieser Frau vou
kselterm Blute die auschereifende WoUuste zu'wider war, zu der sie vou
Ihrem Gemahl genusbraucht werden mcechte. " So that if she had had
the warm blood of a Spaniard or Italian, nothing would have been more
simple 1 This is how history is written 1 Is not this a case to recall the
words of the Count de Maistre, referring to writers of this school, " They
have no sympathy for amything but crime " 1

92 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
received the prince as a son of the Roman Church,^ and
promised to help him to obtain the imperial crown on
condition of his renouncing the right of investiture. He
then betrothed him to the daughter of Count Roger of
Sicily, so that the three powers of the Church party in
Italy — Matilda, the Normans, and the young king — found
themselves united by new bonds. This happy position of
affairs^ allowed the pope to travel into France, whither
most important matters called him.
' "Officium stratoris exhibuit. ... In fllium S. Romanse Ecclesise
recepit." — Bern., ann. 1095.
2 " Rebus in Longobardia bene dipositis." — Ibid.

CHAPTEE II
YVES DE CHARTRES AND THE PURITY OP
MARRIAGE
Yves de Chartres protests against the adultery of the King of France. —
Indomitable flrmness of the Bishop of Chartres. — The legate Hugh,
Archbishop of Lyons, also defends the laws of marriage. — Triumph
of Yves de Chartres in defence of the purity of marriage, and the
equaUty of duties between the two sexes. — Piety sur-rfves among
women. — They pay the debt of their mothers.
In 1092, King Philip of France was so completely seduced
by the beauty and artifices of Bertrade de Montfort,^ wife
of Fulk le R^chin, Count of Anjou, that he repudiated his
lawful wife Bertha,^ by whom he had already four children,
and carried Bertrade off from her husband, to marry her
himself. The Bishop of Senlis^ had had the criminal weakness
to bless this unlawful marriage, and other prelates of the
1 " Conscia nobUitatis et pulchritudinis sus." — Ohd. Vital., vii. 699.
This historian adds that, fearing to be sent away by her husband, as his
two previous -wives had been, Bertrade sent an agent to the king to induce
him to carry her off. She was daughter of the Couut of Montfort and
Agnes d'Bvreux.
2 Bertha was daughter of the Count of Friesland and HoUand. Her
misfortunes had been foretold to her as a punishment for the crime she
had committed in expelling Abbot Gerald from the monastery of St.
Medard. "Si tu fratrem Geraldum hinc ejeceris, Deo vindice, tu quoque
ante tuum obitum e regno extruderis, contemptaque et mrumnosa morieris."
She died, in fact, two years after her repudiation, exiled to Montreuil in
Ponthieu "iUic plebeio more defu/nctam, et sepultam." — Vit. S. Arnulph., in
Act SS. 0. B., vol. ix
2 Not, as Ordericus Vitalis says, the Bishop of Bayeux. See Pagi, Crit,
iu aun. 1094. 93

94 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
kingdom, invited by the king, seemed to act as accomplices,''
when Yves de Chartres, who had already protested by his
absence, thought it his duty to address directly to Philip
and the bishops the following remonstrance :
" Most magnificent lord, Philip, King of the French, I,
Yves, the humble bishop of the Chartrains, ardently desire
that you should govern your terrestrial kingdom so that
you may not deserve to be banished from the eternal
kingdom. I will once more say to your serenity from a
distance what I have already said vivd voce — I neither can
nor will assist at your marriage until I have learned, by the
decision of a council, whether your divorce and your new
union are lawful. . . . Out of respect for my conscience,
which I desire to keep pure before God, and that I may
preserve the good fame which a priest of Christ ought to
be honoured with before the faithful, I would rather be
thrown into the depths of the sea with a millstone round
my neck than be a stumbling-block to the weak. And
when I speak thus, far from failing in the fidelity I owe
to you, I give you the greatest proof of it; for I think
you are exposing your soul to the gravest peril, and your
crown to a real danger."^
The prelate sent copies of this letter to the other bishops
invited, with a circular, in which he spoke to them thus :
" You have the same reason as I for not assisting at this
scandalous marriage. Do not then be like dumb dogs,
unable to bark ; but, on the contrary, show yourselves good
guardians, and seeing the enemy approach, blow your
trumpets, and take your swords in hand." *
1 "Et quod scelestius est, invenit GaUiarum episcopos, qui foverint
adeo nefandis criminibus, uno contradicente omnibus illis Yvone." —
Baron., ad ann. 1094, c. 10.
3 "Domino suo PhUippo, &c., sic militare in regno terreno ut non
privetur aeterno. . . . Malo cum mola asinaria in profundum mergi,
quam per me mentibus infirmorum tanquam coeco offendiculum poni.
Nee ista contra fideUtatem vestram, sed pro summa fidelitate dicere me
arbitror," &c.— Yvo., Ep. 15, ed. Pronto.
3 " NoUte fieri canes muti, latrare non valentes, sed sicut boni specula-

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 95
The king, answering that all had been settled by the
Archbishop of Rheims and his suffragans, Yves wrote to
this metropolitan to exhort him not to shrink from the
duty of his ofiice, declaring that, for his part, he would
rather lose the name and dignity of a bishop than by pre
varication scandalise the flock of Christ.^ The king, irritated
by this resistance, ordered the prelate's domains to be ravaged,
and caused him to be imprisoned by Hugh, Lord of Puiset,
Viscount of Chartres. History describes this captivity as
being so severe that the prisoner even wanted bread.^ The
people were much irritated, but Yves absolutely forbade his
friends to attempt to release him by force, as they had
thought of doing.
"Without God's will," he wrote, "neither you nor any
one would be able to give me my liberty. Not having
obtained the episcopate by violence, it is not by violence
that I ought to be restored to it."*
The pope, being informed of what was passing, wrote to
the bishops of the province of Rheims that they should
recall the king to a better mind. " Even if he repulse
you," said the pontiff, "it is better for you and me that
we should vindicate the divine law from the outrage it
has suffered, and that we should pierce these adulterous
Midianites with the sword of Phineas." *
Urban did yet more ; he enjoined the bishops to demand
the release of Yves de Chartres, and to excommunicate the
tores, videntes gladium venientem super terram, buccina insonate." — Yvo.,
Ep. 14.
' " Malo enim perpetuo nomine et officio Episcopi carere, quam pusillum
gregem Domini mei legis praevaricatione scandalizare." — Id., Ep. 13.
2 "Damna quse mihi usque ad penuriam panis inflicta sunt." — Id.,
Ep. 22, HiLDEB., Ocenom., ep. lao. "In quodam castello quo frangat
animum, ni saxo fortior esset."— Feonton. , Vit Yvon.
' "Quare ne flat prohibeo, interdioo. Neo enim incendiis domorum,
depraedatiouibus pauperum potestis Dominum plaoare. . ."—Pp. 20.
* " Quod si contempserit et vobis et nobis, necessitas imminebit ut
ad ulciscendas divinse legis injurias pro nostri officii debito aocingamur,
et Phineas gladio Madianitas adulteros perf oremus." — Letter of the 27th
October 1092, ap. Colbtti, ConcU., xii. 757.

96 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
king if he should refuse it. Philip did not dismiss his
mistress ; but Yves succeeded in leaving his prison without
the vigour of his iron will having been weakened by his
captivity.-^ In vain did the king persuade the prelate to
come to jhim to assist at a provincial council convoked at
Rheims, where he had the more hopes of obtaining sanction
for his marriage, because Bertha was now dead. Yves
answered the prince by reminding him of the sentence
already pronounced by the pope against his union with
Bertrade : " It is out of regard for your majesty," he
added, " that I refrain from appearing in your presence,
lest I should be obliged, in conformity with the injunction
of the Apostolic See, which I must obey as Christ Himself,
to speak aloud all that I now say to you in private." ^
On the other hand, to his old adversary, Richer, Arch
bishop of Sens, the prelate wrote in these words : " They
accuse me of having attacked the royal majesty ; but let
me say to you that this reproach attaches much more justly
to those who have recourse to powerless remedies instead of
at once cauterising the wound. If you had been as firm
as I, our sick man would long ago have been cured. It is
for you to consider whether, by your delays, you fulfil your
obligations towards him, and the duties of your position.
As for me, I am ready to suffer all the penalties our lord
the king may be willing or able to inflict on me with God's
permission. Let him imprison, banish, or persecute me ;
with the help of heavenly grace, I am resolved to suffer for
the law of my God, and nothing shall be able to force me to
shut my eyes to the sin of him whose chastisement I am
determined not to share." *
1 " Ferreum Yvonis animum," says Baronius, ad 1095, c. 16. The
date of Yves's deliverance, and the length of his imprisonment, are not
positively known.
2 " PhiUippo Dei Gratia, &c. . . . sic se regere ut Regi regum valeat
complacere. . . . Poscens igitur majestati vestrae . . . ne . . . quod nunc
dico in aure, cogar in vestris et multorum auribus publicaire." — Ep. 28.
3 " Faciat ergo Dominus rex adversus parvitatem meam, quantum Deo

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 97
The efforts of Yves of Chartres to renew the courage of
his brethren were useless : "I have transmitted to them,"
he wrote to the Pope, " your letters ; but they are silent,
like dogs that dare not bark." ^
The bishop who thus expressed himself was, however,
far from being an enemy to the royal authority ; he pro
fessed, on the contrary, with regard to the lay power,
opinions more favourable than those of most of the eminent
churchmen of his time, as we shall see further on ; but he
would not traffic with evil. He was, besides, profoundly
versed in the secrets of that govemment of souls, which he
so justly called " the art of arts, and the heaviest of burdens."
Far from being absorbed by discussions of the king's mar
riage, he was at the same time carrying on the refutation
of the errors of Roscehn^ as to the Holy Trinity, and he
addressed to the sophist the advice by which philosophers
of all ages might profit, " Not to seek to know more than it
was fUting to know." * He asked the prayers of the monks
safe in harbour that he might have the strength necessary
to navigate among the storms.* He envied their calm.
permittente, Ubuerit vel licuerit : iucludat, excludat, prescribat . . .
decrevi pati pro lege Dei mei : nee uUa ratione cogente, volo ei cousen-
taneus in culpa esse, qui nolo esse censors in poena." — Ep. 35.
1 ' ' Adhuc tamen tacens, tanquam canes muti nou valentes latrare." —
Ep. 25.
- Eoscelin having been already condemned at the CouncU of Soissons
in 1092, had pretended that Yves and St. Anselm, then Abbot of Bee,
thought as he did ; he affirmed that he had retracted at Soissons only
for fear of being torn to pieces by the people. He had afterwards written
against Eobert of Arbrissel, one of the holiest monks of the time. St.
Anselm, who had just been made Archbishop of Canterbury, pubUshed
about the same time his treatise on the " Incarnation " in order to refute
the heresiarch.
3 " Non plus sapere quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad sobrietatem,"
-Pp. 7.
^ ' ' Nos enim publicorum negotiorum tumultibus occupati . . . internae
quietis suavitatem vix aUquando admittimus, raro etiam canonicum pen-
sum determinatio horis solvere prsevalemus. Vos igitur qui velut in portu
navigatis, oportet ut nobis orationis manus qua longe potestis extendatis."
— Ep. 19, to the Abbot of Fecamp, WiUiam de Kos.
VOL. VI. G

98 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
" I fight daily with wild beasts," he wrote to the Pope ;
" my soul has no peace ; my heart is broken for the miseries
of the Church, which no one, or scarcely any one, strives to
cure. I exercise authority over certain men, but without
being of much use to them. This is why I am often tempted
to lay down my office, and to return to my former quiet,
where I might wait for Him, who would deliver me at once
from the cowardice and the storms of my mind. My affec
tion for yon alone retains me here."^
This affection was at once noble and disinterested. The
pious prelate had all possible right to employ this inscription
for a letter addressed to the sovereign pontiff: "To Urban,
Pope, I, Yves, his spiritual son, address the homage of a
pure love, and not a servile submission." ^
Soon, indeed, he ceased to be the only defender in France
of the sacredness of marriage and of the prerogatives of the
Church. For a long time past, while pointing out to the
sovereign pontiff the intolerable abuses which he observed
in the Church of France,* he had implored him to appoint
a legate who would seek not his own interest but that of
Christ.* Urban yielded to this prayer by conferring the
mission on Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons, the very man whom
Gregory VII. had chosen for legate and designated for his
successor.^ ^ " Ad bestias quotidie pugnans . quia video me praeesse, sed nnUi
fere prodesse . . . quietem ubi Ulum expectem qui salvum me faciat a
pusUlanimitate spiritus et tempestate." — (Ps. 54,) Ep. 25.
2 "Urbano summo pontifici Ivo spiritualis ejus fiUus, nou servUis
timoris, sed casts dUectionis obsequium." — Ep. 25.
3 " Multa tolero, multa dissimulo . . . multa enim inordinata video in
domo Dei, quae me torquent, maxime quod apud nos, qui altari non ser-
viunt, de altari vi'vunt," &c. — Ep. 12.
¦* "Qui nou sua qua3rat, sed Jesu Christi. Necessarius enim esset Ec
clesiae Dei in qua quilibet, quodlibet audet, et quod audet facet, et quod
facit impunitum transit." — Ibid.
^ He had been prior of St. Marcel-lfes-ChMons, and as at this epoch
there is no instance of an abbey or priory confided to other than monks,
MabiUon (Ann., i. 70, No. 85) has concluded that he was a monk. But
this opinion has been contested. See Hist.littdr. de Prance, vol. ix. p. 203.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 99
For a moment led away, Hugh had returned to the right
path after the death of Victor IIL, and hastened to acknow
ledge Urban. At first he wished to decline the burden
of the legation, but Yves begged him not to do so : " Do
not," he wrote to him, " be one of those bad physicians
who prefer their own quiet to the health of their patients.
There is a new Ahab in Italy, and a new Jezebel in France :
it is your part to be the new Elijah. Herodias is there
dancing before Herod, and demanding of him the head of
John the Baptist : John the Baptist ought none the less to
say to him, ' Non licet ; it is not lawful for thee to leave
thy "wife and take thy neighbour's.' " ^
Hugh at last yielded ; and was scarcely invested with the
character of legate when he convoked at Autun ^ a council
of thirty-two bishops and many abbots, where the sentences
already pronounced against the Emperor Henry* and the
King of France were renewed. Thus excommunicated,
Philip appealed to the Pope, threatening to withdraw from
his obedience if he were not absolved. Hugh cited him to
appear at the Council of Placentia, and afterwards gave him
a reprieve until the Peast of All-Saints of the year 1095, in
spite of the urgency of Yves of Chartres, whose only hope
was in the energy of the sovereign pontiff and the legate.*
At this crisis Urban himself came into France, where,
having celebrated the Feast of the Assumption at Notre
Dame du Puy, he consecrated the Church of Chaise-Dieu,
the great Monastery of Auvergne, which, under the rule of
Abbot Seguin, had reached the highest point of splendour
and regularity. Thence the pope went to his own monas
tery of Cluny, the abbot of which, the great Hugh, was still
living, after forty-six years of office. Hugh had the happi
ness of receiving his old disciple, now become head of the
^ Pp. 24. ^ October 16, 1094.
3 This was done because most of the bishops at the council belonged to
the kingdom of Burgundy or Aries, then united to the Holy Roman Empire.
Even Lyon depended ou the emperor, as well as on the King of France.
* " Ubi restat adhuc anchora aliqua spei nostrae."— J^j. 30.

IOO THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
Church, after having been Prior of Cluny. Urban was the
first pope who ever visited this celebrated monastery, which
was specially devoted by its founders to the defence of the
papacy. The pontiff confirmed all the immunities of the
illustrious house. He offered himself to consecrate the high-
altar of the immense church which St. Hugh was building,
and in the discourse which he delivered to the people on
this occasion, he declared that the desire to visit Cluny had
been the first and principal cause of his journey into France.^
Urban next returned to Auvergne, where he was to hold the
famous Council of Clermont,^ at which there were present
13 archbishops* with their suffragans, 225 bishops, and
90 abbots, — forming an assembly of about 400 prelates,
or mitred abbots, without counting a numerous crowd of
doctors and professors.* They adopted a good many im
portant measures, intended to keep the Church pure from
all contagion of evil, and free from all secular power.^ At
the same time, the council confirmed, as a general institu
tion, the Truce of God, which had been already a long time
in use in different provinces of the kingdom.® After having
' Biblioth. Cluniac, p. 508. He afterwards drew a line round the abbey
and its principal dependencies, uuder the name of sacer hannus, or sacred
banlieu, within which it was forbidden, under pain of sacrUege, to commit
any rapine or violence whatever.
^ November 18, 1095.
^ Thoseof Lyons, Pisa, Eeggio, Bordeaux, Rheims, Bourges, Tours, Sens,
Narbonne, Vienne, Tarragona, Aix, and Toledo. Besides these two last
archbishops, there were several Spanish bishops.
^ Mabill., i. 69, c. 22. " IlUc praeter episcoporum et abbatum examina,
quos circiter 400 per prseeminentes ferulas fuisse aliqui numerant, totius
Fraucia3 et appendicium comitatuum litteraturaconflixit." — GtriB. NOVIG.,
Gest. Dei per Prune, ii. 2.
5 Order. Vit., b. ix. p. 719 ; Colbtti, ix., 897.
" The origin of this institution is traced back to 1034 ; it was recog
nised in Normandy in 1046 (see Leprevost, note in Ord. Vit., vol. v. p. 316),
and several times confirmed by the councils held by the popes in ApuUa.
According to the first canon of the Council of Clermont, the Truce of God
required that, in private or legitimate wars, monks, clergy, and women
should be unharmed, and that hostilities (pacis fractio) oould only be
carried on from the Monday to the Wednesday of each week, the other

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. IOI
renewed the ordinary prohibitions relative to simony, the
marriage of priests, and investitures, the Pope, by new
canons, forbade the bishops and priests to take the oath
of liege homage between the hands of kings or other lay
persons.^ He forbade laymen to retain the tithes or other
revenues of the Church, or to usurp the property of bishops
or clergy after their deaths. He renewed the direction for
abstinence in Lent ; he ordered that any one who took
refuge at the foot of a wayside cross, should find sanctuary
there as if in a church, and should not be delivered to justice
until assured of safety to life and limb. He recognised the
primacy of the Church of Lyons, long disputed by those of
Sens and Rouen. 2 Finally, the delay allowed to Philip of
France having expired without his dismissing Bertrade, the
Pope, in full council, pronounced sentence of excommunica
tion against him, in spite of the solicitations and offers of
all kinds made by the nobles of the court, where were as
sembled at this moment the king's principal accomplices,
the Archbishops of Sens and Rheims, and many other great
personages of the French kingdom.* Philip, to the scandal
of an open adultery, added flagrant and inveterate habits
of simony,* which are mentioned with reprobation by several
four days being reserved for the peace of God. A valuable regulation for
the appUcation of this canon to Touraine and Anjou, confirmed by the
pope at Clermont, may be seen, ap. Colbtti, ConcU., xii. 933.
' " Ne episcopus vel sacerdos regi vel aUcui laico in manibus ligium
fideUtatem faciat." — Can., 17.
^ We 'wiU give later the decisions made on the subject of different
monastic establishments.
3 " Regem . . . tanta auctoritate excommunicavit, ut intercessiones
spectabiUum personarum, et multiplicium munerum illationes contemp
serit, et quod intra regui ipsius demorabatur limites non extimuerit." —
Guib. Nov., loc. cit
* " Hominem in Dei rebus venalissrmum." — GuiB. Nov. He was paid
in his owu coin by the Bishop of Chartres, predecessor of Yves, who had
promised him the first prebend that should be vacant in his chapter. When
the king reproached him for haviug giveu away several after this promise,
the bishop answered : " I have not given away one ; I have sold them all."
— Michel Scot, b. iv., mensa philos., c. 28, ap. Pagi, Crit, ann. 1095.

102 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
deeds drawn up at this time.'' Yves of Chartres, present at
the council, finally triumphed ; and this first victory did but
increase the zeal which he displayed during all the rest of
his life, in defence of the purity of marriage in all ranks of
society, the equal duty of both sexes to observe their vows,
conjugal fidelity, and, finally, the right of the woman to dis
pose of herself freely in marriage, in spite of contrary stipu
lations on the part of her parents.^ It is true that in thus
acting Yves only followed the immemorial tradition of the
fathers, and trod the path whence truly Catholic popes and
bishops have never deviated.
Throughout the middle ages the life of these fathers of
the Christian people was a constant struggle in favour of
the indissolubility of the conjugal tie against the power
of kings and nobles. The latter did not, indeed, yet possess
the many opportunities of satisfying their sensual passions
in secret offered to their successors by the life of courts and
the relaxed morals of modern society ; but through all ages,
and in the most varying circumstances, the Roman Church
has won for herself a glorious and eternal renown by pro
tecting weakness in its holiest and most fragile form — the
liberty and purity of woman. From St. John the Baptist
to Clement de Droste, the last Archbishop of Cologne, it
has been almost always on the question of marriage that the
spiritual power has suffered from the sword and fetters of
persecutors. In this one year 1 09 5, the two most powerful sovereigns
of Christendom — the Emperor and the King of France —
had been excommunicated by the Pope for having violated
the law of marriage.* From age to age the same example
1 "Facta est h^o donatio anno ab Incarnat, &c. . . Urbano aposto
lico, Francia ex adulterio Philippi indigni regis fcedat. . . ." It must be
said that this donation was made by Count Fulk, Bertrade's outraged
husband. — Pagi.
'¦' See the collection of his letters, passim, especially Ep. 134 and Ep. 166.
3 Fleury remarks repeatedly (b. 64, n. 21 and 29) that the excommuni
cation of Philip did not lead to his deposition, and that no one ceased to

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. IO3
was followed until the sixteenth century, when a pope chose
rather to see the whole kiogdom of England break with the
Holy See than to sell the right of divorce to a voluptuous
tyrant. Let no one be astonished, then, that even amidst
the religions degradation of our century piety has survived
among women : they do but pay the debt of their mothers.
obey him. Nothing was more natural ; the penal consequences of excom
munication ouly followed, if the excommunicated person allowed a year
and a day to pass without seeking absolution. Philip took care never to
let this legal delay pass 'without making some show of submission, or with
out obtaining a new prolongation, until his definitive absolution in 1106.
There was never, accordingly, any need for the Pope to depose him, or for
his subjects to disobey him ; unlike the case of the Emperor Henry, who,
after having obtained his absolution a first time, again revolted against
even the jurisdiction of the Pope, and was deposed by him and by the
aissembly of princes. The president, H^nault, does uot seem so well satis
fied as the Abb^ Fleury with the consequences of the sentence passed upon
PhUip. He says of this king that "he was less degraded in the eyes of his
people by his vices than by his weahness in allowing himself to be pvmished for
them.'' A fine doctrine, certainly, and one weU worthy of a Parliamentary
dignitary -writing under the reign of Madame de Pompadour I

CHAPTEE III
URBAN II., PETER THE HERMIT, AND THB PRE
PARATIONS FOR THE CRUSADE
The first pilgrims in the Holy Land. — St. Simon and Sigebert of Mayence
at Jerusalem. — Calamities endured by the Christians in Palestine. —
The Crusades were not a cause of weakness to the Church. — The sweet
thirst for holy pilgrimage, for the journey of God. — Urban II. the true
promoter of the First Crusade. — Pious foundations of the Crusaders
before their departure for the Holy Land.
That which in the eyes of posterity gives their chief glory
to the Council of Clermont and to Urban IL, is the preach
ing of the First Crusade. This great enterprise had been
for a long time preluded, so to speak, by the frequent
pilgrimages of Western Christians to the Holy Sepulchre.
Catholics of all ages and ranks went thither in crowds from
all countries, and through a thousand dangers ; '^ princes and
subjects alike, with staff in hand and scrip on shoulder.^
Monks had always been remarked in the first rank of these
^ " Robertus, comes Flandrensis, cum baculo et pera ..." from 1085
to 1089. — MS. Rob. Monach., quoted by Ducange, not in lib. vii. Alexiadis ;
the Vicomte de Limoges, Comte d'Angouleme, Robert of Normandy, the
Comte de Luxemburg.
^ There had already been several pilgrimages in the preceding centuries.
See above the deed of election of an abbot in place of the one of St. Albin,
who was going to the Holy Land. The ; explanation, No. 11, at the end of
volume i. of Michaud's History of the Crusades, contains a very complete list
of the pilgrimages previous to the Crusades ; but the most exact work on
this curious subject is the Chronological List of PUgrimages anterior to the
Crusades from the Thirteenth Century, drawn up with much care by M.
Ludovic Lalaune, and inserted in the Biblioth. de rpJcole de Chartres, vol.
ii. p. I, 2nd series. 104

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. IDS
pilgrims. Almost all the eminent abbots of the twelfth cen
tury,^ as well as a crowd of monks,»had made the voyage to
the Holy Land. A great number of nobles and knights thus
abandoned their homes, and, touched by compunction, after
praying at the tomb of Christ, returned to end their lives
piously in some monastery. Towards the end of the tenth
century, Bononius established himself first in Egypt, and
afterwards at Jerusalem. He reformed, according to the
rule of St. Benedict, the monasteries which still subsisted
in the countries conquered by the Mussulmans, and was
able to bring back to Constantinople a number of Greek
captives, who owed their ransom to his devotion.^ The
great abbot, Richard of St. Vannes, started at the head of
700 pilgrims collected together by Duke Richard of Nor
mandy, and whose expenses that prince undertook to defray.
The monk St. Simeon, who was born of a Greek family of
Syracuse, and who died a recluse at Treves, carried away,
says his biographer, by the invincible desire which drew
Christians to Jerusalem, had, in his earliest youth, renounced
all else to hasten thither, and had passed seven years in
Syria acting as guide to European pilgrims.* The monk
Sigebert, Archbishop of Mayence, went thither, accompanied
by 7000 companions.* It was on his return from the Holy
Land that Li^bert, Bishop of Cambrai, had founded the
Abbey of St. Sepulchre, in memory of his pilgrimage. The
holy monk Udalric, the compiler of the Customs of Cluny,
almost perished under the swords of the Saracens when he
went to thank God for the grace of baptism on the banks
1 Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viii. p. 238, ad ann. 1025.
2 Act. SS. Julii, vol. u. p. 545.
3 In 1064.
¦* " Videns quosque et nos his partibus desiderio infatigabUi currere ad
sepulcrum Domini . . . per septem annos ductor peregrinorum fuit." —
Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viU. p. 329, ad ann. 1035. St. Simeon spoke five lan
guages — Egyptian, Syriac, Arabic, Greek, and Latin. — Ibid., p. 331. It is
surprising that M. L. Lalanne has not avaUed himself for his work of the
curious Life of St Simeon, which contains a quantity of interesting detaUs
on the relations of Christians with the Holy Land before the Crasades.

Io6 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of the Jordan.-' Thierry, the first abbot of the restored St.
Evroul, finding himself attacked by a mortal illness at St.
Nicholas in Cyprus, entered a church, laid his head upon
the altar-step, and joining his hands crosswise, thus fell
asleep in death. ^
It was not only isolated and wandering monks who en
deavoured to practise the virtues of the sons of St. Benedict
near the tomb of Christ, polluted by the presence of con
quering Mussulmans ; the enterprise was shared by whole
communities. There were, in the eleventh century, two mon
asteries at Mount Sinai and one at Bethlehem, sustained by
gifts collected in the West, even in the depths of Normandy,*
by the generous intervention of merchants of Amalfi. The
Abbey of Santa Maria Latina, founded by these merchants
at Jerusalem,* and peopled by monks from Monte Cassino,
introduced the rites of the Latin Church into the Holy
Land.^ A convent, under the invocation of St. Mary Mag
dalen, was added. These communities, as may well be sup
posed, could not, like thosein Europe, receive gifts of land ;
but the pious generosity of the people of Amalfi partly pro
vided for their needs ; each year burghers and merchants
collected among themselves a sum, which, being transmitted
to Jerusalem, relieved the penury not only of the monks and
nuns, but also of the Western pilgrims.* It may be ima-
' Act SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 780. He had desired martyrdom ; but human
weakness getting the better of him, says his biographer, aud seeing the
Saracens appear as he was coming out of the river, he ran away without
stopping to dress himself.
" "Super dextrum latus reoubans, quasi dormire volens, caput suum
super marmoreum gradum reclinavit, manusque super pectus iu modum
crucis aptavit." — Ord. Vit., b. iii. p. 66, ed. Leprevost. Raoul, Abbot of
Mont St. Michel, who accompanied Thierry, died like him, iu pUgrimage,
in 1058.
3 Vit. S. Simeonis, Nos. 4, 5, and 8, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viii. p. 330.
' In 1048.
"i " Ut secundum latinitatis usum divinae majestatis servitium persolver
ent."— Ord. Vit., b. x.
8 " Neque reditus erant neque possessiones ; sed praedicti Amalfitani
annis singulis, tam qui domi erant, tam qui negotiationes sequebantur.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 107
gined how the narratives of these pilgrims, on their return
home, must have swelled the hearts of their countrymen.
But it was reserved for an obscure monk, Peter the Hermit,^
to determine the movement which was to fiing the Catholic
West upon the infidel East. Having brought back from
Jerusalem and the holy places the most bitter recollections
of the odious rule which pagans exercised over unhappy
Christians, the monk Peter, who, in celestial visions, seemed
perpetually to hear the supplications of the Patriarch of
Jerusalem, and the earnest appeals of the sovereign pontiff,
undertook to travel throughout Europe, calling Catholics to
the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre and of their perse
cuted brethren in the East.
After long wanderings through various countries, where
the people listened -with eagerness to his words, the hermit-
preacher came to Urban II. at the Council of Clermont, and
the Pope's powerful voice was joined to his.^ The monk-
pontiff, full of faith in the prophetic hopes of two of his
predecessors — the monks Sylvester II. and Gregory VII. —
who had been the first to appeal to Christendom to deliver
the Holy Land from the yoke of Islam, renewed, at the
Council of Constance, an attempt he had already made at
Placentia. Addressing himself specially to the nobles, who
had assembled in great numbers, he drew a powerful picture
of the cruelties and sacrileges committed by the Saracens in
Palestine, and exhorted them to go and expiate, by a lawful
and sacred war, their o'wn violence, rapine, and indomitable
pride.*coUecta inter se quasi per symbolum pecunia, per eos qui Hierosolymam
proficiscebantur . . . advenientibus christicoUs aUqua misericordia."—
GtriLL. Ttr., b. xviii. c. 5.
1 MabiUon has proved that he was a monk and a Frenchman.— ^ mm.
Bened., vol. v. b. 68, No. 86. See GuiB. NoviG., u. 4.
2 " Per manum Petri, viri venerabiUs, qui prsesens est. . . ." Speech of
the Pope to the councU.— GuiLL. TvR., De Bello sacro, i. 15.
3 " Vos accincti cingulo mUitiae magno supercilio fratres vestros dUan-
iatis. ... Si vultis animabus vestris consuli, istius modi militise cingulum
quantocius deponite, et ad defendendam orientalem Ecclesiam velocius

I08 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
" Go," said the venerable pontiff, " and die for Christ, in
that very place where Christ died for you." ^
Urban, in order to call down the blessing of Heaven on
the expedition which he destined to conquer the tomb of
Christ, commanded the clergy to recite, every Saturday, the
office of the Blessed Virgin.^ Nothing could cool the zeal
ofthe Pope nor destroy his energy — neither the perils which
surrounded the Church in the West, nor the implacable
struggle which, for twenty years, had been carried on be
tween him and the emperor, and which had never suffered
him, since his accession to the pontificate, to occupy in
peace the throne of St. Peter and the city of Rome.
With the self-abnegation of a true monk, and the genero
sity of a great pope. Urban sacrificed everything to the
realisation of his plan. His thoughts were concentrated on
the East, whither flowed, at his bidding, the most valiant
soldiers of Christendom. Himself for seven years a wan
derer and an exile, the pontiff employed all his authority
and all his influence to re-establish internal peace, that he
might be free to send the most fervent champions of the
Church upon this distant service.*
concurrite." — Willelm. MalmbSB., De reg. Angl., 1. iv. c. 2. Three dif
ferent speeches, or three different versions of the same speech of Urban in
council, are given by WUliam of Tyre, William of Malmesbury, and Gui
bert de Nogent.
' ' ' Pulchrum sit vobis in ilia civitate mori pro Christo in qua pro vobis
Christus mortuus est." — Wilh. Malm., loc. cit.
- Baron., ad aun. 1095, c. 51.
3 This disinterestedness appears so incredible to the Protestant Liiden,
that he tries to persuade us that Urban yielded to force in preaching the
Crusade, and that his speeches at Clermont only express an artificial
enthusiasm. — Erhiinstelter Begeisterung, vol. ix. pp. 264-277. It is thus that
since the Eeformation and the Eenaissance, the annals of our fathers have
been interpreted, in contempt of the most striking facts, such as the two
great councils of Placentia and Clermont, in contempt of the most incon
testable assertions, and the unanimous testimony of contemporaries. Thus
we see a school of historians labouring to transform into acts of baseness
and hypocrisy the great deeds of those whose faith they have always
ignored or denied, and whose mind and genius, consequently, they could
not understand. Judging others by themselves, and feeling themselves

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 109
In reality this unheard of transplantation of the living
strength of the Church was no cause of weakness to her ;
on the contrary, it only gave her authority deeper root.
Nevertheless, as the guarantee of so great a result, the Pope
had nothing but his absolute faith in the promises of Christ.^
Nothing is more admirable than his unconquerable resolution,
unless it be the marvellous eagerness with which the Catholic
world responded. We know how the shout of " God wills
it ! " which had answered Urban's words at Clermont, re
sounded from one end of Christendom to the other ; and
how all at once there seemed to breathe upon Europe a
rushing wind, which extinguished all discord, and filled the
souls of men with a spirit from on high which none could
resist.^ We know how not only princes and knights, but also
peasants and serfs, rose in crowds to attack the infidel ; *
how rich and poor, men and women, old and young, sold all
they had to seek the way of God ;^ how the mockers of
to-day, caught by the contagion of example, became the
utterly incapable of any devotion whatever to a cause in a manner super
human, they find it easier and more simple to explain, by the 'vilest motives,
the greatest of our ancestors, which is supernatural for them, and they
choose such personages alone out of history for apology or panegyric as
wUl never put them to the embarrassment of explaining the motives of
their magnanimity.
' " Sic Urbano agente, refloruit orbis : nam pacem renovans, Ecclesise
jura sua restituit, et paganos de terris christiauorum expeUi fecit. Bt
quoniam res Dei curavit, effecit vicissim Deus, ut omnes ultro ei se sub-
jicerent." — Fulcher, Carnot., Hist. Hierosol., i. i.
^ Guibert de Nogent, Gest Dei, ii. 3, uses an analogous though different
image : "Et sicuti rapidissimi venti impetus solet non magna pluviae unda
restringi, ita Ulico contigit ad invicem simultates universorum et beUa
sopiri, per inditam sibi aspirationem, haud dubium quin Christi." — GuiB.
NO'VIG., loc. cit.
3 " Jam Palatinorum comitum pruriebat intentio : et mediocritas eques-
trium virorum parturire jam coeperat : cum ecce, pauperum animositas
tantis ad hoc ipsum desideriis aspiravit, ut eorum nemo de censuum par-
vitate tractaret, de domorum, vinearum et agrorum congruenti distractione
curaret," &c. — Lbid.
* " Quisque . . . de proponenda iiia Dei . . . quosque soUicitat." — Lbid.

IIO THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
enthusiasts of to-morrow ; ^ how even the poorest labourers,
watching for the passing by of some lord whose troop they
might join,^ started in waggons drawn by oxen, carrying
with them not only their most precious possessions, but even
little children, who, whenever a town or castle came in sight,
innocently asked if this were not Jerusalem.* From Galicia
to Denmark whole nations were seen to rouse themselves
and rush eastward.*
" Oh, what good seed," said contemporaries, " is the word
of the great Shepherd ! How admirable are the fruit and
flowers which it produces ! ^ Inestimable and marvellous is
the grace of Providence, which, by the love of Christ, and
under His sovereignty alone, can all at once collect into one
body so many scattered members of Christ," so many nations
1 " Dum hodie super omnimoda aliorum venditione cachinnant . . . iu
crastinnm repentino instinctu pro paucis uummulis sua tota tradentes,
cum eis proficiscebantur quos riserant." — GuiB. NOVIG., loc. cit.
^ "Catervatim concurrebant populi, ubicumque unum de principibus
iturum se novissime audieraut, ut se iUius comitatui sociareut." — Guill.
Tyr. c. 23.
3 " Bobus viroto applicatis . . substantiolas cum parvulis in carruca
convehere ; et ipsos infantulos, dum obviam habent quaeUbet castella vel
urbes, si hsec esset Jerusalem, ad quam tendereut rogitare." — Guib. Nov.,
loc. cit.
* "Galileos extremes hominum." — Oder. Vit., b. ix. p. 725. The
brother of the King of Denmark came with two bishops of his own country,
where the faith has just been established.
'^ " 0 fidei semen, bona germina quot modo prsebes.
Cum rutili flores refluunt pastoris ab ore,
Et pariunt fructus Domini dignanter in usus ! . . .
Sexus uterque Deo gliscit parere sereno ;
Certatim currunt Christi purgare sepulcrum.''
— Domnizo, b. ii. u. lo.
^ "Eo tempore quo omnis terra festinabat venire in Jerusalem . . .
fuit qusedam triremis magna et fortis quse plena hominibus armatis,
volucri cursu tendebat properare in Hierusalem ut Christiano exercitui
auxUium ferret. . Brant autem in ipsa maxima navi, homines diver
sarum nationum, Francorum scilicet, Burgundionum, Aquitanorum,
Wasconum, Hispauorum, Italicorum, Siculorum, Calabridum, sed et
aliarum nationum. . . " A storm comes on ; the men of each country
invoke their national saint — the French, St. Denis ; the Poitevins, St.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. Ill
differing each from the other in language and in father
land ! 1 Never did war furnish to sages, to poets, or to
historians, a more glorious subject than these exploits of
the soldiers of God. With this handful of Christians drawn
from their homes by the sweet thirst ^ of pilgrimage, the
Church triumphs over all the pagans of the East. The God
of Abraham goes with them and renews His ancient
miracles : He attracts the faithful of the West by an
ardent desire to see the sepulchre of the Messiah : He
guides them solely by the voice of Pope Urban, without
the intervention of any king, or of any secular power : He
draws them from all corners of the earth, as heretofore the
Hebrews from the land of Egypt : He conducts them through
strange lands even to Palestine, and by them He gloriously
overcomes cities, peoples, and kings." *
Thus the true promoter of the Crusade was Pope Urban.*
Peter the Hermit was, in fact, only the pontiff's enthusiastic
auxiliary, and it appears from all contemporary accounts
that the ardent preacher did not know how to rule, restrain,
or direct the multitude which he had assembled, and with
HUaire ; the Tourangeaux, St. Martin ; the Orleanais, St. Aiguan ; the
Limousins, St. Martial ; the Toulousains, St. Saturnin ; the Auxerrois,
St. Germain ; the Vermandois, St. Quentin, &c. But the storm only
ceased wheu a man of Ponthieu had persuaded them to join in invoking
St. Riquier, founder and first abbot of the great abbey of that name.
See above, b. i. c. 3. Variulph., De Mirac, S. Richar., c. 3 in Act SS.
0. B., vol. vU., ad ann. 981.
1 " Mira et inestimabili divinitatis dispensatione tot X'' membra Unguis,
tribubus et nationibus differentia, subito in unum X" caritate coaluere
corpus, uno omnes Christo rege, singulis singulae gentes ducibus proou-
rate." — Arm. Saxon., ad anu. 1096, p. 581.
2 Dulci desiderio.
3 " NuUa, ut reor, unquam sophistis in bellicis rebus gloriosior materia
prodiit, quam nostris nunc Dominus poetis atque librariis tradidit, dum
per paucos christicolas, &o. . . . Antiqua nempe miracula Deus Abraham
nuper itera-rit, dum solo ardore visendi sepulchrum Messi* fideles occi-
duos Ulexit, et sine rege ssecularique exactione per Urbanum papam com-
mouuit," &c. — Order. Vit., b. ix. p. 718.
* This is testified by all historians of the First Crusade without
exception.

I 1 2 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II.
which he first started for the Holy Land. There were but
eight knights in this disorderly and impatient crowd,^ who
branded with the mark of human corruption a work divinely
inspired, by massacring the German Jews and ravaging
Hungary, before they went on to perish in Bulgaria and
the plains of Bithynia, under the swords of the infidels.
The nobles, who had chiefly felt the impulse given by
Urban, showed at once more religious feeling and more pru
dence in the arrangements which they made before quitting
their native land.
" At the moment of starting, in obedience to the signal
given by the Roman pontiff," said Stephen, Count of Blois,
son-in-law of William the Conqueror, in a deed given to
the abbey of Marmoutier, "I grant to the monastery the
forest of Lome, for the good of the soul of my father Thibalt,
whom I fear that I often offended during his lifetime — a
fault I have many times lamented, together with my wife,
my friends, and my servants." ^
Raymond, Count of Toulouse, the most powerful prince
who engaged in the First Crusade, declared that he took
the cross for love of St. Gilles, whose monastery he had
injured.* While still young, before he became Count of
Toulouse, he had gone to the tomb of the holy abbot Robert
of Chaise-Dieu, and kneeling and taking up his sword, which
had been laid upon the altar, he had promised that, if the
Lord should bestow the county upon him, he would hold it
only of God and St. Robert. Now, starting for the Crusade,
and desirous of remaining faithful to the oath of his youth,
Raymond chose to carry with him, as a relic, the wooden
1 " Indisciplinatum vulgus, utpote mancipia et publica servitia." — GuiB.
Nov., u. 4.
2 "Jussu papae romani, Urbani sciUcet secimdi . . . timens ego cum
patrem minus honorando vel minus ei parendo, meipsum quoad vixerat
offendisse, cum saepius inde conquerer et prsefata conjuge et amicis et
famUiaribus meis plerumque inde loquerer." — Mab., Ann., voL v. App.,
No. 40.
3 Catel., Hist, des comtes de Toul., p. 131.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. I 1 3
cup and staff of the venerable abbot, and took also a monk
of Chaise-Dieu, whom he named Bishop of Tripoli, in
Palestine.'^ Godfrey of Bouillon, the illustrious chief of
the Crusaders,^ went, before starting, to the abbey of
Afflighem, to visit a knight named Godfrey the Black, who
had been his friend in the world, and who was now fighting
the devil under the Benedictine cowl. The prince gave
five estates to the house,* and took away with him a certain
number of pious monks, who, throughout the expedition,
celebrated the divine service day and night.* When the
conquest of the holy places was achieved, Godfrey built, for
these companions of his pilgrimage, an abbey in the valley
of Jehoshaphat : and he founded several others — one at
Bethany, in honour of St. Lazarus ; another at Jerusalem,
under the invocation of St. Mary ; finally, a convent under
the name of St. Anne, near the place which was believed
to be that of the birth of the Blessed Virgin.^
All these foundations were placed under the rule of St.
Benedict, and they shed, through the new kingdom, the
' Marbod., Bp. Redou. Vit S. Robert, lib. tripartitus dist., ii. c. lo.
" No author has explained the strange transformation undergone by
Godfrey, who, from being the champion of the Imperial cause against
Rodolph of Suabia, whom, it is said, he killed with his owu hand, became
the leader of au enterprise entirely conceived and directed by the papacy.
It may be permitted to us to believe that the horrible revelations of the
emperor's conduct towards his wife produced a great effect upou the hero,
and separated him at last from a party utterly unworthy of him who was
to be the first king of the Holy Land, the elected head of the most truly
Christian kingdom on earth.
3 Hist. Afflighem., u. 17, in Spicileg., vol. ii. See above for the origin of
this house.
* "Bene disciplinatos monachos . . . qui toto itinere, horis diurnis
et noctumis, ecclesiastico more, divina ibi ministrabant oiEcia." — Guill.
Tyr. , b. ix. c. 9. It is not easy to reconcile the presence of these monks
and many others, during the expedition (see the Chron. de Mirac, S.
Richarii, quoted, note 3, p. 153), with the prohibition by Urban, proved
to us by Geoffrey de Vend6me iu his letter to the Abbot of Marmoutier,
to persuade him not to leave his monastery and go to Jerusalem.
5 " Quia per ilia tempora mulieres ad sacra loca passim coufluebant." —
Mabill., Ann.
VOL. VI. H

114 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
perfume of sanctity which had already embalmed the West.^
The Norman Crusaders, under Bohemond, naturally claimed
for themselves the protection of the ancient abbey of St.
Maria Latina, which their neighbours of Amalfi had founded
in the evil days of the past. A hospital for pilgrims had
been joined to it in honour of St. John, and it was the lay
brothers of this Benedictine hospital who, a few years later,
founded the famous Order of St. John of Jerusalem, which
for five centuries was the bulwark of Europe and the terror
of infidels.^ As many monks had visited the Holy Sepulchre
before the Crusaders, and as the hermit and the pope who
preached the Crusade were both monks, and aided by a
great number of their brethren, it was but just that their
names should be honourably inscribed in the history of
that holy and wonderful enterprise of which, indeed, many
of them became the recorders.* We should not forget that
to one of these monastic annalists is due the honour of
having designated the expedition to the Holy Land by the
grandest title which has ever been given to any work
wrought by the hand of man —
Gesta Dei pee FRAPfcos ! *

1 " Tanquam ceUa aromatica." — Jacob. Vitr., Hist, occid., c. 38. The
native monks ended by adopting the Latin ritual, aud submitting them
selves to Cluny. — Pbtr. Vener., b. ii. ep. 44.
'^ These lay brothers, or Hospitallers, afterwards freed themselves from
the Benedictine rule, and adopted that of St. Augustine, but preserved
the black frock and white cross of their order. The regular name of the
Order of St. John (afterwards called of Rhodes and of Malta) was BrotJia's
of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem.
3 Ordericus Vitalis, WiUiam of Malmesbury, Odo of Deuil.
* Guibert db Nogent. The Protestant Bongars has since used it for
his coUection of the Historians of the Crusades.

CHAPTER IV
THE PAPACY AND THE FIRST CRUSADE
Urban II. preaches the Crusade in Limousin, Touraine, Poitou, and Anjou.
— He arbitrates between Yves of Chartres and Geoffrey of Venddme.
— He visits Marmoutier and presides at the Council of Tours.  He
returns to Rome, where he is visited by many chiefs of the Crusaders.
— Henry IV. takes no part in the Crusade.
The double interest of the Crusade and of the Monastic
Orders seems to have occupied Urban II. incessantly during
his stay in France after the Council of Clermont. In spite
of the great number of bishops drawn from monasteries,^
or who, like Hugh of Grenoble, sought at Chaise-Dieu ^ an
asylum from the cruel burden of the episcopate,* there
continually arose distressing confiicts between bishops and
abbots. Yves of Chartres, so zealous for the maintenance
of exact discipUne, and united by many ties to a great
number of monks, complained bitterly of the encroaching
spirit of certain monasteries, and of the inroads which
they made upon episcopal authority.* With the object of
' Thus, about this period, Fulk of Bee became Bishop of Beauvais ;
Gervin, Abbot of St. Riquier, Bishop of Amiens ; Serlon, Abbot of St.
Evroul, Bishop of S^ez, &c.
^ He had only been able to remain there a year ; Gregory VII. had
forced him to retum to his diocese. He was the son of a gentleman of
the Valentinois, who, being an octogenarian, became a Carthusian, and
died after eighteen years of a religious life in the arms of his son.
3 This was done also by Robert, Bishop of Langres, and by Hilgold and
Henry, both Bishops of Soissons, one after the other.
* " Infinita mouachorum cupiditas infinitam facit manere dlscordiam.''
— Bp. 216. " Monachi, invidia demoniaca moti, voluerunt iu alienam
messem falcem immittere et mihi episcopalia jura privare." — Ep. 226.
See also his Epistles 36 and 65. It was chiefly the monasteries situated
iu episcopal cities which caused these discords.

I 1 6 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
remedying this state of things, a council had forbidden
any abbot promoted to the episcopate to retain his abbey ;
it had also secured to bishops the right of providing for
the government of parishes dependent upon abbeys,^ and
at the same time condemned as an act of simony the exac
tion called ransom of the altars, which the bishops claimed
out of the proceeds of oblations yielded to the monks by
laymen.* One of the most powerful abbeys in France at
that time was Marmoutier, which was subject to Cluny,
but rivalled its adopted mother in infiuence and in regu
larity, and laboured like her to reform other monasteries.
Finding its liberty threatened by Archbishop Raoul of
Tours, the great enemy of monks, formerly excommuni
cated by the papal legate, Marmoutier carried its cause
to the council, where the Pope pronounced in its favour.
When the archbishop's partisans murmured and disputed
the sovereign pontiff^s right thus to exempt completely
from episcopal jurisdiction. Urban rose, commanded silence,
and declared that, in virtue of his apostolic authority, and
the decrees of his predecessors, it was lawful for him either
to unite two bishoprics in one, or to divide one into two,
or to receive into the patronage of the Roman Church any
establishment he chose, no one ha'ping a right to oppose
him. And, having said this, he declared the privileges of
Marmoutier to be irrevocable.*
^ " Ne quis episcopus simul et abbas esset." — Ord., ix. 719. On account
of the bad conduct of Gervin, Bishop of Amiens, towards his Abbey of St.
Riquier, which was taken from him.
^ Bishops, however, were obliged to obtain the approval of the abbots
for the choice of the curates whom they nominated. — CAN., iv. in add.
COSSART., ap. COLBTT., Concil., xii. 913.
3 "Eedemptio altarium." — Can., iv., ihid. We have not space to enter
into the details of this affair. See Fleury, b. 64, n. 29 ; Colbtti, Con
di., xii. 90 ; Not in Ep. Yvon. Carnot, p. 213, ed. Fronto. Thirty years
later, the discussion of the matter was renewed betweeu the Bishop of
Angers and Geoffrey of Vend6me ; but the latter, who had been present
at the council, pronounced with the authority of an indisputable witness.
— Ep. GoPF. Vind., b. iii., n. 12 ; Mab., A'nn., b. 75, n. 15.
4 " Cum obstiuati oblectarent . . . erectus in pedes pontifiex, imperato

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. I 1 7
The council rose at the end of November 1 095, and the
Pope travelled through Limousin, Touraine, Anjou, and
Poitou, preaching the Crusade,'^ and himself distributing the
cross to all whom he won for the sacred enterprise. At
the same time he went to visit the principal monasteries,^
sUentio ex apostolica auctoritate et pontificalibus decretis sibi competere
dixit, ut ex uno episcopatu duos, et ex duobus unum faciat ; abbatias
caeterasque congregationes, ubi sequitas et ratio postularet, aut coadunare,
aut disjungere : et quidquid iu patrocinium S. Romanse Ecclesise suscipere
veUet, nuUus suse auctoritati repugnare posset : quibus praemissis, Majoris
monasteru privilegium nodo iudissolubUi firmavit." — Mabill., Ann. Ben.,
b. 69, c. 23.
1 "Ubicumque fuit, praecepit cruces facere hominibus, et pergere Hier
usalem, et Uberare eam a Turcis et aUis gentibus." — Chron. MaUeac, ad
ann. 1096. "Venit Andegavum et ammonuit gentem nostram, ut irent
Jerusalem, expugnaturi Gentilem populum." — MS. Pulcon. comit., quoted
by Pagi, ad ann. 1096. He went from Angers to Sabl^ to persuade the
lord of the latter town, Robert the Burgundian, to take the cross. — Essai
Historique sur V Abbaye de Solesmes, p. 22.
^ We think it weU here to trace the itinerary of Urban II. during his
stay in France, from the dates of his deeds, and the accounts of con
temporary ¦writers. It is valuable for monastic history as well as for that
of art. We 'wUl follow the authorities quoted by MabiUon in his Annals,
and Pagi iu his Criticisms on the Annals of Baronius, as we have done
elsewhere in the work, supplementing them from the excellent chrono
logical tables which Stentzel has given in the second volume of his History
of the Pranconian Emperors, and by various other references.
1095. — The precise date of his arrival in France is unknown.
7 ? ? Valence. — Urban consecrates the cathedral.
August 15. — Notre-Dame-du-Puy. Urban celebrates the Assumption.
,, i8. — At Chaise-Dieu. Dedication of abbey church, aud pro
clamation of the exemption.
Sept. I to 7.— At St. GiUes. Celebration of the Feast of St. GUles.
Privileges granted to Chaise-Dieu.
,, II. — At Tarascon. Benediction of a fleld given by Countess
Stephanie ' ' the Gentle " to build a church upon.
,, 12. — At A'vdgnou. — Deed given to the canons of the cathedral.
1 Date uncertain. — At Macon.
Oct. 18 to 25.— At Cluny. Dedication of high altar.
1 At Souvigny. — Stays eight days, and receives Archambaud de Bourbou
penitent.
Nov. 18.— At Clermont. Opening of the CouncU.
Dec. 2. — Leaves Clermont.
,, 3.— At Soucilanges. Dedication of the abbey church.

Il8 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
dedicating cathedrals, abbatial and other churches, which
were rising on all sides, consecrating altars, reforming
abuses, reconciling excommunicated penitents, choosing from
among monks such men as he thought able to do good
Dec. 7 — At Brioude.
„ 7. — At St. Flour. Dedication of priory church. Deed for Mar-
cigny and SoucUanges.
,, 21. — At Uzerches. Bishop Humbald prevents him from dedicating
the abbey church.
,, 23. — At Limoges. — Deposition of Bishop Humbald.
,, 29. — At Limoges. — Dedication of the cathedral.
„ 31. — At Limoges. — Dedication of abbey church of St. Martial,
founded by Louis le Debonnaire.
Jan. 2. 1096. — At Limoges. Privileges to the abbey of Tulle.
,, 10.. — At Charroux. Dedication of grand altar iu the abbey church.
,, 13. — At Poitiers. Celebration of St. HUaire.
„ 21. — At Poitiers. Dedication of the abbey church of Moutierneuf.
See the inscription published by M. de Chergd in the
Mimoires de la Soci6t6 des Antiquaires de V Quest, 1844, p. 186.
Feb. 7 — At Loudun. Dedication of St. Croix and St. Nicholas, proved
by a deed given at Tours, March 19.
„ 10. — At Angers. Dedication of abbey church of St. Nicholas.
„ 14. — At Sabl^. Deed given to St. Nicholas d'Angers.
„ At Solesmes.
„ At Glaufeuil.
„ At Mans.
„ At Vendome. Dedication of the altar of the Holy Trinity,
and deed of exemption against the Bishop of Chartres.
March 2 to 9. — At Marmoutier, near Tours.
„ 9.— At Marmoutier. Preaches on the banks of the Loire.
„ 10. — At Marmoutier. Dedication of the abbey church.
„ 14. — At Tours. Council. Confirmation of privileges of St. Martin.
„ 23. — At Tours. Solemn procession of Lcetare Sunday. Gift'of the
Golden Eose to Count Fulk of Anjou.
„ 29. — At Poitiers. New deed iu favour of St. Martin.
„ 77— At St. Maixent. Deed for Glaufeuil.
„ 7? — At St. Jean-d'Angely. Proved by letters from the Pope to
the abbot.
April 7.— At St. Jean-d'Angely. BuU giving exemption to the abbey
of Moutierneuf, at Poitiers — Mab., b. 69, No. 39; MSS.
of D. Fonteneau, vol. xix. p. 85.
„ 13. — At Saintes. Feast of Easter. Duke WiUiam VII. of Aqui
taine threatened with excommunication. Dedication of an
altar in the crypt of St. Eutropius.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL Iig
service to the Church in more elevated positions ; ' depos
ing, as at Limoges, prevaricating bishops ; condemning the
most powerful lords to penance and expiation, as in the
cases of the Sire de Bourbon,^ the Count of Anjou, and the
April 14. — At Saintes. BuU in favour of Moutierneuf against the
canons of St. HUaire. MSS. of Fonteneau, loc. cit
May I. — At Bordeaux. Dedication of St. Etienne.
„ 7— At Nfec. Dedication of St. Thomas and St. Nicholas.
,. 7' — At Leyrac. Cdla of Cluny.
„ 13. — At Moissac. Letter to Hugh of Cluny.
„ 24. — At Toulouse. Dedication of St. Sernin.
June 29. — At Maguelonne. Benediction of the island.
? 7 At MontpeUer. Examination of the affair of the election to
the see of Paris.
July 12. — At Nimes. CouncU. Absolution of the Mug.
„ 16. — At St. GUles. Deed for two Spanish monasteries.
,, 22. — At Avignon. Deed in favour of St. Gilles.
? 7 At Cavaillon. Confirmation of the privileges of Mont-
majour.
Aug. 5. — At Apt. — Dedication of the church of St. Eusebius.
By placing in 1095 the deed of September 11, on the subject of the
benediction of the Comtesse de Tarascon's field, as suits the heading, a»mo
Pontificatus octavo, aud as is done by MabUlon, who twice repeats it wrongly
(b. 69, Nos. 21 and 41), we escape the contradiction noticed by Pagi be
tween this date, which he places in 1096, and the express statement of
Bernold of Constance, who says that the Pope celebrated the Exaltation
of the Cross (September 14) at Mortara, near Pavia. It is certaiu that
he was on the banks of the Rhine iu September 1095 ; it is more natural
then to fix his joumey to Tarascon at that date. We have been able to
find no exact authority for the date of his journey to Vienne, where he
ordered the founding of a church for the relics of St. Antoine, which gave
rise to the beautiful church of St. Antoine in Dauphind, afterwards the
head of au order. Fleury and Mabillon placed the Pope's journey in
1096. 1 As Milo, a monk of St. Albin d'Angers, who afterwards became
Cardinal-bishop of Palestriua, and legate in France in 1103. Going to
Uzerches, Bernard, Archbishop of Toledo, who accompaied the Pope,
took with him a distinguished monk, named Maurice Burdin ; but the
choice wais not happy, for Maurice became afterwards anti-Pope.
' Urban obUged Archambault de Bourbon to repair the wrongs he had
done at Souvigny; Fulk d' Anjou to release his brother whom he had
kept in prison for thirty years ; and WUliam of Aquitaine to restore to
the Abbey of VendSme a church which he had usurped iu the Isle of
Oldron.

I20 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Duke of Aquitaine ; exercising in all the great courts of
the country ^ the function of supreme judge of the Church
and of society. The historians of the time relate that the
pontiff everywhere applied himself to confirm the privileges
and exemptions granted by his predecessors to the regular
clergy, without stopping to consider what in them might
be contrary even to the authority of the papal legates. He
placed these privileges under the guarantee of the most
solemn acts of his pontificate.^ Thus, for example, he
assigned to the abbots of St. Martin the principal share in
the right of election to the vacant see, and in the govern
ment of the diocese during the bishop's absence.*
Being called upon, at VendSme, to pronounce upon the
contradictory claims of two of the holiest and most eminent
bishops of the Church — Yves of Chartres and Geoffrey of
Vendome — Urban did not hesitate to declare in favour of
Abbot Geoffrey, whom he released from his promise of
obedience to Yves, made at the time of his election, by
declaring it null and void.* The Pope re-established in
favour of Geoffrey, who had enthroned him in the Lateran,
1 For example, that which dispensed the canons from receiving the
legates in procession, a favour which was reserved for the Pope, the king,
and the archbishop once in his life.
^ See the two deeds granted to St. Martin at Tours. — Baron., Ann.,
ad ann. 1096. . "Ut Eomanae Ecclesiae praecepta servantes Eomanae
Ecclesiae libertate perpetua gaudeatis, salvo . . . jure, seu consuetudine,
quam hactenus erga vos Turoneusis noscitur archiepiscopus habuisse . . .
si quis sane iu crastinum Archiepiscopus, aut Episcopus, Imperator aut
Eex," &c.
3 By a deed giveu at Saintes, Easter Day, 1096.
* Gopprid. , i.'2, ep. II, 27 ; Mabill.,"^ mm., b. 69, p. 34. The bishops
desired the participation by all the principal abbots of their sees in their
election ; because it became a guarantee of the submission of aU these
prelates in every matter which was not the object of a special exemption.
Thus, in 1089, we find the Bishop of Autun cruelly persecuting Abbot
Hugh of Flavigny, because he had sent a deputy to the bishop's election
instead of going himself. Hugh was finally expelled from his abbey by
the treason of his monks, and in spite of the favourable sentence of the
Council of Valence in iioo. He is author of a much -esteemed chronicle
on the history of the eleventh century.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 121
the privilege by which the dignity of cardinal was united
to that of abbot.^
Urban II. freed Glaufeuil, the first Benedictine founda
tion in France, from the yoke of the degenerate monks of
St. Maur-les-Foss^s, near Paris.^ After passing eight days
at Marmoutier, where he consecrated the church and ceme
tery, and where he and his cardinals dined in the refectory,
the Pope went to the banks of the Loire. Here, from a
wooden pulpit,* erected beside the river, his eloquent voice
was heard by an immense crowd, which filled the town of
St. Martin, and by the great personages of the neighbour
hood, who formed the duke's cortege.
Lea'ving Marmoutier, Urban held a new council at Tours,
where he refused absolution to King Philip, and wrote to
the bishops of Prance, blaming those among them who
thought they might communicate with an excommunicated
prince and absolve him themselves.* This steadiness in
apostolic severity did not render him unjust ; for, by the
advice of Yves of Chartres, who went with him everywhere,
he approved the election to the see of Paris of the young
William de Montfort, brother of that Bertrade whose love
had drawn King Philip into sin. William had not yet
reached the age fixed by the canons ; but Yves, Bertrade's
inflexible enemy, had observed in her brother a mind so
zealous for the good of the Church, that he persuaded the
sovereign pontiff to sanction this choice.
Meanwhile, towards the end of the period fixed by the
Council of Clermont, the king consented to humble himself,
^ The Abbots of VendSme enjoyed this privilege 'for 300 years. As car
dinals, they took their title from the Church of St. Prisca at Eome.
^ " A Possatensium tyrannide Ubertati restituit." — Chron. Cassin., b. iv.
c. 18. Their rule was much relaxed. — Mab., b. 69.
3 " In gradu Ugneo." — Ibid.
" " Auditum est apud nos quosdam confratres nostros iu tantam auda-
ciam prorupisse, ut asserant se nequaquam a regis societate abstenturos
. . . nobis sane et omnibus Turonis nobiscum Deo propitiante convenerunt,
liquido paruit . . . nullam solvendi quem nos Ugavimus Fratemitati
vestrse suppetere potestatem." — Colbtt., Cone, xii. 736.

122 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
and resolved to break off his unlawful union. His long-
deferred absolution immediately followed : it took place
during the meeting of the Council of Nlmes, July 8, 1096.^
Before returning to Italy, Urban II. extended his cares
to Spain, where the contest between Christians and Saracens
continued uninterruptedly. It was during this year ( 1 096) ^
that Avesca fell before the two kings of Aragon, one of
whom, Sancho Ramirez, being mortally wounded under the
walls of the place, made his successor swear never to raise
the siege. During this time, the Clunist Bernard, Arch
bishop of Toledo, had joined Urban in France, purposing,
like his compatriots, to take part in the Crusade ; but the
Pope sent him back to Spain to organise the war with the
infidels.* Finally, Urban, having gloriously ended his
mission beyond the Alps, turned once more towards Italy,
where, thanks to the Lombard bishops, the emperor still
maintained his position.
The cause of the Church had just suffered from the
defection of Duke Welf and his son, the husband of
Matilda. Deceived, as it would appear, in their expecta
tions by the persistent intention of the great countess to
give her property to the Holy See, they deserted their party
and joined that of the emperor ; * but the heroic Matilda
1 " Satis humiliter ad satisfactionem venit, et abjurata adultera in
gratiam receptus est, seque in servitio domini Papae promptum exhibuit."
— Bernold. Const., ad aun. 1096. In this same council, the Pope
published a canon which confirmed to monks the right of exercising
sacerdotal functions agreeably to the decree of the Council of Rome,
under Boniface IV., in 604. This canon interfered in no way with that
of Clermont, whioh denied them the go vernment of parishes. Fleury attacks
it bitterly. We always fiud, side by side, in a mind like his, three hos
tUities — against the authority of the Holy See, against the independence
of monks, aud against the worship of the Blessed Virgin — a certain sign
of more or less pronounced connivance with the enemies of the Church.
2 PAQi, crit. in Baeon., 1094, No. 21.
3 Besides the future anti-pope, Maurice Burdin, a monk of Uzerches,
Bernard took back -with him to Spaiu a monk of Moissac, Gerard, who
became Archbishop of Braga, and died iiio ; he is honoured as a saint.
^ " Dux . . . Henricum sibi iu adjutorem adsci'rit contra dominam

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 23
braved all three, and succeeded in preserving for the Pope
possession of aU the territory she had conceded to him.
Urban first went to Milan, which he found steadfast in
its anti-imperialist disposition. He there canonised as a
martyr the Knight Heriembald, who, holding the banner of
St. Peter, had fallen under the knives of the simoniacal and
married priests of Rome (1075).
The Pope also preached against simony, in pulpito sanctce
TheclcB, to an immense multitude, declaring to them that the
lowest of the inferior clergy counted for more in the Church
of God than the greatest monarch. ""^
From Milan the sovereign pontiff went to Rome, where
most of the inhabitants had now recognised his authority,
and where he solemnly celebrated the feast of Christmas,
though St. Angelo was still occupied by the anti-Pope Gui
bert, the steady adversary of all expeditions to the Holy
Land.^ It was about this time that Godfrey of Bouillon
traversed Germany amidst the acclamations of the multitudes
who firmly believed that Charlemagne was about to re'sdve in
order to lead them against the enemies of Christ.* It was
then also that the French shout of "Dieu le veut" was first
heard in Italy,* and tuming the minds of the Normans there
MathUdem ut ipsam bona sua filio ejus dare compelleret, quamvis nondum
Ulam in maritali opere cognosceret." — Bern., ad 1095. According to
Stentzel, vol. i. p. 553, and Labbe, Chron., ii. 258, the defection of the
Welfs dated from 1095 ; ^^^ ^° ^^S^- °* '^ appears before the Pope's
joumey into France.
1 " In pulpito sanctae Theclse immensse multitudini utriusque sexus prae-
dicavit, quod minimus clericus de Ecclesia Dei major quoUbet rege mor
tali."— Landulph. DE St. Paul, Chron. Medial., c. 28, ap. Muratori.
2 Raumer, History of the Hohenstaufens, vol. i, c. 3.
3 Lbid.
* "Interea Boamundus Roberti ducis fiUus . . . coelesti instinctu pro
tinus jussit afferri pannum sericum, totumque in frustra concidi, ut tam
sibi quam suis et aliis ad se coufiuentibus, cruces inde confectas super-
poneret humeris, omnesque itidem Deus lo volt clamare magnis vocibus
jussit. . . . Tam multi repente confluxere ut vix paucis cum comite Rogerio
scilicet reUctis, iu SicUiam solus ferme redierit." — Chron. Cass., \y.iv. c. 11 ;
Order. Vit., b. ix. ; Guill. Tte., b. ii. c. 20.

124 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
from their scarcely-completed conquests in Apulia and Sicily,
hurried them away to the East.
Bohemond, the eldest son of Robert Guiscard, started with
the flower of Count Roger's army ; and in spite of his ardent
desire to avenge on his way the injuries heaped on his race
by the treacherous Byzantines, he was obliged to go on
straight towards Jerusalem, carried away by the ardent zeal
of his companions, and especially of the heroic Tancred.^
A certain number of French princes — Hugh de Verman
dois, the king's brother, Robert, Duke of Normandy, and
Stephen, Count of Blois — chose the Italian route, so as to
pass by Berne before reaching the holy city. Arriving at
Lucca, they heard that the Pope was in the neighbourhood,
and all went to ask his blessing,*^ happy, says the chronicler,
to continue their journey with such a viaticum.
Henry IV. seemed desirous to avoid the contact of these
Catholic legions. Crossing the Alps, he rapidly quitted Italy,
which he was never to see again,* thus leaving the territo
ries where he had most partisans to the energetic action of
Matilda and the moral influence of the Pope.
Urban thus found himself victorious at Rome, and more
disposed than ever, according to the exhortations of his faith
ful friend, Bishop Yves of Chartres, to strive like St. Peter
and to reign like him.*
' " Tertia pars per antiquam 'riam Romam venit." — Anon., Hist. hell.
sacr., in Mab., Mus. Ital., i. 2.
' "Cum usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam
Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Eobertus Normannus,
et comes Stephanus, nos quoque ceteri qui voluimus. Et ab eo benedic-
tioue suscepta, gaudentes Eomam ivimus." — Fulcher Carnot, Hist.
Hierosol., i. 2. In this writer is found an account of the insults the
Crusaders suffered at the hands of the partisans of the anti-Pope Guibert,
at Eome : nothing can show more clearly the antipathy of the schismatics
for the Crusades.
3 He returned to Germany May 15, 1097 — Stentzel, Tabl. Chron.
" " Domno et patri suo Urbano . . . cum Petro pugnare et cum Petro
regnare. Quoniam Eomana Ecclesia post multa naufragia sub vestro
regimine ad portum pene pervenit, et Italia regnum tamdiu rebelle in
conspectu vestro totum pene oonticuit." — Pp., Yvon Carnot., 43.

CHAPTEE V
ROYALTY AND THE INDEPENDENCE OP THE CHURCH
A great contemporary of Urban II. and Peter the Hermit. — Anselm of
Aosta aud his philosophy. — Infiuence of Anselm on the inteUigence of
the middle ages. — The Abbot of Bee as popular in England as in France.
— His friends not less numerous iu the world than iu the cloister. — An
selm's heart overfiowing with love for his friends and charity for his
enemies. — Anselm suddenly snatched from the solitude of the cloister.
— King WilUam Rufus and his minister, Ralph Flambard. — Hugh the
Wolf, Earl of Chester, brings Anselm to England. — The king's sudden
Ulness, repentance, and vain promises. — Anselm suffers 'riolence before
he 'wUl accept the EngUsh primacy. — The Archbishop of Rouen orders
Anselm to obey the king's wish. — Consecration of Anselm by St. Wul
stan. — ^WUliam Eufus false to aU his promises. — Encouraging words of
St. Wulstan. — Anselm wiU not buy the king's favour. — The Bishop of
Durham takes part against Anselm. — Admirable words of a knight. —
Intervention of the barons in Anselm's favour. — King WiUiam sends
two clerks of his chapel to Eome. — He refuses Anselm leave to go to
Rome. — The English bishops abandon their metropolitan.
While a French monk was so worthily occupying the throne
of St. Peter — while another monk was leading to the East
the flower of European chivafry, called to arms by his elo
quence — there was a third, in England, who, compelled to
struggle against all the abuses and all the cunning of the
temporal power, prepared a yet more splendid glory for the
Church and the world. So rich were at that moment the
Christian world, the Church, and especially the monastic
orders, in men of courage and genius !
Born at Aosta, in 1033, of a very rich patrician family,^
Anselm had early suffered those trials by which great souls
1 " Juxta seculi dignitatem nobUiter nati, nobiUter sunt in Augusta con-
versati . . . ambo diviti is non ignobiles." — Badm., Vit. S. Anselm, p. 2.
125

126 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
are so often tempered. When a child he lost his mother,
and, as the pious author ^ of his life expresses it, " the ship
of his heart was deprived of its anchor, and he remained a
wreck amidst the waves of the world," ^ an object of aversion
to his father, and obliged to leave his native land. The
fame of Lanfranc drew the young man to Bee, where, with
indefatigable zeal, he gave himself up to work. Love of
study led him by degrees to love of solitude and monastic
penance. After some efforts he succeeded in mastering the
passion for literary glory which at first had urged him to
leave the place where the reputation of Lanfranc seemed to
render all rivalry impossible.* He triumphed more easily
over the temptation offered by a great fortune inherited
from his father. At the age of twenty-seven he became a
monk in the abbey of Bee, where he was soon to replace
Lanfranc as prior ; * and fifteen years later ,^ at the death of
1 Eadmer, a monk of Canterbury, and afterwards Archbishop of St.
Andrews, in Scotland, was Anselm's companion in travel and exile,
having received from him a, bond of special obedience, as authorised by
Pope Urban. He has related, irKO'ncussa veritate, he says, the life of his
friend in two works, entitled De Vita S. Anselm, and Historia Novorvm.
One contains the detaUs of the monastic and familiar life of the saint ;
the other the events of his contest with the King of England. D. Ger-
beron has published them, with notes by the learned Selden, at the end
of the works of St. Anselm, 1721. Eadmer relates that Anselm oue day
discovered the work at which he was occupied, and after having flrst
examined and corrected it, ordered him to destroy what he had already
transcribed from his waxen tablets on to parchment. But Eadmer only
obeyed after he had secretly made another copy. — Supplement, c. 68, p. 215.
The historian agrees perfectly with William of Malmesbury, a writer very
favourable to the Norman dynasty. Among moderns, uo one has better
related the Ufe of Anselm thau the anonymous author of two articles
in Nos. 66 and 67 of the British Critic, a magazine belonging to the new
Anglo-Catholic sect.
^ " Defunota vero iUa, illico navis cordis ejus, quasi anchora perdita, iu
fluctus secuU pene tota dilapsa est." — Vit. S. Ans., p. 2.
3 " Ecce monachus flam, sed ubi 7 . . . Becci superemineus prudentia
Lanfranci, qui iUic monachus est, me aut nulli prodesse, aut nihil valere
comprobabit. . . . Nee dum eram edomitus, necdum iu me vigebat mundi
contemptus. . . ." — Eadm., p. 3.
^ In 1063. ^ In 1078.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 27
the venerable Herluin, founder of the monastery,^ he found
himself, in spite of his eager resistance, named abbot by the
136 monks of the community.
In great distress he threw himself weeping at the feet of
the monks, imploring them not to lay such a burden upon
him ; but they, kneeling before him, entreated him to have
pity on their souls and on their house.^ Anselm therefore
passed thirty years at Bee, partly as monk, partly as superior,
dividing his time between the exact practice of monastic
austerities,* and the continuation of his studies. He applied
himself specially to sounding the most dehcate and diffi
cult problems of metaphysics, and, guided by the light of
faith and humility, did not fear to face questions hitherto
judged insoluble.* "I believe, but I desire to understand,"^
said the Christian philosopher ; and these efforts to reach the
comprehension of truths imposed by religion have given us
the magnificent treatises, in which the writer, thus consti
tuting himself the disciple and successor of St. Augustine,^
has given to the questions of the divine essence, the existence
of God, the incamation, the creation, the Trinity, free will,
and grace, solutions and illustrations which even to our own
days have retained the highest value in the eyes of theology
and true philosophy,^ of reason, and of faith. On account
^ See above.
^ " At UU omnes e contra in terram prostrati, orant ut ipse potius loci
UUus et eorum misereatur." — Eadm., p. 9. The Archbishop of Rouen had
laid upon him the obligation of obedience to the choice of whioh he should
be the object.
3 " Quid de illius jejunio dicerem, cum ab initio prioratus sui tanta
corpus suum inedia maceraverit . . . quid de vigiliis. . . ." — Eadm., p. 4.
* "SoU Deo, ccelestibusque disciplinis jugiter occupatus, in tantum
speculationis divinae culmen ascenderet, ut obscurrissimas et ante suum
tempus insoUtas de divinitate Dei et nostra fide quaestiones, Deo reser-
ante perspioeret, ac perspecats erodaret, apertisque rationibus qu^ dicebat
rata et catholica esse probaret." — Badm., p. 3.
5 " Credo, sed inteUigere desidero . . . and he gave as second title to
his Proslogion : Fides quaerens inteUectum." — Procem.
^ Prooem. — Monologii.
' His most famous treatises (the Monologium, which contains the de-

128 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of these works Anselm has deservedly been regarded by the
most competent judges as the father and founder of Chris
tian philosophy in the middle ages. The ardent sincerity
with which he submitted all the results of his researches to
the rules of faith and the infallible authority of the Church,^
places an impassable abyss between his tendencies and those
of modern metaphysicians. He seems to have pointed out
beforehand this immeasurable gulf when, speaking of the
rationalists of his own time, he said, "They seek for reasons
because they do not believe ; we seek for them because we
do believe."^ And he adds, "I do not try to understand
that I may believe ; but I believe that I may understand." *
" If," continues the great philosopher, " our reason is con
tradicted by the anthority of Holy Scripture, we must allow,
however unanswerable our reason may appear, that she is
moustration of God by the idea we possess of inflnite perfection, the
Proslogion, the Liber Apologeticus, the dialogues De Veritate, De libero
Arbitrio, De Casu Diaboli, &c. ) were composed, according to D. Ger-
beron, during the fifteen years of his priory. To form a just idea of St.
Anselm's phUosophical leanings, it is necessary to read the essay on his
scholastic theology, to be found iu the Gesammelte Schriften und Aufsatze
of the admirable Mohler, author of the Symholique, published after his
death by Dr. DolUnger. Apart from the orthodox point of view, the
reader may profitably consult the preface to the translation of the Mono
logium and Proslogium, published in 1841 by M. Bouchitt^, Professor at
VersaiUes, under the utterly incorrect title of Christian Rationalism. In
1842, M. Franck, a Protestant, published at Tubingen an essay on St.
Anselm, in which he points out and refutes, iu a rationalist sense, most
of the saint's demonstrations, while doing all justice to his moral and
public life. He acknowledges him to have been a perfect monh. But,
adds the philosopher, Anselm shared "many of his mother's weak
nesses," and was especiaUy wanting in subjective freedom of mind  Die
subjective Geistes Preiheit. This says everything, and proves, without much
trouble, the inferiority of the monk and son of the Church compared with
the doctors of the nineteenth century.
' See, among others, the humble letter in which he submitted his
treatises to the judgment of Lanfranc, already archbishop. — Ep. i, 63,
68 ; iv. 103.
2 " Illi ideo rationem quaerunt, quia non credunt ; nos vero quia credi
mus." — Cur Deus homo, b. i. c. 2.
3 " Neque enim quaero inteUigere, ut credam ; sed credo, ut intelUgam.''
— Proslog., c. i.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 29
entirely in the wrong.^ No Christian should in any way
dispute truths the Catholic Church believes and con
fesses; he may only, while preserving his faith from all
hurt, and conforming his life to it, humbly examine the
manner in which these truths exist. If he is able to
understand, let him give thanks to God ; if not, let him
not set himself np against the truth, but bend his head in
reverence before it.^ . . . There are men of false learning
who, before they have gained a knowledge of the faith, fly
at the highest sovereign questions ; . . . not able to under
stand what they believe, they dispute the truth of that faith
which the fathers have confirmed. As if the owls and bats,
and other creatures who only see by night, should dispute
as to the light of day with eagles who look with undazzled
eye upon the sun himself." *
Anselm was not content to compose only metaphysical
works. He wrote also meditations and orations abounding
in the treasures of ascetic piety,* of the deepest love for God
and His saints, and especially for Mary,^ the mother of Him
whom he did not fear to call the Elder Brother of Christians.^
Night was the time principally occupied by these works,
^ "At si ipsa nostro sensui indubitanter repugnat, quamvis nobis
nostra ratio videatur inexpugnabiUs, nulla tamen veritate fuloiri credenda
est." — De concord. Grat., and Lib. arbit. qucest., iii. u. 6.
^ " NuUus qmppe Christianus debet disputare quomodo quod catholica
Ecclesia corde credit . . . nou sit, sed . . . quserere rationem quomodo sit.
Si potest inteUigere, Deo gratias agat : si non potest, non immittat cornua
ad ventUandum, sed submittat caput ad venerandum." — De Pide Trini
tatis, c. 2.
3 " Velut si vespertUiones et noctuse, non nisi in nocte ccElum videntes,
de meridianis solis radiis disceptent contra aquilas solem ipsum irrever-
berato 'risu intuentes." — Ibid. How is it possible to have ventured to
represent the man who wrote these words as a Christian rationalist 7
* " Iu orationibus autem quas ipse juxta desiderium et petitionem ami
corum suorum scriptas edidit ; qua soUicitudine, quo timore, qua spe, quo
amore Deum et sanctos ejus interpeUaverit . . . satis est et me tacente
ridere."— Eadm., p. 4.
5 See his orations, 45 to 60, and his letters to Gondulphus.— Ep. i. p. 20.
s "Magne Domine, tu noster major frater; magna Domina, tu nostra
meUor mater." — Orat. 51.
VOL. VI. I

130 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS 11.^
and by the transcription and correction of MSS.^ His days
were absorbed by the spiritual direction of those who came
to him,^ by the paternal instruction he freely gave to youth,
and by assiduous care of the sick. Some loved him as a
father, others as a mother, so well did he know how to gain
the confidence and console the grief of all.* . . . He acted
as servant to an old monk paralysed by age and suffering,
himself putting the food into his mouth.^ He would wil
lingly have buried his whole life in this sacred obscurity, so
as to render himself worthy of the habit which he wore.^
When his friends exhorted him to make his works known,
reproaching him for hiding his light under a bushel — when
they spoke to him of the glory of Lanfranc and Guitmond,
monks like himself, and in the same province, he answered,
" Flowers of the same colour as the rose have not always the
same perfume." "^ By degrees, nevertheless, his fame spread ;
his treatises and meditations passed from hand to hand, and
excited universal admiration in France, Flanders, and Eng
land. From the depths of Auvergne the monks of Chaise-
Dieu wrote to him that at the mere reading of his works,
they imagined that they saw his tears of contrition and
piety, and that their hearts seemed to be fiooded as with
sweet and refreshing dew.^ He soon had as many friends
' " Praeterea libros, qui ante id temporis nimis corrupt! ubique terrarum
erant, nocte corrigebat." — Eadm., p. 4.
2 " Totus dies in dandis consiliis saepissime non sufiiciebat. . . ." — Lbid.
3 Eadm., pp. 5 and 8. — See the lesson he gave to an abbot guUty of
extreme severity towards his pupils.
* " Sicque sanis pater, et infirmis erat mater . . . quicquid secreti apud
se quivis illorum habebat, non secus quam dulcissimse matri ille revelare
satagebat. ' ' — Lbid.
^ "Quod tu Herewarde decrepite senex in teipso percepisti quando
gravatus ... ita ut nihil tui corporis praeter linguam, haberes in tua
potestate per manus iUius pastus, et vino de raoemis per uvam in aliam
ejus manum expresso, de ejus ipsa manu bibeus et refociUatus."  LKd.
^ He caUed himself " Frater Ansehnus vita peccator, habitu monachus."
' " Quid vero quaeritis cur fama Lanfranci atque Guitmundi plus mea
per orbem volet 7 Utique quia non quilibet flos pari rosse fragrat odore,
etiamsi non dispari faUat rubore." — Bp. i. 16.
8 " Pias prsestant nobis lacrytaas tuas legere, nostras edere ; ita ut

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 131
in the world as in the cloister. There was about him a
charm which vanquished the souls of men. The Norman
knights surrounded him with the liveliest affection, received
him with delight in their castles, confided their children to
him, and considered him as an elder brother.^
In England, whither the affairs of his monastery often
took him, his popularity was as great as in Normandy ; the
whole country was devoted to him, and there were earls,
knights, and noble ladies who would have thought them
selves deprived of all merit before God if the Abbot of Bee
had not received some proof of devotion from their hands.^
He availed himself of this ascendancy to preach mortification
and humility to the rich and noble of both sexes. His
voluminous correspondence * everywhere bears the marks of
this task, and when the position of those he addressed per
mitted it, he used double efforts to induce them to embrace
the monastic life. He made many valuable conquests among
them,* employing for the purpose the ardent love which
animated him, and which gave invincible power to his elo
quence.^ " Beloved friends of my soul," he wrote to two of
utrumque miremur, et in corde tuo redundare tantffi rorem benedic
tionis, et sine susurro descendere inde rivum iu cordibus nostris." —
Ep. i. 61.
1 Eadm., pp. 8 and 33. " Dominus iste . . . de Normannorum nobilissi-
mis . . . cum matre et fratribus suis et sorore . . . primogeniti mihi
dignitatem concesserunt." — Bp. i. 18 ; see also 67 et passim.
^ " Nou fuit comes iu Anglia seu comitissa, vel ulla persona potens, qua
nou judicaret se sua coram Deo merita perdidisse, &c. . . . Familiairis ei
dehinc AngUa facta est." — Badm., p. 11. We have seeu already how
WiUiam the Conqueror grew mUd with Anselm.
3 We have 450 of his letters, which give us the true key to his character
and history. We wUl say for this correspondence, as well as for that of
Gregory VIL, that to publish it in a portable form, and add it to Badmer's
biography of the saint, would be to render au essential service to history
and to religious truth,
^ See the treasurer of Beauvais (adolescens delicatus et pulcherrimus, valde
dives et nohUissimus), of whom he speaks, Bp. ii. 19, and the three noble
ladies, Basilia de Goumay, Auffrida her mother, and Eve de Crespin. —
Chron. Becc. Mams, quoted by Selden, ap. Gerber, p. 559.
' See, among others (Bp. ii. 25, 29, 39 ; Lamberto nobili viro, p. 40), to

132 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
his near relations whom he wished to draw to Bee, " my
eyes ardently desire to see you, my arms open to embrace
you, my lips sigh for your kisses, all the life that remains
in me wears itself out in waiting for you. ... I hope in
prayer, and I pray in hope. Come and taste how good the
Lord is; you cannot know it as long as you find sweetness
in the life of the world. ... I cannot deceive you, first of
all because I love you, and secondly, because I have experi
ence of what I speak of. Let us then be monks together,
so that now and for ever we may be one flesh, one blood,
one soul. . . . My heart is joined to yours. You can break
it, but you cannot separate them ; neither can you loosen it,
nor drag it into the world. I must say to you, ' Either live
here with it, or break it.' But God preserve you from
doing such wrong to a poor heart which has never wronged
you, and which loves you. Oh, how my love burns ! How
my affection labours to make itself felt ! But no words are
sufficient. I would write many things to you, but time
fails, and I cannot express what I feel. Speak, then, O
good Jesus, speak to their hearts. Thou who alone canst
make them understand, tell them to leave all and follow
Thee. Do not separate me from those whom Thou hast
bound to me by the bonds of blood and affection. Be my
witness. Lord, with these tears which flow while I write." '
Contrary to the common opinion, the heart of Anselm, far
from being chilled by study or the macerations of penance,
Brmengarde, whose husband wished to become a monk, but who refused
to be a nun.
^ " Animse dUectissimse, animse meae . . . concupiscunt oculi mei -STUtus
vestros, extendunt se braochia mea in amplexus vestros. Anhelat ad
oscula vestra os meum . . . vosque non fallo, quia amicus sum, certe uec
fallo quia expertus sum . . consolidastis animam meam animabus vestris.
Scindi potest, secerni jam non potest. ... 0 quomodo inter praecordia
mea fervet amor meus ! Quomodo laborat totus erumpere simul affectus
meus 1 . . . Die tu, o bone Jesu, cordibus eorum . . . promitte iUis
neo separes a me quibus me tanto carnis et spiritus affectu junxistis.
Domine, tu testis es interius et lachrymae quse, me hoc scribente fluunt
testes sunt, exterius," &c. — Ep. ii. 28.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 33
overflowed with tenderness. Among the monks of Bee
there were several whom he loved with passionate affection :
the young Maurice, whose health filled him with painful
anxiety ; ^ Lanfranc,^ nephew of the archbishop, to whom
he wrote, " Do not think that, according to the vulgar say
ing, what is far from the eyes is far from the heart ; if it
were so, the longer thou wert absent from me, the weaker
my affection would grow ; whereas, on the contrary, the less
I can enjoy thy presence, the more ardently my soul desires
it." * A third youth, named Gondulphus, also destined to
the service of the altar, had gained, in the peaceful solitude
of the cloister, all Anselm's affection, and received this letter
from him : " Por all my salutation, I write to thee these
simple words : Anselm to Gondulphus. And, in effect, this
short salutation must appear to thee enough at the head of
my letter, for what could I say more to him I love ? Can
any who knows Gondulphus and Anselm fail to understand
how much love is expressed in these two words ? " * Else
where he adds, " How can I forget you ? Do we forget
him whom we have placed like a seal upon our hearts ?
Even your silence tells me that you love me ; and in the
same way, when I am silent, you guess that I love you.
Not only have I no doubt of you, but I am certain that you
also have full confidence in me.^ . . . What can my letter
¦' See the five letters, 24-28, of b. i., on the headache from which Maurice
suffered, aud letters 32 and 34 on his recovery.
2 He also suffered from an iUness simUar to Maurice's, of which St.
Anselm gives a curious and detaUed description. — Ep. i. 31.
3 "Non sicut ¦Tulgo dici solet, quia quod longe est ab oculis longe est
a corde . . . quauto minus iUa frui pro voto possum, tanto magis desid
erium ejus in veri dilectoris vestri mente fervescit." — Bp. i. 66.
^ "Quisquis enim bene norit Gondulphum et Anselmum, cum legit,
Gondulfo Auselmus, non ignorat quid subaudiatur, vel quantus subintelli-
gatnr affectus." — Bp. i. 7.
5 "QuaUter namque obliviscar tui 7 Te sileute, ego no^ri quia diligis
me, et me tacente, seis quia amo te. Tu mihi cousoius es quia ego
non dubito de te; et ego tibi testis simi quia tu certus es de me." —
Bp. i. 4.

134 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
tell you that you do not know already, 0 soul of my soul ?
Look into the secret depths of your heart, see what tender
ness you find there for me, and you will understand what
mine is for you ! " ^
The young Gislebert, another friend of Anselm's,* having
left Bee, the latter wrote to him, "You knew, my friend,
how much I loved you ; but I did not know. He who has
separated us has alone taught me how dear you are to me.
. . . No, I did not know until I felt the trial of your
absence, how sweet it is to me to have you, how bitter not
to have you ! To console you, another friend is near you,
whom you love as well, or perhaps better, than me ; bnt I
— I have you no longer, and no one, you may be sure, can
replace you. Consolations are offered to you ; but I am
alone with my grief. Those who rejoice to have you near
them, may perhaps be offended at what I say ; but let them
be content with their good fortune, and suffer me to weep
for him who has been taken from me, and whose place no
other can fill." *
Death had no more power than absence to extinguish in
the heart of the monk these fiames of holy love. At the
time when Anselm was made prior, a young monk named
Osborn, jealous, like several others, of this promotion, took
a violent dislike to him * and showed his antipathy with a
sort of frenzy. Anselm neglected nothing to gain the heart
of his enemy by force of indulgence and kindness ; * he won
' " Sed quid te docebit epistola mea quod ignores, o tu altera anima J
Intra in cubiculum cordis tui. . . ." — Ep. i. 14. See also Ep. i. 33.
^ Perhaps Gislebert of the house of Crespin, so celebrated for his
Uberality. After having beeu a monk at Bee, he was made Abbot of
Westmiuster in 1084.
3 " Et quidem tu sciebas erga te dilectionem meam : sed utique ego
ipse nesciebam eam. Qui nos scidit ab invicem, iUe me docuit quantum
te diligerem. Tu habes praesentem alterum quem non minus aut certe
plus amas : mihi vero tu, tu inquam, es ablatus, et nullus pro te oblatus,"
&c.— Bp. i. 75.
^ " More canino." — Eadm., p. 4.
* " Coepit quadam sancta oalliditate piis blandimeutis delinire." — Lbid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 135
him to repentance ; nursed him night and day in his last
illness ; and when Anselm received his latest sigh, the rebel
had become almost a saint.
For a whole year Anselm never failed to say a mass each
moming for his old enemy ; nor ceased to write to his friends
to ask their prayers for the same object.
" I beg you," he wrote to Gondulphus, " you and all my
brothers, with all the strength of my affection, to pray for
Osbom ; his soul is mine, and I will accept all that you do
for him duruig my life as if you did it for me ; and when
I am dead, when you think of me, do not, I conjure you,
forget the soul of my beloved Osborn. If I am too trouble
some to you, forget me, but remember him.^ . . . Oh you
who surround me, and who have loved me, keep him as
myseK in your memory, and let this memory remain living
in your heart as in mine." ^
Such was the man who, after thirty years of such a life,
was, at the age of sixty — the age of repose — to be snatched
by the hand of God from the deep solitude of the cloister
to go among men, and there to fight one of the greatest of
battles against royal despotism.
History relates that when, after the death of Gregory VIL,
William the Conqueror was also drawing near to the tomb,
and reviewing, upon his deathbed,^ all the violences of the
Norman Conquest, he prayed the Blessed Virgin Mary,
Mother of God, that she would deign to have mercy on
him for the sake of the many monastic* foundations he
^ " Anima ejus anima mea est. Accipiam igitur in iUo vivus quicquid
ab amicitia poteram sperare defunctus, ut siut otiosi me defuncto. . . .
Precor et precor, et precor, memento mei, et ne obliviscaris animse
Osbemi dilecti mei. Quod si te nimis video ronerare, mei obUviscere et
iUius memorare." — Bp. i. 4.
" " Bos interiori cubiculo memorise tu^" ibi, ubi ego assiduus assideo
. . . coUoca mecum iu circuitu meo : sed animam Osbemi mei, rogo,
chare mi, Ulam non nisi in sinu meo." — Bp. i. 7.
' September 9, 1087.
* Order. Vit., b. viii. pp. 659-661. — " Dominae mese, sanctse Dei geni-
trici Mariae me commendo."

136 THB PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
had made on both sides of the Channel. These founda
tions were, indeed, of real benefit to the people.
The crown of England passed to William the Eed, to
the prejudice of his elder brother Robert, whose share was
only the Duchy of Normandy. To secure his recognition
as king, William was obliged to swear, between the hands
of Archbishop Lanfranc, that he would regard justice and
mercy, and defend the peace and liberty of the Church
against all.^ But Lanfranc being dead,^ and the restraint
he had exercised withdrawn, the king gave himself up with
out delay to the evil inclinations of his depraved nature.
The Church and people of England alike groaned under his
yoke. The zeal of the Conqueror for ecclesiastical regularity,
and his hatred of simony, had not prevented him from in
troducing into this new kingdom innovations^ tending to
abuses, and incompatible with the liberty of the Church as
well as with her social mission. He had claimed the right
to accept or reject at pleasure the Eoman pontiff's nomina
tion ; to examine, beforehand, all pontifical letters addressed
to the Church of England ; to submit to the royal judgment
all decrees of the national councils ; finally, to forbid bishops
to fulminate, without his permission, any ecclesiastical sen
tence against barons or royal officers even if guilty of the
greatest crimes.* Moreover, the Conqueror had rigorously
upheld the custom, inveterate in England, of obliging bishops
and abbots to receive investiture by the crosier, at the
hands of the king, and to do him homage.^ But the Eed
^ Eadmer, Hist Nov., i. p. 33.
' May 27, 1089. One of the last acts of this iUustrious monk, who
caUed himself "Lanfranc, a sinner, and unworthy archbishop of the
holy Church of Canterbury," was to write to two kings of Ireland to
recommend them to watch over the inviolability of marriages iu their
country. He sent them Bishop Patrick, monasticis institutionibus a
p'ueritia enutritum, who had come to him to be consecrated. — Baron.,
Ann., ad ann. 1089.
3 " Quaedam de eis quae nova per Angliam servare constituit ponam.''
—Eadm., p. 29. * Lbid.
^ "Per dationem virgse pastoraUs.'' — Eadm., in prcef. Hist Nov.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 37
King ^ was not content with this ; not only did he prevent the
English Church from pronouncing in favour of the legiti
mate pope against the anti-pope, when all Europe, except
the emperor's partisans, recognised Urban II. ; ^ but also,
unhke his father, he scandalised all the country by his
debauchery, brought back to favour that simony which the
Conqueror, on his deathbed, boasted of having extirpated,
and made the Church the victim of unparalleled rapacity.
A priest's son, Ralph Flambard or the Firebrand, who had
been a serving-man at the Norman court,* and who owed
his name to the brutal violence of his extortions,* had the
whole confidence of the young king, and guided him in his
robberies. When a prelate died, the agents of the royal
treasury flung themselves upon the vacant diocese or abbey,
made themselves the sovereign administrators of it, upset
order and discipline, reduced the monks to the condition of
hirelings, and filled their master's coffers with the wealth
which the piety of former kings had assured to the Church.®
Eadmer maintains that investiture by the crosier dates only from the
Conqueror ; but Selden (in Badm., not, p. 104) quotes several authorities
which prove that it was more ancient.
' "In curia Rupi Regis."— Ord. Vit., vui. 682.
2 Simeon Dunblmensis, ann. 1091 ; Pagi, Crit, ad ann. 1089.
3 "Cujusdam plebeU presbyteri de pago Baiocensi filius . . . inter
pedissequos curiales cum vUibus paiasitis educatus." — Ord., loc. cit. WiUiam
made him Bishop of Durham.
* "Fiamma quippe ardens . . intulit genti novos ritus, quibus
crudeliter oppressit populorum coetus, et Ecclesiae cantus temporales
mutavit in planctus . . . supplices regise fideUtati plebes indeceuter
oppressit."— TM. St. Anselm says of him : " Puhlicanorwm, princeps
infamissimus . . . propter crudeUtatem simUem fiammse comburenti pro-
nomine Flambardus." — Ep. iv. 2.
^ "Videres insuper quotidie (spreta servorum dei religione) quosque
nefandissimos hominum regias pecunias exigeutes per claustra monasterii
torvo et miuaci voltu procedere, hinc inde praecipere, minas intentare,"
&o. — Badm., loc cit. " Ecciesias . . . cuiUbet satellitum suorum subegit
. . . suo infert aerario larga;S opes quas Ecclesise Dei gratanter et devote
dederunt antiqui Anglorum reges." — Order., p. 679. " Monachis victum
ac vestitum cum parcitate erogabant, cetera vero regiis thesauris ingere-
bant." — Ld., p. 763.

138 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
All the domains were put up to auction, and the last bidder
could never be sure that his offers wonld not be surpassed
by some new-comer to whom the king had yielded the
purchase.^ The shame of the clergy, and the misery of
the poor may be imagined ^ when this ignoble oppression
was suddenly substituted for the maternal administration of
the Church ! In spite of all complaints the king continued
this state of things, and when it pleased him to fill np the
vacancies, he sold the abbeys or bishoprics to the mercenary
clergy who thronged his court.*
In this way the infamous Flambard became Bishop of
Durham. England descended to the level of Germany in
the youth of Henry IV. It needed a new Gregory VII.
to rescue her. When the Archbishop of Canterbury died,
William had no inclination to let slip so good an oppor
tunity of enriching himself at the cost of God and the
churches; he kept the see vacant for nearly four years,
thus giving up the foremost churches of his kingdom to such
exactions and disorders that more than thirty parishes
saw their churchyards turned into pastures.* No church
escaped the royal extortions. The king declared that sooner
or later he would have every crosier in England in his
hands.® He enjoyed his misdoing, and declared, laughing,
" The bread of Christ is bread that fattens." ®
In this condition of affairs, Hugh Lupus, Earl of Chester,
one of the most warlike and powerful of the Anglo-Norman
barons,^ wrote to Anselm to announce his intention of
1 Eadm., loc. cit.
^ "Quid de hominibus Ecclesise dicam, qui tam vasta miseria . . .
sunt attriti." — Lbid.
3 "Quasi stipendia mercenariis, curialibus clericis seu monachis hon
ores ecclesiasticos porrigebat." — Order., p. 763.
* Vit Anselm,. ex MS. Victorin, in edit. Gerber.
^ "Se veUe omnes baculos pastorales per totam Angliam in potestate sua
habere." — Will. Thorn., p. 1704, ap. Mabill., Ann. Ben.
^ "Pauls Christi, panis pinguis est." — MS. Vict, loc. cit.
' " In miUtia promptus, iu dando nimis prodigus, gaudens ludis et luxi-
bus; mimis, equis et canibus . . . non famiUam secum, sed exercitum

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 39
founding a monastery in his earldom, and to beg him to
bring thither a colony of monks of Bee. Hugh had spent
his life in fighting the Welsh, who had not yet submitted
to the Norman yoke ; he was rich and prodigal, fond of
luxury and good cheer, carrying about with him an army
of servants, jesters, and dogs ; given to women and to all
kinds of excess. But, in the heart of the knight, good
often resumed its sway. His chaplain was a holy priest of
Avranches, who constantly lectured and reproved him,^ re
minding him of the histories of the Old and New Testa
ments, and chiefly those of many warriors, irreproachable in
their use of arms, such as St. George, St. Demetrius, St.
Maurice, St. Sebastian, and, above all, that famous duke who
ended his career by becoming a monk. The Earl of Chester
had long been united to Anselm^ by the closest friendship,
and it is probable that, in the general grief excited through
out England by the prolonged vacancy of the primate's
see, he may have said to the king that the Abbot of Bee
appeared to him the fittest person to succeed the illustrious
Lanfranc. Already, in Normandy, it had been whispered
that if Anselm crossed the Channel he would surely be
named archbishop in Lanfranc's place.* And yet nothing
was less probable. How could the king, who claimed the
right of investiture, and refused to acknowledge Urban II. ,
think of Anselm ? For the Abbot of Bee had not only
acknowledged Urban, the friend of France, but had even
obtained from him an exemption for his abbey.* Add to
this that he had been constantly associated in the efforts of
semper ducebat. . . Ventris ingluviei serviebat. . . . E pellicibus pluri-
mam sobolem genuit." — Order. Vit., iv. 522, aud vi. 598.
1 Ord., loc. cit. He succeeded so weU that Earl Hugh died a monk at the
Abbey of St. Werburgh, as we have already said.
'' "Certe amicus meus familiaris ab antiquo comes Cestrensis Hugo
fuit."— Badm., p. 34.
3 "Jam enim quodam quasi praesagio mentes quorumdam tangebantur."
—Ibid. « Bp. ii. 33, 33.

I40 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Gregory VII. against investiture, simony, and the marriage
of priests, and that he had received from the pontiff, so
hateful to all princes such as the Red King, this magnificent
eulogy : " The perfume of thy virtue has reached ns, and
we thank God for it ; we embrace thee in the love of Christ,
and hold it certain that thy example will strengthen the
Church, and that thy prayers may by God's mercy snatch
her from the dangers which threaten her." ^
Meanwhile, in spite of all the incompatibilities of which
we have spoken, common opinion pointed to Anselm as the
successor of Lanfranc. Terrified by this sort of public pre
sentiment, the Abbot of Bee refused to yield to the wish of
the Earl of Chester; but the earl, having fallen seriously
ill, renewed the invitation, swearing to Anselm that the
question was simply that of the safety of his own soul, and
not at all of the archbishopric.
Anselm having again refused, the earl wrote a third time,
saying, " If you do not come, be sure that you will have
to reproach yourself through all eternity." ^ Anselm was
obliged to yield. He came and founded, by the desire of the
sick man, the Abbey of St. Werburgh,* passing five months
in England, occupied with various affairs. As not a word
was said to him about the archbishopric, he ended by being
completely reassured. But at Christmas 1092, the barons
of the kingdom being assembled about the king for that
festival, loudly complained of the unheard-of oppression and
prolonged state of widowhood endured by the mother-church
of the kingdom, as they called Canterbury.* The better to
express their dissatisfaction, they begged leave of the king
^ ' ' Quoniam f ructuum tuorum bonus odor ad nos usque redoluit." 
Ans., Bp. U. 31 ; Col., Con. xii. 692.
2 " Si non veneris, revera noveris quia nunquam in vita seterna iu tanta
requie eris, quin perpetuo doleas te ad me nou venisse." — Eadm., p. 34.
3 The Abbey of St. Werburgh, where Hugh took the monastic habit
before his death, was at Chester.
" " Omnes regni primores . . . optimi quique uno consensu de communi
matre Regni quererentur." — Eadm., p. 34.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 14I
to have prayers put up in all the English churches that
God would inspire him to choose a worthy primate.^
William, very angry, answered that they might pray as
they pleased, but that all their prayers would not prevent
his acting as pleased him.^ They took him at his word,
and the bishops who were most interested charged Abbot
Anselm, who was thinking nothing of the matter, to arrange
or draw up the required prayers. He did it in such a way
as to win the applause of all the nobles,* and the churches
soon resounded with these solemn supplications. One day a
nobleman, talking with the king privately on this subject,
said, " We have never known so holy a man as this Anslem,
Abbot of Bee. He loves nothing but God, and desires
nothing in this world." " Really ! " answered the king,
jestingly ; " not even the archbishopric of Canterbury ? "
" Even less the archbishopric of Canterbury than anything
else," replied the nobleman ; " at least that is my opinion
and the opinion of many others." " Well, as for me,"
said the king, "I believe that he would work hand and
foot if he saw any chance of 'getting it ; but by the Holy
Face of Lucca, neither he nor any one else shall have
it, and there shall be no archbishop but myself while
I Uve."* Scarcely had he said these words when he fell ill, and
^ " Quod posteris mirum dictu fortasse videbitur, ajoute." — Eadmer.
2 "Dicens quod quicquid Ecclesia peteret, ipse sine dubio pro nullo
dimitteret quin faceret omne quod veUet." — Lbid.
3 " Modum orandi cunctis audientibus edidit, et laudato sensu et per-
spicacia animi ejus, tota quse convenerat nobilitas regni ... in sua dis-
cessit." — Ihid.
* " Unus de principibus terrae cum rege famUiariter agens ... ita quod
rex subsannans : Nou, inquit, nee archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem. . . .
Nee Ulum quidem maxime sicut mea multorumque fert opinio. Obtestatus
est Rex quod manibus et pedibus plaudens in amplexum ejus accurreret,
si, &c. . . . Sed per sanctum Vultum de Luca neo ipse uec hoc tempore
nee alUs quis archiepiscopus erit, me excepto." — EADM., p. 35. The holy
countenance of Lucca was a very ancient crucifix, attributed to Nicodemus,
brought miraculously from Palestine to Lucca, where it is stUl venerated
under the name of the Volto Santo.

142 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
was in danger of death. ^ God seemed about to avenge
Himself. Bishops, abbots, and barons assembled round his
sick-bed at Gloucester to receive his last sigh.^ They sent
to seek Anselm, brought him into the king's room, and
begged him to advise what should be done for the salvation
of their master's soul.* Anselm insisted upon three things
— a full confession, a solemn and public promise of amend
ment, and the immediate execution of those measures of
reparation which the bishops had already suggested. The
king consented to all, and ordered his promise to be laid
upon the altar. An edict was immediately drawn up, and
sealed with the royal seal, promising deliverance to all State
prisoners, remission of all debts due to the crown, the annul
ling of all prosecutions, the exact administration of justice,
and the establishment, for all Bnglish people, of good and
just laws.* Nor was this all ; loud complaints reached the
king of the desolation of the church of Canterbury, and
William showing himself well disposed, was promptly asked
whom he would choose for primate. Then, strange event !
he who had sworn that Anselm should never be archbishop
was the first to designate the Abbot of Bee, whose name
was received with unanimous acclamations.^
At this shout Anselm turned pale, and absolutely refused
his consent.^ The bishops drew him aside : " What are
you doing ? " they said. " Do you not see that there are
scarcely any Christians left in England; that all is con-
' " Haec iUum dicentem a vestigio valida infirmitas corripuit et lecto
deposuit . . . omne usque ad exhalationem spiritus egit." — Eadm., p. 35.
2 " Nihil prseter mortem ejus prsestolantes. "
3 " Ingreditur ad regem, rogatur quid consilu salubrius morientis animre
judicet." * "Scribitur edictum, regioque sigiUo firmatur quatenus quicumque
captiri in omni dominatione sua relaxentur. . . . Promittuntur insuper
toto populo bonse et sanctae leges."
^ " Prsenuntiavit ipse et concordi voce subsequitur acclamatio omnium
abbatem Anselmum tali honore dignissimum."
s " Bxpavit Ansehnus ad hano vocem, et expaUuit . . . toto conamine
restitit."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 43
fusion and abomination ; that our churches are threatened ;
that we ourselves are in danger of eternal death in con
sequence of this man's tyranny? And you, who could
save us, will not deign to do it. What are you thinking
of? The church of Canterbury calls you, waits for you;
she demands the sacrifice of your liberty ; will you, for the
sake of your own unprofitable tranquillity, refuse to share
the dangers of your brethren ? " ^
To which Anselm replied : " Observe, I beg of you, that
I am old, and unfit for work. Besides, as a monk, I have
always detested secular affairs." " We will help you,"
answered the bishops. " Do you undertake to reconcile us
to God, and we wUl undertake all secular affairs for you." ^
" No, no ; it is impossible," said Anselm ; " I am abbot of
a foreign monastery, I owe obedience to my archbishop,
submission to my prince,* help and counsel to my monks.
I cannot break all these ties." "These are all trifles,"
replied the bishops ; and they drew Anselm to the bedside
of the king, to whom they related the abbot's obstinate
refusal.* " Anselm," said the sick man, " do you wish to
give me up to etemal punishment ? ^ My father and
mother loved you, and you are willing to see their son
perish, body and soul ! Do you forget that I am lost if
I die while I keep the archbishopric in my hands ? " ^
' " Quid agis, quid intendis 7 . . . Vides . . . ecciesias Dei in periculum
mortis seternse per tyrannidem istius hominis decidisse . . . quid, o mira-
bUis homo, cogitas 7 "
2 " Tu Deo pro nobis intende, et nos sscularia tua disponemus pro te."
3 "Archiepiscopum cm obedientiam . . . principem cui subjectio-
nem. . . ." He spoke of the Archbishop of Eouen and the Duke of
Normandy. * " Eapiuut igitur hominem ad regem et pervicaciam ejus exponunt."
' " O Anselme I quid agis 7 cur me poenis aetemis cruciandum tradis 7
Recordare, quseso, fideUs amicitise, &c. . . . Certus sum cum quod peribo
si archiep. in meo dominio tenens vitam finiero. Succurre igitur mihi,
Domine Pater. . . ."
' He said afterwards, recalUng this scene, that at that moment death
wonld have seemed to him a thousand times preferable to the episcopate.
—Badm., p. 36.

144 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Those present lost patience with Anselm, and declared
to him that all crimes and oppressions under which Eng
land should suffer for the future would be attributed to his
stubbornness. In his anguish the Abbot of Bee turned to
the two monks who accompanied him, and said to them,
" Ah, my brothers, why do you not help me ? " One of
them, sobbing,^ answered, " If it is the will of God, father,
who are we to resist Him ? " " Unhappy one ! " cried
Anselm, " you are very ready to yield to the enemy." ^
The bishops, seeing that all was useless, blamed themselves
for their weakness, and began to call, " A crosier ! a
crosier ! " * Then seizing the prelate's right arm, they
drew him to the bed where the king was lying, who tried
to place the crosier in Anselm's hand ; but as the abbot
kept his fingers fast closed, the bishops were obliged to
use such force to open them as made him cry out ; finally,
the crosier was held in the hand of the newly elect, while
every one shouted, " Long live the hishop ! " and while the
Te Deum was chanted.* Then the prelate was carried to
a neighbouring church, where the usual ceremonies were
performed. Anselm constantly protested that all they were
doing was null.® He was almost mad with grief; his tears,
cries, and even shrieks ended by frightening those con
cerned ; to calm him, they threw holy water over him,
and even made him swallow some.^ Having retumed to
1 "Quae verba lacrymas, et lacrymas sanguis ubertim mox e naribus
iUius profiuens secutus. ..."
2 " 'Vae 1 quam cito baoulus tuus confractus est." We translate as Fleury
does. 3 " Virgam hue pastoralem, virgam, clamitant, pastoralem I "
* " Episcopi vero digitos ejus strictim volae infixes erigere conati sunt
. . . ipse pro sua Isesione verba dolentis ederet, tandem . . . clausae
manui ejus baculus appositus est, et episcoporum manibus cum eadem
manu compressus atque retentus, Acclamante autem multitudine invat
episcopus, vivat ! " AU these details, given by Eadmer, pp. 35, 36 are
confirmed by the letter of Osborn, a monk of Canterbury, to Anselm
Bp. Ui. 2.
^ " Nihil est quod facitis, nihil est quod facitis." — Badm.
^ " Instantur lacrymae mese, et voces, et rugitus a gemitu cordis mei

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 1 45
the king, Anselm told him that he would not die of this
illness, but that on his recovery he would have to repair
what had just been done by violence.^ As he was retiring,
accompanied by the bishops and all the nobles, he turned
to them and said, " Do you know what you wish to do ?
You want to yoke an unbroken bull and a weak old sheep
together. And what will happen ? The furious bull will
drag the sheep through the briers and thickets, and tear
him to pieces without his having been good for anything.
The Church is a plough — according to the apostle's saying.
Ye are God's husbandry. This plough is drawn in England
by two oxen — the king and the archbishop ; — one labour
ing for the administration of justice and the secular govern
ment, the other for divine doctrine and discipline. One of
these two, Lanfranc, is dead ; there remains only the un
tamable bull to which you would yoke me. If you do not
give up this idea, your joy of to-day will be changed into
sadness — you will see the Church again widowed, even
in her shepherd's lifetime; and as none of you will dare
to resist him, the king will trample you under foot as he
pleases." ^
The king caused the archbishop to be instantly put in
possession of all the domains of the see, and required that
he should live there until the necessary answers should
arrive from Normandy. They were not long delayed. The
quales nunquam de me uUo dolore memini exiisse , . . aqua benedicta me
aspergentes, eam mihi potaudam porrexerunt." — Ans., Bp. iii. i.
1 " Pro hoc volo noveris quam bene corrigere poteris quod de me nunc
actum est, quia nee concessi, nee concede ut ratum sit." — Badm., loc. dt
^ "InteUigitis quid molimini? Indomitum taurum et vetulam ac de-
bUem ovem in aratro conjnngere sub uno jugo . . . et quid inde pro-
veniat? . . . Aratrum ecclesiam perpendite juxta apostolum dicentem
Dei agricultura estis'' (i Cor. iu. 9). "Hoc aratrnm in Anglia duo boves
. . . trahunt et trahendo reguut, rex et archiepiscopus : iste sseculari
justitia et imperio, Uie divina doctrina et magisterio. Horum boum unus,
sciUcet Lanfrancus, &c. . . . vos quoque procul dubio pro libitu suo
nou dubitabit couculcare." This scene, so important for forming our
judgment of the character of Anselm and that of his period, took place
March 6, 1093.
VOL. VI. K

146 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Archbishop of Rouen ordered the newly elect, in the name
of God and St. Peter, not to resist.'' The monks of Bee
had much more difficulty in consenting to the sacrifice
asked of them. Anselm also grieved bitterly over the part
ing, for he loved nothing in the world so well as his abbey; ^
most of all, he regretted the young monks, those dear
nurslings, who, as he said, were now to be weaned too early
from the milk of his affection.* These young neophytes,
who, for the most part, had been drawn to Bee by the hope
of living there with Anselm,* gave him his liberty only
after hot discussions, and by a very small majority.®
To render the noble old man's trial more complete, and
to show that there is nothing so pure in the depths of a
Christian heart but that a mean jealousy will try to calum
niate it, a report was spread in France that Anselm's resist
ance was only feigned, and that in reality he, like so many
others, had always coveted the primacy of England. Anselm
recalled his energy to repel this imputation ; * for he re
garded it as a duty to defend the honour of a bishop, called
upon to serve as an example to other men.'^ He still,
indeed, cherished some hope of being delivered from the
burden laid upon him. The king had recovered, and im
mediately forgetting all his promises, had caused all accused
persons or prisoners who remained in England to be again
seized, and recommenced, with double cruelty, all previous
1 See his letter iu Badm., p. 36. It ends thus, " VaZete, viscera mea."
" " Quia nihil in hoc mundo purius dilexi neo dUigo." — Ep. iii. 9.
3 "Dulcissimos filios ante tempus ablactatos (meos adolescentes dico)."
— Ep. iu. 21. See also Bp. ui. 22; and the charming letter addressed to
these young men, Ep. iii. 17.
"i " Multa propter me, et fere omues Beocum venistis." — Bp. iii. 7.
^ From their letter, Bp. iii. 6, it was not even sure that this majority
would have been gained.
" Bp. iii. I, 7, 9, 10, and 11.
' "Multum enim nocet infirmis iu Ecclesia Dei opinio alicujus vitii,
sive vera, sive falsa sit, de aliquo homine ; et maxime de eo qui sio est in
Ecclesia Catholica constitutus, ut et verbo et exemplo vitae aUis debeat
et possit prodesse." — Bp. iii. 12.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 47
lawsuits and prosecutions.^ In vain Anselm's friend, Gon
dulphus, the former monk of Bee, and now Bishop of
Rochester, tried by multiplied exhortations to recall his
sovereign to God. " By the Holy Face of Lucca ! " replied
William, " God has done me too much evil ever to get any
good from me ! " ^
Anselm went to seek the prince at Dover, and demanded
of him, as a sine qua non, before his acceptance, that the
property of the See of Canterbury, formerly possessed by
Lanfranc, and now claimed by himself, should be imme
diately restored ; he asserted, moreover, the right of exer
cising his archiepiscopal authority in all religious affairs.^
and finally, full liberty in his relations with Pope Urban II.,
whom he had hastened to recognise, and to whom he wished,
on all occasions, to testify his obedience.*
The king having made Anselm an incomplete and equi
vocal answer, the holy man hoped that he was about to be
released from a burden which he feared ; and as he had
already sent back his abbot's crosier to Bee, requesting that
his successor might be chosen as soon as possible,® he flattered
himself that he should be able to pass the rest of his life in
monastic poverty and obedience, without charge of souls, and
safe from those spiritual dangers against which he did not
think himself strong enough to struggle.® But after six
1 Eadm,, p. 37.
^ " Scias, o episcope, quod per sanctum vultum de Luca, nunquam me
Dens bonum habebit pro malo quod mihi intulerit." — Ibid.
3 " Volo ut in iis quae ad Deum et Christianitatem pertinent te meo
prse caeteris consUio credas, et sicut ego te volo terrenum habere Domi
num et defeusorem, ita et tu me spiritualem habeas patrem et animse
tuffi provisorem."
* "De Urbano pontifice quem hucusque nou recepisti, et ego jam
recepi atque recipio, eique debitam obedientiam et subjectionem exhibere
volo, cautum te facio ue quod scandalum inde oriatur in futuro," — Eadm.,
loc. cit. See also the letter from Anselm to the Legate Hugh. — Bp. iii. 24.
5 This successor was WiUiam, of the seigneurial house of Montfort-
sur-RiUe, and nephew of Count Roger de Beaumont.
* " Libentius eligerem sub abbate in mouaohica paupertate et humili
tate obedire . . . quam regnare sseculariter . . . aut archiepiscopatum

148 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
months of resistance and uncertainty, the king, driven to
it by the remonstrances of all good Catholics,* decided to
agree to Anselm's requirements ; and the latter did homage
to William, as his predecessor had done, on taking possession
of the See of Canterbury.^ He was consecrated December 4,
1093, by Wulstan of Worcester, the last bishop and the last
saint of the Anglo-Saxon Church, and the same whose heroic
resistance to Lanfranc and to William we have elsewhere
related. Meantime the grief of Anselm was not lessened : for a
long time he headed his letters — " Brother Anselm, monk
of Bee by choice. Archbishop of Canterbury by violence."*
" When you write for me alone," he said to his former
companions, " do not write too small ; for I have wept so
much, night and day, that my eyes can scarcely see to read." *
In vain the good old man had tried to calm his anxieties
by taking up again his beloved metaphysical studies, and
defending Lanfranc's reputation and his own against the im
putations of Eoscelin the sophist, who endeavoured to make
them accountable for his errors with regard to the Trinity.*
The storm, which he had too well foreseen, was not long
in bursting. William needed money for his war with his
brother Robert. Anselm, in spite of the poverty of his flock,
and the disorder in which he had found the Church property,
willingly offered a present of five hundred pounds in silver.
... vel abbatiam, aut hominibus quibuslibet praeesse ad animarum
gubernationem . . . quod ego ipse non impute mihi tantum ad virtutem,
quantum ad hoc quia talem me seio tam parum fortem, parum strenuura
. . . ut potius mihi congruat . . . serrire quam dominari." — Ep. iii. 11.
1 "Cum . . . clamorem omnium, de Ecclesiarum destructione conque-
rentium, Eex amplius ferre nequiret." — Eadm., loc. cit.
2 Sept. 25, 1093. He was consecrated Dec. 4th of the same year.
3 " Professione et corde Beccensis. . . . Voluntate Beccensis monachus,
necessitate vocatus Cant. Archiep." — Bp. iii. 26, 39.
« " Non nimis gracilis sit scriptura . . . multae diurnae et nocturnae
lacrymae. . ." — Bp. iii. 15.
^ See his Liber dc Pide Trinitatis, and De Incarnations verbi contra blas
phemias Ruzelini, cap. i., cf. Ep. ii. 35, 41. He then began the treatise
Cur Deus homo.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 1 49
But greedy courtiers persuaded the king that the sum was
too small ; that the first prelate of the kingdom ought to
give at least a thousand, or perhaps two thousand pounds,
and that, to frighten and shame the archbishop, it would
be proper to send him back his money — which was done.
Anselm, indignant, went to the king, and represented to
him that it was a hundred times better to obtain a little
money willingly than to extort a great deal by violence ;
and added, that though, out of friendship and goodwill, he
was ready to yield mnch, yet he would never grant anything
to those who attempted to treat him as a vassal of servile
condition.-' " Keep your money and your goods, and go ! " ^
cried William, in fury.
The archbishop retired, saying, " Blessed be God, who has
saved my reputation. If the king had taken my money,
people would have said that I was paying him the price of
my bishopric." And, at the same time, he caused the five
hundred pounds, which he had intended as a present to
William, to be distributed to the poor.*
The old monk Wulstan, the last of the Saxon bishops, was
still living.* This holy prelate, whose steadiness in resisting
William the Conqueror we have recounted, must have under
stood and appreciated Anselm better than any one else.
" Your Holiness," he wrote to him, " is placed at the summit
of the citadel to protect the holy Church from those whose
duty should have been to defend her : fear nothing there
fore ; let no secular power humble you through fear, nor
seduce you by favour ; begin vigorously, and finish, by God's
help, what you have begun, by restraining oppressors, and
delivering our holy mother from their hands." *
^ " A mica, nempe libertate me et omnia mea ad utUitatem tuam habere
poteris, servUi autem conditione nee me uec mea habebis." — Eadm., p. 38.
^ " Sint cum jurgio tua tibi, sufficient mea mihi ; vade."
3 " Praesignatum munus pro redemptione animse suse pauperibus Christi
dabo, non iUi."
^ He died soon after, Jan. 19, 1095.
5 " Ne igitur dnbibet ; non eam ssecularis potentias timor humiUet, non

ISO THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Some time afterwards, the king having gone to Hastings,
where he was to embark, all the bishops of England as
sembled to bless the royal traveller. But the wind remain
ing contrary, the prince was obliged to wait a whole month
in that town. Anselm profited by the occasion to point out
to him that, before going to conquer Normandy, he would
do well to re-establish religion, now threatened with ruin, in
his own kingdom, and to order the resumption of councils
which, since his accession, had been forbidden. '¦' I will
attend to that when I choose," answered the king — " at my
pleasure, and not at yours ; " and then added, jestingly, '' But
what would you talk about in your councils ? " ^ Anselm
replied that he should occupy himself in trying to suppress
the incestuous marriages and unspeakable debauchery which
threatened to make of England a second Sodom.^ " And
what will that do for you ? " asked the king. " If nothing
for me, I hope it will do much for God and for you ! "
"That is enough," rephed William, "I wish to hear no
more." *
Anselm then changed the conversation, and reminded
the king how many abbeys were vacant, where disorder
had been introduced among the monks, and how he was
compromising his own salvation by not appointing abbots.
But William, unable to restrain himself, cried angrily,
" What is that to you ? Are not these abbeys mine ?
What ! you can do what you like with your domains, and
I may not dispose of my abbeys as I please ? " * " They
favor incUnet, sed . . . opprimentes reprimat, S. Matrem nostram contra
tales defendat."- — Eadm., loc. cit.
^ " Adjecet subsannans : Tu vero in concilio unde loqueris 2 "
' " Nefandissimum Sodomse scelus . . tota terra nou multo post
Sodoma fiet."
3 " Bt in hac re quid fieret pro te 2 ... Si non pro me, spero fieret pro
Deo et te. . . . Sufficit, nolo inde ultra loqueris."
^ "Quid ad te? Numquid abbatise non sunt meae 7 Hem, tu quodris
agis de vUUs tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de abbatUs meis I . . . Dei
scimus eas esse, ut sui ministri corde vivant, non quo expeditiones et beUa
tua inde fiant."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL IJI
are yours," replied Anselm, " to guard and defend them as
their steward — not to invade and ruin them. We know
that they are God's, that His ministers may live by them —
not that you may make wars by means of them. You
have enough domains and revenues for all your needs :
give back to the Church what belongs to her." " Never,"
said the king, " would your predecessor have dared to speak
in this manner to my father."
Anselm retired: then, as he wished peace above all
things, he sent a message to the king by the bishops, to
ask him to give him back his friendship, or at least to
explain why he had withdrawn it. William replied, "I
do not blame him for anything; but I see no reason why
I should receive him into favour."^ The bishops then
advised Anselm to appease the king by giving him im
mediately the five hundred pounds already offered; and
secondly, by promising him the same sum a little later, to
be raised among the vassals of the archiepiscopal domains.
But at these words the holy man answered indignantly,
" God forbid that I should follow such advice ! These
poor creatures have been but too much plundered since
the death of Lanfranc ; they are stripped to the skin, and
you wish me to rob them of that ! You would have me
bny the favour of the master, to whom I owe faith and
honour, as I would buy a horse or an ass ! ^ Bnt indeed,
as to the ;^500, I have them no longer. I have already
given them to the poor."
This answer having been immediately reported to the
king, he charged his courtiers to carry the following
words to the archbishop : " I hated him much yester
day, and hate him more to-day; let him know that I
1 "De nulla re Ulum inculpo, nee tamen ei gratiam meam, quia non
audio quare indulgere volo."
^ " Absit . . . homines mei . . . deprsedati sunt et spoliati et ego . . .
jam eos nudos spoliarem, imo spoUatos excoriarem. . . . Fidem ei debeo
et honorem, et ego illi hoc dedecus facerem, scilicet gratiam suam quasi
equum vel asinum viUbus uummuUs emerem 1 "

1 52 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
shall hate him always more and more bitterly for the
future."' On the king's return, Anselm visited him at the Tower
to tell him that he intended going to Rome to beg the
pallium from the pope.^ " What pope ? " ^ asked William,
alluding to the anti-pope Guibert, who called himself
Clement III. And when Anselm replied, " To Urban IL,"
the king angrily said that he had not acknowledged Urban,
and that to accept him as pope under these circumstances
would be very like abdicating.
In vain did Anselm recall the conditions on which he
had accepted the archbishopric, and which had been for
mally agreed to by the king. William, more and more
irritated, declared that the archbishop could not at once
be faithful to him and obedient to the Holy See against
his will.* Anselm then proposed to submit the question
to the bishops, abbots, and barons of the kingdom assembled
in Parliament. Parliament met at Rockingham Castle.^
There, not in presence of the king, but before a numerous
assembly of monks, clergy, and nobles, Anselm explained
the state of things to the prelates and lay peers.® He
related to them all that had passed between the king and
himself; he earnestly prayed the bishops to show him how
he could best do his duty both to the pope and the King
of England. After some hesitation, the bishops advised
him to submit simply and entirely to the royal will,
declaring that he must not depend at all upon them, since
they could not help him in any way if he persisted in
1 " Heri magno, et hodie iUum majori odio habeo, et sciat revera quod
eras et deinceps acriori et acerbiori odio semper habebo."
2 He explains the motives of this resolution and of his whole conduct
in his letter to the legate Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons. — Bp. iii. 24.
3 " A quo Papa Ulud requirere cupis 1 " — Eadm., p. 40.
^ " Protestatus est ilium nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul et
apostoUcse sedis obedientiam, contra suam voluntatem posse servare."
^ Mid-Lent, Sunday, March 11, 1195.
6 "Eos et assistentem mouachorum, clericorum, laicorum numerosam
multitudinem alloquitur."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 153
opposing the king.' This said, they bowed, as if to take
leave of Anselm, who, raising his eyes to heaven, answered
with emotion,^ " Since you, the pastors and directors of
Christian people, refuse me advice, I, who am your chief,
however much it may be contested, will have recourse to
the head Pastor and Prince of all, to the Angel of great
counsel ; and I will follow the advice that He gives me,
in an affair which is at once His and that of His Church.*
It was said to St. Peter, ' Thou art Peter ; . . . all that
thou shalt hind on earth shall he hound in heaven,' &c. And
to all the apostles in common, ' He that heareth you heareth
Me, and he that despiseth you despiseth Me.' No one can
doubt that this was said also to the vicar of St. Peter, and
to the bishops, vicars of the apostles ; but Jesus Christ has
not said these things to any emperor, king, duke, or earl.
He has Himself taught us our duty towards the earthly
powers by saying, 'Render unto Csesar the things which
are Csesar's, and unto God the things which are God's.'
Now I wUl not depart from these counsels given by God
Himself; and I declare to you that, in all that relates to
God I will obey the -near of St. Peter, and in all that is
temporal I will serve my lord the king faithfully and with
all my power."
These words excited great emotion in the assembly ; and
as no one dared repeat them to the king, Anselm undertook
to do so himself. The king, exasperated, passed the whole
day deliberating with his courtiers on the best way of
confounding the primate. Di-dding into little groups,
nobles and clergy consulted among themselves how to
^ " Si autem secundum Deum quod uUatenus voluntati Eegis obviare
possit, consUium a nobis expectas, frustra niteris : quia iu hujusmodi
nunquam tibi nos adminiculari 'ridebis."
2 " Conticuerunt et capita sua quasi ad ea quse ipse illaturus erat dimi-
seruut. . . Ansehnus erectis in altum luminibus vivido vultu. . . -"
3 "Cum vos qui christianse plebis pastores . . . ego ad summum pas-
torem et principem omnium, ego ad magni consilii angelum curram, et iu
meo, sciUcet in suo et Ecclesise suae, negotio consUium quod sequar ab eo
accipiam. . . ."

154 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
appease the king without too great a departure from the
divine law.
Anselm went into the Church alone, calm, strong in his
innocence, and full of confidence in God. Fatigued with
these interminable struggles, he rested his head against the
wall, and fell into a peaceful sleep.i The bishops, accom
panied by several barons, came to wake him, and again
began to preach submission. " Reflect well," they said to
him, " on the gravity of your situation, and give up your
obedience to Pope Urban, who can neither serve you if the
king is angry, nor hurt you if the king is favourable.
Shake off this yoke and remain free, as befits an Archbishop
of Canterbury, until you receive the king's commands." ^
William, Bishop of Durham, was the most eager of all ;
he had made sure, while with the king, of either bringing
Anselm to dishonour himself by a shameful submission,* or
to lay down his dignity. He insisted, therefore, that the
archbishop should answer immediately, lest, as he said,
he should be condemned as guilty of lese-majesty.* And
all the others added, " Do not imagine this to be a light
matter." The archbishop answered, " If any one can prove that I
have broken my oath to the king, because I will not fail in
the obedience due to the Roman pontiff, let him show him
self, and I will be ready to answer him as I ought, and
where I ought." The bishops looked at each other in
^ "Rex vehementer iratus . . hic duo, ibi tres, iUic quatuor in unum
consUiabantur . . solus inter hsec Auselmus sedebat innocentia cordis
sui, et in misericordia Dei fiduciam habens. . . . Ipse ad parietem se
reclinans, leni somuo quiescebat."
2 "Urbani illius qui, offense Domino rege, nihil tibi prodesse, nee ipso
placate obesse valet, obedientiam abjice . . . liber, ut arch. Cantuar.
decet. . . . Domini Regis jussionem exspecta."
3 " Eex applaudebat sibi, sperans Ulum vel abjurato apostolico infamem
remanere in regno suo."
¦• " Jam nunc a vestigio ad Domini nostri dicta responde, aut sententiam
tuae rindioem praesumptionis dubio procul iu prsesenti experiere. Nee
jocum existimes esse quod agitur."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. ISS
silence, for they knew well that the archbishop could only be
judged by the pope.
Meanwhile those present grew indignant at the sight of
such unfair dealing, and murmurs began to be heard. Then
a knight, issuing from the crowd, knelt before Anselm and
said, — " My lord and father, your children entreat you, by
my mouth, not to be troubled by what has just been said,
but to remember the blessed Job, who, on his dunghill,
vanquished the demon that overcame Adam in Paradise." ¦*
These noble words, from the heart of a soldier, were to
the holy confessor an unexpected consolation and a pledge
of popular sympathy.^ Night closed the debate; but it
recommenced next morning. The king seemed as much
exasperated against his bishops, who, he said, accomplished
nothing, as against the archbishop, who could not be moved.
Then William of Durham proposed to depose Anselm, and
banish him from the kingdom; but the barons rejected this
idea. The king, annoyed, asked, " If that does not please
you, what will ? As long as I live, I will have no rival in
my kingdom. Now talk among yourselves as you like ;
but by the face of God, if you do not condemn this man at
my bidding, I will condemn you." ^
One of the prince's favourites, named Robert, said, " But
what can we do with a man who goes to sleep quietly
while we are exhausting ourselves in discussion, and who,
with one word, destroys all our objections as if they were
cobwebs ? " *
1 "MUes unus de multitudine prodiens. . . . Memor esto beati Job
rincentis Diabolum in sterquUinio, et viudioantis Adam quem vicerat iu
Paradiso." ^ " Intellexit animum populi in sua secum sententia esse. Garisi ergo
exinde sumus et animsequiores facti." It is evident that Badmer, the
narrator of all these scenes, was an eyewitness of them.
3 " Ite, ite, consUiamini, quia per vultum Dei, si vos Ulum ad meam
voluntatem non damnaveritis, ego damnabo vos."
* " Cum omni studio per totum diem inter nos ilia conferimus . . .
dormit et prolate coram eo statim uno labiorum suorum pulsu quasi telas
araueae rumpit."

IS6 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
After long arguments, which ended by proving the
impossibihty of trying a primate of England, the king
ordered the bishops to break off all relations with him, and
all ties of obedience to him, declaring that he himself, as
sovereign, would refuse to the metropolitan all confidence,
all peace, and all safety.^ The bishops again consented to
carry this notification to the archbishop, who replied —
"Your conduct seems to me wrong, but I will not return
evil for evil. I regard you all as my brothers, as children
of the church of Canterbury, and I will endeavour to bring
you back to the right way. As to the king, I am ready to
do him all the service I can, and to render him abundantly,
when he wishes it, the most fatherly care ; but I will not
abdicate the dignity and authority of my episcopate."
After this, the king tried to obtain from the lay peers, as
well as from the bishops, a promise to renounce all relations
with Anselm. But the barons refused to imitate the cowar
dice of the prelates. " We have never," they said, " been
vassals to the archbishops, and we cannot abjure an oath
we never took : but Anselm is our metropolitan ; it is his
business to guide the religious affairs of this country ; and
therefore we, who are Christians, cannot withdraw from his
authority, especially as his conduct is without a stain." ^
The king feared to irritate his baronage by insisting.
As to the bishops, their confusion was unbounded. They
were the objects of universal indignation ; each received an
insulting nickname — one Judas the traitor, another Pilate,
a third Herod.* At last, all the discussions having led to
' " Bn ego primum in imperio meo penitus ei omnem securitatem et
fiduciam mei toUo," &c.
^ "Nos nunquam homines ejus fuimus . . . Archiepiscopus noster est.
Christianitatem in hac terra gubernare habet, et ea re, nos qui Christiani
sumus ejus magisterium dum hic vivimus decUnare non possumus, prse-
sertim," &c.
3 "Audires . . . nunc ab isto nunc ab illo istum vel illum episcopum
aliquo cognomine cum interjectione indignantis designari, -ridelicet Judse
proditoris," &c. Badmer adds, that the king having questioned the bishops
one by one as to their renunciation of Anselm's authority, there were some

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 157
nothing, it was agreed to put off the final decision till Pen
tecost, all things remaining as they were until that time.
This situation was far from consoling to Anselm, who
had been obliged to return to Canterbury, where he saw,
according to custom, the most odious treatment inflicted on
the Church vassals, such, indeed, as drove them to curse the
heroic resistance of their pastor.^ The king drove into
banishment Baldwin the monk, the intimate friend and
counsellor of the archbishop, and the person who took charge
of all those secular affairs the care of which was intolerable
to him. This was to wound the prelate in the tenderest
part of his nature,^ for amidst all his trials he found support
and consolation nowhere except among his old friends of
the cloister. Of all the English bishops since the death of
the Saxon Wulstan, there was but one who had not basely
betrayed the archbishop,* and that was Gondulphus, Bishop
of Rochester, whom we have seen so tenderly attached to
him while they were both monks at Bee. Anselm could
only breathe freely when he was able to shut himself up in
the cloister of the Canterbury monks, and preside at their
services. " I am like the owl," he said to them : " when he is in
his hole with his little ones, he is happy ; but when he goes
out among crows and other birds, they pursue him and strike
who repUed that they did not renounce it absolutely and without reserve,
but only so far as he claimed to exercise this authority over them in virtue
of his submission to the pope. These were disgraced, and obliged to buy
back the royal favour by a bribe.
' "Crudeles suorum hominum oppressiones quotidie auribus ejus inson-
antes. . . ." — Eadm., 14. "Passa est Ecclesia Cantuar. tam saevam tem-
pestatem, ut fere universi conclamarent meUus sibi absque pastore jam olim
fuisse, quam nunc sub hujusmodi pastore esse." — Id., 43 ; see, further,
p. 85.
2 " Rex Anselmum hoc facto atroci mceroris verbere perculit." — Ibid.
' Eadmer says expressly, " Eofenso solo excepto," p. 7. Eut William
OP Malmesbury, de Gest Pontif, U. p. 257, points out also Bishop Ealph
of Chichester, "qui contuitu sacerdotalis officii WUhelmo in faciem pro
Anselmo restitit"

158 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
him with their beaks, and he is ill at ease." ^ Often the
holy old man wept when he thought of the danger to his
soul in these perpetual combats, and cried, " Oh how much
rather would I be schoolmaster in a monastery than primate
of England ! " His enemies, as well as his best friends,
reproached him with his excessive love of retirement ; they
said that he was better fitted to live shut up in a convent
than to fill the office of primate^ of a great nation. Anselm
himself was more convinced of this than any one ; * but God
knew and judged him better than his critics.
Meanwhile King William had secretly sent two clerks of
his chapel to Rome, to find out which pope he ought to
acknowledge, and beg him to send the pallium, not to
Anselm, but to the king himself, who would give it to some
archbishop. These envoys perceived that Urban was the
true pope, and persuaded him to send to England as legate,
Walter, Bishop of Albano, who brought the pallium. This
prelate's conduct was equivocal, for he passed through Canter
bury without even seeing Anselm, and took no steps in
favour of the persecuted primate.* A report was spread
that he had promised the king that in future no legate
should come to England without his order, and that no
one should be allowed to receive letters from the pope un
known to him.® This report caused many murmurs, and
it was said, " If Rome prefers gold and silver to justice,
what hope remains for the oppressed who have nothing to
give ? " "
1 " Sicut bubo, dum in caverna cum pulUs suis est, laetatur, et suo sibi
modo bene est ; dum vero inter corvos , . . omnino quoque sibi male est ;
ita et mihi." — Eadm., 14.
2 "Pro ipsarum indiscreta, cui nonnullis et mihi aliquando 'risum est,
virtutum custodia ssepe reprehensus, et quod monachus claustralis quam
primas tantae gentis esse deberet." — Id., 15.
3 " In loco humili aliquid agere videbar : in sublimi positus . . . neo
mihi fructum facio, uec utilis aUcui existo." — iMtre am, pape, Ep. iii. 37,
* See Anselm's very severe letter to the legate. — Bp. iii. 36.
" Mabill., Ann., b. 69, No. 27.
« " Papae, inquiunt, quid dicemus 7 Si aurum et argentum Roma prae-

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. I 59
When the king had acknowledged Urban, however, the
legate absolutely refused to depose Anselm, in spite of the
large sums William promised to pay if he might obtain
what he desired.^
Meanwhile, as Pentecost approached, the king tried to
extort money at least from the inflexible prelate ; bishops
proposed to him to pay the prince the sum which a journey
to Rome, to receive the pallium, would cost him.^ The
archbishop indignantly refused. William was exasperated ;
but, by the advice of the barons, he finally yielded — he
acknowledged Anselm as archbishop, and allowed him to
take the pallium from the altar of the metropolitan church.*
The peace thus concluded could be only a truce. Anselm
felt this ; and the feeling is evident in the letter which he
'wrote to the pope to thank him for the pallium, and excuse
himself for not having yet gone to Rome. " Holy father,"
he said, " I regret being what I am, and no longer being
what I was. I regret being a bishop, because my sins will
not let me do all a bishop's duties. I bend under my
burden, for I am wanting in strength, science, skill, and all
needful qualities. I should like to fly from this insupport
able load; the fear of God alone detains me. Feed my
misery with the alms of your prayers, I implore you ; if my
shipwreck is complete, and the storm forces me to take
refuge in the bosom of the mother Church, for love of Him
who gave His blood for us, let me find in you an asylum
and a consolation."*
ponit justitiae, . . . quid solamiuis ibi deinceps in sua oppressione
reperient, qui," &c. — Eadm., 44.
' " Spondens immensum pecunise pondus ei et Ecclesiae romanae singuUs
annis datnrum."
2 " Laudamus et consulimus ut saltem quod in via expenderes si pro hoo
Romam ires, Regi des."
3 Some days before this ceremony, the Bishops of Salisbury and Here
ford came to ask pardon of him for having, with the other prelates, aban
doned him at Rockingham. He gave them absolution " in quadam eccle
siola quas se nobis obtulit ambulantihus proposita ina." — EADM., 45.
* " Sancte Pater, doleo me esse quod sum, doleo me non esse quod fui.

l60 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
But at the end of a few months the war broke out afresh.
In 1096, Robert, wishing to go to the crusade, had
yielded possession of Normandy for three years to his brother
William, receiving 10,000 marks of silver for it.^ To pro
cure this money the king, according to his usual custom,
began to pillage the English churches.^ Anselm gave, as
his share, 200 marks. Afterwards the king undertook an
expedition against the Welsh. Anselm sent the soldiers it
was his duty to furnish ; but the king found them ill
trained and ill equipped, and sent him word that he should
be cited before his Court to answer for his negligence. Each
day there was some new vexation, some requirement con
trary to the law of God.* The kingdom was more and
more desolated by the corruption of morals and^ the spolia
tion of churches and abbeys. Anselm resolved to go to the
pope, and consult him as to what he should do for the safety
of his soul.* He took care to make his project known to
the king, who was holding his Court at Windsor, and sent
to ask his permission to leave the kingdom. William refused
it, saying, " He has done nothing that needs absolution from
the pope, and he is much fitter to advise the holy father
than to be advised by him." ® Anselm was returning from
Windsor to one of his own estates after this refusal, when a
hare, pursued by hunters, took refuge between the legs of
his horse. The archbishop stopped the dogs, and seeing
everybody laugh, he shed tears, saying, " Do you laugh ?
. . . Oneri cuidam suocumbo . . . errabundus suspiro . . in naufragio
positus, si quando proceUis irruentibus . ad siuum matris Ecclesiae
confugero." — Ep. iii. 37.
1 Guill. Gembtic. , viU. 7.
2 " Nihil Ecclesiarum ornamentis indulsit, nihil sacris altarium vasis,
nihil reliquiarum capsis, nihil Evangeliorum libris auro vel argento paratis."
— Badm., 45.
3 Letter of Anselm to Pascal II. — Bp. iii. 40.
^ "Ut inde consilium de anima mea et de officio mihi injuncto acci-
perem." — Lbid.
= "Magis iUum sciamus apostolico quam apostolicum sibi in dando
consilio posse sucourrere."

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. l6l
This poor creature is far from laughter ; she is like the
Christian soul ceaselessly pursued by demons who would
drag her to eternal death. Poor tortured soul, that looks
anxiously round and seeks 'with ineffable desire the hand
that can save ! " And he immediately ordered the poor
animal to be let go in safety.^
Anselm twice renewed his request to leave England ; the
last time was at a council held at Winchester, October
1097. The king impatiently declared that if the primate
went to Rome he would appropriate to himself all the
property of the church of Canterbury, which should cease to
have an archbishop. Anselm replied that he would rather
obey God than man ; ^ and calling out of the king's council
the four bishops who were present there, he said to them,
privately, " My brothers, you are bishops, and heads of the
Church of God. Promise me, therefore, to uphold in my
interest the rights of God and of justice with as much care
and fidehty as you would use respecting the rights and cus
toms of a mortal man in the interest of your neighbour.
Then I will tell you, as my sons and faithful servants of
God, what my purpose is, and I will follow the advice which
your trust in God shall give me." * They retired to confer
^ "Solutus in lacrymis ait: Ridetis 7 Et utique infelici huic nullus
risus . . . hoc plane est et animse hominis . . . nimis anxia hue illucque
circumspicit, et qua tueatur manum sibi porrigi ineffabili desiderio con-
cupiscit." — Badm., 17. This anecdote iUustrates two different traits of
Anselm's character — his excessive kindness, and his fondness for drawing
spiritual analogies from ordinary incidents. Eadmer relates other circum
stances of the same kind, such as the story of the bird fastened by a string,
and held by a chUd ; and that of his care for his guests, who ate comfort
ably while he patiently waited for them : "affabUi vultus jucunditate super
eos aspieiebat et adgaudens, levata 'modicum dextra, benedicehat eis dicens :
Benefadal vobis," ![>. 15.
2 " Occurrit animo episcopos sequius esse iu suo quod erat Dei quam in
consiUo regis terreni." They were the Bishops of Winchester, Lincoln,
Salisbury, and Bath.
3 " Si ita fideliter et distincte vultis in mea parte considerare atque tueri
rectitudiuem et justitiam Dei, sicut in parte alterius perpeuditis atque
tuemini jura et usus mortalis hominis. ..."
VOL. VI. L

1 62 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
upon what they should answer, and at the same time sent
one of their number to the king to ask his instructions.
Having received them, they came back to the archbishop,
and spoke thus : " We know that you are a holy and religious
man, entirely occupied with heavenly things. But we,
bound to the world by our relations, whom we maintain,
and by many terrestrial objects of our love, cannot rise to
your height and disdain this world as you do. If, then,
you will place yourself on our level, and travel the same
road with us, we will care for your interests as our own.
But if you have resolved to think only of God, as in the
past, you must do without us ; for we cannot be wanting in
fidelity to our king." ^
" Very well," replied Anselm, " return to your master ;
I will depend solely on God."^ And he remained alone,
with only a few monks, among whom was Eadmer, who has
given us all these details. It was destined that, in this
memorable history, the inviolable character of the episcopate
should be raised to the highest majesty by Anselm, and
dragged in the mud by his brethren. The latter, in fact,
soon came back to him and said, " The king sends you word
that you have broken your oath to observe the laws and
customs of the kingdom, by threatening to go to Rome with
out his permission; he requires, therefore, either that you
should swear never to appeal, for any cause whatever, to
the Holy See, or that you should immediately leave his
dominions." Anselm went himself to carry his answer to
the king.* " I acknowledge," he said, " that I have sworn
to observe your usages and customs, but such only as are
agreeable to God and the right."
'¦ "Fatemur, ad sublimitatem ritse tuse surgere nequimus, nee huic
mundo tecum Uludere. Sed si volueris ad nos usque descendere ... si
vero te ad Deum solummodo . . . tenere delegeris, solus quantum nostri
interest, in hoc, ut hactenus fuisti, et amodo eris."
2 ' ' Bene dixistis. Ite ergo ad dominum Vestrum : ego me tenebo ad Deum."
3 "Ad regem nobiscum sequentibus ingressus, dextram illus ex more
assedit." — Badm., 48.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 1 63
The king and barons objected to this, swearing that there
was no question either of God or of the right. " How ! "
replied the archbishop ; " if there is no question of God or
the right, what is there question of ? ^ God forbid that
any Christian shonid observe laws and customs opposed to
God and the right. You say that it is contrary to the cus
toms of your kingdom that I should go to consult the Vicar
of St. Peter as to the safety of my soul and the government
of my church, and I declare that such a custom is opposed
to God and the right, and that every servant of God ought
to contemn it.' All human faith has for its guarantee the
faith due to God.* What would you say, 0 king, if one of
your rich and powerful vassals should try to prevent one of
his from rendering you the service he owes you ? " " Oh,
oh," interrupted the king and the Count of Meulan, " he is
preaching us a sermon now ; there is no use in listening to
what he says." *
The nobles tried to stifle his voice by their outcries. He
waited without impatience till they had wearied themselves,
and then went on —
" You would have me swear never again to appeal to the
Vicar of Peter. To swear this would be to deny St. Peter ;
to deny St. Peter is to abjure Christ ; and to abjure Christ
for fear of you would be a crime from which the judgment
of your Court could not absolve me." ^ This calmness and
courage prevailed. The king suffered Anselm to depart.
The archbishop, when leaving William, said to him, " I
do not know when I shall see you again. I shall never cease
^ " Papae ! si nee Dei neo rectitudinis mentio ut dicitis, facta fuit, cujus
tunc?" 2 " Et ideo ab omni servo Dei spemendam profiteer ac refutandam."
' "Onmis fides quse cuivis homini legaliter promittitur, ex fide Dei
roboratur. Sio euim spondet homo homini. Per fidem quam debeo Deo,
fidelis tibi ero. . . . Ergo liquet quod eadem fides si quando contraria
fidei Dei admittit, enervetur."
^ "0,0, prsedicatio est quod dicit, prsedicatio est : nou rei de qua agitur
uUa, quse recipienda sit a prudentibus ratio."
* " Peccatum . . . judicio curiae tuse non segnis emendabo."

1 64 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
to desire your salvation, as a spiritual father desires that of
his beloved son. As Archbishop of Canterbury I would give
to the King of England God's blessing and mine — at least if
he does not refuse it."
"No," said the king, "I do not refuse it." And he
humbly bent his head to receive this benediction.''
' " Signum S. Crucis super regem ad hoc caput humiliantem edidit et
abscessit." — Eadmbr, 49.

CHAPTER VI
DISTINCTION OF THE TWO POWERS
Anselm attacked by the Duke of Burgundy. — He is venerated throughout
Christendom. — Pope Urban II. forbids Anselm to renounce his see. —
Anselm intercedes with the pope in favour of the King of England. —
Council at Rome, and speech of Reinger, Bishop of Lucca. — Severe
words of the pope as to lay investitures. — Margaret of Scotland
strengthens Christianity there. — Martyrdom of St. Canute in Den
mark — Scandal at the Court of the French king. — Yves of Chartres
fulminates against the Archbishop of Tours. — Assault and capture of
Jerusalem by the Crusaders. — Death of Pope Urban II. — Accession of
Pascal II. — The three adversaries of WUliam Rufus. — His violence to
wards Hildebert, Bishop of Mans. — Tragic death of William Eufus. —
Anselm retums to England, where he does not find peace. — The King
of England, in prosperity, forgets his promises. — Threats addressed to
the pope by the King of England. — Machiavelism of Henry of England's
ambassadors at Eome. — Admirable conduct of Bishop Giffard. — Anselm
leaves England for Eome. — He stops at Lyons with Archbishop Hugh.
— ^Ansehu's tender care for his flock. — His exhortations to Queen
MatUda of England. — Anselm's answer to the king's letters. — Anselm
refuses to retum to Eugland. — Eeturn of the primate after three years
of exUe. — The king declares that no one in his kingdom shaU receive
investiture by the crosier and ring from the hands of a layman. —
Anselm's long resistance to royal despotism is a glory for the Church. —
Bishop Gondulphus of Eochester dies before Anselm. — Frequent iUness
of the archbishop. — His death and his glory.
Anselm immediately started for Canterbury, where, assembling
his beloved monks about him, he endeavoured to console them
for his departure by holding before their eyes the hope that
his journey would be of use to the future liberty of the
Church.^ After a touching farewell address, in which he
compared the religious life to temporal knighthood, Anselm
1 " Sperans in respectum misericordis Dei iter meum libertati Ecclesiae
futuris temporibus nou nihil profuturum." — Eadm., i8.
165

1 66 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
gave to each one the kiss of peace. He then took from the
altar his pilgrim's staff and scrip, and went to Dover to
embark. There a new insult awaited him. A clerk named
William stopped him on the shore, and in the king's name
caused the archbishop's baggage to be searched to make sure
that it contained no money. None was found ; and the
royal revenue gained nothing but the maledictions of the
indignant crowd.'^ The king indemnified himself by imme
diately seizing all the domains of the archbishopric, which
were cultivated for his benefit.^
Scarcely had Anselm set foot upon the soil of France,
when the popular enthusiasm declared itself. This was the
first reward of his fidelity to God and the Church ; it was
also for historians an incontestable proof of the powerful
sympathy which then animated all Christian nations, and
which, in spite of the restricted publicity of the period,
united them in one body to share the joys or trials of their
common mother — the holy Catholic Church. Men and
women, rich and poor, hastened to meet the pontiff-con
fessor, the voluntary exile, whose fame had preceded him.
Wherever he came, the clergy, the monks, and the people
gathered round him with flying banners, the music of can
ticles, and all the marks of excessive joy.* He already
' " In littore detinuit. . . . AUatse ante ilium bulgise et manticae reseratae,
et tota supellex illius sub versa et exquisita, ingenti plebis multitudine cir-
cumstante ac nefarium opus, pro sui novitate . . . exeorante."
^ Would the reader like to know how the philosophers of our day judge
of this conflict 7 Let him hear M. Franck, who, in the work already
quoted, thinks himself obliged to excuse Anselm for his revolt against the
king ; for this is what Protestants and rationalists caU a revolt. He says
that this revolt was less the fault of Anselm personally than of the age, and
that, like aU such tragic collisions, it must not be judged by the laws of
ordinary morality — DlE GEWOHNLICHB MORALISCHE MAASTAB REICHT
HIER NICHT AUS, p. 73. There is always among these doctors of liberty
and equality this same claim to create, for great men and great events, an
exceptional morality — a theory which confounds both the doctrines and
conduct of the great men of Catholicism.
3 " Videres ergo viros et mulieres, magnos et parvos, a domibus mere
certatimque curreudo. . . . Fama viri celerius prsecurrebat et multiplici

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 67
exercised all the ascendancy of holiness ; some he attracted
and some he dominated. When he arrived in Burgundy,
the duke of that province, tempted by the rich prey offered
in the person of a primate of England travelling to Rome,
hurried to intercept the pilgrims and pillage them. But
there was in those days, even in hearts most swayed by
greed, a door always open to the light of religion. When
the duke, galloping up, had reached the travellers, he
shouted loudly, " Which of you is the archbishop ? " But
scarcely had he looked at Anselm than he grew red, lowered
his eyes, stammered some words incoherently, and then was
silent. The archbishop, as if he suspected nothing, offered
the kiss of peace to the duke, who accepted it, recommend
ing himself humbly to the prelate's prayers, and saying, as
he retired, " I have seen the face of an angel from heaven,
and not of a man."^ The seared conscience of the warrior
had been touched by a ray of grace ; he became a crusader,
died gloriously in defending the tomb of Christ, and his
body, brought back to the monks of Citeaux, was buried
under the porch of their church, where the steps of St.
Bernard, his brethren, and others of the faithful, through
many years passed over its resting-place.^
Anselm, pursuing his journey, arrived at Cluny, where
the holy Abbot Hugh and his army of monks* received
him with delight. He there spent Christmas (1097), and
then went to Lyons, to await at the house of his friend the
populos voce replebat. Unde turbarum concursus, clericorum coetus,
mouachorum exercitus, isti gaudio et exultatione concrepantes, UU vex-
iUis et sonoris coucentibus conjubilantes." — Eadm., 19, 49.
^ "In equis ocior advolat et clamore valido quis vel ubi esset archie
piscopus interrogat. Quem , . . intuitus subito pudore peroussus, erubuit
demisso vultu, et quid diceret non invenit. Cui Pater : Domine Dux, si
placet, osculabor te. . . . Neo euim hominis sed vultus angeli Dei fulget
in eo." — Badm., 49.
^ This duke was Eudes, sumamed Borel, who reigned from 1078 to
1 102, and contributed to the foundation of Citeaux in 1089, the year which
foUowed Anselm's journey through his States.
3 " Toto illius monasterii mouachorum agmine."

1 68 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Cardinal-Archbishop Hugh an answer to a letter which he
had written to the pope — flrst, to point out the incompati
bility of his position in England with the exercise of epis
copal liberty ; and, secondly, to obtain permission to lay down
the burden which weighed upon him, and to serve God in
freedom.^ Urban wrote to Anselm to come to him without delay.
The archbishop started immediately, in spite of illness and
of the dangers of the road,^ which were then great.
The cause of William Rufus was almost the same as that
of the Emperor Henry IV. For this reason the Italian
partisans of the latter, as well as those of the anti-pope,
waited for the passing of the bishops and orthodox monks,
with the intention of pillaging, outraging, and even killing
them,* On hearing of the approach of the archbishop,
whom they supposed loaded with riches, the greed of the
schismatics was excited, and the road which the venerable
traveller was to follow was closely watched. But Anselm
disconcerted all their plans by travelling like a simple
monk, accompanied only by two other monks — his friend
Baldwin and his biographer Eadmer. The primate received
hospitality in the monasteries on his way,* without making
himself known. Often the monks, his hosts, spoke to him
of the Archbishop of Canterbury and his expected joumey.®
At Aspera they told him that the primate had reached
1 " "Videbam enim multa mala in terra iUa quae nee tolerare debebam,
nee episcopali libertate corrigere poteram . . . ut animam meam de 'rin-
culo tantae servitutis absolvatis, eique Ubertatem serriendi Deo in tran-
quUlitate reddatis." — Ep. iii. i66.
2 "'Viae se periculis, mortem pro Deo non veritus, tradit." — EADM., 50.
The Tuesday before Pahn Sunday, i6th March 1098.
3 " Maxime homines Alemannici regis intendebant, ob dissentionem quae
fuerat illis diebus inter Papam et ipsum."
* "'Visum Patri est decentius inter monachos . . . quam inter villanes,
nocte iUa conversari, tum propter reUgionem monachini ordinis, tum
propter officium imminentis noctis atque diei."
^ See the conversation between the travellers and the monks of Aspera,
five days' joumey from Lyons. — Eadm., 51.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 1 69
Placentia, and there prudently turned back. At Susa, the
abbot, hearing that the travellers were monks of Bee, said
to them, "Tell me, brothers, I beg you, is that Anselm
who used to be your abbot, that great friend of God and
of good men, still alive ? " " Yes," said Baldwin, " he is
alive, but he has been forced to become an archbishop in
another country." " I heard so," replied the abbot ; " but
how is he now ? " " They say he is well," answered Bald
win " Pray God guard him ! " added the abbot ; " I pray
for him day and night."
When such incidents happened, Anselm drew his hood
over his head and kept silence.^ But the soft and steady
glance which had vanquished the savage Duke of Burgundy
revealed the great servant of God ; and in the Italian inns,
men and women, after ha'ving examined the unknown tra
veller, knelt before him and asked his blessing.^
At Rome, the pope received the primate in the Lateran,
surrounded by the Roman nobility ; he embraced him
amidst the acclamations of the pontifical court ;^ and,
addressing those present, he made a magnificent eulogy
of the prelate, declaring that he regarded as his master in
leaming, and almost as his equal in dignity, this patriarch
of a distant island,* which had banished him for preserving
his fidelity to St. Peter.® After having listened to Anselm's
narrative, the sovereign pontiff wrote a letter to the King
^ " Fratres, obsecro vos, virit Uie adhuc, ille Dei et omnium bonorum
amicus Ansehnus . . . et ut valeat oro. Haec de se Ansehnus dici audiens,
infestim tecto cuculae suse capitio capite, demisso vultu sedebat." —
Eadm., 20.
^ " Ecce solus Anselmi aspectus in admirationem sui populos excitabat,
eumque esse 'rirum -ritae designabat. . . . Viri cum mulieribus hospitium
intrare, et ut hominem 'ridere," &c.
3 " Mane confiuit ad Papam romana nobilitas. . . . Statim ab ipso
erigitur ad osculum ejus. . . . Acclamat curia dicto.'
* " Quasi comparem vel ut alterius orbis apoistolicum et patriarcham jure
venerandum." — Badm., 20. " Toto divisos orbe Britannos. . . ."
s " Viri propter justitiam necne fideUtatem B. Petri exulantis." —
Badm., 51.

I70 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
of England, in which he desired and even commanded him
to repair the evil he had committed.^
The archbishop stayed only ten days at the Lateran ;
the unwholesome air of Rome obliged him to go and wait
William's answer at an abbey of Apulia, near Telesia,
governed by a former monk of Bec.^ Built on the summit
of a mountain, in a domain called Schlavia, this place
pleased Anselm so much that he exclaimed, "Here is my
resting-place." * Here he at once resumed his old monastic
habits and labours, and here he finished a treatise of remark
able power on the motives of the divine Incarnation.*
Meantime the Normans, some of whom had been his
companions at Bee, did not leave him long undisturbed ;
Duke Roger, whose troops were besieging Capua, implored
the saint to visit him and help him to walk more firmly in
the way of salvation. Followed by all his knights, the
prince came to meet the prelate, embraced him affection
ately, and caused tents to be pitched for him at some
distance from the body of the army, and not far from a
little church, where, every day, he visited the archbishop
and conversed with him.®
Pope Urban, on his side, did not delay joining Anselm at
the Norman camp. None of those who came to visit the
pope failed at the same time to present themselves before
the primate, whose humility and gentleness attracted every
one, even those travellers whose inferior rank generally
kept them at a distance from the pontifical majesty.®
^ " Movet, hortatur, imperat."
^ John, Abbot of St. Salvator. Telesia is between Benevento and Capua
3 ' ' Hajo requies mea, hic habitabo."
^ The treatise entitled Cur Deus homo, whioh he began in England.
'' " Cupiens . . per eum his quse saluti suae adminiculari poterant
informari. . . . Adhuc longe eramus ; ecce Dux ipse copiosa militum
multitudine septus patri occurrit ac in oscula ruens. . . . Ducem ipsum
cum suis nobiscum singulis diebus iu promptu habentes." — Eadm., 51
and 21.
' " Neo facile quivis declinaret ad Papam qui non diverteret ad An
selmum. . . . Mira et quas cunctos demulcebat pura cum simplicitate

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 171
The Saracens, great numbers of whom were serving
under Count Roger of Sicily, the duke's uncle, did not
escape the charm exercised by the saint's virtues. When
he passed through their camp, the infidels kissed his hands,
kneeling, and called down the blessings of Heaven upon him.
Meantime William Rufus, far from yielding to the papal
injunctions, constantly endeavoured by letters and presents
to prejudice against Anselm both the sovereign pontiff and
Duke Roger. The Duke was entirely unmoved by this ;
and to induce the exiled prelate to remain with him, offered
gifts of all the best of his possessions both in towns and
castles. But the archbishop had no unwillingness to eat
the bread of poverty. The last news from England, which
informed him of fresh impieties and atrocious cruelties com
mitted by the king, redoubled his wish to renounce the see
of Canterbury and the primacy of England, where no one
except a few monks would suffer themselves to be influenced
by him.^ He soon confided his design to the pope, who
did not approve of it. " 0 bishop ! O pastor ! " he said to
him, " you have not yet shed your blood, and already you
would abandon the care of your flock ! Christ tried St.
Peter by bidding him feed His sheep ; and Anselm — ^the
holy Anselm — that great man, only because he desires rest,
would leave the flock of Christ to the teeth of wolves ! Not
only do I not permit you to resign, but I forbid you to do
so, in the name of God and of the blessed St. Peter. If
the tyranny of the present king forbids your return to
Canterbury, you are none the less archbishop by the
Christian law, and clothed with power to bind and to loose
as long as you live, and wherever you live. And I, whom
humilitas. Multi ergo quos timor prohibebat ad Papam accedere, festi-
nabant ad Anselmum venire, amore ducti qui nesoit timere."
^ " Quomodo nuUus, exceptis aUquibus monachis cum gratia fructifi-
candi Deum audiret." Badmer teUs several infamous stories of WiUiam.
M. Thierry reproduces oue in his Histoire de la conqvMe des Normands,
vol. iu. p. 336, where he has not found room for a word abont the trials of
Anselm and of the Church.

172 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
you perhaps accuse of being insensible to your sufferings, I
summon you to a council which I will hold at Bari beside
the body of St. Nicholas, that I may there consider and
weigh what I ought to do to the English king and others
like him, insurgents against the liberty of the Church.
This council did assemble on the ist October 1098.
One hundred and eighty-five bishops were present in their
copes, nnder the presidency of the pope, who alone wore the
chasuble and pallium. Anselm, whom the sovereign pontiff
when taking his seat had forgotten, went, with his usual
humility, to place himself among the other prelates.^ The
council began by a discussion with the Greek bishops as to
the procession of the Holy Spirit. As the dispute grew
warmer, and the question became more and more confused,
the pope, who had already used some arguments drawn from
Anselm's treatise on the Incarnation, demanded silence, and
called loudly, " Our father and master, Anselm, Archbishop
of the Bnglish, where are you ? " Anselm rose and said,
"Holy father, I am here." The pope replied, "It is now,
my son, that we need your learning and eloquence ; come
up here — come and defend your mother and ours against
the Greeks. It is God who has sent you to our help."^
^"0 Episcopum! o pastorem I nondum csedes, nondum vulnera per
pessus es, et jam. . . . Et Anselmus, Auselmus, inquam, ille sanctus, ille
talis ac tantus vir, solummodo quiescere volens . . . quod si propter
tyrannidem principis, qui nunc ibi dominatur . . . jure tamen Christi
anitatis semper Ulius archiepiscopus esto. . . . Ego quoque ne de his . . .
videar uon curare, eaque gladio S. Petri nolle vindicare, moneo . . . ut
quod de ipso rege Anglico suisque ac sui similibus, qui contra libertatem
Ecclesise Dei se erexerunt, mediante aequitatis censura, me facturum
disposui . . . percipias."
^ "Omnibus ergo suum locum ex antiquo vindicantibus, Anselmus
humilitate summus, quo poterat, assedit. Exciderat animo summi Pon
tificis ingruente tumultu, ut ei locum delegaret." — Guill. Malmbsb
de Gest. Pontif, i. 229.
3 "Pater et magister Anselme, Anglorum archiepiscope, ubi es7 Sede
bat pater in ordine ceterorum . . . et ego ad pedes ejus. . . Surrexit
continue et respondit : Domine pater, quid praecipitis I Bcoe me." —
Eadm., 53. Cf. Guill. Malmbsb., loc. cit

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 1 73
Amidst the great disorder produced in the assembly by
the change of places, and to the astonishment of those pre
sent, who wondered what this old man was, and whence he
came, the pope commanded Anselm to seat himself at the
foot of the pontifical throne, and declared to the auditory
the talents, misfortunes, and virtues of the foreign doctor.-'
Anselm, after this introduction, spoke so clearly and so suc
cessfully on the controverted question, that the Greeks were
confounded ; and the sovereign pontiff pronounced an ana
thema against all who should not accept the true doctrine
as the primate had set it forth.^
They then passed to the affairs of the English king.
Anselm kept silence, but accusers were not wanting. After
the recital of the horrible crimes which William had com
mitted against God and man,* the pope added, " Such is
this tyrant's life. In vain we have sought to amend him
by persuasion. The persecution and exile of the great man
now before you may prove how ill we have succeeded. My
brothers, what is your decision ? "
The bishops replied : " Since you have warned him three
times, and he is still disobedient, it only remains to smite
him with the sword of St. Peter, that he may live under
the weight ofthe anathema until he amends."*
The pope was about to pronounce the excommunication,
when Anselm, rising quickly, and kneeling before him, im
plored him not immediately to pronounce the dreadful sen
tence. The victim interceded for the executioner. At the
' " Videres quosque perstrepere, sedes mutare, locum sedendi viro par-
are . . . consilio stupente ad hsec et percunctante quis esset et unde."
^ Anselm himself describes this discussion in a, treatise entitled de pro
cessione Spiritus sancti, copies of whioh he sent to different countries at
the request of his friends. Cf. Hildbberti, Ep. Cenoman, Ep. 9, ed.
Beaugendre, and Badm., p. 53.
3 "Proferuntur in medium scelera dictu horrenda, adjicitnr contemptui
humano coelestis injuria." — GuiLL. Malmbsb., loe. cit.
* " Ecce vita iUius tyranni. . . . Restat ut gladio sancti Petri sub ana-
thematis ictu peroussus, quod meruit sentiat, donee a sua pravitate dece-
dat."— Eadm.

174 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
sight of such charity, says William of Malmesbury, the
council might well be convinced that Anselm's virtues were
even greater than their reputation.'' After the council the
archbishop returned with the pope to Rome, where, a few
days later, there arrived as envoy from the King of England
that very William who had searched the primate's baggage
on the beach at Dover. William said that the king, his
master, had acted in this manner because he thought the
archbishop had no right to leave the kingdom without his
permission. Urban showed himself much displeased at a
claim hitherto unheard of, and which made it a crime for a
primate to visit the mother Church,^ and he told the envoy
that the king would certainly be excommunicated in the
council which was to open at Rome after Easter. But
William succeeded in softening the holy father, after several
secret audiences, and after having made skilful use of great
presents and promises to different persons who were able to
support his master's cause ; * so that the pope finally granted
a fresh reprieve until Michaelmas of the following year.
It was then Christmas 1098. Anselm was kept at Rome
against his will by Urban, who always showed him the
greatest respect.* Every one considered him as the second
personage of the Church, and a canonised saint ; ® the Eng
lish who came to Rome kissed the feet of their metropolitan
as they did those of the pope. The imperialists, who formed
the majority of the Roman populace, tried to carry off the
1 " Quse res ei uou medioorem apud cunctos videntes peperit gratiam, eo
quod ostensione verse sanctitatis vicisset famae suae gloriam." — Guill.
Malm., loc. cit.
^ "Non Papse 1 ait, quis unquam audivit talia. . . . Vere et sine omni
ambiguitate dicere possumus a saaculo tale quid non esse auditum. Et
pro tali response mirabilis homo hue te fatigasti 7 " — Eadm., 54.
3 " Munera quibus ea cordi esse animadvertebat, dispertiendo et polli-
cendo." ¦* " Ipse papa frequenter ad Adselmum veniebat, laete cum eo sese agendo
et curiam faoiendo ei."
^ " Semper et ubique a Papa secundus erat , . . quasi proprio nomine
sanctus vocabatur." — Badm., 21.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 175
primate by force one day when he was going from the
Lateran to St. Peter's; but the mere power of his glance
stopped them, and reduced them to beg his blessing.^
At the council held in St. Peter's a fortnight after Easter
1 099, one hundred and fifty bishops renewed the decrees of
Placentia and Clermont against simony and the marriage of
priests. By the formal order of the pope, Anselm occupied
one of the most distinguished places. While Reinger,
Bishop of Lucca, was proclaiming in a loud voice, to be
heard above the noise of the assembly, the canons of the
council, he suddenly interrupted himself, and looking round
upon his brethren with a glance of great discontent,^ he
cried, "Bnt what are we doing, my brothers? We are
unsparing of advice to docile children, and we say nothing
as to the crimes of tyrants ! Every day the Holy See is
informed of their oppression and pillage ; but what follows ?
Nothing; all the world knows and laments it. At this
moment do I not see in this assembly a man modestly
seated among us, whose silence cries aloud, whose patience
and humility rise to the throne of God to accuse ns ? ^ It
is now two years since he came to demand justice from the
Holy See ; and what has he obtained ? If there is any one
among you ignorant of whom I speak, let him know that
it is of Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, in England ! "
At the end of his speech, the prelate, whose indignation
carried him away, struck the pavement of the church three
times with his crosier.* The pope, remembering that the
reprieve granted to William had still three months to run,
^ " Gives urbis, quorum ingens multitudo propter fideUtatem imperatoris
ipsi Papse erat infesta . . . viso vultu ejus, projectis armis," &c.
^ " Subito admirantibus cunctis . . . unde suorum luminum acie iu
circumsedeutes directa, vulneratae mentis dolerem," &c. — Eadm., 55.
3 "Sed vse quid faciemus. . . . Unus ecce inter nos, modesta tacitur
nitate quiescens mitis residet, cujus sUentium clamor magnus est, cujus
humUitas, &c. Sed vel quid hucusque subventionis invenit?" — Eadm.,
loc. dt. Cf. Guill. Malmbsb., loc. dt.
* " Virgam . . . tertio pavimento Ulisit, indignationem . . compressis
exploso murmure labiis et dentibus, palam cunctis ostendens.''

176 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
stopped the bishop, saying,^ " Enough, brother Reinger,
enough ! Good order shall be taken for all this." " There
is mnch need, holy father," replied Reinger ; " otherwise the
cause will be carried to the tribunal of Him who never
delays justice." ^
Anselm, who had not said a word of his misfortunes to
the Bishop of Lucca, was astonished at this intervention,
but he still kept silence.
At the end of the council, the pope, by the unanimous
advice of the bishops, published an excommunication against
all those who should give or receive lay investitures for
ecclesiastical dignities: "For," said he, "it is abominable
that hands to which is granted the supreme honour, refused
even to angels, of creating the Almighty, and offering Him
in sacrifice for the salvation of the world, should be reduced
to such ignominy as to be the servants of other hands,
which day and night are soiled with impurity, with rapine,
and •with blood."
All the assembled responded, " Amen ! Amen ! " *
The day after the closing of the council, Anselm, per
suaded that he should not soon obtain justice,* went to
Lyons to visit his friend the Cardinal Hugh, having first
persuaded the pope to give him as his superior the monk
^ " Sufficit, frater Reinger, sufficit. . . . Procurabitur huic rei oorrectio."
—Eadm., Guill. Malmbsb.
^ " Bt equidem expedit, nam aliter Eum qui justa judicat nou tran-
sibit." 3 " ExeorabUe videri manus quse in tantam emioentiam excreverint ut.
. Deum cuncta creantem creent . . . ut ancill» fiant earum manuum
quae die ac nocte obsccenis contagiis inquinautur. . . . His ab universis
fiat, fiat, acclamari audirimus." — Eadm. Cf. Roger Hovbd, ad ann.
1099. " "Vane nos ibi consilium nihil auxilium operiri intelleximus. . . .
Nihil judicii vel subventionis, pr^terquam quod diximus, per Romanum
prsesulem nacti." — Badm., 55. William of Malmesbury plainly accuses
the pope of having beeu gained over by the king's presents ; but Eadmer,
who wrote on the spot, and never shrank from the truth, only blames
some persons of his court. Baronius and Mohler have successfully justi
fied Urban from these reproaches.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 77
Eadmer, his travelling companion. Placed under this tute
lage, the prelate consoled himself for his exile by work ; he
composed treatises of theology and philosophy ; he loved
to persuade himself that having returned to the rule of
monastic obedience he was scrupulously fulfilling the task
imposed by his superior. He showed himself, indeed, so
docile towards the latter, that he would not move without
his permission.^ Anselm thus proved that he had always
remained a monk ; all felt that this severe discipline gave
new temper to his courage and his genius.
Urban died before the expiration of the reprieve he had
granted to William Rufus. In his dealings with the other
northern kings he found more satisfaction. In Ireland, the
relations begun by Lanfranc with the small provincial chiefs
in the interest of ecclesiastical discipline and the inviola
bility of marriage,^ had been continued and strengthened,
thanks to the persuasive eloquence of Anselm, who was
primate not only of England, but of all the British isles.*
An Irish monk bearing, like the first apostle of his country,
the name of Patrick, and consecrated bishop at Canterbury,
was the principal instrument of this return to unity.
While in the south of the great island of Britain the Nor
man king was trampling under foot the rights of the people
' Guill. Malm., de Gest. Pontif, i. 229. Anselm passed nearly two
years at Lyons, treated by the archbishop not as a guest, "sed sicut in-
digena et vere lod dominus." He there resumed his philosophical studies,
and ¦wrote two treatises De conceptu virginalis and De humana redemptione.
—Badm., 55 aud 22.
^ See his letters iu BaboniuS, ad ann. 1090. They do not contain a,
word about the pope or the Norman royalty, nevertheless M. Thierry thus
aUudes to them : " Aiter the conquest of England, the intrigues of the
primate Lanfranc, a mau devoted at once to the aggrandisement of the
papal power and to Norman rule, were actually directed towards Ireland,
and began to mould a Uttle the national spirit of the priests of that
island." — Histoire de la conquSte, vol. iii. b. ix. p. 201. This national spirit,
if it can be so caUed, consisted in tolerating incestuous marriages and
divorce, aud in buying ordination from the bishops. Lanfranc, in his
letters, opposes these things only.
' St. Anselm, Ep. iii. 142-147 ; Badm., Hist nov., b. ii. 45.
VOL. VL M

178 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
and the Church, in the north, in Scotland, a holy and royal
lady, Margaret, sprung from the ancient race of Saxon
princes, and recalled from Hungary, whither her family had
been exiled, to become the wife of King Malcolm IIL, was
occupied in completing the conversion of this still half-
savage kingdom by the infiuence of her own virtues, and
the support of her pious husband. During a long reign the
royal pair laid, as it were, the foundation of true Christian
civilisation by releasing women ^ from a brutal yoke. To
Queen Margaret belongs the honour of having prepared, by
a sort of reparation made to God and her sex, the rise of
that famous chivalry which in Britain, as elsewhere, was to
obtain so brilliant a reputation. ^ The glorious title of
patroness of Scotland, granted by Pope Clement X. to the
noble princess, was well merited.
Every day Margaret herself fed 300 poor ; having be
come a widow she gave up all her possessions to the
unfortunate, and when exhausted by her last illness she
caused herself to be carried into a church to hear mass.
One day when she had just received the Communion she
breathed her last, says Ordericus Vitalis, in the midst of
prayer, like a true Catholic queen.* The hagiographer adds,
that on the face of the holy princess, worn by age and
suffering, there immediately reappeared the brilliant beauty
and freshness of youth.*
Before leaving Great Britain, we must mention the foun-
' Buchanan says, in his History of Scotland, that she caused the aboli
tion of feudal rights of the most infamous kiud, the hideous remains of
pagan slavery, aud of that contempt for women which the Scotch had
hitherto always displayed. See the famous letter of St. Jerome.
^ Robert Bruce, the DouglaseSj Wallace, and many other heroes until
the time of Mary Stuart, when the Eeformation made so great a change
in the Scottish character.
3 "Post sacrse perceptionem Eucharistiae inter verba orationis expi
ravit." — Ord. Vit., viii. 701. She died in 1093.
* " Quo temporis momento facies ejus diuturni morbi maeie ao pallore
foedata, insoUta quadam venustate refloruit." — Breviab. Eomanobum,
die 10 Junii.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 79
dation by King Malcolm of the Abbey of Dunfermline in
Scotland, 1070, bythe request of Queen Margaret, and at
the place of their marriage. It is well known that Dun
fermline was for a long time, like Westminster in England,
a place of burial for the kings and of meeting for the
national parliaments.
In Denmark, about the same time, the holy King Canute
died a martyr to his zeal for the rights of the Church and
his endeavours to establish tithes.^ This prince had pro
fited by the lessons given him by St. Gregory VIL; ^ having
doubled the size of his kingdom by conquests on the shores
of the Baltic, he had assured to his bishops the rank and
immunities of their office. First among the northem sove
reigns, he had opened his dominions to monks summoned
from that very England where his ancestors had destroyed
so many monasteries and their inhabitants.
After the death of Canute, a vast abbey founded over
his tomb, where many miracles were constantly worked,
enabled the still half-barbarous Danes to know and admire
the sons of St. Benedict.* Thus the blood of the royal
martyr sealed the triumph of Christ in the country, of those
very Normans who, through so many years, had been the
most terrible scourge of Christendom. A little later, Mag
nus, son of King Olaus of Norway, founded the first bishop-
' July 10, 1087. See Flbury, Hist Eccles., b. Ixiii. c. 37. This St.
Canute must not be confounded with his nephew of the same name (Duke
Canute), also a martyr, whose festival the Church celebrates January 7.
King Canute was the father of Charles Count of Flanders, who also suf
fered martyrdom, as 'wiU be seen further ou.
' Fleury thinks this prince was the same as Hacon or Haquin, to whom
Gregory VII. addressed his Bp. vu. 5, 21.
3 " Primus enim ritus gentis suae . . oorrexit, et metropoUtanas sedes
et episcopales construxit . . . monachos qui prius in-risi et incoguiti
Danis erant, accersUt et opportunae habitatiouis locum iu regno suo
UberaUter eis delegarit. . . . Grande coenobium monaohomm constructum
est et monasticus ordo, sicut in Anglia apud Eveshannium servatur
regulariter constitutus est. Inde nimirum primi monachi Danes adier-
unt, et coeuobiale Jus, barbaiis mirantibus, dUigenter ostenderunt."—
Order. Vit., b. rii. p. 650.

l8o THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
rics and monasteries in that country.^ Eric IL, successor
of St. Canute, anxious to free the new Christian kingdom
from the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Hamburg, a
great supporter of the imperial schism, went himself to
Rome to beg from Pope Urban the creation of another
metropolitan see in Denmark.^ The pope promised to grant
his request; and some years later, a cardinal legate, after
having visited all the Scandinavian cities, chose that of
Lund to be the new metropolitan see of the three kingdoms
of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.*
Eric, who had taken the cross, started immediately for
Jerusalem ; but he died on the way. This eager homage
of a distant kingdom only just received into the fold of the
Church must have consoled the great heart of Urban, who
at that moment was forced to contend with the three most
powerful sovereigns of the West — the Emperor, the King
of England, and the King of France.
In the Church's resistance to King Philip, Yves, Bishop
of Chartres, seemed called upon to play, with some differ
ences, the part acted in England by Anselm of Canterbury.
The direction of the principal affairs of the Church in his
country belonged to the French prelate. About this very
time a painful dispute had broken out between Yves and
the Archbishop-legate Hugh of Lyons respecting the elec
tion to the metropolitan see of Sens of a' noble named
Daimbert, much esteemed for his learning, and a great
friend of the monks.* Hugh having forbidden the bishops
of the province to consider the newly elect as legitimate,
^ "Episcopatus et coenobia mouachorum, quse antecessores ejus uon
noverant." — Order. Vit., b. x. p. 767.
° " Patriam ac domestica sacra saxonica prslatione liberare petivit." 
Saxo Grammat., b. xii. This journey took place after 1095, according to
Pagi, Crit in Baron., ad anu. 1092.
3 " Celeberrimis Danorum urbibus inspectis, cuncta curiosa coUus-
trando.'' — SaxoGramm., loe. cit. This arrangement was only completed
in 1 103 under Pascal II. Eric died at Cyprus in iioi.
^ According to the testimony of the chronicler of St. Pierre-le-Vif, who
wrote about this time.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. l8l
until he had recognised the rights of the primacy of Lyons,
which, according to him, had been despised by the previous
archbishops of Sens, Yves, suffragan of Sens, protested
strongly against the interdiction.^ Daimbert acted as Yves
of Chartres had done when unjustly persecuted; he went
to Rome and obtained his consecration from the pope.^ It
is certain that the Bishop of Chartres had really right on
his side;^ but in his letter to the legate Hugh he had
expressed opinions on the right of investitures and the
conduct of the pope's ministers, which drew upon him
severe censure. "I wish," he had written to the legate,
" and many pious souls wish as I do, that the ministers of
the Roman Church would apply themselves as experienced
physicians to curing great evils, and not give their enemies
reason to say, ' You strain at a gnat and swallow a camel ; ' *
we see, in fact, the greatest crimes openly committed in
the world, but we do not see you employ the axe of justice
to cut them away." Such a reproach could not certainly
be applied to Archbishop Hugh, who had distinguished
himself by his zeal in promulgating the excommunication
against the emperor and the French king. But the serious
matter was the justification of royal investiture, which
Yves declared in the following words : ^ " Pope Urban, it
we have clearly understood him, only excludes kings from
corporal investiture, not from the right of election as being
chiefs of the people, nor from cession.® And what does it
matter whether this cession is made by the hand, or a
movement of the head, or by the mouth, or by the crosier ?
Por kings do not pretend to give any spiritual gifts, but only
to consent to the election, or to grant to the elect those
^ Ep. 60. Ed. Juret and Souchet, 1645.
^ March 1098. Pagi, Crit, ad ann. 1099, c. 3.
3 Baronius declares himself most decidedly against Hugh. — Ad ann. 1099.
* "Culicem excolantes et camelum glutientes." — Matt. xxii. 24.
= Tvon., Bp. No. 60.
° "Nou ab electione, in quantum sunt caput populi, vel concessione."
—P)id.

1 82 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
lands and other material possessions which the churches have
received from their liberality." *
It was the legate's duty to transmit these strange de
clarations to the pope, who showed much indignation
against the bishop. Yves then hastened to write to Urban.
" I am," he said, " the lowest of your sons ; but I do not
believe there is any one on this side the Alps who has
suffered so many affronts and wrongs as I have done in the
endeavour to remain faithful and obedient to your com
mands. Bnt since my words have given offence, it is not
fitting for me to enter into controversy with you, and I
would rather renounce my bishopric than expose myself to
your reproaches, just or unjust. If this atonement satisfies
you, accept it. If you require more, say what I ought to
do. If I cease to be your servant, let me at least continue
to be your son.^ . . . What I wish to do with your autho
rity, I am forced to do by the ever-deepening enmity of the
King of Prance towards me."
This enmity had arisen since the relapse of Philip, whose
connection with Bertrade the bishop had so vigorously de
nounced. The monarch had now in fact recalled that
same Bertrade whom he had carried off from her husband
Count Fulk of Anjou, while his own lawful wife still lived ;
and whom, when he was excommunicated, he had been
obliged to dismiss. Bertrade exercised so extraordinary an
empire over those around her, that she obtained the pardon
of her double infidelity from her husband Count Fulk, who
carried his complaisance so far as to seat himself in public
at the feet of this bigamous queen.*
' Fleury's translation, b. Ixiv. No. 44.
^ "Ivo minimus Sanctitatis Suae filius. . . . Hanc si placet, acoipite,
si plus placet, addite. Si desisto vester esse servus, non desistam vester
esse fiUus." — Ep. 67. Baronius, Fleury, and the Hist, litt de Prance place
this letter in 1099. But Pagi has shown that it ought to be at the begin
ning of 1098.
* " Ita moUificaverat, ut eam tanquam dominam veneraretur, et scabello
pedum ejus sspius resideus ao si prsestigio fieret, voluntati ejus omnino
obsequeretur." — SUGBR, Vit Lud. VL., c. 17.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 1 83
Such a revival of a scandal supposed to be ended, obliged
the Church to renew the severe punishment which had
already fallen upon Philip of France. When this royal
breaker of the divine law arrived in any diocese, the bells
of all the churches were silent, the sounds of chanting
ceased, the public worship of God was stopped, and signs
of mourning were everywhere manifested. During the
fifteen years of his life in which his ardent and lamentable
passion for Bertrade kept him apart from the communion
of the Church, Philip had at least so much conscience as to
respect, to a certain point, the public affliction ; he con
tented himself with hearing mass in private when the
prelates, whose temporal lord he was, permitted it; he
abstained from all State ceremonies, then inextricably
mingled with those of the Church, and from solemnly wear
ing his crown on the great annual festivals.' However, on
Christmas-day, 1097, ^^ spite of the formal prohibition of
the apostolic legate,^ an archbishop, Raoul of Tours, was
found who was not afraid on the occasion of the festival to
place the crown publicly on the head of the adulterous
monarch. This act of guilty weakness was rewarded the
next day by the nomination to the bishopric of Orleans of a
creature of the prelate named John, whose extreme youth
and debauched life scandalised the whole city. Yves of
Chartres, with his usual vigour, denounced the shameful
bargain to the pope and his legate Hugh.* He accused
the newly elect and his protector of the most vile crimes,*
and bitterly complained of the conduct of the Archbishop
' "Nee purpuram induit, neque solemnitatem aliquam regio more cele
brant. In quodcumque oppidum vel urbem GaUiarum rex advenisset .
cessabat omnis clangor campanarum, et generalis cantus clericorum,
Luctus itaque pnblicus agebatur et dominicus cultus privatim exercebatur.
quamdiu transgressor princeps iu eadem dioecesi commorabatur. Permissu
tamen prsesulum quorum dominus erat," &c. — Order. Vit., vUi. 699.
' "Contra interdiotum legati vestri."— Yvon., Ep. ad Pap., loc cit
3 Ep. 66, 67, 68.
' " Rex Francorum non private sed publice mihi testatus est quod prse
dicti Joannis suocubus fuerit (Radulphus archiepiscopus)."— Bp. 66.

184 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of Tours, who said openly that he had no need to trouble
himself either in seeking good priests, or about the canons,
for that he had in his purse ^ what would smooth all diffi
culties. " Whatever may happen, whatever side you may
take," wrote the Bishop of Chartres to the pope, " I have
cleared my conscience and delivered my soul. I have
raised my voice for the cause of truth and charity, for the
good of the Church, and for your honour." ^
The disagreement of Yves of Chartres with Hugh left,
however, so little trace on the mind of the great bishop,
that at about this period he begged the Holy See to re
appoint his opponent to the office of legate, saying that he
was more capable than any one else of filling it.* The
eager rivalry which for so long had existed between the
metropolitan sees of Lyons and Sens, and which had divided
the two chief prelates of the Church of France, Archbishop
Hugh and Bishop Yves, was arranged* in April 1099, to
the general satisfaction, in that same Council of Rome
where we have seen Anselm of Canterbury surrounded by
the homage of the episcopate, and defended, as he deserved,
by the Bishop of Lucca. It was on the same day also that
the pope pronounced, amidst the acclamations of the whole
assembly,* a new and final sentence against lay investiture,
and against the homage required by princes from Church
dignitaries. These acclamations, which proved the mainstay
of spiritual liberty among the Catholics of the West, were soon
' " Se non indigere bonis clericis vel canonibus cum haec omnia prsesto
sint ei in marsupio suo." — Ep. 66.
^ " Quidquid autem vos faciatis, ego liberari animam meam." — Lbid.
"Et vere dixi et pro veritate et caritate dixi: providens quantum
in me est, et Ecclesia utilitati et vestrae honestati." — Ep. 68. Either
John must have completely repented of his crimes, or Yves must have
discovered the injustice of his accusations, since we find him later in
friendly relations with this same John, who filled the see of Orleans
satisfactorily for twenty years. ^ Ep. 109.
* Epist. Urb., ad Hug., Pagi, Crit, ad ann. 1099, c. 5.
5 " Bt ab omnibus aoclamatum est : Fiat, fiat ; et consummatum est
conoUium." — Roger Hoveden, ad ann. 1099.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL l8S
echoed by those which saluted the news of the marvellous
triumph obtained by the Crusaders in the East. After a
thousand difficulties and perils, the remains of the Catholic
army had at length reached Syria, taken Antioch, and
established a Christian principality there under Bohemond
the Norman. Adh^mar du Puy, the legate, being dead, the
Cmsaders begged Pope Urban to come in person, and put
himself at their head in that very town of Antioch where
St. Peter had occupied his first see, and where the Galileans
had first borne the name of Christians. " We have con
quered the Turks and pagans;" said the leaders of the
Crusade, "it will be easy for us to conquer the heretics,
Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, and Jacobites ; come then, we
conjure you. Holy Father, come, and perform the functions
of St. Peter's vicar ; come, and sit upon the Apostle's
throne! Encouraged by your authority we will root out
all heresies; you will open to us the gates of Jerusalem,^
you will redeem the tomb of Christ, you will exalt the
name of Christian to the highest, and the whole world will
be brought into obedience to you."
But, to obey their wishes, Urban must have abandoned
the defence of the Church from lay heresy, since it claimed
spiritual dominion now, the most dangerous of all. The
Christian army, therefore, without its head, continued its
heroic march, and Jerusalem was by a victorious assault
snatched from the hands of the infidels, July 15, 1099, ^*
three o'clock in the aftemoon — the very hour when our
Lord Jesus Christ died for men. On the rescued tomb of
the Saviour a Christian sovereignty was instantly proclaimed
^ " Tibi mandamus ut qui sermonibus tuis nos omnes terras nostras et
quidquid in terris erat relinquere fecisti, complendo quse hortatus es, ad
nos venias. ... In cathedra quam quotidie cemimus. . . . Illi qui prius
vocabantur Galilaei, hic primum vocati sunt christiani . . . nos enim Tur
cos et Paganos expugnavimus ; haereticos autem nequivimus. . . . Omnes
hsereses cujuscumque gentis sunt, tua auctoritate et nostra virtute eradices
et destruas . . . et etiam portas utriusque Jerusalem nobis aperias," &o. —
Letter of nth September 1098.— Ap. Rbudee, Script, rer. German., p. 399 ;
Guill. Ttr., b. vii. c. i, &o.

1 86 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. •
by the victors. Godfrey de Bouillon, who had taken no
part in the massacre of the infidels, was elected king ; but
he was not crowned, not choosing, as he said, to wear a
crown of gold where his Divine Master had worn a crown of
thorns.^ Faithful to the customs of that chivalry of which he had
become the head, Godfrey soon after founded, in the valley
of Jehosaphat, a monastery where he established the monks
who had accompanied him to the Crusade; he also intro
duced the Latin ritual into the Church of the Holy Sepul
chre, and appointed as precentor a canon of Paris, wishing
to show by this liturgical reformation the antipathy of the
victorious West for all that belonged to the degenerate
Church of the East.^
After assisting at the election of Daimbert, Archbishop
of Pisa, and legate of Urban IL, to be the first Latin patri
arch of Jerusalem, Godfrey de Bouillon begged to receive from
that prelate the investiture of his new kingdom. Nothing,
assuredly, could better show how completely the new
Catholic king had changed the opinions which had for
merly led him into the Imperialist ranks.
Urban II. was called to render his account to Him whose
vicar he had been on earth fifteen days after the glorious
accomplishment of that task which he had preached at Cler
mont. He died, not like Gregory VII. in exile, but in the
1 Guill. Tye., b. ix. c. 9.
^ This has beeu thoroughly understood by M. Didion -with regard to the
arts. "It is supposed," he says, "but quite 'wrongly, that the Crusaders
brought back to Europe and to France the arts of the Bast : exactly the
opposite of this is true. There is not in France a single church buUt by
the Crusaders in the style or on the plan of the Eastern churches ; in
Greece, on the other hand, at Mistra, and at Chalcis, the Crusaders from
Champagne became lords of the Morea, buUt churches in the style of France
and Champagne. At Jerusalem, the Crusaders rebuilt the Holy Sepulchre in
pointed architecture exactly as if they had beeu in France. . . . Far from
borrowing a musical system from the Eaist, the Crusaders carried their
owu even to the stone of the Holy Sepulchre, to the very tomb of Christ.
We have given all to the Past, and received nothing from thence." — DiDlON,
Anrud. Archiol., vol. v. pp. 77-79.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 87
moment of a double victory. The successor of St. Peter
had re-entered Rome while the Cross re-entered Jerusalem.
The double despotism of Csesar and Mahomet, firmly seated
for so many centuries, yielded before the keys of the Apostle
and the sword of Catholic knighthood. It is true that this
was not a complete and lasting success ; such is not the
portion of the Church on earth ; but before returning to his
Divine Master, Urban was enabled to enjoy one of those
glorious and sublime moments which fully compensate for
ages of painful combat, and which may well be said to illu
minate aU the future. When the body of the pontiff, who
had just died within a few paces of St. Peter's ^ prison, had
been lowered into the vaults of the Vatican basilica, there
to be placed beside the relics of the first pope,^ it could be
truly proclaimed throughout Christendom that the eleven
years of his pontificate had been but one heroic and sublime
warfare with the enemies of God. Full of devotion for St.
Peter, having never known the fear of man, never suffered
the smallest infringement of the liberty of the Church, an
ardent promoter of the worship of the Queen of Heaven, to
whom he had specially consecrated Saturday,* Urban was
surely worthy to be associated with the saints in paradise as
one of themselves.*
Contemporaries of the illustrious pontiff said of him that
' Cod. Vatic, ap. Baeon., ad ann. 1099, 24.
2 "Eximius pontifex, post multos labores pro Ecclesia Dei summa cum
moderatioue tolerates, post domitos patientia magis quam armis adver
saries. . . ." — Mabill., vol. v. b. Ixix. No. 108.
' "It was he who specially consecrated Saturday to the Blessed Virgin,
and who instituted, or at any rate brought into more frequent use, the
short service of Our Lady." — Mabill., Arm., loc. cit.
* " Non erat hic rector tremulus quasi cannula vento ;
Sed veluti ferrum trunoabat noxia verbo :
Cuncta sibi prava subduntur dogmata falsa ;
Nunquam decrevit libertas denique Sedis
Romanae per eum : sanctum quia peramat Petrum
Aureus antistes. . . .
. . . Sanctis merito sooiatus." — Domnizo, Vit Math., b. ii. c. 11.

1 88 THE PREDCEESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
he was a golden pope, profoundly devoted to St. Peter, who
had never suffered the independence of the Roman Church
to dvrindle in his hands, and whose virtues had always
equalled his talents.
It was again a monk, and a monk of Cluny, who was
chosen as his successor. Three popes ^ of the same order,
such as Hildebrand, Didier of Monte Cassino, and Odo of
Cluny, must naturally have encouraged the cardinals^ to
make another selection from the monastic ranks. Their
choice fell upon Regnier, a Tuscan, who, after having em
braced a religions life at Cluny nnder the crosier of St.
Hugh, had been called from it by Gregory VIL, had become
a cardinal, and later, abbot of the monastery of St. Lawrence
and St. Stephen outside the walls of Rome.
The moment he was informed of his election, Regnier
fled and hid himself ; but his retreat was discovered, and he
was obliged by force to accept the purple, the tiara, and the
girdle, whence hung the seven keys, symbols of the seven
gifts of the Holy Spirit.*
The new pope received the name of Pascal II. He
hastened to announce his accession to the Catholic princes
and the Countess Matilda, and did not forget to send the
information, as Urban II. had done, to his spiritual father,
the holy Abbot Hugh of Cluny, who saw in him a second
son worthy of the pontifical throne.* Pascal II. then ad
dressed solemn felicitations to the Crusaders, whose heroism
1 Gregory VIL, Victor IIL, and Urban II.
^ " Patres cardinales, episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, primores urbis,
primi soriniarii et scribse regionarii in Ecclesia sancti Clementis couve-
niunt." — Pand. Pisan., ap. Baron., et Papbbroch. Conat., Act SS. Maii
b. rii.
" " Fugit, latuitque, sed non diu potuit . . . invenitur, trahitur in con-
ventum, convenitur de fuga, redarguitur a patribus . . chlamyde coccinea
induitur et tiara . . baltheo succingitur cum septem exinde pendentibus
clavibus, ex quo sciat, septem sigillis, septiformem Spiritus sancti gratiam
cunctarum Ecclesiarum, quibus simul, Deo auctore, praeest, regimini in
claudendo aperiendoque . . providere debere." — Lbid. He was elected
August 3, 1099. ¦* Mabill., Aim., loc. cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 1 89
had freed the Holy Land, and reconquered, together with
the spear still red with Divine blood, a great portion of the
cross on which the Redeemer died for us.
At the same time, Pascal sent them a new legate, charged
to watch over the purity and safety of their souls. " May
God," said the pope, in conclusion, " absolve you from all
your sins, and recompense you for your exile by opening to
you the gates of the eternal country." ^
He proved, at the same time, his zeal for that monastic
freedom in which he had himself been trained.^ He re
ceived, almost immediately on his accession, letters of adhe
sion and warning from Yves of Chartres,* and other letters
from Anselm of Canterbury, in which that prelate related
his difficulties and asked for instructions.* Finally, wanting
money to provide for his most imperative needs, he was talk
ing of it one day with the cardinals, when he saw approach
ing some envoys from Roger of Sicily, who, saluting him in
the name of the Norman prince, laid a tribute of 1000
ounces of gold at his feet.*
Meanwhile the battle which the new pope had to main
tain against the enemies of the Apostolic See lost nothing
of its intensity. The anti-pope Guibert, who, under the
name of Clement IIL, had held his ground for twenty years
against the legitimate popes, and boasted of surviving them,
died shortly after Pascal's accession, and was destined to
have but insignificant successors in his usurped dignity.®
' "Videmus orientalem Ecclesiam, post longa captiritatis tempora,
magna ex parte ad antiquam Ubertatis gloriam redUsse. . . . Ipse vos ab
omnibus peccatis absolvat, et exiUo vestro patriam aeternam tribuat." —
Pasch., Ppist, No. 1, in Condi.; LABB., ed. COLBTTi, xii. 966.
^ See his letters in support of the exemption of Montiereuder agaiust
the Bishop of Chalons, and of Ely against the Bishop of Lincoln, iu
Mabill., Ann. ^ Yvon., Ep. 81. ^ Ansblm, Ep. iu. 40.
^ " Dum cujus dispositionis acriter ageretur negotium, legati . . . curiam
intrant, ex parte comitis ofllciosissime papam salutant et resalutant, atque
incUnati ad pedes ejus posuerunt auri uncias mille." — Pand. Pisan., loc. dt.
^ See their fortunes in Vit. Paschal., ap. Cone, COLBTTi, xii. 963 ; and
Pagi, CrU., ad ann. uoo.

I90 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
But the Emperor Henry, anthor of the schism and patron
of the anti-pope, had not only recovered from his repeated
defeats, but had even recently been able so to strengthen his
forces as to be in a condition once more to invade Italy.
In France, during this time. King Philip had again fallen
into his former evil ways, and was consequently in revolt
against the Church.
In England, ever since the Conqueror's death, the Norman
king had trodden nnder foot with impunity the rights of
the clergy and of the faithful. To her three redoubtable
adversaries the Church opposed three champions, with whom
•victory was destined to remain : the immortal Matilda, whom
God, says a historian, had placed on the threshold of Italy
to confound imperial pride and tyranny ; ^ Yves of Chartres,
that bishop of iron will ^ but moderate judgment, who could
resist even a king of France ; and Anselm, the monk who
refused to bend to the yoke of William Rufus.
When William heard of the death of Urban II. , whose
goodwill, it is said, he had purchased, he was so enraged
that he cried out, "May God's anger light on whoever
mourns for him ! " But directly after, he asked, " What
sort of a man is the new pope ? " And when they told him
that in many respects he resembled Anselm, he said, " By
the Face of God, if that is so, he is good for nothing ! But
no matter; for I swear that, this time, his primacy will
weigh very little with me. I am free now, and I mean to
do as I like."* And, in fact, he refused to acknowledge
the new pope, and continued to oppress his people. In an
expedition against his vassal H^lie de la Plfeche, Count of
Mans, a knight as pious and charitable as he was brave,
^ "AdmirabilemiUamfoeminam, quamobconfusionemtyrannicsesuperbiae
posuit Deus obicem in ipso Italise ingressu." — Baeon., ad ann. uoo, c. 7.
2 "Ferrous Uie Yvonis animus." — Lbid.
* " Et Dei odium habeat qui inde curat. IUe vero qui modo est Papa,
cujusmodi est? . . . Per vultum Dei, si talis est, non valet. . . . Ego
interim Ubertate potitus agam quodlibet." — Badmbb, Hist, 'novorvm, b.
i. p. 56-

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 19I
and as much beloved by his subjects as the Red King was
hated by his,^ William, having taken and burnt Mans,
treated as a criminal the bishop of the city, Hildebert, one
of the most illustrious priests of his time, and friend of
Yves of Chartres and Anselm of Canterbury. The crime of
this prelate, so worthy in all points of the affection of the
two great theologians of France and England,^ was, that
he had been elected by the clergy without the royal authori
sation.* William having the venerable bishop in his power,
accused him of treason, ordered him to destroy the towers
of the cathedral, which commanded the castle, and on his
refusal, plundered all his property, and did not leave him
so much as a mitre.
Although he was accustomed to ridicule the appeal to
God's judgment by the ordeal of red-hot iron whenever he
thought it would result well for the victims of his despo
tism,* William required Hildebert to submit to this form of
trial forbidden to him by the canons of the Church ; and to
force him to it, kept him confined in a dungeon, chained
hand and foot, for more than a year.* This last crime filled
up the measure : the justice of God prepared to strike ; the
1 Order. Vit., b. x. pp. 769 and 774. Ordericus adds that he was
instar presbyteri bene tonsus, which showed the regularity of his life. — See
Opera S. Anselmi., Yvon., Caenot., Order., et passim.
^ He had been a pupU and admirer of Berengarius, but had soou re
tumed to the orthodox faith. Noel, Bishop of Mans, had placed him at
the head of the schools in his diocese. In his youth he had been accused
of various irregularities of Ufe, as is proved by a letter of Yves of Char
tres ; but Pagi and Beaugendre, editors of his works (folio, 1708), have
refuted these accusations. It is thought that he had been a monk, or at
least a scholar, at Cluny.
^ In 1097. Count Helie, ou the contrary, though he had nominated
another candidate, respected the choice of Hildebert, "quia Deum timebat
et ne lethate in mernbris Ecclesiai schisma fieret."— OB.jy^B,. VlT., x. 770.
" He complained that God was won over by the prayers of the first-
comer : "Quid est hoc! Deus est Justus judex? Pereat qui deinceps
hoc crediderit. Quare per hoc et hoc meo judicio amodo respondebitur,
non Dei quod pro voto cujusque hinc inde plicatur." — Badm., p. 52.
5 Yvo., Carnot., Bp. 74 ; Baron., ad aun. 1107 ; Pagi, Crit. in eumd. ;
Beaugendre, Vita HUdeb., xix.

192 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
people, warned by the mysterious light of faith, felt a pro
phetic thrill, precursor of their deliverance. A monk^ of
Gloucester saw in a dream the Lord seated on a throne in
glory, surrounded by the host of heaven ; prostrate at His
feet was a virgin of the most brilliant beauty, who said,
" Thou who didst die upon the cross for the salvation of the
hnman race, look with pity upon Thy people crushed under
William's yoke. 0 avenger of all crimes, avenge me upon
William, and snatch me from the hands that torment and
defile me ! " And the Lord answered, " Wait yet a little ;
vengeance is near, and shall be complete."^ At these words
the monk awoke, trembling, but assured that the virgin
represented the Holy Church, and that God was preparing
to punish the king for his excesses. Abbot Serlon, being
informed of what had happened, instantly wrote to William
to warn him of the sinister augury.* On Wednesday,
August I, I IOO, the festival of St. Peter in bonds, another
monk named Foucher, Abbot of Shrewsbury, went up into
the pulpit, and after having depicted the desperate state of
England, announced the approaching crisis in these words :
" A sudden change of affairs is at hand. . . . God will not
be overruled by the unworthy. Behold the bow of the
divine fury is drawn against the wicked ; the swift arrow is
taken from the quiver to wound them. Suddenly it will
smite them ! " *
The very day following that on which the monk Foucher
thus preached, an arrow from an unknown hand pierced the
Red King to the heart while he hunted in that famous New
Forest, to plant which his father had depopulated thirty-six
1 "Bouse famse, sed melioris ritss." — Oedbr. Vit., b. ix. p. 781.
^ " Splendidissima virgo. . . Scelerum vindex omniumque judex
jastissime, de GuUlelmo, precor, vindica me. . . . Patienter tolera, pau-
lisper exspecta. " — Lbid.
^ " Commonitorios opices." — Lbid.
^ " En subitanea rerum instabit immutatio . . . non Deus domiua-
buntur effeminati. . . . Ecce arcus superni furoris contra reprobos in-
tensus est et sagitta velox ad vulneraudum de pharetra extracta est.
Repente jam feriet." — Order., loc. dt.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 93
parishes. That day, at sunrise, a monk from Gloucester had
brought to the king a letter in which Abbot Serlon related
the threatening vision seen by a brother of his monastery.
At the reading of this letter, the king, who was at table
with his courtiers, burst out laughing, and cried, "I wonder
why Dom Serlon, whom I imagined a wise abbot, should
have thought of telliag me of such things, and writing to
me about them from such a distance. Does he take me for
one of those Englishmen who put off their journeys or their
affairs to another day, because an old woman has dreamed
or sneezed the night before ? " ^
Saying this, the king rode away to the chase. His last
words, addressed to Walter Tyrrel, one of his companions,
were " Shoot, shoot, in the devil's name ! " And at the same
instant an arrow, whether Walter's or another, passed through
his breast.^ The prince's body, placed on a charcoal-burner's
cart, with blood dripping from it along the road, was carried
to Winchester : but the church-bells, which announce the
obsequies of the humblest Christian, the poorest beggar, did
not toll for the monarch ; and of all the treasures he had
heaped up at the expense of his people, not one penny was
given for the good of his soul.* When this terrible act of
divine justice was being accomphshed, Anselm visited seve
ral monasteries of Bourgogne and Auvergne. At Marcigny
the holy Abbot Hugh of Cluny related to him how on the
^ " Rex in cachinnum resolutus est. . . . Miror unde Domino meo Serloni
taUa narrandi voluntas exorta est. . . . Bx nimia simplicitate mihi . . .
somnia stemutautium retulit. . . . Num prosequi me ritum autumat
Anglorum qui pro sternutatione vel somnio vetularum ... his dictis celer
surrexit et comipedem aiscendeus in sylvam festinavit." — Order., loe. cit.
2 " Trahe, trahe arcum, ex parte diaboli." — Hbnric. Knyghton, p. 2373.
Abbot Suger relates that Tyrrel, who was supposed to be the cause of this
death, often swore to him that he had not even seeu the kiug in the forest.
— VU. Lud., passim ap. Seldbn, not., in Eadm., p. 190.
¦* "Cruore undatim per totam viam stUlante." — 'Will. Malm., p. 126,
ap. Thierry. "Regem veluti ferocem aprum venabulis confossum . . .
detulerunt. Sigua etiam pro iUo iu quibusdam ecclesiis non sonuerunt,
quse pro infimis pauperibus et mulierculis crebro diutissime pulsata sunt,"
— Ord,, loc. cU.
VOL. VI. N

194 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
previous night, in a dream, he had seen King William
appear as a criminal before the throne of God, where he had
been tried and condemned.'' At Chaise-Dieu the archbishop
heard of the king's death ; he wept much, and in a voice
broken by sobs declared that he would a thousand times
rather have died himself^ than have seen the king perish in
this manner.
Meantime there soon arrived messengers from the new
King of England and his barons, who begged Anselm to
return as quickly as possible, declaring that all the affairs
of the kingdom suffered from his absence.^
Henry, younger brother of William, had hastened to seize
the paternal throne, to the injury of the elder, Robert of
Normandy ; but on the day of his coronation he had been
obliged to swear to respect the good and holy laws of King
Edward, and to atone for the wickedness of the preceding
reign. The new king had therefore published throughout
the kingdom a charter, imposed by the barons, in which the
rights of inheritance, marriage, and guardianship were guar
anteed. Anselm then thought he might yield to the popular
wish and return to England. But instead of tranquillity,
he found a new battle to be fought on a ground yet more
difficult than before. After having endured the brutal vio
lence of a species of crowned bandit, the archbishop was now
to find himself placed between his clearly-defined duty as
primate and the artful policy of a prince whose skill and
finesse were such as to well merit his surname of Beauclerc.
Por any other the position would have been dangerous ;
^ " Intulit testimonio veritatis proxime praeterita nocte regem ante
thronum Dei accusatum, judicatum, sententiamque damnationis iu eum
promulgatum. " — Eadm., 23.
2 " At iUe singultu verba ejus interrumpente, asseruit quod . . . multum
magis eligeret seipsum corpore, quam iUum sicut erat mortuum esse."
' " Omnia negotia regui ad audientiam et dispositionem ipsius referens
pendere dilata." — Eadm., 57. See in Bp. Ans. iiL 41, the king's letter, in
whioh he excuses himself for haring been crowned by other bishops in the
primate's absence.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 195
but Anselm came back from his three years' exile more
steadfast and resolute than ever. Armed with that gentle
ness which, as he himself said, had but once deserted him
since he became a monk,^ he possessed also the heroic
firmness a noble nature draws from humility and a strong
sense of duty.^ The archbishop had spoken to the new
pope ^ of his intentions. "I left England," he had said,
" for the love and fear of God and the honour of His
Church, and I wUl never retum thither but for the same
cause. On his arrival in England,^ and on the very day of his
first interview with the king, Anselm declared that he would
no longer submit to the custom of investiture and homage
which WiUiam had before imposed on him, and he justified
his refusal by communicating to Henry the prohibitory
decrees given by the Council of Rome in his presence the
preceding year. " If my lord the king does not accept
these decrees," added the primate, "there will be neither
advantage nor honour for me in remaining in England,
whither I am not come to see the king disobey the sovereign
pontiff; I cannot remain in communion with any one who
receives investiture from the royal hand."
Henry thought best to temporise, and obtained from
Anselm a delay for the purpose of consulting the Holy See.
The king wished to have on his side the authority and moral
weight of the primate, for two reasons : first of all, he de
sired to see his marriage sanctioned with Matilda, daughter
^ Will. Malmesbury, op. dt.
^ " Fortezza ed umiltate e largo core." See the admirable article in the
AngUcan work TJie British Critic, vol. xxxiv. p. loi.
' " Precor et obsecro quanto possum affectu, ut nuUo modo me in Angliam
redire jubeatis, nisi ita ut legem et voluntatem Dei, et decreta apostolica
voluntati hominis liceat mihi praef erre," &c. — Ep. iv. 40.
¦• " Sicut propter timorem et amorem Dei et honorem ejus et Ecclesise
ejus egressus sum de AngUa, ita nunquam egrediar in Ulam, nisi propter
et secundum eamdem causam. "—Suppl. Ep. U. It is entitled : Anselmus,
Dd, graiia, a/rchiepiscopua Cantua/riensis exul.
^ He landed at Dover, Sept. 23, iroo.

196 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of St. Margaret of Scotland, a princess descended from the
ancient race of Anglo-Saxon kings ; 1 and secondly, he felt
the necessity of defending his kingdom against his elder
brother Robert, now retumed from the Holy Land and pre
pared to claim the crown.
Before the death of William, Matilda had taken refuge in
a convent to avoid the danger of violence at the hands of the
Norman conquerors, and had even received the black veil
from the hands of her aunt the abbess ; but she declared
that this had been against her positive wishes. After having
consulted a council of bishops, nobles, and monks, Anselm,
judging Matilda to be perfectly free,^ blessed her marriage,
and crowned her queen, but not without taking the greatest
precautions to prove the excellence of his motives. He
was, nevertheless, accused of culpable complaisance towards
the king.*
After this, when Robert was on the point of landing in
England,* Anselm, as the representative"^ of the English
nobility and people, received the oaths from Henry,* who
again swore always to govern his country by just and good
laws, and, in particular, promised the archbishop to leave
him full liberty to exercise all the rights of the Church, and
to obey the pope. Anselm not only joined the royal army
in person 'with his vassals, but he exercised so great an influ
ence, by his character and exhortations, over the principal
' See in Thierry, Hist, de la conq. des Normands, vol. ii. p. 345, the
political importance of this alliance for the Norman king.
2 " Pater ipse totam regni nobilitatem populumque minorem pro hoc
circumfluentem . . . sublimius ceteris stans in commune edocuit quo
ordine causa Virginis quam fama vulgarat, per episcopos, &c., determinata
fuit."— Eadm., 59.
3 ' ' Anselmum in hoc a rectitudine deriasse nonnuUa pars hominum, ut
ipsi audivimus, blasphemavit."— Eadm., 58.
* It may be seen, from the letter of Pope Pascal II. to Anselm (Bp. iii.
42), that the pontiff was very favourable to Eobert, as being a Crusader.
5 " Tota regni nobUitas cum populi numerositate Anselmum inter se et
regem medium fecerunt, quatenus ei vice sui manu iu manum porrecta
promitteret justis et Sanctis legibus se totum regnum quoad 'riveret, in
cunctis administraturum." — Eadmbr.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 97
nobles, that Robert, finding himself unsupported, was obliged
to renounce his pretensions.^
The danger once past, Henry, according to his custom,
forgot all his oaths, and began to attack the Church. Anselm
had again to suffer all the succession of trials which he be
lieved to have been exhausted under WilUam, and without
finding more support or courage than formerly among his
colleagues in the episcopate. The king, after having restored
to the see of Canterbury the property usurped by William,
never ceased to complain bitterly of the innovation which,
he said, had been introduced by the prohibition of investi
tures and homage. This was, in fact, an innovation,^ or
rather it was a necessary retum to the primitive independ
ence of the Church, too long fallen into contempt, especially
in England, where the undue preponderance of the royal
power had from time immemorial acquired the force of law.
The mission Anselm had received was to finish in England
the work begun in the universal Church by St. Gregory VII.
The answer given by Pope Pascal when first consulted by
the king, after Anselm's retum, had been decisive. He
said thus : " The Lord speaks as follows — I am the door.
Ego sum ostium. He who shall enter by me shall be saved.
But if kings pretend to be the door of the Church, those who
enter by them into it will not be shepherds but robbers."
And after aUuding to the resistance of St. Ambrose to
the Bmperor Theodosius, the holy Father added : " The holy
Roman Church, in the person of our predecessors, in spite
of the cruel persecution of tyrants, has strongly resented
royal usurpation and the abominable custom of investiture.
We have fuU confidence that the Lord wUl not permit Peter
to lose his power in our person. ... Do not believe, 0 king,
^ " Si post gratiam Dei fidelitas et industria non intercessisset Anselmi,
Henricus rex ea tempestate perdidisset jus AngUci regni."— Eadmbr.
2 DifEerent passages of Ordericus Vitalis (chiefly b. Ui. p. 125, ed. Lepre
vost ; b. viii. p. 698, ed. Duch.) prove that investiture by the crosier was
practised in Normandy as weU as in England throughout the eleventh
century.

198 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
that by renouncing a usurped and profane privilege you will
weaken your authority : far from that, your authority will
but gain more vigour, more strength, and more glory, when
the Lord Jesns reigns in your kingdom." ^
Vain endeavours ! for the king none the less persisted in
claiming from Anselm either homage, or the consecration of
bishops whom he had invested, under pain of being driven
from the kingdom. " I care nothing for what they may
think at Rome of Anselm's protestations," replied the monarch.
" I do not choose to give up the customs of my predecessors,
and I will suffer no person in my kingdom who is indepen
dent of me." ^ Unfortunately, among the English bishops
the only dispute was who should most completely yield to
the king's wUl.* Anselm formally declared that he wonld
not leave the kingdom, and that he would wait until they
came to attack him in his church.
In this state of things it was agreed to send to Rome a
new embassy composed of persons of consequence, to warn
the pope that Anselm would be exiled and England with
drawn from pontifical obedience if the statu quo was not
maintained. The archbishop sent two of his monks to re
present him, and the king intrusted his interest to three
bishops.* One of these three was able to judge, to his own
cost, how deep an impression the primate s exile had made
in France even upon monks most separated from public
affairs ; for having been stopped on his journey through the
Lyonnais, and plundered by a robber lord called Guy, he
could not obtain his release until he had sworn expressly
' " Ecclesia Eomana . , regiae usurpationi et investiturae abominabili
obviare . et gravissimis persecutionibus per tyrannos affecta . . . non
destitit. . Tunc validius, tunc robustius, tunc honorabUius regnabis,
cum in regno tuo divina regnabit auctoritas." — Ap. Eadm., 60.
2 " Quid ad me 1 usus antecessorum meorum nolo perdere, uec in regno
meo qui meus non sit quemquam sustinere." — Eadm., 60.
3 " Episcopis ... in singuUs regis voluntati parere certautibus, imo ne
romano pontifici subderetur summopere insistentibus."
'I The Archbishop of York, aud Bishops of Norwich and Chester.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 1 99
that he would do nothing at Rome contrary to the honour
or interest of Archbishop Anselm.^
The pope, as may well be supposed, did not receive the
application of the bishops with favour, but repulsed with
indignation the proposal they made to him to sacrifice the
decrees of the holy Fathers to the threats of one man.^
This was the substance of the answers addressed both to
the prince and the Archbishop of Canterbury.* In his
letter to the latter, the holy Pather reminded him, that in
the council just held at the Lateran he had renewed the
former decrees against investiture and homage done to
sovereigns, and added, in conclusion : " Thanks be to God
that the episcopal authority has been maintained by you ;
placed amidst barbarians, neither the violence of tyrants
nor the favour of the powerful, neither steel nor fire, have
been able to hinder you from proclaiming the truth. We
conjure you to continue to act and speak as yon have
hitherto done. Be certain that we will be on your side.
We believe that we have the same mind as our Fathers,
according to which we speak. And the word of God is
stm free." *
On the retum of the envoys, the king convoked a Parlia
ment in London on St. Michael's day, 1 1 02, and again
summoned Anselm either to obey him or leave the kingdom.
The archbishop referred to the letter just received from Rome.
" Let him show his, if he likes," said the king, " but, this
time, I wUl not make mine public : however, there is no
question just now of correspondence ; it is only necessary for
the primate to say whether he wiU obey me — yes or no." ^
^ 'William ob Malmbsbuey, loc. dt, and Eadmbr, 61.
2 " Decreta, dicens indiguando, et institutiones sanctorum patrum minis
actus unius hominis dissiparem ! " — Badm.
' See his letter to the king, ap. Badm., 61.
1 " Deo autem gratias quia in te semper episcopalis auctoritas perseverat.
Eumdem enim cum patribus nostris spiritum habentes credimus,
propter quod et loquimur. Et verbum quidem Dei non est alUgatum."—
Ans„ Bp. iii. 44, of 15th April 1102.
5 " Si vult suae videantur ; mese hac rice non videbuntur," &c.

200 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Anselm hastened to communicate to the Parliament the
letters written to him by the pope ; ^ but, to destroy their
effect, the king's three ambassadors declared on their word
as bishops that the holy Father had charged them, with his
own lips and in private, to tell the king that as long as he
lived well he need not trouble himself about investitures ;
and that, if this concession was not made in writing, it was
only lest other princes should be tempted to usurp the same
privilege.^ Anselm's messenger, Baldwin the monk, always
zealous and bold,* formally denied that the pope could have
said one thing and written another. The barons were much
perplexed : some said they ought to believe the letters
sealed with the papal seal, and agreeing with the report of
the monks ; others maintained, on the contrary, that they
ought to give credence to the testimony of the three bishops,
rather than to parchment stained with ink and sealed with
lead — and they added, that in worldly affairs the affirmation
of shavelings (monachellorum) who lived apart from the
world ought to count for nothing.* " But," cried Baldwin,
" this has nothing to do with worldly affairs." " No doubt,"
he was answered, " you are a learned and honest man, but
it is much more fitting that we should beheve an archbishop
and two bishops than a mere monk such as you are ! "
Baldwin insisted. " Do you pay no regard to the pope's
letters ? " he asked.
" What ! " replied the king's supporters ; " we refuse the
testimony of monks against the bishops, and we are to accept
that of these sheepskins ! "
^ Beside the letter from which we have quoted a passage, Anselm pro
duced another, of December 12, iioi, given exactly by Eadmbr, in which
Pascal reminds him of the condemnation of investitures at the CouncU of
Bari, where they were both present. — Fleury, b. Ixv. No. 21.
^ ' ' Contestati sunt in episoopaU veritate papam ipsum regi verbis puris
mandasse per se . se clam illis alia'egisse, palam alia. "
' " Spiritu fervens et boni amans."
^ "Trium potius episcoporum assertionibus quam vervecum peUibus
atrameuto denigratis, plumbisque massula oueratis fore credendum . .
objecto monachellorum testimonio."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 201
" Alas ! " returned the monks present, " is not the Gospel
also written on sheepskins ? " ^ Anselm, who dreaded scan
dal, would not openly contradict the assertions of the three
bishops. He contented himself with sending a third em
bassy to Rome, to clear up the difficulty, and he -wrote to
the sovereign pontiff a letter which contained the following

" I fear neither exile, poverty, torture, nor death : my
mind is prepared to endure all things, by God's help, rather
than disobey the Apostolic See, or sacrifice the freedom of
my mother the Chnrch of Christ. I desire only to do my
duty and to respect your authority. In the Council of Rome
I heard our Lord Urban, of venerable memory, excommuni
cate all kings and laymen, without exception, who should
give the investiture of churches, and all those who shonid
receive it from their hands. Will your Holiness deign
either to dispense England from the excommunication, so
that I may be able to remain here without danger to my
sonl, or else send me word that you intend to maintain it
whatever happens ? " ^
WhUe awaiting an answer to this letter, the primate, -with
the permission of the king and the assistance of the prelates
and barons, held at Westminster a national council, the first
since the death of Lanfranc. The chief barons were present
by Anselm's invitation. The councU deposed six abbots con
victed of simony, and published several decrees for securing
the celibacy of the clergy and repressing various disorders.
Selling men like cattle, which had hitherto been practised
in England, was forbidden;* and an anathema was pro-
' "Ast hoc negotium seculare nou est. . . Et quidem te virum pru-
dentem et streuuum scimus, sed ipse ordo expostulat. . . . Vse, vse, nonne
et Evangelia peUibus o-riuis inscribuntur ! "
2 "Non timeo exilium, non paupertatem . . certitudinem tantum
quaero. . . Audivi in Romano conciUo . . . excommunicari reges,
&o. . ."— Ep. ui. 73.
3 " Ne quis iUud nefarium negotium quo hactenus homines iu Anglia
solebant velut bruta animalia veuuudari, deinceps uUatenus facere prse-
sumat."

202 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
nounced against the infamous debauchees whose misdeeds
had rendered it necessary to forbid the wearing of hair below
the ears."^
The archbishop had promised that during the truce
rendered necessary by the new mission to Rome, he would
not excommunicate those whom the king should invest
with bishoprics ; but neither would he consecrate them.
Henry hastened to bestow a see upon his chancellor and
his larderer or storekeeper.^ On Anselm's refusal, Henry
decided to have them consecrated by the Archbishop of
York, together with William Giffard, who had been pre
viously nominated to Winchester, and accepted by the
metropolitan clergy. The ceremony was about to begin
when Giffard, horrified by such iniquity,* declared that he
would endure anything rather than take part in so great a
' Hume, that oracle of philosophical history in England, and other
writers of his class, have jested ou the importance attached by Anselm
throughout his life to prohibitions against the criniti, or young men with
long hair : they have affected to misunderstand the cause which then made
this kind of coiffure the sign of the most monstrous excesses. — Oedbr.
Vit. , vol. viii. p. 682. Those who have been in the East in our days know
what to think. Mauy other iUustrious bishops sprung from the Monastic
Orders made themselves remarkable, Uke Anselm, for their zeal against the
criniti. Godefroy, Bishop of Amiens, celebrating Christmas, and refusing
to accept the ofllerings of those who were intonsi, induced the Count of
Flanders and his knights to cut off their hair with their swords and poni
ards, for want of scissors. Serlon, first Abbot of St. Evroul, and afterwards
Bishop of Sdez, preaching on Easter Day at Careutan, where King Henry I.
"satis humUiter inter dstas rusticorum in imo loco sedebat," all at once pro
duced a pair of scissors from his robe, and cut the hair of the king aud his
knights. His sermon on this subject is quoted by Order. Vital., b. xi.
p. 816. He objected yet more to the beard thau to the hair. " In harha
prolixa," he said to the fine gentlemen of his time, "hirds assimUantur.
. . . In nutrimento autem comarwm mulierum sequaces cestimamtur. Barbas
suas radere dcvitant, ne pUi suas in osculis arnicas prcecisi pungant."
^ Larderarium. This larderer, like the chanceUor, was caUed Roger.
The former, nominated to Hereford, died immediately after his elevation,
and wais replaced by Reinelm, chancellor to the queen, who, seeing that
Anselm would not consecrate him, sent his crosier back to the king, whp
punished him for his noble conduct by exiling him from the Court.
^ "Amore compunctus justitiae mox iuhorruit."

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 203
profanation. The crowd which filled the church shouted
that William Giffard was right, and that the other candi
dates would not be bishops, bnt shameless iU-doers.^
The bishops, terrified and confused, went to the king
to complain of the brave priest.^ William was obliged to
appear before the prince. Standing alone among courtiers,
whose threats and insults could be heard on all sides, he
remained immovable. Stripped of all that he possessed, he
was driven from the kingdom.* Anselm interceded, bnt
vainly, for the condemned, whose fate he was soon to share.
But the primate uttered no complaint. Writing to an
abbess of the same diocese as the exile, he said, "It is a
greater glory for him, in the sight of God and good men,
to be thus despoUed and proscribed for the sake of right,
than to be endowed by wicked hands with all the riches of
the world. Let his friends rejoice and exult that he has
remained unchangeably faithful to the truth." *
When he thus spoke, the venerable prelate was but
making beforehand his own panegyric, for the time was
approaching when he also was to be attacked.
At Mid-Lent, 1103, the pope's answer to the assertions
of the bishops having arrived, the king, according to his
custom, refused to take any notice of it. " What have I
to do with the pope," he said, " in my own affairs ? " ^
1 "Totius multitudinis . . . clamor iusonuit, una voce Wilhelmum
recti amatorem, et episcopos non episcopos, sed justitiae prsecipitatores
esse increpautes."
2 "At iUi mentis suse rancorem ex vultus immutatione pandeutes.''
3 " IUe stat, neo avelli potest a recto, et ideo suis omnibus expoliatus," &c.
* " Gaudeaut igitur et exulteut amici ejus," &c. — Ep. iii. 70. See also
Ep. iii. 105, to 'WUliam, to exhort him to continue in the right way : "Vos
scitis quia Dominus reprobat cousiUa principum ; consiUum autem Domini
manet in aetemum. "
^ "Quid mihi de meis cum Papa? Hsec si quis mihi auf erre voluerit,
quod inimicus meus sit, omnis qui me dUigit certissime uoverit." Anselm
repUed: "Nihil eorum quae ipsius esse seio ipsi toUo aut toUere volo.
Verumtamen uoverit quod nee pro redemptione capitis mei conseutiam
ei de iis quse prsesens audivi in Romano conciUo prohiberi, nisi ab eadem
sede," &c.— Badm., 65.

204 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Anselm on his side refused to open the letters from
Rome without the king's consent, lest he should be accused
of having altered them. Both, however, knew the contents
beforehand. The difficulty, therefore, seemed insoluble.
The discussions recommenced with more vehemence than
ever : the great barons of the kingdom, the king's chief
councUlors, wept at the thought of the evils reserved for
England in the future; pious men offered up the most
ardent prayers. Suddenly the king proposed to Anselm
that he himself should be sent to Rome to end the dispute.
Parliament eagerly approved the idea. But the archbishop
at once understood that this was a trick to make him quit
the country.^ Nevertheless he consented, in spite of his
weakness and his great age — for he was then seventy —
and said to his friends, " You may be assured that if I can
reach the pope, I will advise nothing that is contrary to my
honour or the freedom of the Churches." ^
On AprU 27, 1 103, Anselm embarked. Having landed,
he hurried to his dear Abbey of Bee, where he opened the
pope's letters. There, as he expected, he found the wither
ing disavowal of the bishops' falsehood, and also the sentence
of excommunication issued by the pope against them for
perjury.* The heat of summer past, the primate travelled towards
Rome, where he was lodged by Pascal as he had been by
his predecessor, in the Lateran. There, as in the time of
^ The Anglican writer in The British Critic thinks, with what appears
good reason, that Henry feared the increasing iufluence of Anselm over
the rest of the episcopate, and that this fear was justified by the noble
conduct of the two bishops Eeinelm aud -William, who had resigned their
dignity. The king therefore wished that the archbishop should leave
England, but not that he should arrive at Eome. — Cf. Ep. iU. 86.
2 "Noveritis quod ipse nihil quod vel Ecclesiarum libertati, vel mese
possit obviare honestati, meo faciet . . . consilio."
2 " Episcopos qui veritatem in meudacio invocarunt, ipsa veritate quse
Deus est in medium introducta, a B. Petri gratia et a nostra societate
excludimus, doneo Romanse Ecclesise satisfaciaut, et reatus sui pondus
agnoscant."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 205
Urban IL, he met Wilham Warelwast,^ who had been the
agent of William Rufus, and who now, appointed Bishop of
Exeter by Henry I., came to plead the cause of the latter.
This Warelwast understood the art of mingling threats with
arguments ; ^ and thus, as formerly, he succeeded in gain
ing the suffrages of many personages of the Roman Court,
who declared loudly, after hearing the Englishman's skilful
pleading, "that it was advisable to yield to the wishes of
so powerful a sovereign as the King of England."
Neither Anselm nor the pope said a word. Encouraged
by their sUence, WUliam ended his speech thus : " What
ever any one may say, let aU here present know that my
lord the King of England will never consent to renounce
the right of investitures, even if it should cost him his
crown ! "
" And for my part," instantly replied the sovereign pon
tiff, "I declare before God that Pope Pascal will never
allow your king to possess the right of investiture, even if
his refusal should cost him his head ! " *
The Romans applauded this speech. As for the pope,
whUe remaining steady in his refusal, he thought fit to
address a concUiatory letter to the king, in which he said
that he exempted him from the personal excommunication,
but that he strictly adhered to the sentence against all
bishops who should receive investiture from him.*
1 " Notus jam Roms." — -Will. Malmbs.
^ He was also intrusted with a threatening letter from Henry, iu which
the king said that whUe he lived the dignity of the EngUsh crown should
never be lowered ; that, even if he himself would submit, the barons and
people would not ; and that he ought not to be forced against his wUl
iuto disobedience to the pope.— Brompton ap. Twysdbn, Hist anglie.
script, i. p. 999.
3 "Erupit etait . . . uec pro amissione regni sui passurum se perdere
investituras Ecclesiarum. ... Si ... rex tuus . . . scias, ecce coram
Deo dico, quia nee pro redemptione sui capitis eas ilU aliquando Paschalis
papa impune permittet habere."
* Ap. Badmer, 67. He said to hun, among other arguments : " Dices
itaque : Mei hoc juris est. Nou utique, nou est imperatorium, non est
regium, sed divinum. Solius IUius est qui dicit : Ego sum ostium. Unde

2o6 THE PRj!ijji!;(jESBOKS OF CALIXTUS II.
Anselm then quitted Italy, furnished with pontifical
letters which confirmed him in all the rights of his primacy.
The great Countess Matilda, who had several times warmly
recommended the prelate to the holy Father, escorted him
across the Apennines.^ When he arrived at Lyons, to
wards Christmas, Warelwast, who had rejoined him on the
road, communicated to him the message which the king
had directed to be given to him in case the pope wonld
yield nothing. " The king," said Warelwast, " will welcome
your retum to England if you will live with him as your
predecessors did with his."
" Is that all ? " asked the primate.
" I speak to a man of understanding," replied William.
" Say no more ; I understand," said Anselm,^ and from
that moment firmly resolved to remain at Lyons, where
his old friend Archbishop Hugh again offered him a most
honourable resting-place.*
Here the primate spent sixteen months.* The king did
not fail to seize for his own use all the revenues of the see
of Canterbury, and he sent to Anselm a written order not
to retum to his diocese until he should have promised to
obey the ancient customs. This new exile of the archbishop
was the signal for a dreadful outbreak of evil in England ;
rapine, sacrilege, the oppression of the poor by the nobles,
violation of sanctuary, abduction of virgins, incestuous
marriages, and especially the marriage of priests — all these
pro ipso rogo te, cujus hoc munus est, ut ipsi hoc reddas. Ipsi dimittas
cujus amori etiam quae tua sunt debes. Nos autem cur tuae obniteremur
voluntati, cur obsisteremus gratiae, nisi Dei in hujus negotii consensu
sciremus voluntati obviare, gratiam amittere. . . . Revoca pastorem
tuum, revoca patrem tuum," &c.
' "Nos, duotu gloriosse comitissae per Alpes euntes." — Eadm., 67 ; Ans.,
Ep. iv. 442. See Ep. iv. 37, where he thanks her for this service, and
sends her his Meditations.
2 " Ne amplius dices : prudenti loquor. . . . Seio quid dicas et
inteUigo." •^ " Ibi ut Pater et Dominus looi ab omnibus habitus."
* December 1 103 to April 1 105.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 20;
disorders took free course, and desolated the land.i Good
Catholics blamed Anselm, reproaching him with having
abandoned his flock, and fled before a word spoken by " a
certain William,"^ while his sheep were at the mercy of
wolves. They threatened him with the last judgment;
they reminded him bitterly of the example of Ambrose
resisting Theodosius to his face ; * they declared that he
was responsible for the ruin and the shame of the Chnrch
of England, which he was sacrificing to trifles.*
The monks of Canterbury were not the least bitter in
their complaints. No trial was spared to the great arch
bishop, and perhaps none was more cruel than this injustice
of good men. It was easy for him to justify himself, and
he did it strongly and with a good conscience.^ " There
are people," he wrote to one of his monks, " who say that
it is I who forbid investiture to the king, I who, unresist
ing, leave the Churches a prey to perverted clergy. Tell
these people that they lie.* It was certainly not I who
invented the prohibition relative to investiture ; but I heard
the pope in full council excommunicate those who should
give or receive this investiture : now I will not, by com
municating with these excommunicated persons, become
excommunicated myself As to resisting corrupted priests,
I have done it so often, that it is for that very cause that I
am exUed, robbed of all things, and ruined."
1 " Damna Ecclesiarum ita ut locus corporis et sanguinis Domini Uber
tatem amittat . . et quodque omnium primum malum est, ad dedecus
honestatis nostrse, sacerdotis uxores ducere." — Eadmer, Hist, 'nov., b. iv.
p. 69.
2 "Pro uno verbo cujusdam 'WUhelmi."
' "Tunc fortassis fugisse pudebit cum videris ante tribunal Christi
ducentos chores animarum illos f ortissimos gregis divini arietes, quibus
neo lupus nocuit, nee alicujus terror in fugam vertit. Quam beata erit
tunc memoria. . . . Ambrosii," &c.
' "Totius Anglorum Ecclesise ac legis christianse quotidiana dimi-
nutio et summa destructio. . . . Quando vos qui talibus obviare constituti
estis, pro nihilo . . . abestis."
^ Bp. iii. 89, 90, 91, 100, IOI.
5 " Die eis quia mentiuntur." — Ep. iii. 100.

208 THE PRiiDEUEBSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
In the midst of his exile the primate watched with tender
and active care over the interests of his diocese and his
monks, over the education of the pupils of the monasteries,
and the poor whom he was accustomed to aid.^ He chiefly
depended in these matters upon Gondulphus of Rochester,
whose see was nearest to Canterbury, and who had never
betrayed the old friendship formed at Bee. To this faith
ful friend, the only English bishop who had not deserted
him, Anselm pointed out, as follows, the conduct in which he
must remain steadfast : —
" Let no threat, no promise, no artifice, entrap you into
any homage or oath whatever. If they try to force you,
answer, ' / am a Christian, I am a monk, I am a hishop,
and therefore I am determined to remain faithful to my
obligations to all without neglecting my duty to any.' Say
neither more nor less than this." ^ And as to what con
cemed himself, he added : ' ' Know that I hope, and am
resolved, to do nothing contrary to my honour as a bishop
in order to return to England; I would rather be at enmity
with men than be reconciled to them by being at enmity
with God." *
Meantime Henry was strongly urged to change his mind,
and restore order by recalling Anselm. Queen Matilda, a
pious and enlightened princess,* to whom her people had
given the name of The Good,^ showed herself anxious to
1 " De pauperibus quod apud Cantuariam pascere debeo, rogo multum
ne ullam patiantur inopiam." — Ep. iv. 33. See his active correspondence
on these affairs with Prior Ernulf of Canterbury, and with Gondulphus,
b. Ui. and iv. passim.
'' "Hsec sit vestra responsio: Christianus sum, monachus sum, episco
pus sum : et ideo omnibus volo fidem servare secundum quod unicuique
debeo ... his verbis neo addatis quicquam, neo minuatis." — Ep. iU. 92.
^ ' ' Hoc autem scitote . contra episcopalem honestatem. . . . Malo
hominibus uon concordare, quam iUis coucordando, a Deo discordare."
* Guill. Jbmmetic, viu. 10; Guill. Malmbsb., De gest. reg., b. 1;
Selden., Not. in Ans., 576.
5 Mold the god queen. — Rob. op Glocester ; Rob. of Brunne, ap.
Thierry.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 209
bring about an agreement. She was tenderly attached to
Anselm, who had married and crowned her ; she admired
the great athlete of God, the vanquisher of nature ; ^ she
had formerly trembled for his life when she saw him
exhausted by daily fasts.^ " You must eat and drink," she
wrote to him, "for you have still a great journey before
you, a great harvest to gather into the barns of the Lord,
and few labourers to help you. Remember that you fill
the place of John, the beloved apostle, who survived his
Master that he might take care of the Virgin-Mother.
You have to take care of our mother the Church, where,
every day, destruction threatens the brethren and sisters of
Christ, whom He has bought with His blood, and intrusted
to you." *
It was not by senile indulgence that Anselm had gained
Matilda's heart ; he, indeed, answered her caressing letters
by exhortations which set forth strongly the duties of
royalty : " You are queen, not by me, but by Christ. Would
you thank Him worthily for this gift ? Consider then who
is the queen whom He has chosen in this world for His
bride, and whom He has so loved as to give His life for her.
See her exiled, wandering, almost widowed ; see how she
sighs, with her children, for the retum of that Bridegroom
who will one day come back from His distant kingdom,
and render to every one the good or the evil they have
done to His beloved. Whosoever has honoured her, shall
be honoured with her; whoever has trampled her under
foot, shaU be trampled under foot far from her ; whoever
has exalted her, shall be exalted with the angels, and
1 " Tanto patri cujus sum beneficiis obligata : tam forti Dei athlete et
humane nature victori." — Ep. iii. 55.
2 She was grieved to perceive that his voice was faUing : " Vox spiritu-
alium aidificatrix vanescat, et quce canorum et dulce Dei verbum," &c. He
could uo longer be heard from a distance when he preached.
3 "Comedendum est vobis et bibendum quoniam . . . grandis messis
seminanda, sarculanda ac metenda, iu horreo . . . atque quotidie peri-
clitabtmtur fratres et sorores Chniti." —Ibid.
VOL. VI. 0

2IO THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL
whoever has humbled her, shall be humbled among the
devUs." '
Possessed by this teaching, Matilda could not console
herself for Anselm's banishment ; she wrote to the pope
to implore him to send back to England her father and
comforter ; ^ above all, she wrote to Anselm with the frank
ness and simplicity of a loving daughter : " My good lord,
my revered father, be persuaded ; let that heart, which I
dare to call a heart of iron, be softened. Come and visit
your people, and your handmaid who sighs for you. I have
found a means by which neither your pastoral rights nor
those of the royal majesty need be sacrificed, even if they
cannot harmonise. Let the father return to his daughter,
the master to his servant, and teach her what she ought to
do. Come before I die, for even though I speak amiss, I
will say that I fear lest if I die without seeing you I should
be without joy in heaven itself. You are my joy, my hope,
and my refuge. Without you my soul is a land 'without
water ; therefore I hold out my hands to you in supplica
tion that you would refresh it by the sweet dew of your
affection." *
Anselm's answer, though negative,* gave the queen the
liveliest pleasure. " Your words," she wrote to him, " have
dispersed the cloud of sadness which surrounded me, as the
rays of morning disperse the shades of night. I kiss this
letter from my father ; I press it closely to my heart ; I
continually read and meditate that dear writing which
speaks to me in secret, and which promises the return
1 " Qui hanc honorant, cum ilia honorabuntur ; qui hano concnloant
. . . qui hanc deprimunt, cum daemonibus deprimentur." — Bp. iU. 57.
2 Bp. ui. 99.
3 "Veni, Domine, et -visita servam tuam; veni . . . lacrymas ab
sterge. . Fleete, bone Domine, pie Pater . . . et ferreum pace tua
dixerim pectus amoUi. . . Inveni viam qua uec tu pastor . . . nee
regi^ majestatis jura solvautur. . . . Veuiat ad filiauu pater, ad ancil-
1am dominus. . . Improbe loquar : timeo ne mihi etiam in iUa terra
viventium et laetantium omnis exultandi prsecidatnr occasio. " — Bp. iii. 93.
* I suppose this answer to be Bp. 107 of book iil.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 211
of the father to his daughter, the lord to his servant, the
shepherd to his sheep." ^
The aged pontiff received also letters from the king, but
of a less tender character, and to which he sent the follow
ing reply : " Your letter expresses your friendship for me,
and tells me that if I would live with you as Lanfranc did
with yonr father, you would willingly love me better than
any one else in your kingdom. For your friendship I thank
yon ; but I answer that neither at my baptism nor at any
of my ordinations have I promised to obey the laws or cus
toms of your father or of Lanfranc ; it is to the law of God
that I owe submission. I would indeed rather serve you
than any other mortal prince. But I will not at any price
deny the law of God. And, moreover, I neither can nor
ought to conceal from you that God will demand from you
an account, not only of the royalty, but also of the primacy
of England. This double load will crush you. There is
no man to whom it is more needful than to a king that he
should obey God's laws, or who incurs more danger in
breaking them. It is not I but Holy Scripture which says,
'Potentes potenter tormenta patientur, ei fortioribus fortior
instat cntciatus.' I see in your letter only a temporising
which is not good either for your soul or the Church of
God. If you still hesitate, I, who am not defending my
o-wn cause, but that which God has intrusted to me, I dare
not delay to appeal to the Lord. Do not then force me to
say against my will, ' Arise, O Lord, and judge Thine own
cause.' " ^
'¦ " Tristitiae nebuUs expulsis . . . tanquam novse lucis radius. Char-
tulam . . . loco patris amplector, sinu foveo, cordi quoad possum pro-
plus admoveo. . . . Ea namque frequenter secretoque consulens spondet
filiae reditum patris, anciUae domini, ovi pastoris." — Bp. iii. 96. She adds
that her husband is less angry than he is reported to be, and that she will
do her best to soften him. Anselm answers that God does not make the
wife responsible for the sins of her husband. — Bp. Ui. 97. See other equaUy
tender letters from the queeu, Bp. iii. 119 ; iv. 74, 76.
2 " De amicitia et de bona voluntate gratias ago. . . . Respondeo quod
neque in baptismo, neque in adiqua ordinatione mea promisi me servaturum

212 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL
It was the first time the mild Anselm had thus spoken.
This was in April 1 105. The pope had hitherto contented
himself with excommunicating the Count de Meulan, the
king's chief minister.^ Anselm saw plainly that he must
not hope for more decisive measures in this quarter.^ The
kings of Prance, Philip and his son Louis, who had been
associated in the kingdom since 1099, ^^^ Manasses, the
Archbishop of Rheims, invited him in the most affectionate
terms to come to Prance.* He left Lyons therefore to go
to Rheims. Having arrived at Charit(5-sur-Loire, he heard
of the serious illness of Adela, Countess of Blois,* sister
of King Henry, who had always assisted him during his
exile, and he did not hesitate to turn out of his way to go
and console her. But, on his arrival, hoj found her almost
recovered, and did not conceal from her that it was his
intention to excommunicate her brother. The report of
this project soon spread, and gave great delight to Henry's
numerous enemies,'' for he was at this moment in arms to
rob his brother Robert of Normandy. As the kings of
France would certainly not fail to seize such an opportunity
legem vel consuetudinem patris vestri vel Lanfranci, sed legem Dei et om
nium ordinum quos suscepi. . . . Nulli homini magis expedit quam regi
se subdere legi Dei, et nullus periculosius se subtrahit a lege ejus. . . .
Bxurge, Deus, judica causam tuam." — Ep. iii. 95. 2'he laws of Lanfranc!
Just as writers in our own days have said, the doctrines of Bossuet. As we
may see, the enemies of the Church do not change their tactics ; the Nor
man conquerors, like the Gallican legists, sought to arm themselves with
the individual and always ill-interpreted authority of one doctor against
the general and perpetual authority of the head of the Church. Anselm
was not to be so misled.
1 At the Lateran Council. See his letter of March 26th to Anselm
2 Eadmer, 70. " Ibid., Ep. iv. 50, 51.
* This pious princess, daughter of the Conqueror, and ancestress of the
famous race of the Counts of Champagne, afterwards became a nun at
Marcigny, which St. Hugh of Cluny had founded to receive ladies of the
highest rank. See b. i.
^ "Jam enim iu multis locis per AngUam, Pranciam et Normanniam
fama vulgaverat regem proxime excommunicandum, et idcirco ei utpote
potestati non adeo amatae multa male struebantur, quse UU a tanto viro
excommunicato facilius iuferenda putabantur." — Badm., 71.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 213
of weakening their redoubtable neighbour, Henry became
uneasy, and begged his sister to act as mediatrix. And
finally, an interview took place, July 22, 1105, at Laigle,
where the king showed great consideration and humility
towards Anselm,^ and promised to restore to the archbishop
not only his own favour, but also the revenues of the see of
Canterbury. In spite of this apparent reconciUation, Anselm
would not return to England until another embassy sent to
Rome should have definitely arranged, on both sides, the
various points in dispute between the king and the primate.
But, with his usual bad faith, Henry, no longer in fear of
excommunication, delayed this embassy by all sorts of de
vices, hoping to entrap the archbishop into communicating
with the bishops who had received investiture from the
royal hand.^ Moreover, as he needed money to continue
the war in Normandy, the king, after having recourse to
the shameful extortions habitual with his family, bethought
himself of transforming into a source of revenue the canon
promulgated by Anselm and the last council of London to
enforce the celibacy of priests. He did not even stop
there ; taking in hand the defence of ecclesiastical mora
Uty, he levied heavy fines upon all priests who had married
during the archbishop's absence. At first the guilty were
made to pay. But to procure the ¦ sums required, the
innocent were soon confounded with the guilty, blameless
priests with those who had broken the law. Finally, the
parish priests were all taxed, and those who could not or
would not pay were imprisoned. The state of things was
most wretched.* Two hundred priests, in alb and stole,
went one day barefoot to beg the king's mercy; but he
ordered them to be driven from his presence. The mischief
reached such a height that even the bishops who had given
^ "Quoties erat aUquid inter Ulos agendum sempe ripsum ire ad An
selmum." ^ Eadmbr, p. 72, gives the letter in which Henry tries to excuse his
delay, and the energetic complaints of Anselm both regarding the king
and the Count de Meulan. ^ " Brat ergo miseriam videre."

214 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
up the Church's liberty to the king, were driven to claim
Anselm's support.^ After enduring all sorts of trials, the
brave pontiff was to experience all sorts of reparation ; six
bishops, among whom were the three prevaricators already
spoken of, who had falsified the account of the decision
made at Rome, wrote to the eloquent champion of the
Church to implore his assistance. " There is no peace for
us," they said ; " arise, therefore, as Matathias did of old.
. . . Your children will fight with you ; we are ready not
only to follow you but even to go before if you command.
. . . For we will seek in this affair not our own interests,
but those of God." ^ Anselm answered : " I am sorry for
your sufferings, but I congratulate you on that episcopal
constancy which you promise to display. You see at last
to what your patience, if I may call it so, has led.* But I
will not answer you more precisely untU the retum of our
envoys from Rome, for the king will not support me in
England unless I consent to violate the apostolical decrees."
Nevertheless, he wrote to Henry to represent to him that
it was unheard of for a king to usurp the rights of bishops
by inflicting temporal punishment for crimes committed
against the laws of the Church. The primate added that
the cognisance and punishment of such crimes belonged to
his jurisdiction, and that it would not be enough to restore
to him his territorial possessions and his revenues without
the restitution also of his spiritual authority.* Henry
promised him satisfaction, and pretended that he had acted
only in the archbishop's interest.
' "Ipsi episcopi qui semper libertatem Ecclesise et Anselmum .
cum principe deprimere nisi sunt. . . ." — Eadm., 73.
" "Sustiuuimus pacem et ipsa longe recessit. . . . Exsurge ut oUm
senex ille Mathathias. . . . Nos enim jam in hac causa non quae nostra,
sed quse Dei sunt quserimus." — Ep. iu. 121.
' "Bonum est et gratum mihi quia tandem coguosoitis ad quid vos
perduxit, ut mitius dicam, vestra patientia."— Ep. iii. 122.
^ " Quod hactenus inauditum et inusitatum est in Ecclesia Dei de uUo
rege et de aliquo principe. . . . Plus sum episcopus spiritali cura quam
terrena possessione." — Ep. iii. log.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 21$
At last, in the spring of i io6, the envoys retumed from
Eome. It was WUUam Warelwast on the king's part, and
on Anselm's, Baldwin the monk, who had been charged to
fight out this long battle between the despotic royalty of
England and the ancient liberties of the Church.^ They
were commissioned to give to Anselm the sentence of the
pope, who, without yielding in essentials, was wiUing to
respond to the king's submission by some concessions.
" He who gives his hand to a man lying down can only
do so by bending ; but however low he may bend, he does
not lose his natural height." ^ The holy Father maintained
the prohibition against investiture, but he authorised Anselm
to absolve and ordain those who should have done homage
to the king, until, by the help of God's grace, the archbishop
should succeed in persuading the prince to abandon so un
reasonable a pretension.*
Anselm, whose only desire was to obey the law, did not
oppose this provisional concession, nor insist upon the
question of homage, although that had been forbidden by
Urban II. at the councils of Claremont and Rome, together
-with investiture.* The king went to visit the prelate at
Bee ; they kept the feast of the Assumption together, and
so sealed their reconciliation. The king renounced his
arbitrary exactions from the parish priests, as well as the
revenues of vacant churches, and the tax which William
Rufus had levied on all in common. Anselm then returned
to England, after a second exile of more than three years :
he was received with transports of joy ; and Queen Matilda,
who at last saw her prayers granted, hurried to meet the
' "Pro causa quse inter regem Anglorum et me, imo inter ilium et
libertatem Ecclesise pro qua sum exul . . . et spoliatus." — Ep. iv. 48.
^ "Qui enim stans jacenti ad sublevandmn manum porrigit nunquam
jaceutem eriget nisi et ipse curvetur. . Statum tandem rectitudinis
non amittit."
s " Donee per omuipotentis gratiam ad hoc omittendum cor regium tme
prsedicationis imbribus moUiatur." This letter is of March 23, 1106.
* The king set a special value ou the homage. See the letter of Anselm
to Hugh of Lyons ou this subject, Bp. iii. 123, and Hugh's reply. .

2l6 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
primate, whose lodging she had herself ordered to be pre
pared. The collectors of the revenue then disappeared from
the churches and monasteries.
Henry had remained in Normandy, where shortly after
wards he gained the brilliant victory of Tenchbrai, which
made him master both of the dukedom and of his brother's
person. Public opinion attributed the victory to the king's
reconciliation with the primate.^ At the council of London
(August I, 1 107) the clauses of the treaty were solemnly
discussed between Henry, the bishops, the abbots, and the
barons. More than one was found, both among the courtiers
and the iU-reputed clergy, ready to urge the king to claim
as a right, after the example of his father and brother, the
privilege of granting investiture by the crosier; but the
minds of the prince's chief advisers had undergone a happy
change. Warelwast himself had returned from his last
journey to Rome entirely devoted to the freedom of the
Church.^ The Count of Meulan, who had been first ex
communicated, and then, whUe still under the weight of
this sentence, converted by the energetic remonstrances of
Yves of Chartres,* had applied to the pope and Anselm,
and obtained leave to return to the communion of the
faithful on condition that he should urge the king to
submit to the decision of the holy Father.* The minister
kept his word, and became from that time the ardent
defender of ecclesiastical liberties in the royal councils.^
By his advice and that of Ralph de Rivers,^ the king
^ "Igitur ob pacem quam rex fecerat cum Anselmo hac victoria eum
potitum multi testati sunt." — Eadm., 76. Robert was not much better
thau Henry -with regard to the rights of the Church, according to the
complaints made of him by Yves of Chartres.
^ "Brat euim tunc jam ad Ubertatem Ecclesise Dei cor habens." —
Badm., 75.
^ Yvon. Ep. 154, ed. Juret. * Ep. iii. no, iv. 73.
5 Eadm., 78. Towards this time he introduced monks of Bee at Meulan
— Mabill., Ann., b. Ixx. c. 9.
* De Red/ueris ? Anselm, iu his letter to Pascal, bears the same testimony
to both.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 217
declared, in presence of Anselm and of a multitude
transported with joy,^ that from henceforth no one should
receive from the hand of the sovereign, or any other lay
man, the investiture of bishopric or abbey by crosier and
ring ; ^ and Anselm declared on his side that he would no
longer refuse consecration to any prelate who had done
homage to the king,* as he had thought right to refuse it
in the reign of WUliam.
The king, then, according to these stipulations, and by
the advice of Anselm and the barons, provided priests for
those English churches which were vacant, and for several
of the Norman ones which were in the same condition. On
one day Anselm consecrated five bishops, among whom were
WiUiam of Winchester and Reinelm of Hereford, who, like
him, and through him, had endured disgrace and exile for
having opposed the king's will.
Thus, then, the old monk was victorious. The weak old
sheep, as he had called himself, had ended by prevailing
over the ungovernable buUs yoked with him to the plough
of the Enghsh Church. Rufus and Beauclerc had vainly
turned upon the primate all the batteries of force and of
policy. The venerable churchman, without yielding a step,
had survived the one, and brought the other to terms.
Warlike barons, politic clerks, indefatigable advocates,
servile and disingenuous bishops had all failed, together
with the kings whose docile instruments they were. It had
come to be necessary to lay down the arms of William the
Conqueror at the feet of this foreign monk, who, while still
yonng, had been able by his mere presence to restrain the
Norman prince. Fourteen years of struggle, persecution,
1 "Astante multitudine."— Eadm., 76; Petb. Bles., ire contin. Ingul-
PHi, p. 126.
^ " Ut ab eo tempore in reUquum nunquam per dationem baculi pastor
alis vel annuU quisquam episcopatu vel abbatia per regem vel quamlibet
laicam manum investiretur in AngUa." — Badm., 76.
3 We may see by various instances that the new bishops did homage to
the primate as well as to the king.— Eadm., 79.

2l8 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
exile, spoliation, intrigue, falsehood, meanness, and cruelty
had not exhausted the brave old man ; feebly supported by
the papal councillors, betrayed by his episcopal colleagues,
he had endured all things, and not a single sword had been
drawn in his defence. It must be acknowledged, however,
that the question thus litigated was, though serious, so
obscure that modern wisdom has ventured to pronounce
it equally puerUe and unintelligible.
At the end of the battle, as at its commencement, Anselm
still said : " I would rather die, or wear out my life in exUe
and in misery, than see the honour of the Church of God
wounded on my account or by my example." ^ The -victory
which justly remained with the Archbishop of Canterbury
was, if not complete, at least striking, important, and popular.^
The mere fact of such a contest and its long duration
had been a true triumph for the Church ; the glory she thus
won was due to her, not only because the treaty of London
was the first instance since the commencement of the
struggle by Gregory VII. of a concession made by a van
quished opponent ; not only because the most powerful of
European kings renounced the symbols which the Emperor
' "Malo mori et quandiu vivam omni penuria in exUio gra vari quam ut
videam honestatem Ecclesiae Dei, causa mei aut meo exemplo, ullo modo
violari." Eecommendation sent to his agent at Eome in 1106. — Ep. iv. 48.
" Such, at least, was the opinion of Eadmer, who was little disposed to
concession (Victoriam de libertate Ecdesice pro qua diu laboraverat, Anselmus
adeptus est, p. 25), and of Cardinal Hugh of Lyons, the most zealous cham
pion of the Church and most devoted instrument of Gregory VII. : " Com-
perio quod Ulud propter quod assequendum tantopere hactenus laborastis
. . . per Dei gratiam jam tandem ex magna parte assecuti estis." — Ad
Ans., Ep. iii. 124. He begs him to yield on the question of homage. The
GaUicau historian, St. Marc, says : " Pascal, in his letter, did not grant
the king the right to oblige bishops and abbots to do him homage for
their fiefs ; he ouly advised the archbishop not to consecrate those
who should be found to have done this homage, and charges him to
persuade the king uot to exact it again. By this means the decree of
Urban II. remained unbroken. . . . Thus, in this accommodation, Eome
appeared to yield something, whUe in reality she yielded nothing." — Hist.
d'ltalie, vol. iv. p. 969.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 219
of Germany refused to give up ; not only because the un
faithful bishops were obliged to implore absolution, and
the faithful permitted to receive consecration at the hands
of the most devoted champion of the Holy See ; but she
triumphed, above all, in the lesson given to the contemporary
world and to Catholic posterity by the heroic patience, the
in-vincible gentleness, the unfailing energy of a poor Italian
monk, who, first as a Norman abbot and afterwards as the
EngUsh primate, had filled all the West with the brilliance
of his glory and the fame of his courage. Doubtless, even
after investiture was abandoned, the royal influence over
elections remained preponderant; but it was impossible for
this abandonment not to reawaken at once, in chapters
and monasteries, the sense of their rights, and in kings the
consciousness of the terrible responsibility which weighed
upon them.'
Anselm survived the council of London but a short time.
He devoted the remnant of his life to healing the wounds
suffered by the country during the contest between the
Church and the Crown. He took part in the measures
devised by the king for the suppression of coining, and
also of the odious oppressions with which the royal agents
loaded the people. The king supported him strongly in
his resolution to reform discipline, enforce celibacy, and
maintain the rights of the primacy of Canterbury, disre
garded by the Metropolitan of York.^ Henry, during his
absence from England, intrusted to Anselm the govemment
1 " In personis eligeudis nuUateuus propria utitur volontate, sed reUgio-
sorum se penitus committit consilio," wrote Anselm to the pope in 1 108. —
Ep. iii. 181. " Rex antecessorum suorum usu relicto, uec personas quse in
regimen Ecclesiarum sumebantur per se elegit, neo," &c. — Eadm., Vit
Anselm., 25. " Electiones praelatorum omnibus collegiis libere concessit."
— Pbtr. Blesens., in contin. Ingulph., p. 126. Herr Frauck and even
Dr. Lingard think there was no essential change. The British Critic has
successfully refuted this assertion, vol. xxxii. pp. 122-126. We ref er for
the laist time to this work as the best account we know of the results of
this contest.
2 Badm., 78-84.

2 20 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of his kingdom and family.' In one of his last letters, the
archbishop tells Pope Pascal that the King of England was
astonished that the head of the Church did not excom
municate the sovereign of Germany on account of his main
tenance of investitures in the empire. Anselm, on this point,
advised the pope not to destroy on one side what he had
built up on the other.^
The primate was preceded to the tomb by his faithful
friend Gondulphus of Rochester, whose funeral he cele
brated.* Himself for many years the victim of frequent
and most painful disease, the good old man persevered
none the less in habits of prayer and of monastic austeri
ties. Little by little he fell into a state of complete weak
ness, and at the beginning of Holy Week 1109, was in
extremity. Medieval sovereigns were accustomed to hold
courts at Easter, and to preside there, wearing their crowns.
On the morning of Palm Sunday, a monk said to the
primate, " Father, it seems to us that you are about to leave
the world to appear at the Easter court of your Lord." *
" I wish it," replied Anselm ; " and yet I should^thank Him
if He would leave me with you long enough to finish a
work which I have in my mind on the origin of the soul." °
When his last moment approached, they laid the dying man
on haircloth and ashes. There he breathed his last sigh,
surrounded by his monks, on the Wednesday of Holy Week,
1 Ep. iv. 93.
2 " Ideo minatur sine dubio se resumpturum suas investituras, quoniam
ille suas tenet in pace . . . Rex enim noster diligenter inquirit quod de
illo rege facitis." — Ep. iii. 182.
3 " Ut monachus, non ut episcopus mori cupiens, in domum infirmor
um se deferri jussit, ut inter mouachorum manus spiritum redderet." —
Mabill., b. Ixxi c. 69.
* " Domine Pater ... ad paschalem Domini tui curiam, reUcto sseculo,
vadis." — Eadm., 25.
* " Verum si mallet me adhuc inter vos saltem tamdiu manere, donee
qusestionem quam de animae origine meute revolve, alsolvere possem,
gratiosus aociperem, eo quod nescio utrum aliquis eam me defuncto sit
absoluturus."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 221
AprU 2 1, 1 109, at the age of 76. In what lively colours
does the prelate's last wish, his regret at being unable to
finish a philosophical work, paint for ns the active mind and
firm wUl of the immortal philosopher ! History offers no
other example of a man sharing in such violent and multi
phed contests, yet remaining throughout devoted to such
metaphysical speculations as seem to require an undis
turbed mind and a life of external calm.' Amidst so much
commotion and trouble, Anselm carried on side by side his
theological and philosophical researches, and a correspond
ence of immense extent. In such a man no doubt the
uprightness and simplicity of his soul doubled the powers
of his intellect. His range of thought was as wide as his
courage was invincible. Care for the good of individual
souls was as powerful with him as his ardent zeal for the
interests of the universal Church. Amidst the deepest
tribulations of all kinds, Anselm guided with most scrupu
lous attention the conduct of his sister, his brother-in-
law, and of his nephew whom he had the happiness of
drawing into the cloister.^ With that tenderness of heart
which was a secret of his time, he was neither limited to
the narrow sphere of family life nor the wider one of a
special church. He governed the consciences of a vast
number of pious women, monks, and foreigners.* Some
times he wrote to the Archbishop of Lund, in Denmark, to
instruct him in some point of discipline ; * sometimes to the
Bishop of St. Jago, in Galicia, to promise him his prayers
against the Saracens ; ^ sometimes to the Bishop of Naum-
bourg, in Germany, to reproach him for following, in
1 After his retum from exUe he wrote a treatise on the harmony be
tweeu free-wiU and grace, the divine presence and predestination.
2 See his touching letters to his family.— Ep. in. 63, 66, 67, &c.
3 See Ep., passim, especiaUy b. iii. 133, I37. 138. In tbe latter is this
fine thought : " Vita prKSens via est. Nam quamdiu homo vivit, nou
facit nisi ire ; semper enim aut asceudit, aut descendit. Aut ascendit in
coelum, aut descendit in infernum."
* Ep. iv. 90, and suppl. Ep. 10, ed. Gerberon. " Bp. iv. 19.

222 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
opposition to the Holy See, the party of the successor of
Nero and of Julian the Apostate.' He iaterceded with
the Kiags of Ireland and Scotland in the interest of law
and morality.^ He sent prayers and meditations to the
great Countess Matilda ; * he guided the steps of the
Countess Ida of Boulogne in the perfect way, and every
day, as he told her, he recalled her to his memory.* In
the north, he commended to the Earl of Orkney the care
of his subjects' souls ;^ in the south, he urged upon Mar
quis Humbert respect for the maternal rights of the Church.®
He congratulated Count Robert of Flanders on having spon
taneously renounced investitures, and ha-ving thus separated
himself from those who, disobeying the vicar of Peter, could
not be counted among that flock which God had intrusted
to him. " Let them seek," he said, " some other door into
heaven, for they will certainly not enter by that of which
the Apostle St. Peter holds the keys." ^ Then crossing the
seas in thought, the pontiff went to salute the new Christian
royalty that had risen beside the Holy Sepulchre, and to
remind King Baldwin of Jerusalem of this too-mnch-for-
gotten truth : " God loves nothing in the world better than
the freedom of His Church. He will not have His Bride
a slave." * These last words might have served as motto to
the great monk who has been justly regarded as the flower
' Ep. iii. 134, on sending him a consultation on the difference between
the Eoman and Greek Churches. This Bishop of Namnbourg was that
Valerauus, whose imperialist pleading, addressed to Count Louis of
Thuringia, we have already mentioned. He changed his opinions, and
became secretary of the CoUege of Cardinals. He informed Anselm of
this, who congratulated him, and sent him a second work.
2 Bp. iii. 132, 142, 147. ^ See supra.
' " Charissima, vos salutat mea epistola, sed quotidie vos aspicit mea
memoria." — Bp. iii. 56 ; see iu addition, b. ii. 24, 27 ; b. iii. 18, 56.
"> Ep. iv. 92. ^ Ep. iu. 65.
' " Quserat igitur iUe alias regni coelorum portas : quia per iUas non
intrabit quarum elaves Petrus apostolus portat." — Ep. iv. 13.
8 " Nihil magis diligit Deus in hoo mundo quam libertatem Bcclesise
suae. . . . Liberam vult esse Deus sponsam suam, non ancillam." — Ep,
iv. 9.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 223
of medieval goodness, and whom the Almighty' seems to
have sent as herald before the martyr of the thirteenth
century, his fifth successor in the see of Canterbury, Thomas
h. Becket.
1 " Flos bonorum heros sacer." — Order. Vit., b. xi. 839. Shortly
after his death he became the object of common invocation in case of
danger. See the instance of Bari Roger of Montgomery, quoted by
Eadmer, p. 214, in suppl. ad calc., ed. Gerberon.

CHAPTEK VII
THE CHURCH IN CONFLICT WITH THE EVIL
PASSIONS OP KINGS
The Council of Poitiers assembled to condemn the King of France. —
Heroism of Bernard, Abbot of St. Cyprian, of Robert d' Arbrissel, and
of the legate Jean. — Repentance and penance of the Duke of Aqui
taine. — Unconquerable energy of Yves of Chartres. — His daring frank
ness in his relations -svith the pope. — Moderation and firmness of Yves
of Chartres in the struggle betweeu the two powers. — He ventures
to remonstrate 'with the pope. — What happened to Jerusalem and
the Crusaders after the death of Godefroy de Bouillon. — Bohemond,
Prince of Antioch, marries the daughter of the Prench king, and
preaches the Crusade at Notre Dame de Chartres, and afterwards in
Spain and Italy. — CouncU of Poitiers, where the monk Bruno and
Bohemond of Antioch preach the Crusade. — Influence of the monks of
the Grande-Sauve on the chivalry of Spain.
We have seen, during Anselm's exile, the lively sympathy
shown for him by Philip King of France. It is difficult to
judge how far this royal sympathy may have been mingled
with that jealousy which might be naturally inspired in the
French monarch by the position of a prince who, being at
once his rival as King of England, and the possessor of the
duchy of Normandy on the Continent, was much more
powerful than his suzerain. At the same time, before
offering an asylum to the primate "defender and victim of
the liberty of the Church," Philip had been obliged to
bend beneath the maternal rod of that Church. We may
remember how, carried away by his passion for the Countess
of Anjou, the King of France, first excommunicated at the
Council of Claremont, and then absolved on separating him
self from his mistress, had again fallen back into open sin ;
we may remember with what energy Yves of Chartres had

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 225
denounced his fault. Pascal IL, on his accession, had sent
two cardinal legates, John and Benedict, to pronounce a
fresh judgment on this great cause. Yves immediately
wrote to congratulate one of these great prelates on having
abstained from all communion with the king, thus separating
himself from the other bishops who had not feared to crown
him after the death of Pope Urban IL, as if justice had
died with him who was bound to be her defender.' By
agreement with Yves, the legates convoked a council at
Poitiers, so that it might not sit in territory directly subject
to the king, where they could not without scandal hear the
depositions of certain witnesses.^ The council was opened
on the octave of St. Martin in 1 100, in presence of a great
number of abbots and bishops.* After deposing the Bishop
of Autun, convicted of simony, and regulating various
affairs, they came to those of the king. Philip had con
jured Duke WiUiam of Aquitaine, Count of Poitiers, to
prevent by any means their pronouncing the sentence of
excommunication against him in a town subject to the
count's authority.* WUliam was the more disposed to obey
the prince's -wishes because his own conduct was yet more
scandalous, and he must have feared a similar punishment.^
'¦ " Quidam Belgicae provincise episcopi . . . tanquam mortuo praecone
justitise, justitiam mortuam esse crediderunt." — IvoN. Carnot., Ep. 84.
^ " Quia si intra Belgicam vel Celticam oelebraretur multa premi sUentio
oporteret . . . quse ventUata scandalum generareut . . . pressa vero
sUentio tanquam verbo Dei alligato, legationis tuae auctoritati plurimum
derogarent." — Ihid.
' There were eighty according to Hugh of Flavigny, and one hundred
and forty according to Gauflfridus Grossus. — Vit. Bernardi Tironensis.
" " Velocius direxerat hortaus et contestans ne hoc fieri permitteret in
urbe sua, quse de ipsius regno erat." — Append, ad Vit. B. Hilarii, Script
rer. Gallic, vol. xiv. p. 108. Fleury and the Benedictines call this prince
WUham VII. as Count of Poitiers, and WUUam IX. as Duke of Aquitaine.
He was the father of WiUiam X., last Duke of Aquitaine, whose daughter
Eleanor took her heritage successively to Louis VII. and to Henry II. of
England. He was famed for his caustic wit and unregulated fondness for
women. See William of Malmbsbubt, b. x. p. 170.
5 "Totius pudicitise et sanctitatis inimicus, timens ne simUem vin-
VOL. VI. P

2 26 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
The legate John understood all the danger of the situation :
every evening he might have been seen kneeling in prayer
in the Church of St. Hilary, that great bishop who had so
nobly withstood an Arian emperor. On the eve of the im
portant day, John had, with tears, implored the illustrious
patron of the Church of Poitiers to come to his help in the
morrow's struggle. At the moment when he feU asleep in
the midst of his ardent prayer, St. Hilary appeared to him
and promised to aid him and make him triumph over all
the enemies of the faith.'
Nevertheless, the next day, while the papers relating to
the process were being read, the Count of Poitiers suddenly
entered the council, surrounded by a band of fierce soldiers,^
and interrupting the reading, said loudly, "The king my
master has informed me that you intend to excommunicate
him, to his shame and mine, in this city which I hold from
him. He has therefore ordered me, by the fealty I owe
him, not to suffer this, and I am come to forbid you to
attempt anything of the kind."
As the count enforced these words by threatening to
seize all those who should disobey him,^ several prelates
ranged themselves on his side;* every one was alarmed,
dictam pro criminibus actis pateretur." — Gaupp. GROSS., VU. Bern.
Tir., loc dt It must be said that all historians do not treat him
so severely ; Abbot Geoffrey of Vend6me openly praises him, and
Mabillon doubts all the excesses imputed to him. — Ann. Bened., h. Ixix.
No. 137.
1 "IbivigUiis et orationibus sedulus instabat, donee media fere nocte
ad hospitium remearet. . . Nocte vero Ula prolixius et propensius
cum lacrymis orabat . . . cum in medio precum suarum obdormire
ccepisset . . . Ne timeas, carissime frater . . . quoniam in concilio eras
ero tecum . . "
2 "Nimio furore succensus, jussit omnes illos depredari, flageUari,
occidi." — Gauf. Gross., loc. dt. " Cum primam causam legunt . . . ad-
veuit tanquam furibundus, magna caterva stipatus suorum . . . multum-
que vociferans, in haec verba prorupit. . ." — Ser. rer. Pranc, vol. xiv.
p. 108.
2 "Ad dedecus ipsius et meum in hac urbe quam ab ipso habeo." — Ibid.
-* Flburt, b. Ixv. No. 8.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 227
especiaUy the bishops and abbots of the royal domains,' who
fied from the assembly followed by many of those present.^
But amid all the confusion, two monks, Bemard, who had
just been elected Abbot of St. Cyprian at Poitiers, and
Robert d' Arbrissel, the future founder of Fontevrault, re
mained unmoved by the danger.* John, the legate, formerly
a monk of Pavia,* more intrepid than all the rest, stopped
the Fathers, crying, " If our lord the count shows himself so
faithful to the orders of his temporal king, how much more
should we obey the orders of the heavenly King, whose
vicars we are ! Let hirelings take fright and fly from the
wolf, but let all good and true shepherds remain here with
us and know how to endure , persecution for the cause of
right."® Then tuming to the count, John said distinctly,
"The blessed John the Baptist was beheaded by Herod in
such circumstances as these ; I am ready to suffer you to
behead me also, if it pleases you." Then, holding his neck
for the blow, " Strike, if you dare," he said ; " I am ready
to die for the truth."^
Duke WUUam lived at a time when a priest's courage
could be understood, and when " some light always shone
from heaven;" he acknowledged himself defeated, and hastily
left the church that he might not be present at the excom
munication of his suzerain.^
The legate then once more addressed the Fathers, " Fear
1 "Cum episcopis et abbatibus de proprietate regis." — Ser. rer. Pranc,
loc. dt.
^ " Pontifices et abbates omnes hue iUuoque diffugiunt." — Gauf. Gross.,
loc. cU.
^ "ImmobUes constantesque perstiterunt." — Ibid.
" Fleury, b. Ixv. c. 10.
5 "Si dominus comes iste sui regis, utique terreni, mandata. . . .
Paveant igitur et fugiant mercenarii ad adventum lupi, maneant hic
nobiscum qui sunt boni et veri pastores . . ." — Ihid.
8 " Conversus ad comitem, voce elara ait : B. Joannes . . . et ego uou
refugio me propter hoc decoUari, si volueris ; et extendens collum : Per-
cute, inquit, si audes, quia prsesto sum . . ." — Lbid.
' " Ocius concUium exit, ne regem audiret excommunicari." — Lbid.

228 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
nothing from the threats of the prince, for his heart is in
the hands of God, who will not suffer injury to be done to
any of you assembled here in His name. And know also,
that in this warfare, we have the support of the blessed
Hilary, patron of the town. This very night he appeared
to me, and told me that he would fight for us, and that we
should triumph."'
These words restored peace and confidence ; lighted tapers
were brought in, to be extinguished at the moment of pro
nouncing the sentence of excommunication, which was passed
without further opposition against both the king and Ber
trade. But the duke's conduct had excited the minds of
the people against the council ; a crowd coUected and con
stantly increased. In the midst of the acclamations with
which such assemblies always closed, a man of the lower
class, who was in one of the galleries of the church, threw
a stone at the cardinal-legates, which did not reach them,
but which wounded a clerk of their suite. The sight of
bloodshed in the church augmented the excitement and
tumult. On this the two legates, taking off their mitres,
remained bareheaded, to show that they neither feared the
stones which might be flung at them, nor death under any
form whatever.^ Their calmness and courage finally dis
armed the rage of the multitude, and soon afterwards the
duke himself came to confess his fault. Kneeling before
the cardinals, he begged their pardon, and swore never
again to infringe the liberty of the Church.* The following
year, in fact, he started for the Crusade, accompanied by
that Budes, Duke of Burgundy, whom St. Anselm's glance
1 " Habemus nobiscum in hoc conflictu prsesentem et socium B. HUa-
rium . . . sicut ipse mihi dixit hesterna nocte." — Fleury, b. Ixv. c. lo.
2 " Manent oolnmnse Christi immobiles, mortem intrepidi aperientes, et
ad saxa volantia, mitris ablatis, capita nuda retegentes." — Hugo Flavin.,
Chron. Virdun., Ser. rer. Pranc, vol. xiii. p. 626.
3 " Prostratus in terra coram cardinalibus, culpam confitebatur et veniam
postulabat . . . se taUa non commissurum cum juramento poUicitur." —
Append, ad Vit. S. HUar., loc. dt.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 229
had stopped in his violent career, and recalled from his
revolt against the divine laws; and who, like the Duke of
Aquitaine, was urged to take the cross by the irresistible
impulse of the genius of Catholicism.
As to King Philip, the terrible sentence passed on him
produced its customary effect: he found that he was no
longer accounted to belong to the Church. Having shortly
afterwards gone with Bertrade to Sens, all the churches
were closed during the fortnight of their stay. Bertrade,
very much irritated, ordered the door of a chapel to be
broken open, and mass was said there by a priest who was
cowardly enough to obey her.' Philip, enraged, announced
that he would go to Rome, and there obtain from the pope
his absolution from the sentence of the legates, as he had
already done under Urban II. But Yves of Chartres
thought it his duty to warn the pope of what was passing :
" Whether he comes, or whether he sends," he wrote to
Pascal, "take care, both for your own sake and for ours, to
hold him fast with St. Peter's chains and keys.^ If, after
absolution, he retums to his evU ways, as he has done before,
let him be again imprisoned under these keys bound with
these chains, and let notice of it be sent by letters, under
your own hand, to all the churches. But if it should happen
that God leads his heart to repentance, remember us who
have bome the burden and heat of the day, and let us
share in the consolation who have shared so largely in the
tribulation."* Philip did not execute his threat; but, about the same
time, Yves was obliged to protest against a fresh scandal
caused by his conduct. The church of Beauvais was vacant,
and by the recommendation of the king and Bertrade,*
1 Fleury, b. Ixv. c. 28.
2 "Cavete et nobis et vobis ut semper clavibus et catenis Petri fortiter
teneatur." — IvoN., Ep. civ.
3 "Si forte absolutus fuerit, et ad vomitum reversus . . . e vestigio
eisdem clavibus recludatur, eisdem catenis religetur." — Ihid.
¦* "Voluntate regis et Ulius contubemalis suae." — IvoN., Ep. 87.

230 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
there had been elected as bishop a priest of high birth
named Etienne de Garlande, son of the Seneschal of France,
who had been formerly expelled from the Church for open
adultery. Yves, full of affectionate concern for the church
of Beauvais, whence he himself came, denounced this scan
dalous election, first to the legates John and Benedict, and
then to the pope himself.' It was annulled at Rome, and
the uncorrupted part of the chapter, with the advice of the
nobles of the diocese and the consent of the people, elected
a monk named Galon, of low birth, but great leaming, and
a disciple of Yves, and who was also a man of the most
exemplary life.^ The other canons, won by Garlande's pre
sents, protested against the election, and denounced Galon
to the king as a pupil of Yves of Chartres, and a creature
of the pope. Philip and the young king Louis ^ swore that
they would never acknowledge him as Bishop of Beauvais.
" If such an oath," wrote Yves to the pope, " can annul a
canonical election, there will in future be in Prance no other
elections than intrusions by violence or by simony." * He
accordingly took up warmly the cause of Galon, both with
the sovereign pontiff and with the Archbishop of Rheims ;
and in withstanding the objections made to his protigi's low
birth, — " If it please God," he said, " according to His cus
tom, to choose the humble and the weak to confound the
strong, who shall dare to resist Him ? Was not David a
shepherd before he was a king, and Peter a fisherman before
he was the prince of the apostles ? God constantly takes
the poor from the dust and places them afthe height of
' Ep. 87, 89, 94, 95. It seems that Yves, while opposing Etienne de
Garlande's election, had the weakness to give him a letter of recommen
dation to the pope, of an equivocal kind indeed, but with which the pope
very justly reproached him.
^ " Consilio optimatum dioecesis suse et laude populi."^ — Bp. 104.
" Quemdam religiosum." — Ep. 89.
^ By comparing the two epistles, 105 and 144 of Yves, we see that the
same oath was taken by the two kings.
' Ep. 105.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 23 1
grandeur, to show that He values neither the power nor the
wisdom of this world." '
St. Anselm also wrote to Pascal ^ in favour of the bishop-
elect of Beauvais, who, banished from his diocese by the
king's obstinacy, went to Rome to seek the asylum secured
to him there by the affectionate protection of the primate of
England and of the most zealous bishop of France. The
pope employed him profitably as his legate in Poland.^ On
his return to Rome, although absent from France, he was
nominated Bishop of Paris by the unanimous voice of the
clergy and people. The king made no opposition to this
translation, and Galon, in return, obtained from the pope,
nnder certain conditions, the king's absolution. Yves him
self, some time after, claimed for the prince's weakness all
the alleviations compatible -with the good of his soul.* A
new legate was sent, and after two councils held, one at
Troyes (April 2, 1104) and the other at Beaugency (July
30), the king was finally absolved at Paris, December 2,
1 1 04, under the conditions prescribed by the pope.
In presence of Yves, Galon, eight other bishops, and a
multitude of clerks and laymen, Philip, barefooted, and
with every extemal mark of humility and devotion, swore
npon the Gospels to renounce his unlawful relations with
Bertrade, and not to see her again except in the presence
of unsuspected -witnesses. Bertrade took the same oath.
Both were then reconciled to their mother the Church by
the holy bishop, Lambert of Arras, appointed by the pope
to represent him.*
1 " ut ostenderet quia apud eum mundi sapientia vel secularis potentia
nuUius sunt momentL" — Ep. 102.
^ Ep. ui. 69.
^ Baron., anu. 1104, c. ; Pagi, Crit. in eumd.
"¦ "Suggerendo dicimus non duceudo . . . ut imbecillitati hominis,
amodo, quantum cum salute ejus potestis, condescendatis, et terram quse
ejus anathemate pericUtatur, ab hoc periculo eruatis." — Ep. 144.
^ " Adveuit rex satis devote et multum humiliter, nudis pedibus. . . .
Peccatum et consuetudinem carnalis et iUicitse copulse quam hactenus
cum Bertrada exercui . . . penitus et sine retractatione abjure. ... In

232 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
Yves made himself remarkable in all these disputes, as
well as in the general regulation of affairs of conscience, by
his zeal for discipline and the good of souls. Consulted on
all sides, he was considered as the light and oracle of the
Church of France ; his responses were distinguished at once
for wisdom and justice.' He blamed the custom of judicial
combats,^ carried on ardently the reformation of abuses in
monasteries, as well as in the rest of the Church,* and
showed, especially in all affairs relative to the purity and
freedom of marriage, a constant ca,re for the rights of women
and the maintenance of the ecclesiastical prohibitions against
marriages between near relations.* Although he was the
firmest supporter of the legitimate popes, and the most de
voted of all the French bishops to the Holy See, yet we
may remark ia all his correspondence with the sovereign
pontiffs a -dgorous frankness and most complete liberty.
He spared them neither advice nor remonstrances. For
instance, he ad-vised Pope Pascal to excel as much in virtue
as in authority.* " My conscience,'' he wrote to him, " tells
me that I am a true son of the Roman Church ; when scan
dals arise in her I burn ; her troubles are my troubles ; and
those who tear her with their evil tongues lacerate me." ®
He drew courage from this filial love to reprove the pope
for his tolerance of narrow-mindedness in some of the
praesentia honorabilium clericorum et laicorum nou parva multitudine
inibi consistentium. . . . Taliter reincorporatus est rex Francorum S.
catholicse Bcclesia matris suae." — Ms. Igniacens and Ms. Corbibns., ap.
Labbb., Condi., b. x. 668 and 742. Cf. Pagi, Critic, in 1104.
1 See the coUection of his Epistles, 287 in number, newly arranged and
published, with notes by JuRET, canon of Langres, and Souohet, canon
of Chartres, fol., Paris, 1647.
^ Ep. 247, 252, et passim. ^ Ep. 70, no, et passim.
^ Ep. 134, 166, 183, 221, 242, 243, &c.
5 " PaschaU, summo pontifici, Ivo humilis Carnotensis minister, sicut
auctoritate ita prseeminere -virtute."— Ep. 109.
^ " Quoniam uterinum filium Romanse Ecclesiae, testante conscientia
mea me esse cognosco, cum scandaUzatur non possum uon uri, cum tri-
bulatur, tribulor, cum detractorum livido dente laoeratur, disrumpor."
— Bp. 89.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 233
legates ; ' to blame too frequent appeals to Rome ; ^ to exclaim
against the credulity with which calumniators of the clergy
were received there, and the protection found there by
rebels ; * to criticise severely the venality of the chamber
lain, and other inferior officers of the Roman court, who
levied fees under all sorts of pretexts, and even taxed pens
and paper.* "I do not know what to say to these accusa
tions," added the prelate, "except by quoting the words of
the Gospel, ' Do what they say, and not what they do.' " ^
He let it be seen that he considered the silence of good
men on these subjects of scandal a real betrayal of trust.
"If," he said, "our father's shame should be again dis
covered, which God forbid, we shall not mock at it like the
sons of perdition, but we shall cease to give useless counsels.
Let your Holiness not be angry that I speak thus to you as
a son to a father, for there are many lovers of righteousness
who, seeing that you have pardoned or concealed too many
crimes, are driven in despair to take refuge in silence." ^
WhUe incessantly vindicating the rigour of ecclesiastical
law against prevaricators, whatever their condition, Yves
desired that all proceedings should be conducted with the
1 Bp. 109.
^ "Super quam et impunitam appeUatorum Ucentiam." — Bp. 219. The
Cardinal Baronius replied to that reproach with justness : "Aditus iste
nou potest uec debet ita occludi mails, ut nou pateat bonis adversus
males." — Ann. 1104, c. 12,
2 "Litteras a sede apostolica nescio quibus subreptionibus impetratas
nobis deferunt ad paUendam malitiam suam vel defendendam iuobedien-
tiam. . . . Ab ipsis columnis gratanter audiuntur cum vitam religiosorum
aliquibus maculis respergere moliuntur." — Ep. no.
^ " Cubicularios et ministres sacri palatii . . . cum uec calamus neo
charta gratis ibi (ut aiunt) habeatur." — Bp. 133.
5 Matt. xxui. 3.
•^ " Si qua pudenda patris, quod Deus avertat, revelata fuerint . . . quia
multos amatores justitise jam vidi propter remissa flagitiis ... ori silen
tium posuisse et a spe corrigeudorum malorum plurimum defecisse." — Ep.
89. We do not find that the pope was ever irritated by the rude frank
ness of this language, and Cardinal Baronius, the ardent defender of the
rights of the papacy, says while quoting this very letter : "Has litteras
dedit, tanto viro dignas, et cui scriberentur valde utiles." — Ann. iioi, c. 10.

234 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
most strict observance of form and rule in favour of the
accused. St. Gregory VII. had already struck at the abuse
of extra-judicial excommunication, by repeating to the Bishop
of Prague the words of St. Gregory the Great, "He who
binds the innocent, soils with his hands the power to bind
and to loose."'
When Rotrou, Count of Perche, by invading territory
belonging to a knight then engaged in the Crusade,^ and
consequently under the protection of the Holy See, had
drawn upon himself the sentence of excommunication
which the pope commanded the Archbishop of Sens to
pronounce against him, Yves, who was one of the prelate's
suffragans, urged strongly that the sentence should not be
promulgated until the count had been heard in his own
defence. " I will not," he said, '' after the fashion of
assassins, strike any one without hearing him ; I will not
give up to Satan him who desires neither to hide himself
from justice nor to contemn her." * He carried the same
conscientiousness into his dealings with the absolution of
open sinners. " If I were forced," he wrote to his metro
politan, " to admit an impenitent sinner to reconciliation,
I would say to him publicly. Here is the threshold of the
visible Church, I permit you to pass it at your own risk ;
but I cannot thus open to you the door of the heavenly
kingdom." *
His conduct in the great contest which was carried on
in his time between the ecclesiastical and secular powers
was always remarkable for its moderation. Although the
necessity of self-defence condemned him to be, through the
1 See above.
^ Hugh Vicomte de Puiset,
' " Nolo quemquam more sicariorum sine audientia punire.'" . . . — Ep.
169. Rotrou settled the question by appealing directly to the Holy See.
* " Si aliqua dispensatione faciente cogerer aliquem impcenitentem ad
reooncUiationem admittere. . . . Nolo te fallere : introitum hujus -visibUis
Bcclesiffi cum tuo periculo te habere permitto, sed januam regni coelestis
tali reconciliatione tibi aperire non valeo." — Ep. 171.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 235
greater part of the pontificate of Urban II., in open warfare
with a prince whose disorders he had denounced, and who
had imprisoned him in consequence, yet none the less he
felt an affectionate respect for that French royalty usually
so devoted to the Holy See. Having himself received
royal investiture, he was unwilling to declare with Gregory
of holy memory ' that this custom was as much a heresy as
simony itself^ However, he ended by formaUy admitting
and proclaiming the doctrine of Gregory and Urban.* But
he would have chosen to act as mediator between the two
rival powers, and to conciliate by prudence, indulgence, and
all the ameliorations permissible, their reciprocal rights.
" When the royal authority and that of the priesthood are
in harmony," he wrote to the pope, " the world goes well
and the Church is flourishing and fruitful; but when
discord separates them, not only do the weak suffer, but
the strong also lose their force." * This conciliatory spirit,
however, did not at all lessen his faith in the claims, the
power, and the supremacy of the Church, nor his courageous
attachment to the in-nolable legitimacy of her right over
souls and over herself. " Let God first have in His Church
by the highest right (principaliter) that which belongs to
Him, and after that (posteriori ordine) let the king have
^ "Tempore beatae memorise pap» Gregorii." — Ep. 24.
^ Bp. 236, et passim.
^ "De investituris Ecclesiarum quas laici faciunt sententiam praece-
dentium patrum Greg. VII. et Urb. II., quantum in me est, laudo, con
firmo. Quocumque autem nomine talis persuasio proprie vooetur, eorum
sententiam, qui investituras laicorum defendere volunt, schismaticam
judico." — Ep. 235.
^ "Cum regnum et sacerdotium inter se conveniunt, bene regitur
mundus, fioret et fructifioat Ecclesia : cum vero inter se discordant, non
tantum parvae res non crescunt, sed etiam maguae res miserabiliter dila-
buntur." — Ep. 238. This passage has beeu takeu by Clement of Droste,
the iUustrious Bishop of Cologne, as the motto of the book, iu which,
while a captive aud in exile for his faith, for the freedom of the Church,
and the sanctity of marriage, he so wisely traced out the limits of the
two powers. Thus across the ages, the souls of two great bishops met in
the bosom of catholic truth to defend their common mother.

236 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
that which is granted to him by God." ' Such was his
interpretation of the text, "Bender unto Caesar." He wrote
to the Count of Meulan, prime minister of King Henry of
England : " If the royal authority undertakes anything
against Christ and His Church, you must remember that
you have been bought by Christ's blood, initiated into
Christ's laws, regenerated by the sacraments ofthe Church;
that you are the freedman of Him who made Himself a
servant for you, and that you owe no submission to those
who would offend the divine majesty or restrain the free
dom of the Church. . . . Kings are ordained to punish the
violators of the law, not to violate it themselves." ^
To the king himself, the archbishop, in congratulating
him on his accession, wrote as follows : " We invite your
Highness to give free course to the word of God in the
kingdom which is intrusted to you, and always to remember
that an earthly sovereignty is subject to the heavenly
sovereignty intrusted to the Church. As our senses are
subjected to our reason, and our bodies to our souls, so
should a terrestrial power be subjected to the ecclesiastical
power. . , . And as the body is at ease only when the
flesh does not resist the spirit, so a kingdom of this world
is at peace only when it ceases to resist the kingdom of
God. Think of this, and understand that you are not the
master, but the servant of God's servants, and that you
should be like one of the cedars of Lebanon, which the
Lord has planted that the birds of heaven may build their
nests ia them, that is to say, that Christ's poor may live in
safety under your shadow, and pray for you."*
^ "Habeat ergo Deus in Ecclesia sua principaliter quod suum est.
Habeat rex, posteriori ordine post Deum quod sibi a Deo concessum est."
— Ep. 102.
2 "In mente habere debes quia . . . et Illius es liber qui pro te se
servum fecit, ut libertas tua nihil se debere inteUigat alicui quo divinam
offendat majestatem, et Ecclesise minuat libertatem. . . . Nou ad hoc
instituuntur reges, ut leges f rangaut." — Ep. 1 54.
2 " Sicut enim sensus animalis subditus debet esse rationi, ita potestas

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 237
As regarded his o-wn person, he shrank from none of the
consequences of his convictions, and he set them forth in
the following words to the seigneur of his diocese, Stephen,
Count of Blois and Chartres: "Whoever shall dare to injure
the Church committed to my feeble care, I will resist with
all the might God has given me, even to ruin and exile ;
and I will smite him with the spiritual sword until satis
faction is made. That sword pierces towers, throws down
bulwarks and destroys all that rise up against Christ's
humility or invade the heritage bought with His blood. It
is a sword which poverty retempers, which exile cannot
break, which no prison is able to fetter." '
Thus spoke to the princes of the earth that same bishop
who, strong in his devotion to God and the Church, allowed
himself, when there was occasion, to address remonstrances
even to the popes themselves. Anselm and many others did
the same ; and we shaU see St. Bernard surpass them all in
frankness and courage. In those happy times and among those
great hearts, in the midst of the most brilliant splendours,
or the most terrible dangers, the papacy found a thousand
champions, but not a single flatterer. The struggle of the
two powers in the very heart of Christendom, seems to have
been at all periods an inseparable condition of the vitality
of the Catholic faith. It ceased only in those rare moments
when the temporal power was placed in hands at once
terrena subdita esse debet ecclesiastico regimini. Bt quantum valet
corpus, nisi regatur ab anima, tantum valet terrena potestas nisi. . . .
Bt sicut pacatum est regnum corporis. . . . Servum servorum Dei vos
esse inteUigite, non dominum . . . unam debet esse de cedris Libani quas
plantavit Dominus, in qua nidificent passeres," &c. — Bp. 106. A letter,
says Baronius in quoting it in 1607, weU worthy to be read and re-read by
aU kings, especiaUy in our days when the execrable heresy of politicians,
under the veU of State rights, penetrates into the cabinet of kings, and
shelters itself under their glory. — Arm., noo, o. 39.
1 " Quos terminos cuicumque praesumpserit adversus Ecclesiam parvitati
mese commissam transceudere. . . . Hic gladius penetrat turres, dejicit
propugnaoula, et omnem altitudinem . . . hic gladius iu egestate fortior
est, iu exUio non frangitur, carcere non alligatur," &c. — Ep. 49.

238 THE PREDlOBSSOltS OP CALIXTUS II.
strong and blameless, or in those too prolonged intervals
when the weakness of faith and zeal among Catholics pre
pared and completed their enslavement. At the time of
which we are speaking, this struggle had begun even in
the bosom of that new kingdom founded beside the Holy
Sepulchre by the victorious Crusaders, a kingdom which
was a direct creation of the Roman pontificate, and, as it
were, the very conquest of God and the Church. Godfrey
of Bouillon had died after a reign of one year,' too soon
for the safety of his new Christian state ; and his brother,
Baldwin I., elected in his place by the knights and priests,
and brave and generous as Godfrey himself had been, was
engaged in a long series of disputes with Daimbert,^ the
Patriarch of Jerusalem, on the subject of the old and new
possessions of this enfranchised Church. The intrigues and
jealousy of the Archdeacon Arnoul, an unsuccessful candi
date for the dignity of which the Cmsaders had thought
the legate Daimbert more worthy, seem to have much
contributed to keep up the unfortunate dissension.* Bald
win ended by expelling Daimbert from his see, and replacing
him by a certain Cremar, who was in his turn deposed as
an intruder by the legate Gibelinus.* But these discords
did not lessen the ardent faith or pious devotion which
inflamed the Crusaders against the constantly reinforced
armies of Islam. The Mussulmans of Egypt, Syria, Arabia,
and Persia, flung themselves in turn upon the new colonies
of Christians, and inflicted upon them the most cruel losses,
and the most sanguinary defeats, without being able to
shake their constancy.
' July 18, IIOO.
2 Or Th^obert, Archbishop of Pisa, sent as legate to the Crusading
army by Urban II. in place of Adh^mar, Bishop of Puy, who had died at
Antioch. ^ The details of this dispute may be seen in William of Tyre
(b. X. c. 14 ; xi. c. i et seq., xii. c. 26, ap. Gesta Dd per Prancos), aud this
recital may be compared with that of Albert of Aix in the same coUection.
Albert is unfavourable to the patriarch.
* Guill. Tyr., xi. c. 4.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 239
The capture of Jerusalem, though so dearly bought, only
served to awaken the strongest enthusiasm in all Christian
lands.' Dnring the first year of the twelfth century there
was a perpetual crusade, a permanent movement of the
Western nations towards the Bast ; and although the Holy
Land had become, as it were, one vast charnel-house of
vanished generations, still each year brought to its shores
new armies of pilgrims eager to visit the holy places, and
to fight in the ranks of that handful of heroes who, under
the leadership of King Baldwin, of the Normans Tancred
and Bohemond, of Count Raymond of Toulouse, and of Bald
win dn Burgh, were defending their new possessions against
the incessant assaults of the infidels. In iioi a Genoese
fleet aided King Baldwin to take Csesarea by assault, and
was enabled to carry off in triumph, as its principal trophy,
the sacred chalice in which our Lord consecrated His blood
on the night of the Last Supper.^ But these triumphs were
reserved for very few. The greater part of the Crusaders
gained nothing but a glorious death, ranked by the faith of
their contemporaries with that of martyrs. A hundred thou
sand Lombards, led by Archbishop Anselm of Milan and
several nobles, started to cross Thrace and Asia Minor.
The archbishop carried before them an arm of his illustrious
predecessor St. Ambrose, — an arm which was constantly
raised to bless the Crusaders. These pilgrims were foUowed
and joined by an army of German knights, at whose head
were Duke Welf of Bavaria, Archbishop Thidmon of Salz
burg, and the Margravine Ida of Austria, whom neither her
beauty nor the weakness of her sex hindered from exposing
herself to the perUs of an expedition in which she was to
meet her death.^ Finally, a third army set out, composed
1 "Mox profectio populosa et quse -pene priori posset numero duntaxat
aequari, subsequitur." — Chron. Ursperg.
2 n sacro calino, brought to Paris under the Empire, and restored to the
Genoese in 1815.— Caffari ann. Genuens, ap. Muratori, Script rer. Italic,
vol. vi. p. 248.
3 LiJDEN, Geschichte des Deutschen, &c., vol. lx. p. 289; Bokhabd.

240 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of Frenchmen, among whom were William, Duke of Aqui
taine, and Count of Poitou, Duke Eudes of Burgundy, the
Count of Nevers,' and Count Harpin of Berry, who, to pro
vide for the expenses of the expedition, had sold his county
to King Philip. Public indignation forced those princes,
whom the first reverses of the Crusade had driven from the
army, to rejoin their companions. Among these warriors
.were Hugh of Vermandois, the king's brother, and Stephen
of Blois, whom the reproaches of his wife Adela, daughter
of William the Conqueror, and friend of Anselm, sent back
to the Holy Land. These three great armies, making up
more than 500,000 pilgrims,^ perished almost to a man in
the defiles of Asia, without even coming in sight of Jeru
salem, sacrificed to the odious treachery of the Byzantine
emperors, and the pestilential influence of the climate. The
Duke of Burgundy and the Count of Blois, who succeeded
in reaching Palestine, died on the battle-field of Ramla.
Duke William of Aquitaine, the haughty and brilliant Count
of Poitou, who had started at the head of 30,000 Poite-vins
in full armour, besides a crowd of infantry, returned to
Aquitaine with scarcely a single follower.*
Still, the first enthusiasm was not extinct. After so
many terrible reverses, when Bohemond, Prince of Antioch,
having escaped from a Mussulman prison, where he had
spent four years in captivity, came back to France,* he in-
abbat., libeU. in ampl. Coll., vol. v. p. 507 ; Alb. Aquen. in Gesta Dei per
Pramcos. 1 WiUiam II., the same who was deposed -with Suger from being regent
of the kingdom by St. Bernard in the Second Crusade. He had himself
assembled 15,000 men at Nevers, and had received before starting the
benediction of St. Robert, Abbot of Molesmes, at the priory of St. Etienne
at Nevers. — Crosnibr, Tableam chronol. et synopt du Nivernais et du
Donziais. 2 " Prffiter vulgus, ad triginta mUlia loricatorum." — Chron. Ursperg.
3 " Prseter vulgus, ad triginta millia loricatis." — Chron. Ursperg. ; Anmal.
Sax., ad iio2, Ord. Vit. According to another version, he took 180,000
combatants.— Cong. Col., vol. xii. p. 1223.
* In March 1106, Ordbrio. Vital., xi. 816. This writer attributes his

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 24 1
flamed aU hearts by his stories of the Crusade. A true son
of Robert Guiscard,' Bohemond had taken the part of Daim
bert the patriarch, who came back to Rome with him.
Pascal presented the gonfalon of St. Peter to the brave
knight, and associated with him, for the purpose of preach
ing the Crusade, Bishop Bruno of Segni, the friend and
legate of Gregory VII., who had just retired to Monte
Cassino,^ whence the pope recalled him to accompany Bohe
mond. The latter was on his way to Prance to fulfil the
vow which he had made while in prison to visit as a pilgrim
the tomb of the monk St. Leonard, in the church of the
same name, in Limousin.* He there made an offering of
the silver chains with which the Turks had bound him in
his prison. King Philip gave to the hero his daughter
Constance ; and amidst the marriage festivities at Chartres,
Bohemond mounted a tribune arranged in front of the altar
of the Virgin, and appealing to the warriors who surrounded
him, by the recital of his own adventures, and by the pro
mises he held out to them of a great and glorious destiny,
he inspired them with a keen desire to follow him to Pales
tine.* Thence the prince went to Poitiers, where the holy
monk Bruno held a council in the pope's name,^ and where
both addressed the great assembly.* The fact of the defeats
endured, and of the deplorable return of William of Aqui-
deliverance to the love which he had inspired iu the daughter of the Emir,
whose prisoner he was.
' Daimbert -wrote to him : " Tu autem, nisi paternae gloria vis esse
degener fiUus, qui tyrannica crudelitate clausum ab impia manu dominum
apostoUcum Gregorium de urbe Roma eripuit, unde memorabile oculis
omnibus nomem meruit." — Guill. Tyr., b. x. c. 14.
2 Pbtr. Diaco, Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 33.
3 This monastic church, whioh gave rise to the little to-wn of St. Leonard,
is still standing ; it is, as it uow exists, about contemporary with Bohe
mond. An exact representatiou of it may be found in L' Ancien Limousin,
by M. Tripon, vol. i.
* Chron. MaUeac, ann. 1106 ; cf. Fleuey, b. 65, No. 48
^ June 26, 1 106.
^ "Plenum, et celebre concilium," said the Abb^ Suger, who himself
assisted there. — Vit. Lud. Crass., c. 9.
VOL. VI. Q

242 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
taine, the very prince of whose territories Poitiers was the
capital, was so far from discouraging the auditors, that the
knights of Limousin, Auvergne, and Poitou disputed the
honour of being associated with the Norman hero, and
accompanying him to Antioch.' The number of warriors
who presented themselves was so great that Bohemond's
levies are caUed the Third Crusade.^
The prince further undertook to appeal to Spain, where,
three centuries before, the First Crusade — a war against the
infidels — had been carried on, and where Alfonso VII. of
Castile, called the Valiant, was now waging with the Almo-
ravides a glorious contest which was to end in the taking
of Cordova* (1108).
Bohemond brought new soldiers of the cross from Spain,
and found others in Italy, with whose help he attempted
to punish the Greek schismatics for their long-continued
perfidy towards the Latins ; but the expedition failed. It
served, however, to give a wonderful testimony to the union
of all Christian nations under the guidance of the popes, in
that great and prolonged war against the infidels. And,
finally, in the very year of Bohemond's death, a Norwegian
fleet landed unexpected auxiliaries on the coast of Syria, and
Sigurd, son of King Magnus, with 10,000 of his people,
came to aid the King of Jerusalem to conquer Sidon (Dec.
19, iiii),* content to return to the shores of the Baltic
with no other reward than a piece of the true cross.
Meantime Alfonso the Warrior, King of Arragon and
Navarre, always supported the Crusade in Spain, and eamed
his surname by a great number of battles fought with the
infidels, and victories gained over them. Monks were there
as elsewhere more or less partakers in the movement of the
1 MiCHAUD, Hist des Croisades, b. ii. p. 47, ed. 1825.
^ "Tunc tertia profectio OccidentaUum iu Jerusalem facta est, mul
torumque maxima conglobalio mUlium pedibus suis Byzanteum stemma
couculcare, p. 478, tantum contra Turcos progressa est." — Oed. Vit., 589.
3 Guill. Tye., b. xi. c. 14; Torf., Hist. rer. Norvegicar., pars iii. c. 18..
'' He reigned from 1104 to 1134. His capital was Saragossa.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 243
Catholic nations, and maintained in their cloisters those
homes of spiritual life whither kings and knights came to
renew their courage and gain fresh supplies of that strength
which inspired their arms and their hearts.
We have told how the monks of Cluny had been, so to
speak, associated in the foundation of the kingdoms of Castile
and Arragon under Sancho the Great and Ramirez I.' In
the beginning of the eleventh century these kingdoms felt
the new influence of the congregation of Notre Dame de la
Grande-Sauve in Guienne, whose entirely knightly origin
we have already noticed.^ Sancho Ramirez I., who, like his
grandfather Sancho the Great, united Navarre to Arragon,
crossed the Pyrenees, and went to visit, in their solitude
between the Gironde and the Dordogne, those heroes who
had left their native country to practise Christian chivalry
in the depths of unbroken forests. Amazed by the utter
poverty of these servants of God,* the Spanish prince granted
them large concessions of territory in his kingdom, and
asked, in return for these gifts, that one poor man should
be perpetually fed in the abbey as representing the person
of the King of Arragon both present and future, with the
sole obligation on the part of the monks that they should
pray for their benefactor.* The prince also gave them
beforehand all the tithes of the territory of Exea, with its
mosques, to be tumed into churches when he should have
made himself master of it.® Profiting by those benefits,
many houses dependent on the congregation of the Grande-
Sauve were established in Spain, and there was even a
special order of knights subject to this abbey who distin-
1 See above. ^ Lbid.
3 ". . . Qui de patria progressi in sUva majori, dignam Deo exercebant
mUitiam . . . cum postea ad eos gratia visendi venissem,!eorumque nimiam
cognovissem potestatem," &c. — Diploma of King Sancho, in Act. SS. 0. P.,
vol. ix. p. 846, ad ann. 1095.
* " Quatenus pro rege Sancio et pro unoquoque de successiene ipsius
pauper unus . . . accipiatur ut monachus, fiat omnino sine pecunia, looo
regis vestiatur, manducet et bibat."
^ CiROT., Hist de la Grande-Sauve, vol. i. p. 348.

244 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
guished themselves by their exploits against the infidels.'
Sancho was killed by an arrow in besieging Huesca ; ^ but
his promises were fulfilled by his son, Alfonso the Warrior.
While he was besieging Exea in 1107, and the siege was
greatly prolonged, the Count of Bigorne and other Gascon
lords who served him as auxiliaries, reminded him of his
father's engagement, and ad-vised him to undertake before
God, the Holy Virgin, and St. Gerard, the founder of the
Grande-Sauve, to carry out the late king's intentions. Don
Alfonso took the oath suggested ; next day all the army
confessed, and then having recommended themselves to St.
Gerard, rushed to the assault. The town was taken, and
Alfonso immediately founded there an abbey which was long
celebrated in Spain. The prince then went, accompanied
by all the Gascon nobility, to the monastery of the Sauve,
where solemn thanksgivings were offered to the Virgin and
St. Gerard.*
' CiROT., Hist de la Grande-Sauve, vol. i. p. 348. * In 1054.
3 V. CiROT., Hist, de la Grande-Sauve, vol. i. pp. 437 and 523. Cf.
Marten., Thesaur. Anecdot, i. 263, and D. DouQUET, Hist, de Pr., vol. xii.
p. 384.

CHAPTER VIII
Germany, where schism was in the ascendant, did not share in the en
thusiasm for Crusades. — German knights tempted to take the cross. —
Robert II., Count of Flanders, performs such exploits in the Holy Land
that the Saracens take him for St. George. — Eloquent words of Abbot
Udalric to Pope Urban II. — The Abbey of St. Hubert iu the Ardennes.
— Grave accusation against Albert of lAhge. — The son of Henry IV.
revolts against his father. — The emperor wishes to treat with his son,
who refuses. — The old emperor abandoned by his lieutenants. — Inter
view between Heury IV. and his son at Coblentz. — Henry V. raised to
the empire. — Unexpected death of the emperor. — General Council of
GuastaUa.
Of all the countries of the West, Germany was the one
which had least share in the crusading spirit. The Germans
had regarded as folly the enthusiasm which had drawn from
their homes so many knights and soldiers, so many peasants,
women, and children, to fiing them, in spite of the length
and perils of the way, into unknown and barbarous lands.'
The excesses committed by the first bands of Crusaders
everywhere excited a strong disgust. But the real obstacle
to every great foreign expedition was to be found in the
spread ofthe imperialist schism^ which was dominant through
out the country. In fact, to engage in a Crusade preached
by the pope would have been to accept his authority and
acknowledge his orthodoxy. AU who rejected this authority,
therefore, found themselves excluded from the holy war;
and, on the other hand, the defenders of the Roman Church
1 "Teutonicus populus . . . tot catervas ruricolarum, foeminarum ac
parvulorum quasi inaudita stultitia delirantes subsannabant, utpote qui
pro certis incerta captantes. . . ." — Bokhard. Abbat., libell. qui dicitur
lerosolymita in Ampl. Collect, vol. v. p. 507.
2 ' ' Orientalibus Francis, &c. . . . Ukc buccina minime iusonuit, propter
schisma." — Eckhabd. 24s

246 THE PRED£.:,jiaibu±{.S OV CALIXTUS II.
in Germany were neither strong enough nor numerous
enough to abandon their country and leave the field open
to the schismatics.
The emperor, who had quitted Italy at the moment when
the French Crusaders were arriving there, and the pope
coming back from France, employed the three years during
which the First Crusade lasted in fortifying his power in
his own States. Henry, if he wanted those higher -nrtues
which make a great man, possessed at least most of the
qualities which make a skilful ruler, and he knew how to
use them to repair the checks he suffered, and to restore
his affairs at the very moment when they appeared most
desperate. The Catholics, on the contrary, seem, towards
the end of the eleventh century, to have yielded to an
access of discouragement. The defection of Welf had been
a severe blow to them. The most notable of the Catholic
princes — Berthold of Zahringen — gave up the possession
of the Duchy of Suabia to the emperor's nephew, Frederic
of Hohenstaufen, in return for Henry's recognition of his
ducal title, and of his rights in Brisgau and in western
Switzerland. There was, as it were, a tacit suspension of
hostilities, and peace was scarcely troubled by the rupture
between the emperor and the archbishop, Ruthard of May
ence.' The latter, after having long been a partisan of the
anti-pope Guibert, was offended by an unjust accusation
made by the emperor, quitted his see, and took refuge in a
castle of Eichsfeld, refusing all future communication with
the excommunicated prince. Henry reproached him for not
having watched over the property of the Jews massacred by
the first Crusaders in their passage, and who belonged to
him, he said, " as serfs of the imperial chamber." The
emperor ordered the seizure of the archbishop's revenues,
and the sale of the property of his relations.^ At the
beginning of 1099,^ ^® caused his younger son Henry to
1 He had succeeded Archbishop Wecilon iu 1088.
^ Chron, Ursperg., ad ann. 1089. 3 January 5, 1099.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 247
be elected and crowned king at Aix-la-Chapelle, after having
deposed and excluded from the succession his elder son
Conrad, who, attached to the Church party, and married to
the daughter of the Norman Count of Sicily, had been
acknowledged by the Catholics as King of Italy. This
young Conrad, who had always shown great external respect
for his father,' died soon after, at Florence,^ after two years
of an exemplary reign.
The sentence of excommunication under which the im
penitent emperor had so long lain, without injury to his
prosperity, was gradually losing its force in the eyes of the
people, and some monks even passed over to the party of
the stronger.* Meantime the princes of both parties, who
were constantly persuading the emperor to treat with the
Holy See, redoubled their efforts for that end when they
heard of the death of the anti-pope Guibert.* Henry
yielded to their persuasion, and promised to go to Rome
and submit to be judged by a council. But he did not keep
his promise, being dissuaded by his intruded bishops,® who
feared lest an accommodation should lose them their dioceses.
Meanwhile, the success of the First Crusade and the de
liverance of the Holy Sepulchre having been reported in
Germany, Duke Welf of Bavaria, repenting that he had
deserted the Church party, took the cross, and went, together
with Thiemon, the orthodox Archbishop of Salzburg, to die
in the East.^
^ Anmal. Saxo., ad ann. 1099.
^ July IGOI. Stentzel (vol. i. p. 568) reports a quarrel between Conrad
aud the Countess Matilda, foUowed by a reconciliation before his death ;
but he quotes no authority for these statements, and the passage in which
he gives them contains so audacious a falsification of the text of Landol-
phus Junior (c. i) on the relations of Conrad with Luitprand, that it is
impossible to beUeve this unproved assertion.
3 "Multum pene ubique sententia excommunicationis ccepit tepescere
. . quidam religiosi qui inter excommnnicatos promoveri non timerent."
— Bbrnold., ad ann. 1 100.
^ October iioo. " Stentzel, i. 571.
" After the destruction of the German army in Asia Minor, Welf died

248 THE PREDECuJiSSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
The desire to take part in the Crusade, and not to be
left behind by all the other Catholic nations, was not long
in spreading throughout the knighthood of Germany. The
emperor, anxious to secure his dominion over the minds of
his subjects, himself announced his intention of taking the
cross, and made a public declaration to that effect at the
diet of Mayence during the celebration of high mass at
Christmas.' He also proclaimed the Truce of God, and a
general peace for four years. He thus won all hearts.^
But when the execution of his promise was first indefinitely
postponed, and then positively refused, the indignation of
the princes was roused anew. It was always the same
Henry, expert in falsehood and incurable in his habits of
bad faith.*
The zeal of the Catholic party revived. The council,
before which Henry had falsely promised to appear, that
his cause might be judged canonically, was held at Rome
at the end of Lent 1 102. Surrounded by all the Italian
bishops, and in presence of envoys from most of those beyond
the Alps, Pascal renewed the anathema already pronounced
by his predecessors, Gregory and Urban, against the prince
who had wounded and stained the Church by his rapine,
perjury, and homicide.* The pope delivered the sentence
with his own mouth, on Holy Thursday, in the Lateran
Church, before an immense assembly of different nations, so
in the island of Cyprus, and Thiemon perished by the swords of the
Saracens. ^ Christmas 1 102. At the same time he wrote a letter on this subject
to his godfather, Abbot Hugh of Cluny, which, according to Liiden, could
not have deceived anybody.
^ ' ' Inde favorem magnum tam vulgi quam principum et clericorum
fallendo adquisivit." — Ann. Saxo., 1 103.
3 " Proinde secum ficta fide versabantur et adversus eum conspirabant :
en quod omnes principes regni decipiebat, &c., et nU rerum veritatis in
republica fieret."
^ " Quia, inquit, tunicam Christi scindere, id est Ecclesiam rapinis et
incendiis, luxuriis, perjuriis atque homicidiis nou cessavit." — Ricit d'un
timoin oeulaire, reveiiu de la croisade cl Rome, and inserted in the Chron.
Ursperg., ad ann. 1102.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 249
that the news of it might be carried abroad and held for
certain in distant parts of Europe. The great Countess
MatUda, always steadfast in her devotion to the sacred
weakness of the Church, this same year repeated, at Canossa,
between the hands of Cardinal Bernard, Abbot of Vallom
brosa and legate of the Holy See, the solemn donation of all
her wealth, present and future, which she had already made
to St. Gregory VEL, desiring to enjoy it only as a feudatory
of the Church.' A new and valuable ally of the Holy See
appeared at this time in the Belgic provinces. Robert II. ,
Count of Flanders,^ had at first been hostile to ecclesias
tical immunities ; but having taken the cross in expiation
for his misdeeds, he had distinguished himself among the
Crusaders by his constancy and prudence. Robert performed
such prodigious exploits that the Saracens took him for
St. George, that patron of knighthood whom they heard
perpetually invoked by the Christians. On his return from
the Crusade, after the taking of Jerusalem, the Count
declared himself a champion of the liberty of the Church
against schismatics and usurpers. He voluntarily renounced
the right of investiture ; and he tried to make the law re
spected in the church of Cambrai, of which the intruding
Bishop Gaucher had been deposed by Urban II. at the
Council of Claremont, but where the imperialist schism had
been long deeply rooted. With this object he allied him
self to the citizens of Cambrai, who were induced to estab
lish the independence of their municipality by expelling
their bishop.*
The emperor, assisted, it is not clear why, by Count Hugh
1 The text of the deed is found in Muratori, vol. v. p. 384, from the
poem of Domnizo and Leibnitz, Ser. Prunsw., i. 687 ; and St. Marc,
Hist. d^Italie, vol. iv. p. 1280. At the same time Matilda made many
donations to the abbeys of Vallombrosa, Polirone, &c. See Mabill., Ann.
vol. v., passim.
2 Son of Robert II. of Friesland, became Count in 1093.
3 Augustin Thieeey, Lettres sur I'histoire de Prance, letter xiv. p. 262.
This author sees in Robert's enterprise only the desire to aggrandise him
self at the expense of the imperial power.

2 50 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
of Troyes, marched to the support of his creature besieged
in Cambrai, and forced the Count of Flanders to retire.
But he was himself obliged to retreat before the severity
of winter. Pope Pascal congratulated Robert on his zeal.
" Blessed be God," he said, " that since your return from
the Syrian Jerusalem, you march towards the celestial
Jerusalem by the deeds of a true knight, for a true knight
will contend vigorously with his Lord's enemies." Then,
exhorting the Count to act with the same energy against
the excommunicated clergy of Lifege as he had shown against
those of Cambrai, but especially to combat everywhere and
with all his might the chief of the heretics, the pontiff
added, " You can offer to God no sacrifice more agreeable
than a warfare waged with him who rises up against God,
who endeavours to deprive the Church of her crown, who
has set up the idol of simony in the holy place, and who
has been driven from the Chnrch by the servants of God,
by the holy apostles and their vicars. This we enjoin upon
you and all your knights, for the remission of your sins,
and that you may be led by these labours and these
triumphs to the heavenly Jerusalem.'" About the same
time Anselm of Canterbury also addressed praises and en
couragement to Count Robert : " You give a good example,''
he said, " to other princes, and thus invite all Christians to
pray for you. ... I am the faithful lover of your soul,
and I conjure you, 0 my friend, beloved in the Lord, never
fear that you can lessen your dignity by cherishing and
defending the liberty of the Church, the spouse of God,
and your mother ; never believe that you can humble your-
' "Qui reversus Hierusalem Syrise, in ccelestem Hierusalem justis
militise operibus ire conteudis, hoc est legitimi mUitis. . . . Ubique cum
potueris Henricum hsereticorum caput, et ejus fautores pro viribus perse-
quaris. NuUum profecto gratius Deo sacrificium offerre poteris, quam si
eum impugnes, qui . . . hoo tibi et mUitibus tuis iu peccatorum remis
sionem et apostolicam familiaritatem prsecipimus." — Letter of January 21,
1103. WewUl later notice the answer published by the Li^geois to this
pontifical letter.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 251
self by exalting her, or weaken yourself by strengthening
her." ' Robert, who received these exhortations from a
pope and a primate both sprung from the monastic ranks,
knew well that the Church could oppose to her enemies a
force yet more to be relied upon than the sword of Catholic
knights — namely, the regularity and fervour of monasteries.
In them, and chiefly in the old Austrasian provinces, in
Belgium and Lorraine, was kept up, as under Gregory VIL,
an ardent glow of resistance to schism and to lay oppres
sion. Thence issued from time to time assurances of ad
hesion to the sovereign pontiff, such as that of Udalric,
Abbot of St. Michel-sur-Meuse, who, amidst the general de
fection which in Germany marked the last years of Urban IL,
-wrote to the pontiff: " AU that you love, we love ; all that
you regret, we regret ; all that you suffer for Christ, we
suffer with you. We have few friends in this country,
for fear of the tyrant has drawn to his communion those
who formerly obeyed you. But we know that you have the
word of life, and with you we neither shrink from hardships
in this world, nor from a glorious death." ^
Robert of Flanders saw grow up beside him the noble
and Ulustrious Abbey of St. Bertin, reformed by the care of
Abbot Lambert. The latter having found but twelve de
generate monks in his monastery, had gone to Cluny to ask
for twelve others, and to make profession of submission to
the holy patriarch Hugh, and on his return, had soon
gathered one hundred and fifty monks under his crosier.
The beneficent influence of Cluny and its abbot Hugh pro-
' "Precor, obsecro, moneo, ut fidelis animse vestra, ut nunquam sesti-
metis vestrae celsitudinis inimici dignitatem si sponsse Dei et matris
vestrse Ecclesiae amatis et defenditis libertatem ; neo putetis vos humUiari,
&c. . . . " — S. Anselm, Ep. iv. 13. The rest of this letter seems to show
that it was -written after the catastrophe of the Bmperor Henry : " Videte,
circumspicite, exempla sunt in promptu, considerate principes qui Ulam
impugnant et conculcaut, ad quid proficiunt, ad quid deveniunt ? Satis
patet: non eget dictu."
2 " Tecum in terra laboriose vivere, vel gloriose mori non abhorremus."
— Baluz. Miscel., vol. iv. p. 452.

25 2 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
duced the same happy change in St. R^my at Rheims, in St.
Mddard at Soissons, in Anchin, Afilighem, and many other
houses in the north of France and Flanders.' At Afilighem,
in Brabant, the Abbot Fulgence governed two hundred and
thirty monks and nuns with equal holiness and solicitude.^
The great abbey of St. Martin at Tournay had been thoroughly
restored and placed in the first rank of the most regular
houses,* by Eudes or Odo of Orleans, who began his career
as a learned and widely known professor, and was afterwards
converted by reading the writings of St. Augustine. When,
after having made many converts among the Flemish nobility,
he determined to retire into a yet more profound solitude,
all the people of Tournay opposed his project ; and 6o,000
men went out to meet him and celebrate his return. From
him Count Robert requested disciples to reform St. Vast at
Arras, and St. Peter at Ghent, and to make these abbeys
once more strongholds of orthodoxy.* When Count Robert
undertook to obey the pope by reducing the Lifegeois, whose
bishop, Albert, one of the warmest partisans of the excom
municated emperor, had just published a long and virulent
manifesto against the rights and doctrines of the Holy See,^
' " Per Dei gratiam vix jam invenitur in Francia vel Flandria aliquod
coenobium in quo non videas Cluniacenses consuetudines servari." — Her
mann, De inst. S. Mart. Tornac in SpicU., b. xii. p. 443.
^ Mabillon, Ann., b. lxxiv. c. 59.
^ ' ' Ccenobium tunc in toto regno Francorum erat excellentissimse reli
gionis, quoniam nondum germinaverat rigor Cisterciensis, uec de domno
Nortberto aliqua mentio erat." — Ibid., and Mabillon, v. b. 69.
" Blandin, near Ghent, was onlyj reformed in 11 17 by the influence of
St. Bertin.
^ This letter, the composition of which is attributed to the monk Sige
bert of Gemblours, is reproduced in the CoUection des OoncUes (ed. Coletti,
vol. xii. pp. 973-985) and analysed by Fleury (b. Ixv. No. 40). The Church
of Lifege complains in it of the exhortations addressed by the pope to the
Count of Flanders (see above) to engage him to make war on the emperor
and the schismatics of Lifege. The author acknowledges Pascal as the
legitimate pope, and Gregory VII. also. In principle he denies to the
Church the power of the sword, contests her right to excommunicate
kings, approves oaths made by bishops to princes, and maintains that
even heretical sovereigns ought to be obeyed. He says that Hildebrand

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 253
he could count upon the support of more than one such
stronghold situated in the very diocese of LiSge, and towards
which schism and tyranny were bitterly hostile. In the
forest of the Ardennes, which the first monks had opened
up, the abbey of St. Hubert, successively governed by two
abbots named Thierry, the first of whom was an intimate
friend of Gregory VIL, and the second aprot^g^ of Urban IL,
had openly declared itself against Henry IV. ; cruel perse
cution and pillage, suffered at the hands of Bishop Albert,
and the violent expulsion of the second Abbot Thierry, could
not shake the courage of the monks.' Words spoken with
authority came to their support from the depths of Bur
gundy. Jarenton, Abbot of St. Benigne at Dijon, had been
trained, Uke Thierry, in the school of Gregory VIL, and
afterwards had been commissioned by Urban II. to negotiate
with WilHam Rufus. In 1092, he had gone to Metz at
the risk of his life to instal an orthodox bishop.^ Such a
man was fitted to give lessons of courage and perseverance
to the monks of St. Hubert. " We wish you," he wrote to
them in the name of his convent, " the spirit of Moses in the
presence of Pharaoh and his servants. The trumpet of Satan
sounds around us, and threatens our earthly possessions with
ruin, and our mortal bodies with torments. But what sig
nifies this to Christian love, so long as neither life nor death
prevail with us to abandon the defence of truth, lose our zeal
for the right, desert the bosom of our mother, and tum from
the path of Rome ? If yon fear to be disturbed in your lowly
was the first author of a new schism, and that he first turned the sacerdotal
lance against the royal diadem. He rejoices that the popes have hitherto
beeu defeated, and says, " Lord Pascal would do well to remember how
the unheard-of excesses of Hildebrand were suppressed, how false popes
have been condemned and deposed, and how the imperial power has out
weighed the excommunications of Hildebrand, Odo, Urban II. , and Pascal.
' Ibi plus valuit -rfrtus imperiaUs quam excommunieatio . . ,'" which does
not prevent him from heaping insults upon them : "Evomuit cor domini
Paschalis vUe conmeium prout vefulce et textrices faciunt"
1 Chron. Andagin., ap. Martbnn., Ampl. CoU., iv. 978-1019.
2 Hugo Plaviniac, Chron., ad ann. 1092.

2 54 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
existence, the house of St. Benigne is ready to receive with
joy the fugitive sons of the Church." ' But they were not
to be driven to this extremity. Powerful intervention on
the part of the nobles of the country forced Bishop Albert
not only to restore Abbot Thierry to St. Hubert, but also
the abbot to St. Laurent at Lifege, his episcopal city,^ whence
he had driven him. The intruding or schismatic bishops
justly feared these holy houses where zeal for justice and
truth was cherished. Thence generally were drawn the true
shepherds who succeeded in keeping a certain number of
sees free from schism, or in displacing schismatics from their
usurped episcopacy. At the Council of Rheims, in 1105,
Abbot Eudes, the reformer of Tournay, was, to the despair
of his monks, elected Bishop of Cambrai by the prelates of
the province, thus superseding the schismatic Gaucher, who
remained obstinate in his revolt against the pope.* At the
CouncU of Troyes, in the preceding year,* the see of Amiens,
also in the province of Rheims, had been confided to a monk
well known for his zeal in defence of ecclesiastical celibacy.
This monk, named Godfrey, and Abbot of Nogent-sons-Coucy,
had reformed his abbey, which had been reduced to six
inhabitants, and had repeopled it with fervent monks. In
the midst of his new dignity he always remained a monk
both in heart and in name.^
1 " Tuba Satanae graviter intouat . . . totum libenter accipit Christi
caritas, ut neque mors neque vita, terreat nos a defensione veritatis, et
. . . nequeamus ... a semita Romanse exhorbitare sedis. . . . S. Benigni
domus fugam filiorum Ecciesias in Christi gratia benigne suscipiet."- — Cod.
S. Viton., ap. Mabill., Ann. Ben., b. Ixx. c. 33.
^ See the curious accouut in Hist. Andaginensia in Ampliss. Collect, vol.
iv., to which we shall return.
3 He could not be instaUed tiU after the death of Henry IV. in iio6,
Gaucher having resisted in arms the decrees of the council. — Hermann,
De inst. S. Mart Tornac. in Spicileg.
* AprU 1 104.
5 Vit. S. Godefr., ap. Surium, 8 nov. ; GuiB. NoviG., De vita sua, c. 22.
He always caUed himself Featbr Godberidus, Die gratia Amhiamiensium
episcopus.- — Mabill., Ann., b. Ixxi., No. 65. He obtained from Enguerrand,
Count of Boves, the re-establishment of the abbey of St. Fuscieu. Belonging

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 255
In the following year,' Albert of Lifege was on the point
of suffering the same fate as Gaucher of Cambrai. Accused,
before the provincial council of Aix-la-Chapelle, by his arch
deacon in the name of all his clergy,^ of having infringed all
laws both ecclesiastical and civil, of having sold abbeys, and
trampled under foot the liberties guaranteed by his prede
cessors,* he was severely reprimanded, and then suspended
from his office. He obtained, however, a delay to make
reparation ; but he profited by it only to ally himself closely
with Henry, who, pursuing the course of his policy, crippled
more and more the independence of the Church by substi
tuting creatures of his own choice for prelates trained in
monasteries and devoted to the Holy See.
Faithful to his system, the emperor, in 1102, expelled
from the see of Osnaburg Marquard, formerly Abbot of
Corbie, and a zealous Catholic* In 1 1 03 he placed an
intruder in the see of Constance,* in the room of the holy
and courageous Gebhard, that great monk of Hirschau, to
whom Pascal II. had continued the oflice of legate, which
he had fiUed so vigorously under Urban II. The pope was
specially distressed by this last attack. Writing on Feb
ruary 10, 1 103, to the Duke Welf of Bavaria, Berthold of
by birth to the nobUity of the country, he interfered successfuUy iu the
quarrels of the Picard nobles among themselves, aud especiaUy obtained
the release of Adam de St. Omer, by excommunicating the Vidame of Pio-
quigny, who had dragged him from the bishop's cort^e and imprisoned him.
^ At the beginning of 1 106.
^ Totius deri Leodiensis, which must be an exaggeration, for it is hard
to beUeve that those among the clergy of Li^ge who held the imperialist
doctrines expressed iu the letter of Sigebert of Gemblours could have thus
pronounced against Albert, the emperor's chief partisan.
3 " . . . Et, quod est deterius, corrumpi conseuserit . . . quod contra
libertatem pubUci juris, leges a majoribus nostris hactenus habitas vio
lenter infringere contenderit." — Hist. Andagimens. Monast, No. 127, in
Ampliss. Collect, voL iv. p. 1020.
« " CathoUcarum partium studiosissimus." — Mabill., b. 70, o. 34.
' Arnoul, monk of St. GaU. We have already remarked that St. GaU
was one of the few abbeys attached to the schism, and that Hirschau, on
the contrary, was the centre of orthodoxy in Germany. Udalric, Abbot of
St. GaU, had been made Patriarch of AquUeia by Henry.

256 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Suabia, and other princes and nobles of this latter province,
he reproached them with their cowardice and complicity with
the bitter enemy of the Church. The crime was the more
inexcusable in these nobles, because they had formerly been
the defenders and devoted sons of their outraged mother.
The holy Father ended his letter by exhorting the culprits
to return to the right way, and follow the instructions
of Gebhard, whom he called the eye of the Church. If
they should so act, he promised them absolution from all
the censures which they might have deserved, and which
he intended to pronounce once more against the intru
der, who, like a decayed limb, had just been cut off from
Catholic unity.'
The same day the pope addressed to the monks of
Hirschau, and all Catholic abbots and monks of Suabia, a
command to take Gebhard for their model, to surround him
with their love, and to seek from him the help they needed
in the midst of their tribulations.^ " But," he added, " these
tribulations are your glory. The world rages more than
ever against you, persecutions increase, the waves of the
ocean rise and seem ready to engulf you. But our Lord
had trodden these waves. Let us learn to imitate our
fathers, let us learn how to rejoice in the midst of suffering.
Your sorrow shall soon be turned into joy. Soon, by the
merits of the holy apostles, an end shall be put to your
persecutions through Him who said, ' Z have overcome the
world.' "^ This prediction of the pontiff was shortly to be
1 " Perverse capiti adhsesistis, membra ejusdem Ecclesise quae vos in
Christo generavit, injurias irrogantes, et cum malorum omnium capite
ipsam matrem vestram infestationibus aggravantes . . . qui ejus vos
defensores, ejus vos novimus amatores . . . habetis juxta vos summi
capitis membrum et Ecclesiae oculum . . Porro . . . excommunica-
tum et a catholicse Ecclesise unitate tanquam putridum membrum esse
praecisum. Hune quasi mortiferum venenum per omnia fugat." — Nbu-
GAET, Codex diplomatieus Alemannice, S. Blasii, 1798, b. ii. p. 833.
2 "Dilectis G. Hirsaugiensi et caeteris catholicis abbatibus per Sue-
viam." — Ihid., No. 832.
3 " Audivimus, carissimi, quia plus solito ... in vos fluctus maris

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 257
accomplished — ^the end of the labyrinth traversed by the
personal enemy of the Church was almost reached ; his own
bishops, those of them, at least, whose lives were befitting
their high position, deserted him. Bruner, even, a Fran
conian noble full of talent and courage, whom he had made
Archbishop of Treves, and himself invested with crosier and
ring, desired, at the end of three years, to obtain the pope's
confirmation of his dignity, and went to Rome, where the
sovereign pontiff in his annual council ' severely reprimanded
him for having received lay investiture. The prelate was
obliged to lay down his office, which the pope, in considera
tion of the services he would be able to render to the
Church,^ restored to him three days later, at the request of
the bishops, and after imposing on him a public penance.
There was at the imperial court a Suabian gentleman,
not rich, but pious and learned, named Otho, whom Henry
had made his chaplain, and on whom he bestowed in 1 102,
in spite of his reluctance, the bishopric of Bamberg. Otho
feared the responsibility of lay investiture, and was no sooner
installed at Bamberg, which he entered walking barefoot
over snow and ice,^ than he hurried to Rome, and there,
laying his crosier and ring at the pope's feet, explained the
affair, begged pardon for his imprudence or error, and pro
mised to submit to canonical punishment.* The pope not
only forgave him, but consecrated him himself ; ^ and then
sent him back to his diocese, a devoted servant of the Holy
See.® These ecclesiastical defections were but the forerunners
aerius surgant ; sed admirabUis in excelsis Dominus, qui suis ea pedibus
calcat . . in tribulatiouibus vestris quae est gloria vestra. . . Tris
titia enim nostra vertatur in gaudium," c&c. — Nbugart, loc. cU.
1 Pagi, ad ann. 1104, c. 11.
2 Chron. hist. Trevir. in SpicUeg., 2, 12, and Cone Coletti, b. xii. p. 1113.
3 Vit. S. Otton. in Canis. Thes. antiq. lection., 0. 5, by an eyewitness.
* " Fatetur omnia, baculum ponit et annulum ad pedes Apostolici . .
pro quo et severius in se canoniose, distriotionis sibimet imprecatur ultio-
nem."—Ibid. ^ At Pentecost 1103.
" Baronius calls him "transfugam a schismaticis ad catholicos," — Ann.,
1 103, c. I, cf. Ep. Otton and Pasch., papse ad Pedes. Babenberg., ibid.
VOL. Vl. R

258 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of the storm which was about to break upon the emperor.
The lay princes were gradually separating themselves from
him. They imputed to him the murder of two of the most
considerable among them, Conrad of Beichlingen, and Sieg-
hart of Bavaria.' They wanted only a chief to lead them,
and this chief was found in the emperor's own son, the
young King Henry, for whose benefit he had disinherited his
elder son Conrad. The prince's companions in his pleasures
excited him to rise up against the emperor, whom the
Church, they said, had rejected, and whom all the nobles
agreed to detest.^ Henry was easUy led away by these
counsels ; it is not certain whether he even needed them.
He was twenty-four years of age, and already his prudence
and his extraordinary qualities had won him many adherents.
His position gave hopes to those who sincerely desired the
reconciliation of the Church with the empire, and saw the
impossibility of arriving at that result while the old em
peror was in power.* He, indeed, during a reign of fifty
years, had always trampled under foot not only the rights of
the Church, but also the traditional liberties which consti
tuted the common law of the empire. The young king, on
the contrary, seemed animated by the most lively desire to
restore every one to his rights, and by humble devotion to
the Church. We may believe that his mind had been re
volted by his father's determination to strengthen himself
in schism, and to brave excommunication ; * but political
interests also weighed with the young prince. Already re
cognised as king and successor to his father by the whole
' Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1 103 and 1104.
2 " Maxime cum patrem ejus excommunicatum et Ecclesia dudum rejec-
erit et proceres regni reprobaverlnt." — Vita Henrici, p. 387, ap. Urstis.,
Script rer. German.
3 Contemporary chronicles often call him Henricus senior, not so much
on account of his age, for he was not much more than fifty, but to dis
tinguish him from his son.
^ " Detestabatur eum filius, sicuti cuncti fideles, quia denuntiabatur ex-
communicatus ab apostolicis Gregorio, Urbano, Paschall." — Arm. Sax., ad
ann. 1104.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 259
imperialist party, it was of consequence to him not to suffer
the CathoUc party again to elect such a chief as Rodolph
of Suabia or Hermann of Luxemburg; it was important to
him to obtain his succession to the empire by the unani
mous will of the princes, the bishops, and the pope himself.'
The rupture between father and son took place at Fritzlau,
in December 1 1 04. The young king suddenly left the
army which Henry was leading against an insurgent vassal,
and declaring that he would not hold further intercourse
with the emperor while he continued excommunicated, im
mediately sent word to the pope that he was ready to make
his submission, and asked his advice as to the oath he had
taken never to claim the government without his father's
permission. Pascal charged the legate Gebhard to receive
the prince into the bosom of the Church, and to give him
the apostoUc benediction, promising him absolution at the
last judgment if he would engage to be a just king, and to re
pair the crimes of his father Henry IV. towards the Church.^
' This is what has been perfectly shown by Gervais : Politische Geschichte
Deutschlands unter Hdnrich V. mnd Lotha,r III. : Leipzig, 1841.
2 " Apostolicus, ut audivit inter patrem et filium dissidium, sperans hoc a
Deo evenisse, manda-vit ei . . . de hoc commisso sibi promittens absolutionem
in judicio futuro, si ^eYLet Justus rex et gubernator esse Pcclesice, quse per negli-
geutiam patris sui defcurbata est multo tempore." — Ann. Saxo., ad 1105.
Fleury says (b. Ixv. No. 37) : " The emperor's excommunication was the
pretext for his son Henry's revolt, aud the young prince was artfuUy incited
to it by the letters of Pope Pascal, who exhorted him to assist in deUvering
the Church of God. Thus speaks a monk and a contemporary -writer, who
adds that the son, ambitious, and delighted to see himself authorised,
armed himself eagerly against his father." Here the calumnious malice of
the GalUean priest contemporary with Louis XIV. surpasses that of the
imperiaUst chroniclers of Henry's time, and even that of Protestant and
rationaUst historians of our own days. The Vita Henrici (p. 387), the
source most favourable to Henry, says expressly that the young king was
urged to revolt against his father by the young meu of his court : " Fre
quenter eum venatmm secum, abducebant, ccmviciorum illecebris inescabcmt, jocis
in dissolutionem amimU nvulcebant . . . denique ut fit inter adolescentes," &c.
Stentzel and Liiden, Henry's modem apologists, say the same ; the latter
says only that Pascal was no doubt informed of the young Henry's plans,
but without quoting the least proof of the assertion. Fleury, instead of
foUowing competent authorities, has preferred, in accusing of artifice the

26o THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
The emperor much wished to enter into negotiations with
his son ; but the prince refused any intercourse with his
father until the excommunication should be taken off. All
Bavaria pronounced for the young prince ; the towns and the
nobles of Saxony, too justly angry with the elder Henry,
unanimously recognised his successor. The latter, in con
cert with the legate Gebhard and Archbishop Ruthard of
Mayence, occupied himself in bringing back the churches of
Saxony and other parts of Germany into the Roman unity.'
He restored to their abbeys the monks who had been exiled
for defending the cause of the Church ; ^ and he obliged the
imperialist bishops either to abandon the schism, or else to
give place to the legitimate holders of their sees, or to men
newly elected and imbued with the Roman spirit.'
Henry V. displayed his piety by walking barefoot in the
procession on Holy Thursday at Quedlenburg, and com
pletely won the hearts of his subjects by his humUity at
the provincial council of Nordhausen,* where the decrees
of the orthodox assemblies were renewed, and where an
immense crowd of bishops, abbots, and monks, all eager
for the establishment of unity, were gathered together.^
The young king would not enter until the fathers of the
council called him ; he then appeared in the most simple
one among all the popes who showed himself least capable of it, to foUow
the accoimt of Hermann of Tournay, a writer uot personaUy acquainted
with the events, of which indeed he only speaks in passing, in his narra
tive of the re-establishment of the Abbey of St. Martin, in SpicU., vol. xii.
No. 83. Stentzel himself acknowledges the inexactness of Hermann, vol.
i. p. 600, note 44. There is nothing more evident in this afEair than the
total absence of initiative on the part of the pope.
' " Totam Saxoniam apostoUcse sedi reconoUiavit." — Ann. Saxo., ad 1105.
2 EspeciaUy at Isenburg, where the martyr-bishop Burkhardt of Halber
stadt had died.
3 Thus at Halberstadt, Minden, Paderborn, Hildesheim, Magdeburg,
Wiirzburg, Ratisbon, and Spire. This last see was giveu to Gebhard,
Abbot of Hirschau, the abbey so often mentioned as the chief centre of
Catholic resistance. ^ May 29, 1005.
* " Ingens enim cum episcopis et clericis, abbatum et mouachorum Ec
clesise unitatem sitiens turba contiuxerat. " — Chron. Ursperg., ad H05, &c.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 26 1
costume, confirmed all the decrees of his predecessors, and
spoke with snch pathos and piety of his zeal for the salva
tion of his father and of his resolution to obey him like the
lowest serf if he would only submit to the vicar of Peter,
that all the assembly, weeping, burst out into loud acclama
tions, and afterwards chanted litanies for the conversion of
the father and the prosperity of the son.'
When the emperor had marched against his son, and the
two armies were face to face on the banks of the Regen,
the prince renewed his protestations, declaring that he had
no wish to be guilty of parricide, and that his purpose was
to be not an aggressor but a defender.^ And when the
emperor prepared for the fight, those princes who were
under his banners refused to give battle and drew back.
Henry first fled to Bohemia, and then to the Rhine, where
the citizens were generally favourable to him.* His son
foUowed closely, re-established the primate Ruthard in the
see of Mayence, and convoked a solemn diet at that place
for Christmas. In this extremity, the emperor remembered
that at Rome there was a pope whom he had never acknow
ledged, and against whom he had supported three consecu
tive anti-popes ; by the advice of his partisans he wrote a
letter to Pascal, in which, recognising him as pope, he
begged him to act paternally towards him, and send a
nuncio who might serve as mediator between him and his
1 "Abjecto productus habitu . . . serviliter spondebat subesse: quse
verba omuis multitudo coUaudans . . . lacrymas et preces effudit, voce
magna Kyrie eleison declamans." — Chron. Ursperg., ad 1105, &c.
^ "Ego parricida vocari vel esse nolo ... me non impugnatorem
patris, sed paterni regni propugnatorem esse noveritis." — Chron. Ursperg.,
and Arm. Saxon., ad ann. 1105.
3 He went from Mayence to Hammerstein, a fortress, the ruins of
which may be stUl seeu on the Rhine between Andernach aud Bonn ;
then to Cologne, where the Archbishop Frederic was hostile but the
citizens friendly to him. Those of Mayence, to the number of 20,000,
took up arms iu his cause (Udalr. Cod., Ep. No. 213, in Eckhard.,
vol. ii.), which did not prevent their opening their gates to the young
king and receiving the primate Ruthard with enthusiasm. — Ann. Saxon.,
ad ann. 1005.

262 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
son.' But before this letter could reach Rome all was over.
The two princes having met at Coblentz,^ the old emperor
threw himself at his son's feet, and conjured him to re
member that, even if God willed his chastisement, it was
not the part of a son to punish his father's faults.^ The
young king knelt in his turn and swore to obey as a knight
his lord and as a son his father, if the emperor would con
sent to be reconciled to the Holy See.* Henry having
declared that he did consent, both marched on together to
the approaching Council of Mayence where the diet was
held. All the princes of Germany, except the Duke of
Saxony, had arrived in the city, and. a new legate from
the pope, Richard, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano, had come
thither to join Gebhard of Constance in publishing once
more the sentence of excommunication against the emperor.
The two prelates received a solemn abjuration of the schism
pronounced by all present.
In this state of affairs, Henry IV., who was singularly
terrified by his imprisonment, demanded to appear before
the diet ; but the princes, fearing a popular commotion in
Mayence in his favour,^ decided that the meeting should be
held at Ingelheim, once the residence of Charlemagne, the
glorious founder of the Holy Roman Empire. Thither was
brought, a captive and desolate, the great emperor's suc
cessor. They summoned him to abdicate, not without
threats of putting him to death. He consented ; asking
only that his life might be spared, saying that he no longer
^ See the text of the letter in Urstis., Script, rer. Germ., p. 395,
Baron., A'nn., ad ann. 1105, c. 6. He there complains of the severity
of Pascal's predecessors since Nicholas II. and Alexander IL, of whose
charity he boasts.
^ December 21, 11 05.
3 " Si pro peccatis meis flageUandus eram a Deo, culpae patris vindioem
filium, et nulla divinae legis constituit sanctio."
^ "Ut miles domino, ut patri filius cum fide et veritate obauditurum
cum lacrymis promisit si modo veUem. . . ." — Ep. Hen/r. ad reg. Pranc.,
ap. Urstis., 396, Baronius, loc. dt.
^ Ann. Saxo., 1106.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 263
felt able to hold the reins of government, and that it was
time he should think of his sonl. He even went farther ;
throwing himself at his son's feet, he implored the prince
to spare him new affronts. At this spectacle the whole
assembly was profoundly touched. Many wept ; the young
Henry alone remained insensible ; 1 Cardinal Richard then
interfered, and told the prisoner that his sole chance of
safety lay in confessing that he had unjustly persecuted
Pope Gregory, the Holy See, and the whole Church,^
Henry begged some delay in order to justify himself, but
it was refused. Then, kneeling before the legate, he im
plored him at least to obtain for him the favour of imme
diate absolution when he should have confessed.* The
princes, moved by pity,* thought this prayer should be
granted ; but the legate replied that he had no power to
absolve so great a criminal in the absence of the pope.^
The unfortunate emperor being able to obtain nothing con
sented to all; he abdicated the imperial crown, confessed
^ "Non via coactum, sed propria voluntate inductum . . . sibi jam
deficere vires ad moderandas regni habenas. . . . Tempus esse ut honore
cum onere deposito, provideret animse suae." . . . "Multos ad gemitus
et lacrymas commo-rit. . . . Cum caderet ad pedes filii, orans, &c. . . .
uec -vultum nee animum ad patrem reflexit." — Hist.de Vita Henrici IV.,
ap. Urstis. . . . German. Histor., p. 3S9.
2 It would seem that there were two successive discussions, — oue with
the princes as to the abdication, and the other with the cardinal as to
the retractation aud absolution. The emperor, whose version, given in
his letter to the King of France, we follow, says : ' ' Legatus qui ibidem
Eiderat (non dico quia omnia haec audierat) respondit." The annals of
HUdesheim, &c., say : " Cardinalis qui inopinate ad haec facta con
venerat." Thus it results that he took no part in the threats relative to
the abdication, which, however, does not justify his great severity towards
the captive.
3 Vita Henrici, ap. URSTISIUM, loc. cit.
' "Laici misericordia moti veniam dabant." — Chron. Ursperg., 2A ann
II 06.^ "Se nullo modo tam magnam personam, propter quem tanta mala
in regno sint perpetrata, absente Apostolico nuUo modo suscipere." —
Ann. Saxon. "Dixit non esse sui juris me absolvere ; si vellem, inquit,
absolvi, Romam irem satisfaoere Apostolicae sedi." — ^Ep., Herw. ad regem
Pramc.

264 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
his guUt, and remained solitary, despoiled, hopeless, and
still excommunicated.' The expiation, hard as it might
be, had been merited by thirty years of crimes against the
Church, against the domestic virtues, justice, and honour ;
but it is for ever to be regretted that it was inflicted by a
son with apparent sanction on the part of the Church. 2
The princes then elected the young Henry king, exclud
ing his father's intervention, and the Archbishop of May
ence delivered to him the crown, sceptre, cross, lance, and
sword which the emperor had given up, saying to him, " If
you fail to govern the kingdom justly, and to defend
' " Sic desolatum et spoliatum . . in eadem villa reliquerunt me."
— Ep. , Henr. ad regem Pranc.
^ We are far from desiring to associate ourselves with the systematic
falsification of Gallican, Protestant, and rationalist historians, who have
all chosen to represent Henry IV. as an innocent victim, a venerable old
man, shamefuUy persecuted by a parricidal son and a fanatical clergy,
and who are careful not to remember the atrocious crimes which he had
committed throughout his reign against the popes, against the honour of
women and his own, against all the political and social rights of Germany.
For us, Henry IV. is an odious tyrant who merited a thousand times to
be deposed by the double authority of the Church aud the German nobles.
But after an attentive study of two different versions of this great event,
we find that the young king (very unlike his elder brother Conrad)
acted with a revolting faithlessness worthy of his father ; we think also
that the legate Richard did not, in the moment of victory, show that
compassion which is a special and exclusive right of the Church. It is
painful to us to dissent here from the opinion of Baronius, who, after
having reproduced with an impartiality never imitated by the enemies
of the Church all the emperor's imprecations against his son, concludes
thus : " Inter quos si arbiter sedeas quod ad persecutiouem, capti-vitatem,
atque privationem imperii spectat per filium procuratas iu patrem, cum
ex animi affectu ista pendeant, nihil habes in quo damnes filium magis
quam si vehementi febre phrenetico, deUranti, insanienti, fureutique pius
filius injiciat vincula patri, si vero intuitu pietatis, ut facere prse se tulit,
ea omnia praestitit. Certe quidem furor Henrici senioris toto vitae suae
tempore majoribus in dies accessionibus auctus iu Ecclesise catholicse
detrimentum, et cladem assiduam occidentalis imperii, ejusmodi plurimis
experimentis cognitus est, ut aliter curari non posset, nisi hujus modi
vinculis. . . . Caeterum (quod exclamat pater) si ea ex mails artibus
nempe perjuriis offensae prsestitse fidei, fieri contigerunt, laudari minime
possunt." — Ann., 1106, u. 14.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 265
the Church of God, may you suffer the fate of your
predecessor ! " '
In spite of the greatness of his fall, Henry IV. had for a
moment a hope of rising again. Having recovered a little
from the condemnation which had struck him down, and
fearing lest he might be imprisoned for the rest of his life,
he took refuge, first at Cologne, which was devoted to him,
and afterwards at Lifege, where there was an excommuni
cated clergy openly hostile to the Church, and a bishop,
Albert, who immediately took up arms to defend the fallen
sovereign. This was not all; first, other Rhine cities, ex
cited by the Bishop of Li^ge, and afterwards the Duke of
Lorraine and several other princes, declared themselves in
turn for the old monarch. Henry hastened to address to
the kings of France, England, Denmark, and other countries
a detailed account of the treatment to which he had been
subjected, calling upon them to observe that the common
interests of all the kings of Christendom were concerned.^
He wrote at the same time to his godfather, the holy Abbot
Hugh of Cluny, whom he implored to intercede with the
pope in his favour, giving him full power to treat in his
name.* He promised to devote himself for the future
exclusively to the restoration of the Chnrch, and to go to
the Crusade as soon as peace should be concluded.
The partisans of the astute prince regained courage.
The citizens of Trent, -with a certain Count Adalbert,
stopped in the defiles of the Tyrol the bishops and princes
whom the diet of Mayence were sending as ambassadors to
1 " ut si non Justus, regni gubernator et Ecclesiarum Dei defeusator
existeret, ut ei sicut patri suo eveniret." — Ann. Saxon., ad anu. 1 106.
^ " Vestra tamen et omnium regum terrae interesset, injuriam et con
temptum meum -rindicare." — Ep. ad reg. Pranc, ap. Chron. Ursperg. and
Cod. Udalr., Ep., No. 226, in Ecc. corp. hist., b. ii. ; Babon., 1106 ; cf. Resp.
princip., ibid.
3 " Ita ut salvo honore nostro totum papae faeiam quod disposueritis,
. . Pro reparatione Ecclesiarum quse nostris temporibus nostris peccatis,
heu ! corruerunt, omnibus modis prout Deus -vires dederit, volumus labor-
are." — In SpicUegio, iii. 443.

266 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
beg the pope to come to Germany ; all these personages
were robbed and imprisoned.' The young king having
marched against Lifege, saw his advanced-guard put to rout
by the Lorrainers of the imperial party at Vesel on the
Meuse : he vainly besieged Cologne, whence the citizens
had driven the orthodox archbishop, and which they held
for Henry IV. The latter soon found himself at the
head of an army with which he could surround that of
the besiegers. Resuming the imperial title, which he had
abandoned at Ingelheim, he published two manifestoes,
addressed one to the princes and bishops, and the other
to his son, whom he reproached for his unfaithfulness to
his word, and for the violence of which he had been guilty
towards his father. In this document he added that he
was ready to submit his cause to the judgment of a council
composed of princes and monks, among whom should be
Hugh of Cluny ; ^ that he demanded a suspension of hostili
ties, and appealed to the pope and the holy Roman Church.*
The young king caused the answer of the princes to be read
to his army by the Archbishop of Magdeburg. It com
menced thus : " After forty years of discord, sacrilege, per
jury, and crime, which have reduced our kingdom almost to
apostasy and paganism,* we, being the sons of the spouse of
Christ, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, have returned to
the unity of the faith, and rejected the incorrigible chief of
the schism, Henry IV., who calls himself our emperor, and
we have done this out of zeal for God, and obedience to the
' Except only Gebhard, Bishop of Constance, who succeeded in finding
circuitous paths, and so was able to rejoin the Countess Matilda and Otho
of Bamberg, whose vassal Adalbert was.
^ " Pro concilio vestro et aliorum qui nos odio hon habent religiosorum
virorum . . . spiritualis patris nostri H. Cluniacensis abbatis." — Chron.
Ursperg., ad ann. iio6 ; BARON., eod. ann.
3 " Appellamus Romanum pontificem, et sanctam universalem Roman -
am sedem et Ecclesiam." — Ibid.
' " Regnum nostrum nou tantum in solitudinem, sed etiam ad apos-
tasiam catholicae fidei, sive in ipsum paganismum propemodum redegit."
—lUd.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 267
apostolic faith, and have chosen a Catholic king sprung from
the same blood.' But now, after having voluntarily ab
dicated, the fallen emperor pretends that he has suffered
violence, and complains of this injury to all the kings of the
earth, whom he endeavours to excite against us. His only
object is to dissolve the army of Christ, again to ravage the
Lord's -vineyard, and once more to crucify the scarcely risen
Saviour.^ Therefore, to take from him all pretext for com
plaint, we, the king, in concert -with the princes of the
kingdom, and the orthodox army, grant to Henry permis
sion to come to this place with whatever guarantee he may
desire, to plead his cause before the assembled senate and
people, to do and to receive justice for all that has passed
since the commencement of the schism, that right may be
done to the father and the son alike, and that we may
make an end immediately, and not after the delay asked
for, of all the disputes which agitate the Church and the
kingdom." *
But the old emperor,* with the consciousness of power,
had regained his habitual cunning ; the commissioners who
brought him the message were so maltreated as to be in
peril of their lives, and were sent back with no other answer
than a summons to their senders to lay down their arms
immediately, and appoint a final conference to treat for peace.
During this time the imperial forces daily increased. The
young king was obliged to raise the siege of Cologne, and
proposed to his father either to fight immediately or to hold
a conference in eight days. Henry replied by a new mani-
1 " Henricum . . . zelo Dei et Apostolicae fidei obedientia abdicavimus,
cathoUcum nobis, Ucet ipsius de semine elegimus." — Chron. Ursperg., loc. cU.
^ " Re autem vera solitis argumentis castra haec Domini dispergere,
Christi exercitum exarmare conatur . . . immo Christum jam iterum in
Ecclesia sua resurgentum iu omnium cordibus crucifigere meditatur."
3 " Coram prsesenti senatu simul ac populo causam suam agat, justitiam
suscipiat, justitiam et reddat quatenus . . . tam filio quam patri justitia
sua respondeat."
* " Quam legationem . . . susceptam ex imperatori ssepedioto . . . cum
retulisseut." — Chron. Ursperg., loc cit.

268 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
festo, in which he declared that the interval was too short ;
that he required the presence of the most distant princes,
such as the Duke of Bohemia, the Count of Burgundy, and
others ; that he again appealed to the Holy See, and in
default of being heard there, confided his cause to the Holy
Trinity, the Blessed Virgin, St. Peter, and St. Lambert,
patron of Lifege, where he then was.^ A battle, therefore,
seemed inevitable, when Brkenbold, Henry's faithful cham
berlain, and Burkhard, Bishop of Munster, whom he had
kept prisoner, brought to the young king the sword and
diadem of his father,^ carried off by a sudden death at Lifege,
August 7, 1 1 06. He was not fifty-five years of age, and
had reigned fifty. His body, first interred in the Cathedral
of St. Lambert by Bishop Albert, was exhumed by the advice
of the princes, until the absolution of the defunct should be
obtained from Rome.* It was laid on an island in the Meuse,
under the care of a single monk returned from Jerusalem,
who chanted psalms day and night for the repose of the dead
emperor's soul. Afterwards the body was carried to Spires,
where the sovereigns of his house had their burial-place ;
but the monk of Hirschau who had become Bishop of Spires,
refused to admit it into the cathedral, to the great discon
tent of the citizens of the town, which Henry had specially
loved and embellished.
The prince having died excommunicated, could not receive
the honours due to a Catholic emperor ; his body therefore
remained in a stone sarcophagus * under the porch, because,
'¦ This third letter is found with the others in Urstisius (Ser. Germ, rer.,
p. 399) and in Baronius.
^ Ann. Saxo. ; Anmal. Hildesheim, ad aun. i io5, ap. Leibnitz., Script
rer. Brunsiv., vol. i.
3 " Quia quibus vivis Ecclesia non communicat, illis etiam neo mortuis
communicare possit." — Ann. Saxon., loc cit.
* " In sarcophago lapideo. " — Chron. Ursperg. This refusal of sepulture
has been the occasion of great outcries from all Protestant and phUoso
phical writers. It was nevertheless obligatory, unless the Church would
allow that the excommunication was a ridiculous formality, and that all
men are uot equal before God.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 269
even in death, he did not belong to the great Christian
community. Thus, at the age of fifty-five, and after a reign of half a
century, died the most formidable enemy perhaps that the
Chnrch had ever met since she issued from the catacombs.
He was the more formidable because, instead of being, like
her ancient persecutors, a stranger to the Church, he occu
pied the foremost rank among her children, and also because
no one could deny the numerous good qualities which in him
were mingled with the most perverse and most lamentable
dispositions. His adversaries did not hesitate to acknow
ledge that no one could have been better fitted for empire
than he, if his soul had not been depraved, and, as it were,
suffocated by his passions.'
The joy of the Catholic party was very great. Divine
justice had at length spoken ; the Church was avenged of
the Pharaoh, of the Nebuchadnezzar who had oppressed her
for half a century : a second time the Galilean had con
quered.^ The holiest and least vindictive souls sought
1 "Nemo videretur fascibus imperialibus ipso aptior, si tamen in con
flictu vitiorum homo non degeneraret vel succumberet interior." — Chron.
Ursperg., ad ann. 1106. This judgment of a twelfth century monk agrees
exactly with that pronounced a hundred and fifty years later by the Fran
ciscan Salimbeni on Frederic IL, the most brilliant imitator of Henry IV. .
" an accomplished man, if he had but loved his soul 1 "
- " Universorum tam ibidem quam ubivis fere christiauorum corda simul
et ora infinito nimis tripudio . . . rumore replesse. Nou altius concinebat
Israel Domino, Pharaone demerso. . . . Deo autem gratias qui, licet tarde,
tamen permagnifice victoriam concessit Ecclesise suse, cui etiam ejusdem
Nabuchodonosor quinquagesimum exactionis annum iste Galileus, qui
JuUanum quondam vicerat, vertit in Jubilaeum." — Chron. Ursperg., ad ann.
1 106. It is weU known that the important chronicle which bears the name
of Urspergense (Auersperg) was not entirely drawu up by Abbot Conrad
of Lichtenau, whose name it bears and who finished it in 1 126. The first
part, and notably all the reigus of Henry IV. and Henry V., is the work of a
contemporary of these princes who constantly speaks as an ocular witness,
and who is thought to have been a monk of Bamberg. See Pagi iu Crit
Ba/rrni., ad ann. 1102 and 1 105 ; Stentzel, vol. ii. p. 106. The latter owns
that this chronicle forms the most authentic source before the reigu of
Henry V. It has been almost literally transcribed by the annalist Saxo.

270 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
to draw lessons useful to their neighbour from this great
example : " See," wrote St. Anselm to the Count of Flanders,
" look round you and consider the fate of princes who attack
the Church and trample her under foot." '
The abbot Hugh of Cluny, so often invoked by the dead
emperor during his last days, took occasion from this death
to exhort King Philip of France to end his life in the
monastic habit at Cluny.^
Henry V., by his father's death, found himself uncon
tested possessor of the German royalty ; the sanction of the
Church alone was yet wanting to him.
Pascal IL, who had advanced towards the Alps, held a
general council at GuastaUa on the banks of the Po, on
October 22, 1 107, with the assistance of the indefatigable
Countess Matilda. There he received the ambassadors of
the young Henry, who came to ask his confirmation of their
prince's election, to promise him that the successor of
Henry IV. would be the faithful servant of the Holy See,
and that he would submit to the Church as to his mother
and to the pope as to his father.* Pascal gave a series of
decrees needful for consolidating the Church's victory ; * he
^ "Videte, circumspicite . . . satis patet, nou eget dictu." — S. Anselm.,
Ep. iv. 13.
^ In SpicUeg., vol. ii. ep. 18, p. 400.
3 "Quaerens ut jus sibi regni
Concedat, sedi sauctffi cupit ipse fidelis
Esse velut matri, subjici sibi vel quasi patri."
— Domnizo, Vita Math., ii. 17.
Stentzel translates jus regni by "the right of gi-riug investiture to
bishops " — a version which appears in direct contradiction with aU the
antecedents of the position and with the decree immediately afterwards
pronounced by the pope. What proves this to be a misreading is that the
Life of MatUda, iu prose, by an anonymous writer, published in Muratori
(Script, vol. V. p. 396), says expressly, "Petens ut sVoi regncmdi jus con-
cederet." Stentzel, indeed, rightly remarks the kind of derision which
the young king's promise contained since his mother was dead and he had
betrayed and deposed his father. Take in this light, his promise was kept.
¦• Ravenna, see of the anti-pope Guibert, was deprived of its rights as
metropolitan over the towns of the Emilian provinces.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IT. 27 1
consecrated and reconciled several prelates, deposed others ;
appointed as Bishop of Parma, at the request of the Par
mesans, Cardinal Bemard Uberti, Abbot of VaUombrosa,
who, two years before, had been dragged from the cathedral,
wounded, beaten, and thrown into prison by these same
Parmesans, then entirely devoted to the emperor.' Out of
love for peace, and regard to the small number of German
bishops who had remained orthodox,^ the pope recognised
the bishops ordained dnring the schism, except the intruders
and the simoniacs ; but at the same time, to signalise, as
said the canon of the council, the Church's return to her
natural freedom,* he formally confirmed the absolute pro
hibition of lay investiture. The Germans expected that he
would then cross the Alps in reply to their! pressing invita
tions, and celebrate Christmas with the king and princes
at Mayence ; * but an insurrection at Verona,^ and other
1 Domnizo, Vita Math., u. 14, 17.
2 "Ut vix pauci sacerdotes aut clerici cathoUci iu tanta terrarum
latitudine reperiantur. Tot igitur filiis iu hac strage jacentibus, Chris
tianse pacis necessitas exigit, ut super nos materna Ecclesiae viscera
aperiantur." — Chron. Ursperg., loc. dt
3 "Nunc autem, cum per Dei gratiam ... in ingenuam libertatem
resurgit Ecclesia." — Cod. Cone, ap. Baron., ad ann. 1106, c. 33.
^ "Nos vero id est Alpium transcessores, speciali quodam efferebamur
tripudio, eo quod certi essemus D. Apostolici profectionem sic fuisse dis-
positam," &c. — Chron. Ursperg., loc. cit.
' Many facts show that then, as in the pontificate of Gregory VII.,
there was stUl, in Lombardy, a centre of opposition to the Holy See, aud
of Uvely sympathy for the imperialist schism. Affairs moved slowly
towards that union betweeu the papacy and the Lombard towns which
produced such great results iu the second half of the twelfth century. If
space allowed we might recount the noble efforts made at Milan by the
priest Luitprand, whose nose aud ears the schismatics cut off, and who
endured the trial by fire like St. Peter Igneus, to obtain the exclusion
of the simoniacal Archbishop Grossulanus. — (Landulphi junioris in
Muratori Script, vol. v.; Pagi, crit in Baron., iioo, 1103, 1105.) We
wish only to point out again one of those liberties which Protestant and
phUosophical historians permit themselves when they speak of men
devoted to the cause of the Church. Stentzel (vol. i. p. 568), speaking
of this Luitprand, caUs him a savage — a name which suits not the victim
but the schismatics who out off his nose and ears ; thus it is the victim.

2 72 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
significant symptoms, made him doubt what his reception
wonld be after the promulgation of his last decree.' He
preferred, therefore, to turn towards Burgundy, and pass
the feast of Christmas under the ever-hospitable roof of his
old brethren of Cluny. ^
not the executioner, who is the savage. Then, relating an interview
between the priest and the young King Conrad, Stentzel says that the
young prince, theu in rebellion against his father, answered him with
bitterness, and quotes as his authority Landulphi jun., c. i. ; but wheu
we consult this author in Muratori, vol. v., we find that Conrad speaks to
Luitprand cum devotione. This Stentzel translates Mit Bitterheit. These
are minutiae perhaps ; but they show the author's general disposition and
that of his school.
' " Quod non facile gens nostra decretum iUud recipiat . . ." — Ibid.
^ " Et nataUs Dominici gaudium sua praesentia Cluniacensibus multum
ampliavit. " — Ihid.

CHAPTER IX
FRANCE ALWAYS ORTHODOX, AND CLUNY
ALWAYS UNRIVALLED
In the war of investitures both victors and vanquished turned to France.
— Devotion to St. Benedict among the descendants of Hugh Capet.
— Journeys of Pope Pascal II. through different parts of France. —
Pascal at Charit^-sur-Loire and at St. Denis. — The tree planted by
St. Benedict spreads its branches over France. — Foundations of Eobert
d' Arbrissel. — Bemard de Tiron in Perche. — Conversions worked by
St. Vital — Death of Abbot Hugh of Cluny. — Vision of Fulgence of
Afilighem. — Bernard of Cluny in Spain.
Thus, in the course of this great struggle, the victor and
the vanquished, the Emperor Henry and Pope Pascal, alike
directed their thoughts and wishes towards France and
towards Cluny — to the kingdom which was always orthodox,
and to the abbey which never had a rival. It was the sup
port of the King of Prance that Henry chiefly invoked to
avenge the outraged rights of royalty ; it was the holy Abbot
Hugh of Cluny whom he called upon to act as mediator
between him and the princes. And it was also under the
aegis of France and under the crosier of St. Hugh that
Pascal II. sought for men to aid him in the final settlement
of the question of investiture,' turning thither rather than
to Germany, where the most terrible enemy of the Church
had just fallen.
After the reconciliation of Philip I. with the Church in
^ Suger says expressly : " Ut regem Francorum et filium regem desig-
natum et Ecclesiam GalUcanam consuleret super quibusdam molestiis,
et novis investiturae Bcclesiasticse querelis quibus eis infestabat, et magis
infestare minabatur Henricus imperator." — De Vita Ludovici Qrossi, c. ix.
VOL. VI. '"'^ S

274 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
1 1 04, French royalty had returned to its natural paths, and
again assumed in the eyes of nations that habitual character
of tender and ardent devotion towards the Church, and espe
cially towards the Monastic Orders, which distinguished the
princes of the house of Capet when the passion of love did
not lead them astray.'
When PhUip I. died,^ after a reign of forty-eight years,
he, like his ancestor Hugh Capet, could confidently invoke
the powerful protection of St. Benedict. He desired that
he might be buried near the relics of the great monk at the
abbey of Fleury-sur-Loire. " I know," he said, " that the
burial-place of the French kings is at St. Denis; but as I
own that I have been a hardened sinner, I dare not be
buried near so great a martyr. I fear lest, on account of
my faults, I should be given up to Satan and share the fate
of Charles Martel. . . . But confiding in St. Benedict, I
invoke the venerable father of monks, and I desire to be
buried in his church on the Loire ; for Benedict is full of
clemency, and I know that he will give a welcome to all
sinners who, wishing to amend their lives, have recourse to
his rule to reconcile them to God." *
Already in the previous year, Louis, eldest son of the
king, and associated with him in the sovereignty, had gone
to assist at the raising of the body of the monastic patriarch,
whose relics had been placed in a richer shrine : the story
of the tears of joy and devotion shed at the sight of this
precious treasure by the young king and the French lords
had been faithfully related in the annals of the monastery.*
' Robert and Bertha, Philip I. and Bertrade. See the wise reflections
on this subject in Michelet, Hist, de Pramce, vol. ii. p. 149, &c.
^ July 30, 1 108.
= " Sanctum Benedictum diligo, pium patrem mouachorum suppUciter
exposco, et in ecclesia ejus super Ligerim tumulari desidero. Ipse enim
Clemens est et benignus, omnesque suscipit peccatores propitius, qui," &c.
— Order. Vital., b. xi. p. 835, ed. Duchesne.
^ " Ludovicus rex designatus, cum multis proceribus Francise regni,
et communi laetitiae suam conjunxit. . . . Illic vidi flentes prae gaudio
regem et principes, et omne vulgus ; praecipue monachos et abbates,

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 275
Scarcely had Louis ascended the throne when he solemnly
announced his intention to seek before all things the king
dom of God and His righteousness, by defending religion
and protecting churches and monks ; ' and the clergy repaid
thenceforward his filial devotion by giving him the most
faithful support.
On the death of the old king, Yves of Chartres summoned
the assembly of barons, to confirm by a new election
Louis's right to the crown, which he had already worn in
his father's lifetime.^ The prelate convoked all the bishops
who, like himself, were sufiragans of Sens, and, in spite
of the remonstrances of the metropolitan of Eheims, who
claimed the exclusive right to perform the ceremony, hastily
consecrated the young king at Orleans,* so as to cut short
all pretensions hostile to his sovereignty.* Louis was then
hymnos et laudes, ut decebat, dicere volentes, sed sine lacrymis non
valentes. . . , Levatum itaque gazophylacium auro et argento gemmis-
que omnibus carius." — Chron. S. Petri Vim Senon., ad. ann. 1107.
' "In exordio nostri principatus quam proxime nostri interesse officii
primum quserere regnum Dei et justitiam ejus considerans, ad incremen
tum nostrae salutis tam corporis quam animse credimus proficere, si
Bcclesus sanctorum et monasteriis studuerimus non solum de nostris
possessionibus largiri," &c. — Diplom. pro 'm/mast S. Quimtimi de Monte, in
Ampl. Collect, p. 623.
2 It is weU known that then, and up to the time of St. Louis, the
hereditary succession of the kings of France needed to be confirmed
by the consecration — a ceremony in which the exchange of oaths and
the consent of the bishops and barons recalled the ancient elective right
merged into hereditary royalty. There was therefore little difference
between the law of succession to the German empire and royalty and
the law recognised in France. Philip I. had caused his son to be elected
in his lifetime, as Henry IV. had done, which did not prevent either
Lonis le Gros or Henry IV. from requiring a new election on succeeding
their fathers.
3 "Ad regui fastigia sicut bonorum voto adsciscitur, sic malorum et
impiorum votiva machinatione, si fieri posset, excluderetur. Consulti
ergo proceres, et potissimum dictante venerabili ac sapientissimo Yvone
. . . ut ad repeUendam impiorum maohiuationem citissime Aurelianos
couveuiant, ejus exaltationis operam dare festinant. Senouensis igitur
archiepiscopus invitatus, cum comprovincialibus, videlicet Waloue Pari
siensi episoopo," &c. — Suger, De Vita Ludov. Gross., c. 12.
* See the fine letter of Yves to Pascal II. , against the pretensions of

276 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
glad to invoke the aid of that WaUon, Bishop of Paris,
whom he had formerly sworn should never reach the epis
copate. The prince's heart had been happily changed.
He now regarded himself as girded not only with the tem
poral but also with the spiritual sword for the defence
alike of the Church and of the poor.'
The king long profited by the wise counsels of Yves of
Chartres.^ Not content with the moral support given him
by the bishops, he found the contingents which, as lords of
lands they were able to furnish to him, useful instruments
in his struggles with the lay vassals, whose violence and
brigandage desolated his realms.^ Henry I., King of Eng
land — now, thanks to his reconciliation with Anselm of
Canterbury and his defeat of his elder brother Robert,*
become Duke of Normandy — had also by his -vigorous pro
ceedings against the robbers gained the sympathy of the
bishops and monasteries ofthat country,* as well as that of
Rheims, which had appealed to the pope. He says in it : "Si conse-
cratio regis differretur, regni status et Ecclesiae pax graviter periclitare-
tur." The see of Eheims was then occupied by a celebrated Benedictine,
Raoul le Vert, friend of St. Bruno, whom the latter had vainly endea
voured to attach to his uew order, but who had become a monk at St.
Rdmy. He was elected archbishop iu 1108, and governed for sixteen
years. 1 The words used by Suger are remarkable : " Qui (archiepiscopus) . . .
sacratissimi unctionis liquore delibatum regem . . . abjectoque secularis
militiffi gladio Ecclesiastico ad vindictam malefactorum eum accingens, diade
mate regni gratanter corona-yit, necnon et sceptrum et virgam, et per haec
Ecclesiarum et pauperum defeusiouem, et quaecumque regui insignia
approbante clero et populo, devotissime contradidit." — De Vita Ludov.
Grossi, loc. dt.
^ See the letters addressed to him by Yves to dissuade him from an
unequal marriage, whioh would have given his great vassals au excuse
for renouncing their allegiance (Ep. 209) ; to persuade him to marry the
niece of the Count of Flanders (Bp. 239) ; to beg from him the pardon of
the Commune of Beauvais (Ep. 263 and 264) ; to reprove him severely for
his avarice (Ep. 202).
3 " Ad comprimeudum tyrannidem prsedouum et seditiosorum, auxiUum
totam per GaUiam deposcere coactus est episcoporum."  Order Vital
b. xi. p. 836. « At Tenchebray.
» "Auditis rumoribus de victoria regis, reUgiosi quique tetati sunt."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 277
those barons who desired that the abbeys should not be
despoiled of the property with which their pious ancestors
had endowed them.'
The two kings were thus engaged in the same Christian
work — the defence of the Church and their people. Un
fortunately, their success was of little benefit to the popula
tion ; for, if we may believe an impartial judge, the royal
officers who were substituted for the seigneurs embittered
by their exactions and arbitrary prosecutions the fate of
those peasants to whom the yoke of sergeants and legists
in the pay of royalty was far more bitter than that of the
nobles.^ Such was the state of France when, in the last year of
the reign of King PhiUp, Pope Pascal, in imitation of his
predecessor Urban IL, decided upon one of those apostolic
pilgrimages in which a monk, raised to the papacy, under
stood how to warm the fervour of the people, to regenerate
ecclesiastical discipline, to repress local usurpation, and to
confirm the rights and liberties of the monasteries. Every
where in France the pontiff was welcomed with profound
veneration as a heavenly legislator, and everywhere he
— Order. Vit., b. xi. p. 821. It was against his will that the pope
favoured Robert, who had first compromised his duchy by his zeal for the
Crusade. ^ Thus EUe de la Fieche, Count of Maus, iu the discussion with Robert
of BeUesme, who urged Robert's rights as the elder, opposed to him the
ignavia of the prince, adding, " Hinc turbae pauperum puisse sunt in
exiUum . . . et rebus ac praedUs quse pu barones antea dederant, spoliata
sunt mouachorum ocenobia." — Order. Vit., xi. 822. The Counts of Mans,
Evreux, and Meulan, the Sires de Couches aud de Montfort, WUliam de
Warenne, aud Robert de Grantmesuil — that is to say, the principal Nor
man nobles — were for Henry. Robert had on his side only Eobert de
BeUesme, Grand BiUard, the Count de Morteuil, and Eobert d'Estoute-
viUe. 2 " Insolitas exactiones imponebant, ac pro libitu suo judicia perverte-
bant : summis et mediocribus multas gravedines inferebant, sed hsec non
sua -virtute, imo timore regis et potestate agitabant. . . . Officiales maii
prsedonibus pejores sunt. Pagenses nempe latrunculos, fugieudo sive
divertendo devitare possunt ; versipeUes vero bedellos nuUatenus sine
damno decUnare queunt."— Order. Vital., b. xii. p. 876.

278 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
showed a truly apostolic solicitude for the faithful and for
the churches.'
After having spent the winter of 1 106-1 107 at Cluny,
Pascal travelled towards Paris, consecrating on his way
the newly-finished monastic churches.'' At St. Benigne,
' "Ab universis finium iUarum Ecclesiis, ut vere Christi discipulus,
et Apostolicus vicarius, ingenti honore suscipitur . . . nou aliter quam
legifer de coelo missus auditur. Sic igitur . . . ut fidelis dispensator et
prudens, quotidianam solUcitudinem omnium Ecclesiarum gerens." —
Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1107.
^ The itinerary of Pascal's travels in France is not so easy to settle
as that of his predecessor Urban IL, or his successors Calixtus II. and
Innocent II. Here is aU we have beeu able to ascertain : —
1106, Dec. 25. — Celebration of Christmas at Cluny.
1 107, Feb. 8. — At St. Hippolyte. Deed of confirmation of the posses
sions and immunities of Cluny. — Bp. Pasch. No. 69, in
Cone, vol. xii.
Feb. i6. — At Dijon. Dedication of church of St. Benigne.— MS. St.
Ben. in Chifiiet., De g. Ul. S. Benen.
„ 18. — At Bfeze. Dedication of abbey church. — Pagi, Crit, in 1107.
„ At Langres. Confirmation of the election of Laon.
March 15. — At Charit^-sur-Loire. Dedication of abbey church. — Chron
Piscann., in LABBE, Bibl. MS., vol. i.
„ At Ddols-en-Berry. Dedication of abbey church.
„ 24.— At Tours. Laitare Sunday. The pope officiates pontifioaUy
at St. Martin of Tours.— Suger, De vit. Lud. Gross.
April 14.— At Chartres. Easter celebrated by Pascal -with Yves of
Chartres.— Order. Vit., b. xi. p. 810.
n At St. Denis. Interviews with Kings Philip and Louis. —
Suger, loc. cit
„ At Chaions-sur-Marne. Interview with ambassadors of Henry
y.—ibid.
May 23. — At Troyes. Council and new condemnation of investitures.
— Chron. Ursperg., ibid.
„ 25. — (?) At Souvigny. Deed iu favour of Cluny.— Bp. 71, in CowciZ.,
vol. xii., ed. Coletti, p. 1028, aud Bibl Cluniac, p. 550.
August 4.— At AiguebeUes (Aquam BeUam). New deed in favour of
Cluny.— Ep. 70, ihid.
Sept. I. — At Modena.
„ 18.— At Fifeole.
,, 24. — At Florence.
It is impossible to reconcUe the date of the deed given at Sou-vigny
May 25, according to the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, edition of the Coumcu's

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 279
at Dijon, the pope dedicated the magnificent basUica, which
still exists, and which Abbot Jarenton had opened as a safe
asylum for the Lorraine monks persecuted for the cause of
the Church.i At B^ze, an old and famous abbey of Bur
gundy, where for twenty years Abbot Etienne^ had laboured
to reform his monks, had increased their number tenfold,
and had created a nursery of pious abbots, Pascal spent
three fuU days, delighted with the good order, the beautiful
situation, and exact discipline of the house: he himself
held the monastic chapter; preached to the monks the
¦virtue of patience, which was so necessary to them ; and
after his discourse, sang the Miserere, at the abbot's request,
and gave the solemn absolution and pontifical benediction ;
after which he consecrated the altar of St. Peter and St.
Paul, in presence of five cardinals, five bishops, and a crowd
of abbots, clerks, and believers.* At La Charit^-sur-Loire,
of Coletti, -with the holding of the CouncUs of Troyes on Ascension Day,
which this year feU on the 23rd of the same month. The pope could not
have reached Souvigny, iu the Bourbonnais, the day after his departure
from Troyes. It is known, however, that he did go to Sou-rigny, and that
HUdebert of Maus was there with him, for he is named among the bishops
who -witnessed the deeds, and it was there that Pascal dissuaded HUdebert
from his project of relinquishing the episcopate. — See D. Beaugendre,
Not. in Epist. HUdeberti, b. iii. No. 7, p. 17. In the Life of HUdebert (p.
xxU.), De Beaugendre says the meeting took place at Savigny; but this
abbey, in the Lyonnais, was yet further from Troyes than Souvigny. The
difficulty can only be removed by supposing a printer's error in the two
works of Marrier and Coletti, and substituting July for June in the date
8th of the Kalends of June, which they both give, or in admitting, like
the Chronide of St Benig-ne (in Labbe, vol. i.), that the Council of Troyes
took place on the Ides of May, the 15th.
' See above, the relations of St. Benigne with Hirschau (St. Vanne
...?). ^ It was he who, bom of a knightly race, had abandoned the career of
arms to become a monk, after the example of Count Simon of Valois.
See above.
3 " Omnia laudans, omnia benedicens, ad ultimum in capitulum veuiens
consedit, ubi sermonem faciens (he took for text verse 4 of ohap. xv. of
the Epistle to the Romans). . . . Et quia monachis lequebatur quibus
maxime necessaria patientia est, eam posuit quasi fundamentum." — Chron.
Besuense, in SpicUeg., vol. ii. p. 444.

28o THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
a dependency of Cluny — but a gigantic dependency, almost
rivalling its metropolitan — the pope performed the same
ceremony amidst a great concourse of bishops and barons,
among whom was a low-born monk of St. Denis, named
Suger, who was destined to carry the precious memory of
this journey to the royal monastery which he was to govern
as abbot, and whence he was to be called to govern France.'
From La Charity the sovereign pontiff went to Tours ;
and then, for the feast of Easter, to the town of Chartres,
whither he was invited by the great bishop. Yves, with the
respectful but complete frankness of the men of his time,
did not spare the head of the Church his most critical
observations, but at the same time testified towards him
the purest and most absolute devotion. The Countess
Adela of Blois, daughter of William the Conqueror, herself
chose to provide for all the pope's expenses.^
Pascal then visited the great and royal abbey of St.
Denis, which he regarded as St. Peter's special portion in
France,* and there again renewed the alliance between the
papacy and French royalty. The pope edified all present
by his fervent devotion before the relics of the apostle of
the Gauls, and by the disinterestedness — " very unlike a
Eoman," says Suger — with which he disdained all the
treasures of the rich monastery, accepting no other present
than a part of the saint's episcopal garments, which still
bore the trace of his blood.*
1 "Celeberrimo archiepiscoporum . . . conventu . . . affuerunt et no
biliores regni proceres . . . cui consecrationi et uos ipsi interfuimus." —
Suger, De Vit. Lud., vi. 9. He was born at St. Denis. His obscure birth
is proved by himself when he says that he was elected "contra spem
meriti, morum et generis," and in many other passages. — Ap. Duchesne,
Script., vol. V. pp. 343, 354, et passim.
2 Order. Vital., b. xi. p. 810.
3 " Tanquam ad propriam B. Petri sedem. "^ — Suger, loc. dt.
i " Hoc memorabile, et Romanis insolitum, et posteris reUquit exem
plum, quod neo aurum . . . quod multum timebatur . . . non tantum
uon affectabat, sed uec respicere diguabatur. . . . Sanctorum pignoribus
humilUme prostratus, lacrymas compunctionis offerebat. . . . Ne dis-

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 28 1
After pubUc homage had thus been rendered by the head
of the Church miUtant to the pontiff-martyr, elect of the
Church triumphant, the two kings in their turn, filled with
the love of God, came to lay their crown humbly before the
successor of Peter the fisherman.' Pascal implored their
help against tyrants, begging them to lend a hand to the
defence of the Church, as was fitting for successors of Charle
magne and pious kings of France.^ The two sovereigns
swore to give aid and assistance, and placed their kingdom
at his disposal ; * afterwards they invited from the monastery
several prelates, and among others Adam, Abbot of St. Denis,
whom Suger had accompanied to Tours, that they might
attend them to Chalons, where they were to have a decisive
inter-dew with King Henry's ambassadors.
Pascal found in France succour yet more efficacious than
that of the royal goodwill from the ever-living fervour and
zeal of the Monastic Orders, whence, as under Gregory VIL,
the champions of the Church constantly recruited their
numbers. The old tree planted by St. Benedict, far from
-withering in France, put forth there, even more than else
where, vigorous branches, which, trained by skilful hands,
took here and there new aspects. Thus arose the order of
Grandmont, and that of the Chartreux ; thus the order of
the Cistercians, sown in an obscure corner of Burgundy,
burst into brilUant life. At the time when Pascal II. visited

pliceat, inquiens, si de vestimentis ejus nobis vel parum reddideritis, qui
eum vobis apostolatu GaUiae insignitum absque munere destinavimus." —
SUGBE, loc. cit
1 "Gratanter et votive, amore Dei majestatem regiam pedibus ejus
incurvantes, quemadmodum consueveruut ad sepulcrum piscatoris
Petri reges submisso diademate incliuari. Quos dominus papa manu
erigens. . . ."• — Ihid.
^ "De statu Bcclesise, ut sapiens sapienter agens . . . eosque blande
demulcens. . . . Ecclesiam manu tenere, et sicut antecessorum regum
Francorum Caroli Magni, &c., . . . tyrannis et Ecclesise hostibus, et
potissimum Henrico audacter resistere." — Lbid.
3 "Qui amicitiae, auxilii et cousUii dextras dederunt, regnum expo-
suerunt. " — Lbid.

282 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
the province so highly honoured by the virtues of Yves of
Chartres and HUdebert of Mans, three new foundations, due
to three holy friends, were beginning to attract the respect
of the faithful and to promise new support to the Gallican
episcopate. The Breton Eobert of Arbrissel, whose courage had been
so remarkable at the Council of Poitiers ' in 1 1 oo, after
having been arch-priest of Eennes and schoolmaster at
Angers, had quitted the world to live as a hermit in the
forest of Craon, in Anjou, where he directed an abbey of
regular canons. Urban II. having called him thence, to
preach in the neighbouring dioceses, Eobert travelled through
Normandy, Bretagne, Anjou, and Touraine. He fulfilled
his mission with brilliant success, drawing after him great
troops of penitents of both sexes, who encamped in the
woods, so as to be within hearing of the holy preacher.
Eobert, with unheard-of boldness, rebuked all disorders,
even those of certain of his ecclesiastical superiors. Some
imprudences committed by the wandering crowd of men and
women, in the midst of which the ardent missionary lived
day and night, and above all, the sometimes excessive zeal
which he showed for the conversion of fallen women,^ drew
upon him the severe reproofs of Geoffrey, Abbot of Vendome,
and of the learned Marbodius, Bishop of Eennes.^ Eobert
was then obliged to seek some desert where his strange flock
1 See above. He was born iu 1047.
2 Cf. Baldric, Vit S. Roberti, ap. Act SS. BoUand., vol. ii., February;
GuiLLELM. Nbubriq., De rebus Anglicis, b. i. c. 15 ; Clypeus Fontehral-
densis, vol. ii. p. 132 ; MaSSION, Notice sw Robert WArbrissd.
3 MabiUon, in his Annals (b. Ixix. No. 139), admits the authenticity of
these two famous letters, which have been used to throw ridicule on the
venerable founder ; but he shows that they are anterior to the estabUsh
ment of Fontevrault, and that no conclusion unfavourable to Robert's
morals cau be drawn from them (cf. Acta SS. Bollwnd., 25th February, vol.
ii. p. 601). Noel Alexander, in a learned and impartial dissertation (Hist.
Eccles., sects, xi. and xii., dissert. 5, vol. vi.), arrives at the same con
clusions, except that he does not admit the letter of Marbodius to have
been -written by that prelate.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 283
could Uve without scandal. One day in a forest, on the
confines of Anjou and Lorraine, he met some robbers, whose
chief, Evrault, demanded his money. " Willingly," replied
the apostle; "but, in exchange, you must give me your
souls for God." The saint converted them ; and thence
forward established, in this forest, the centre of his new
foundation, which, from the name of the brigand chief, he
caUed Fontevrault.'
Here there soon assembled more than 3000 converts,^ of
both sexes, who lived absolutely apart. Nobles and peasants,
lepers and courtesans, old and young, inhabited the huts
built of branches, under Eobert's sole guidance,* and remained
thus untU the day when the generosity of neighbouring
nobles gave their founder the means of building a great
monastery, which he divided into four separate quarters. In
1 106 Pascal approved this foundation, of which Eobert
d'Arbrissel became superior-general, and to which were
attached several other houses founded by him in different
provinces. But at his death, to do honour to the Virgin,
whom he had chosen as special protectress of this branch of
the Benedictine order, he desired that the brothers of all his
houses should acknowledge the supremacy of the Abbess of
Fontevrault,* where, in the time of Suger, there were four or
1 A noble lady named Aremburge furnished him with the means.
^ According to others, there were 5000. — Clypeus Pontebraldensis.
3 "Neo iucertas uec pellices refutabaut . . . leprosos . . . impotentes
. . . pauperes et nobUes . . . -vdduae et virgines. . . . Inuumeram copio-
sitatem capiebant tuguriola. . . ." — Baldrio., cc. 4 and 2, loc cit.
* Accordiug to MabUlon, the first abbess was Hersende de Clairvaux,
widow of William de Montsoreau ; and according to Fleury (b. Ixvi. No.
34) and the Hist litt. (vol. x. p. 162), Petronille de Craon. Baronius (ad
aun. 11 17) enumerates the eleven daughters, grand-daughters, and sisters
of kings who were abbesses of this famous monastery. Fontevrault, like
Mont St. Michel aud Clairvaux, is now transformed into a central house of
detention for both sexes. The tower caUed that of Evrault, aud the choir
of the magnificent church, have alone been spared. In 1831 we saw the
tombs of Richard Coeur de Lion and Henry I. in the most shameful state
of neglect. Since then, these tombs have been taken away and carried to
VersaiUes, where they are now mixed up with other fragments of the
same kind.

284 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
five thousand nuns. In the forest of Craon, whither Eobert
had first retired, he had been joined by a Picard monk named
Bernard, who had fled from the dignity of abbot, which the
monks of St. Savin had desired to bestow on him. But
later, the good monk could not escape from the choice of
the brothers of St. Cyprian at Poitiers. Once made an
abbot, Bernard performed his new duties with energy. At
the Council of Poitiers, he, like his friend Eobert, distin
guished himself by the most intrepid resistance to the violence
of Duke WiUiam. When the Abbey of Cluny claimed St.
Cyprian as one of its dependencies, Bernard laid down his
office and went to join Eobert d'Arbrissel and his fellow-
labourers in preaching, at the risk of his life, against the
scandalous priests of Normandy, whose wives several times
endeavoured to have him killed.^
Meantime the monks of St. Cyprian, who were struggling
with all their power against the pretensions of Cluny, gained
from their old abbot a promise to go and plead their cause
at Eome. He made two journeys thither, riding an ass, and
wearing the poor dress of a hermit. At first well received,
and afterwards repulsed, but always firmly convinced of the
goodness of his cause, Bernard maintained his plea, even
against the pope himself, and did not fear to cite him before
the tribunal of God.2 Pascal, though offended, soon suffered
himself to be appeased by the two cardinal-legates Benedict
and John, who, themselves monks, had been able to appre
ciate the virtue and courage shown at the Council of Poitiers
by Bernard. He was allowed, therefore, to recommence his
pleading before the pope and the pontifical council, in which
he argued that St. Cyprian had flourished long before the
^ " Unde factum est ut uxores presbyterorum, metuentes ab iis disjungi,
cum suis auxiliariis eum perimere quaerereut." — Gaupr. Gross., Vita S.
Bernardi Tiron., ap. BOLLAND., die 14 April, c. 6.
2 " Et quia sicut scriptum est : Justus rmUo confidit, in Romana synodo
contra Paschalem papam pro Ubertate litigavit ; ipsumque, quia pleuarium
sibi rectum non fecerat, ad divinum examen provocavit." — Order. Vital.,
b. viii. p. 715.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 285
birth of Cluny, and that Abbot Hugh was coveting a spouse
not his own, and usurping, without justification, the hitherto
unknown title of arch-abbot.' Bernard gained his cause.
Pascal confirmed the freedom of St. Cyprian, and wished to
retain Bernard near him as a cardinal. But Bernard asked,
as the only favour, that he might be released from his
abbacy, which was granted. On his return to France, after
having met with those trials and persecutions which are, in
this world, the conditions of all true success in the work of
God, he at last found at Tiron, in a forest of Perche, a
retreat which suited him. The Count Eotrou gave him the
property, and Yves of Chartres came thither to install him.^
Very soon a hundred monks assembled round him, and a
hundred cells * or priories formed a new congregation, which,
placed under the rule of St. Benedict, bore henceforth, as
did Bemard himself, the name of Tiron. The people of the
neighbourhood, seeing this new species of hermits, even
more poorly dressed than the old monks, first thought they
were Saracens, come thither underground, and afterwards
that they were prophets, like John the Baptist. Bernard
made use of the curiosity of these half-savage country-people
for their conversion; he delighted to recruit his monastic
army among labourers and artisans, who continued their
trades in the monastery. And while carpenters and masons,
painters and sculptors, jewellers and smiths, ploughmen and
vine-dressers, found at Tiron such work as suited them,* the
' " Nunc autem Cluniacensis abbas, juxta Isaiae vaticinium, ad uxorem
meam hinnire non desinit. . . . Archiabbatis nomen usurpans." — Mabil.,
Arm., b. Ixxi. c. 17.
2 Easter-day 1109.
3 "Centum ceUse."— Gaufr. Gross., VU. S. Bernardi, No. 52. Fleury,
after GaU. Christ, (vol. iv., p. 864), counts but 12 abbeys, 48 priories, and
22 parishes.
^ " Singulas artes quas noverant, legitimas iu monasterio exercere prse-
cepit. Unde libenter convenerunt ad eum tam fabri lignarii quam fer-
rarii, sculptores et aurifabri, pictores et caemeutarii, vinitores et agricolse,
multorumque officiorum artifices peritissimi." — ORDER. Vital., b. viu.
P- 715-

286 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
fame of the new foundation spread -widely, and so deeply
touched the hearts of the great barons, that when, at the
end of a year, a great scarcity happened. Count WUliam of
Nevers sent to Abbot Bernard a large golden vase, that he
might sell it and devote the product to feeding his monks
and the poor. Thus, in spite of the absence of roads or
canals, Christian charity found a way for itself from the
confines of Burgundy to the unexplored solitudes of la
Perche ! '
Another saint, destined to become the father of a third
congregation, issued also from the forest of Craon, where
the love of penance had united him to Eobert d'Arbrissel
and Bernard of Tiron. This third personage was of Nor
man descent and was called Vital.^ He also was of low
birth.* More austere even than his two comrades. Vital
soon drew more than one hundred and fifty-six disciples
round him, and Eaoul, Viscount of Fougferes, gave up to
thern the whole forest of Savigny, near Avranches, with the
ruins of an old castle which they turned into a monastery.*
• Mabill., Ann., b. Ixxi. c. 40. In 11 13, Bernard de Tiron was able to
send a monastic colony to Wales. Later we shall see the son of the Kiug
of Scotland come to him in search of monks.
^ The MS. Life of the B. Vital, composed in the twelfth century by
Etienne de Foug^res, Bishop of Rennes, and which the writers who con
tinued the Hist, litter, de Pramce beUeved to be lost, has been found by
M. L. Delisle, pupil of the l^Icole de Chartes, who has kindly given us a
copy of it. The bishop declares that he writes from memoirs drawn up
in French by disciples of the saint : " Hsec euim, sicut Romane scripta
referimus, Latino eloquio fideliter transferentes litteris evidentioribus
tradidimus.'' 3 His parents, however, who were of the diocese of Bayeux, and of the
to-wn of Tirgerii, had some property (" vitamque enam ex justis laboribus
trausigendo," Et de Poug., c. i.), which he sold, and gave the price to the
poor. From his childhood he was so grave that his playfellows called him
The little Abbot He began by being chaplain to Eobert, Count of Mor
tain, half-brother of William the Conqueror. — Fleury, b. Ixvi. c. 19 ;
Etibnnb db FouGiRBS, Vit. MS., passim.
* Vital retired to the forest of Savigny iu 1105 ; but the deed of gift by
Raoul de Fougferes was iu 1112 ; it was confirmed by Henry I., and by the
bull of Pascal II., March 23, 1113.— Cf. Fleury, b. Ixvi. c. 19; Mabill.,
b. Ixx. c. 95 ; Order. Vit., p. 715.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 287
This new foundation became in its turn the cradle and
capital of thirty-one great abbeys in England and France.
Vital, a man of powerful eloquence, often left his solitude
to preach the word of God among the Norman nobles, who,
since one of them had conquered England, were giving them
selves up to the charms of ambition, and often left the path
trodden by their ancient heroes.' Vital joined great courage
and hardihood to his eloquence. His stern reproofs spared
no one. At first he terrified his auditors ; those who went
to hear him out of curiosity usually returned pale, disturbed,
and confused at having heard the faults they supposed they
had dissimulated, unveiled in public. The apostle, adds the
hagiographer, made the proudest lords tremble as much as
the roughest peasants, country girls as much as the noble
ladies whom he reproved for the unbounded luxury of their
sUks and furs. The greatest seigneurs, and even the king
himself, venerated the boldness of the holy man.^ Counting
upon their indulgence, he ventured to present himself, before
the battle of Tenchebray, as mediator between the two
brothers. King Henry and Duke Eobert, -whom, unfortu
nately, he was unable to reconcUe.*
However fruitful and popular these new foundations
might be, the splendour of Cluny did not pale before them.
Thirty-five abbeys of the first rank received her laws, and
1 " Antiqui optimates." — Order. Vit., b. viii. p. 708.
^ " Portitudine et facundia prseditus et ad proferendum quicquid volebat
animosus : non parcens in populari sermone infimis nee potentibus . . .
annuntians populo Christiano scelera eorum. Reges igitur ducesque
reverebantur eum. Plures turbae manicabant ut audirent verba ejus, quae
postmodum auditis ab Ulo latenter olim actis facinoribus, lugubres et con-
f usae redibant. . . . Omnis ordo intrinsecus pungebat ejus veridicis allega-
tionibus. Omnis plebs contremiscebat coram illo. . . . Sic nimirum
superbos athletas et indomitos vulgi coetus plerumque comprimebat, atque
looupletes heras sericis vestibus et cauusinis peUibus delicate indutas
trepidare cogebat, dum verbo Dei gladio in scelera sae-viret poUutasque
conscientias . . . grandissimoque divinse animadversionis tonitru ter-
reret." — Id., b. xi. p. 820.
3 " Audacter interdixit ne certarent cominus." — Id., loc. cit.

2 88 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
were entirely subject to her ; ' eleven others, the chief in
France, such as Vezelay, Moissac, and St. Gilles, had
accepted her customs without entering into the bonds of
subjection which, as is proved by the rebellion of St.
Cyprian,^ she drew tightly, and it was to her that the great
ones of the world and ofthe Church turned for refuge when
God touched their hearts. It was at Cluny that a Count
of Bourges, who had pledged his county to King PhUip to
provide for the expenses of a Crusade, found a resting-
place on his return from the Holy War, and from a terrible
captivity becoming a monk by the advice of the pope.
Pascal, however, did not hesitate to dissuade Hildebert,
Bishop of Mans, the worthy rival of Yves of Chartres in
learning and piety, from the project he entertained of
laying down his dignity and retiring to Cluny, where he
hoped to escape the vexations infiicted on him by the
Norman kings, and the Counts of Mans.* Soon after he
had received the -visit of the third monk of Cluny whom
Providence had called to the throne of St. Peter,^ the great
and good Abbot Hugh, who for sixty years had presided
over the destinies of the Queen Abbey, and enlisted more
' " Prsecipua monasteria," according to the first bull of Pascal II. in
1099. ^ Some years later, in 11 12, Abbot Lambert of St. Bertin, who had
introduced the reformation of Cluny into his abbey, went to Rome
to ask for security against Abbot Pons of Cluny, who claimed, in his
quality of spiritual father, to come with a cortige of one hundred mules
and celebrate Easter there, tanquam in proprio. — Mabill., Arm., b. Ixxii.
o. 44.
3 Order. Vit., b. x. p. 795.
^ "Cujus siuum, quasi reus eram, amplexus fuissem, si papa consultus
pontificis onus amoliri permisisset." — Hildehr. Ep., b. 3. This illustrious
bishop had gone to seek Pascal in Rome while the latter was travelling
into France, and returned upon his steps to join him at last at the Abbey
of Sou-rigny, in the Bourbonnais. In Italy he had been well received by
Count Roger of SicUy, by Geoffrey of Mayence, and other Normans, who,
faithful to their old predilections, had loaded him with presents for the
churches of his diocese, aud especiaUy for his Cathedral of St. Julian,
which he rebuUt, and which was dedicated in 11 20.
^ Gregory VIL, Urban II., and Pascal II.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 289
than ten thousand monks for the army of God,' went to
rejoin in heaven his predecessors Odilon and Maieu, Odo,
and one of his dearest friends, St. Anselm, dead but eight
days before him. These two admirable saints, so united
during their lives, were to be united also in death. Anselm
had gone " to the Easter Court of his Lord " ^ on Wednes
day in Holy Week 1 1 09 ; Hugh died on Easter Tuesday,
after having celebrated for the last time on his deathbed
the offices of the festival, and washed for the last time the
feet of the poor. When his eyes seemed to be losing their
sight, and his feeble voice showed that consciousness was
leaving him, they asked him, while administering the via
ticum, whether he recognised the life-giving body of the
Lord. " Oh yes," he answered, " I recognise and I adore
it.'' They carried him to the church and placed him on a
bed of ashes, where the old soldier of Christ breathed his
last, at the age of eighty-five,* leaving to his numerous
family the joy of his triumph, the example of his life, and
the hope of his intercession.* The very same night, the
pious Abbot Fulgence of Afflighem saw in a dream two
beds of gold (lectuli) carried to heaveq by angels, and it
was told him that one was destined for St. Anselm and the
other for St. Hugh of Cluny.^
King Alfonso VI. of CastUe, the great benefactor of the
1 " Plus quam decem millia mouachorum ad militiam Domini Sabaoth
suscepit." — Order. Vit., b. xi. p. 839.
^ "Ad Paschalem Domini tui curiam vadis." — Eadm., de Vit. Ansel.,
p. 25.
3 AprU 29, II 09.
* "Veteranus ille Christi miles ... si vivificatricem Domini carnem
cognosceret : ' Cognosce,' iniquit, ' et adoro ' . . relinquens filiis gau
dium de corona, exemplum de vita, spem de intercessione." — Hildbb.,
lib. de ejus Vita in Bibl. Clun., pp. 433-436. " Grandsevus heros ad Chris
tum, cui a pueritia miUtaverat, migravit." — Order. Vital., loc cit.
^ Chron. Afflig. in SpicU., loc sup. cit The holy monk Godefroy, Bishop
of Amiens, then in Italy to plead before the pope the cause of his church
against the monks of St. Valery, had also, during the same night of the
29th April, the vision of a procession of saints, who went to meet their
new companion. — Bibl. Cluniac. , p. 463.
VOL. VI. T

290 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Church of Cluny, whose claims Abbot Hugh had formerly
broken, and who had remained his steady and grateful
friend, soon followed him to the tomb.' He was buried, by
his own desire, among the Benedictines of Sahagun (San
Facundo).^ Again it was by the intrepid firmness of Bernard, Arch
bishop of Toledo, a monk of Cluny, that the capital and
kingdom which the death of Alfonso had just greatly shaken
was defended from invasion by the Moors.*
The rights of Donna Urraca, heiress of the deceased
prince,* were contested by Alfonso of Arragon. The prin
cess hoped to settle the difficulty by marrying her cousin ;
but Pascal commanded her to renounce this alliance, under
pain of excommunication and deposition." *
After the Arragonese usurpation, Bernard of Toledo and
the Abbot of Sahagun were torri from their sees, imprisoned,
and exiled ; but all this discord and violence which Pascal
endeavoured to terminate by sending as legate to Spain a
Benedictine abbot of Chiusa," did not weaken the ardent
faith in monastic prayers, which inflamed Castihan hearts,
and which dictated to another Urraca, sister of the friend
of St. Hugh, these words which are found in her charter of
restoration of the Abbey of St. Peter at Estoncia : ^
" Do Thou, Lord, who art infinitely great even in the
smaUest things, receive these humble gifts, and deign to
set so much value on them that, when I come before Thee
Thou mayst grant me the great joy of Thy kingdom. It is
to Thee, my God, that I offer this monastery built in honour
' See above. 2 June 30, 1 109.
' Mariana, Hist Hispam., b. x. c. 8 ; Pagi, Crit., ad ann. 1109, mo.
* Widow of Count Eaymond of Burgundy, aud mother of Alfonso VII.
who caUed himself Emperor of the Spains. '
5 " Ut a consortio Ecclesia et sseculari potestate privetur."— Bp. Pasc
No. 21, ap. Colbtti, ConcU., xii. 993. " ''
« Mabill., Ann., b. Ixxii. No. 27; and in the detaUs, Append. No. 82
of vol. V. '
=¦ Founded in 900 by King Garcias, and restored in 1099 by Donna
Urraca, daughter of King Ferdinand of CastUe and Leon.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 29 1
of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, and of Paul, the chosen
vessel. . . . Thus, my beloved Eedeemer Christ, I offer to
Thee this house as an expiation for my sins, and when Thou
shalt come with those apostles to judge the world, may
their prayers move Thee to be a merciful Judge towards
me ; may they snatch me from the flames of hell, and bring
me purified into the glory of heaven."'
' " Suscipe jam, Domine pie, qui immensus es iu minimis. . . . Offero
deque tibi, bone Deus, ccenobium . . sic, sic, dUecte Redemptor meus
Christe . . . ut me exignam quam pretioso redemisti cruore. ..." She
theu enumerates the ornaments and twelve codices which she gives, and
concludes thus : " Accipe, Christe, hsec munera, et concede ut, cum judex
adveneris et cum eisdem apostoUs orbem judicaveris, eorum precibus
pulsatus, mihi sis judex mitissimus." — Hist, de I'Ordre de Saint-Benott,
vol. iv. sc. 35 ; Mabill., Ann., vol. v. b. Ixix. No. 13.

CHAPTER X
THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR AT ROME
Henry V. restores aU the expelled bishops to their sees. — A councU at
Troyes. — Marriage of Henry V. with Matilda of England. — Sack of
Novara. — Dangerous proposition made by the pope. — The Church in
Germany placed iu a situation analogous to that of the churches of
France. — Oath sworn to the pope by the emperor. ^ — Unfair dealing
of Henry V. — Protest of the bishops aud abbots. — The pope given
up to the soldiery. — Violence used towards him. — He is made prisoner.
— Pascal yields to the emperor in order to save his servants.. — He
treats with the emperor and crowns him at Rome. — Henry V. visits
Countess Matilda.
The Church had great need to reinforce her armies, for she
was on the eve of a trial such as she had never known
through all the thousand years of her previous history, and
about to encounter dangers more serious than had ever yet
fallen to her lot. She had to expiate bitterly the fault of
having accepted, even against a guilty father, the aid of an
unnatural son. This son was preparing to turn against his
mother the sword which she had blessed, and — what had
never before been permitted to any other — it was to be
given him for a time to overpower the liberty of the Church
even in her most august sanctuary.
Henry V. had begun the restoration to their sees of all
the orthodox bishops plundered by his father's friends, in
cluding the monks Eudes of Cambrai, and Gebhard of Con
stance, the indefatigable legate of Urban and Pascal.' Bnt
1 We may believe that the zeal of this famous bishop had cooled, if we
judge from a letter of the pope, given by Neugart (Cod. dipl. Aleman.,
No. 834), who attributes it to the year 1 107, iu which the pontiff strongly
reproves Gebhard for not having gone to the Council of GuastaUa, declar
ing that only the remembrance of his former services can save him from
202

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 293
scarcely had his authority been acknowledged by the majority,
when this man who, at the meeting at Nordhausen, had
appeared so humble that he would only take part in the
deliberations of the bishops by their express invitation, and
asked nothing but that the empire might return to unity
and apostolic submission, all at once changed his behaviour
and language, and claimed to invest the new bishops, who
for the most part lent themselves to his usurpation. The
monk Eudes of Cambrai refused to accept from a lay
man the crosier and ring which he had already received
from a bishop when he was consecrated at the Council of
Eheims.' Henry marched against Cambrai, obliged Eudes
to take refuge in the monastery of Anchin,^ restored the
excommunicated Gaucher, and abolished the commune to
which the citizens had swom when they received back
their lawful bishop ; * he then advanced towards the frontier
of France and Lorraine, sending forward ambassadors to
summon the pope to concede to him the right of investiture.
This embassy was composed of several prelates and nobles,
who appeared rather prepared to intimate commands than
to discuss matters reasonably : * the most notable were Duke
Welf, who caused a sword to be carried before him, and
nsed other means to make himself heard ; ^ and the Arch-
the interdict laid upou the Archbishop of Mayence and his suffragans on
aiccount of their absence from the councU : " Nolumus enim," says Pascal,
" ut juventutis certamina tempore, quod absit, senectutis omittas."
' "Quia virgam et annulum quse consecratus ab Ecclesia acceperat
iterate ab Henrico accipere voluit." — Odon., De blasph. im Spir. sanct ; ap.
Pagi, in anu. 11 09.
^ -Where he died in 11 13. These words are engraved on his tomb : —
" Puit exul, Deo fidus,
Fulget coelo sicut sidus.''
He is honoured as Blessed. — Acta SS. Boll., June 19.
3 Chron. de Cambrai, in Script. Rer. Pranc, vol. xiii. p. 455 ; and Thierry,
Lettres sur I'histoire de Pra/nce, xiv.
* " Qui tumultuantes magis ad terreudum quam ad ratiocinandum missi
viderentur." — SuG., De Vita L/ud. Gross., c. 9.
5 " Cui gladius ubique prsef erebatur, . . . clamosus." — Lbid. This was
the husband of Countess Matilda, but separated from her and her cause.

294 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
bishop of Trfeves, who spoke French fluently.' The pope
received them at Chalons-sur-Marne. The Archbishop of
Treves formally claimed for the emperor, in virtue of the
ancient law of the empire, not only the power of approving
or rejecting all candidates elected to the episcopate, but also
the right of investiture and homage as an inseparable con
dition of the possession of regalia — that is, of towns, castles,
and tolls subject to the imperial authority.^ To this the
pope sent, by the Bishop of Placentia, the following reply :
"The Church, bought by the precious blood of Christ, and
made free, may not again become a slave ; if she cannot
elect a bishop without the emperor's consent, she is no
better than his servant, and the death of Christ is of no
avail. If the prelate-elect is invested by the lay power
with the crosier and ring which belong to the altar, it is a
usurpation of the rights of God ; and if the prelate sub
jects his hands, consecrated by the body and blood of our
Lord, to the hands of a layman blood-stained from his
sword, he derogates from his orders and his holy unction." ^
The Germans, furious, and scarcely restrained by the pres
ence of the French, cried ont, " Not here, but at Eome, and
with the sword, this quarrel must be decided." * And they
returned to their master.^
^ "Vir elegans et jocundus, eloquentise et sapientise copiosus, GalUoano
cothurno exercitatus, facete peroravit." — SuG., De Vita Lud. Gross., c. 9.
^ ' ' Pro regaUbus, ut annulo et virga investiatur fideUtatem et homiuium
facere. . . . Etenim ci-vitates et casteUa, marchias, thelonea, et quseque
imperatorise dignitatis nuUo modo aliter debere occupare." — Suger, loc. dt.
3 "Ecclesiam pretioso Jesu Christi sanguine redemptam et liberam cou-
stitutam, nullo modo iterate ancillari oportere. Si Ecclesia eo inconsulto
prselatum eligere non possit, cassata Christi morte, ei ser-yiUter subjacere ;
si virga et annulo, &c., . . contra Deum ipsum usurpare ; si sacratas
Dominico corpori . . ordini suo et sacrae unctioni derogare." — Lbid.
* ' ' Theutonico impetu f rendentes tumultuabant, et si tuto auderent,
convicia . . . injurias inferrent. Non hic, sed Romae gladiis determin-
abitur querela." — Ihid.
^ Suger, an ocular witness of all these discussions, says that the pope
again sent agents to the Chancellor Albert, the emperor's confidential
minister, who had remained behind to treat with him more quietly.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 295
From Ch§,lons-snr-Marne the pope went to hold a council
at Troyes.' As if the better to answer Henry's embassy, he
there again conflrmed several ecclesiastical elections, and the
condemnation of investitures; the council also settled the
Truce of God for the advantage of the Crusade, which the
pope earnestly desired to encourage. Amidst these strug
gles with lay usurpation, the Church did not lose sight of
the interests of the poor : one of the canons of the council
forbade the burning of houses, or the carrying off of sheep
and lambs ^ in private wars. By the advice of the synod,
the pope condemned those German bishops who had been
accompUces in Henry's pretensions. He excommunicated
the intruders at Lifege, Cambrai, and Verdun, saying of the
latter, " Eichard of Verdun has given himself up to the
Mng, and we give him up to Satan." ^ He did not even
spare the two principal adherents of the Eoman Church,
Euthard of Mayence and the old legate Gebhard of Spires,
who had had the weakness to retain cures, the investiture
of which had been given by the king. But the simple
threat of suspension recalled these prelates to their duty.*
Pascal then appointed Henry a delay of a year to come and
discuss the great cause in a general councU at Eome,
whither he himself slowly tumed his steps,^ and where the
Eomans, this time, received him -with delight.*
Henry at first seemed to care little for this energetic
action of the Eoman Court. He devoted the years 1108
1 " Universale concUium honorifice celebravit." — Ibid. It was on the
feast of the Ascension, May 23, 1107.
2 Chron. MaUeac, ad ann. 1107, in Labbe, Bibl. nova MS.
3 "Fertur dixisse Richardum Virdunensem, qui se tradidit regiae curiae,
et nos tradimus eum Satanse." — Laurent. Leod., Hist, episc. Virdun. in
SpicU., b. xii.
* For these diffierent sentences, cf. Colbtti, Cone, vol. xii. p. 1135,
1 136. Martene and Durand, Ampliss. CoUect., voh i. prsef. and p. 618.
6 "Cum amore Francorum," says Suger, "qui multum servierant, et
timore Theutonioorum."
' " Tauto Romani tam cleri quam populi tripudiis suscipiebatur, aosi de
mortuis redivivus crederetur." — Arm. Saxo., ad 1107.

296 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
and 1 109 to not very glorious expeditions against Hungary,
and the Sclavonic princes of Bohemia and Silesia, who
scarcely owned the suzerainty of the empire. Towards the
end of 1 109, he sent to the pope a new embassy, composed
of the Archbishops of Cologne and Treves, the Chancellor
Albert, and other nobles, to treat for an accommodation
which must necessarily precede the assumption of the im
perial dignity, only due to the kings of Germany after they
had been crowned by the sovereign pontiff. Pascal replied
without in any way contradicting his former language, and
with equal steadiness and good faith, that he would receive
the king with the affection of a father if he would present
himself at Eome as a Catholic sovereign, a son and a defender
of the Church, and a friend of justice.'
In a diet held at Eatisbon,^ Henry announced to the
princes his intention of going to Italy to be crowned
emperor, and at the same time to arrange, as might suit
the sovereign pontiff, all that was required for the defence
of the Church.* The princes, delighted with these pious
and patriotic intentions, assured him, on oath, of their as
sistance.* He also obtained the support of the nobles of
the western part of the empire in another assembly held at
Utrecht,^ where he celebrated his marriage with the young
Princess Matilda, daughter of Henry I. of England. He
thus formed an alliance with the most powerful of sove
reigns outside the empire, with a prince who had himself
long been in conflict with the Church, and who had but
just submitted. This alliance might prove a serious danger
' " Omni pateruitate, omni mansuetudine, eum se excepturum spondet,
si ipse se, ut regem catholicum, . . . Romanae sedi exhiberet." — Chron.
Ursperg., ad ann. 1109.
2 January 6, iioo.
3 "Quatenus ... ad omnia quaj defensio posceret Ecclesiastica ad
nutum Apostolici promptum se demonstraret." — Ibid., ad ann. 1 1 10.
^ "Arrectis animis omnium ad votum pie pro-vidi consulis et indubitati
jam patriae amatoris . . . sacramente nimis voluntario confirmatis." 
Ibid., Ann. Saxo., &c.
'' At Easter, April 10, mo.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 297
if Henry V. should break the promises he had made at
Eatisbon. Meanwhile the pope, to leave no doubt as to his resolution,
and in spite of the king's preparation, renewed, in the council
held at the Lateran, March 7th, the formal condemnation
of investitures and of all lay intervention in the disposal of
the property of the Church.' He also conflrmed the canon,
often renewed during the Catholic ages, which placed all the
shipwrecked under the Church's protection, and excommuni
cated, as robbers and murderers, men who seized upon the
fragments of a wreck. Pascal did not forget those who
had been the devoted champions of his predecessors in most
critical moments ; he went to Apulia, and there called to
gether Duke Eoger, the Prince of Capua, and all the Norman
connts who were vassals of the Church, and made them
swear to assist him against Henry, in case of need. The
leaders ofthe Eoman nobility * entered into the same engage
ment. This done, the pope tranquilly awaited the king's
arrival in Eome, deceived, no doubt, by the protestations of
devotion to the Apostolic See which had produced so great
an effect at Eatisbon.*
In the month of August, Henry crossed the Alps at the
head of an immense army,* which comprised a chosen body
' "Si quis ergo principum vel aliorum laicorum dispositionem seu
donationem rerum sive possessionum Ecclesiasticarum sibi vindicaverit, ut
saiorUegus judicetur." — Cone, b. xii. p. 1150, ed. Colbtti.
^ ' ' Quicumque res naufragorum diripiunt, ut raptores et fratrum neca-
tores ab Ecclesise liminibus excludantur." — Ibid.
3 " Ducem ac principem, omnesque ApuUse comites evocans, cum eis
paciscitur, ut si opus esset, contra Henricum imperatorem dimicent. . . .
Omnes Romanorum proceres simili sacramente constrinxit." — Pbtr. Diac,
Ohron. Cassin,,, b. iv. c. 37.
^ The Protestant Liiden, uot kno-sving how to account for this quiet
confidence on the part of the pope, declares that there must have
existed some profound and secret plot arranged against Henry by
the pope and his confidant Peter de Ldou. But, unfortimately, he is
obliged to own that he cannot guess in what this plot consisted. — Vol.
ix. p. 383.
5 "Immense coacto exercitu." — Petr. Diac, loc cit

298 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
of 30,000 horsemen.' The king also had with him a large
number of clerks and leamed doctors, all prepared to argue
for the lay power against the doctors of the Church.^ Since
the time of his grandfather Henry IIL, that is to say for
more than half a century, Italy had not seen so great or
so formidable a display of force. The cities of Piedmont
and Lombardy had profited by the weakened power of the
German emperors, during their struggle with the Catholic
princes, to increase their political liberty; they made war
among themselves as if they were so many independent
states. But between their cause and that of the Church
there was not yet that fusion, that solidarity, which later
procured for both such brilliant triumphs. Some of these
warlike cities made a show of resistance to the invasion of
the German sovereign, but the sack of Novara, the first
town which refused to obey him, terrified the others. They
opened their gates to him without resistance, all except
proud Milan, where the priest Luitprand, mutilated for his
faith, long maintained " a centre of orthodox resistance : "
this town alone refused to pay him the money demanded
of her.* Having passed the Po to the plain of Eoncaglia, where
he encamped for six weeks, Henry received the homage of
all his feudatories in this part of Italy. The great Countess
' "Circiter triginta millia equitum electorum." — Vit. S. Conrad., ap.
Canis, Thes. anecd., b. vi.
^ " Literatis viris, paratis scilicet ad rationem omni poscenti reddendam.''
— Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1 1 10. Among them was a Scotchman named
David, called the imperial historiographer (he drew up the history of this
expedition in three books ; " in regis gratiam magis quam historicum deceret,
prodivem," says WilUam of Malmesbury), and afterwards Bishop of Bangor.
— Will. Malm., vol. v. p. 167, Chron. Ursperg. It seems that the emperor
did not wish to neglect any means of supporting his pretensions, but
Providence defeated him in small things as well as great, and the narrative
of his official historian has perished.
3 " NobiUs urbs sola Mediolanum populosa
Non servivit ei nummum, neque contulit seris."
—Domnizo, Vit Math., ii. 18,

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 299
Matilda alone did not present herself She did not, how
ever, try to oppose the passage of the Alps, either because
she felt herself too feeble, or because, like the pope, she was
mistaken as to the king's intentions. As it was important
for Henry to be assured at least ofthe princess's neutrality,
he sent ambassadors to her, whom she received at the Castle
of Bibianello, near Canossa, at the same time as a number
of nobles from beyond the Alps, who were curious to see so
extraordinary a woman. There was a sort of reconciliation
between the Countess and the prince, but she would promise
him no assistance that could prejudice the independence of
the Church.^ He continued his journey towards Eome
through Tuscany ; and was six weeks crossing the various
chains of the Apennines. His army suffered cruelly from
cold, while the violences of which it was guilty, especially
towards churches and zealous Catholics, showed but too
plainly the spirit of the enterprise.*
From Arezzo, which he had besieged and burned, Henry
sent to the pope an embassy, headed by his chancellor,
Albert, the Archbishop-elect of Mayence. A negotiation
was begun with the pontifical plenipotentiaries, the chief of
whom was Peter, son of Leo.*
1 " Sola MathUdis erat, quia regem semper habebat
Exosum multum, certaminibusque repulsum." — DOMNIZO, ii. 18.
^ " Ultramontani proceres multi quoque clari
Ad quam venere, miraturi mulierem .
Utraque pars tandem pacem laudavit eamdem ;
Sed contra Petrum non promisit fore secum." —Ibid.
The Chron. Ursperg. says : " Comitissam per internuntios sibi subjectam,
gratia sua proprUsque justitiis, donavit."
3 " Ecciesias destruere uon cessavit, religiosos ao catholicos viros capere
... a propriis sedibus expeUere non desistebat. Sic impie agendo per
Longobardiam et Tnsciam usque pervenit."— Pandulph. Pisan., iu Vita
Pasch LL. Ordericus VitaUs (b. x. p. 728) also speaks of the ravages com
mitted by Henry's army, but supposes they were only on Matilda's pos
sessions, which, after the treaty, seems improbable.
* Leo, the father of Peter, grandfather of the anti-pope Anaclete II.,

300 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
The discussion took place in the portico of St. Peter's.'
The pope refused to crown Henry emperor until he had
secured the peace of the Church by renouncing the right of
investiture. Henry declared that he could not injure his
crown and the empire by renouncing a right exercised for
more than 300 years, and confirmed by 63 popes.^ Then
the pope proposed a solution equally new and important,
and which plainly proved his good faith and the absolute
disinterestedness of the Church in this vital question. He
proposed to give up, in the name of the Church, all the
possessions and regalia which she held from former em
perors,* and to content himself modestly with tithes and
oblations, for ever forbidding the German bishops, under
pain of anathema, to occupy cities, duchies, counties, monas
teries, tolls, markets, manors, castles, and rights of all kinds
which were dependent on the empire, and comprised under
the name of regalia.'^ In return for this concession, the
future emperor, whom the pope promised to crown, was on
and founder of a very influential family, was of Jewish origiu, and had
become very powerful by his riches and his devotion to the Holy See.
He had been able to aUy himself with the most ancient Roman nobiUty,
"salus alto sanguine materno nobUitatis erat," said his epitaph, composed by
Archbishop Alfano of Salerno.
^ "In porticu S. Petri" (Pbtr. Diac, Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 37).
There was indeed an interruption. The flrst ambassadors sent from
Arezzo returned to meet Henry V. at Acquapendente, bringing with them
the Roman nuncios ; then he sent others, who treated at Rome, smd
brought him the results of the negotiation to Sutri, whither he had
advanced by short journeys, at the beginning of February 11 11.
^ "Regno nostro a Carolo treceutis et eo amplius annis et sub Ixiii.
Apostolicis investituras tenenti. . . . Bt per nuntios eum nostros ab eo
quaereretur, omnibus his sublatis quid de nobis fieret 7 in quo regnum
nostrum constaret?" — Ep. Henr. ad Parmenscs, eod. Udalr., No. 261, apud
Bokhard, Corp. histor., b. ii.
3 "Omnia praedia et regalia quae a Carolo et Ludovico, Ottone et
Henrico . . . ecclesiis coUata sunt." — Petr. Diac, loc. cit.
* "Sub anathemate ne quis eorum . . . iuvadant eadem regailia et
civitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, theloneum, mercatum,
advocatias, omnia jura centurionum et viUicorum, curtes et viUas, quse
regni erant, cum pertinentiis suis, mUitiam et castra." — Ibid., No. 262;
cf. Petr. Diac, Chron. Cassin., iv. 37.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 3OI
his part to renounce, in writing, and publicly, on his coro
nation day, all that he had usurped from the Church (that
is, the right of investiture), to declare the churches free,
with their tithes, and those of their possessions which did
not plainly belong to the empire ; finally, to omit nothing
by word or deed to secure the patrimony of St. Peter and
the personal safety of the pope.'
The emperor thus obtained a thousand times more than
he could have either asked or hoped for. The vast fiefs ^ of
the bishops, which, independently of lands given to the
Church, constituted in Germany principalities almost as
large as those of the greatest lay vassals, would thus have
returned to the royal domain, and the result would have
been an enormous increase of power for German royalty,
which, joined to the prestige of imperial authority with
which it would be almost always clothed, would have
fumished him the means of an easy triumph over the re
sistance of secular princes, and a foundation for that absolute
monarchy which had been the dream of Henry III. and
Henry IV. It was natural, therefore, that such a concession
should excite the liveliest opposition, not only among the
German bishops, whom it would despoil, but also among the
lay princes, whom it would expose to the formidable pre
ponderance of the imperial power. As to the pope, he was
only bound to regard the rights and spiritual interests of
the Church, which were completely guaranteed. The Church
of Germany was to be placed by this arrangement in a
position analogous to that of the Churches of France and
England, where the bishops, though holders of large
1 " Ut imperator . . . omne male usurpatum Bcclesiasticum . . .
astamte clero et populo, per scriptum deponeret . . Dimitteret ecciesias
liberas cum oblationibus et possessionibus suis quas ad regni non per
tinere jus, constare potest. . . . Nihil aut faceret aut diceret ut papa
pontificatum amittat, nihUque ipse patiatur in vita, vel in membris, vel
capiatur mala captione." — Pbtr. . . . Diac, loc. cit.
' Reichslehne, fiefs of the empire quite distinct from Kirchengiiter or
Church property. — Gbrv., i. 40.

302 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
domains, and on that account bound to do feudal service,
were far from counting among their fiefs territories as vast
or cities as important as in the empire, but where, on the
other hand, investiture by the crosier and ring no longer
existed.' By this system the German Church was to pre
serve its freedom of election, and was to retain absolute
possession of the tithes, beside the endowments properly so
called, tributes of piety and charity in the form of oblations
or donations.^ Finally, she was to escape from that bond
age of temporal interests which turned her aside from her
august mission. " In your kingdom," said Pascal in the
scheme for a treaty (in charta conventionis) which he sent to
Henry ,^ " the bishops and abbots are perpetually obliged to
attend the courts of justice, and to make war ; the ministers
of the altar are become ministers of the court,* in conse-
1 In England, only since the peace made between Henry II. and St.
Anselm. " Which were theu naturally most frequently territorial, and which
would have quickly formed agaiu a vast domain.
3 Cod. Udalr., No. 263, and Colbtti, Concil., vol. xii. p. 993. We
translate by projet de convention (scheme for a treaty) the terms used by
the emperor, charta conventionis, although in its actual form it seems to
have been completed ; but it is evident that it was only intended to come
into operation after Henry's coronation, since we read in it, "Porro
Ecciesias . . . liberas decernimus, sicut in die coronationis tuae omnipo-
tenti Domino in conspectu totius Bcclesise promisisti." This promise was,
as weU as the coronation, one of the stipulations of the treaty, and the
pope supposed it fulfiUed. But Henry was only crowued two mouths
afterwards, and without making any promise of this kind ; on the other
hand, the pope had already a copy of this letter which he sends to the
Parmesans, saying, " Petii ab eo ut sicut iu charta conventionis ejus scriptum
est, mihi adimpleret. H»c est charta conventionis ejus ad me." The
text which we quote follows. Cf. Cod. Udalr., No. 261, 262, and 263.
Fleury is mistaken in referring this letter of the pope to the Lateran
Council of 1112. St. Marc, Hist, d'ltalie, iv. 982, has already noticed this
strange error.
" "Ministri altaris ministri curiae facti sunt. . . . Nunc et mos Ecclesiae
intolerabilis inolevit ut electi episcopi ac . . oportet episcopos juris
saecularibus expedites, curam suorum agere populorum uec Ecclesiis suis
abesse diutius, . tanquam^ rationem reddituri pro animabus eorum."
— Cod. Udalr., tio. 263.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 303
quence of having accepted cities (duchies and all which
belongs to the service of the kingdom) from the hands of
kings ; and thus has arisen this intolerable custom that
bishops-elect can only be consecrated after they have been
invested by the royal hand : hence simony, and the violent
usurpation of dioceses. This is why our predecessors of
happy memory, Gregory VII. and Urban IL, have in
councU constantly condemned lay investiture, and deposed
and excommunicated those who received it. It is needful
then that bishops, being freed from temporal burdens,
should care only for their people and keep to their churches.
They must watch, according to the apostle Paul, that they
may render account of all the souls committed to them."
If we beUeve a not very trustworthy account, the imperial
plenipotentiaries,' all, except the Chancellor Albert,^ laymen,
as were also those of the pope,* contented themselves with
offering some objections to Pascal's plan, declaring that the
king would neither do violence to the Church, nor incur
the guilt of sacrilege by despoiling her.* But it is certain
that they accepted the treaty, knowing perfectly, as their
master afterwards declared,^ that it was impossible to be
executed. They did not hesitate to affirm that their king,
in return for the concessions offered by the pope, would
renounce investiture,® and these preliminaries were confirmed
^ We do not hesitate to describe thus Henry's letter to the Parmesans,
¦written to justify the Pope's captivity, and showing contradictious and bad
faith in every line. No other contemporary source mentions these objections.
^ Their names are fouud at the head of the oath quoted by the Acta
Sutrina, ap. BARON., ad ann. 11 11, and Cod. Udalr., No. 262.
3 The fact of the papal plenipotentiaries being laymen is remarked in
a letter from Cardinal John of Tusculum to the Bishop of Albano, ap.
Baron., b. iv. c. 13.
* " Cum nostri respondereut : Nos quidem noUe Ecclesiis -violentiam in
ferre, nee ista subtrahendo tot sacrilegia incurrere." — Cod. Udalr., No. 261.
5 " Nostris tunc idem firmantibus, si hsec uti prsemissum est, complesset
(papa) quod tamen rmUo modo posse fieri sciebant." — Letter of Henry V.
himself to the Parmesans, Cod. Udalr., 261.
8 "Me quoque investituras Ecclesiarum, uti quserebat, refutaturum."
—Ibid,

304 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
by the reciprocal oath of the negotiators on both sides made
in the portico of St. Peter's, February 5, 11 11. Henry's
ambassadors carried the treaty to him at Sutri, and he ac
cepted it without hesitation, conditionally on its authentic
and solemn confirmation by the ecclesiastic and secular
princes.' He also swore to accept all the conditions of the
treaty,^ and to protect the pope's life against any violence
or imprisonment.*
Frederic, Duke of Suabia, the Chancellor Albert, Count
Herman of Saxony, and nine other nobles, all counts or
margraves, thus guaranteed by oath the pope's personal
security.* They also exchanged hostages, to be retained
until the entire accomplishment of the treaty. Frederic,
the emperor's nephew, with four other nobles, was sent to
' That is, probably, of a diet at which all the princes and bishops who
had not accompanied him should be assembled. " Prsebuit rex assensum,
sed eo pacto quatenus hsec transmutatio firma et autentica ratione, con
silio quoque vel concordia totius Bcclesise ao regni principum assensu
stabiliretur." — Chron. Ursperg., ann. nil. It is evident that he could not
settle a matter so important to the constitution of the empire without the
assent of all those interested.
2 "Hsec ita jurejurando firma-yit imperator." — Chron. Cassin., iv. 37.
3 " Post hsec misit papas nuntios Sutrium coram quibus rex juravit iu
hsec verba. Juramentum Henrici, &c. : Ego, Henricus rex, ab hac hora
in antea non ero iu facto aut consilio, ut dominus Paschalis papa IL
perdat papatum, vel vitam, vel membra, aut capiatur mala captione, vel
per me, vel per submissam personam. . . . Sic observabo domino papae
sine fraude et malo ingenio, si D. papa proxime die Dominica sic adim-
pleverit mihi, sicut in conventionis chartula scriptum est." — Acta Sutr.
ap. Babon., ann. 11 11.
* "Qui jurabant papse securitatem de vita, de membris, de papatu, de
captione. ... Hi omnes post imperatorem eo ordine jurarunt, ut si
imperator hsec implere noUet, ipsi cum omnibus suis cum Romano Ec
clesia tenerent. . . . Actum Sutrii iu burgo, quinto Idus Februarii." —
Ibid. The Pope might believe himself secured by three oaths : ist, that
of the ChanceUor and four counts who had treated with Peter, son of
Leo, at Rome ; 2nd, that of the king ; 3rd, that of the ten nobles and the
ChanceUor, who swore to put themselves at the disposal of the Roman
Church if "Rex juramentum hoc et ea quse in charta conventionis
scripta sunt non observaverit." These two last oaths were taken at
Sutri, Thursday, February 9th.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 305
the pope ; the king chose Peter, son of Leo, and his family.
Pascal then wrote to Henry in the most affectionate terms
to excuse himself, because the severity of the season would
not permit him to meet his guest.'
The king, seized with a very unexpected access of filial
piety, demanded ecclesiastical burial for his excommunicated
father; but the pope replied by a peremptory refusal, ex
pressed thus : " The martyrs of God, who are in celestial
glory, command us, under terrible penalties, to cast the bodies
of criminals out of their churches, for we cannot have com
munion in death with those who are deprived of it in life." ^
This refusal did not stop Henry's advance. Having arrived
on Saturday, February i ith, close to the gates of Eome, at
a place whence the basiUca of St. Peter's could be seen, he
there renewed his oath to renounce investitures, to watch
over the pope's security and Uberty, and to guarantee his
possession of the patrimony of St. Peter, Apulia, Capua,
SicUy, and Calabria — in a word, all the provinces occupied
by the Normans.* The next day, Quinquagesima Sunday,
the 12th of February, Henry, as had been agreed upon,
entered the city, where he was received with the most
triumphal pomp ; and having met the pope at the steps
of St. Peter's,* he prostrated himself before him, kissed his
' Chron. Cassin., iv. 38.
- " Ipsos enim Dei martyres jam in coelestibus positos id terribiliter
jussisse, scilicet ut sceleratorum cadavera de suis basilicis ejicerentur." —
Chron. Cassin.
3 "Csesar, obsidibus datis vicissimque receptis, jurejurando firmavit
de ApostoUci ipsius vita, de honore, de membris, de mala captione, de
regalibus et patrimoniis B. Petri, et nominatim de ApuUa, Calabria, et
SicUia, Capuanoque principatu."— /6tcJ., c. 39.
^ Saxo says that he there renewed his oath a third time. " In porticu
vero manu propria imperatoris et optimatum triplioatur juramentum"
(loc. dt). To abridge, we leave out the curious details of the extraordinary
pomp with which Henry was received at Bome (see Act. Sutr., ap. Baron.,
loc. cU.), and the sanguinary combat which took place between his soldiers
and the Roman people before he arrives at St. Peter's, which he describes
as treason, but makes little account of. " Bgo tamen quasi pro levi causa
non motus." — Ep. Henr. ad Parm., loc cit.
VOL. VI. U

306 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
feet, and served him as a squire when he dismounted;'
then, after having kissed each other three times on the
mouth, the eyes, and the forehead, they advanced together
amidst the shouts of the people towards the silver gate.
There Henry swore to protect the Eoman Church in the
character of emperor, and the pope greeted him by that
title, embracing him again, while a cardinal read the first
prayer out of the service of consecration.^
The ceremony thus commenced, the pope and emperor
entered the church, and, followed by their double suite,
seated themselves in the place called the Porphyry Wheel.
The pope then claimed the execution of the reciprocal
renunciations stipulated in the convention.* But Henry
withdrew,* with his bishops and princes, to deliberate
about them, as if that were the right place and time to
discuss a treaty which had been accepted by the emperor
three days previously,^ and guaranteed by the most power-
' " Ad cujus vestigia cum rex corruisset, post pedum osculo elevatus
est. . . . Stratorii officium exhibuit . . ." — Citron. Cassin., Act. Sutr.,
loc. cit.
2 " Ibi ex libro professionem imperatoriam faciens, . . . mox super
eum orationem primam (sicut in ordine continetur) Lavicanus episcopus
dixit." — Ibid.
3 " lustaurari Bcclesiasticum jus, refutationem investiturae et caetera
quse in conventionis (charta) scripta fuerant petiit." — Ibid.
* " In partem juxta secretarium." — Act. Sutr., ap. Baron., loc. dt
^ The treaty had been concluded at Rome, February 5th, accepted by
the emperor at Sutri, February gth ; these dates are proved by Stentzel,
ii. 316. It was now the 12th. Betweeu the 9th and the 12th Heury had
had time to obtain the consent of his bishops, or, faiUng to obtain it,
to have warned the pope. As to the lay princes, the Duke of Suabia and
other great vassals had guaranteed the hostages of the treaty, which evi
dently implied their assent. The pope, seeing Henry present himself to
be crowned, must have supposed the treaty accepted, and the opposition
of the German bishops, only sho-sra at St. Peter's, has aU the appearance
of a trick arranged beforehand by the emperor to obtain his coronation
without a, treaty. Gervais thinks that Henry and his ChanceUor Albert
had endeavoured to conceal from the German -bishops the treaty con
cluded with the pope until the moment wheu its execution should be
demanded, so as to throw upou Pascal aU the weight of the prelates'
discontent (vol. i. p. 200, No. i). Raumer acknowledges that Henry

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 307
ful princes of the empire. There were among the latter
only three Italian bishops, two of whom, Bemard of Parma
and Aldo of Placentia, were known for their zeal for the
Church.' The precise details relative to this fatal con
ference are not known, but when the Germans left the
church, after ha-ving been begged by a message from the
pope to hasten,^ a dreadful tumult suddenly broke out.*
The bishops and abbots * bitterly reproached the sovereign
pontiff for having issued a heretical decree, which robbed
them of their possessions, and which they openly reftised
to obey. The lay princes added a vehement protest to
certainly had an intention to deceive the pope, but that he can find no
proof of any similar intention on the part of Pascal. — History of the Hohen
staufen, vol. i. b. u. c. 2. Liiden, on the contrary, suggests that the pope
had desired and hoped for this scene, and that his cunning rivaUed that
of Heury; it is true that, -with the extreme disingenuousness of which
that author gives so many proofs, he entirely suppresses in his narrative
the important fact of the revolt of the German bishops against the con
fiscation of their fiefs. — Geschichte Der deutschen Voltes, vol. ix. b. xx. p.
391. Abbot Suger, whose authority is rather more imposing, both as
a contemporary and as . . . (sic), does not hesitate to accuse the emperor
of bad faith. " Inire callens pacem simulat, querelam iuvestituraxum
deponit, multa et hsec et aUa polUcetur, et ut Urbem ingrediatur, quia
aUter non poterat, blanditur neo faUere summum pontificem et totam
Ecclesiam, immo ipsum Regem regum veretur." — See p. 290.
^ See above, the interview at Chalons. The third was Bensignore de
Reggio. 2 " Cum autem longior se hora protraheret, missis nuntiis pontifex con-
ventionem supradicti tenoris repetiit adimpleri." — Act. Sutr., loc. cit.
3 It appears, however, that the German bishops began by showing the
pope due honour. " Tunc episcopi transalpini corruerunt et ad oscula
surrexerunt. Sed post paulnlum," the discussion commenced. Suger
sees in it only a feint, "inopinata nequitia ficta Utis occasione furor
Theutonious f rendens debacchatur " (loc cit. )
* " Universis ei in faciem resistentibus et decreto suo plenam haeresim
inclamantibus, scilicet episcopis, abbatibus tam suis quam nostris et
omnibus Ecclesiae fiUis." — Ep. Henr. ad Pa/rm. ; Cod. UdaVr., 262. We
do not know whom Henry meant to designate by these words tam suis ;
since he afterwards caused to be arrested, at the same time as the pope,
the three Lombard bishops, and a crowd of cardinals and priests. It is
evident that the Roman clergy did not pronounce against the pope.
This is therefore another falsehood,

308 THE PRfeDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
that of the bishops, for the Spoliation of th6 latter deprived
them of numerous domains which they held as sub-fiefs
from the bishoprics.'
The officers in attendance on the king began by com
plaining, on their own account, of the injustice of such
a treaty : the reply made to them on behalf of the pope
was the quotation of those texts, so often invoked by the
enemies of the Church, importing that we should render
to Csesar the things that belong to Ctesar, and that he
who fights for God should not mingle in worldly affairs.^
The better to explain his motives, Pascal wished to read
the diploma, or, if that name is preferred, the bull, which
he had addressed to Henry, and which contained all the
stipulations of the treaty ; * but Henry interrupted him,
swearing by God and St. Peter that he would always
refuse to withdraw from the bishops and abbots the grants
made to them by his predecessors.* He read and signed
this new oath, which destroyed the very basis of the con
vention,^ and then summoned the pontiff to sign a treaty
1 " TtiinultuautibUs in infiuitum principibus, pro ecclesiarum spolia-
tione fet per hsec beueficiorum spoliatione." — Chron. Ursperg., ad ann-
nil. We translate from the version of Stentzel (i. p. 638, No. 33), but
are not certaiu that the term principibus -will apply to others than the
bishops. Henry does not speak of the secular princes in his letter to the
Parmesans, and most of them had, as we have said, already guaranteed
the treaity.
2 " FamUiares regis doles sUos paulatim aperire cceperunt, dicentes.
. . . Quibus Evangelica et Apostolica auctoritas objiceretur, scilicet quia
reddcnda sunt Ccesari, &c., . . . et memo mUitans Deo," &c. — Acta Sutrin.,
ap. Baron., loc cit. We thiuk that Fleury, who passes lightly over
this crisis so important for the Church, had been mistaken in putting
these objections into the mouth of Henry's friends. — Hist, eccles., b. Ixvi.
No. 3.
3 " Hoc, si salva pace Ecclesia dici potest, pri-rilegium proferre voluit.
. . . Hsec est charta conventionis ejus ad me." — Ep. Henr. ad Parm.,
loc. cit.
« "Afirmo Deo et S. Petro ... ego peccator pro timore terribUis
judicii ullo modo subtrahere recuse." — Ibid.
5 " In cunctorum astantium oculis et auribus . hoc decreto a, me
lecto et subscripto." — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 309
which, in all that referred to the coronation, was founded
upon it.' At that moment, one of the courtiers who ac
companied Henry rose and cried : " What is the use of so
much talking? Know, pope, that our lord the emperor
intends to receive the imperial crown as Charles, Louis,
and Pepin received it before him." ^ Pascal refused to
give it thus ; but Henry, following the advice of the Chan
cellor Albert and Bishop Burckhard of Miinster, caused his
soldiers to advance, and, in defiance of his solemn oaths,*
gave up to them the person of the pope, and those of all
his friends and servants. The day was already far advanced,
and evening approached ; the cardinals therefore advised
the pope to crown Henry at once, and put off the discussion
of disputed points till to-morrow.* But the Germans op
posed this. It was with difficulty that mass was said. It
was Quinquagesima Sunday ; and in the Gospel for the day
it was read how Jesus warned His disciples that He should
be given up, mocked, scourged, spit upon, and crucified, but
that on the third day He would rise again.*
1 " Petii ab eo ut, sicut in charta conventionis ejus scriptum est, mihi
adimpleret." — ^Bp. Henr. ad Farm., loc. cit. We do not know precisely
where to place Peter Diaconus's curious account : " Interea imperator.
. . Volo, inquit, ut discordia quae inter nos et Stephanum Normannum
hactenus fuit, jam finem recipiat (multa enim imperatoris gratia pericula
Stephanus . . .) ; ipse ad haec pontifex : Dies, inquit, magna ex parte
praeterut, oificiumque prolixum erit hodie, ideoque si placet, quod vestrum
est prius impleatur." — Chron. Cassin., iv. 40.
2 " Quid tam multis agimus verbis 7 Solas dominum nostrum impera
torem," &c. — Ibid.
3 The case of mala captione had been formally provided against in aU
the oaths taken by the emperor and his sureties. He had added the
clause, " Si dominus papa proxima die Dominica sic adimpleverit mihi,
sicut in conventionis chartula scriptum est ; " but it is evident that the
pope only asked to fulfil the agreement, and oould not be responsible for
the refusal of the Germau prelates to adhere to it.
* " Illi id quoque adversati sunt." — Act. Sutr., loc. dt.
5 "Eadem die Dominico quo legebatur Evangelium: Assumpsit Jesus
duodecim. . . . Haec sicut in Christo et in ejus Vicario sunt impleta usque
adhuc." — Ricit d'un temoin oeulaire, in MS. Vatic, ap. Baron., ad ann.
11 II, c. 9.

3IO THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
After mass the pontiff was dragged from his throne
and seated before the Confessional of St. Peter, where he
remained until night, guarded by soldiers.' Two Germans
only protested against the conduct of their king and
countrymen. Conrad, Archbishop of Salzburg,^ loudly
protested, and a favourite of the emperor, Henry, burgrave
of Misnia, surnamed Caput, or Cum Capite,* was so indig
nant that he drew his sword and threatened the prince.
The archbishop, who was ready to die for the right, and
who was horrified at the crime committed against the vicar
of God, offered his life for Pascal's.* He was not put to
death ; but he expiated his courage by nine years of per
secution and exile.* God chose this moment to touch the
heart of a man who, later, was to be counted among His
greatest servants. Norbert, the emperor's chaplain, and
afterwards founder of the Premonstratensian Order, threw
himself at the feet of the imprisoned pontiff, demanded absolu
tion from him, and renouncing the world, went to seek re
fuge in profound solitude.^ Norbert and Conrad began thus,
at the feet of a pope chained before the confessional of the
first martyr-pope, that career at the end of which they were
each destined to be canonised by a successor of Pascal II.
Night being come, the pope was taken to a house near
the church, with the cardinals, a number of the clergy, and
^ " Ex cathedra descendere compulsus pontifex, deorsum ante Confes
sionem B. Petri cum fratribus sedit, ibique usque ad noctis tenebras sub
armatis militibus est custoditus." — Ricit d'un timoin oeulaire, in MS. Vatic,
ap. Baron., ad ann. iiii, c. 9.
2 He is also called Gebhard. — Vita S. Oebhardi, ap. Canis., Leet antiq.,
vol. vi. p. 1240.
3 Details about him and his later career are found iu Gervais, vol. i.
p. 206, note 4. A contemporary monastic chronicle calls him ' ' Henricus
quidam regice tyrannidis capitaneus.'' Liiden calls him a heroic man,-voL ix,
p. 478.
••"Zelo »quitatis vicem Dei dolens . . . tanquam pro justitia mori
optans, jugulum praebuit."- Otto FriSING., Chron., vii. 14.
5 He was obUged to hide himself in a cave near Admont, in Styria,
where he afterwards founded a famous monastery.
^ Hbrimann, De restaur S. Martini Tornac, in SpicUeg., vol. ii. p. 915.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 31I
many laymen, who shared his imprisonment.' Henry let
loose his soldiers against the crowd of men, women, and
children, who had come with flowers and palms, many of
whom were robbed, beaten, put in chains, and even killed.^
The Germans pillaged the ornaments and sacred vessels
used in the procession.* The Eoman people, hearing of
these indignities, and of the pope's imprisonment, armed
themselves, and seized all the Germans they could meet in
the city. Next day, still more excited, they went to attack
the imperial camp in front of St. Peter's ; the emperor was
thrown from his horse, and in great danger ; Count Otho of
Milan was cut to pieces. The fight went on all day. The
Eomans, at first victorious, and afterwards repulsed, ended
by forcing the Germans back into their intrenchments.*
Two cardinals, Leo, a monk of Monte Cassino, and Bishop
of Ostia, and Giovanni, Bishop of Tusculum, succeeded in
escaping from the pope's jailers, dressed like men of the
lower class.* Towards night (Monday, February 13th),
Cardinal Giovanni, constituting himself the vicar of the
sovereign pontiff,* convoked the Eomans, and strongly ex
horted them to fight for life and liberty, and for the defence
and glory of the Holy See ("pro defensione, pro gloria sedis
apostolicce "). He made them swear war to the death against
the emperor ; he wrote to the neighbouring bishops to come
to the help of the Holy See, and to have prayers offered
everywhere for the liherty of the pope and of the Church.''
^ "Capta est cum eo clericorum et laicorum copiosa multitudo." — Act
Sutr., loc. cit.
^ "Pueros item, ac diversae aetatis homines, qui obviam ei cumfloribus et
palmis exierant, aUos obtruucari, alios . . . jussit." — Act. Sutr., loc cit.
3 Rudolf. Chron. abb. S. Trudonis, p. 697, ap. STENTZEL, i. 639 ; DOM
NIZO, iL 18.
* See the details, Ohron. Cassin., iv. 41. * "Plebeio habitu." — Lbid.
' " Agens vices domini Paschalis papse vincti Jesu Christi." — Epist. ad
Rich. Alban.; Paptr. Masse., in not. ad Lvon. Carnot. Epist, ap. BARON., I.e.
' Epist. ad Rich. Alban., loc. cit. We have thought that this letter to
CardUial Richard, Bishop of Albano, was ouly a circular ; but it must be
observed that probably Richard was not in his diocese, as he had for a

312 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Informed of these preparations, Henry judged best to
evacuate the enclosure of St. Peter's ; but he took Pascal
with him. At the end of two days the emperor ordered
the pope to be stripped of his sacred garments, and gave
him in charge to some knights of his suite, who tied his
hands, and dragged him with them across the Tiber and
the Anio, aud into the Sabine country.'
The cardinals, bishops, priests, and laymen arrested with
the pope, followed him, stripped of their most necessary
clothing, and, like their master, bound with cords. Pascal,
with six cardinals, was shut up in the Castle of Trabico.
All Italians were forbidden to speak to him : he was
guarded and served by German nobles.^
long time been legate in Prance ; and we find him there immediately
after Pascal's release.
1 This is how M. de St. Marc, a Galilean of the last century, describes
the king's conduct : " Henry, prouder and more impetuous even than
his father, seeing then, and, I will venture to say, Jiaving a right to see, in
the pope and his councUlors nothing but seditious subjects who had tricked their
sovereign, ordered the arrest of Pascal, and those of the cardinals who
were not able to make a hasty escape. Henry's conduct is justified by
th£ soundest policy and the most enlightened reason." — Hist. d'Ltalie, Paris,
1766, with the royal licence, pp. 891 and 972. Abbot Suger, whose
policy was not so enlightened, although when he wrote he was first
minister of a King of France, says : " Imperator pessimae conscieutise et
facinoris facti perterritus cruciatu, urbem quantocius exivit, prsedam
a Christiano Christianis inauditam, dominum videlicet papam, &c., ad-
ducens." — De. Vit. Lud. Grossi, p. 290.
^ "Advocans milites pontificem sacris vestibus exul jussit: quod cum
factum esset, vinctum secum pertraxere. . . . Et in Sabines ad Lucauum
pontem iter agentes, ulteriores Romanse urbis partes aggressi sunt. Trahe-
bantur interea clericorum laicorumque plurimi vincti funibus. Latinorum
nullus audebat cum eodem pontifice coUoqui."^ — Ohron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 42.
" Cardinales ipsos turpiter exuens, inhoneste tractavit, et quod dictu
nefas est, ipsum etiam dominum papam tam pluviali, quam mitra, cum
quicumque defert insignia apostolatus . . superbe spoliavit." — SuGER,
loc cit. " Clericos vero, archipresbyteros . . . exspoliavit, planatas et thy-
miamata auferendo ; et proprias vestes, ex quibus vestiti erant, minime
dimittebat, nee etiam subtalaria atque f emoralia eis habere permittebat. "
— Pand. Pisan., Vit Fasc II. Can we help recaUing the treatment
eudured, seven hundred years later, by Pius VL, Pius VIL, and the black
cardinals, at Savona and at Fontainebleau ?

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 313
Meantime Cardinal Giovanni, Bishop of Tusculum, re
doubled his efforts to sustain the courage of the Eomans,
and induce them to take advantage of the emperor's retreat.
But without the support of the Church's old auxiliaries,
Matilda and the Normans, what could be hoped ? Matilda
did not move, and the Normans were in no condition to
fulfil their obligations as vassals of St. Peter. On hearing
of Henry's arrival at the gates of Eome, the pope had
written to his valiant allies to engage them to remain stead
fast in their fidelity towards the Church.' But the son of
Eobert Guiscard, the Duke of Apulia and Calabria, died
before he conld receive this letter, which would have made
him fly to the aid of his suzerain.^ To heighten this mis
fortune, Bohemond Prince of Tarento had also died,* and
Sicily was in the hands of a minor, the young Eoger, son
of the Great Count, who was nnder his mother's tutelage.
Without chiefs who could lead them to battle, therefore, the
Normans were powerless, and had every reason to fear lest
their Italian conquests should escape them. Indeed, the
Lombards, whom they had driven from Apulia, looked for
ward to a speedy revenge.* Eoger's troops were obliged to
intrench themselves in expectation of immediate invasion.
Prince Eobert of Capua alone was able to send 300 knights
to the aid of Eome ; but at Jeventino they were met by the
Count of Tusculum, a prince whose house had always been
hostUe to the liberty of the Church, and who, supported by
other leaders of the Imperial party, put to rout this handful
of faithful servants of the Holy See, and obliged their chief
to beg for peace.*
^ " Pontifex hortatorias Utteras iUico disseminans, Northmannos et Lon-
gobardos mouebat in Romanse Bcclesise fide ac devotione persistere."—
Pand. Pisan., Vit Pase II., c. 38.
2 2ist February iiii. ' 7th March iiii.
* "Horum itaque mors, ut Northmannis magnum incussit metum de
imperatoris ejusque exercitui, et Lougobardis omnibus extulit animos.
Verebantur illi ne imperatoris adventu sedibus suis et principatu pel-
lerentur. . . ." — Ohron. Cassin., iv. 41. ^ Ohron Cassin., loc. cit.

314 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTDS II.
Henry passed Lent at Albano, and crueUy ravaged the
environs of Eome, in hopes of intimidating the Eomans,
whom he also tried to win by offers of money. But they,
influenced by the Bishop of Tusculum, would treat only on
condition that the pope and cardinals should be set at liberty.
The emperor, therefore, caused the pope to be brought back
into his camp,' and there declared to him solemnly that if
the conditions proposed were not accepted, half of the many
captives ^ whom he drew after him should be put to death,
and the rest mutilated ; and that, moreover, the cardinals
should suffer the same fate.^ These threats were useless;
Pascal persisted in his refusal, declaring that he would a
thousand times rather sacrifice his life than the sacred
rights of the Eoman Church.* Henry had then recourse to
other means : he caused the sovereign pontiff to be besieged
by incessant solicitations from the German bishops and
nobles, who conjured him to treat with the king and show
some faith in his promises, so as to obtain peace.* The
citizens of Eome even obtained leave to come and de
scribe to the pope the sufferings endured by the prisoners,
the desolation of the Church, and the imminent danger
of schism." Henry himself knelt before his prisoner, and
' "Postremo tam suspicionis quam et conoordise gratia in castro re-
ductus est. Puit Apostolicus in eodem ergastulo sexaginta et unum dies."
— Chron. Cassin., loc. dt. Pagi has shown that the pope's captivity lasted
but 56 days. — Crit. in Baron., ann. ml. It is not known how the period
was divided between the fortress and the camp.
^ " Copiosa multitudo ; uti supra."
3 " Coepit jurejurando firmare, nisi pontifex UU morem gereret, et ipsum,
et omnes quos habebat in vinculis, partim occisurum, partim amputatis
membris quibusque debiUtaturum." — Ohron. Cassin. , loc. cit.
* " Pontifex vitam ponere quam jura Ecclesise malebat." — Ibid.
^ "Regis optimates . . . adeunl, moneut, orant. . . . Regis sibi fideU
tatem et obedientiam propouunt . . . ut ea quse pacis et conoordise sunt."
— Ohron. Saxo. , ann. 1 1 11.
" " Hoc per principes, hoc per clericos, hoc per laicos, civesque Romanos
soUicite satagebat. . . . Proponebantur pontifici captivorum calamitates
qui amissis liberis . . . durioribus compedibus coercebantur. . . ." —
Chron. Cassin., loc. cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 3 IS
begged his forgiveness, swearing to obey him if he would
only consent to grant him the enjoyment of the imperial
powers enjoyed by his predecessors.' The pope replied,
" God preserve me from ever consecrating a man stained
with so many crimes and with so much innocent blood ! " 2
Driven to extremity, Henry again began to threaten, and
gave orders that the prisoners should be executed in Pascal's
presence,* afler allowing them to communicate with him,
and try to soften his resolution. Then only the unhappy
old man, vanquished by the grief and prayers of his children,*
bursting into tears, cried, " I must endure for the Church's
peace and deliverance what I would give my life to avoid." *
A treaty was therefore set on foot at Ponte Mammolo, on
the banks of the Anio, which divided the Imperialist army
from the Eoman troops, April 11, 11 11. The emperor
promised that on the next day or the one following he
wonld Uberate the pope, cardinals, and all the captives ; that
he would restore the part of the Eoman Church property
which he had taken, and obey the pope, saving the honour
of the kingdom and empire, as Catholic emperors were ac
customed to obey Catholic popes." Pascal, on his side, swore
never to disturb the emperor nor the empire on the subject
of investitures of bishoprics or abbeys, to pardon all the
^ " Rex ipse pedibus ejus humUiter profusus veniam postulat, obedien
tiam spoudet, dummodo," &c. — Ann. Saxon., aun. 11 11.
^ "Absit vero ut homini interf ectorum sanguine cruentato, tantisque
flagitiis exsecrando consecrationem impertiam I " — Trithemius, ap. Mabill.,
V. 559. 3 gee ibid.
* " Victus tandem lacrymis atque suspiriis fiUorum." — Chron. Cass., loc. cit.
^ " Bn cogor pro Ecclesiae pace et liberatione id perpeti quod ue paterer,
vitam quoque cum sanguine profundere|paratus eram." — Chronic. Cassinens,
We have tried to harmonise the accounts of these outrages giveu by Peter
Diaconus in his Chronide of Monte Cassino, by the annalist Saxo, and by
Trithemius, foUowing the same order as MabiUon. — Ann. Bened., b. 72, c. 2,
' " Salvo honore regui et imperii, sicut imperatores cathoUci pontificibus
Romanis soient." This promise was sworn to by four bishops, the Chancellor
Albert, seven counts, and the Marquis Werner. We are astomshed to fiud
foremost among them Frederic, Archbishop of Cologne, whose later conduct
so loudly contradicted his participation in this deed.

3l6 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
wrongs and outrages which his friends had endured, never
to pronounce an anathema against the emperor, and finally
to crown him immediately, and to aid him honestly in main
taining his empire in peace.' This promise was sworn to
by the sixteen cardinals who were prisoners ; ^ but Henry
was not satisfied ; he required that before being set at
liberty, and allowed to return to Eome, where the pontifical
seal had been left, Pascal should draw up and give to him
the bull which was to acknowledge the right of investiture.
On the following day, April 12 th, in the field of the
Sette Frati, while the camp was being removed, the bull
was prepared, and in the evening, when the army had
crossed the Tiber, the pontifical seal was brought from
Eome by a secretary, who copied the bull, which Pascal
immediately signed under the title of privilege.^ It stated
that the pope confirmed to the emperor the prerogative
granted by his predecessors to those of Henry ; that bishops
and abbots elected without violence or simony should be
invested by the emperor with crosier and ring, and that no
bishop elected without the emperor's consent should be
consecrated until he had thus been invested.* An ana-
^ " Neque aliquod malum redditum reddet sibi vel alicui personse pro
hac re, et penitus in personam regis nunquam anathema pouet."^ — Will.
Malm., b. x., ex Chron. David. Scott. Baneor. epist. Cf . BARONIUS, ann. nil,
et Concil., ed. Colbtti, vol. xii. p. 1 1 74. The stipulation as to the anathema
is uot reproduced iu the deed of the pontifical oath given by Baronius (ex
A et. Vit. Pasc. ), but may be understood iu the general terms, ' ' Non iuquiet-
abit regem uec ejus regnum et imperium."
^ Of whom two were suburban bishops and three deacons.
3 " Die igitur altero, in eodem campo qui Septem Fratrum dicitur, dum
castra moverent, iUud dictari oportuit. . . Jam locatis castris, accitus ex
urbe scriniarius, scriptum iUud inter tenebras nocturnas exaravit, cui
invitus licet pontifex subscripsit, quod sic se habet: Privilegium Paschalis
PP. quod fecit," &o. Thus speaks the author of Acta Sutrina or Acta PP.
Paschalis, quoted by Baronius, who was an eye-witness, as he himself
says in concluding : " Hsec sicut passi sumus, et oculis nostris vidimus,
mera veritate conscripsimus. "
^ " Ut regni tui episcopis et abbatibus libere prseter violentia,m et
simoniam eleotis, investituram virgse et annul; oonf eras. ... Si quis
autem . . . nisi a te investiatur, a nemine eonsecretur." The text of the

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 317
thema was pronounced against whoever should infringe the
provisions of this privilege, which was not, indeed, guar
anteed or countersigned by any cardinal. Finally, on
Thursday, April 13th, Pascal II. and Henry V. entered the
Leonine city,' and proceeded to St. Peter's, where, while
the gates were closed to keep out the people,^ the pope
crowned the emperor, and solemnly gave over to him the
pri-rilege of investiture. At the Communion the pope
having broken the wafer, gave part of it to the emperor,
saying, " Lord Emperor, this body of the Lord which the
Catholic Church declares to have been born of the Virgin
Mary, and crucified for us, we give to you as a pledge of
peace and concord between you and me, between the empire
and the priesthood. As this portion is separated from the
Uving body, thus may he who shall -violate this treaty be
separated from the kingdom of Christ."^
Pascal then returned to Eome, where the people received
him joyfully. The emperor, after having loaded the pope
and clergy -with presents, started the same day for the
north.* He had previously gone to visit the Countess
Matilda,* whose favour he wished to secure, and at whose
privUege is iu BARONlirs, anu. 11 11, Cod. Udalr., No. 265 ; and Cone,
xii. 1 1 76.
1 This name was given iu the middle ages to the quarter on the right
bank of the Tiber, whioh contained St. Peter's, and which was theu re
garded as outside the city of Rome.
2 "Portes omnibus Romanse urbis, ne quis civium eo adveniret obser-
vatis." — Chron. Cass., loc. cit
3 This last phrase, only quoted by Peter Diaconus, is not found in the
versions of the pope's aUocution given by WiUiam of Malmesbury, from
the work of the Emperor's chaplain. Da-rid of Bangor, the Codex Udalr.,
No. 264, aud Papyrus Masson, in his Notes sur Yves de Chartres. Liiden
(vol. X. b. XX. c. 4, No. II, p. 636) seems horrified by this communion of
two, which he calls profanation. The breaking of the wafer seems to him
above all incredible, and authorises him to call the pope " non pontifex,
sed camdfex." It is evident from these observations that the historian
does not Icnow that every day in all masses said by Catholic priests this
breaking takes place. And it is by savants of this kind that the Catholic
Church is daUy judged and condenmed.
* Chron. Ursperg., loe. dt, 18. " DOMNIzo, u. i8.

3l8 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
request he had at once released the Bishops of Parma and
Eeggio, who had been made prisoners with the pope.' The
two illustrious personages met in the Castle of Bibianello,
where they spent three days together,^ during which they
needed no interpreter, as the Countess spoke German per
fectly. Henry declared that he had never seen so extra
ordinary a woman : he gave her the title of Mother, and
made her vice-queen of Italy.
Henry then went to Verona, where he kept the feast of
Whitsuntide, and renewed the alliance between tbe empire
and the Venetian republic, after which, crossing the Alps,
he proceeded to do honour to the memory of the father
whom he had dethroned, by giving him the most magnifi
cent obsequies that had ever been known. Using the
permission he had obtained from the pope,* the emperor
caused the body of the excommunicated prince to be in
terred in the Cathedral of Spires. Immunities were
granted to the citizens of that town and of Worms on the
occasion, to reward them for their fidelity to the sovereign
so cruelly treated by his son, but whose " blessed memory"*
that son now celebrated. Finally, on the feast of the
Assumption he held a diet at Spires, near the glorified
tomb of his victim. There, to put a seal on his victory,
the prince bestowed the investiture of the archbishopric
of Mayence, the first see of the empire, on his chancellor
Albert, the man who had been the principal instrument of
his violences, of his dishonest dealing, and of his success at
Eome in this contest with Pascal II.

1 " Pergere nee Csesar sapiens usquam cupiebat
Respicere faciem, nisi dictae comitissse." —Domnizo, ii. i8.
2 From the 3rd to the 6th May 1 11 1.
3 Fromthe Chron. Ursperg., loc. cit, we might believe that he had also
obtained this permission from the pope whUe a prisoner.
* "Ob firmam et in-riolabilem fidem quam Wormatienses cives patri
nostro heatcx memories servaverunt et nobis quoque servare debent." — Lud
wig. Rdiquice MS., ii. 180, ap. Stbntzel, i. 653. Cf. GERVAIS, i. 49.

CHAPTEE XI
VICTORY OP THE TEMPORAL POWER
Bruno, Bishop of Segni, proposes to the pope to break his bull. — Bruno's
letter displeases the sovereign pontiff. — The French bishops protest.
— Interveution of Geoffrey of Vendome. — Exasperation of the monks
of Hirschau. — Manifesto of the monks who had taken refuge at St.
Benigne of Dijon. — Pascal II. assembles a council at the Lateran. —
HumiUty of the sovereign pontiff. — Pascal's profession of faith before
the councU. — Sentence of the Lateran fathers. — Hildebert of Mans
and Yves of Chartres apologists for Pascal II. — Jocerau answers
Yves. — CouncU of Vienne, where the emperor is excommunicated. —
The emperor's chicanery enUghtens the princes as to the dangers with
which they are threatened. — Heury V., becoming more powerful than
Henry IV. had ever beeu, lays aside aU caution. — Defection of the
ChanceUor Albert of Mayence. — Albert is imprisoned in his own for
tress of Trif els. — Marriage of Henry V. with Matilda of England at
Mayence. — -Insurrection against the emperor : victory of the confede
rates. — Thomas de Marie excommunicated and deprived of knightly
honours. — CouncU held at St. Gereon at Cologne. — Albert set free. —
Erlung of Wiirzburg deserts the emperor.
The temporal power, then, was victorious, and never did
-victory appear more complete or more brilliant. In the
spectacle of a pope detained a prisoner before the confes
sional of St. Peter's, dragged with bound hands into a
fortress, and thence to the Imperial camp, there to sign a
treaty dictated by the emperor, there was more than com
plete vengeance for the humiliation which that prince
claimed to have suffered at Canossa. Conqueror in a con
test which had lasted for forty years, Henry, the son of
the excommunicated sovereign, returned to rehabilitate his
father's memory, and celebrate a double triumph, holding in
his hand the authorisation of investitures signed by the very
319

320 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
pontiff who had so often proscribed them. The allies of
the pope saw bending before the ascendency of the empire
both the power of the Church and the independence of those
lay vassals whose swords had so often preserved her. The
Normans trembled for themselves in their mountains, and for
the first time the great MatUda had shown herself friendly
to the German emperor. The successor of Gregory VII.
had neither been able to vanquish nor to die, nor even to
keep silence. He remained in his city of Eome, deprived
alike of allies, of resources, and of glory. But from this
excess of abasement the Chnrch was to spring as strong
and as free as before, and the spirit of Gregory VII. was
destined to show itself more living and more fruitful than
ever. When Gregory had undertaken the government of the
Church, it had been necessary for him to create a centre of
resistance to lay usurpation ; he had been obliged to form
and discipline that army which Eome was able to dispose
of for a quarter of a century after his death. That army
was so powerful, so numerous, and so inflamed by the spirit
of the immortal pontiff, that the blamable weakness of a
successor was unable to destroy it. All was saved because
God directed all.
Pascal II. might have repeated to his imperial jailer the
words of Pope Vigilius when imprisoned by the Emperor
Justinian and bidden to sign an impious decree : " I warn
you that though you may keep me prisoner you cannot keep
St. Peter."
The indignation of Catholics first expressed itself by the
mouth of a monk and saint from the height of that holy
mountain which had been the cradle of the monastic orders.
Monte Cassino was then governed by Bruno, a Piedmontese,
sprung from one of the noblest families of Asti,' whom
Urban II. had taken to the Council of Clermont, and
Pascal II. had appointed his legate in France.^ Having
1 That of Soleri. 2 g^^ above

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 32 1
quitted his bishopric to become again a simple monk, Bruno
had taken refuge in a cell at Monte Cassino ; but Pascal
permitted him to remain there only on condition that he
should continue to govern his diocese. When he was
elected abbot of the great mother abbey, Pascal congratu
lated him, saying that he was not only worthy to fill that
ofifice, but even to occupy his own in the Holy See.i Bruno
was the first to protest against the treaty signed between
the pope and the emperor. In the name of several bishops
and cardinals assembled at Monte Cassino, he invited the
pope to annul his bull and excommunicate Henry V.^
This proposal gave rise to a division at Eome. Those who
had shared the pope's captivity were resolved that investi
ture should be condemned as before ; * but others, on the
contrary, became apologists of all that had passed. Bruno,
warned that he was being denounced as an encourager of
discord and scandal, thought himself obliged to write to the
pope as follows : " To Pascal, sovereign pontiff, all that is
due to such a lord and father, — Bruno, a sinner, bishop
and serf of the blessed Benedict. My enemies say that I
do not love you, and that I speak evil of you ; but they lie,
I love you as my lord and father, and will acknowledge no
other whUe you live. But if I am bound to love you, I
am bound to love yet more Him who has created both you
and me, and who shonid be preferred above all others. But
this treaty, so shameful, made with such treachery, and so
contrary to all true religion, I cannot approve ; and neither
do you, according to what many have told me. And who,
indeed, can defend a treaty which -^delates our faith, annihi
lates the freedom of the Church, destroys the priesthood by
shutting the only true door by which it can be entered, and
opemng many others for thieves and robbers ? We have
^ Ohron. Cassin., L iv. c. 31.
= md.
3 "Hi qui oum iUo in vincuUs fuerunt, dicebant: Qnod ante diximus,
dicemus ; damnamusque quod ante damnavimus."— /to.
VOL. VI. X

322 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
the canons and constitutions of the holy Fathers from the
time of the apostles to yours. We ought to walk in this
royal road, and not to turn to the right or to the left. You
had established an excellent constitution, identical with that
of the apostles, which condemns and excommunicates all
who receive investiture from the hands of laymen. This
constitution is holy and catholic, and therefore should not
be gainsaid. Confirm it again, venerable father ! proclaim
it before all ! Denounce once more that heresy which you
have so often prosecuted, and you will soon see the Church
reconciled to you, and all hastening to your feet, joyful to
obey their father and lord. Have pity on the Church of
God ! have pity on the spouse of Christ ! and restore to
her by your prudence that liberty which she seems to have
lost by your fault. As to your obligations, as to the oath
you have taken, I think nothing of it ; and when you have
broken it, I shall obey you as much as ever." ^
Pascal, extremely annoyed by this letter, cried, " If I do
not remove him from his monastery, he will remove me
from the government of the Chnrch with his arguments." ^
Bruno, by Pascal's nomination, was already Bishop of
Segni ; but, under present circumstances, the pope deter
mined to forbid him to be at once bishop and abbot, and
sent, by Cardinal Leo of Ostia, a monk and librarian of
1 "Brunus peccator, episcopus, B. Benedicti servus. . . . Inimici mei
dicunt quod . . . sed mentiuntur. . . . Foedus autem illud tam foedum,
tam violentem, cum tanta proditione factum. . . . Apostoli enim omnes
(can. Apost., 31) iUos damnaut et a fidelium communione segregant,
quicumque per saecularem potestatem Ecclesiam obtineut. Laici enim
quam-ris reUgiosi, nullam tamen disponendi Ecclesiam habent facultatem,
SimUiter et constitutio tua, quse de Apostolico fonte mana-vit. . . .
Miserere Sponsa Christi, et per tuam prudentiam suam recuperet liber
tatem, quam modo per te amisisse videtur. Ego autem . . . Ulud jura
mentum . . . parvipendo," &c. — BARON., ann. mi. He -wrote at the
same time to the cardinal-bishop of Porto, who had signed the treaty, to
remind him that those who defended a heresy condemned by the Church
became by that very fact heretics and excommunicated persons.
^ "Nisi iUum a monasterii administratione removero, ipse suis argu
mentis Bcclesiffi mihi regimen toUet." — Ohron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 44.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 323
Monte Cassino, an order to the monks of the monastery no
longer to recognise Bruno, but to choose his successor.'
The monks replied that they would obey Bruno as long as
he would consent to govern them, and refused to accept
the successor whom the cardinal-bishop declared should be
imposed upon them by force, and even, if necessary, by the
aid of armed men. Then Bruno, having assembled them,
spoke to them as follows : " Eather than be the cause of a
scandalous dissension between you and the holy Father, I
return to you the crosier you have confided to me ; " ^ and
he placed it on the altar and retired to his bishopric.^ But
this retreat did not allay the opposition to Pascal, which
was daUy increasing. The cardinal-monk of Monte Cassino,
Leo, Bishop of Ostia, who had been charged with the ex
pression of the papal indignation against Bruno, joined the
cardinal-bishop of Tusculum in invoking an assembly of
bishops and cardinals to confirm the old sentences against
investiture, and to declare the pope's concessions null and
void. The latter, who had withdrawn to Terracina, re
proached the prelates for their unruly conduct ; but at the
same time promised that he would revoke the deed which
he had given only in the hope of saving the town and his
brethren from certain ruin.* The pope fully understood
1 " Sin autem secus agerent, in omnibus monasterii cellis abbates ipse
statueret." — Chron. Cassin., 1. iv. c. 44.
2 "Nolo ut propter me inter vos et Romanum pontificem scandalum
oriatur. . . . Acoipite virgam quam mihi tradidistis." — Ibid.
3 He died August 24, 1125, and was canonised by Pope Lucius II. in
II 82.
* "Joanni Tusculano et Leoni Velitrensi, episcopis et cardinalibus in
unum congregatis consortium et pacem in Christo. Id quod in personam
nostram, imo in patrem vestrum praeter ipsum Ecclesiae judicium atque
praesentiam vos egistis, etsi vobis ex zelo Dei visum sit, non tamen, ut
mihi -ridetur, canonico tramite incessistis. . . . Commissum quod . . .
fecimus emendare curabimus." — Reg. Faseh., No. 23, in Cone, vol. xii.
Baronius and Fleury place this meeting of the cardinals before Bruno's
protest, which is e-vidently a mistake : Pascal's letter to the cardinals
reproving their conduct being of July 5th, while the dismissal of Bruno
from his functions as Abbot of Monte Cassino, occasioned by his protest.

324 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
that true Catholics would not consent to perish with him ;
he knew that orthodox Italy was addressing to him on all
sides words such as those which a contemporary writer
places in the mouth of St. Peter : " 0 Pope Pascal, learn
to watch over the liberty of the Church, and to form thy
wiU upon that of the Crucified who died for His Spouse ;
and who has confided her to thee that thou mightst keep
her always worthy of Him. Know how to die, 0 pontiff,
rather than to let her be violated by enemies or seduced by
false lovers, for the Lord Christ knows that if thou wilt
resist to the utmost, none shall be able to prevail against
the liberty of His Church." '
In France the indignation of the Catholics broke out with
even greater force, and the pope fell in the estimation of the
greater number.^ Bishops Eobert of Paris, Gualo of Lfon,
the new abbot Pons of Cluny, and many other prelates,
declared that all the concessions made to the emperor were
absolutely null, and that Pascal ought to have died rather
than give up justice and the decrees of the Fathers to the
secular power.* The monk Joceran, Abbot of Ainay, who
filled the see of Lyons as successor to the famous Hugh,
must have been in May, since he was elected October i, 1107, and governed
the abbey three years and seven months, according to Peter Diaconus. —
Ohron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 31, 44.
' " O pastor rector Paschalis, summe sacerdos . . .
. . . Scelus, aspice, libera caute . . .
Velle tuum firmum super illum stet Crucifixum
Qui semet morti pro Sponsa subdidit hosti . . .
Ferto prius mortem male quam violetur ab hoste :
Nullus eam raptor rapiat tibi, nullus amator
Falsus, seducat blande virtute nee uUa.
Scit Dominus Christus quia si steteris bene firmus,
Libertas Sponsae nunquam invenietur ab hoste." —Domnizo, ii. 16.
2 " Multis postmodum vilior extitit." — Order. Vital., vol. x. p. 762.
3 "Papam redarguebat . . . quidquid imperatori verbo seu scripto oon-
cesserat, irritum esse debere indubitanter censebant. . . . Pro veritate et
justitia debuisset optare mori. . . . Vincula et flagra perpeti quam aUquid
contra jus et statuta Patrum potestate annuere sseculari."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 325
assembled in council not only his own suffragans, but also
the bishops of the neighbouring provinces ; so that a report
was spread that they would judge and condemn Pascal.' A
prelate equally eminent for his zeal and his high birth, allied
to the King of France, and destined by God to bring about
the glorious conclusion of the contest between the priest
hood and the empire, Guy of Burgundy, Archbishop of
Vienne, wrote to the pope to learn the truth of what had
happened, and to understand his future intentions.^
Abbot Geoffrey of Vend6me, who had reinstalled Urban II.
in the throne of the Lateran, after the expulsion of the
anti-pope Guibert,^ interfered also to reprove the pope for
his weakness. Geoffrey was far from ha-ving extravagant
opinions upon investiture ; * for it was he who had pro
nounced the words so often quoted by moderate Catholics :
" The Church must be free, but we must take care not to
rub the sick man till we bring blood, nor to break the vase
in trying to free it from rust." ® But when he saw the
humiliation of the Eoman Church, the prelate's zeal knew no
bounds. " The Church," he -wrote to Pascal, " lives by faith,
purity, and freedom, without them she languishes and dies.
Faith is her foundation. Chastity her adornment, Liberty her
shield. But when, instead of forbidding investiture (which
is a heresy, according to the sentence of the Fathers), she
authorises it ; when she suffers herself to be corrupted by
gifts ; when she submits to the secular power, she loses at
once Faith, Chastity, and Liberty, and seems, not without
1 See the letter from Yves of Chartres to the archbishop, to which we
shall have to return later.
2 "Quse cognoscere postulasti hsec sunt." — Ep. Pascal, ad Guidon., ap.
Baron., ann. 11 12, c. 3.
3 See above.
* See his explanation of the different kinds of investitures, and those
which he considered lawful, in Opusc. iv., ed. Sirmond., or in Not. Jureti ad
Tvon., Carnot., p. 197.
5 "Habeat Ecclesia suam Ubertatem, sed summopere caveat, nedum
nimis emunxerit, alliciat sanguinem, et dum rubiginem de vase conatur
eradere, vel ipsum fraugatur." — Opusc. a/p. Sirmond., b. iii. p. 889.

326 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
reason, to be no longer living, but dead.' . . . He who,
seated on the throne of the martyred Apostles, has reversed
their glorious destiny, — he, since he has acted unlike them,
ought to undo' what he has done, and, like another Peter,
repent with tears. If he has yielded for fear of death,, he
should apply his mind to repairing this weakness of the
body, which, whether it will or no, must die, and over which
he might triumph by winning a glorious immortality. If
it was rather because he feared death for his children that
he consented to that which Christ, St. Peter, and the canons
reject, his fault is not the less, for, instead of saving his
children, he has put an obstacle in the way of their salva
tion. The saints have never taught us to shield from death
those who, destined to suffer it sooner or later, might enter
at once upon that eternal life which God has prepared for
them to the profit of the universal Church. Eather, if they
should prove cowardly enough to draw back from the gate
of Paradise by renouncing the truth, it was thy duty to sus
tain them by exhortation and example, being thyself the first
to die for the good cause. And as thy fault is inexcusable,
as to try to excuse it would be but to aggravate it, nothing
remains but to expiate it without delay ; through such
expiation only, the Church, which now seems ready to
breathe her last, may hope to survive. A shepherd whose
morals are bad can be endured, but not one who goes astray
in matters of doctrine. Against him, the lowest of believers,
even an open and infamous sinner, has the right to rebel.
And since we perceive the Lucifer of our days to be fallen
from heaven, we must not, by any means, conceal from him
his impiety, lest, which God forbid ! we should ourselves
fall with him into the pit of despair. If I have said less
than I ought, may my ignorance be forgiven ; if more, let
me be pardoned for the sake of my hatred of iniquity, and
my love of righteousness." ^
1 " Fide, castitate ao libertate -ri-sdt ac -viget Ecclesia. . . . Quse vitam
non habet, neo immerito mortua creditur. . . ."
^ " Et quia Luciferum nostris temporibus a crelo lapsum indubitanter

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 327
Thus spoke Geoffrey to the monk of Cluny who occupied
the place of Gregory VII.
In Germany there were monks whose anger even sur
passed that of Geoffrey of Vendome. The monks of Hirs
chau, if we may believe the accusations brought against
them to Henry V. by their rivals at Lorsch, asserted, that
not only ought the emperor to be deposed and excom
municated, but the pope also.' All monks had protested
against the imperial triumph sanctioned by the episcopate.
Gerard, Bishop of Constance, who, as legate, had so long
guided Catholic resistance in Germany, had died before the
emperor's journey to Eome. The Archbishop of Salzburg,
the only one of the German prelates who had protested at
Eome against the imperial violence, had been obliged to
hide himself in a cave in the mountains of his diocese.^
Henry had sent to every church in the empire a copy of
the privUege extorted from Pascal, with orders to obey it
faithfully.* Eichard, the usurping bishop of Verdun, ex
communicated at the Council of Troyes, in 1107, did not
fail to carry this instrument in triumph to the abbey of St.
Vannes, which was the principal centre of the Catholic
spirit of Lorraine. Having assembled the monks, the
bishop read to them the papal concession, and then said,
" See the end of your tribulations, and exiles, and all that
you have chosen to suffer for more than thirty years ; see
how they have all fallen into the mud ! " * Upon which
agnoscimus, non ei quaUbet occasione iUam impietatem dissimulantes,
inhsereamus, ne in puteum desperationis cum eo, quod Deus abnuat 1
corruamus. Si minus dixi quam debui . . . ; si amplius, quia de odio
iniquitatis et aequitatis a more processi, ignoscatur." — Gopp. Vind., b. i.
ep. 7.
1 " Decani et conventuaUum principales abbatise Laurishamensis libel
lus supplex ad Henr. V. imper. contra monachos de Hirsaugia iu Goldast"
 Apolog., i. p. 223. Stentzel also quotes as an authority Chron. Lamris-
hamense, p. 224, in Ood. Lemrish. diplom., vol. i.
2 See above.
3 "Per omne regnum omnibus suis misit ac transcribi et teneri jussit."
— Hist, episc. Virdun., iu SpicU. , b. ii. p. 248.
i "Ecce quo tribulationes vestrae, quo exUia vestra qu^ per annos

328 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
those who accompanied the bishop began to hold forth
upon the extent of the imperial power, and to maintain
that the king was also the pontiff, who had perfect right
to create or to depose bishops.' The monks, seeing that
the citadel of the Eoman faith had capitulated, blushed
with shame, and remained silent.^ But soon after, en
couraged by news of the resistance offered by the Arch
bishop of Vienne,* and other prelates out of Germany, to
the emperor, they also protested, and although alone of
their party in that province, they refused to communicate
with imperialists.
The usurping bishop and his canons, according to the
custom of the schismatics, proceeded to use violent measures
against the monks. The laymen, whom devotion drew to
their company, were publicly fiogged ; monks were beaten,
insulted, robbed, deprived of their library, disturbed in their
service. The rich members of the chapter treated them as
rustics, herdsmen, and beggarly foreigners, whom poverty
had united.* The good monks once more took the way
into exile already familiar to them. Led by their abbot
Laurentius, they again sought an asylum at St. Bdnigne,
at Dijon, formerly opened to them by the holy and zealous
Jarenton,* and where they found the monks of St. Hubert
just arrived, exiled, like themselves, by the violence of a
schismatic bishop.® This was the last service which Jaren-
triginta plus minusve passi estis, ecce omnia in coenum devoluta sunt."
— Hist, episc. Virdwn., iu SpicU., b. ii. p. 248.
^ "Quid ref eram quosdam comites ejus . . . grandia de rege disputasse,
eum regem pariter et summum sacerdotem (quod uec apud uUos haereticos
dictum invenitur), ejus juris esse ut prsesules faciat vel deponet dialecti-
casse." — Ibid.
^ " Conventus erubuit, ingemuit, et quia turris Romans fidei cesserat,
nullus eorum fuit qui aperiret os." — Ibid.
3 Vienne and Dauphin^ then formed part of the empire.
* "Fratres nostros nou monachos, sed rusticos, gardones, pautonarios
et advenas penuria congregates vocabatis." — Bp. Laurent, abb. S. Viton., ad
cam. Virdun., in Mabill., Ann., vol. v., append. No. 80, where curious
details of this persecution may be found.
^ In 1085. ^ See above, c. 14.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 329
ton, the model of abbots, was to render to the cause of the
Church, and to the doctrines of which Gregory VII. had
constituted him the apostle.' From the shelter of this
blessed refuge the fugitive monks addressed to their per
secutors a manifesto, which paints in lively colours both
their sadness and their unshaken faith. "These are the
traditions of the Fathers, for which we will live and die :
to keep, first of all, the Catholic faith; to adorn it with
good works ; to obey the ApostoUc See as the mother of
all the Churches ; to abstain from all relations with the
excommunicated ; to distribute ecclesiastical dignities with
out simony ; to forbid priests to defile themselves by mar
riage ; and to defend the Church, our mother, from all lay
servitude." ^
At the furthest extremity of the Catholic world, in the
new kingdom of Jemsalem, there was a German noble,
Conon, Count of Urach,* who, after having founded the
Abbey of Arrouaise,* had become cardinal-bishop of Pales-
trina, and the pope's legate in the Holy Land. At the
news of the crimes committed against the Holy See and
the liberty of the Church, he convoked a council, and was
the first to fulminate the sentence of excommunication
1 He died February 10, 1112 ; and the monks of Verdun had left after
the festival of St. Vanne, November 9, mi.
^ "Ut libera mater Bcclesia sub nulla servitute laica ancilletur, . . .
ut nuUa se succubarum poUutione commaculent," &c. — Ep. Laur. loc. cit.
This letter, which is one of the most eloquent monuments of the Catholic
spirit of that epoch, commences thus : " Frater L. Catholicus, Domino
miserante abbas, Deo disponente abbatia pulsus, homine persequente,
clericatis Virduuensibus quod merentur." Abbot Hugh of Blavigny,
known by the chronicle which bears his name, was named Abbot of St.
Vanne by Richard, aud accepted the appointment, for which he was
excommunicated by Jarenton. As to the intruder Richard, he repented
after three years, and died iu Italy, begging the pope to forgive his faults.
3 This nobleman was son of Eginon, Count of Urach, in Wiirtemberg,
and related by his grandmother to St. Leo IX. — Hist. Utter, de Prance, vol.
xiii. p. 30, Nbtjgart, cod. dipl. Albmann. ii.. No. 834.
^ This house, founded in 1090 by the B. Heldemar and Conon, finaUy
became the headquarters of a celebrated congregation of regular canons.

330 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
against the emperor.' And it was thus, says the most
illustrious historian of the papacy, that in the great ship
wreck of the Eoman Church, God permitted the failing
strength of the head to be compensated by the union and
vigour of the members.^
It is remarkable that the protest of Catholicity found an
echo in the bosom of the Greek schism. Alexis Commenus,
Emperor of Byzantium, sent an embassy to Eome to express
the pain he had felt in hearing of the wrong done to the
pope, and his captivity, and to congratulate the Eomans on
their resistance to the German emperor.*
Amidst this general revolt of Catholic souls against the
sacrilegious action of the emperor, the pope long remained
tossed and undecided. At first, he complained to Henry V.
of the insults which were addressed to him, not only by
those at a distance, but by those who surrounded him, but
"being unable," he said, "to obtain any satisfaction from
them, he left them to the judgment of God, that he might
not bring more serious trouble upon the Church." *
^ Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1116; Colbtti, Cone, xii. 1161.
^ " Summam itaque in tauto naufragio Romanae Ecclesiae et sacerdotali
constantia Conon sibi gloriam comparavit, laudemque peperit immortalem.
Ita, Deo mirabUi modo operante, ut quod deficit in capite robur, iu cohae-
rentibus membris magis ac magis accreverit ad alligandum perfldum regem
in compedibus anathematis, et nobiles ejus in maledictionibus sempiternis."
— Baron., Ann., ad ann. iiii.
3 Chron. Cassin., ix. c. 46. The Romans appointed an embassy of six
hundred persons to go out to meet these envoys, and the chief of them
are denounced to the Emperor Henry by the Abbot of Farfa in his letter.
— Ap. Cod. Ep. Udalr., No. 259. We do not know what consequences
followed this curious negotiation.
* " Quod autem de episcopis couquereris, cor nostrum vehementer
angustat. Ex quo enim vobiscum illam, quam nostis, paotionem fecimus,
non solum longius positi, sed ipsi etiam qui circa nos sunt cervicem adver
sum uos erexerunt, et intestinis bellis viscera nostra coUacerant, et multo
faciem nostram rubore perfunduut. De quibus quia judicium consequi
non possimus," &c. — Cod. Udalr., No. 271. This letter is dated October
26th, no year. We thiuk it belongs to iiii rather than 11 12, because, if
written in the latter year, it would be later than the disavowal made by
Pascal at the Lateran Council, March 11 12. Ou the other hand, the

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 33 1
Eome thus resigned herself to bear the heavy reproaches
of the French bishops.' But soon the ever-rising wave of
Catholic indignation, which threatened to submerge the
supreme authority, inspired the representative of that
authority with other ideas.^ The pope signified to the
most influential bishops, and especiaUy to Yves of Chartres
and Guy of Vienne, that he had only yielded to violence ; ^
that being now come to himself, he broke, annulled, and
for ever condemned the concessions which had been snatched
from him in the imperial camp, and that he maintained,
and would always maintain, all the condemnations, and all
the decisions pronounced by the apostolic canons, by the
councUs, and specially by Gregory VII. and Urban II. of
happy memory.* After which, filled with grief and con
fusion, the holy Father retired to the desert island of Ponza,
where, resuming his monk's frock, he announced his desire
to spend the rest of his days.^
Nevertheless, as the incessant protests of bishops through-
bishops of whom Henry complained might weU be those of the Council of
Vienne, which deposed him, September ii, 1116.
1 " IUe vero reprehensiones sophistarum patientur tolerabat, et asser-
tioues eorum legitimas ac veraces esse allegabat." — Order. Vital. , b. x.
p. 762. The term sophist was then used with a good meaning, as synony
mous -with wise, learned. — PAGI, Crit, in BARON., ann. IIII, No. 7.
2 "Eo tempore multas a Romana Bcclesia passus est injurias, objicieu-
tibus ei," &c. — Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1112.
3 "Quibusdam Utteris mihi scripsit se coactum fecisse quod fecit, et
adhuc se prohibere quod prohibuit, quamvis qusedam nefanda quibusdam
nefandis scripta permiserit." — Yvon., Ep. 233. "Quibusdam nostrum
scripsit." — Ejusd., Bp. 233.
* " Scripta quae in teutoriis. . . . Bgo canonica censura cassa omnino
et irrita judico, et sub damuatioue perpetua permanere judico, ut nuUius
unquam auctoritatis sint et nullius bonae memoria;. Ea vero qus . . .
prsecipue felicis memorise Gregorius et Urbanus prohibuerunt, damnave-
runt, &c. ; . . . ego prohibeo, damno, . . . et me iUorum sanctiones
servaturum profiteer." — Reg. Pasch., No. 24.
5 "Eenuutians omnibus, ad secreta migravit." — Hildbb. "Ad ere-
mum soUtudinis confugit, moramque ibi perpetuam fecisset, si," &o. —
Suger, De Vit. Lud. Gross., c. 9. "Deponere se a papatu promiserat et
ad Poncianas insulas reUgioso habitu exul ixe."—Hist. episc. Engol., ap.
Labbb, bibl. ii. 249.

332 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
out Christendom called for solemn reparation, Pascal felt
himself compelled to convoke a general council, which met
at the Lateran in the middle of March 1 1 1 2.' The legate
Conon, returned from Palestine, had a seat there, together
with all the leaders of Catholic resistance, — Cardinal Leo
of Ostia ; Guy, Archbishop of Vienne ; ^ Gerard, Bishop of
Angouleme and Legate of Aquitaine; Gualo, Bishop of
Leon, who was plenipotentiary for the Archbishops of Vienne
and Bourges, and a great number of other prelates. The
pope related his misfortunes and the promises extorted
from him ; then he added : " Although Henry and his
friends have in no way kept their oaths,* I will keep mine ;
I will not anathematise the emperor, and I will never dis
quiet him on the subject of investitures, of which God in
His sovereign justice shall be the judge. As to the writing
which I have signed]] by constraint, not to save my life, but
simply in view of the Church's necessities, and which was
neither counselled nor signed by my brethren,* I acknow
ledge and confess that it was Ul done, and I desire, with
God's help, to see it amended. I refer for the manner of
this amendment to the judgment of my brethren here
^ On the authority of a letter of Frederic elected to Liege by the chapter
of Malines, published iu the Ampliss. CoUec, vol. i. p. 655, Martdue, and
after him Coletti, in his CouncUs, vol. xii. p. 1155, have believed in the
existence of a councU at Capua before that of the Lateran, where the
pope first disavowed his treaty with Henry V. We think that if this
councU had been held, Pascal would have mentioned it in his letter to
Yves or Guy of Vienne, and that Frederic has evidently made a confusion
between Capua and Eome.
2 William of Malmesbury says that the Bishop of L^on had his autho
rity, but we find his signature among those of the members of the
council. — Colbtti, vol. xii. p. 11 16. He also says that Giovanni of
Tusculum aud Bruno of Segni, although they were at Rome, were not
present at the papal deUberations, but that immediately after they
approved of the acts of the council.
3 See Ood. ep. Udalr., Nos. 265 to 270, a series of reproaches addressed
by the pope to the emperor.
* The pope's oath had been guaranteed by the cardinals ; but the
writing or privilege which the emperor had caused to be drawu up in his
camp had been signed only by the pope. See above.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 333
assembled, so that no hurt may be done by it either to the
Church or to my own soul." 1
Pascal then made known his intention of resigning
the pontificate, declaring that he acknowledged himself
unworthy, that he would himself pronounce his deposition,
and that he left to the Church the right of judging in his
place. With these words he took off his mitre and cope.^
But the council, after reading the papers, refused to accept
the holy Father's resignation, and obliged him to resume
the insignia of his dignity.*
They decided that those bishops to whom God had given
most prudence and learning should deliberate carefully
upon the part to be taken according to the inspiration of
the Holy Spirit.* While the Fathers were seeking means
' " Sicut prave factum cognosco, ita prave factum confiteor, et omnino
corrigi, Deo prsestante, desidero : cujus correctionis modum fratrum, qui
convenerunt consUio judicioque constitue, ne forte per hoc in posterum
detrimentum aUquid Bcclesise aut animae meae prsejudicium relinquatur."
— Acta cone, ap. Coletti, b. xii. p. 1164.
2 " Me quoque pontificem non fore jussa date ;
Peccatis male vestra meis venisse notavi,
Officiis me destitui dignum reputavi :
Me quoque deposui, ne pareatis, ait.
Haec ait, et mitram rejicit mantumque relinquit ;
Ordiuet Ecclesia sine me quidquid placet inquit,
Moreque pontificis judicet ipsa sibi."
— Godefr. Viterbicnsis notar. imper., ap. MuRAT.,
b. vii., and Colbtti, loe cit.
This narrative is confirmed by the passage in the letter of HUdebert of
Mans, which wUl be found complete in the Fiices justificatives : " Si ce
cleri plebisque judicio sic commisit ut ex eorum sententia pendeat, an
nova capitula cudat, an vetera destruat, aut quse constituit roboret, aut
temporum ratione sic iuconvulsa permaneant, in cathedra commoretur,
aut deportetur exsUio."
3 " Scripta legunt cleri . . ...
Copia pontificum non ita, dixit, erit,
ToUe, pater, mantum, curia tota monet."
* Such is the sense taken by Fleury (b. Ixvi. c 12) ; but I doubt whether
the text does not rather signify that all the bishops should deliberate :
" Tunc enim communi favore laudatum est, ut fratres omues, qui domum

334 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
to excommunicate the emperor without Pascal breaking his
oath. Bishop Gerard of Angouleme relieved them from their
embarrassment by proposing to condemn not the emperor's
person, but the privilege which he had extorted from the
pope. All approved of this, saying that the Holy Spirit
had spoken by his mouth.' Next day, therefore, the
pontiff, in order to clear himself from the suspicion of
heresy, of which aU who approved of investitures were
accused, made a profession of faith before the whole council,
protesting his absolute respect for the Holy Scriptures, the
four cecumenical councils, which he venerated as much as
the fonr Gospels, and the decrees of the Eoman pontiff,
especially those 6f Popes Gregory VII. and Urban II. of
blessed memory.^ " I approve," added Pascal, " I maintain,
I confirm, condemn, reject, interdict, and prohibit respec
tively, all that these authorities have approved, maintained,
confirmed, condemned, rejected, interdicted, and prohibited,
and I will always continue to do so." ^ After which, the
Bishop of Angouleme, assisted by the Cardinal of Ostia
two other cardinals, and the Bishop of St. Pol de Leon,*
read the sentence decided on after deliberation, which was
in these terms : " As to this privilege, which is not a
privilege, but a sacrilege extorted from Pope Pascal II. by
the violence of Henry and to obtain deliverance for the
captives and the Church, we all, assembled with the same
a Deo sapientiae scieutiaeque perceperant, maturuis super hoc consUium
communi collatione susciperant." — Acta, loe. dt. It is only clear that they
did deliberate wheu the pope was not present.
' "In qua re nullum remedium a toto conoUio inveniri poterat. Ger
ardus requisitus tandem tale consilium dedit. . . . Omne conciUum
laudans dixit : Nou tu locutus es, sed Spiritus sanctus ore tuo." — Hist.
Pontif. Engol., c. 35, ap. Labbb, loc. dt.
2 Fleury, loc dt.
3 "Et prsecipue domini mei papse Gregorii . . . quse ipsi laudaverunt,
laudo ; qu^ ipsi tenuerunt, teneo . . . et per omnia et in his semper
perseverabo." — Act cone, loc. cit
* These were perhaps the members of the commission chosen to prepare
the decree.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 335
Lord Pope in this holy council by ecclesiastical authority
and the judgment of the Holy Spirit, declare that we con
demn it, we hold it of no value, we absolutely dissolve it,
and we forbid, under pain of excommunication, that it be
allowed any force or authority." ' All the council con
firmed this act with shouts of " Amen ! amen ! so be it ! " ^
This great decision was subscribed and approved by one
hnndred and twenty-six bishops and cardinals who com
posed the assembly, without counting many abbots, clerks,
and laymen.* At the same time the Church of Milan pro
tested against imperial interference, by deposing Archbishop
Grossolanus, and electing in his place the deacon Jordanus,
whose title was confirmed by the pope,* in spite of strong
resistance from the emperor's party.° The latter's principal
agents in Italy, the Bishop of Acqui and the Abbot of Farfa,
wrote to teU him of what was passing in Eome and Lom
bardy, inviting him to come back immediately before the
reaction should extend everywhere.^ But already Bishop
' "Privilegium iUud quod non est pri-vilegium, neque vero dici debet
privUegium, sed pravUegium . . . judicio Spiritus sancti damnamus et
irritum esse judicamus, et ne quid auctoritatis et efficacitatis habeat,
penitus excommunioamus." — Acta cone, loc. dt.
2 "Aoclamatum est ab universe concUio, Amen ! amen I Fiat ! flat 1 " —
Lbid. 3 Among the signatures we observe those of the five suburban bishops,
the Patriarch of Venice, thirteen cardinal-priests, and eight cardinal-
deacons, two of whom were abbots : " Qui in damnationem consenserunt
cum abbatibus aliis et innumerabUi multitudine tam clericorum quam
laicorum." — Lhid. Fleury, by a strange blunder, but misled by a title iu
the CoUection of CouncUs (Coletti, vol. xii. p. 993), refers to this council
the project for a bull drawn up by Pascal at the treaty of Sutri, which we
have already quoted in its proper place.
i See the details of this election in Landulph. Jim. Chron., c. 23, 25, ap.
Muratori, vol. v.
' "Quod ego videns contra imperii vestri honorem fieri omnino iu-
terdixi."— Bp. Anzonis Aquensis iu cod. Udalr., No. 258. The mere super
scription of this letter shows the servile spirit of this bishop : " Excellen-
tissimo Domino suo Henrico, &c. A. . . Majestatis suae et Aquensis
Bcclesise servus ..."
s " Vestrae est adhuc Longobardise dum terror quem incessistis in corde

33^ THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
Gerard of Angouleme had been charged by the council to
notify its decrees to the emperor, and request him to
renounce the right of investiture.^
The French prelate fulfilled this mission with such zeal
and courage in presence of Henry V., that the courtiers, on
hearing his speech translated by the Chancellor Albert,
were seized with the most violent anger. But the emperor,
more generous, loaded the bishop with presents, whUe the
Archbishop of Cologne, who had been Gerard's pupil, and
was now his entertainer, showed himself much annoyed.
''Master," he cried, "you have brought a great scandal
upon our court ! " The Bishop of Angouleme replied in
dignantly, " It may be a scandal to you, but to me it is
the Gospel ! " '
Meantime many French bishops were dissatisfied with the
middle course which the council had taken on the proposi
tion of one of their own number. They would have had the
emperor excommunicated, and they reproached the pope with
weakness. But Pascal found two apologists in the two
bishops most distinguished for their learning and eloquence,
Hildebert of Mans, and Yves of Chartres. Hildebert's con
duct was all the nobler because, ha-ving himself been about
the same time the victim of a similar crime, he had shown
the most heroic constancy. The seneschal of Count Eotrou
of Mortagne having seized upon the bishop by means of a
cowardly ambush, had kept him for several years chained in
ejus vivit, et facilius potestis cum pugillo aquffi scintiUulam ignis extin-
guere quam flammarum globum cum aquarum abundantia." — Bp. Anzonis
Aquensis in cod. Udalr., No. 258. Cf. Bp. Parfensis abhat, cod. Udalr., No. 258.
1 "Quatenus investituras Romanse Ecclesia exponeret." — Hist. Engol.
pontif, loc. cit. Stentzel thinks we should read deponeret.
2 " ' Magister, maximum scandalum generasti in curia nostra.' Indig-
nans auten Gerardus : . . . ' Tibi sit scandalum, mihi est EvangeUum.' "
— Lbid. The degenerate Benedictines who wrote the Hist litt of Prance
(vol. xi. 602), translate : " Set the scandal before you, the Gospel is for
me;" and add, "We must understand the Gospel commented on by the
Decretals'' They wrote in 1759, under censorship of Louis XV.'s
chanceUor.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 337
a narrow dungeon.' Nothing would have been easier than
to obtain his freedom on terms more or less burdensome to
his Church ; but he would never consent to this, and had
written to his clergy as foUows : " Pray for me, and pity
me, but take no heed of my ransom. Purchased once
already by the blood of Christ, there is no need for me to
be bought again. His blood is my redemption. How shall
I suffer myself to be bought for money for whom a ransom
beyond price has been paid ? It would be an infamous
redemption which would kill the liberty of the Church and
bring her into slavery, for all the members must be enslaved
when the head is bowed under the yoke of a tribute. I cer
tainly do not value life so much that I should care to redeem
its short span. I would rather endanger it, than, for its
sake, trample our common liberty under foot. May my
death be profitable to the Church, of which, whUe living,
I have been an unprofitable leader. A bishop who cannot
Uve for the general good, should be ready to die for it."^
Yves of Chartres made himself, even more openly than
HUdebert, the champion and apologist of Pascal II. He
refused, in the name of his metropolitan and of all the
bishops of his province, to appear at the council which the
Archbishop of Lyons had convoked at Anse, and where he
supposed they meant to put the head of the Church to open
shame, and condemn him whom no mortal had the right to
judge.^ In the memoir which he published to account for
1 To avenge the imprisonment of the Count of Mortagne at Mans by the
Count of Anjou. HUdebert only quitted his prison in 1118.— FiJ. HUd.,
ap. Beaugendre, p. xxxv.
2 We own ourselves unable to give the laconic force of the original :
" Semel Christi redemptus sanguine, iterum redimi non requiro. Sanguis
iUe redemptio mea. . . . Prseterea infamis est redemptio qua Ubertas perit
Ecclesiae, qua servitus comparatur. . . . Ego certe tanti vitam non facio,
ut brevem diligam et redemptam. Malo pericUtari de ea quam pro ea
communem couculcare Ubertatem. Prosit Bcclesise mea mors, cui dum
vivens prsefui, non profui. Pontificis est, si non vivere, mori saltem uni
versis." — Hildeb., Ep. Ui. 17.
3 " Potius pudenda patris nostri nudabitis. . . . Concilia in quibus non
VOL. VI. Y

338 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
this refusal, Yves justified the pope for not ha-ping used
against the German king all the severity he deserved in
consideration of the dangers this severity would have entailed.
Supporting his argument by a text of St. Augustine,' he
maintained that anathema ought only to be employed when
there is no danger of schism, and when the criminal has not
for accomplices a great number of Christians.^ He even
went so far as to praise Pascal for ha-ving made concessions
to the king contrary to the ancient decrees and to his own
conscience, for the purpose of avoiding, at their expense,
the massacre of his people and other great misfortunes, so
imitating the indulgence of our Lord.* Finally, he argued
against those who treated investiture as heresy, declaring
that in his opinion investiture by laymen was a sacrUegious
usurpation, which it was necessary for the liberty and honour
of the Church to do away with absolutely, if that were pos
sible without disturbing the peace, but against which, in the
meantime, protests should be made with discretion, lest they
should give birth to a schism.*
The monk Joceran, Archbishop of Lyons, replied to the
prelate. '' What a new and curious philosophy is this," he
said, " to exhort Christians to be timid in presence of the
strong; to preach pusillanimity in war and audacity in
peace ; security in the midst of dangers, and prudence when
possumus eas personas, contra quas agitur, condemnare vel judicare : quia
uec nostro, uec ulUus hominum probantur subjicere judicio." Further on
he says : ' ' Principales Bcclesia elaves nolumus potestate sua privare,
quaecumque persona -vices Petri habeat, nisi manifeste ab Evangelica veri
tate discedat." — Yvon., Ep. 236.
^ Contra Farmenian., b. iii. i;. 2.
2 "Cum congregatione Ecclesiae multitudo ab eo orimine, quod ana-
thematizetur, aUena est." — Ibid.
3 " Unde nunc excessum ejus non tantum non accusamus, sed dictante
ratione approbamus, si imminente strage populi." — Yvo., loc. cit.
* "Mauualis ilia investitura per laicos facta, alieni juris est perversio,
sacrUega prsesumptio, quse pro libertate Ecclesiae et potestate, salvo pacis
vinculo, si fieri potest, funditus absciscenda est. . . ." — Ibid. Yves wrote
several other letters on the necessity of temporising with the pope, and
using charity and moderation towards the emperor.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 339
there is nothing to fear ! What a detestable pilot must he
be who uses all the resources of his skill in a calm, and
leaves the helm the moment the storm arises ! ^ You remind
us of the dangers of the time, the multitude and strength
of our adversaries, the weakness and small numbers of our
friends ; but the more perilous the times are, the more
should God's servants strive to keep alive the fire of love in
the hearts of the small number of disciples to whom Christ
has said, ' Be of good cheer ; I have overcome the world ! '
If you teach faithlessness you proclaim the victory of the
world, and destroy the victory of Christ.^ ... In endeavour
ing to withdraw kings and emperors from the jurisdiction
of bishops, are you not opposing the decision of the great
Emperor Constantine, who acknowledged their authority
at the Council of Niceea ? Do you pretend to condemn Am
brose, who excommunicated Theodosius — or Gregory VIL,
who condemned the Emperor of Germany ? "
The archbishop defended himself against the charge of
having intended to judge the pope.* He allowed, with
Yves, that the act of investiture is not in itself heretical,
but that there is undoubted heresy in maintaining and ap
proving the custom.* Joceran ended by inviting Yves to
continue the discussion, but the Bishop of Chartres pre
ferred to keep silence.® It is uncertain whether the Council
of Anse was ever held ; but Guy, Archbishop-legate of
^ "Novum et inauditum phUosophandi genus, hortari contra fortes
timidos . . . fieri in beUo fugaces, in pace vero audaces. Detestabilis
magister navis qui iu tranquiUa serenitate artis suse fastigium exercet."^ —
Ap. Bp. Yvon., No. 237.
^ "Si ergo doces diffidendum, victoriam mundi praedicas et Christi
victoriam prostemis." — Ihid.
3 " Timuisti certe ubi non erat timor."
* " Et licet exteriores investituras per laicos factas non satis propriae
hseresis nomine censeamus ; sentire tamen ac defendere, fieri debere, et
indubitata hseresis est." — Ibid.
^ "Hsec rescripsimus adversus quae si quid parare volueris sive cominus
sive eminus, audire et respondere parati sumus." Baronius remarks that
Yves has preserved this memorable answer in his collection.

340 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
Vienne, provided with the pope's instructions,' and formally
supported by King Louis of France,^ convoked in council at
Vienne, September 15, 1 1 1 2, all the prelates of Burgundy,
Aries, and several other provinces. Two holy bishops dis
tinguished among them were Godfrey of Amiens, formerly
Abbot of Nogent, to whom the legate yielded the presidency
of the council,* and Hugh of Grenoble, whom Gregory VII.
had obliged to quit his monastic life and enter the episco
pate. The last named, though famous for his gentleness
and charity, was the most ardent of all in demanding the
emperor's excommunication.* The Fathers of the council
yielded to his entreaties, and having, says Suger, bound
the tyrant -with the cords of the anathema, they pierced
him with the sword of St. Peter.'' Henry, however, had
sent ambassadors to them with letters from the pope which
warmly expressed a desire for peace and union, and which
he audaciously aflarmed had been forwarded to him since
the last councU of Eome. But the Fathers attached no
importance to them ; ^ and being convinced that the pope's
declarations to the legates Guy and Gerard deserved all
respect when they affirmed that lay investiture was heretical,
and that the document extorted by the king from the sim
plicity of the sovereign pontiff was void,^ they solemnly and
unanimously pronounced the sentence of anathema against
1 "Sanctse Patemitatis vestrK mandata sequentes." — lAtt. synod, ad
Pasch. pap. ap. Condi., vol. xii. p. 11 84.
2 "Domini Ludovici suffragio et concilio." — SUQBR, De vit. Ludov., vi.
c. 9.
3 On account of a difficulty which he had in speaking : " quod impedi-
tioris fuerit linguae." — Hist. Vit. S. Godfr. Ambian., iii. 7.
* " Ipse siue cunctis ut Henricus qui sic enormiter in Paschalem pec-
casset, excommunicaretur . . . effecit." — Guig. Carth., De Vit. S. Hug.,
c. V.
5 "Imperatorem tyrannum anathemate iunodantes mucrone B. Petri
perfoderunt." — SuGER, loc. dt.
* " Litteras bullatas . . . audacter praetendentes . . . super his multa
nobis admiratio iucuteretur." — Litt. synod, ad Pasch. pap., loc dt
' " Scriptum Ulud quod rex a vestra simplicitate extorsit damnavimus."
—Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 34 1
Henry in the following words : ' "As it is certain that
Henry, King of the Germans, having come to Eome to
sign a treaty of peace, and having sworn to Pope Pascal to
secure his life, person, and liberty, and to renounce inves
titure, fulfilled none of these solemn engagements, bnt, on
the contrary, having kissed the feet, mouth, and face of the
sovereign pontiff, the aforesaid king seized, by treason, per
jury, and sacrilege, like another Judas, on the person of the
sovereign pontiff, seated on his apostolic throne, in presence
of the body of the blessed Peter, together with the cardinals,
bishops, and many noble Eomans ; as it is certain that the
aforesaid pontiff was dragged into the imperial camp, where
he was despoUed of his apostolic insignia, and made a prey
to all sorts of indignity and derision, and that King Henry
extorted from him by violence an abominable document, we
excommunicate the said king, we anathematise him, we sepa
rate him from the bosom of our holy mother Church, until,
renouncing all he has done, he shall make full satisfaction."^
The Fathers immediately demanded from Pascal the pub
lic confirmation of their decrees, so that they might be
communicated to their brethren,* and they concluded with
the following request : " As the great majority of nobles,
and nearly all the people of the country, think as we do on
this matter, we pray you to enjoin upon them, for the re
mission of their sins, that they should, in case of need, give
their support to us and to their fatherland,* representing
to you, with all due respect, that if you confirm our decree
— if, in future, yon abstain from all correspondence, inter-
^ " In ipsum regem nominatim et solemniter et unanimiter sententiam
anathematis injecimus." — Litt. synod, ad Pasch. pap., loc cit.
2 "Post dato Sacramento vitae, membrorum nuUae captionis, refutationis
investiturarum . . . post osculationem pedis, oris, faciei, proditione, per-
jurio et sacrilegio velut alter Judas . . . excommunioamus, anathematiza-
mus, et a gremio S. matris Ecclesiae sequestramus."— (7o«c., b. xii. p. 1 183.
3 " Per apertas nobis litteras significare dignemini, quas . . . alter alteri
destinare possimus." — Lbid.
* " Ut, si necesse fuerit, auxilium nobis et patriae unanimiter ferant." —
Hid.

342 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
course, or exchange of gifts with the cruel tyrant or his
emissaries — we wUl all be, as we ought, your sons and
faithful subjects. But if, contrary to our hopes, you see
fit to follow a different course, and refuse your confirmation,
we will pray God to come to our help, for you will have
rejected us from subjection and obedience to you."'
A month later,^ Pascal solemnly confirmed all the acts of
the councU, giving God thanks, but not mentioning the
emperor.* Henry seemed at first to trouble himself very
little about these energetic proceedings of the Holy See,
and appealing to the authority of the councUs, he occupied
several years in different expeditions, not brilliantly success
ful, against Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia. But as his
policy was developed, a considerable resistance began to
show itself. Long before his expedition to Eome, the
German princes had perceived, with surprise and indignation,
that the emperor, like his father and grandfather, dreamed of
changing into an absolute monarchy that imperial power
^ "Si vero, quod minime credimus, aliam viam aggredi coeperitis et
. . . propitius sit nobis Deus quia nos a vestra subjectioue et obedientia
repeUetis." — Cone, loc. cit.
^ Diploma given at the Lateran, Nov. 20, 1112. — Cone, vol, xii. 1186.
3 " Unde Deo gratias referimus et quse statuta sunt ibi rata suscipimus
et confirmamus et, cooperante Domino Deo nostra, illibata permanere
censemus." — Ibid. Baronius, who had not seeu this deed, thought that
Pascal deferred his confirmation till 11 16. He blames the pope severely
in these words : " Sic papa Paschalis . . . apostolicae coustantiae succisis
nervis, visus est languescere et hebescere, eum uec tot undique stimulis
agitatus in Henricum sacrUegum insurrexerit, eumque anathemate cou-
demnaverit, nimis tenax praestiti, immo per vim et metum extorti jura-
menti. Sed et quod ejusdem proditoris usum amicitisE retinuerit, et quod
ex adverse undique magno animo insurgentes, et zelo catholicae Ecclesiae
libertate laesae sestuantes papa represserit, magnam ipse sibi notam incus-
sit." — Ann., an. 1112, c. 17. Pascal did not deserve such severity ; but it
is certaiu that his correspondence with Henry V., proved in Cod. Ppist
Udalr., Nos. 266 to 271, shows an equivocal attitude on his part. We
have elsewhere reproduced this extract from the most illustrious defender
of pontifical authority and infallibility, printed at Eome itself, to show
how great was, iu the seventeenth century, the indepeudence of Ultramon
tane -writers.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 343
which had at all times been limited by the rights of the
Church and those of the great secular or ecclesiastical vassals.
From day to day Henry allowed his ambitious designs to
become more and more visible ; the mask of humility and
religion which he had put on, the better to profit by the
despotic and schismatic measures of Henry IV., no longer
deceived any one. But active, persevering, and, above all,
artful, like his father, the young monarch flattered himself
that he should succeed where his father had failed. It was
Henry V.'s conspicuous bad faith towards the Church which
made the princes understand all the danger which was
threatening their independence. Little by little his per
fidies, which were always unveUed in the end, separated from
him most of the great vassals- of the empire, who had been
too often deceived to be able to be so for very long. To
any one else it would have been easy to establish the peace
and dignity of the empire solidly on ancient and legitimate
bases. But Henry V. unscrupulously sacrificed the future,
and the true strength of the imperial authority, to a dream
of despotism for which the Catholic world was not yet ripe.'
He had, above all, alienated hearts by the arrest of the Count
Palatine Sigefroy (the first lay prince of the empire), who,
imprisoned at Wurzburg in 1 1 09, under pretext of treason,
had to be released three years afterwards for want of proof.^
The emperor had also created for himself, almost at the same
time, a redoubtable rival in the person of Lothaire, Count of
Suplingenberg,* brother-in-law of the Count Palatine. The
latter, according to tradition, was descended from Witikind,
and, according to history, from a very warlike and chivalrous
race. His father had died gloriously fighting for the
' Politische Geschichte Deutschland unter der Regierung der Kaiser
Heinrich V. und Lothar IIL, von Dr. Pduard Gervais, Leipsic, 1841,
vol. 1. pp. 20-22. A valuable work, in spite of many concessions made
to rationaUst idolatry, and whioh has thro-wn the strongest light on this
little understood epoch of German history.
'^ Chron. Ursperg., ad 1109; Gervais, i. p. 55.
3 A castle near Helmstadt, in Brunswick.

344 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Church and the freedom of the empire, against Henry IV.'
Lothaire^ himself had begun his career brilliantly, when
fourteen years of age, at the battle of Gleichen, and had
recently distinguished himself against the Slavs of the island
of Eiigen and of Brandenburg. Thus the Duchy of Saxony,
the most important in the empire, becoming vacant by the
death of the last male of the race of the Billungs, Henry V.
hastened to bestow it upon Lothaire, in order to escape con
firming the hereditary principle, which would have called to
the succession a relation of the last duke by the female line.
The emperor, in thus acting, expected to turn to his own
profit the great influence which Lothaire enjoyed, less on
account of his riches than because of the importance of his
family on the mother's side, and his marriage with Eichenza,
the co-heiress of the great county of Brunswick and of the
powerful house of Nordheim.*
On the emperor's return from his triumphant expedition
to Eome, in which the princes and nobles of northern Ger
many had taken no part, the discontent of the latter became
more and more manifest. The emperor, having attained the
height of his wishes both by gaining the right of investiture
and by acquiring an extent of power always denied to his
father, no longer put any restraint upon himself. Some
times directly, sometimes by means of inferior vassals devoted
to him, he encroached on the right and inheritances of the
most powerful nobles, pronouncing arbitrary confiscations
with the object of increasing his own immediate domains,
and of enfeebling those who might one day become his rivals.*
* At Hohenburg, in 1075. ^ Iu 1106.
3 His mother, Hedwige, had married, as her second husband, Duke
Thierry of Lorraine, by whom she had Duke Simon of Lorraine and two
daughters, married to Count Seighart of Bavaria and the Count of Hol
land. Through his father, Lothaire represented the house of Waldeck.
His grandmother was niece of St. Bruno, martyr and apostle of Prussia. —
Gervais, i. 9-18.
* Of the four great duchies of Germany, Henry had already secured
Suabia, by giving it to his nephew Frederic of Hohenstaufen. Later,

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 345
The first conflict between the emperor and Lothaire arose
from a dispute as to the county of Stade, which the
duke, while still a minor, had procured to be adjudged
to himself, although he had as rival a creature of the
emperor.' A more serious rupture occurred in 1 1 1 2, on the subject
of the succession of the house of Weimar Orlamunde, claimed
by the Count Palatine Sigefroy, who had been newly released
from prison, in consequence of energetic remonstrances on
the part of his neighbours.^ Sigefroy having succeeded, by
his eloquent account of the miseries of his captivity, in rous
ing the whole of Saxony, gathered round him to defend his
cause the Landgrave Louis of Thuringia, the Counts Wiprecht
of Groitsch, father and son, the Palatine Frederic of Sommer-
schenburg, the Margrave Eodolph of Nordmark, the Bishop
of Halberstadt, and, finally, Duke Lothaire, who, being Sige-
froy's brother-in-law, was naturaUy placed at the head of this
coalition of the princes of the North against Henry's inces
sant usurpations. The emperor received a more severe blow
in the desertion of his chanceUor-minister and most intimate
confidant through many years,* Archbishop Albert of May-
in 11 16, he gave Franconia to his other nephew, Conrad. These two
brothers were sous of his sister Agnes and of Frederic I. of Hohen
staufen ; the emperor married this Agnes, after Hohenstaufen's death,
to Leopold, Margrave of Austria, head of the house of Babenberg. Duke
Welf of Bavaria, long ago reconcUed to the imperial court, had aU Upper
Germany under his authority from Alsace to Hungary. He also tried to
secure the towns by concessions made to the detriment of the bishops and
nobles, as at Spires and Worms.
1 The princes of Saxony were chiefly alienated by the usurpation of
Frederic Count of Stade, the emperor's creature, a man of obscure aud
uncertain origin, son of an Englishwoman shipwrecked (and consequently
reduced to slavery, according to the barbarous custom against which the
pope and the councils had so often protested). He was accused of the
murder of three Danish bishops. But Duke Lothaire and the Margrave
Rodolph of Nordmark overthrew him, in spite of the efforts of Henry V.—
Gervais, pp. 77-82, and Alber. Stad. aud Krantzus.
2 Gervais, i. 56-95 ; Ohron. Ursperg., ann. 11 12.
3 He was of the house of the Counts of Saarbruck.

34^ THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
ence,' who everywhere, but especially in Italy, had been the
most intelligent, most active, and boldest instrument of the
imperial violence, artifices, and plots. Strange to say,
hardly had this politician without a conscience, who was
regarded as the chief author of the pope's imprisonment,^
this minister of triumphant iniquity, been invested by his
master with the primatial crosier of Mayence, which was
the magnificent reward of his crimes against the papacy,
than he all at once became Henry's most implacable and
most dangerous adversary. This amazing transformation
has long puzzled those who sought to explain it by tem
poral motives ; * but Catholic minds will see in it one of
those marvellous revolutions by which it pleases God to
change his enemies into the ministers of His mercy, either
by a sudden touch of His grace, as in the case of St. Paul,
or by the mere grace of the episcopate, as in the case of St.
1 "Cujus oris et cordis unauimitate ipse imperator agebat." — Suger,
De mt Lud. Gr., c. 9.
^ " Hujus maximi sceleris auctor dicitur Albertus." — Ott. Prising. ,
Chron., vii. 14.
3 " Ambitione magis quam pro justitia," says the Chron. Fetershusdunn.
ap Vssermann. Qerm. sacr. prodromus. But what ambition oould this be
except to restore her rights to the Church ? Gervais (i. p. loi) thinks
the change must be attributed to the desire Albert must have felt to
be consecrated by the pope and to obtain a cardinal's hat. But we are
surprised to see a historian, usually so discriminating, satisfied -with such
futile reasons. Albert had no need of the pope's consecration ; none of
his immediate predecessors had had it ; when he was consecrated after
his release, it was by one of his suffragans. Besides, Pascal, who had
consented to crown Henry, would not probably have refused to consecrate
Henry's prime miuister, if required. As to the cardinalate (the cardinal's
hat was unknown then, and until the Council of Lyons in 1250), that
dignity was inferior to the oue of archbishop-primate of Germany which
Albert had attained. At this period the bishops sat and signed before
the cardinal-priests, even in councUs held at Rome, and no foreign bishop
ever appears among the cardinal-bishops. We even find that while the
mere priests invested with the character of legates were almost always
cardinals, the bishop-legates, such as Guy of Vienne and Gerard of
Angouleme, were not so. Richard, Cardinal aud Abbot of St. Victor at
MarseiUes, legate of Gregory VIL, after having been elected Archbishop
of Narbonne in 1106, uo longer used the title of cardinal. — D. Vaissette
Hist, de Languedoc, ii. 344.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 347
Thomas of Canterbury and this very Albert whose vicissi
tudes we are about to describe.'
Already various symptoms of the archbishop's change
had disquieted the emperor, who reproved him for a pride
and pretension unsuited to his antecedents ; ^ and when the
report of the sentence of excommunication, pronounced at
Vienne on the very territory of the empire, had been spread
by the cares of Archbishop Guy,* Albert's attitude became
so hostUe that the emperor thought it necessary to have
him arrested. Led before Henry and bidden to explain
his good intelUgence with the insurgent princes, and his
various usurpations of territory, the archbishop replied
"that he had only defended the cause of the Church,
which he was bound never to abandon, and that he would
permit no one to despoil her." *
The emperor caused him to be shut up in his own castle
of Trifels, where, amidst the torments of hunger, and of
the most barbarous treatment,' he was able to prove his
obedience to that Church which he had formerly so basely
betrayed.^ The pope vainly tried to intercede in favour of the
prelate,'^ and to obtain his release from this imprisonment,
' "Hic simul ut infulas accepit episcopales, mutatur in virum alte
rum. . . ." — Baron., Ann. 1112, c. 19.
^ See the letter iu which Henry enumerates his complaints against him.
— Raumer. , Hist, des Hohenstaufen, vol. i. b. ii. c. 2 ; ex Cod. Palat , MS.
No. 271 ; aud cf. Luden, ix. 638, No. i.
3 Chron. Ursperg., ann. 11 12. Gervais thinks that Albert must have
been in correspondence with the Fathers of the Council of Vienne, simply
because he was not included in the decree of excommunication. The
reason seems inconclusive. Helmold, in his Chron. Slav. (i. c. 40), says
expressly that the excommunication was what turned Albert against the
emperor. * Chron. Halberst, p. 131, in Lecbrut. script. Brunsw. Per., vol. i.
^ " Diversis tormentis et iucredibili famis inedia afflixit eum." — Ott.
Prising., vU. 14.
* " Imperator non nisi propter Romanse Ecclesiae obedientiam carceris
etiam mihi captive tenebras intulit." — Guden, Coll. dipl., p. 118, ap.
Gervais, p. 102.
' By a letter of Jan. 25, 1113. The friendly tone of this letter agrees

348 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
which, being decreed without the judgment of his peers,
constituted a new and fi agr ant violation of the liberties of
the empire, and of the right of the princes,' in the person
of the chief among them.^ It became necessary to have
recourse to arms.* But the capture and burning of the
episcopal city of Halberstadt by the emperor, the victory
obtained by his lieutenant, Eoger of Mansfeld, over the
allied princes at Warnstadt* — where the Count Palatine
Sigefroy was mortally wounded, and the Count of Groitsch
made prisoner — put an end to this insurrection in its very
first stage. Henry then hastened to Lorraine to defend
his partisan. Bishop Eichard of Verdun, against the attacks
of the young Count Eegnaud de Bar. The latter, made
prisoner by the emperor, was brought before the impreg
nable fortress of Mouzon, which his young countess was
defending. Henry caused a gallows to be set up in sight
of the place, and told the countess that if she did not open
the gates by the next day her husband should be hanged.
On the very night when these things were passing, the
countess gave birth to a son ; the garrison, moved by her
situation, hastened to swear fealty and homage to the new
born child, and announced to the besiegers that even if
their lord were hanged another would remain to them,
for whom they would guard the fortress to death.® The
emperor was obliged to raise the siege, and in his rage
would have executed his prisoner, had not the princes
ill with the ratifloation of the decree of the Council of Vienne given
three mouths previously, and testifies to the equivocal attitude of the
pope. ^ Raumer, vol. i. b. ii. c. 2.
^ The Archbishop of Mayence, as arch-chanceUor, had precedence over
all the other princes, ecclesiastical or lay ; he was also the first of the
seveu electors.
3 " Hsec et his simUia scandalorum zizania murmur infiuitum iu nuper
pacato regno suscitant." — Ann. Saxo., ann. H12.
^ February 28, ii 1 3.
^ See the details in Ott. Fris., De gest. Prid., b. i. c. 11 ; in Alberic.
Trium Fontium. . . .

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 349
who surrounded him threatened him with the anger of
Heaven.^ Meantime the news of his excommunication
spread more and more, and gradually detached the populace
from a power which pressed so heavily upon all. As the
holy Otto, Bishop of Bamberg, who had always been anxious
to keep himself in union with Eome,^ would no longer come
to court, Henry chose to go to Bamberg himself for the
celebration of Christmas, either in order to hide from the
people a disagreement which could not but be injurious to
him, or else to try the prelate's fidelity.* At the same time,
he judged this moment favourable for the completion of his
union, long ago decided, with Matilda, the young daughter
of Henry I., King of England. This alliance was to draw
closely together the head of the empire and the most power
ful sovereign of the West. The latter had long contested
-with the Eoman Church the right of investiture; and
since the death of Anselm of Canterbury* had renewed
aU the evil practices of his worthless brother, WUliam
Eufus, by leaving the primatial see of Canterbury va
cant, and refusing permission to the apostolic legates to
enter his kingdom.® The marriage took place at Mayence,
on the feast of the Epiphany, i ii 4, with extraordinary
pomp. The emperor desired that all the princes should be pre-
1 He replied : " Turbato suae irse oculo, ' Coelum coeli Domino, terram
autem dedit fiUis hominum.' " — Ott. Fris., De gest. Prid., b. i. c. 11.
^ See above.
3 " Hoc non simpliciter, quia virum Dei Ottonem urbis episcopum
propter quaedam jam iu regno orientia scandala curiam frequeutare re-
nuentem ex parte suspectum habebat." — Ohron. Ursperg., ann. 11 14.
It is added that the bishop conducted himself -with so much prudence
and so great a display of magnificence that he overcame the king's
animosity. « We may remember the anxiety which he felt when, in 1107, he saw
Pascal tolerate iu Henry V., without exoommuuicatiou, investitures which
were forbidden to him. Anselm informed the pope of it, who answered :
" Investituras Ecclesiarum . . . nee tolerasse nos aliquando, neo tolera-
turos scias." — Ap. Bp. Anselm., ui. 153.
5 Badmer, Hist. Novor., pp. 68-91.

350 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
sent at this ceremony,' and they came thither trembling.^
In the midst of the solemn assembly, Henry obliged Duke
Lothaire to come barefoot, and wearing a robe of frieze, to
make his submission and to be pardoned for his revolt.*
Not content with imposing this humUiation on the most
formidable of his rivals, Henry caused Count Louis of
Thuringia, who had supposed himself safe in the shelter of
the imperial hospitality, to be seized and thrown into prison.*
The princes of the empire were exasperated by this new
attack upon their dignity, but terror restrained them.®
Henry seemed, and believed himself to be, at the height
of fortune and of power. His marriage secured to him the
support of England and Normandy ; all who had dared to
resist him were expiating their boldness in his dungeons,
or trembled, vanquished, before him. Armed with the right
of investiture, he disposed as he would of dioceses and
abbeys ; the secular and ecclesiastical power were both, so
to speak, at his feet. But this moment of supreme splen
dour was the dawn of his decline and fall.
The princes understood that the fate of the German
feudal constitution was in the balance. They understood
also, as their fathers had done under Henry IV., how far
the cause of the Church was inseparable from their own.
It was evident, in fact, that Henry V., when he triumphed
over the resistance of the Holy See and obtained that right
1 "Ubi etiam vix aliquas, aut certe nullum de magnatibus abesse
volunt." — Ohron. Ursperg., loe. dt.
- " Multi de principibus sine laetitia interfuerunt." — Chron. S. Fetr. Prf,
p. 207, ap. Raumer.
3 "Nudis pedibus, sago iudutus, coram omnibus. . . ." — Ott. Fris.,
Chron., b. vii. c. 15. None of the historians who find so atrocious the
voluntary humUiation of Henry IV. at Canossa, before him whom he be
lieved to be the -vicar of God, cry out against the abasement of this most
powerful prince of the empire before the temporal ruler.
¦• "Qui se putabat bene in gratia imperatoris esse." — Chron. Ursperg.
loc. cit.
^ " Quse res multos principum contra imperatorem exacuit."  Lbid.
" Tantum usque ad id temporis timer principes invaserat, ut nuUus rebel-
lare audeat."— Otto Prising., loe cit

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 35 I
of investiture which he arrogated to himself, had destroyed
the most solid security for their independence. Instead of
ecclesiastical princes, independent by election, as the lay
princes were by their hereditary succession, there would soon
be in the bishoprics and metropolitan sees only creatures of
the emperor, instruments of the preponderating royal will.
Instead of a king first elected by the assembly of princes
according to the immemorial national law, and then con
firmed and consecrated by the Church, after she had received
his oaths; instead of a chief responsible to the Church and
nobiUty for the good order and the honour of the country,
and for the peace of faithful subjects, Germany, and all that
depended on the empire, was threatened with the rule of a
Csesar of ancient Eome, or of degenerate Byzantium, who
would trample under foot the Uberties of the nobles, and
confiscate to his own uses both the moral power and the
material riches of the Church. A pagan despotism was on
the point of replacing a tempered, limited, and diffused
Christian authority; this would be the fruit of Henry's
proud triumph at Mayence, but this was certain, sooner or
later, once more to identify the cause of the Church with
that of the German constitution and the independence of
the nobles ; and such an identification, which would secure
victory to the alUes, must last until the contest reached its
final issue.'
The revolt, of which the plan was arranged at Mayence,^
was as general as it was formidable. The Saxons, who were
accustomed, as in the time of Gregory VIL, to be fore
most in the struggle for ancient liberties against imperial
' Gervais, in his History of Henry V. (3rd and 4th sections, pp. i23,[and
153-155), has clearly shown the lawfulness of the prince's cause, aud the
motives which led them to see the necessity for an aUiance with the
Church. In his exceUent refiections on the essence of the Germanic con
stitution, he destroys the pretensions of those who try to find in it the
origin of modern monarchies and their bureaucracy.
2 "Verum in hac curia quo pene omnes principes regni confluxerant
conspirationes fiunt, ac ex tunc non solum occulto consUio, sed et pubUca
contra eum machinamenta disponuntur."— OTT. PRISING., loe dt.

352 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
despotism, were, this time, outstripped by the princes of
Lorraine, Westphalia, and the banks of the Lower Ehine.
Cologne, the most powerful city of the empire, joined them,
and its archbishop, Frederic, placed himself at the head of
the insurrection. Henry, surprised and furious, at first
tried to besiege Cologne. He failed ; and before the end
of this very year 1 1 1 4, begun with such splendour, he had
been twice completely beaten by the confederates, near Bonn,
and near Andernach. Thus vanquished on the Ehine, he
turned towards Saxony, and tried to reduce it in the midst
of winter. But there a yet more shameful reverse awaited
him. The armies met in the woods of Welfsholz,' near
Eisleben, and there fought for a whole day. The insur
gents, commanded by Duke Lothaire, though but half the
number of the imperialists, obtained a complete victory.
Eoger of Mansfeld, to whom Henry had promised Lothaire's
duchy, was killed, and the emperor fled into Bavaria.^ The
Saxon victors built a chapel on the battlefield where they
had destroyed the germs of autocratic despotism,* and placed
in it a statue of a warrior armed after the fashion of their
ancestors, whose freedom they had so gloriously maintained.*
And they determined the new religious character of the war
by refusing Church burial to the vanquished who had been
killed in the service of an excommunicated master.®
A new personage now appeared in Germany, to confirm
that character and to give a strong impulse to the efforts of
the Catholics. Cardinal Conon, Bishop of Palestrina, who,
from the shores of Syria, while Europe was still silent, had
first dared to fiing against the emperor his sentence of ex
communication, obtained in 1 1 1 4 his appointment as legate,
1 February 11, 1115.
2 Vita Viperti., ap. GERVAIS, i. 135.
3 Gervais, i. 154.
¦" The peasants made a saint of this statue : " Quasi Saxones victoriam
ipsius auxilio habuerint." — Corner., p. 657 ; Dodectur., ann. 11 15 ; Khantz,
Hist. Sax., V. 36., ap. Gervais, loc. cit
^ Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1115.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 353
and used it to push to extremities the war with Henry.
By birth Conon belonged to the great nobility of the empire,
and by the monastic life which he had long led he was con
nected with the purest and most active element of the
Church. He began his functions in northern France, and
first of all held a council at Beauvais,' where were nearly
aU the bishops of the provinces of Eheims, Bourges, and
Sens. There he promulgated, for the second time, and in
their name, the sentence of anathema against the emperor.
He then regulated various grave interests of the Church
and the country, provided for the security of ecclesiastical
property,^ and again put in force the most important
decrees of Gregory VII. and Urban II. The creation of
communes among the citizens of the principal episcopal
cities in the province of Eheims was cruelly agitating these
neighbourhoods.* The Bishop of Laon had just been
massacred and his cathedral burned * by the citizens, exas
perated by the suppression of their new commune. Gode
froy, the holy Bishop of Amiens, whom we have seen
presiding at the emperor's condemnation by the council of
Vienne, had granted a commune to his episcopal city ; but,
in despair at the disorders and sacrilege which resulted,®
he sent his ring and sandals to the metropolitan of Eheims,
and retuming to the cloistered life which he had unwill
ingly left, retired first to Cluny and afterwards to the
Grande Chartreuse. A nobleman, equaUy sanguinary and
^ December 6, 1114.
^ We find, in the Acts of this councU, this curious avowal : " Cum
¦riderent multos laicos non solum Bcclesus nU conferre, imo quod nequius
est, quae a fidelibus et Deum timentibus coUata sunt, violenter, si liceat,
auf erre."— D'ACHBRY, SpicUeg., vol. i. p. 634, in fol.
3 We shaU retum farther on to the discussion of the nature of this
communal revolution in its relation to the Church.
* At Baster 11 12.
= Guibert de Nogent, the sworn enemy of the communes, said of him:
"Turbam moverat.' quam sedare non poterat." — De vit. sua, Ui. 14. But
Nicholas, his biographer and companion, says : " Quod tot ssecularium
tumultuum tempestates ferre non posset."— Ap. Mabill., b. IxxU.
VOL. VL Z

354 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
perfidious, Thomas de Marie, son of Enguerrand de Coucy,
had mingled in all these discords, sometimes to protect the
assassins, sometimes, as at Amiens, to burn a church quite
filled with innocent victims, and always to oppress the cause
of right, the poor, and the monasteries. The legate Conon
punished this felon with the sword of St. Peter, excom
municated him, and declared him incapable of bearing the
shield of a knight, " seeing that he is a criminal, infamous,
and an enemy of the name of Christian." '
At the same council, the deputies of Amiens demanded
the return of their bishop, although he had written from his
beloved solitude that he was unworthy of the episcopate.
The prelates having again assembled at Soissons,^ sent an
order to the Chartreaux to restore their novice to the
Church. All wept with him, but they dared not keep him.
Godefroy therefore left them, but as he went, says the
hagiographer, he constantly turned, with eyes full of tears,
to look once more at the peaceful Chartreuse where he had
hoped to end his days.^ But Conon knew the full value of
a holy bishop in these stormy days; and when Godefroy,
emaciated by his monastic austerities, reappeared before
his brethren assembled in council at Eheims, the legate
severely reproached him for having abandoned the charge
God had confided to him, and neglected the salvation of
many only to care for his own.* In this council of
' " lunumerarum pulsatus molestia querelarum, Ecclesiarum, pauperum
et orphanorum, derogationum, tyrannidem mucrone B. Petri, anathemate
scUioet generall detruncans, cingulum militarem ei, licet absenti deciugit,
ab omni honore, tanquam sceleratum, infamatum, Christiani nominis
inimicum, omnium judicio deponit." — SuGBR, De VU. Lud. Gross., p. 306,
ap. Duch.
'' January 6, 11 15.
3 VU. S. Godefr., auct. Nicolao, ap. SuRlUM, 8th Nov.
* I bid. Godefroy returned to Amiens, where he was joyfuUy received,
bnt the communists soon made him endure many troubles ; he was
obliged to besiege their tower in concert -with the king. See A. Thierry,
Lettres sur I'histoire de Prance, pp. 336, 337, Mabill., Ann., b. Ixxii. No.
107. It is generally thought that he died in this same year 11 15; but

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL 355
Eheims,' which was very numerous, Conon promulgated, for the
third time, the sentence of excommunication against Henry.
Leaving to his colleagues — Guy of Vienne and Gerard of
Angouleme — the care of watching, in many other councils,
over the discipline and liberty of the Church of France, the
Bishop of Palestrina turned towards the Ehine to meet Arch
bishop Frederic of Cologne. The latter had been obliged to
warn his suffragans to pay no heed to the words of certain
bishops in which they maintained that an archbishop conld
not excommunicate a king who did not belong to his
spiritual domains. In opposition to this opinion, the legate
cited Theodosius excommunicated by Ambrose.^ Frederic,
at the news of the anathema promulgated against Henry
at Beauvais, had addressed himself repeatedly to Bishop
Otho of Bamberg to exhort him to make a stand against
the oppression under which the Church was groaning.*
" If the zeal of God's house," he said to him, " or the love
of the Church, the true house of God, has devoured the
marrow of your bones, do not, through excess of patience,
longer conceal the desolation and cruel profanation of God's
heritage. See how, by the divine mercy, a great door is
opened, that truth, too long silent, may make herself heard,
that our Uberty, too long oppressed, may raise her head ;
see how the holy Eoman Church lifts up her voice for her
self and for us. France is joined to us ; Saxony, as you
M. Gu^rard, conseiUer-auditeur of the Court of Amiens, in a remarkable
Memoir, inserted in vol. vi. of the Mem. de la Sociiti d'Antiquit de
Picardie, has proved that he was stUl living in 1121, and fixed his death
on the 8th November of that year.
1 March 28, 11 15.
2 In Mart., Ampliss. CoU., i. 664. " Denuntiamus vobis in nomine
Domini ut non cito moveamini a vestro sensu, tam dictis pseudofratrum
nostrorum , . . quibus ex ore domini papse efficaciter respondemus,
quia etsi nobis parochiali jure commissus non fuerit, auctoritate tamen
Spiritus sancti et SS. Patrum, pro tanto scelere merito excommunicare
debuimus." 3 " Ad def ensionem vel saltem ad liberam deplorationem hujus quem
videtis gravissimi Ecclesise casus."

356 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
may have heard, cries the truth aloud ; ' who, then, can
remain insensible while all the power of the Church is being
used only for the profit of courtiers and palace servants ?
when diocesan synods, annual councils, and all the forms
of ecclesiastical administration are transformed into royal
tribunals to fill the purse of the prince's creatures ? ^ when
episcopal sees are given up to royal farmers, who, without a
thought of the good of souls, care only to fill the insatiable
maw of the royal revenue ? * It is our duty, who are
pillars of God's Church, and called upon to guide the bark
of Peter through the stormy waves of the world, so to hold
the helm that she is not, by our negligence, broken upon
the rock of impious tyranny,* that we may not deserve the
shame of being counted among those whom the prophet
calls dumb dogs, unable to bark. As for me, dearest
brother, I promise you that by the grace of God neither
tribulation, nor anguish, nor death, shall hinder me from
the free confession of that faith which I have embraced.
Our duty, as you know, is to brave death for the cause of
Jesus, that the life of Jesus may one day be manifested in
our mortal bodies." ^
The letter ends with an announcement of the decrees
pronounced by the legate Conon. Otho, who was nearly
1 "Iterum, venerando frater, iterum idem dicimus, si zelus, ... si
amor Ecclesiae . . . vos meduUitus comedit, ue . . . ulterius dissimuletis.
Ecce magnum nobis ostium apertum est . . . ut libertas diu suppressa
cervicem erigat. . . . Jungit se nobis Francia, libero, sicut audistis, ore,
veritatem Saxonia profitetur."
^ "Quia omnis Ecclesiastici vigoris auctoritas auUcis et palatinis iu
quaestum versa est. Synodales episcoporum . . . omnes denique Eccles
iastici ordinis admiuistratioues in regalem curiam trauslatae sunt, ut
Ulorum marsupiis inserviant."
3 " Quibus regales -vilUoi president . . . dum tantum terrenis lucris
regalis fisci os insatiabile repleatur."
* " Ne nobis segniter torpentibus . . . impiae tyrannidis scopulis allisa
convellatur." ^ "Ex hac qua coepimus veritatis libera professione uec tribulatio, neo
angustia, uec mors, neo vita separabit." — Cod. Ep. Udal., No. 277, written
between the councils of Beauvais and Rheims.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 357
related to the legate,' was not deaf to this appeal,^ and
seconded the prelate with aU his power. Both, without
loss of time, convoked a council at Cologne,* and there, on
Easter Monday, fulminated against Henry V. the fourth
sentence of excommunication pronounced against him since
the councU of Vienne.* Then, leaving the continuation of
his work to his colleague, the legate Dietrich, who had
arrived from Hungary, Conon returned to Prance to hold
a fifth council which he convoked at Chalons-sur-Marne.®
The Norman bishops and abbots whom, in virtue of his
apostolic authority, he had invited thither, having been de
tained by King Henry I., the emperor's father-in-law, the
legate deposed several of them for being more ready to
obey their temporal suzerain than their spiritual chief,® and
afterwards renewed, for the fifth time, the sentence of ex
communication against Henry V. ; so that the most power
ful sovereigns of the West were simultaneously punished by
the Church in defence of her rights and liberties.
The terrible sentence, once openly published throughout
Germany, could not faU to give a new impulse to the war.'''
It was thus published by Cardinal Theodoric, at the assembly
of Goslar (September 8, 1 1 1 5), the cardinal having been
commissioned by the pope to reconcile to the Church the
Archbishop of Magdeburg and other prelates who had toler
ated lay investiture.
Duke Lothaire on one hand, and Archbishop Frederic of
Cologne on the other, were daily pressing more closely on
the emperor's lieutenants and allies.* Henry, seeing his star
1 " Salutat vos dominus Chuono, pronepos tuus." — Ood. Bp. Udal. No. 277.
^ At Christmas 11 15 he was at Cologne. 3 April 19, 11 15.
^ Por the first time on Germau territory. ' July 12, 11 15.
^ The King of England was indignant, and complained bitterly to the
pope. — Badmer, Hist. Novor., b. v. ; Simeon Dunelm., Hist, de gest reg.
Ang., ad anu. 1115.
' " Saxonum consensus ad resistendum iUi magis ao magis roboratur." —
Chron. Ursperg., ann. 11 15.
>* Ohron. Ursperg., Arm. Saxo., a,i anil. pass. " Fredericus . . . totis -viri
bus insequitur eum et fautores ejus, oppida et casteUa expugnat, et omnia

358 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
pale, desired to treat. He convoked a general diet at May
ence for All Saints' Day, promising there to listen to all
complaints, and to repair all mischiefs, at the will of the
princes.' But as no one believed in him, no one answered
his appeal.^
At Mayence, where the emperor was staying, waiting for
the time of the meeting, the people revolted, supported by the
knightly vassals of the metropolitan see, and with arms in
their hands demanded the deliverance of their archbishop.*
To save his own life, Henry was obliged to yield.* Adalbert,
after three years of the hardest captivity, left his prison,
pale and reduced to a skeleton.® His first deed was a
formal act of submission to the legate Theodoric, whom he
invited to attend a council at Cologne, to be held at Christ
mas. The legate died on the journey ; but Adalbert, who
possessed all the necessary qualities, soon became the soul
and head of the league of which Duke Lothaire was the
arm.®ad eum pertinentia ferro et igne vastat." — Alberic. Trium Fontium,
Ohron., ann. 1 1 15.
' " Ubi . . . de sibi objectis satisfactionem, de suis extraordinarie vel
juvenUiter gestis correctionem ad senatusconsultum repromisit." — Ohron.
Ursperg., loc. dt.
^ " Praeter paucos episcopos nemo principum adventabat." — Lbid.
3 "Moguntini . . . urbis familia, tam nobiles, tam ministeriales." —
Chron. Ursperg., Ann. Hildesh., ann. 1115. Cf. LiJDEN, vol. ix. b. xx. c. 6,
not. 19 ; Gervais, i. 145, not. i.
^ In his letter to the people of Mayence (in Ood. Udalr., No. 319), Henry
affirms that he released him only after he had sworn to remain quiet and
given hostages. We may doubt this, especiaUy if we compare this letter
with the one which precedes it in the same collection (No. 318), in which
Henry affirms that the pope, in presence of all the cardinals, had disavowed
the council of Vienne, condemned the legates Theodoric and Conon, -with
the Archbishops of Cologne, Mayence, and Salzburg, and declared that aU
who made war on the emperor were pagans and sacrUegious persons. We
can easUy believe that Pascal acted equivocally towards the emperor ; but
such proceedings as these contradict all that is preserved iu contemporary
monuments, part of which we have quoted.
^ "Vix ossibus haerentem." — Ann. Saoeo., a,nn. 11 15; Otto Prising,,
vii. 14.
° See Stentzel, i. 666.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 359
Surrounded by the fourteen German bishops who had
already deserted the schism, he was consecrated at Cologne
the day after Christmas, by Otho the holy Bishop of Bam
berg, his suffragan; and in this imposing assembly, in
presence of Lothaire and many other lay nobles, the excom-
munication was again pronounced.'
During this time, the emperor, who was keeping the
feast of Christmas at Spire -with a small number of princes,
decided to try a new expedient, and sent Erlung, Bishop of
Wiirzburg, who remained faithful to him, to meet the con
federate chiefs. But these chiefs would not even receive the
ambassador, declaring that they would hold no intercourse
with him until he should be reconciled to the Church, and
give up all intercourse -with the excommunicated sovereign.
Eetuming to Spire, the bishop, who now repented of his
errors, refused to communicate with the emperor. But
Henry compelled him, by threatening him with death, to
celebrate mass with him. The unhappy prelate, after he
had undergone this violence, fled from the court, obtained
absolution yet once more, weeping for his involuntary re
lapse, and abandoned Henry for ever.^ To punish the fugi
tive, Henry separated the duchy of Franconia from the
bishopric of Wurzburg, and gave it to his nephew, Conrad
of Hohenstaufen. But the defection of Erlung of Wiirz
burg made it clear to the emperor that Germany was no
longer tenable for him. He resolved to try his fortune
again in Italy, formerly so favourable to him, and whither
he was summoned by a new and pressing interest, that of
disputing -with the Church the succession of the great
Countess Matilda.
' Arm. Saxo., aun. 11 16.
^ " Vitse periculo coactus missam coram imperatore celebravit, indeque
usque ad mortem contristatus latenter discessit, atque rursus communioni
pristinse multis lacrymis reconciUatus ultra imperatoris aspectu simul et
gratia caruit." — Arm, Saxo., loc. dt

CHAPTER XII
TRIALS OP THE PAPACY
Henry V. seizes the domains and fortresses of the Countess Matilda. —
Lateran Council, where Pope Pascal relates his wrongs and those of
the Church. — Pascal indignant that the word heresy should be pro
nounced in connection with him. — Pascal approves the acts of Conon
of Palestrina. — Letter of Frederic of Cologne to the consuls and in
habitants of Milan. — Henry tries to deceive Germany. — The emperor
condemned at the council of Benevento. — John of Gaeta elected pope
under the name of Gelasius II. — Gelasius becomes a bold defender of
apostoUc liberty. — The pope finds a refuge in the castle of Sau Paolo
at Ardea. — Henry V. creates an anti-pope. — Gelasius returns to Rome,
and then visits France.
MATILDA ended her long and glorious life on July 24, 1 1 15,
at the age of sixty-nine, the crucifix pressed to her lips.
Before her death she rewarded the devoted affection of her
many serfs by setting them all at liberty.' It was univer
sally acknowledged throughout Christendom that with the
great countess had disappeared not only the richest and
most powerful of princesses, but also the most pious woman
of whom the lay world could then boast. ^ Shortly before
she expired, the countess had received a visit from Abbot
Pons of Cluny, whom she had loaded with favours and atten-
^ "Famulos suos innumeros post ejus mortem ingenues esse jussit,
cumque laboraret in extremis, episcopus corpus Dominicum ei tradidit,
. . . mittens in manibus ejus crucem Christi, quam dum bajularet et in
ea crebra figeret oscula, Oro inquit, te, Christi, quem semper colui, sem
per amavi, ut sordium mearum digneris mundare piacula." — Anon., VU.
MathUd., 0. 17, in MuRAT., vol. v. 397.
^ " Qua femina sicut nemo nostris temporibus ditior et famosior, ita
nemo virtutibus et religione sub laica professione reperitur insiguior." —
Ann. Sax., ann. 11 15. 360

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 36 1
tion.' Her last public act ^ was a donation to the abbey of
Polyrone,* whence came her spiritual guide, the holy Bishop
Anselm of Lucca. She had chosen her own burial-place
there, -wishing, as she said, to intrust her body to the care
of these pious sons * of St. Benedict, because she had always
found them foremost among the defenders of that Church
which she had served and loved so passionately. Her re
mains rested there for five hundred years, until the time
when the gratitude of a pope decided that the illustrious
dust should be placed in the tomb of the popes and martyrs
in St. Peter's at Eome.^
It wUl be remembered that Matilda had twice bestowed
on the Holy See her vast domains, comprising nearly the
whole north of Italy to the Tiber.^ This was too rich a prey
for Henry to abandon. He thought he had acquired a right
over that portion of the countess's property which depended
1 Anon., Vit, loe cU. ; Domnizo, b. ii. infine. Matilda was seized with a
fatal chUl while present, although iU, at service of Christmas night with
Abbot Pons.
^ May 4, 1115.
3 Polyrone was a dependency of Cluny. Matilda had gone there in
December 11 15 to visit Abbot Alberic, who was also iU. This is what
the princess herself says in her last deed : " Cum ego, Mathildis, . . .
apud S. Benedictum veniremus . . . illam sanctam congregatiouem
vidimus et super mortificatione eorum compatiens, compunctione miseri-
cordiae, devotione caritatis, ad eorum sustentationem quaedam transferre
ex nostra largitate curavimus. Itaque coram illo venerabili collegio super
sanctum altare B. Benedicti investituram posuimus, condonantes alber-
gariam (jus hospitandi)," &c.
^ "Te, Benedicte pater, moriens haec curat amare,
Ccenobiumque tuum ditatur corpore cujus
Cui prece demonstra coeli cognoscere portas." — Domnizo, loc. cit
5 This translation took place in 1635, under Urban VIIL, five hundred
and seventeen years after the great countess's death.
'^ She had all Tuscany, the patrimony of St. Peter between Radicofani
and the Tiber, the present duchies of Parma, Placentia, Modena, Man
tua, great part of Piedmont and Liguria, and many scattered estates in
the towns of Tuscany and Lombardy, which insured her a sovereign in
fluence iu these countries.

362 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
on the empire,' and he also claimed the allodial lands and
personal property of the princess, in virtue of his relationship,
which was very distant, and could in no way prevaU against
the will of the testatrix.^ He went to Italy to prosecute
this claim in the beginning of II16. His forces were in
considerable, but he succeeded in winning many partisans
by the contrast of his present moderation with the violence
committed in his first expedition.*
The better to assure to himself the coveted inheritance,
Henry remained for some time quietly in the north of Italy ;
but a little later he took possession of Canossa and the
fortresses of the Apennines, where Matilda had so long
defied the imperial power.
The pope at this epoch had partly regained his ascendency
in Italy ; while the Normans, whose young Duke William,
grandson of Eobert Guiscard, had received from Pascal the
investiture of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily,* had recovered
' These are the words used by Matilda : " Omnia bona mea jure pro-
prietario tam quae nunc habueram quam ea quae in antea acquisitura eram
sive jure successiouis, sive alio quocumque jure ad me pertineant." — Act
of July 17, 1102, ap. Leibnitz, Script Brunsw., and MuR., v. Probably
she did not apply the terms, "jure proprietario et pertineant," to imperial
fiefs ; but it is impossible to distinguish among these vast territories, which
had that quality. The term "propria" is also carefully employed by
Domnizo : "Propria clavigero sua subdidit omnia Petro."
Elsewhere : " Cui proprie teUuris sortem subdidit omnem."
^ See Table Ginialogique, ap. Gervais, i. 160 ; ex BtiNAN, Hist, of
Frederic Barbarossa, p. 382. Raumer declares that the claim of the emperor
to the aUodial possessions and personal property of Matilda was absurd
and iniquitous. — Hist ofthe Hohenstauf, b. ii. c. 3.
3 He was especiaUy weU received at Venice.— Chron. Dandol., ap.
Muratori, xii. 236-266 ; Gervais, loc. cit
¦* October 11 14. He also settled various disputes between the Normans
and Beneveutines, and at the councU of Troja (August 11 15) made the
Norman princes accept the truce of God for three years. The investiture
of Sicily, giveu to William, only implied the suzerainty over that island,
which was held as a sub-fief from the Church by Roger II., son of Eoger
caUed the Great, Count of Sicily, and brother of Robert Guiscard. Roger

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 363
their importance. In obedience to the pope's exhortations,
the Pisans had directed an expedition against the Balearic
Islands to destroy Saracen piracy, and had gloriously pos
sessed themselves of IviQa and Majorca.' At the same
time, the support of these foreigners, and of the new-born
municipal republics, was not sufficient to enable the Holy
See to dispute with the emperor the succession formally
bequeathed by Matilda to St. Peter. Thus we find no
mention in contemporary writers of any attempt of the kind
on the part of the Church. At this moment, indeed, Henry
was showing the most conciliatory intentions towards the
sovereign pontiff, to whom he sent Pons, Abbot of Cluny,^
as his ambassador charged to plead the cause of the empire
in the general councU assembled at the Lateran in March
1116. The legate Conon having returned from France, was
present at this councU, together with a great number of
bishops, abbots, dukes, counts, and envoys from all Catholic
countries.* The first days were devoted to the examination
of various local affairs. At one of the first sittings a bishop
rose and said to the pope that, after having braved all sorts
II. afterwards united aU the conquests of his famUy, and was the first
king of the Two SiciUes.
^ Pandulp. Pisan., Vit. Pase LL. ; Laur. Veron., Poem, de heUo
Balearico, ap. Ughblli, Ltal. Sacr., vol. Ui. ; Pagi, Crit, in anu. 1114 and
1 1 15. — See Letter of Henry to Pascal.
' Cod. Udalr., No. 273. " Qui et inter utramque partem pro compo-
neudis paoifice rebus fideUs et impiger apocrisiarius in . . . studuit." —
Arm. Sax., loe. dt.
3 " Synodus imiversaUs concilii congregatis ibidem ex diversis regnis
et pro-riuciis episcopis et abbatibus, catholicis ducibus et comitibus, legatis
universarum provinciarum quam plurimis." — Ohron. Ursperg., ann. 11 16.
It is not clear whether it was at this councU or that of 11 12 that Suger
was present, and to whioh he refers in the foUowing passage of the Life
of Louis le Gros: " Quod (privUegium) idem dominus papa in magno con
ciUo treoentorum et eo amplius episcoporum judicio Ecclesiae nobis audien
tibus conquassavit," p. 290. The Hist Litt., xii. 364, says that he was
present at the councU of 11 12, but this number of 300 bishops does not
agree with that of 126, which is found in the Acts of the CouncU. See
above.

364 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of dangers by sea and by land, the Fathers of the great
assembly begged the sovereign pontiff to make known to
them his personal opinions, and the doctrines which, at their
return home, they ought to teach in their churches.'
Pascal began his answer by relating the painful scenes
he had witnessed, and the Uls inflicted on the Church and
the people of God during his captivity. He then expressed
himself as follows : " When the Lord had left me His ser
vant, and the people of Eome, in the hands of King Henry,
I saw pillage, incendiarism, murder, and adultery daily
committed; and I sought any means by which to tum
these dreadful calamities away from the Church and people
of God. What I have done I did in the hope of delivering
God's people. I did it as a man, for I am but dust and
ashes. I acknowledge that I did ill, and I beg you now to
pray God to pardon me. As to this fatal document, dic
tated in a prison, I pronounce a perpetual anathema upon
it, that its memory may be for ever odious ; and I pray you
all to forget it." ^
At these words all the assembly replied, " Amen !
Amen ! "
Bruno of Segni, always foremost in zeal, cried in a loud
voice,* " We should bless God that we have heard Pope
Pascal condemn with his own mouth a pretended privilege,
which covered both heresy and great wickedness." *
These words gave some scandal. " If this privilege con-
' " Quidam episcoporum de medio surgens, . . . expediendum prius
propter quod principaliter conveneraut ut evidentius pemoscatur quid
dominus ApostoUcus sentiat. . . ." — Lbid.
^ " Feci autem ut homo quia pulvis sum et cinis. Fateor me male
egisse, sed rogo vos omnes . . . istud autem malum scriptum quod in
teutoriis factum est," &c. The pope adds here, in words which are found
iu most of the decrees and narratives of this aitair, and which are un
translatable : " Quod pro pravitate sua pravUegium dicitur." Elsewhere
it is said : ' ' Non pri-rilegium, sed pravUegium."
3 "Altius exorsus est." — Ihid. He was cro-wned in 1183 by Pope
Lucius III.
¦* " Quod pravitatem et haeresim continebat." — Und.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 365
tained heresy," said one of those present, " he who drew it
up must have been a heretic ! " '
But Cardinal John of Gaeta ^ hastened to reply to Bruno :
" What ! do yon venture, in full council and before the
bishops, to call the pope a heretic? Certainly the docu
ment he signed was bad, but it was in no way heretical." *
" Not only," said another of the Fathers, " was it not
heretical, but we must own that to try to deUver the
people was an act worthy of praise."
But Pascal had lost patience at hearing the dreadful
word heresy. Commanding silence by a gesture, he cried :
" My brethren and my lords, this church has never known
heresy ; it is she who has fought with and overcome all
heresies. Was it not for her that the Son of God prayed
when, during his passion, He asked that Peter's faith might
never fail ? " *
Next day a new and not less vehement discussion began
between Cardinal Conon of Palestrina, who wished to repeat
the emperor's excommunication,^ and the Abbot of Cluny,
on one side, and Cardinal John of Gaeta and Peter, son of
Leo, the negotiator of Sutri, on the other.^
The pope once more interfered, saying — " The primitive
Church, in the time of the martyrs, was flourishing before
' " Ad hsec quidam cavUlatore subjunxit : Si . . . qui iUud fecit haereti-
cus fuit."
^ The title of Bishop of Gaiita giveu to Cardinal John in most reprints
of the Chronide of Auersperg is a mistake. — Baron., Mansi, Coletti,
&c. It is not given to him in the first edition of 1609. Cardinal John
was only abbot and cardinal-deacon, as is proved by his signature at the
Lateran CouncU in 11 12. He was afterwards pope under the name of
Gelasius II. 3 " Tu ne hio, et in concilio, nobis praesentibus
Romanum pontificem appellas h^reticum ? . .
Malum quidem fuit, sed haeresis non fuit. "
^ " Ad hsec patientia papse horrendo hseresis nomine pulsata . . . manu
silentium indicens. . . ."
^ " Ssepius verbum excommunicationis exponere cupienti."
I" " In faciem resistentibus."

366 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
God if not before men. Afterwards emperors and kings
were converted, and, like dutiful sons of the Church, hon
oured their mother, to whom they gave lands, fiefs, dignities,
rights, and royal ornaments, as did Constantine and others.
Then the Church flourished before men as well as before
God. Let our mother and lady, the Church, keep what she
has received from kings and princes, and let her dispense
to her sons as she sees good." ' After this Pascal renewed
the prohibition established by Gregory VIL, under pain of
anathema, against all who should give or receive lay in
vestiture. Then Cardinal Conon presented the following
request : " Most holy Father," he said, " if I have shown
myself your true legate, and if it pleases you to ratify what
I have done, be pleased to declare it with your own lips, in
presence of this holy council, that all may know I had
received authority." ^
The pope replied : " You have been truly our legate, a
latere, and all that you and our other brethren, cardinals,
bishops, and legates, have done by the authority of this see,
I confirm ; and I condemn all that you have condemned." *
Conon then enumerated the different sentences of excom
munication which he had pronounced against the emperor,
first at Jerusalem on the earliest report of his crime, and
afterwards in Greece, in Hungary, in Saxony, in Lorraine,
in Prance, in five councils, at Eome, and in all the
churches; and he concluded by asking that the Fathers of
the council should confirm all his acts, as the pope had
just done.
The envoys from the Archbishop of Vienne made the
same request. Some objections were raised in the assembly,
' "Habeat ergo mater et domina nostra Ecclesia sibi a regibus sive
principibus coUata : dispenset et tribuat filiis suis sicut scit et sicut -vult."
—Ibid. 2 " Domine Pater, si tuse placet majestati, si vere tuus fui legatus et
quse feci tibi placentem rate, edicito. ..."
3 "Vere legatus ex latere nostro missus fuisti, et quidquid tu, cseteri
. . . ego quoque probo et confirmo, quidquid damnaverunt damno."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 367
but aU the bishops and abbots were unanimous.' Before
they separated, the council put an end to the controversy
which for several years had been agitating the Church of
Milan. The seeds of orthodoxy and regularity, scattered
there during long years of struggles against simony by the
heroic Luitprand, that priest whose nose and ears had been
cut off by the schismatics,^ had begun to spring up.
Archbishop Grossulanus, whom Luitprand had always
opposed, was removed, and his rival, Jordanus of Chiusa,
chosen by the party hostile to the emperor, received the
croiser from the hands of the sovereign pontiff.*
Most of the Lombard bishops being still as much devoted
to the imperial cause as in the time of Gregory VIL, and
the nobles following the same standard, it was of the
greatest consequence for the Church to place in the see of
MUan, the most important in Italy after Eome, a man de
voted to ecclesiastical liberty, and sufficiently influential to
gather round him, in support of the Catholic cause, those
elements of strength and resistance which were every day
growing more powerful in the Lombard municipalities. At
this moment Milan was beginning to be the centre of that
great struggle which was to last half a century, and to
^ This is the reading adopted by Fleury, Stentzel, Gervais, &c. The
text of the Chronicle of Auersperg, the only contemporary authority, is
obscure. We think best, therefore, to reproduce it entire ; " Orare si
demum, ut sicut D. papa legationem suam ooufirmasset, ita prsesentis
concUii patres et episcopi concorditer anuuerent . . . dum tali ratione et
ordine tam variae et dissonae multitudinis assensus exquiritur ; saniori
parte veritati et apertse rationi nihU contradictum ; a paucis submur-
muratum, ab episcopis vel abbatibus nullo modo reclamatum." It will
be seeu that the pope, by a very useless subterfuge, avoided condemning
the emperor by name. Thus Baronius says : " Sic videas quali ambitu
opportuerit excommunicationem confirmari."
^ He died in 11 13. See above.
3 "Gratiam et -virgam pontificalem in ipso theatro suscepit." — Lan
dulph. junior, Chron. Medial., c. 30, ap. MuRAT., vol. v. Landulph
relates in detail the long struggles which marked the whole pontificate of
Grossulanus. They are analysed by Flburt, b. Ixvii. No. 38. Cf. Chron.
Ursperg., ann. 1116; Cod. Udalr., No. 258, 259.

368 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
bring upon her so many misfortunes, but also so much
glory. This role befitted the ancient city which had not
yet ceased to honour the memory of Ambrose, or to keep in
mind the wholesome humiUation inflicted on the Emperor
Theodosius: it belonged, as of right, to the illustrious town
where, for the first time, had been manifested the splendour
of that repressive power, till then unknown to the world,
given by God to His Church to arm her for her warfare
with the powers of this world.
Following the example of Conon and Guy of Vienne, the
new archbishop, as soon as he returned from the council,
promulgated the sentence of excommunication against
Henry.' The German princes in revolt against the em
peror eagerly grasped at the valuable alliance offered to
them beyond the Alps by the little Catholic republic.
Archbishop Frederic of Cologne addressed to the consuls,
captains, soldiers, and people of Milan, a letter in which he
spoke as foUows : " We admire the greatness and mercy of
God in endowing your city with freedom, to the joy of the
whole world ; for you offer a brave resistance to all the
powers of wickedness. Illustrious city, guard your freedom
with the utmost care ; that you should do so is the condi
tion of your glory ; and be sure that as long as you resist
the powers opposed to the Church, so long you will, by the
help of Christ, enjoy true liberty. Build your confidence,
dearest friends, upon the goodness of your cause, and upon
the glory of the name transmitted to you by your fathers,
which we all honour (applaudens unanimitas). And believe
that we are all, whether princes of Lorraine, of Saxony, of
Thuringia, or of France, unanimous in our love for you ; we
make but one body ; and you will find us always ready to
join you in defending justice and lawful freedom. Ask of

1 ' ' Henricum . . . una cum clero et populo suo Joanni Crementi car
dinali Romano prsecipienti in pulpito sanctse Theclse excommunicavit." —
Landulph. jun., c. 31 ; Murat., v. 500.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 369
US what help you wUl, and be certain of our diligence in
granting it to you." '
The church and city of Milan persevered in the way
marked out for them by their traditions; and when, at a
later period (i 1 1 8), the great Lombard^ vassals endeavoured,
at a conference held in the city, to plead the emperor's cause
before the archbishop and his sufiragans, the latter strongly
supported the rights of the Church and the excommunica
tion of Henry V.* Unfortunately, they did not succeed in
preventing the Milanese from wasting their strength in a
sanguinary war against their neighbours at Como, which
was carried on for two years.
Meantime the emperor, while occupying himself in unit
ing the Countess Matilda's domains to his own, called a
meeting of the Lombard bishops, most of whom were devoted
to him,* and sent three of them^ to the pope, hoping to
obtain a reversal of the sentences passed upon him at the
various councils. Pascal replied that, in order to keep the
oath which had been extorted from him, he had not himself
published the anathema against Henry ; but that this sen
tence, ha-ving been pronounced by the most eminent mem
bers of the Church, could only be remitted by their advice,
and in another council.^ The pope added that the letters
' "Magnus Dominus et laudabiUs nimis. . . . Hkc itaque gloriosa cum
per universum orbem de te sint dicta, ci-vitas Dei inclyta, conserva liber
tatem, ut pariter retineas hominis hujus dignitatem : quia quandiu
potestatibus Ecclesiae inimicis resistere niteris, verse libertatis auctore,
Christo Domino adjutore, perfrueris. . . . Sicut in uno corpore sociamur
ita iu eadem justitia, eadem legum libertate una vobiscum parati inveni-
emur." — Martene, Am/pliss. CoUect., vol. i. p. 640.
2 "Marchiones et comites Longobardise." The phUosopher St. Marc calls
them mUitary sages, friends of the public good. — Hist, d'ltalie, iv. I057-
3 Landulph. jun., Hist. Mediol., c. 34.
^ See his letter to Hartwig, Bishop of Ratisbon. — Cod. Udalr., 318.
' Those of Placentia, Acqui, and Asti.
8 " Propter securitatem quam regi Ucet coactus fecerat, diffitetur, illum
se anathematis vinculo coUigasse, ab Ecclesia tamen potioribus membris
excommunicationem connexam nou nisi ipsorum consilio denegat se posse
dissolvere, concesso nimirum utrinque synodalis audientiae jure." — Chron.
Ursp., ann. 11 17.
VOL. VI. 2 A

370 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of the Ultramontanes, and especially of Archbishop Adalbert
of Mayence, urged him to remain firm.
Upon this, Henry endeavoured to deceive Germany by a
completely false account of the pontifical sentiments,' and
thus encouraged the people of Eome in their disaffection.
They, displeased with the pope's choice of a new prefect,
had revolted and driven the holy Father from the city.^
Just after this, Henry hastened to announce to his friends
that he would shortly be in Eome.* And he did arrive
there in the spring of 1 1 1 7. This time the pope did not
wait for him, but took refuge at Monte Cassino, under the
protection of the Norman sword ; but he sent, as his legate
to the emperor, Maurice Burdin, Archbishop of Braga,* who,
betraying the cause he was commissioned to defend, con
sented to crown the emperor during the feast of Baster.®
The traitor was immediately excommunicated by Pascal, in
a council held at Benevento ; but Henry was little affected
by this. Always seeking to establish his rule in Italy, he
' Ood. Udalr., Ep. 317, 318. He there says that the pope, in presence of
all the cardinals, had disavowed Conon, Guy of Vienne, and Adalbert ;
aud condemned, as perjured and sacrilegious, all his subjects who had
made war on him. — Gervais, i. 170, 171. This shows clearly the un-
trustworthiness of Henry's letters, whioh Stentzel and Liiden have blindly
foUowed. ^ See the details of this insurrection, which broke out March 26, 11 16,
in Falco Bbnbvbntanus, Ohron., ann. 11 16, ap. Muratori, vol. v.
The pope wished to give this office to Peter, son of Leo, brother of the
cardinal ; the people desired another Peter, son of the late prefect. Pascal,
betrayed by Count Ptolomeo of Tusculum, was obliged to yield.
3 "His auditis, Henricus . . . laetus effectus, quia uou bene cum papa
conveniebat, scenia imperialia urbis prsefecto et Romanis transmisit, ad
ventum suum illis pr^nuntians affuturum." — Ohron. Oass., iv. 60.
" Burdin was a Limousin, distinguished for his eloquence and learning.
Bernard, the monk of Cluny, who was Archbishop of Toledo and legate in
Spain, having noticed him at the council of Clermont in 1095, took him
to Spain, where he became Bishop of Coimbra, and afterwards Archbishop
of Braga. He had come to Rome to defend the rights of his metropolitan
see against his old benefactor Bernard, who, as Archbishop of Toledo,
claimed the primacy of all Spain. — Vita Mauritii, ap. Baldzii, MisceU.,
vol. i. Ohron. Mauriniac, PAND. PiS., VU. Pasch.
^ March 25, 11 17.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 371
gave his daughter in marriage to Count Ptolomeo of Tus
culum, head of a house and party constantly opposed to the
papacy. At the same time, he put to death all the Eomans
who were captured on their way to join the pope at Bene
vento.' At Whitsuntide, Henry returned to Upper Italy,^
while Pascal ended the year among the Normans, his faithful
and valiant defenders.
Towards Christmas, the sovereign pontiff was able to
retnrn to St. Peter's and the Leonine city.* He was pre
paring to attack the imperial garrison in Eome when God
put an end to his laborious pontificate. He died January
21, 1118.* A few days before his death, he assembled the
cardinals, and urgently enjoined upon them to persevere in
faith and charity, and in cursing the schism and German
outrages.® The cardinals chose for Pascal's successor John of Gaeta,^
deacon and chancellor of the Eoman Church, who was then
living at Monte Cassino, where, when very young, he had
assumed the Benedictine habit.' The future head of the
Church was summoned, and in a meeting held at a small
church near the Capitol, the election was made unani-
^ Ppist^ Gauf 'rid. Vendoc. ap. Script. Rer. Pranc, vol. xv. p. 297.
2 Scarcely had he left Rome when the Prince of Capua, at the pope's
request, sent 300 Norman knights, who invaded the Campagna, and
pillaged Pagliano. Henry returned, put them to rout, and resumed his
joumey, "coactus fervore sestatis," says the Ohron, Cassin., loc. cit.
3 VU. Pasch., ap. Baron,, ann, 1117, c. 5.
^ Date fixed by Pagi, Crit in Baron., anu. 11 18. ' - >'
5 "Ut caverent doles ab Us qui intus erant et extra in execratione
Guibertinorum ac enorminatis Teutonicse." — Baron., ann. 11 18, c. i
We see from the letter of the Archbishop of Cologne to the Italian car
dinals and bishops, after Pascal's death, that the pope had entirely re
gained the good opinion of the zealous party.— Ap. Mart^NB, Ampliss.
Collect, vol. i. p. 641.
« He belonged to Gaeta, aud was of a very noble family, sometimes
supposed to be that of Gaetani, of which Boniface VIII. was a member,
and which stUl exists at Rome with a ducal title.— Pandulph Pis.,
VU. Gdasii LL., cum not. D. Constant. Gaetani ab Ord. S. B. Ron . 1638
and ap. Murat., Script, vol. iii p. i.
' "Ab infantia nntritus et adultus."— Badm., Hist nov., b. v. p. 92.

372 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
mously,' in spite of the resistance of the venerable monk, who
took the name of Gelasius 11.^ This was the fifth monk since
Gregory VII. who was called to the Apostolic See. He had
been honoured with the absolute confidence of Urban IL,
who had drawn him from Monte Cassino and made him a
cardinal ; and had been named chancellor by Pascal II. on
account of his great eloquence.
In the Catholic world the new pope enjoyed a great
reputation for honour, talent, and learning ; * but he had
been security for the unfortunate oath extorted from
Pascal II. by the emperor ; and, on the other hand, the
opposition he had made to Cardinal Conon of Palestrina
and Bishop Bruno of Segni, at the last Lateran Council,
had prejudiced him in the minds of certain very ardent
friends of the liberty of the Church. Thus, when Conrad,
Archbishop of Salzburg, an exile for the faith, heard, in
Germany, of the election of John of Gaeta, he is said to
have exclaimed : " No one could have been worse than John ;
but perhaps Gelasius may be good for something!"*
The German Catholics, however, were resolved to acknow
ledge no pontiff but one faithful to the line marked out by
Gregory VII. and his successor. Archbishop Frederic of
Cologne peremptorily signified this resolution to the Italian
bishops. " If our Pascal's successor is lawfully ordained,"
he said, "if he follows in the steps of the holy Fathers,
' " In monasterio quodam, quod Palladium dicitur, infra domos Leonis
et Cencii Frangipani."— Pandulph. Pis., loc. dt.
¦ January 25, 11 18. Pandulph quotes the names of aU the cardinals
preseut at the election, to the number of four bishops, twenty-six priests,
and eighteen deacons; and he adds, "Approbatur ab omnibus, necnon
etiam ab episcopis, quorum nulla est prorsus alia in electione praesulis
Romani potestas, nisi approbandi."
3 " Ut per eloquentiam sibi a Domino traditam stylum . . . reforma
ret," &o. "Industria et litterarum scientia excellentissime roboratus.''
— Chron. Moriniac, ap. DuCHBSNB, iv. 366.
^ ' ' Nam nullus eorum nequior Johanne ; forte in Gelasio poterit aliquod
boni esse I " — Anon, de vUa Theotger. episc. Mett, ap. Mabill., Ann.,
b. 73, c. 31.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 373
we wiU all obey him ; but if he proves by his conduct that
he is not the minister of God, but of a worldly and excom
municated man, neither his seductions nor his condemnation
shall move us ! " '
Gelasius did not deceive the hopes of those who trusted
in his transformation. He who, by His grace, was able to
make of the bitterest persecutor of the infant Church the
great Apostle of the GentUes, suddenly changed the timid
and vacUlating minister of a wavering pontiff into a bold
confessor of apostolic freedom. At the very moment when
the supreme pontificate, with its terrible responsibUities,
weighed most heavily upon him, the pontiff's soul rose to
the height of his fortunes ; the weak chancellor gave place
to the monk whom Urban II. had summoned from the
cloister to the great battles of the Church ; and the cap
tive of Sutri desired nothing better than to give his life,
as St. Peter had done, for the defence of that Church's
Uberty.^ The first act of Gelasius as pope was to address a
fraternal greeting to the very Conon whom he had so
idolently opposed at the Lateran Council, and whom he
^ This whole letter is very remarkable. After a, eulogy of Pascal,
already indicated, he says: "Sed quomodo . . . vocatus est ad justitise
coronam apud Deum repositam, vos, serenissimi Patres, sanctam ne
deseratis Ecclesiam, sed ejus imitautes vestigia, omnes qui vestram liber
tatem imminuere tentaverint damnate sententia. . . . Catholici conatus
vestri fautores et adjutores inveniemur in ipso, nou desisteutes a vestra
omniumque bonorum unitate et sacrse Matris nostrae recuperanda liber
tate. ... Si Patri nostro successor legitimus Dei ordinatione est substi
tutus, qui ejus per omnia et sanctorum Patrum sectetur vestigia, omnium
nostrum perfruatur obedientia : sin autem non Dei, sed homines terreni
et excommunicatorum, quod absit, se fere factis probet antistitem, nul
lam seductionis suae vel damnationis nostrae in nobis iuveuiet subjec
tionem." — Martene, Ampliss. Coll., vol. i. p. 641 ; Mabill., Annal., b.
73. c. 3°-
2 "Ita repente cum nomine et animum mutavit, ut tempore perpetuo'
quo supervixit, postea piis operibus studens, Ecclesiam mirifice iUustra-
ret : adeo ut etiam paratus fuerit, contempta regis tyrannide, pro libertate
Ecclesise cum Petro et animam ponere." — Anon. vit. Theotg., loc. cit.

374 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
now begged to continue his legation ' until he shonid point
him out as the most suitable person for his successor.
The imperiaUsts did not deceive themselves: Cencio
Frangipani, one of their leaders, when he heard of the
election, ran, sword in hand, to the church where it took
place, seized the new pope by the throat, and after having
struck and kicked him, so as to bring blood, dragged him
by the hair to his own palace, where he ordered him to be
chained.2 At these news, Peter the Prefect, Peter the son
of Leo, Stephen the Norman, and other nobles, armed them
selves and their men, and joining the Transteverins and
all the Eoman people, hurried to deliver the pope. The
Frangipani, alarmed, hastened to release Gelasius, who was
almost immediately afterwards crowned at St. John Late
ran.* But the unhappy pontiff's trials were not yet ended :
before he could be consecrated (for he was only a deacon),
he was informed one night that the emperor was within a
short distance of St. Peter's, at the head of his troops, and
ready for the attack. Gelasius rose hurriedly, and, in spite
of his great age, was flung upon a horse, and taken to the
Tiber, where he was embarked in a galley bound to Porto.
The sea was so rough at the time that it was impossible
to put out from shore without risk of perishing. The
Germans pursued the fugitives along the coast with a
shower of arrows, and threatening to set fire to the galley
if they did not immediately give up the pope.* Night and
' "Tanquam fratrem carissimum oflBciosissime salutavit." — Anon. vU.
Theotg., loc. cit. Conon, then in Germany, asked details of the election
from the bearer of the letter, and hearing of the unanimity of the suffrage,
immediately proclaimed Gelasius.
^" Papam per gulam accepit, distraxit, pugnis, calcibus percussit, et
tanquam brutum animal intra limen ecclesiae acriter calcaribus cruen-
tavit . . . per capUlos et brachia detraxit . . . ubi cum catenavit et
clausit."- — Pand. Pisan., loc. dt, an eyewitness.
3 He was not yet a priest, and, according to the custom of the time,
could only be ordained and consecrated at the next Ember days. — Palco
Bbnev., No. hi 8.
^ " Imperator furtiva et inopinata velocitate Romam veniens." — Ep.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 375
the storm, however, having stopped the pursuit, Cardinal
Hugh took the pope on his shoulders, and carried him
through the darkness to the castle of San Paolo at Ardea,
whence he was taken, half dead, to Terracina, and thence to
Gaeta.' So dearly did the unfortunate Gelasius pay for the pon
tificate with which he had been invested against his will ;
and snch were the sinister events which interposed between
his coronation and his consecration !
When the emperor heard that his prey had escaped him,
he again had recourse to stratagem : he invited Gelasius to
come to Eome to be consecrated, saying that he should have
much pleasure in being present at the ceremony, and so
confirming it. He added that, if Gelasius would sanction
the agreement made with Pascal, he, Henry V., would
engage immediately to swear fidelity to the pontiff; but
he also ventured to declare that, in the opposite case, he
would cause another pope to be enthroned.^
Gelasius replied that he was ready to terminate, either
by a treaty or by any just means, a quarrel which disturbed
the Church and the kingdom ; but, he added, he must defer
the affair to a future time — that is to say, to the following
St. Luke, when he should be at Milan or Cremona (cities
then in rebelUon against the emperor). For the rest, before
that date, the holy Father would take council with his
brethren, whom God had made judges of the dispute.^
Odas. II. ad GaU. in Cone, xii. 1240. "Quidam intempestae noctis si
lentio. . . . Henricum . . . armatum contra papam ad S. Petri porti-
cum adventasse . . . jam pene senio et infirmitate confectus, fugere tam
repente non poterat. . . . Sic cabaUo ejectus. . . . Fugimus et omues
cum eo. . . . Allemannorum turbaries tela contra nos mixta toxico
jaciebant, minitabantur etiam nos inter aquas natantes piceo igne cre-
mare." — Pandulph. Pisan.
1 " Cepit domnum Hugo cardinalis et presbyter papam nostrum in
coUum . . . die tertio ripse Terraoinensi vivi -vix applica-vimus." — Ibid.
^ Faico Bbnevent., ann. 11 18; Chron. Cassin., b. iv. ; Landulph.
jun., Ch/ron., c. 32 ; Gbrvais, i. 182. "Pacem et minis et terroribus postu-
Icmt," says the pope himself. — Ep. ad GaU., loe dt.
3 " De controversia quse inter Ecclesiam et regnum est, vel conventioni

376 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
After this declaration, the pope was ordained priest and
consecrated at Gaeta, where, among other prelates, he had
been joined by the Archbishops of Capua, Benevento, and
Salerno, the Abbots of Monte Cassino and La Cava, and
the Norman princes, who aU swore fideUty to him. Gelasius
then gave investiture to Duke WUliam, in the form employed
by Gregory VII. for Eobert Guiscard, grandfather of the pre
sent prince.' Meantime, on receiving the pontifical answer,
Henry had caused it to be read in the basilica of St. Peter.
The cunning monarch was able to avail himself, with the
Eomans, of the contempt which, he said, was shown for
Eome, in fixing the scene of the negotiation at Milan or
Cremona.^ The emperor was not attended only by soldiers; he had
with him also Magister Guarnerius of Bologna,* the restorer
of the science of Eoman law in Italy, and several others
of those legists who are always found at the service of
oppressors of liberty and of the conscience. The mission of
these skilful men generally consisted in making long speeches
to the populace in which the ancient canons were interpreted
in a sense favourable to a new pontifical election.*
The public mind being thus prepared, Henry caused
vel justitise libenter acquiescimus . . . fratrum nostrorum judicio qui a
Deo sunt judices constituti iu Bcclesia, et sine quibus hsec causa tractari
non potest." — Bp. Gelas., loc dt.
^ "Quemadmodum Gregorius papa tradidit illam Roberto Guiscardo
avo tuo." — Pandulph. Pisan., loc. cit, who adds : " Ibi et me Pandulphum
ostiarium, qui h^c scripsi, in lectorem et exorcistam promovit."
^ "Numquid honorem Romae volunt UU transferre Cremonse?" — Lan
dulph. jun., u. 32 ; Murat., v. 502.
3 This famous man is found forty years later at the diet of Roncaglia,
iu 1 188, where he was one of the four legists who promulgated in favour
of Frederic Barbarossa this fine maxim, "Tua voluntas jus esto: sicuti
dicitur, quidquid principi placuit legis habet vigorem." — Otho MorbnA, in
Hist. rer. Laudun., ap. MuRAT., loc. cit. No. 8.
'' "Magister Guarnerius de Benonia, et plures legis periti, populum
Romanum ad eligendum papam convenit, et quidam expeditus lector in
pulpito S. Petri per prolixam lectionem decreta pontificum de substituendo
papa explicavit." — Landulph. jun., loc. cU.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 377
Archbishop Maurice Burdin to be proclaimed pope under
the name of Gregory VIIL' It was he who, as legate,
had betrayed Pascal II. But although the election of an
intruder was apparently popular, many of the Eomans were
distressed by a usurpation which seemed to rivet their
Church to the imperial rule ; ^ and many nobles sent word
to the pope that they had taken no part in the crime which
had placed an excommunicated man on St. Peter's throne —
that the king's criminal artifices would soon be exposed —
and that the lawful pontiff, victorious over the malice of the
schismatics, would soon be able to return to Eome.^
Gelasius hastened to denounce the sacrilegious election of
Burdin in letters addressed to the prelates and the faithful
of France, the anti-pope's native country; after which, in
a council held at Capua, the foUowing Easter, he excom
municated both the emperor and the pope whom the em
peror had enthroned.*
The councU over, Gelasius, following the example of his
predecessors, retired to Monte Cassino, the cradle of his
reUgious life, and the citadel of his party. There the
monks received him with delight, and he obtained from
1 March lo, 1118. Gelasius was consecrated at Capua that day or the
next. The detaUs of the election are iu Landulph., c. 32 ; the people
and a small number of clergy shared in it : " Totus populus . . . quidam
de ind/utis habitu ecdesiastico, . , . cum cceteris astantibus clericis." Gelasius,
in his letter to the French, says that no member of the Roman clergy took
part in the election, and names ouly the Guibertines or the schismatics.
^ "Romanorum complures . . . aiebaut : heu, miseri, cum nos ex longo
nostrorum patrum vetusto ritu, sine alicujus regis adventu et licentia,
pastorem eligebamus, quem volebamus, nunc autem sine regis permissu
jam amplius alium neque eligere, neque consecrare ausi erimus 1 " — Palco
Benbvbnt., Chron. ann. in8 : MURATOR, v. 91.
3 "Romanorum nobUes . . . nos et nostros amicos consecrationi Ulius
excommunicati viri iu pontificem scelestum nullatenus consilii et auxilii
manus dedisse. Et sciatis quoniam, Deo opitulante, regis iUius, viri
iniquissrmi machinationes iu proximo delebuntur." — Lbid.
* "Regem ipsum cum idolo suo excommunicavimus." — Ep. Odas. ad
canon, in Cod. Udalr., No. 293. It is of the 13th AprU, and is wanting in
this coUection of councils.

378 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
the Norman princes a promise to prosecute the war with
vigour.' Meantime it went on languidly on both sides,
and the emperor found himself obhged to raise the siege
of the castle of Torricella in the Abruzzi, which belonged
to the monks of Saint Andrea. This did not prevent the
monarch from being crowned by his anti-pope at Whitsun
tide, before his return to the north of Italy, where Jordanus,
Archbishop of Milan, was carrying on a vigorous resistance.^
Gelasius, informed of the emperor's departure, returned
secretly to Eome, rather as a pilgrim than as a pontiff,^ and
hid himself in a little church near the palace of Stephen and
Pandulph, the two Normans who were of his party.* The
pope conferred with the orthodox clergy as to the means of
reducing the intruder ; but having committed the imprudence
of going to officiate for the feast of Sta Prassede,^ in the
church of that saint, he was assailed by the Frangipani. In
the midst of a bloody combat maintained by Stephen and
his nephew Crescenzio Gaetani in his defence, and in which
he was the object struggled for by both sides, he succeeded
in escaping, attracting the pity of the women who saw
him, half stripped of his sacred ornaments, and flying alone
1 " Duci et principi Capuano aliisque baronibus dedit firmiter in
mandatis, ut omnes contra Barbarum arma compararent." — Pandulph.
Pisan., loc. cU.
^ See above, the council held on this subject at Milan. The church of
Ravenna, whioh had so long been one of the centres of the imperialist
schism, and whose archbishop, Guibert, had been anti-pope, returned at
this time to orthodoxy, as is shown in the buU of Gelasius, which restores
to it the metropolitan rights of which Pascal II. had deprived it at the
CouncU of GuastaUa in no6. "Filii ipsius," says the pope in his bull of
September i, 1118, "delicta patrum corrigere probaverunt, ut qui prae-
teritis temporibus per tyrannidem regiam praesules regibus placentes
accipiebant, nunc demum secundum canonicas sanctiones episcopum Deo
placentem eligerent, et schismate abdicate, in catholicse congregationis
gremium repedaret." — Reg. Gelas., ii. No. 4.
3 "Magis ut peregrini quam domini Romam intravimus." — Pandulph.
Pisan, loe cU.
^ " Quae S. Maria in secundo cerco dicitur." — Lbid.
5 " Pandulphi nomine ; " besides, " et Petrii Latronis Corserum."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 379
through the fields at his horse's utmost speed. The cross-
bearer fell while following his master. The pope was found,
worn out and weeping, in the open country, near the chnrch
of San Paolo fuori le Mura.' This was too much ; the
following day the venerable pontiff announced his intention
of following the example of his predecessors and leaving
that Eome which he called a Sodom and a Babylon.
" I say it before God and before the Church," he cried,
" it would be better to have one emperor than so many ;
one Ul-doer would destroy those more wicked than himself,
untU the Emperor of emperors should do open judgment
upon him." ^
After having intrasted the different offices of the Church
to cardinals in whom he could confide, and constituted
Stephen, the Norman hero,* gonfalonier of the Eoman
Church, Gelasius determined to visit France, as Urban II.
and Pascal IL* had done.
The pope went first to the two towns whose growing
power and liberty assured valuable allies to the Church.
Having left Eome by water,^ he disembarked at Pisa, the war
like and faithful city which, obedient to the call of Victor III.
and Pascal IL, had sent its galleys by tums against the
African Saracens and the Mediterranean islanders, and which
for thirty years had maintained a perpetual crusade against
^ " 0 quanti lamenti matrouum quse papam solum tanquam scuram in
campo . . . quantum equus poterat. . . . Nunc crucifer sequitur, cecidit.
. . . Papa utrobique qusesitus demum . . . fessus, tristis et ejulans inventus
et reductus. Die iUa prandium cum cceua fit unum." — Pand. Pis., loc. cit.
2 " MaUem unum imperatorem quam tot : unus saltem nequam perderet
nequiores, donee de iUo quoque eridentem justitiam imperatorum faceret
omnium Imperator." — Ihid.
3 "Princeps et clypeus omnium pariter curiaUum . . . coUaudantibus
omnibus, protector et vexUUfer iu Dei Patris nomine nimis eflScaciter
ordinatur." — Ibid.
* "Adeo ut si quis dicat, portum Romanse Ecclesise fluctuantis naviculse
Petri Galliam esse, non mentietur." — Bar., Ann., 1 1 18, c. 14. Suger says :
" Ad protectionem serenissimi regis Ludovici, et Gallicanse Ecclesise com
passionem, sicut antiquitus consueverunt, confugit."
^ September 2, 11 18.

380 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
the enemies of Christ. The holy Father was received with
joy by an immense multitude gathered from the fields of
Tuscany, to whom he preached with his usual eloquence.'
Freed from the agitations of Eome, Gelasius could enjoy
the complete liberty of the pontificate,^ and he made use of
it to raise the bishopric of Pisa into a metropolitan see, with
extraordinary privileges,* and to consecrate, in honour of
the glorious and ever-triumphant Virgin, the new cathedral,*
which the Pisans had just built from the spoils of the
Saracens. This cathedral, whose magnificence surpassed
that of any building then existing in Italy, is still standing ;
and the descendants of those who raised it see in it, with
pride, a testimony to the splendour of the Italian cities in
Catholic times.
From Pisa, the sovereign pontiff went to Genoa, which
rivalled the Tuscan city in glory, hardihood, and maritime
greatness, and there again he consecrated a cathedral in
honour of the blessed martyrs Laurence and Syr.^ There
is nothing more interesting in the general history of the
epoch than these relations of the popes with the small
municipal republics, whose infant liberties the Church en
couraged, at the very time that she was protecting the
traditional liberties of the German princes and nobles.
1 " Coram innumerabilibus turbis Tuscise." — Cod. MS. iu Ughell., Ital.
sacr., vol. ui. 434.
^ "Pro sui officii libertate plenaria tractans." — Ibid.
3 Urban II.'s decree for this purpose had uot beeu executed. — Pagi,
Crit, aun. 11 18, c. 11. These privileges have been confirmed aud per
petuated to our times, wheu the archbishop and canons of Pisa have
a ceremonial and costume almost analogous to that of the pope and
cardinals. ^ September 20, 11 18. "In honorem gloriosissimae semperque tri-
umphatricis Virginis Marise." — Cod. Pis., ap. Ughell., loc. dt.
^ October 10, 11 18. See Pagi, loc cit.

CHAPTER XIII
TRIUMPH OP THE SPIRITUAL POWER
CouncU of Angouleme. — Councils at Dijon, Langres, and Toumus, to
which the people flock. — Monks receive Gelasius II. -with great Uber
aUty. — The decrees of several councUs greeted -with enthusiasm by
the people. — Pope Gelasius at Cluny. — War recommences between
the German princes aud the emperor. — Henry V., again excommu
nicated, returns to Germany. — Death of Gelasius II. ; election of
Calixtus II. — Confirmation, at Rome, of the election of Calixtus.
— CouncU of Toulouse. — General diet at Fribourg ; aUocution of
WUliam de Champeaux. — The emperor swears to respect the treaty
with the pope. — The election of Calixtus II. solemnly recognised at
Tribur. — CouncU of Rheims (1119) ; the five hundred knights of Adal
bert of Mayence. — Harangue of Cardinal Conon. — The emperor at
Mouzon. — Calixtus II. retires to a castle. — The pope issues a solemn
excommunication agaiust the emperor. — The Truce of God again
decreed. — HUdegarde, Duchess of Aquitaine, brings before the couucil
her serious complaints against her husband. — Calixtus II. mediates
a peace between the Kings of France and England. — The holy Pather
enthusiasticaUy received iu Italy and at Rome.' — Calixtus saves the
anti-pope Burdin from his captors.
From Geneva, Gelasius turned his steps, as Urban II. and
Pascal II. had done, towards that noble country of France,
which was then the port where the storm-tossed bark of
St. Peter ever found a safe harbour.
The general state of this kingdom was then most satis
factory. The troubles caused in a small number of the
northem towns by the institution of communes, the enter
prises of King Louis le Gros against his great vassals —
enterprises in which the new communes, led to battle by
abbots and bishops, brought efficacious support to royalty '
1 Order. Vital., b. xi. p. 836.
381

302 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
— even the war of Louis of Prance with the King of
England, and his defeat at Brenneville, in spite of the
widespread fame it had had,' had done no serious hurt to
the liberty or salutary activity of the Church. But she
was mourning a most heavy loss, that of Yves of Chartres,^
one of the great lights of the French clergy, the friend of
Pascal IL, and united by many ties of sympathy to Gelasius.
He had been quickly followed to the tomb by his friend
and faithful counsellor, Eobert d'Arbrissel,* founder of
Fontevrault, and by Bernard of Tiron.* These two rivals
in active holiness and sublime austerity devoted their last
efforts to the maintenance of freedom in ecclesiastical elec
tions, endangered on the occasion of giving a successor to
Yves of Chartres.^ The object of Eobert's last prayer was
to obtain from God His support for the pope and the
doctors of the Holy Church, that they might keep the good
way to the end.^ In the same year as these three great
saints, Prance lost a fourth, Anselm, called the doctor of
doctors, whose father was a ploughman.' Anselm for forty
1 " Quod longe lateque divulgatum est, et per fomnes provincias cis
Alpes a lugentibus sive subsannantibus passim diflfusum est." — Ord. Vit.,
b. xii. p. 855.
2 In January 11 17, after a pontificate of twenty-seven years, a date
carefully fixed by Pagi. St. Pius V. authorised his worship by the order
of regular canons in 1570.
3 February 21 or 25, 11 17.
^ AprU 25, II 1 7. Bernard had trained five hundred monks, three
hundred of whom he kept at Tiron, sending the two hundred others to
different places to live, twelve in each house, which he -visited from time
to time. Robert had collected more thau three thousand disciples of
both sexes at Fontevrault.
^ Flburt, b. Ixvi. ^. 33 and 34. Count Thibault of Blois and Chartres
would not at first recognise the election made by the canons, and seized
the property of some of them ; he resisted the persuasions of Bernard, but
yielded to Robert.
" "Omnibus egressis, coepit humiliter rogitare, ut pro sua pietate
Romanum papam et omnes doctores suae Ecclesise, in proposito sanctse
religionis dignetur usque ad finem servare." — Act. SS. Bolland., vol. ii.,
Febr., p. 615.
' Petri cantoris verbum abbreviatum, 1639, c. 47.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 383
years had gathered round his chair, first at Paris, and
afterwards at Laon, a crowd of illustrious pupils from all
countries of Christendom.' In the little town of Laon he
had estabUshed a true university, frequented by the youth
of every country in Europe.
France, in spite of these cruel losses, still possessed a
number of eminent men : Hildebert, Bishop of Le Mans ;
Geoffrey, Abbot of Vendome ; Joceran, Archbishop of Lyons;
and many other zealous prelates and learned doctors, in the
front rank of whom appeared the two legates, Gerard of
Angouleme and Guy of Vienne, who, during the last years
of Pascal II. , had continued to fill with advantage to liberty,
ecclesiastical discipline, justice, and the equality of laws, the
glorious mission confided to them. Gerard was obliged to
humble Count Conon of Bretagne, who, after having robbed
the monks of Quimperl^ of a gift made by his ancestors,^
tried to prevent them from appealing to the Holy See.
Gerard obtained his object in a councU called at Angou
leme,* and which was preceded by a lively correspondence,
^ July 15, 1 1 17. He trained many prelates for all countries : in Italy,
— Odalric and Anselm, both Archbishops of MUan : in Belgium, — Franco
Abbot of Lobbe ; Jean, Abbot of St. Amand ; Philippe, Abbot of Bonne-
Esp^rance ; Wibald, Abbot of Stevelot ; Bernard, Bishop of Utrecht : in
England, — WiUiam and Ralph, Archbishops of Canterbury ; the Bishops
of Hereford, Rochester, and Londou, aud Abbot Gilbert of Sempringham,
founder of the order which bears his name : in Germany, — the B. Dittmar,
schoolmaster of Bremen ; Iduuge of Ratisbon, a celebrated writer ; B,
Wecelin of Oldenburg, and Apostle of Holstein : in France, — Raoul, his
brother and successor as teacher at Laon ; St. Bruno, Mathieu of Laon,
Cardinal-bishop of Albano ; Hugh Melet, Abbot of St. L($on of Toul ;
GUbert de la Porrde, and WiUiam de Champeaux ; Raoul Levert, Arch
bishop of Rheims ; Geoffrey le Breton and Hugh d' Amiens, Archbishops
of Rouen ; Bishops of Coutances and Le Mans : and, finaUy, Abdlard (who
speaks iU of them), — were all trained in the schools of Anselm. — Hist. litt.
de Prance, vol. x. 173, and Dbvismb, Hist, de Laon, vol. i. p. 231. This
enumeration, though very incomplete, shows the unity and activity of
intellectual culture in the twelfth century.
^ It referred to BeUe Isle en Mer, which the Abbot of Redon had
usurped. 3 At Lent, 11 18. "Adversus puUulantia vitia et enormitates in Ecclesia
et populo Dei emergeutes," he says in his letters of convocation.

384 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
in which he said to the Count : " We have heard that you
love justice and peace, and we are glad of it, for it is thus
that good princes purchase for themselves the favour of the
supreme King ; but if you hinder your subjects from having
recourse to the justice of the Eoman Church, which no
other king or prince dares to do, you, whose ancestors have
held the principality of Bretagne under the authority of the
Vicar of St. Peter,' be assured that the sentence of that
holy Church and the sword of St. Peter shall smite both
you and your principality." ^
While Gerard of Angouleme was exercising his legation
in the West, his co-legate, Guy of Burgundy, Archbishop of
Vienne, was, on his side, holding councils at Tournus, Dijon,
and Langres, to regulate the laws and terminate the disputes
submitted to him. It was not only bishops and abbots, or
the nobUity, who were present at these assemblies ; the people
resorted there eagerly, and in crowds, for they were always
public* In these deliberations, where the most various
complaints and accusations were heard, where injuries done
to the poor were repaired, and the pride of the powerful was
punished. Christian people shared in the regulation of matters
affecting their dearest interests. These assemblies replaced the
pleadings of God of the ancient Franks. The crowd at them
was so great, that at the councU of Luz, between Langres
1 " Sicut in scripturis reperitur, a Vicario B. Petri principatum tenuisse
manifestum sit."
2 " Noveritis pro certo S. R. Ecclesiae sententiam et gladium B. Petri
vobis et principatui vestro imminere." — Annal. Bened., vol. -ri. app.
No. 2. Pascal II. had written to Count Conon on the same subject, as
follows : " Nosse debes, fill carissime, quia non est potestas nisi a Deo.
Per ipsum igitur potestate accepta, noli adversus eum cervicem cordis
erigere, uec ejus Ecclesiam impugnare, sed potius ejus omnipotentiam
cogita, et humUiter Ecclesise praecepta custodi, ut qui magna suscepisti,
majora merearis suscipere." — Lbid.
3 Nearly all the decrees of the councils are rendered " Approbante im-
mensa clericoru/m et laicorum multitudi/ne." See Collect. ConeU., passim.
The publicity of these deliberations is proved by the details of the
councils of Poitiers, Rockingham, and others of which we have not been
able to speak.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 385
and Bfeze, held by the legate Guy,' it was necessary, in order
to lodge the innumerable multitude that came thither, to
pitch a camp with tents and huts made of boughs, in the
middle of which were placed in gold and silver shrines the
reUcs of various saints. Before these sacred remains the
council judged the causes of the many pleaders who had
injuries to complain of, and decided them to the great satis
faction of the crowd.^
These assemblies seldom separated without having taken
some general measures for the protection of the country
people, such as the renewal of the Truce of God, or the inter
diction, under pain of anathema, of the burning of cottages,
and the theft of sheep and lambs during the time of war.*
The active, powerful, and continuous interference of
apostoUc legates must necessarily have kept up in the pro
vinces sentiments of fidelity and attachment to the Eoman
Church.* Thus when Pope Gelasius landed in France he
was received by the prelates, the nobles, and the people
with the most affectionate demonstrations of respect and
joy.^ All disputed with each other the right of relieving
» July 8, 1116.
^ " Adfuit nobUium popuUque fere innumerabilis multitudo, erectis in
quamdam speciem castrorum hic Ulic papilliouibus, de ramis arhorum
tectis viridantibus, dipositisque sub ampUssimo tentorio, veluti portabili
templo, diversorum sanctorum capsis. ... Id genus comitiorum pla
citum Dei . . . dixere majores. Agitata ibi permulta de damnis et
injuriis multorum : multa defiuita, nonnuUa rejecta vel compressa . . .
absque graviore casu , . . immo plurimorum solatio finitus conventus. "
— ^ViGNBRH, Chron. Limgon., voter, instrument, fide context., ap. CoLET.,
ConcU., xu. 1234.
3 " Ibi " (at Troyes in 1 107), " decretum, ut per nullam guerram incendia
domorum fierent, uec oves aut agni rapereutur."^ — Chron, MaUeac, ann.
1107 ; Labbe, Bibl. nov. MS.
* Baluze and Pagi, however (Crit., in ann. 1120, c. 7), think that Gerard
of Angouleme, always faithful to Pascal II. and afterwards to Calixtus II.,
did not acknowledge Gelasius II. ; but the proofs they give seem quite
insuficient. ^ " Excitati sunt quique potentes cum mediocribus, ei occurrere." —
Eadm., Hist, nov., b. v. "lUuc omnes episcopi, abbates et monachi,
nobiles et ignobiles, cujuscumque ordinis pari modo conveniunt, quique
VOL. VI. 2 B

386 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
the noble poverty and sufferings of the pontiff. Gelasius
arrived, mnch indisposed after his sea voyage, deprived of
everything, and in a state almost of beggary,' thus addiug
the privations of poverty to the outrages, violence, dangers,
and fatigues of exile — in a word, to all those trials which,
ever since the beginning of his pontificate, had crowned his
white hairs with all the merits which could be desired by
the vicar of a crucified God.
The monks chiefly reaped the honour of supplying the
needs of the head of the Church — a monk like themselves.
The pope was first lodged at the abbey of St. Gilles, where
he received the most liberal hospitality.^ Abbot Pons of
Cluny, to whom as to a specially beloved son of the Eoman
Church he had sent news of his coming by a courier from Pisa,
hurried to meet the pontiff and escort him to the domains of
his father, the Count of Melgueil, where he loaded him with
presents, and took care of him until the august old man had
recovered from his fatigues.* There Norbert, the young
German noble, once chaplain to the emperor, whom we
have seen venturing at the time of Pascal's arrest to protest
against the conduct of his master and his countrymen by
suo modulo ei servire parati." — Pand. Pis., loc. cit "Archiepiscopi omnes,
et episcopi, proceresque alii gaudio cum ineffabili et honore immense eum
susceperunt." — Falc, Benev. Chron., loc. dt. "Pauperie quippe multa
angebatur," — SuGER, De vit. Ludov. Gross., c. 21. "Pro maris molestia
infirmatum." — Biblioth. Cluniac, p. 559.
' According to Suger, at Maguelonne, and according to his companion
Pandulph, at St. Gilles, a league away from the Rhone, and a long way
from its mouth ; but according to the Chronicle of Maurigny, at Marseilles
(which is conflrmed by the diploma dated thence, October 26, 11 18). —
Ann. Bened., b. Ixxiii. c. 32.
2 " Quam bene, quam largissune ab eis fuerit diutius pertractatus, satis
manifestum est." — Pand. Pisan., loc. dt.
3 " Cursore e Pisis emisso . . . proprium et specialem filium . .
Equitaturas et alia quam maxima elegantissime ministrasti ... in tuae
solo nativitatis, quod pater tuus Petrus potens et nobilis comes Merguli-
eusis juri apostolorum Petri et PauU contradidit et inde accepit, ut
papam officiosissime confovisti . . . qui denuo convalescens. . . ." 
Bibl. Cluniac, loc. dt.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 387
rendering public homage to the victim, came barefoot in the
midst of winter to seek Gelasius, and demand his permission
to preach the Word of God wherever he would ; and thus the
future archbishop, the founder of a great new order, the
generous young man whose vocation had been made known
to him at the feet of a captive pope, now received from an
exiled pope his express commission.'
Thither also came a monk destined, like Norbert, to great
celebrity — the monk Suger, from the abbey of St. Denis,
who had been charged by King Lonis of France to offer to
the holy Father the first-fruits, as it were, of his kingdom,^
and to arrange with him for an interview at the abbey of
V&elay. The Abbot of Cluny gave the pope thirty horses ; the
Abbot Catalan of St. Concordio added ten,* and with this
cortege Gelasius started on his journey through the country.
But before travelling northwards, the sovereign pontiff had
the consolation of receiving the homage of a nation ever
admirably Christian, who for four centuries had preserved,
through a perpetual struggle with the infidels, an inviol
able and ardent attachment to the Church. While the
kings and heroes of Spain were gradually pushing forward
the frontier of territories won from the Moors and Arabs
at the sword's point, behind them bishops and monks, who
had already bome a brilUant part in these combats, were
founding and consolidating social order and Christian law
in the bosom of the conquered country. The admirable
results of a series of councUs whose decrees the whole
nobiUty eagerly sanctioned, bear the impression both of the
most Catholic zeal and of that truly brotherly care for the
poorer classes which has done honour to Catholic Spain.
At Valencia, in 1 114, the Fathers in council found it neces-
' Hugo, Vit. S. Norhert, ap. BollAND., Act SS. Junii, -ri. p. 821. From
a passage in the Chrim. Ursperg., ann. 11 18, Norbert then passed for a
Benedictine convert, "noster conversus in peregrino haiitu."
2 "Quia regni primitias obtuleramus. " — SuGER, loc. dt.
3 Pandulph. Pisan., loe dt; Ann. Bened., b. IxxiU. c. 32.

388 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
sary to provide for the restitution of property usurped
during the civil wars.' At Compostella they decided that
when a poor man had to plead against a rich man, the latter
should be obliged to send an inferior ^ to represent him, in
order, says the decree, that no respect of persons may
interfere with the justice due to the poor man.^
Just as the French prelates, at the Council of Troyes, had
watched over the peasants' flocks, so the Castilian bishops
and nobles at Oviedo, after having affirmed the right of
sanctuary in churches, forbade all Christians, under pain of
excommunication and exile, to seize or detain the plough-
oxen, even when they belonged to their own serfs or
servants ; * and these decrees, rendered by fifteen bishops,
sixteen counts, and two hundred and sixty-three barons,
were greeted by the people as inspirations of God Himself ;
and the Jews and Mussulmans admired them as much as
the Christians.^ During this time Alfonso the Warrior was
fighting the infidels with that indefatigable perseverance to
which he owed his surname,® and was tearing from them
bit by bit the kingdom of Arragon.' He and his com-
' " Incipiunt decreta D. Didaci ComposteUani episcopi ad protegendos
pauperes . . . oauonicorum, judicum, caeterorumqne nobUium virorum
consilio." — Ap. Colbtt., ConcU., vol. xii. p. 1205. See the long list of
signatures given by the nobility of Galicia at the Council of Oviedo, —
Lbid., pp. 1216-1219.
^ Ihid., 1 202- 1 206.
3 ' ' Pauperes et imbecUles misericorditer calumnias compleaut, ut bene
ficiis suis penitus non priventur. . . . " — Decret. xi. "Si quis potentum
judicii causam tractare adversus pauperem vel definire habuerit, simUem
personam introduoat, quae pro se causam suam definiat : ne forte cujuspiam
majestate pauperis justitia suffocetur." — Ibid., 1206, 1207.
* "Omnium sanctse crucis fiUorum . . . ut vestrum nuUus deinceps
domitos vel indomitos pro aliqua causa pignoret boves, neo auferat alicui
extraneo, vel suo servo, vel mandatitio. Quod si fecerit, sit maledictus,
et excommunicatus," &c. — Ibid., 1216.
'' "Constitutio hsec non hominis, sed omuipotentis Dei vox fuit . . .
et audita placuit . . . tam Christianis quam paganis vel Judseis." — Ibid.,
p. 1219. Cf. Sandoval, Vit Urrae, ap. Pagi, ann. 11 15, c. 17.
'> He is said to have fought twenty-nine battles during his reign.
' Huesca and Tudela were taken,, iu 1 114, with the help of Rotrou, Count

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 389
panions, who had been besieging Saragossa in vain for six
months, thought they might take heaven by force by send
ing ambassadors to the exiled and persecuted pope to beg
from him a special benediction, and the consecration of a
bishop for a town which they expected soon to snatch from
the infidels. Gelasius consecrated the bishop, and granted
pontifical indulgence to all who should perish in this holy
war. The bull was addressed -to all the army encamped
before Saragossa,' and was dictated at Alais on the eve of
the very day ^ when the besieged city, after having for four
hundred years groaned beneath the yoke of the Arabs,
yielded to the swords of the heroes,^ and by its fate brought
about the enfranchisement of all Arragon. Gelasius seemed
so touched by the devotion of the Spaniards to the cause of
Christ, that a report was spread in France that he thought
of crossing the Pyrenees.* But this was a mistake. After
having convoked the bishops of France and Germany at a
council which was to be held at Eheims in the spring of the
year 11 19, the holy Father travelled by Puy, Lyons, and
Macon to Cluny, the great French abbey, which, like Monte
Cassino in Italy, was considered as the fortress and natural
refuge of the papacy. Gelasius there received a hospitality
worthy of the first of transalpine monasteries, and saw offer
ings flow in from the prelates and most of the nobles of the
of Perche, and other Normans. — Order. Vit., b. xiii. ; Pagi, Crit iu
Baron., ann. 11 14, c. 15.
1 " Gelasius ep. serv. serv. Dei exercitui Christianorum civitatem Caesar-
augustanam obsidenti . . . et quoniam et vos ipsos et vestra extremis
objicere periculis decrevistis, si quis vestrum, accepta de peccatis suis
poenitentia in expeditione hac mortuus fuerit, uos cum S.S. meritis et
totius Ecclesise catholicse precibus e suorum vinculis peccatorum absol-
vimus." — Ep. vi. ap. Baron., aud Coletti.
2 December 10, 11 18. See for comparison and fixing of dates, Pagi,
C'Hl. in Baron., ann. m8, loc cit.
3 " Divina favente clementia vestris precibus et fortium -rirorum audaeia.
. . ." — Ep. Fetr. Coesarcmgust episcop. ency dica., ihid.
4 "Accepit a quibusdam papam longius discessisse et versus Hispanias
ire proposnisse." — Badm., Hist, nov., b. v.

390 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
country.' The two great ecclesiastical personages of the
time, the Archbishop of Vienne and Conon of Palestrina,
found themselves together there, one ha-^ng been sent for
by the pope,^ and the other having spontaneously hastened
to visit him, although in Germany as well as in France the
indefatigable champion of the Church had had to maintain
contests, often successful, but always vigorous, against an
enemy whose submission was never more than apparent.
Cardinal Conon had very lately distinguished himself in the
neighbourhood of Metz, by prodigies of skill, courage, and
activity. This diocese had for a long time been oppressed
and dishonoured by the lawlessness of Alb^ron, a relation
of the emperor,* who had finally usurped the episcopal
authority, which was disputed only by a courageous arch
deacon named Alberius. Naturally, the usurper triumphed,
and the archdeacon, upon whose head the emperor had set a
price, was obliged to go in the midst of a thousand dangers
to seek refuge at Eome. There the pope, being well in
formed of all that had happened, gave Cardinal Conon
orders to return across the Alps as legate, and remedy this
state of affairs. Conon succeeded in safely crossing the
Alps, deceived the -vigilance of the imperial satellites, and,
disguised as a public writer, travelled, with the implements
of his trade hung from his shoulder, as far as the city of
Eheims.* There he made himself known, summoned a
councU, and proclaimed Alb^ron's deposition. Without
losing a moment, the legate then hurried to seek, in a
' " In quo juxta looi potentiam . . . et receptus est pariter et benigne
tractatus. . . . Sed et reges et principes tanquam si Petrum viserint, tam
per se, quam per nuntios eum non parvis muneribus sedulo frequenta-
bant." — Pand. Pis., loe cit. The Chron. Ursperg. and Fleury speak of a
council held by Gelasius at Vienne ; but PAGI proves that he never held
oue there. — Ann. 1119, c. i, 2.
2 Ep. Calixt in Ohron. Ursperg., ann. II 19.
3 "Imperiali prosapia, sed moribus, longe ignobUis." — Ann. Bened., b.
Ixxui., No. 5.
^ " Soriptoris assumpto habitu, cujus artis instrumenta ex humeris pen-
dentia gerebat. " — Ihid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 39 1
deserted corner of the diocese, a pious abbot, named Theot
ger, whom he caused to be elected bishop. This Theotger,
who came from the Black Forest, was of ignoble origin ; he
was son and grandson of priests, but himself renowned for
the greatest virtue. In vain did the humble monk insist
upon the stain on his birth as a reason for declining the
episcopate; Conon used his authority, and forced him to
accept under pain of excommunication. The legate would
not suffer, as we have already seen in the case of St. Gode
froy of Amiens, that a monk should prefer the sweetness of
solitude to the burden of a bishopric. " We command you,"
he wrote to Theotger, "to accept, without resistance, the
difficult task of governing the church of Metz. Stand like
a wall before the house of Israel, and prepare to defend the
Church of Christ against the unchained fury of the waves
which threaten her, following the example of those pastors
of former days who did not fear to expose themselves to
death for her protection." '
This affair concluded,^ Conon, whose energy never failed,
and who possessed an iron constitution, went to the Ehine
to rejoin the princes allied for the defence of the Church
and their own Uberties, These were too skilful not to have
profited by the emperor's long stay in Italy. On the other
side, Frederic of Hohenstaufen, the emperor's nephew and
Ueutenant, was not, in spite of his great valour, strong
enough to struggle successfully against the formidable
alliance of secular and ecclesiastical princes, which was
' "Commonemus et prsecipimus quatenus injunctum tibi onus . . .
subire nou subterfugias . . . et Ecclesiam Christi inter flantes et im-
manissima rable fluotuantes procellas nutantem," &c. — Nougart., Cod.
diplom. Aleman., vol. ii. No. 83. In a second letter, Conon redoubled his
threats, but permitted Theotger to retain the direction of his abbey until
a suitable successor should be fouud.
^ The nomination of Theotger was solemnly proclaimed at the Council
of Cologne in May 1118 ; but the imperialists, who were masters of Metz,
closed its gates against him. He accompauied Calixtus II. to the Couucil
of Rheims, iu 11 19, theu to Auxerre and Cluny, where he remained four
months, and where he died in 1120. — Trith., Chron. Hirsaug., ann, 1087.

392 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
guided by Duke Lothaire and the two archbishops, Adal
bert of Mayence and Frederic of Cologne. These powerful
personages had just been joined by the Archbishop of Mag
deburg and by Conrad of Salzburg, recently emerged from
the retreat where he had been obliged to hide himself after
his bold protest against the pope's imprisonment in 1 1 1 1 .'
The war, however, was continued from 1116 to 1117,
with an animosity which caused fearful ravages among
churches and monasteries.^ Conrad of Hohenstaufen, the
new Duke of Franconia, brother of Duke Frederic of Sua
bia, distinguished himself above all by the violent means
which he nsed to establish his authority in the province
granted to him.
Besides these two princes, his nephews, Henry had few
open partisans except the Count-Palatine Godefroy, and a
few bishops,* snch as Hartwig of Eatisbon, who, with base
servility, sent word to the emperor that he might count upon
him not only as a bishop, but as ready in all things to do a
servant's duty.* Unlike the independent populations of the
' See above.
2 Annal Sax., 1116, 1 1 17. We must refer for details of the battles and
negotiations of these two years to the learned work of Gervais (Hist, of
Henry V., vol. i. sect. 5), in which this epoch of German history is examined
and ascertained.
3 Gervais, i. p. 22S, No. i, enumerates them. Duke Welf of Bavaria
seems to have remained neutral during the period of the contest. The
chapters of Spire, Wiirzburg, and Bamberg had an imperialist majority ;
the holy bishop Otho of Bamberg, placed in the midst of Franconia, where
the emperor's nephew ruled, used a reserve which excited the lively indig
nation of the primate Adalbert, whom, at the commencement of the revolt,
he had consecrated. —See Cod. Udalr., Nos. 284, 285, 286, 289, 290, 291.
* "Domino suo Romano Imper. Aug. Henrico suus omnimodo B. non
episcopale, sed servUe obsequium in omnibus." — Cod. Udalr., No. 280.
This initial B. indicates one of the following bishops : Burkhard of Hal
berstadt (t 1 1 18), Bruno of Spire, rice-chancellor till 1 1 16 ; Bruno of Stras
burg, vice-chanceUor till 1123 ; or Burkhard of BSle, to whom Henry had
given the abbey of PfefEen. Prom the following passage, — " Ubicumque
possum in villis, civitatibus et oppidls fautores vobis adquero, ita ut nuper
meo labore et consilio conjuraverint omnes a Wermatia usque ad Argenti-
nam vobis terram iUam et omnes homines retinere atque tueri," — we may

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 393
small republics of Italy, the citizens of most of the towns,
especially in the valley of the Upper Ehine from B^le to
Mayence, were devoted to Henry's cause, as they had been
to his father's. But, on the other hand, most of the nobles
were fighting for the Church and for freedom.'
Under the guidance of Duke Lothaire and Archbishop
Adalbert, who succeeded in vanquishing and restraining the
different cities, the monks, on their part, formed as ever a
permanent centre of opposition to the imperialists. At
Limburg the very lives of the monks were threatened.^
Those of the two imperial abbeys of Lorsch and Fulda*
revolted against the abbots whom the emperor, in spite of
their eamest protests, had imposed upon them.*
Tidings of the election of the anti-pope, Gregory VIIL,
and the revival of the schism in the spring of i ii 8, served
only to heighten the zeal of the Catholic party ; and the
arrival of the legate Conon in Lorraine inspired it with
fresh activity.
suppose that he was a bishop of the Rhine valley, and understand how
important it was to the imperialists to gain partisans iu the cities.
1 LiiDEN, vol. ix. b. XX. c. 8, p. 478.
^ When the imperialist garrison of this Alsatian town, built round the
great abbey, aud besieged by Lothaire, were suffering from want, a Sua
bian knight, Ulric of Norningeu, declared that, before giving up the place,
they ought to eat up the monks, who were very fat : " MeUus fore ut pin
gues monachi ederantur quam castrum propter ciborum inopiam hostibus
traderentur." — Otto Prising., De. Gest. Prid., vol. i. b. i. c. 14. This
threat forced the monks to produce the stores of provisions which they
had tried to keep from the enemies of the Church.
3 There were in the empire four great abbeys called imperial, whose
abbots were chaplains to the emperor, bound to attend him to his corona
tion at Rome, and to war, and in the diet were seated at his feet as
referees ; these abbeys were Fulda, Hersfeld, Wissemburg, and Lorsch.
Later, Corvey, Kempten, and Murbach had the same rank. They formed
a class superior to the "regalia monasteria, quce jura feudalia sive regalia
tenehant ah imperio Ronuxno, et ad communia regni obsequia per vices obligata
erant." — TRITHEM., Ch/ron. Hirsaug., ann. 1 1 14. The third class comprised
aU monasteries which were neither imperial nor royal.
* The imperialist Abbot of Lorsch was vigorously opposed and finaUy
expeUed by Count Berohthold, attorney of the monastery. — GbrvaiS,
i. 224.

394 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
In a council held at Cologne,' Conon again published
the emperor's excommunication, with that of his nephews
Frederic and Conrad, the Count-Palatine and his chief
adherents.^ As only the princes and prelates of Lower
Germany could be present at this council, Conon and
Adalbert called another at Fritzlar in Hesse,^ where the
sentence was renewed. There the princes decreed that a
general assembly should be held at Wiirzburg; that the
emperor should be summoned thither to defend himself;
and that they should proceed to his deposition if he refused
to appear at the appointed day.*
On hearing of this threatening resolution, Henry per
ceived that it was absolutely necessary to renounce the
secondary affairs which kept him in Italy. He therefore
left the empress there with a German army, and crossing
the Alps, appeared suddenly on the banks of the Ehine in
November 1 1 1 8.^
The war immediately recommenced with fresh fury.
The legate Conon had not waited for the emperor's
arrival ; hurrying with the speed of lightning * wherever
1 May 19, iii8. ^ Chron. Ursperg., 11 19; Cod. Udcdr., 291.
3 July 26, 11 18. These dates are skilfuUy decided by Stentzel (vol.
ii. p. 329), who has rectified the error faUen into by Pagi, "and most
historians, in placing these councils in 1119.
* Gervais (vol. i. p. 248) thinks that this latter decree was not reaUy
passed, but that the rumour of it was sufficient to bring back the em
peror. The Ohron. Ursperg. says: "Alteram quoque synodum in PrUeslar
eadem pro causa i/ndixit Chuno, qua et habita, eadem quam prius excom
municationem confirmavit Imperator, his auditis, insuper etiam quod
principum consensus generale vel curiale colloquium non multo post apud
Wiurtziburg instituere proposuisset, ubi ipse aut prcesens ad audientiam exhiheri
aut dbsens regno deponi." — Ann., 1 1 19. Gervais also thinks that the lay
princes allied against Henry separated themselves at this period from
the prelates, and that an agreement took place between them and the
leaders of the imperial party ; but he gives no authority for this double
supposition. "> " Bfferatus animo . . . se nimis insperatns exhibuit." — Chron. Ursperg.,
loc. cit.
^ "Qui iustar fulgoris coruscantis abiens et rediens." — Baron., ann.
1 118, c. 20.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 395
the needs of the Church called him, on the 5 th November
he was at Eouen, where he found assembled in council
King Henry of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and
the Norman bishops and abbots. The cardinal described
to them, with the lively eloquence common to him, the
troubles of the Church, the usurpation of Burdin, and the
shameful persecution by the emperor of Gelasius II. and
the orthodox Catholics. He announced to them the true
pope's speedy arrival in Prance, and summoned the Church
of Normandy to aid the exiled pontiff by prayers, and,
above all, by subsidies.' It does not appear that Henry
of England thought fit to offer any obstacle to what was
preparing for his son-in-law. As to the French bishops,
they emulated each other in desiring to support the
sovereign pontiff. Conon was encouraged by the noble
HUdebert : the holy Bishop of Le Mans called him the
representative of the Holy See " in the East as well as in
the West ; " he exhorted him to remain, as he had hitherto
done, steadfast in his intrepidity, in braving all dangers, in
remaining disinterested amidst all kinds of seductions and
offers of gain, which, happily, could never "tarnish the
gold of such a conscience." " You are," said the great
bishop, " one of those to whom Satan will often come and
say, / mil give thee all thou wilt, if thou wilt bow down and
worship me ; but I know you well — you are also of those
who wUl always reply to the tempter, ' Get thee behind me,
Satan.' " ^
1 " Eloquentissimo sermone utpote latiali fonte a pueritia inebriatus,
querimoniam fecit de imperatore . . . catholicorum diro persecutore
. . . de multimodo iu Tuscise partibus Ecclesise tribulatione . . . sub
sidium petiit orationum magisque pecuuiarum."— Order. Vital., b. xii.
p. 826. See for dates, Pagi, ann. 11 18, c. 14.
2 "Prsenestino Episoopo C. card, et summi pontiflcis per Orientem et
Ocoideutem legato. . . . Ecclesiae negotia quse pariter inter minas iutre-
pidus, et integer inter munera capitis disorimine peregisti. . . . Perse
veres, oro, uec patiaris ut iUud purissimum conscientiae tuse argentum
cujuslibet muneris scoria decoloret. Venturus est Sathanas . . . sed si
bene novi te . . ." &c. — Ep. Hildbb., vol. ii. No. 16, ed. Beaugend., p.

396 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
From Eouen, Conon hurried to join Pope Gelasius at
Cluny ; but the two former rivals had little time to enjoy
their union, and to mingle their zeal for the Church's
defence. The pope now emulated Conon in resolution, and
meditated great designs for continuing the contest ; ' but,
worn ont by age, by infirmities, and by the fatigue of so
long a joumey, he was attacked by a mortal disease.^ In
the midst of the great monastery of Cluny, now his asylum,
all things reminded him that he was a monk ; * and he
chose to die like a monk, laid upon the ground on a bed
of ashes.*It was around this deathbed that the dying man called
the cardinals who had accompanied him and pointed out to
them as his successor the legate Conon, who, since Pascal's
fall, had directed the Church's opposition to the empire.
In these circumstances, the Cardinal of Palestrina showed
the greatness, the humility, and the disinterestedness which
filled his heart, mingled with that indomitable courage and
firmness of which he had given so many proofs. Interrupt
ing the dying pontiff, Conon exclaimed, " God forbid, holy
Father, that so great an honour and so heavy a burden
should be laid upon me, unworthy and miserable as I am !
The Eoman Church in our days needs to be defended
against persecution by temporal riches and influence. If
yon would take my advice, it would be to elect the Arch-
99. The date of this letter is uncertain ; the title might refer to the time
when Conon returned from the East (in 11 14). We have thought, how
ever, that it might belong to the time when Conon, beiug at Rouen, was
nearest to Hildebert of Le Mans.
1" Multa novis saeculis nova et inaudita proponentem facturum." —
Eadm., Hist Nov., h. v. p. 95.
^ " Subita passione, quam Graeci pleuresim vocant." — Pandulph. Pisan.,
ap. Baron., 1119.
3 "In propria domo proprius pastor." — BiU. Ohron., p. 55.
*" Juxta normam monasticam strato terrae corpusculo." — Pandulph.,
loc. cit.  "Cluuiacensi
Dormiit in proprio Romani juris asylo.''
— Pbtr. Pictav., Bp. Gelas., ap. Baron., loe dt

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 397
bishop of Vienne, a man both religious and prudent, and,
moreover, possessed of worldly rank and power. By God's
help and the merits of St. Peter he may be able to deliver
the Eoman Church, so long oppressed and threatened, and
to lead her to peace and victory." '
The pope and cardinals accepted this proposal: they
sent, instantly, to seek the archbishop in his diocese ; but
before he could arrive, Gelasius had breathed his last,^
after a pontificate of less than a year. During this short
period, Gelasius II. had, as all his contemporaries said,
suffered more than any of his predecessors since the age of
the martyrs ; conflict, insults, violence, blows, exUe, poverty,
nothing had been wanting to him of all which constitutes,
for a vicar of Jesus Christ, the glorious dower of trial and
suffering. The monks of Cluny buried the pope-monk, thus dead in
exile, in their great new church, beside the famous and
holy brethren who had founded the power of the illustrious
abbey, and among whom Gelasius, pope and confessor of the
faith, was so well worthy of a place.^ Nothing more was
^ "Absit, omnino absit ut tanti honoris culmen, onerisque pondus in
dignus ego et infelix suscipiam I . . . Vieuueusem Archiep., virum utique
religiosum, prudentisque animi, potentia et nobilitate sfficulari pollentem,
omatum virtutibus . . . eligamus. . . . Sub tantse persecutionis periculo
diutissime oppressam, credimus ad serenitatem atque triumphum suble-
vandam." — FALCO Benevent., Chron., ann. H19, ap. Baron, aud
Murat., vol. v.
2 January 29, 11 19.
3 " Hic igitur positus dUectos inter alumnos
Cum patribus Sanctis requiescit.
Felix inde nimis semper Cluuiace mauebis
Quod pater orbis Apostolicus summusque sacerdos
Ecclesise, matris tuse speoialis, apud te
Transiit ad superos, in te requiescit humatus.
Nee minus hic etiam feUcem credimus Ulum
Cui dedit ipse pius magno pro munere Christus,
Ut monachi monachum, Patrem quoque pignora chara
Jugiter aspicerent, lacrymisque rigando sepulchrum
Sacris in precibus specialem semper haberent."
—Pbtr. Pictaviens., Bp. Gblas. II.

398 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
wanting to the glory of Cluny, now become the burial-
place of a sovereign pontiff, and the destined scene of his
successor's election. The Archbishop of Vienne on his way
thither heard of the death of Gelasius, but continued his
journey in order to be present at the pontifical funeral.'
On the day after his arrival, Guy of Burgundy was, in spite
of his resistance, elected pope by the cardinals. The election
was enthusiastically confirmed by the bishops, and by
several hundred clerks and nobles who were present.^ Guy
took the name of Calixtus II., but would not assume the
red cope until the cardinals at Eome, to whom he instantly
sent word of the election, should have confirmed it.*
Guy of Burgundy, though elected by the infiuence of the
great monastery of Cluny, did not, like Gregory VIL,
Urban IL, and Pascal II.,* belong to a monastic order ; he
was the first pope, since the accession of Hildebrand, who
had not been a monk.® But his turn of mind, his manner
of life, and his austerity of morals were those of the cloister.
The devoted friend and defender of monasteries, the Arch
bishop of Vienne passed all the time he could spare from
his episcopal duties at the abbey of Bonnevau,^ which he
had founded, and from which he could hardly be torn. God
also granted to him the great honour of introducing into
1 "Bgo ut fratribus qui cum domino eo venerant, prout ratio exi-
gebat, solatium exhiberem, Cluniacum cum gravi dolore perrexi. . , .
Episcopi, cardinales, et centum clerici et laici Romanorum, invitum me
penitusque reniteutem. . . . " — Bp. Calixt., i. wi ConcU.
2 " Qui se indignum iterate reclamans, idcirco omnibus modis resistebat,
quia et incertum habebatur a mutis utrum Romse factum hujusmodi
teneretur. Propter quod vix cappa rubea amiciri sustinuit, donee. ..."
— Pandulph. Pisan., loc. cit.
3 Boru at Quingey, in Franche-Comt^.
' Some authors think that he also was of the Benedictine order, but
there is no proof of this. D. H. Menard has, however, put him in the
Benedictine martyrology.
^ Victor III. and Gelasius II. were monks of Monte Cassino.
^ "Ex Bonse vaUis coenobio raptum . . . inter monachos continue
conversantem atque aemulautem eorum exercitio." — Manrique, Ann.
Cisterdenses, vol. i. p. loi.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 399
the Church a new religious order, destined to eclipse by its
splendour all to which monastic genius had hitherto given
birtL Par from considering the successor of Gelasius II. as
having degenerated from the austere fervour of his pre
decessors, the cardinals, in placing him upon the pontifical
throne, desired to recompense the ardent courage and dis
interested devotion which had made him the first in Europe
to pronounce the anathema against his own near relative,
the Emperor Henry V. Since then, the Archbishop of
Vienne had always fought in the foremost rank, to maintain
the true faith and the independence of the Church. It was
owing to him that France, and especially the two Burgundys,
had remained untouched by the evil spirit which had
triumphed over the papacy at Eome. The high birth of
Guy of Burgundy, and his great alliances, must certainly, as
Conon had foreseen, have strengthened the ascendency of
Calixtus II. He was the son of William, reigning Count
of Burgundy, sumamed the Great, or Tete-Hardie, one of
the most remarkable princes of the eleventh century, who
had raised the splendour of his house to its greatest height
by adding the counties of Vienne and Macon to his domains.'
Guy had four brothers, three of whom died on the battle
field, fighting for Christ in the East ; ^ the fourth, Eaymond,
by marrying Urraca, daughter and heiress of the King of
CastUe,^ had founded in Spain a dynasty of crusaders from
1 Mdcou by succeeding to his cousin, and Vienne by his marriage with
Countess Stephanie. He reigned over the county of Burgundy, since
called Franche-Comt^, which he had gradually withdrawn from the
imperial suzerainty, from 1057 to 1087. St. Gregory VII. wrote several
letters to him.
2 Raynaud II., Count of Burgundy in 1087, kiUed in iioo; Stephen,
oue of the heroes of the First Crusade, whose exploits were related so
brUliantly by Albert of Aix and Foucher of Chartres, killed at Ramla in
1 102 ; lastly, Hugh, Archbishop of Besangon, also kUled in the Crusade.
3 He had gone to Spain at the head of a force of the Burgundian nobles
to fight against the Saracens, iu 1093: he died there in 1108, covered
with glory.

400 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
which was to spring St. Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic.
One of the prince's sisters had married Duke Budes of
Burgundy ; another, the Count of Flanders ; a third, the
Count of Savoy; and the fourth, the Count of Bar and
Montbeliard. The Queen of Prance was niece to the new
pope,' who was also connected with the Emperor of Ger
many ^ and the King of England.
Calixtus II. was allied then, by blood, to the most power
ful princes of Europe. His nephews ruled Franche-Comt^,*
Burgundy,* Flanders,^ and CastUe,® and one of them was
Archbishop of Besangon.^
During the thirty-six years which he had spent in the
archiepiscopal see of the old capital of Burgundy,* Guy had
not only detached his own family from the imperial cause,
but had also organised Catholic resistance in Dauphin^ and
on the banks of the Ehone.
On his accession, Calixtus hastened to send the Cardinal-
deacon Eoscemann, a monk of Monte Cassino, to Eome to
announce his election, which was confirmed there with
enthusiasm by the cardinals of the three orders, by all the
clergy, by the Eoman people,** and even by many partisans
1 Louis le Gros married, in 1115, Adelaide, daughter of Humbert,
Count of Maurienne aud Savoy, and of GisMe of Burgundy, sister of
CaUxtus. '^ By Agnes of Poitou, wife of the Emperor Henry III. ; consanguinitatis
lineam a regibus Alemannim Prancice atque Anglia: ducens. — PANDULPH.
PtsAN., Muratori, iii. 419. See also Suger, ap. Duchesne, iv. 310.
3 WiUiam IIL, called the German, sou of Raynaud IL, reigned from
iioo to 1 124.
* Hugh II. Beret, Duke of Burgundy, from 1102 to 1142, son of Eudes
and Matilda, sister of CaUxtus.
•'' Baudouin VIL, son of Robert of Friesland and of Clemence of Bur
gundy, sister of Calixtus (t 11 19).
" Alfonso VIL, King of CastUe, son of Raymond of Burgundy, and of
Donna Urraca.
' Hugh IV., son of Guy, Count of M^con, and grandson of GuiUaume
Tete-Hardie. 8 King Rodolph III. of Burgundy had united the county of Vienne to
this see.— Flbury, b. 67, u 15.
3 See their letters in Cod. Ep. Udalr., Nos. 294 to 299.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 401
of the anti-pope, who recognised the hand of God in an
election in which simony and ambition had no part.' After
having been crowned by the Bishop of Ostia,^ in the old
metropolitan church of Vienne,* the pope charged Conon to
carry the news to his nephew, the King of Prance, and
himself wrote to the two leaders of the CathoUc party in
Germany, Adalbert of Mayence, and Frederic of Cologne.*
The event was everywhere greeted with delight.^ The King
of England and Archbishop Ealph of Canterbury readily
acknowledged the new head of the Church, though many of
the English belonged to the anti-pope's party.®
The King of France hastened to send Cardinal Conon,
accompanied by two other prelates, to felicitate ' Calixtus,
who received the embassy in Auvergne, whence he went
with the indefatigable legate to Toulouse. There the pre
lates of Aquitaine, Languedoc, part of Spain, and Brittany,
assembled in council. Several canons were passed by them
intended to preserve the purity and liberty of the Church,
and to give up to the secular arm the Manichaean heretics,
whose stronghold was always in that region.*
The pope then returned northward, passing Quercy,
Perigord, Poitou, Anjou, and Touraine, everywhere making
his passage remarkable, as his predecessors. Urban II. and
Pascal IL, had done, by redressing grievances, concluding
old quarrels, dedicating new cathedrals and abbey-churches,*
visiting the chief monasteries, such as Fontevrault, St. Maur,
1 This is concluded, by Gervais, vol. i. p. 259, from the letter given by
Martene, Ampliss. CoUect., vol. i. p. 649, where the bishops to whom
Calixtus had not -written approve his election : " Quam neque lepra
Simonis, neque tumor ambitionis infecit, tanquam a Deo datam amplexati
sumus." 2 Lambert, who was afterwards pope under the name of Honorius I.
' Feb. 9, 1119. — Letter of Conon, ap. Hist Vizeliae iu SpicUeg.
* Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1119 ; Hist, littirai/re de Pramce, voL x. p. 511.
5 Gervais, loc dt.; Anselm. Gbmblac, Ohron., 11 19.
« Badm., Hist, nov., v. p. 93. ' Chron. Maurin., p. 369.
8 ConcU., voL xU. p. 1283 ; Fleurt, b. 97, c. 2.
» Cahors, Fontevrault, St. Maur, Angers, Maurigny.
VOL. VI. 2 0

402 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
and Marmoutier, and confirming their privileges and exemp
tions.' During his stay in Anjou, the holy Father extended
the protection of the Eoman Church over the new monastic
creations of Fontevrault and Savigny,^ which had already
borne such excellent fruit.
Having thus made almost the tour of France, and edified
all the faithful by his humUity and energy, and by the ex
cellence of his ecclesiastical government,* Calixtus II. was
received at the new abbey of Maurigny, where he was to
dedicate the church, by King Louis of France, and by the
nobles, who were to accompany him to Paris. Towards the
middle of October, the sovereign pontiff went from Paris to
Eheims to attend the council, already convoked by Gelasius,
and the preparations for which had been arranged by Conon.*
Meantime the emperor, even by his unexpected return
to Germany, and the vigour with which he carried on the
contest there, had not been able to counterbalance the effect
produced by the election of the new pope, who had been
very readily acknowledged by all the bishops of the empire.®
The forces of the Catholic party were so increased that
Henry V. was obliged to yield to the unanimous wish of
the princes and prelates stUl faithful to his cause, and con
sent to the holding of a general diet at Tribur, near Mayence.
There, the two parties being present, the emperor was to
give an account of his conduct to the assembled princes,
promising to agree to their decisions.* In the interval he
^ See his itinerary, with the dates of his visits aud his diplomas, in the
Appendix. 2 BuUs of September 8 and i6, 1118.
3 This is Suger's testimony : " Gloriose humiliter sed strenue Ecclesiw jura
disponens . . . aptius Ecclesiasticis providebat negotiis."
* Chron. Maur., pp. 368, 369. He had already returned to the pope
at Maurigny, after his joumey to Rheims. The chronicler of that abbey
justly caUs him " Totius Prancice ac Teutonice, Alemanniw ac Saxonice legatus."
^ "Cui cum omnes nostrates episcopis obedientiam professi. . . ." —
Chron. Ursperg., aun. 11 19.
" " Totius regni sacerdotum atque procerum nuntiis compulsus . . . ubi
de omnibus quae sibimet imponerentur, juxta senatus cousultum se satis-

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 403
opened negotiations with the envoys of the sovereign pon
tiff at Strasburg. One of these. Pons, Abbot of Cluny, had
long been the emperor's friend, and even his representative
with Pascal II. The other, William de Champeaux, Bishop
of Chalons, and founder of the famous monastic school of
St. Victor, passed for the most zealous and learned of French
bishops.' For this reason he had been chosen to speak
before the diet, which he did as follows : " Would you, my
lord the king, conclude a true treaty of peace ? In that
case, renounce absolutely the investiture of bishoprics and
abbeys. To prove to you that your power will not thus
suffer any diminution, I tell you that, being elected a bishop
in France, I have received no investiture from the king,
either before or after consecration ; nevertheless, in all
which concems imposts, military service, tolls, and all affairs
of the commonwealth, which Christian kings have anciently
given to the Church of God, I perform my duties to the
State as faithfully as the bishops of your empire can do,
after receiving from you the investiture which has been the
cause of so much discord and even of excommunication."^
On hearing this, Henry lifted his hand towards heaven, and
cried, " WeU, be it so ; I seek nothing more." ^
facturum spopondit." — Ohron. Ursperg., loc. cit This diet, first convoked
for St. John's Day, 1119, was ouly held in September. The chronology of
these difierent events is clearly established by Stentzel, vol. ii. p. 331, and
confirmed by Gervais.
1 " Auxiliatorem magnum, qui sublimes scholas rexerat, et tunc zelum
Dei habens, super omnes episcopos totius Galliae divinarum Scripturarum
scientia fulgebat." — Chron. MaMriniac, p. 373.
2 "Scito me in regno Francorum electum, nee ante consecrationem neo
post consecrationem aliquid suscepisse de manu regis : cui tamen de tri
bute, de militia, de telonio et de omnibus quse ad rempublicam pertine-
baut, et antiquitus scUicet a regibus christianis Ecclesiae Dei douata sunt,
ita fideliter deservio, sicut iu regno tuo episcopi tibi deserviuut," &c. —
Comment, Hessonis .Scolastici in ConcU., vol. xii. p. 1300, and Cod.
Udalr., No. 303. This author, to whom the Chron. Ursperg. refers as the
most trustworthy, ends his narrative with these words: "Quod vidi et
amdim, fiddUer, et quanto bremus potui, pedestri serm,one descripsi."
3 " Manibus elevatis. . . . Bia, iniquit, sic fiat : non qusero amplius." —
Ibid.

404 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
The Bishop of Chalons resumed : " If you wiU give up
investiture, restore the property of the Church, and of those
who have laboured for her, and insure to them real peace,
we will endeavour, with God's help, to end the quarrel." i
The emperor, after consulting with his friends, formally
promised to fulfil the stipulated conditions if the pope would
do him justice, and if the envoys would undertake to re
store to him and his all the possessions they had lost during
the war. Henry V. offered his hand to the. bishop and to the
abbot, and swore, on his faith as a Christian, that he would
observe the conditions honestly.^ The Bishop of Lausanne,
the Count Palatine, and other clerks and laymen of the
emperor's suite, swore with him. William and Pons then
returned from Strasburg to Paris, to tell the pope the result
of their interview. Calixtus heard them joyfully, and only
said, " Would to heaven it were already done, if it can be
done justly ! " * The memory of the bad faith from which
Pascal had been so treacherously made to suffer could not
be absent from the mind of the pontiff, or from that of any
Catholic* The pope immediately commissioned his two
1 "Si investituras dimittere volueris, et possessionem ecclesiarum, et
eorum qui pro Ecclesia laboraverunt, reddere, et veram pacem eis dare,
laborabimus," &c. — Com'mcnt, Hbssonis Scolastici in Concil, vol. xii.
p. 1300, and Ood. Udalr., No. 303.
^ " Propria manu, sub testimonio fidei Christianae in manu episcopi et
abbatis firmavit, se prsefata capitula persecuturum." — Lbid. Mit. dem
Handschlag. ; Stentzel.
3 " Utinam jam factum esset, si sine fraude fieri posset I " — Lbid.
* Gervais (i. 261) thinks that the pope premeditated this fraud as well as
the emperor. This is an entirely gratuitous supposition, and one to sup
port which he brings not the shadow of a proof. But to conform to the
pretended impartiality of modern sophists, he thinks himself obliged to
establish a sort of factitious equality between the two adversaries, and not
being able to deny Henry's dishonesty, he supposes it also iu Calixtus. He
forgets the terrible antecedent of Henry's conduct towards Pascal II.
We much regret to see this learned writer, in all that relates to the Council
of Rheims and the interview at Mouzon, departing from the justice which
he displays iu general. He chooses to suspect of partiaUty the narrative
of Hesson, an eye-witness, who, however, is referred to by the imperialist
chronicle of Auersperg in these words: " Pjusdem actionem concUii, si quis

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 405
plenipotentiaries, and with them two cardinals — the Bishop
of Ostia, and Gregory, deacon of St. Angelo ' — to go to the
emperor and promise him absolution if he kept his word.
They were to demand also that the reciprocal stipulations
should be put in writing, and that a day should be fixed
for the next council, at which they were, on both sides, to
be ratified.
The emperor, after these happy preliminaries, could go
safely to the assembly of the princes at Tribur,^ where the
election of Calixtus was solemnly recognised, and all the
German bishops promised obedience to him.* The princes
thus estabUshed and consolidated a defence for their con
sciences and for their resistance to Henry V. No one
thought of the anti-pope Burdin ; the unfortunate man, who
had betrayed the Church in order to make himself the instru
ment of the emperor, saw himself in his turn betrayed and
abandoned by the very power to which he had sacrificed all.
In the diet the princes and clergy decreed the cessation
of hostUities, and the reciprocal restitution of all that had
been taken from the emperor* or the princes, and approved
beforehand of the meeting of the Council of Eheims, where
Henry promised to appear in order to bring about a general
pacification in the Church.^ The emperor then started, with
an army of 30,000 men, to go to meet the pope. Between
Metz and Verdun, the prince met Calixtus's four envoys,
plenarie cognoscere Cfucerit in literis cujusdam, sctiolastid nomine Hessonis
eleganter emudeatwm reperiri poterit" This account also agrees in every
point with that of Ordericus Vitalis, whose indepeudence, sometimes un-
fiiendly to the Court of Rome, cannot be suspected ; and these two are
the only contemporaries who have spoken, iu any detail, of these events.
' Both popes, one as Honorius IL, and the other as Innocent II.
2 At the beginning of September. — Ohron. Ursperg., corrected by Stent
zel and Gervais.
3 "Cui cum omnes nostrates episcopi obedientiam professi."— Oirora.
Ursperg., 11 19.
* The emperor, while restoring aU that he had usurped from the princes,
promised to content himself with the ancient revenues of the crown. —
Regum antiquorum fiscalia, Ohron. Ursperg., ann. 11 19. " Lbid.

4o6 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
and renewing, in writing and by oath, the stipulations al
ready arranged at Strasburg,' promised to execute them in
the pope's presence at Mouzon on Friday the 25 th of the
following October. The Duke of Bavaria, the Count Pala
tine and other princes, swore after the emperor, whose oath
was as follows : " I, Henry, by the grace of God august em
peror ofthe Eomans, for the love of God and St. Peter, and
of the lord pope Calixtus, renounce the right of investiture
to all churches ; I grant peace to all those who, since the
beginning of the dispute, have been in arms for the Church ;
I will restore to the churches, and all those who have
laboured for them, such of their possessions as I have with
held, and I will loyally aid them to recover such as I am
not myself withholding."
The pope's deed, guaranteed by the oath of his pleni
potentiaries, was as follows : " I, Calixtus II. , by the grace
of God Catholic Bishop of the Eoman Church, grant peace
to Henry, the august emperor of the Eomans, and to all
those who have acted with him against the Church ; I will
restore, or cause to be restored, the possessions of all those
who have lost them through this war."
The two engagements ended with this formula : " Every
dispute which may arise shall be judged by a canonical judg
ment if it is ecclesiastical, and by a secular judgment if it
is secular." The Council opened at Eheims on Monday, October 20,
II 19. At the pope's summons there had assembled, for the
love of God, and in obedience to the Holy See,^ the prelates
not only of France and Germany, bnt of Brittany, Burgundy,
Italy, England, Spain, and the isles of the sea.* The King
1 " Quod prius apud Argentinam . . . flrmaverat, iterum in manu epis
copi Ostiensis, &c., propria manu firmavit ; quod videlicet," &c. — Hbsso
Scholastic, loe cit
" " ApostoUco jussu evocati . . . congregati sunt pro amore Salvatoris
ejus parati grantanter obedire mandatis." — Ord. Vit., vol. xii. p. 857.
3 " De insulis Oceani et cunctis oceidentalibus provinciis," says Ordericus.
Does he mean Ireland ? or merely the Mediterranean islands ?

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 407
of England had allowed his Norman and English bishops to
appear, but had enjoined them not to bring back into his
kingdom any dangerous novelty.' Adalbert, Archbishop of
Mayence, seeing the approaching triumph of the cause he
had so bravely served, arrived with seven hundred German
bishops,^ and an escort of five hundred knights. The pope,
deUghted at the coming of the great champion of the Ger
man Church, sent the Count of Champagne with a numerous
train of knights to meet him.* There were present sixteen
archbishops,* more than two hundred bishops, and an equal
number of abbots; in all four hundred and twenty-seven
crosiers.* Louis le Gros, King of France, though seriously ill, sat
in the assembly, together with his principal barons, during
the first two days, and declared himself ready to obey
the decrees of the Church as became the most Christian
king.* The crowd of monks, clerks, and laymen present
at the council was so great that many thought it seemed
a representation of the last judgment.^ The session was
^ " Sed superfluas adinveutioues regno meo inferre nolite."— ORD. VlT.,
loe cit. As the matter of investitures had been settled twelve years pre
viously, the king's reservation only applied to the dispute between the
Archbishops of Canterbury and York, of which we shall have to speak.
^ Five of them were his owu suffragans. There were also one suffragan
of Cologne, two of Treves, two of Magdeburg, and one of Besangon.
3 Ord. Vit., loc. cit. Archbishop Frederic of Cologne did not come, but
sent ambassadors to assure the pope of his submission and affection. — Lhid.
¦* Ordericus names those of Rheims, Bourges, Sens, Lyons, Rouen, York,
Tours, aud Dol, " et alii octo archiepiscopi," he says. A title-deed of Tours,
quoted ap. ConcU., xii. 1309, names those of Mayence, Besancon, Tarantasia,
and Tarragona. Among the bishops were William de Champeaux, Bishop
of ChUlons, HUdebert of Le Mans, and Gerard of Angouleme, the three
most notable among French bishops.
5 " Numerabantur ibi personarum pastoralium virgse 424." — Roger
HovED., A'nn. Angl. The learned Hesson, an eye-witness, says 427.
0 "Quamvis gravi laborantem infirmitate, molestia corporis vehementer
urgente." — Ep. LUDOV. ad Calixt. in Regest ad fin. " Biduo cum prin
cipibus suis coucUio eidem interfuit et mandata Ecclesise sicut catholicus
et christianissimus veneratione debita obedivit." — ConcU., xii. 1309 ; cf
Order., loc. dt ' Order., loc. dt.

408 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
held in the metropolitan church of Notre Dame, before the
rood-loft.' After having chanted the mass, the pope took his place
upon the throne, with the five cardinals at his feet, and
standing near him a cardinal-deacon named Chrysogonus,
librarian of the Eoman Church, who had the book of canons,
so that he might read, in case of difficulty, the decisions of
the Ancients.*
Calixtus preached in Latin from the passage of the
Gospel where it is said that Jesus commanded His disciples
to embark and put out before Him on a stormy sea.* He
described the ship of the Church, and pictured the waves of
temptation and trouble, and the blast of wickedness, suddenly
calmed by the word of the Saviour, who bade Peter walk
upon the waters. Then Cardinal Conon rising, addressed
the prelates with the greatest eloquence upon their pastoral
duty.* The sovereign pontiff then explained to the Council
his object in calling together his fathers and his brethren in
such numbers and from such distances;^ it was to root
out thoroughly, by their help, the simoniacal heresy, which
derived all its strength from lay investiture. After this,
1 " Ante crucifixum : " that is to say, in front of the ambo, whioh was
always surmounted by a large cross, as shown in the English denomination
of that part of the church — rood-loft.
^ Conon of Palestrina, Lambert of Ostia, Bozo of Porto, John of Crema,
and Hatto of Viviers ; they were commissioned to examine the questions
pree omnibus aliis, and they answered all with wonderful erudition. — Order.,
loc. cit.
3 " Manu canones gestabat, promptus propinare autheuticas majorum
sententias ut res exigebat." — Order. Vit.
^ Matt. xiv. 22.
^ He applied to them what is said in Genesisj(xxxi. 38) of the care taken
by Jacob of Laban's flocks. The four Protestant historians whom we have
at hand, Raumer, Stentzel, Liiden, and Gervais, none of them quotes this
appeal of the pope and of the chief of the cardinals to Holy Scripture, on
this solemn occasion. Philosophic learning pretends that the Bible has
only been respected and quoted since the Reformation I
* " Domini patres et fratres, causa pro qua vos de terra louginqua et re-
motis regionibus ad concilium vocavimus. . . ." — HbsSO Soholast., in
Cod. Udalr., p. 303.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 409
Calistus ordered the Bishop of Ostia to describe in Latin
the course of the negotiations with the emperor, and the
Bishop of Chalons to repeat the narrative in French, so that
it might be understood both by priests and laymen.^
The King of France, the Countess of Poitiers, and other
injured persons set forth, in their turns, the different com
plaints for which they demanded justice from the council ;
but the pope deferred the decision of these and of all other
affairs to the close of the proceedings.^
After having asked the advice of the bishops as to
whether it was fitting that he should go to the stipulated
interview with the emperor, and whether he conld trust in
the good faith of such a man,^ Calixtus II. announced his
resolution to start for Mouzon. He forbade the bishops to
depart during his absence,* so that he might find them all
at hand on his return, to confirm the peace if God permitted
it to be arranged, and to make known the news imme
diately to the whole world ; or, if Henry should as usual
act the part of a cunning enemy, that he might be able to
appeal to the judgment of the Holy Spirit and to that of
the bishops, before drawing the sword of St. Peter to punish
him.* The pope also enjoined the Fathers to consecrate all
' " Ex prsecepto domini papae hoc idem clericis et laicis materna lingua
exposuit." — Hesso Scholast., in Ood. Udalr., p. 303.
2 " Cum autem reversus fuero, clamores vestros et ratiocinationes, ut
rectius potuero, diligenter discutiam, opitulante Domino." — ORDER.
3 " Cum in hoc consilium episcoporum sedisset, ut dominus papa ad
diem coUoquii, pro componenda pace accederet, et utrum in veritate homo
iUe ageret, per semetipsum tentaret." — Hbsso Schol.
* He declared that he did not even except the Abbot of St. Thierry,
whose abbey was at the very gate of Rheims. — Order. Vit. This
author adds that the prelates were very impatient of a delay which
lengthened their absence and increased their expenses : " Lbi nihil agentes,
infructuose sua destrahebont sua/rumque curam domorum cum mcerore inter-
mittebant" * " Si Deus nobis paoem dederit, commune gaudium universo mundo
annuncietis. ... Si autem, quod Deus avertat, adversarius nobiscum in
dolo agere temptaverit ... in commeutorem fraudis . . . judicio Spiritus
sancti et vestro gladium B. Petri vibrare tentabimus." — Lbid.

4IO THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
the time of his absence, and especially the day of the con
ference, to prayer and sacrifice, and to go barefoot, in pro
cession, to the metropolitan church of St. Edmy. Having
given these directions, Calixtus started on October 23rd for
Mouzon,' where he arrived on Thursday 24th, extremely
fatigued. There he called to his apartment the bishops,
abbots, and doctors, a great number ^ of whom had accom
panied him, and caused to be read to them two documents
drawn up in the emperor's name and his own- These
papers were minutely examined, and the bishops were of
opinion that it was important to see to the clearness of the
clause in which Henry declared that he renounced all right
of investiture,* so that he might not again claim ancient
possessions of the Church, and proceed to invest bishops
with them. In the second place, the bishops thought it
necessary to examine closely that clause of the treaty by
which the pope promised a true peace to all who had
taken part in the war, lest it might be inferred that
he recognised the intruded bishops, or those canonically
deposed.* Meantime the companions of the head of the Church had
heard, not without alarm, that the emperor was come to the
place chosen for the conference, between Mouzon and Yvoy,*
1 Mouzon, an abbey and castle on the Meuse, between Sedan and Stenay,
was a seigneury of the archbishopric of Rheims, and was supposed to have
been given to that see by Clovis. — Db la Haut. , Annales d' Yvois et de
Mouzon, p. 243 : Paris, 1822.
^ Among others. Cardinal John of Crema, the Archbishops of Rheims
and Rouen, the Bishops of Chalons and Viviers, the Abbot of Cluny. — ¦
Hbsso and Order.
3 " Maxime illud capitulum, ubi dicebatur : dimitte omnem investituram
omnium ecclesiarum, dicentes : si quidem rex simpliciter agit, verba ista
suiflciunt : si autem . . . aliquid cavillare conatur, determinatioue nobis
videntur indigere. " — Hesso.
* " Ne forte in danda pace plus intelligerent quam reddendam com
munionem Ecclesiffi." — Lbid.
" BrdviUy-sur-les-Chiferes, a league and a half distant from Yvoy. The
latter town is now called Carignan. — Db la Haut., Ann. d' Yvois et de
Mouzon, loc. dt.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 41 I
at the head of an army of 30,000 men. Fearing lest the
crime committed against Pascal II. might be repeated,
they decided that the pope should not quit the castle of
Mouzon.' Instead of Calixtus, the two former plenipotentiaries,
William of Champeaux and Pons of Cluny, together with
Cardinal John of Crema, went to meet the emperor in his
camp. They showed him the decrees, and explained the
clauses to him as had been arranged.^ The emperor at once
denied that he had promised anything of all this.*
But the Bishop of Chalons, inflamed by praiseworthy
zeal,* unsheathed the sword of the divine Word, and
answered : " My lord the king, if you dispute the docu
ment I have in my hand, and the comment upon it which
you have just heard, I am ready to swear on the holy relics
and the Gospel that you guaranteed all these conditions in
my presence, and that I accepted them in this sense." *
Henry, overcome by this testimony, and by that of all who
were present, and unable longer to deny ^ his previous assent,
bitterly reproached those who had made him promise what
he could not fulfil without injury to his royal authority.
WilUam repeated the explanations already given at Stras
burg; he declared that the pope had no wish to diminish
the power of the empire or the splendour of the crown, but
that, on the contrary, he would desire all to serve their
' " Hoc ut animadvertimus . . . papam in prsefato castro . . . in-
clusimus, et . . . exire omnino prohibuimus. . . . Memores quam
fraudulenter idem ipse Romam intraverit, et ante aram in basilica S.
Petri apostoU Paschalem papam ceperit." — Discourse of Cardinal Jolm,
ap. Ordericus.
2 " Ostenderunt scripta, determinaverunt capitula prout omnium consilio
definitum erat."— Hesso, Flbury, b. Ixvii., No. 6.
3 " Prima fronte se nihil promissum horum omnino abnegabat." — Lbid.
' " Zelo Dei inflammatus et gladio Dei verbo accinctus." — Lbid.
5 " Si, domine rex, negare vis . . . paratus sum sub testimonio reli
giosorum virorum qui inter te et me fuerunt jurare. . . ." — Lbid.
" " Cumque omnium testimonio vinceretur, tandem compulsus est con
fiteri quod prius negaverat."

412 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
sovereign faithfully, both in peace and war ; ' and that,
moreover, the imperial power could not but be increased
by abandoning pretensions contrary to the law of God.
Henry grew calmer, and demanded a delay until the
morrow that he might confer with the princes during the
night ; above all, he expressed a desire to see Calixtus.
The envoys of the pope tried to obtain a private audience
of Henry ; but always found him surrounded by a crowd of
courtiers who flourished their swords and lances to intimidate
them,^ and but too well reminded them of the scenes of
violence which had taken place in Eome eight years before.
Warned by this, they took the greatest care to keep the
pope at a distance from the place of meeting, lest he should
meet with the fate of Pascal II.
The imperial officers did not fail to raise difficulties as to
the absolution which their master was to receive, saying that
it would be intolerable to see an emperor present himself
barefoot, as other penitents did, for absolution.* The pre
lates promised to intercede with the holy Father that he
would receive Henry V. in private, and shod.
After a whole day passed in interminable discussion
(Friday, October 24), the prelates returned to CaUxtus, who,
despairing of peace, desired to return immediately to
Eheims ; but at the entreaty of the Count of Troyes and
other nobles, he waited until the next day (Saturday 25 th)
at noon.
Very early in the morning the prelates went to seek the
emperor's answer. The Bishop of Ch§,lons told him that
he and his colleagues would have been entitled to retire the
1 " Imo palam omnibus denuutians, ut in exhibitione militise et cffiteris
omnibus, in quibus tibi et antecessoribus tuis servire consueverant, modis
omnibus deserviant."
^ " Lanceas gladiosque suos vibrantes . . . patrem patrum solerter et
oculis ejus occultavimus, memores quam fraudulenter," &c. — Discours du
cardinal de Crima au condie, ap. ORDER.
3 " Durum sibi, immo importabile videri, si more aliorum, nudis pedibus,
dominus suus ad absolutionem accederet." — Hesso, loc. cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 4^3
evening before, since Henry had sworn to execute on that
day the stipulations agreed upon, but that they had been
unwilling for the sake of a single night's delay to render
impossible the good which might yet be done. He added
that if the emperor would keep his promise, the sovereign
pontiff was quite ready to fulfil his.' At these words Henry
cried out angrily that he consented to the free election of
bishops and abbots, but that before renouncing investiture
of ecclesiastical property,^ it was necessary that he should
convoke a general diet of the princes and obtain their con
sent. He did not choose to remember that the diet of
Tribur had quite lately authorised him to treat upon the
basis of the preliminaries arranged at Strasburg, prelimin
aries which depended upon the surrender of investitures.
Convinced of Henry's bad faith, the Bishop of ChMons then
said to him, " Since these demands for delay prove that you
do not intend to keep your promises, henceforward there
can be nothing in common between you and us." ^ The
prelate then retired without other leave-taking, and rejoined
the holy Father, who immediately started from Mouzon to
hasten to another castle in the neighbourhood belonging to
the Count of Champagne.* Henry, on hearing of the pope's
departure, sent to beg the count to detain him at this place
over the Sunday, protesting that on the Monday he would,
without fail, fulfil the promise he had so many times given
and withdrawn.* But the pope answered with indignation,
"Por love of peace I have done that which, as far as I
1 " Heri quidem, domine rex, cum justitia possemus a te recedere," &c.
— Hesso, loc dt
2 Hesso does not mention this distinction, which, however, we think
probable, and which is distinctly stated by Roger Hoveden. — Ann. Anglic
ap. ConcU., xu. 1308.
3 "Quia ssepe inducias quaerendo, qu^ promisisti implere dissimulas,
nihU nobis et tibi amplius : revertar ad dominum papam." — Hbsso.
* Perhaps Vouziers. The Count of Troyes or Champagne was Hugh I.,
who afterwards became a Templar.
5 " Promittens se facturum omnimodis feria II quod toties abnegaverat.''
— Hbsso.

414 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
know, none of my predecessors ever did; I have left a
general councU assembled, while I came with great fatigue
to meet this man, who shows no inclination for peace. I
will wait no longer ; I shall return as quickly as possible to
my brethren : but whether during the councU or afterwards,
if God grant us a true peace, I shall always be ready to
receive the emperor with open arms." i
As the prelates feared lest Henry should pursue Calixtus
with his army,2 the holy Pather set out before day, on
Sunday, October i6th, and travelled so quickly that he
reached Eheims, after a journey of twenty leagues, soon
enough to celebrate mass and to consecrate as Bishop of
Li^ge, on the same day, the candidate rejected by the
emperor.* After two days' rest, during which Cardinal John of Crema
related to the council the ill-success of their joumey, Calixtus
reopened the sittings, and on Wednesday, October 29th,
ordered the reading of the five canons or decrees which
the council was to pronounce, and which summed up and
confirmed the conquests won for the Church's freedom and
discipline since the days of Gregory VII.
The first canon forbade simony in all shapes ; the second,
investitures ; the third maintained the inviolability of gifts
and oblations made to the Church ; the fourth forbade
the bequeathing of benefices as if by hereditary right,
1 " Feci, fratres, pro desiderio pacis . . . ad hominem istum cum multo
labore perveniens, ea quse pacis sunt in eo non inveni. ... Si autem in
concilio vel post conciUum, veram pacem Deus nobis dederit, paratus ero
suscipere et amplecti." — Hbsso.
2 "Iter repedandi, immo fugiendi, velociter inivimus, quin etiam ne
formidabiliter tyrannus cum multis legionibus quas secum ducebat per-
sequeretur, nos valde timuimus."— iSfieecA of the Cardinal of Crema, ap.
Ordericus, loe dt
3 " Tanta festinatione Remis usque cucurrit, ut vigniti leucis consummatis
eadem die Remis missam cdebraret." — Hesso. It is indeed twenty leagues
from Mouzon to Rheims ; but the pope did not travel the whole distance
in one moming, since he had passed the Saturday night in a castle of the
Count of Champagne nearer to Rheims thau Mouzon.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 41S
and the receiving of fees for baptism, and other sacra
ments, and for burial ; the last imposed celibacy on all
clerks.' Each canon pronounced an anathema upon any one who
should violate it. At the reading of the decree relative to
investiture, the terms of which forbade it to all laymen
with regard to churches and ecclesiastical property, a great
murmur arose ^ among some ecclesiastics and a great many
of the laity, for they thought the pope meant to deprive
them of the tithes and ecclesiastical benefices or church
property which they had long enjoyed. A discussion
followed that lasted till evening. Calixtus put off the
decision until the following day, October 30th, the last
day of the councU. On that day the holy Father opened
the sitting with the singing of the hymn to the Holy
Spirit, which was taken np with great fervour by the
whole assembly.^ Then, suddenly inspired by a super
natural eloquence not usual with him,* he described, in
burning words, amidst the general admiration,* the action
of this Holy Spirit, the source of all wisdom and of all
^ This law was stUl resisted in certaiu countries, and especiaUy in
Normandy, where Archbishop Geoffrey of Rouen, having wished to pro
claim this canon iu a synod held in that city in 11 19, met with so much
resistance from the parish priests, that a fierce disturbance took place in
the very metropolis itself. — Order. Vit., b. xii.
^ "Tantum murmur . . . iusonuit." — Hesso. According to Roger
Hoveden, this oppositiou, and the pope's speech which ended it, were
caused by the excommunication of Henry. . . . "Henricus excomnmni-
candus. Quod cum quidam in concUio cegre ferrent, sententiam protulit
Apostolicus ut qui im hoc scandalizarentur, exeuntes," &c. We think it
better to foUow the version of Hesso, au eyewitness. Henry had been
excommunicated several times, and the new promulgation of the sentence
was less Ukely to canse difficulties than a general law which affected the
personal interests of the laymen attending the councU. Noel Alexander,
not to be suspected of partiaUty for the pontifical cause, contests on other
grounds the correctness of Roger Hovedeu's account.
3 " Qui cum ab omnibus fuisset affectuose decantatus."
« See above, at the CouncU of Vienne.
6 "Vere invisibUis ignis fiamma succensus, in ignea lingua exorsus,
mirabUiter peroravit . . . diutius sub omnium admiratione."— Hesso.

4l6 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS IL
discipline, the bond of union, peace, and charity. " We
know, dearest brothers," said the pontiff, in conclusion,
"that the zeal which has brought you from such distances
to labour with us for the universal freedom of our holy
mother the Church,' has been pleasing to God and to the
Holy Spirit who unites us ; but this zeal has displeased the
spirit of evU, who has been able to find instruments of his
malice to trouble our brotherly concord. Now, what wUl
be said if, after having come to the council with such
trouble and cost, you should retum to your different dio
ceses, taking nothing with you because you will not listen
to us ? ^ . . . Yesterday, when we offered our propositions
for the liberty of the Church, some persons were scanda
lised. To-day, we say with the apostles, 'If there is an
unbeliever here let him depart and leave the faithful to
deal with what belongs to the Church and is necessary to
her freedom.' And to you, who hold the place of apostles
in the Church of God, we say, as the Lord said to the
twelve, ' Will you also go away ? '" *
The assembly was deeply moved, and not a word of
protest was spoken.* The canon, however, which had just
been read by the pope's command, and which referred to
investitures, had undergone an important change in no
longer applying to anything but bishoprics and abbeys.*
In this new form it was unanimously approved and adopted
as well as the four others. After having thus fixed the
CathoUc law, the next thing was to give it effect. Odel-
' "Pro communi libertate matris nostrse Ecclesiae." — Hesso.
'' " Revertentes ad regiones vestras nihil reportare poteritis. . . ." 
Ibid. 3 "Quod si infidelis discedit, discedat." — i Cor. vii. 15. " Et vos vultis
abire t "—John vi. 68.
* "Ita omnium corda concussit ac reclamantium voces compressit, ut
uec unus quidem contra decreta synodica quae postea lecta sunt, os aperire
prsesumeret. " — HbsSO.
^ "Investituram Ppiscopatuum et Abbatiarum per manum laicam fieri
omni modo prohibemus." The original text had, "Investituram omnium
Ecclesiarum per manum," &c.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 417
garius, a Catalan ' monk and Bishop of Barcelona, emaciated,
feeble, but equally learned and eloquent, who had been
unwUlingly obliged to become a bishop by Pascal IL,
preached an admirable sermon on the royal and the priestly
power. After which four hundred and twenty-seven tapers
were brought, lighted, and distributed to the four hundred
and twenty-seven bishops and mitred abbots.* All then
rose, taper in hand; the pope in a troubled voice pro
nounced the solemn sentence of excommunication, until
complete satisfaction should be made,* against Henry V.
and the anti- Pope Burdin, with their chief partisans and
other hardened criminals. At the same moment all the
tapers were thrown to the ground and extinguished.* The
pope also declared that, in virtue of his apostolic authority,
he released from their oath of fidelity all those who had
sworn it to Henry, until he should have done penance ^ and
given satisfaction to the Church of God. Calixtus then
gave absolution and his benediction to all, and the council
was closed.
Never, since the Church had been founded, had so
terrible a sentence been pronounced by so numerous an
assembly and in so imposing a form.
The pope's struggle against the emperor's usurpations
and the custom of investiture was not the only object of
^ Before being a bishop he had been abbot of the regular canons of St.
Buf. ^ " Corpore quidem macUentus et mediocris, sed eruditione cum facundia
et religione prsecipuus, subtilem satisque profundum sermonem . . . quem
summa cuncti qui percipere poterant, hauserunt aviditate." — Order.
Vital. 3 "AUatae sunt denique candelse ccccxxvii, et accensse dat» singulae
singulis tenentibus baculos episcopis et abbatibus." — HesSO, eye
witness. * " Tunc papa. . . . Henricum imperatorem Theomachum . . . &c.
moerens excommunicavit." — Ord. Vit.
* Such was the constant custom at solemn excommunications.
^ "Absolvit a fidelitate regis omnes quotquot.ei juraverant, nisi forte
resipisceret et Ecclesiae Dei satisf aceret." — Hesso.
VOL. VI. 2 D

41 8 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
the councU's deliberations. Before starting for Mouzon,
the pope had lamented at length over the miseries and
devastations which resulted from private wars; and with
the purpose of protecting the members of Christ, the
Christian people ransomed by the blood of the Son of God
made man, and to establish peace on earth,' he again de
creed the Truce of God, which Urban II. had established
at the Council of Clermont, adding measures adapted to
render its observation more complete. It was ordered, for
example, under pain of deposition and the penalties of
perjury, that all chaplains of fortresses, and monks inhabit
ing cells or priories founded by nobles in the neighbourhood
of their castles, should cease divine service as soon as they
should see booty or prisoners brought in, and not resume it
untU these objects should be restored, or justice done in
some way.^ Every Wednesday at sunset the bells were to
ring for peace until the sunrise of the Monday following ;
hostilities were also forbidden during Advent, Lent, Baster,
vigils, and fasts, and all the festivals of the Blessed Virgin.*
Monks, women with their escort, hunters, and travellers
were always to enjoy peace.*
Monastic institutions were nobly represented in this great
assize of Christendom by the crosiers of more than 200
abbots. Vital, head of the new congregation of Savigny,
preached there with such force as to make Pope Calixtus
publicly declare that no one on this side the Alps had ever
1 "FUius Dei pro pace de coelo descendit . . . ut letalem guerram
per protoplasti reatum progressam pie sedaret. . . . Membra quippe
Christi populum Christianum appello, quem ipse sanguinis sui pretio
redemit." — Order., loc. cit.
^ " CapeUani castrorum jurant, si praeda vel quodcumque raptum, vel
captus aliquis ipsis scientibus ad castrum . . . deduotum fuerit, se nuUum
divinum oflScium ibi celebrare, nou expectantes alicujus reclamationem,
donee reddatur ablatum," &c. — ConcU., vol. xii. p. 1292.
3 The time usually reserved by the Truce of God was from the sound
of beUs of the parish church ou Wednesday evening to sunrise on the
Monday. — Ihid.
* " Omni tempore pacem habeant."

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 419
made him so well understand his obligations and his
defects.' Norbert, who had defended Pascal IL when a captive,
and done homage to Gelasius II. when an exile, came to greet
Calixtus IL, a conqueror at Eheims; he arrived barefoot,
according to his custom, and excited the admiration of the
assembled prelates by the strictness of his penances and the
eloquence of his sermons. The pope confirmed to him the
right of preaching everywhere, and specially recommended
him to Bishop Barthelemy of Laon, in whose diocese Nor
bert next year founded the headquarters of the Premontra-
tensian Order.^ The order of Cluny, in the person of its
Abbot Pons, had interposed too vigorously in the most
serious affairs of the Church for its rights not to be scrupu
lously maintained by the pope and council. Therefore,
when the Archbishop of Lyons and his suffragans, in the
name of the Bishop of Macon, rose to complain of the
immunities and usurpations of Cluny, a lively emotion
stirred the assembly.^ Abbot Pons also rose, and a crowd
of monks with him. After having calmly repelled the
accusations brought against his house,* he concluded by
saying: "The church of Cluny is subject only to the
Eoman Chnrch — it is the special property of the pope.
Because we vigorously defend what the faithful have given
to us for the love of God, we are called usurpers, and suffer
all kinds of reproach. I shall not trouble myself much
' Etienne db Fougerbs, Vie manuscrite, b. ii. c. 12 ; Fleury, Hist.
eccles. , b. Ixvii. u. 10. He died three years afterwards, giving the strongest
proof of his love for the Rule. Being hopelessly ill, and having received
the last sacraments, he would nevertheless attend in the choir, and died
while singing matins, Sept. 24, 11 22.— Ord. Vit.
2 Vit S. Norbert, c. 4, ap. Bolland., Act SS., Junu, vol. i.
3 Many other bishops, clerks, and monks of various orders joined iu
these complaints, and a great disturbance in the council resulted. " Cum
vodferatione clam,ores fecerunt . . . diuque perstrepentes, acerba quce rumina-
verant evomuerwnt," says Ordericus, who was a monk of an abbey subject
to Cluny, and a great partisan of Abbot Pons.
4 " Modesta voce et tranquiUa elocutione querulosos impetitores com
pressit." — Ibid.

420 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
about it. It is the affair of our lord the pope ; let him
defend his church if it pleases him." '
After a day of inquiry. Cardinal John of Crema pro
nounced, in. the name of Calixtus, a sentence which referred
to the foundation of Cluny by Gerard de Eoussillon, on the
express condition that she should be subject only to Eome,
and which, by the authority of God, commanded all sons
of the Church to support the great abbey in peace, in
her ancient freedom, and in all her exemptions and posses
sions.^ Many other complaints and disputes were brought before
the council and judged according to the report of four
French bishops, Gerard of Angouleme, Hatto of Viviers,
Geoffrey of Chartres, and William of Chalons, who were
considered as princes among the speakers.* The venerable
assembly was specially attentive and interested when Hilde
garde, Duchess of Aquitaine and Countess of Poitiers, advanc
ing into the midst of the church, followed by her servants,
pleaded eloquently* her own cause against her faithless
husband Duke William, who had deserted her for Malberge,
Viscountess of Chatellerault. This was the same Duke
William of Aquitaine who, repenting of his violent be
haviour to the prelates at the Council of Poitiers in 1 1 oo,
had gone to the Crusade to expiate his fault. That holy
pilgrimage had not, however, amended the warrior's morals.
He was so passionately in love with the viscountess that he
always carried her portrait attached to his shield, that it
might be with him in all his battles ; and when the legate
1 " Cluniacensis Ecclesia soli Romanse Bcclesise subdita est et papae
propria. . . . Nimia de his ad me sollicitudo non pertinet. Ecclesiam
suam dominus papa defendat si vult." — Bolland., loe. cit
^ " Rom/ma auctoritas Oluniaeensium privilegia corrohorat, et in virtute
Dei omnibus ecclesia: filiis imperat, ne quis," &c. — Ibid. Ordericus adds that
several prelates were much dissatisfied with this decree, ' ' quamvis aperte
contradicere jussionibus papce non auderent."
3 " Duces verbi prae ceteris intonuerunt." — Order. Vit.
^ "Processit et alta claraque voce querimoniam eloquenter enodavit,
quam omne concilium diligenter auscultavit." — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 42 1
Gerard of Angouleme had excommunicated him on account
of his open immorality, he had ridiculed the prelate, who
was bald, saying, " You will comb the hair over your fore
head before I leave my love." '
After having heard the duchess's complaint, the pope
asked whether William, in obedience to his summons, had
come to the council ? Several bishops from Aquitaine rose
and answered that their duke had been left sick on the
road. A postponement was therefore granted to him, that
he might present himself at the pontiff's court, and there
reclaim his wife under pain of anathema.^
A person of yet higher rank than the Duchess of
Aquitaine had appeared before the council on the day of
its opening. King Louis of France, attended by his barons,
mounting the platform on which the pontifical throne was
raised, had there brought his complaint against Henry of
England.* He chiefly accused him of having unjustly
deprived of the Duchy of Normandy, which owed feudal
homage to France, his elder brother Eobert, whom he kept
in prison, and whose son William now accompanied the
' Fleurt, Hist, cedes., b. Ixvii. c. 5, adds the following story : Pierre,
Bishop of Poitiers, went to remonstrate with him on the same crime, and
as he would uot repent, Pierre began to pronounce his excommunication.
The duke, furious, seized him by the hair, and brandishing his sword,
said, " I will kiU you this moment if you do not give me absolution." The
bishop pretended to be frightened, and as soou as the duke released him
boldly finished the excommunication, then holding out his neck, he said,
" Strike, then 1 strike ! " The duke, who was famed for his wit, answered,
" I hate you too much to send you to Paradise." Shortly afterwards,
however, he condemned the bishop to exile, where he died like a saint.
Miracles were worked at his tomb ; and the duke, when he was informed
of this, said, " I am sorry I did not hasten his death ; he would have been
under an obligation to me.''
2 The eud of this affair is not known. WiUiam IX., Duke of Aqui
taine, who was the first of the Troubadours, died February 10, 11 27. —
Hist. litt. de Prance, vol. ix. p. 42.
3 " In consistorium ubi papa resideus omnibus praeeminebat, con-
scendit, querimoniamque suam rationabiliter deprompsit. . . . Ad hanc,
inquit, concionem pro investigando consilio, cum baronibus meis venio,
domine papa : et vos, o seniores, audite me, obsecro." — Order. Vit.

422 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
king. Louis also imputed to the EngUsh monarch the
captivity of Eobert of BeUesme, and especially that of
Count William of Nevers, a good and loyal baron,' whom
Count Thibault of Blois, nephew of Henry, but vassal of
the French crown, had stopped and imprisoned on the
retum of the expedition ordered by the Council of Beauvais
in 1 1 1 4 against Thomas de Marle.^
All the Frenchmen present at the council confirmed the
truth of the accusations brought by their king ; * but the
Archbishop of Eouen, supported by the bishops and abbots,
amidst a great tumult, undertook to refute them. The
pope ended the dispute by promising to go, after the
council, to meet the Bnglish king, who was his godson and
relative,* and to engage him, as well as the Count of Blois,
to support the cause of justice and peace, lest he should
have to suffer a terrible anathema. Calixtus had indeed
the greatest interest in restoring good intelligence between
the two kings, united by so many bonds, and whose
alliance was so useful to the cause of the Church. He
had also various ecclesiastical disputes to settle with Henry
of England, who had fallen back into many of his old evU
ways, and who would neither consent to receive legates
from the Holy See into his kingdom, nor permit the pope
' "Bonum legitimumque virum." — Order. Vit.
^ " Mihi generalem inimicum peregrinorum et omnium simplicium obsidere
prceceperunt, et ipsi mecum, legitimiq'ue barones Gallia:. . . ." — Ibid.
We may notice here the original sense given by Orderic to the adjective
legitimus, i.e., legem timens. An entirely different account of the cause
of WUliam of Nevers's captivity is given by R^ne de Blois in contin. Hist.
Croyland, and by Jean de Marmoutiers in his Hist dc Geoffroy d' Anjou,
afterwards son-in-law of Henry I., and founder of the house of Plan
tagenet, in not. ad Yvonis, Ep., p. 208. He was made prisoner by Geoffrey,
of whom it is said, " Fictos leones pn-ceferens in clypeo, veris leonibus nulla
erat inferior feritudo ;" these pictos leones are the lions which the Plan
tagenets made the arms of England.
3 " Cum . . . Gallicana concio veracem ejus orationem allegasset." —
Order. Vit.
' " Spiritualem filium meum et originis propinquitate consobrinum
regem Anglorum adibo," &c.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 423
to consecrate Archbishop Thurstan of York, to the prejudice
of the primatial see of Canterbury.' However, Calixtus
having performed that ceremony at Eheims, just before the
opening of the council,^ went from Eheims to Gisors, where
he had the desired interview with the King of England.
Henry received him with the greatest respect, and knelt
before him. The pope 'raised him, gave him his blessing
and the kiss of peace,* and then requested him, in the
name of the council, to restore to his brother both his
liberty and the Duchy of Normandy. But the king drew
such a picture of the state of disorder and misery into
which the churches and people of Normandy had fallen
during Eobert's administration, on account of his total
incapacity, that the pope yielded to the monarch's argu
ments and deferred the question. At the same time he
became yet more zealous in bringing about a reconciliation
between the two princes : peace was concluded under the
mediatijOn of the sovereign pontiff, on condition of the
reciprocal restitution of the prisoners and of the castles
taken, amidst the general joy of both nations.* Calixtus
was less fortunate in what concerned the special interests
of the Church ; he was obliged to concede to the English
king the confirmation of those customs which the Conqueror
had established, and to renounce the right of sending any
^ See in Eadmer, Hist nov., b. v. pp. 88-95, ^^^ details of these dis
putes, and the difficulties met with by Anselm the legate, nephew of the
great and holy archbishop of the same name, a monk like his uncle, and
Abbot of St. Saba at Bome, afterwards Abbot of St. Edmundsbury and
Bishop of London.
" Humbauld, Archbishop of Lyons, refused to be present at this cere
mony, in spite of the pope's commands, having a horror, says Badmer
(a monk of Canterbury), of the injury done to that church, with which
that of Lyons, since she had served as an asylum to Anselm, had been
aUied by a special brotherhood.
3 " Ad pedes pronus accessit . . . sibique consanguinitate propinquum
agnovit. Quem papa humiliatum benigniter erexit . . . benedixit,
datoque osculo pacis inter mutuos amplexus uterque exultavit."— Order.
Vit. , b. xii. p. 864.
4 Lbid., p. 866.

424 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
other legate to England than those whose nomination
should be assented to by the sovereign.^ Though kings
may often have succeeded in conciliating the favour of
pontifical legates, yet they were, not the less, very formid
able. Henry ventured to oppose a long resistance to the
admission of Thurstan to the archbishopric of York ; but
he was obliged to submit when Calixtus, having by a
solemn bull established the independence of that metro
politan see, threatened to excommunicate the king, and to
depose the primate, if, in a month's time, Thurstan was
not admitted to his diocese.^
Having thus punished the emperor at Eheims, restored
peace between the kings of France and England, and con
solidated his authority in both their kingdoms, the vic
torious pope set out towards Eome, which he had not
visited since his election, and where a phantom anti-pope
still reigned. On both sides of the Alps the march of the
pontiff was a triumphal procession ; everywhere an innum
erable crowd of the faithful flocked about his steps to show
their love and reverence for the Vicar of Christ.* The King
' Such is Badmer's account (Hist nov., b. v. p. 95). He was above
all things a monk of Canterbury, and much irritated against Calixtus on
accouut of the decrees given by the pontiff in favour of the independence
of York. But this account agrees Ul with the fact of the legation in
England of the famous Cardinal Peter, son of Leo, two years after the
interview at Gisors. Even in Eadmer, however, we may remark the
artifices used by Heury I. to prevent this legate from communicating
with monasteries and churches during his residence iu Eugland. Pope
Calixtus had himself been legate iu England at the beginning of Henry's
reign. It must be added that St. Anselm also had declared against any
other legation than his owu as archbishop aud ex officio legate (Ep. iv.
2, ad Paschal). The claim of the English to receive no other legate thau
their own archbishop is identical with that which was afterwards made
in Sicily under the name of Monarchia SicUice. The kings of Sicily
claimed, in virtue of a decree of Urban II., which Baronius has proved
false, to be themselves ex officio legates in their kingdom.
KROGER Hoveden, ap. in Baronius, iu ann. 11 19, c. xiii. The bull
was pubUshed at Gap, March 3, 1120. See Th. Stubbs, Act Fontific.
Eborae in Selden, Script. Angl., ii. p. 1716.
3 "Undique confiuente immunera multitudine populorum, eum tanquam

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 425
of France accompanied him as far as Melun.' In passing
Saulieu, Calixtus solemnly confirmed, under the name of the
Charter of Charity, the constitution of the new order of Cis
tercians, which, with that of the Premonstratensians, whose
foundations had been laid at Eheims, was to occupy the
foremost rank among monastic institutions. The pope cele
brated, by processions of horsemen,^ the festival of Christmas
at Autun, and those of the Circumcision and of Epiphany
(11 20) at Cluny, among the numerous Burgundian nobility,
and with aU the united splendours of the Eoman Court and
the queen of abbeys.* After having publicly heard the still
surviving witnesses to the holiness of the great Abbot Hugh,*
the sovereign pontiff canonised him, and ordered that his
festival should be annuaUy celebrated. Calixtus also de
cided that the Abbot of Cluny should everywhere enjoy the
rank of cardinal,* so that his absolute and perfect exemp
tion might be distinctly known. Two archbishops, one
German and the other English, accompanied the pope on his
travels; both of them obtained the justice they soughtfrom him.
During his stay at Cluny, Calixtus caused a deed to be
drawn up, to re-establish Bishop Bruno of Treves in the
independence whioh was disputed by Archbishop Adalbert
of Mayence, as primate and legate. The sovereign pontiff
Christi Vicarium omnes nimio venerabautur affectu et ad ejus vestigia
certatim se devotissime prosternebant." — Vit. Calixt in Muratoi: Script,
vol. iU. p. 419.
^ Chron. Mauriniac. See itinerary of Calixtus and Appendix.
2 "In solemuibus processionibus equitando factis, quando more Apos
tolico coronatus init."— Act Pontif. Eborae ap. PAGI, Crit, ann. 1120, c. i.
3 " Copiosoi pontificum et cardinalium choro constipatus. . . . Hune
quam multi Burgundise nobUes sequebantur. . . ." — Biblioth. Cluniac, -p. 560.
* " Non quorumUbet chartulas, . . . sed personas autheuticas in medio
Cluuiacensi capitulo prsesentatas, de sancto qua; viderant et audieraut vaU-
dius attestatas. . . . Episcopis pariter et cardinaUbus pariter assentienti-
bus."— /5i<i.
5 "Ut sic manifestum appareat cunctis, quia tecum et tua Cluniacus
solius papse Romani proprie propria censetur, quae sub alterius jure pon
tificis, seu cujuslibet potestatis, providente Deo, nee fuit aUquando, neo
erit in futuro." — Ibid.

426 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
thus sacrificed to justice the policy of conciliating the chief
leader of the Catholic party in Germany.'^
At Gap, the pope, by a similar bull, released the Arch
bishop of York for ever from the jurisdiction of the primate
of Canterbury.^ And yet he had just formed into a primacy
his see of Vienne, giving it jurisdiction over the seven
ecclesiastical provinces which extended from the Alps to
the Pyrenees.*
In Italy the holy Father was received with no less
enthusiasm than in France and Burgundy; the populous
towns of Lombardy and Tuscany, Milan, Lucca, and espe
cially Pisa, rivalled each other in proofs of attachment * and
admiration. At the news of his approach, the anti- Pope
Burdin, desperate at seeing himself abandoned by the
emperor, fled for refuge to the fortress of Sutri, while
Eome opened her gates to the legitimate pope. He was
received with a pomp and a popular eagerness never shown
in honour of any other pontiff.* After being a witness to
^ Bruno had used rather equivocal manoeuvres iu his relations with the
emperor. — Gest. Treviror ap. Leibnitz, Access., pp. 110-118. Pagi, Crit,
ann. 1120, c. 2. 2 Act Pontif. Eborae, loc cit.
3 Tareutaise, Aix, Embrun, Bourges, Auch, Narbonne, and Bordeaux.
The archbishops of Bourges and Narbonne, being already called primates,
those of Vienne took occasion to call themselves primate of primates. But
this was an empty title. — Flbury, Hist, cedes., b. 67, c. 15.
^ " Quem Francia, Longobardia, Tuscia, Apulia prsedicat." — Ep. Bginon.,
ap. Baron. " Descendens ad populosas Lombardise civitates in quibus nou
minore honoriflcentia recipiebatur quam devotissima devotione tractaba-
tur." — Vit. Calixt. ap. MuRAT. aud Baron. In this life are found details
of his triumphal entry into Lucca and Pisa, where he reconsecrated the
metropolitan church, tota ibidem Tuscia concurrente. Probably Gelasius II.
had ouly consecrated the choir, and Calixtus the nave, or even some side
altars. — St. Marc, Hist, d'ltalie, vol. iv. p. 1075.
^ Pandulph., loc. cU., Palco Benbvbnt., ann. 11 20. This entry was
on June 3, 1120. A bull is quoted, dated from the Lateran, June ist
(which shows an error of at least three days), by which the pope grants to
Aynard, Lord of Clermont in Dauphiny, and ancestor of the Ulustrious
house of Clermont-Tonnerre, Montoison, d' Amboise, &c., in consideration
of having escorted him to Rome with his soldiers in spite of the emperor
and the anti-pope, and also iu consideration of services rendered to the
Church by his father Sibald and his grandfather Aynard, the right to

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 427
the glorious procession of the pope to the Lateran amidst
the chanting of Latin, Greek, and even Hebrew hymns, by
an immense train of little children carrying palms, as a^t
our Saviour's entry into Jerusalem, and by the Eoman
chivalry, who had hastened to meet Calixtus while he was
stUl three days' journey distant from the city, a German
abbot of the pontifical suite wrote to his countrymen that
Csesar wonld have beheld with indignation his own glory
surpassed, and Cicero would perhaps have become a Chris
tian if he could have seen the banner of the cross bome
proudly above those of consuls and emperors.'
On the eve of this triumphal entry, Calixtus granted to
a knight of Dauphiny, founder of the illustrious house of
Clermont-Tonnerre, who had escorted him from the banks
of the Ehone to Eome, the favour of bearing as his arms the
keys and tiara, with the proud motto, " Etsi omnes, ego mon."
After having edified all Eome by his gentleness, his dis
interestedness,^ and the austerity of his life,* and after
bear : gules, two sUver keys placed saltire-wise, with a tiara for crest, and
to touch aU reUcs and consecrated things (except the vases used for con
secration), ou condition of kissing the feet of the pope and his successors,
with these words : "Si onvnes te negaverint nunquam te negaho ; " or, accord
ing to others, " Etia/md omnes, ego non." Vraie ct parfaite science des armoiries
de Louvan Gdiot, added to by Pierre PaUiot (Dijon, 1661 — folio), p. 176.
The noble aUusion made to this device, in 1828, by the last Cardinal de
Clermont-Tonnerre ,is weU kuown. The examples we have already men
tioned of Geoffrey of Anjou and of the Duke of Aquitaine show the sym
boUcal importance attached iu those days to the use of armorial bearings.
^ ' ' Caesar si superesset, indignans miraretur. Tullius f orsitan attrahere-
tur, dum vexUla crucis omnium consulum et imperatorum superari troph^a
conspicaretur." — Bp. Eginon., ap. Baron., ann. 1120 ; and Canis., Thes.
anecdot, vol. U. p. 240. This Bgino was abbot of St. Ulrich at Augsburg ;
he had had to maintain a fierce conflict with the schismatic bishop of
Augsburg, and, by Adalbert's advice, had gone to join Calixtus in Italy.
The pope took him to Bome, so that on his return ito Germany he might
be able to describe the Church's triumph: "relaturi terrse nostrse (ut
ipsius verbis utamur) triumphum Bcclesise." He died the same year, at
Pisa, on his way home, after having dictated the above letter.
^ Guill. Malm., ap. Baron. He encouraged the Bnglish to make
pUgrimages to St. James of ComposteUa rather than to Rome.
3 Ep. Eginon., loe dt.

428 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
having avenged the injuries done to Gelasius and the out
raged dignity of the pontificate, by causing the fortified
towers of Cencio Frangipani to be rased, the pope followed
the example of his predecessors, and went to seek rest and
refreshment at Monte Cassino, where he stayed two months.'
At Benevento all the Norman princes came to swear
fealty and do homage to Calixtus; and at Traja, their
chief, Duke William of Apulia, served the sovereign pontiff
as squire, leading his horse by the bridle at his entrance
into the town.^
In the spring of 1 1 22, these warriors gave the pope
their help to put an end to the incursions of the schismatics,
who, quartered at Sutri, cruelly ravaged the environs of
Eome, killing and mutilating those who were going to
the legitimate pope, if they refused to come and prostrate
themselves before the anti-pope.*
The siege of Sutri was undertaken by an army half Nor
man and half Eoman, led by the sovereign pontiff. The
inhabitants gave up Burdin to the besiegers, and this great
culprit had to endure the maledictions of the soldiery.
" Thou hast dared," they cried, " to tear the robe of Christ,
to destroy Catholic unity; accursed a thousand times be
thou for having brought such scandal into the world." *
Then they mounted him upon the camel ^ which carried the
cooking utensils of the true pope, with his face to the tail,
made him hold the tail for a bridle, and pnt a bleeding
goat-skin on his back to imitate the red cope worn by
popes. In this guise Burdin made his entry into Eome,
that the past shame of the Church might be avenged, and
1 Pbtr. Diac, Ohron. Cass., h. iv. c. 70.
^ " Cui vice stratoris ipse juxta sellam obambulans . . . " — Romuald.
Palernit., Ohron., ap. Baron., Falco Benbvbnt., loc dt
3 Suger, De Vit Lud. Gross., p. 310.
^ "Maledicte, maledicte, per quem tam magnum scandalum venit I" —
Card. Aragon., Vit. Calixt ; Murat., vol. iii. p. 420.
^ "Tortuoso animali tortuosum antipapam, anuo antechristum," says
Suger, loc cit. " Super camelum qui ferebat calderias pontificis Calisti."
— Vit. Pontif. in SpicUeg., Rom. ed. card. Mai, vol. vi. p. 299.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 429
those warned who in the future should be tempted to
imitate his crime.' Calixtus, with difBculty, snatched the
unfortunate man from his tormentors, and decided to shut
him up in a monastery, where he ended his days.^ The
pope announced the event to the French, bishops, inviting
them to thank God with him that he had been able to
break the idol of the King of the Germans, and to destroy
his diabolical nest. Then he applied himself to the restora
tion, in Eome and its environs, of order, security, and the
inviolability of offerings ; and avenged the Church's dignity
by destroying, as we have said, the fortresses of Cencio
Frangipani, who had so shamefully outraged Gelasius IL*
While he was thus vanquishing that schism whose conse
quences had been so pernicious to Italy,* the holy Father
maintained and extended his authority in other Christian
kingdoms by means of the zealous legates, whose experience
1 "Iguominiam Ecclesia Dei ulciscentes." — SuGBR, loc. dt. "In
exemplum aUorum, ne similia quis ultra auderet tentare." — Vit. Calixt,
loc. cU.
^ " . . . Vix a manibus eorum domino Apostolico Ulum eripiente." — Ohron.
Ursperg., ann. 1121. "Impetrante domino Papa." — SuGER, loc. cit. WiU
it be believed that in spite of these two distinct contemporary witnesses
to CaUxtus's merciful interposition, three Protestant historians — LiJDBN
(vol. ix. p. 509), Stentzel (vol. i. p. 699), and Gervais (vol. i. p. 295) —
have dared not only completely to suppress them, but also to attribute
exclusively to Calixtus, and to his base desire for vengeance, the harsh
treatment which Burdin suffered 1 Let us imagine for a moment that the
imperialist pope had triumphed over the Catholic one, and then interfered
to save his rival's Ufe, and then ask ourselves how these historians would
have represented the facts ! But against the Church and her champions
falsehood is and always has been permissible. Let us add that these
writers have not even the pretence of contemporary authority for their
slanders. The only author whose expressions would seem to show that
the pope had any share in Burdin's treatment is WiUiam of Tyre. But he
wrote half a ceutury later, aud consequently his testimony has no value,
especiaUy as he says that CaUxtus overcame Burdin by the help of the
emperor : " ejus fretus auxilio ! "
3 Guill. Malm., De Gest reg. Angl, i. See Pand. Pjsan., ap. Mura
tori, iii. p. 418.
* "Domino itaque Callisto gloriose prsesidente, et raptores Italise et
Apuliae perdouante."^SuGER, loc eU.

430 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
was of such value to him in the Church's warfare.' Car
dinal Peter, son of Leo,^ a monk of Cluny, filled this office
in a part of France and in the British Islands, including
the Orkneys.* Bishop Gerard of Angouleme, exercised the
same functions in the five provinces of Aquitaine and
Bretagne ; * and Conon of Palestrina, so long the right
arm of the legitimate papacy, continued to hold his former
position in the provinces of Prance, properly so called.^ In
his apostolic journeys, Conon was accompanied ^ by William
of Champeaux, Bishop of Chalons, surnamed the pillar of
doctors,'' and who, in the conferences with the emperor, had
been the pillar of the Charch. They together held a pro
vincial council at Beauvais, where, on account of innumerable
miracles, they canonised the holy monk, Arnoul of Soissons,
so long Gregory VIII.'s legate and auxiliary in Flanders.
William of Champeaux died shortly afterwards ; * but his
death did not prevent the legate Conon from holding another
councU at Soissons in the spring of 1 1 2 1 , where he pro
nounced a first sentence against Pierre Abelard, the cele
brated and ungrateful pupil of William of Champeaux, whose
appearance and whose doctrines presented to the Church
a new species of enemy to be fought and vanquished.^
1 "Apostolici culminis securitate potitus, libera auctoritate, qua
Romanum pontificem niti sequum esse probatur, quaquaversum per
legates suos utebatur." — Eadm., Hist, novor., b. v. p. 99.
' He who was afterwards anti-pope under the name of Anacletus II.
" Badm., loc. dt.
* Dol, Tours, Bourges, Bordeaux, and Auch, by a bull of October 16,
1 1 20. — Ap. Pagi, Crit, c. 21.
^ Rheims, Sens, and Rouen.
^ "Habens secum velut magnum auxUiatorem . . " — Chron. Maur.,
P- 372.
' "Columna doctorum." — Fit S. Arnulfi iu D'Ach^ry, SpicU. and
ConcU., vol. xii. p. 13 11, where maybe seen very curious details of the
procedure foUowed by the bishops for this canonisation. — Cf. D'AcH^RY,
SpicU., vol. i. p. 633, in not., folio ed,
3 January 1121.
^ What relates to this early history of Abelard wiU be found further on.

CHAPTER XIV
THE PAPACY RECONCILED TO THE EMPIRE
Adalbert, named legate by Calixtus, organises the party of resistance. —
The armies face each other on the banks of the Mein, 1121. — A diet
convoked at Wurzburg. — Admirable conduct of the confederated
princes. — Letter of Calixtus to Henry V. — Assembly and treaty at
Worms. — Grand spectacle ou the banks of the Rhine. — Joy of CaUxtus
equal to that of the nation. — Glcumenical Council at the Lateran. —
Consequences of the peace between the pope and emperor. — Erroneous
value placed on the agreement of Worms. — What would have hap
pened if the papacy had not won the victory. — Great champions of
the Church. — Pagau Rome contrasted with Christian Rome. — Private
Ufe of the monks in different monasteries. — Monks of Bee philoso
phers, grammarians, and savants. — WUliam of Champeaux and the
schools of Paris to which foreigners fiocked. — Foundation of the Uni
versity of Cambridge. — Jurisconsults, physicians, and historians in
monaisteries. — Cloistered Ufe speciaUy tempting to the higher classes.
— The abbey caUed Mout-des-Anges in Unterwald. — Osmund, Main-
sende, and their son and biographer. — The abbey of Fontevrault a
refuge for high-bom widows. — Baudouin, Count of Flanders, becomes
a monk of St. Bertin. — Foundation of the abbey of Kloster-Neubourg,
near Vienna. — Otho, Bishop of Bamberg, the restorer and founder of
abbeys. — Money coUected to re-esta'bUsh ruined monasteries. — The
Earl of Lothian at Tiron. — Projects of the Bmperor Henry V. against
the kingdom of France. — France, in the time of Louis le Gros and
Suger, was caUed the Queen of nations. — Greatness of the abbeys of
Cluny and of Monte Cassino. — The orders of monks objects of envy
and hatred to princes and even to bishops. — A monk of Monte Cassino
undertakes the defence of Monastic Orders, which are also avenged by
Pope CaUxtus II.
From this time France and England, as well as the whole
of Italy, recognised the great pope who had lately presided
at Eheims over the solemn assize of Christendom. Schism,
in losing Burdin, had lost its centre. The emperor alone
now remained to be subdued. Left alone at Yvoi ( 1 1 1 9)
431

432 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
after the miscarriage of the conference of Mouzon, oppressed
by the sentence of excommunication pronounced at Eheims,
the most solemn ever directed against any sovereign, Henry
went, sad and solitary, to spend Christmas at Worms,' a
town deeply devoted to his cause. The princes had deserted
the imperial court ; the small number of bishops who had
remained with the emperor diminished day by day. Bishop
Burckhard of Munster, the most devoted of his creatures,
who had advised Pascal's imprisonment, had died on an
embassy to Constantinople, whither he had gone to negotiate
with the Byzantine Court ^ in Henry's favour. The Arch
bishop of Treves, hitherto neutral, had joined Calixtus ; * the
Bishop of Strasburg, Vice-Chancellor of the empire, had
submitted to the pope as soon as he heard of the decrees of
Eheims. The emperor, instead of trying to win back the
prelate, sent him into exile,* where he was equally ill-treated
by the penitent bishops of Welpire and of Worms,® who
had been driven from their sees, and by the Bishop of Lifege.
This diocese was then one of the largest in the empire ; it
possessed the most fiourishing schools,® and passed for the
most powerful, on account of the number and nobility of its
feudatories. It had served as a. refuge to Henry IV., and
had always been considered as the chief centre of the schism.
Having become vacant by the death of Olbert, one of the
most ardent partisans of the imperial cause, the see was
given by the emperor to Archdeacon Alexander of Juliers,
who had brought him the crosier and ring of the late bishop.^
1 " Natale Domini Wormatise non imperialiter celebravit." — Ohron.
Ursperg., ann. II 20.
^ Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1121 ; Stentzel, i. 695.
3 See above. Cf. Gervais, i. 302.
* Stentzel, ibid., ex Martene, Ampliss. CoUect, i. p. 676.
' Ohron. Ursperg., ann. 1121.
^ " Leodium civitas . . . studiis Utterarum prse ceteris apprime famosa."
— Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1117.
' It is said that Alexander paid the emperor seven thousand livres of
silver to obtain the dignity. — ChapbAUVILLB, Gest. Episc. Leodensium, vol.
ii. 0. 21 ; ap. ConcU., xii. 1308.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 433
But the chapter, encouraged by the metropolitan, Frederic
of Cologne, would not recognise the choice, and elected their
provost, Frederic, brother of the Count of Namur, whom
Pope Calixtus consecrated at the Council of Eheims.
A bloody war resulted, in which was repeated the great
struggle then tearing the empire to pieces. The vast
diocese of Lifege, extending through Brabant and Lorraine,
was cruelly ravaged. The Duke of Brabant, the Counts
of Diiren and Montaigu, and the greater part of the
immediate vassals of the bishopric,' fought for the imperial
candidate. But the Counts of Namur, of Limbourg,
and of Fauquemont, nearly the whole city of Liege, an
immense majority of the clergy, and all the abbeys,^ took
part with the bishop-elect, who represented the cause of
ecclesiastical liberty. Abbot Eodolph of St. Frond was
especially distingiushed for the zeal and steadiness with
which he opposed the partisans of Alexander and the
emperor; just as twelve years previously he had nobly
striven, even to the point of suffering exile and all kinds of
perils, to defend freedom of election in his own monastery,
against the excommunicated candidate whom the emperor
wished to introduce there. This time he again braved per
secution by maintaining the same cause in his own diocese.
Eather than communicate with the imperialists, he chose
to abandon his monastery and take refuge at Cologne.*
Frederic, thanks to the sword of his brother, the Count of
Namur, finally triumphed, and received his rival publicly as
a penitent ; but he died shortly after, poisoned by the schis
matics, and honoured as a martyr by all Catholics.* These
1 " Pene tota famUia Ecclesiae oum suis viribus." — ChapbAUVIllb, Gest.
Ppise Leodensium, vol. ii. c. 21 ; ap. ConcU., xii. 1308.
^ "Civitas fere tota et omues episcopatus abbates." — Ibid. " De
archidiaconis et prsepositis meUores et plurimi, clerus quam plurimus." —
Chron. Rudal. abb. S. Trudonis in Spicileg., ii. p. 698.
3 See the very curious aud detaUed account of Abbot Rodolph's trials
in 1 107 aud 11 19, in the Chronicle of St Prond, edited by himself, in
SpicU., vol. ii. p. 686 et seq.
* Act SS. Bdland., May 27. We are astonished to fiud nothing about
VOL. VI. 2 E

434 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
local wars were carried on in all the German States with
various results and with periods of hesitation, and of over
tures which, for the moment, gave hope of reconciliation
between the emperor and the Saxon princes, now weary of
conflict.' But the great Archbishop Adalbert, whom Calixtus
had appointed legate, succeeded in organising and keeping
up a defence, winning,^ by his energy and eloquence, both
bishops and princes to his cause, and communicating to the
whole north of Germany a unanimous impulse of opposition
to the emperor. In concert with Duke Lothaire and other
Saxon princes, the archbishop busied himself in making
canonical elections to the vacant sees, and especially to
those of Magdeburg and Miinster, of men rejected by the
imperialists on account of their steady devotion to the liberty
of the Church, but whom he eagerly undertook to consecrate.*
In this state of affairs Henry resolved to make a last attempt ;
collecting all his forces, he besieged Mayence, as if he hoped
to smother in the metropolitan stronghold those flames of
resistance which Adalbert had kindled. But the archbishop
redoubled his exertions. Having succeeded in interesting
all orthodox Germany in the fate of this important city,*
he hurried back from Saxony at the head of a considerable
number of troops to defend it. The two armies came in
sight of each other on the banks of the Mein in the middle
this bull in the two histories of Liege, published by M. le Baron de Gerlache
and M. L. Polain.
1 We must agaiu refer to Gervais for details of the wars and negotia
tions during the years 1120 and 1121, carefully excepting the calumnious
and altogether unsupported imputations made by this historian upou
Adalbert. 2 " Pontifices ac principes totius Saxoniae pro utilitalibus matris Ecclesiae
frequenter convocat . . vir eloquens et primatum in Cisalpiuis partibus
multi firmiter tenens." — Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1 121.
3 " Litteris ac legationibus papae roborati cathedris vacantibus canonicae
pastores elegerunt quos. . . . Mogontino prasule . . . probabUiter et Ec
clesiastica Ubertate consecrari feceruut . . . contra voluntatem imperatoris
restituunt." — Ibid., 1120, 1121.
* " Ad defeusiouem metropolis totius Germanise animos omnium catholi
cam obedientiam profitentium tandem excitat." — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 435
of June 1 121. Henry was at last obliged to acknowledge
the impossibiUty of continuing the struggle ; the moment
was one of bitter humUiation on all sides. Adalbert, his
detested rival, the principal object of his hatred, was there
with the half of Germany ranged in battle against him.
Burdin, as wUl be remembered, had fallen from the pon
tifical throne where the emperor had seated him. His
brother-in-law, WilUam, the only son of the King of Eng
land, whose tyrannical disposition towards his future subjects
had already made itself manifest, had just perished with his
half-sister and three hundred companions by the wreck of
his ship upon a rock near the Norman coast during a per
fectly calm night.' The world had seen in this terrible
catastrophe a striking instance of divine justice. " Your
WUliam," wrote a certain monk, " was dreaming of the
greatness of his future royalty ; ^ but God said to him. Not
so, impious prince — not so ; and instead of being encircled
by the golden crown, his head was crushed against the
rocks of the sea." *
During this time, in all the churches of Germany fasts
were held, and fervent prayers and solemn processions were
made for the safety of Mayence and the restoration of peace.
At the most critical juncture the pope's legates arrived.
Calixtus, far from being intoxicated by his triumph at
Eome, or inclined to abuse it, stUl showed himself as ready
to treat as before the excommunication at Eheims : he dis
played the most conciliatory disposition, and the most
ardent desire that under his pontificate peace should be
made throughout the Christian universe.* Two of his
' November 25, 1120.
^ " Quae res multorum mentes exterruit atque tnrbavit et de occultis justi
Dei judiciis iu admirationem concussit." — Eadm., Hist, ¦nov., b. 5, ad fin.
3 " IUe de regno futuro cogitabat, Deus autem dicebat : Non sic, impie,
non sic : contigit autem ei quod pro corona auri, rupibus marinis capite
scinderetur." — Henric. Huntingdon., Bp. de contenvpt. mundi in Anglia
sacra, U. 696 ; cited by Thierry, ConquSte de I'Angleterre.
* " Per litteras et nuntios vestros cognovimus^circa hsec maxime semper

436 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
cardinals, Lambert of Ostia and Gregory, both of whom
were destined to occupy the pontifical throne after him,'
and who had already been in communication with Henry V,
were commissioned, immediately after Burdin's capture, to
retum to Germany,^ and to neglect nothing needful to
attain the object of the pope's noble ambition. Their
influence certainly contributed to the prevalence of those
pacific dispositions which were plainly shown by the great
personages of both armies, and which induced them, instead
of fighting, to approach each other with a desire to arrange
terms of accommodation.*
The emperor was obliged to yield to this irresistible move
ment, and consent that the solution of the important ques
tion in debate between the Church and the empire should
be confided to twenty-five princes, chosen among those who
were supposed to be most influenced by the fear of God ;
twelve from his party, and twelve from that of the Church.*
A general diet was convoked at Wiirzburg for St. Michael's
Day (1121), in order to conclude this much-desired peace.
When the two armies found themselves within a day's
march of each other on the banks of the Wernitz, there was,
versari vestrse pietatis desideria, ut Apostolica dispensatione vestris potis
simum diebus pax et concordia descendereut in universum mundum."— Ep.
Adalb. ad Calixt. Ampl. Collect, vol. i. p. 671.
^ They had for a colleague Saxo, cardinal-priest of St. Stephen.
2 They returned to Rome at the end of August 1121.— Cf. Pand. Pisan.
and Falco Benbvbnt., ap. Pagi, Crit, anu. 1121, c. 6 aud 9, whence it is
natural to conclude that they took part in the negotiations of the months
of June and July in Germany. Gervais, who willingly represents in a false
light the Church's position at the end of the contest, makes no mention of
this first mission of the three legates.
3 " Missis utrimque quibusdam sapientissimis atque religiosis proceribus,
de concordia sua scilicet fratema honorabiliter tractare cceperunt." — Chron.
Ursperg., anu. 1 121.
* " Mentibus universorum tam in uno divinae voluntatis assensu con-
nexis . . . ut ipse praesens negocium non suo, sed optimatum utriusque
partis arbitrio terminandum decreverit ... ex utraque parte XII primates,
quorum corda timor Dei possidens inveteratam dlscordiam inter regnum
et sacerdotium sedare . . . resistens sufficeret." — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 437
indeed, considerable temptation to renew hostilities ; ' but
the emperor this time remained faithful to his oath, and
consented that all questions should be settled according to
the princes' decision.^ The latter, both lay and ecclesiastic,
but headed by the bishops,* showed themselves worthy of
their high mission ; they displayed a spirit of justice,
moderation, and generosity, which testified to their great
ness of soul and their high intelligence, and proves how well
they were fitted to decide the destinies of their country, and
to interpose as mediators between the Church and the sove
reign,* both of whom they had served so bravely. Faithful
to the spirit of the conventions agreed to by the emperor
and the pope's plenipotentiaries at Strasburg, they began
by decreeing, under pain of death, the commencement of a
general and complete peace, the reciprocal restitution of all
domains and heritages usurped from the royal revenue, from
the Chnrch, or from the lawful heirs ; the re-establishment
of justice and of the privileges of each order ; ^ and the
rigorous prosecution of robbers. Thus the temporal inte
rests of the empire were provided for wisely and justly ; but
the spiritual question, the chief cause of the quarrel, still
1 " Licet nonnuUi pacem odientes scandala nova veteribus supersemiuare
tentaverunt." — Chron. Ursperg., aun. 1121.
^ " Imperator sponsionis suae non immemor . . . quantum . . . non sui
arbitrio . . . sed juxta senatusconsultum concludi per omnia in omnibus
concessit." — Lbid.
3 We cannot find anywhere a list of these nobles ; to admit with Gervais
(vol. i. p. 324, note 3) that the princes whose decision was acknowledged
as sovereign were all, or nearly all, laymen, would be to disregard all the
indications of history, and all the customs of the time, especially in Ger
many. Besides, we see iu Charton, vol. i. p. 671, and Chron. Ursperg.,
p. 1121, that Adalbert aud Otho of Bamberg had au important share iu the
proceedings. * Stentzel (i. 701) and Gervais (i. 330) have well shown the importance
and the merits of the princes' interference on this occasion ; but we think
that they have insisted too much on the novelty of such an intervention,
numerous examples of which are suppUed by the previous history of Ger
many and of all the European States.
s " Omnique personse vel conditioni propriam adjudicatam est justi
tiam." — Chron. Ursperg.

438 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
remained to be settled. The custom of investiture was, in
the eyes of most of the lay nobles, an hereditary appanage
of the imperial dignity ; and when Archbishop Adalbert
had explained the law of the Church, he found himself con
sidered by many as the destroyer of the empire.i It was
then that those princes to whom the emperor had intrusted
his prerogatives, those all-powerful warriors who had become
the arbitrators of the spiritual and temporal future of the
empire, gave the most astonishing proof of their moderation
and true wisdom by abstaining from judging this aspect of
the cause, and leaving it to the pope to decide in a general
council all that referred to investitures and to the imperial
excommunication. Guided by the fear of God, they chose
to refer to the judgment of the Holy Spirit a question which
they found insoluble by means of purely human skill. 2 They
contented themselves, therefore, with advising the emperor
never to lose sight of the obedience due to the Holy See,^
and with promising solemnly that they would all endeavour
sincerely to bring about his reconciliation with the Church,
and to make the settlement of the question of investitures
compatible with the honour of the imperial crown.* This
' "Tam imperium quam imperator tanquam hereditario quodam jure
baculum et annulum possidere volebant, pro quibus universa laicarum
multitudo imperii nos destructores iuclamabat." — Ep. Adalb., ad Pap.,
ap. Martene, loc cit. It is evident that this unanimity must not be taken
literaUy, nor appUed to all the nobles, since at least half of them had for
fifty years been fighting against the imperial right of investiture. If it
had existed, this right would certainly not have been abandoned by uni
versal consent in the treaty which was the result of these negotiations.
^ " De verbo autem excommunicationis . . . nihil est definitum, tamen
ad Apostolicam audientiam concorditer in divino timore dUatum . . .
quatenus indicto per auctoritatem Apostolicam generall concilio quae
cumque, humano non possent Spiritus Dei judicio terminarentur. " — Chron.
Ursperg. , loc. dt. " Judicio et consilio domini Apostolici, causam impera
toris determinandam reservautes." — Ohron. HUdesheim., ann. 1121.
3 This formula pacis contains the bases of the accommodation such as
they were no doubt submitted to the pope, and communicated to the
absent princes. — Cf. Jebvais, i. 329 ; Stentzel, i. 700.
* "Principes sine dolo et sine dissimulatione elaborare intendunt, ut in
hoo regnum honorem suum retineat." — Formula pads, he cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 439
was not all ; they ordered that the bishops lawfully elected
and consecrated by Adalbert should be maintained or estab
lished in their sees. Catholics were authorised to commu
nicate provisionally with the emperor, until an answer
should arrive from Eome ; i but previously the princes en
gaged to interpose their authority in case of the emperor
attempting to avenge, upon any one, injuries received during
the war ; and they did not separate until they had sworn to
maintain the bases of an accommodation decided upon among
themselves, even if the emperor should violate them.2 The
Bishop of Spire and the Abbot of Fulda were sent to Eome
with the results of the conference : they returned at the be
ginning of 1 1 22, with the three cardinals, Lambert, Gregory,
and Saxo, who had already, in the preceding year, testified
to the pacific intentions of Calixtus.* They arrived in
time to prevent the peace from being again disturbed on
the subject of a contested election to the see of Wiirzburg,
where the emperor had hastened to use once more his con
tested right of investiture in favour of a candidate of his
own choosing. Count Gebhard of Neisseburg. Archbishop
Adalbert, together with most of the princes, and even with
Henry's two nephews,* supported, in opposition to Gebhard,
a more fitting candidate in the person of the deacon Eudiger,^
1 "Donee id fiat, episcopi et omues cathoUci, sine ulla injuria et peri
culo communionem suam custodiant."
^ "Si autem imperator hoc consilium prseterierit, principes sicut ad
invicem fidem dederunt, ita eam observent." We do not know what
foundation Gervais has for saying (i. 331) that they made a similar en
gagement with regard to the pope ; this is a gratuitous and certainly
absurd assertion, since they were referring the question to the pope's
decision. 3 See, as to the double journey of these three legates, Pagi, CrU., ann.
1 1 22, c. 9.
* " Indignatus ab imperatore suo avunculo suo discedere." — Ohron. Urs
perg., loc dt. These were Frederic, Duke of Suabia, and Conrad, Duke of
Franconia, the latter especiaUy interested in the question, because his
duchy had been given him at the expense of the see of Wiirzburg.
5 Gervais (i. 338) owns that Rudiger was better fitted for the bishopric
than Gebhard, and that the detaUs of the dispute are obscure, which does

440 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
who was consecrated in the Abbey of Schwartzach. The
legates, in spite of the emperor,' acknowledged the newly
elected bishop, and Henry was obliged to endure this con
tradiction, tempered, indeed, by the affectionate letters which
they brought him from Pope Calixtus, in which the pope
said that they ought to treat with each other, not only as
pontiff and monarch, but as relatives ^ nearer to each other
by the ties of blood than any of their predecessors had been.
" The Church," said the pope, " has no desire to rob you of
any of your rights, but, like a mother, gives you freely all
that belongs to her. Nor does she desire to claim the glory
of your empire. We wish only to serve God and to do
justice. Eeturn therefore to your true self, and consider
what you have become. Do not trust in the pride of
wickedness, for God resists the proud. You have soldiers
on your side, but the Church has the King of kings ; she
has also the holy apostles Peter and Paul, who are her lords
and patrons. Give up, then, what does not belong to yonr
office, that you may the better fulfil it. Let the Church
have what is Christ's, and let Csesar keep what is his own.
Let each be content with his share, and let those to whom
all look for justice be careful not to encroach upon the
rights of others. If, by the advice of wise and religious
men, you listen to and obey us, you will give joy to God
and to the world, and you will add eternal glory to your
imperial crown. You will bind us and all the Church to
you by the bonds of such love that you will appear to all
as a true king and true emperor. But if you prefer the
counsels of fools and flatterers, who desire to rule over you,
if you refuse to God and the Church the honour which is
not hinder him from blindly following the interested version of the im
perialist candidate iu Cod. Udalr., No. 335, and profiting by it to accuse
Archbishop Adalbert.
^ "Contra voluntatem imperatoris per auctoritatem archiepiscopi Ad-
alberti ceterorumque legatorum papse." — Chron. Ursperg., loc. cit
^ The Empress Agnes, grandmother of Henry V., was niece of Count
Raymond, grandfather of Calixtus II.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 44 1
their due, we wiU provide for the needs of the Chnrch by
the ministry of wise and good men, but it wiU be to your
hurt, for things cannot remain as they are." '
The apostolic legates, after having consulted with Adalbert
of Mayence, and seconded by his anxiety for peace,^ suc
ceeded in calming the irritation produced on both sides by
the affair of Wiirzburg,* and convoked, for the Peast of the
Nativity of the Virgin, a general assembly, to which were
invited, by letters breathing the most sincere desire for
peace and concord, the emperor, the prelates, the monks,
and the leamed clerks of Germany, and even of France.*
This assembly was held at Worms ; and while the legates,
the emperor, and the princes were deliberating in the city,
the immense crowd which formed their cortege encamped
on the banks of the Ehine. The deliberations lasted more
1 " Nihil, Henrice, de tuo jure vindicare sibi quaeret Ecclesia, quse sicut
mater sua omnibus gratuito administrat. Nee regni neo imperii gloriam
affectamus, sed soli Deo in Ecclesise suse justitia deservire optamus. Redi
ergo ad te ipsum, redi . . . habes milites adjutores tuos : habet Ecclesia
Regem regum . . . obtineat Ecclesia quod Christi est, habeat imperatore
quod suum est ... sit pars utraque contenta suo officio, neo sibi ad invicem
ambitione aUqua sua usurpent, qui debent omnibus justitiam observare
. . . Hos es totam Ecclesiam ita tibi nexibus dUectionis divincies . . .
quod si stultorum et imperare tibi volentium adulationibus . . . auhaeseris
. . . Ecclesise Dei curabimus provideri, quoniam sic esse diutius non vale
mus." — Letter of February 19, 1122. Neugart, Cod. Dipt, ii. 841.
' Stentzel, here more just than Gervais, acknowledges that Adal
bert was the mediator of this wished-for peace. — Vol. i. p. 710,
note 57.
3 Cf. Bp. Adalb. ad Calixt, ap. MART., loc. cit. "Benignus et amator
Jesus per industriam servorum suorum . . . legatorum qui tunc Moguntise
morabant, immo per habitatem in eis Spiritum suum, spiritum principum
paci contrarium auf erre caritatemque in eorum cordibus diffundere ccepit."
— Chron. Ursp., loc. cit.
^ Cod. Udalr., pp. 304, 331, 332.
^ "Omnibus GaUiarum archiepiscopis, abbatibus, monachis, clericis prse
cipue in saoris Scripturis eruditis, et omnibus principibus." — Ibid. It does
not appear that auy French prince or prelate responded to this invitation ;
aud it seems to us probable that the word GaUiarum arises from the error
of a copyist, who completed the word from the initial G, intended for
Germanice. Suoh errors in MSS. are not rare.

442 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
than a week, amidst general anxiety.' But at last. He who
holds the hearts of kings in His hand, humbled, beyond all
hope, the pride of the emperor, and bowed him to the yoke
of apostolic obedience.^ Henry V. renounced the famous
right of investiture which his predecessors had so long
exercised, and which he had so often vowed he would
abandon only with his life.* On September 23, 1122, the
treaty, so famous in history under the name of the Concordat
of Worms, was concluded by the exchange of two solemn
engagements, made by the pope and the emperor, in the
name of the holy and indivisible Trinity. The following is
the engagement signed by the emperor: "I, Henry, by the
grace of God august Emperor of the Eomans, for the love
of God, of the holy Eoman Church, and of Pope Calixtus,
and for the good of my soul, do give up to God, to His holy
apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy Catholic Church,
all rights of investiture by the crosier and ring ; and I
consent that, in all churches of my empire, elections shall
be canonical, and consecrations free. I restore to the holy
Eoman Church all her possessions and regalia, which, since
the beginning of this quarrel, either in my father's time or
in my own, have been taken from her, and which I have
retained ; and I wUl cause to be faithfully restored, according
to the advice and judgment of the princes, those which I do
not myself possess. I will do the same for the possessions *
' "Incredibile memoratum est quam prudenti, quam instanti, quamque
per omnia soUicito cunctorum procerum consilio pro paoe et concordia
certatum sit." — Chron. Ursp.
^ "Donee ipsi in cujus manu cor regis est omnem animositatem impera
toris sub Apostolicam obedientiam causa manu Ecclesiae, etiam ultra spem
plurimorum inflexit. " — Ihid.
3 " Quae tanto tempore reges Teutonici administraverant, quaeque ipse,
ne regni immiuuereter honor, nunquam vita comite se dimissurum pro-
posuerat." — Ihid.
^ After having stipulated the restitution, pure and simple, of possessions
aud regalia (that is, royal rights, suoh as military service, tolls, &c.) to the
Roman Church, he reserves to himself, with regard to the other churches,
the regalia of which the pope's document authorised him to give investiture
by the sceptre.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 443
of the Other churches, and of the princes and other clerks
and laymen, which have been seized during this war. I
grant a true peace to Pope Calixtus, to the holy Eoman
Church, and to all those who are, or who have been, of her
party. I wiU aid her faithfully when she shall demand it
of me ; and whenever she shall bring a complaint to me I
will render her dne justice."
This act bore, immediately after the emperor's signature,
that of his most redoubtable opponent, Adalbert, Archbishop
of Mayence ; and it was revised and sealed with the great
golden seal by the very man who had always so resolutely
contended with Henry — by Frederic, Archbishop of Cologne,
Chancellor of the kingdom of Italy.'
The document drawn up in the pope's name was thus
expressed : " I, Calixtus, servant of the servants of God,
I grant to you, my dear son Henry, by the grace of God
august Emperor of the Eomans, that the election of bishops
and abbots of the Germanic kingdom shall be made in your
presence, without simony or any violence, so that, if any
dispute arise between the competitors, you may give your
consent and protection to the one who best merits them,
by the advice of the metropolitan and the bishops of the
diocese. The elect may then receive from you the inves
titure of regaUa by the sceptre (except those which are
known to belong to the Eoman Church), and he shall do to
you, in return, the services to which you have a right : any
one who has been consecrated in another part of the empire
may receive the regalia from you by the sceptre within the
space of six months.^ You may bring complaints before
me, and I will give you help according to the duty of my
^ Autograph. Vatican, ap. Baron., ann. 1122.
2 " Teutonici regni, qui ad regnum pertinent ; " that is to say, of the
Germau kingdom, and not of such other countries as Italy, Burgundy,
or the kingdom of Aries, which aU belonged to the Holy Roman Empire,
but did not form parts of Germany. The Bmperor, on the other hand,
had granted freedom of election in omnibus imperii 'mei pa/rtihus.—Cf.
Gervais, i. 346.

444 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
office. I grant you a true peace, both to you and to all
those who are, or have been, of your party." '
This great act was consummated with all the publicity
which was then thought suitable for the events of political
life, and in presence of all the freemen who constituted the
Germanic nation.^
' From these stipulations it appears that, in Germany, the prelates who
had been freely elected were to receive the investiture of regalia by the
sceptre before being consecrated, but the crosier and ring from the con-
secrator. In Italy, aud elsewhere, prelates were consecrated before being
invested by the sceptre. At the same time, there is uot, according to
Gervais, a single instance of an Italian prelate who went to seek this
investiture from the emperor.
2 We may here remind the reader that, in the eleventh and twelfth
centuries, the Germanic nation consisted of seven categories or classes,
designated by the name of HeerschUde or Shields, which, wheu assembled,
formed the general diets and those of election : —
I. The elective king, who took the title of emperor, after being con
secrated to that oflfice by the pope.
2. The ecclesiastical princes, bishops, or abbots, who, as to temporal
matters, could be vassals only to the king.
3. Dukes, who could be vassals to the ecclesiastical princes.
4. Counts and free barons, equal in rank to the dukes, but able to be
their vassals by holding some of their lands in fief. The first three classes
composed the higher nobiUty (der hbhere Adel), which have since been
called the immediate princes and seigneurs. It is probable that they alone
took part in the election of kings.
5. The Mittelfreie, or bannerets, who did not belong by birth to the
higher nobility, but who could have freemen for vassals ; these formed
the ordinary nobility.
6. The simple knights, or nobles, without vassals (ministeriales).
7. The freemen (ingenui), vassals of the higher and middle nobility,
but not serfs. There were many nobles in the cities ; but the citizens,
who were not noble, though already very influential, from their wealth
and warlike spirit, did not form part of the political body of the empire
until later, when imperial cities were created. The country people in
general were attached to the land (Leibeigener), with a regulated system
of rights, services, and jurisdiction, which rendered their condition en
tirely diflferent from that of serfdom, as we have seen it in Russia. There
were also peasants who were quite free. The six HeerschUde generally
assembled about the king at the three great festivals of Christmas, Baster
and Whitsuntide.
The duchies, which represented the ancient races of the Teutonic
nation, had also their individual diets. There were seveu of them :

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 445
The world has rarely seen a nobler or more touching
spectacle than that witnessed by the banks of the Ehine,
when princes, counts, bishops, knights, monks, priests,
soldiers, and citizens met in the vast plain near Worms,
through which flows the most beautiful river of Europe.
Amidst this innumerable multitude,' the emperor Henry V.
appeared, and humbling himself in the presence of all for
the love of Christ, gave to the pope's vicegerent,^ and
through him to Christ Himself, the deed by which he
surrendered for ever to the Church his ancient right, and
received the pope's concession in return.* The two docu
ments were read to the assembled crowd;* and immediately
aU the multitude, aU the Catholic army, moved by one
impulse, fell upon their knees in a transport of joy, to thank
God for the conclusion of peace, while Cardinal Lambert of
Ostia gave absolution to the emperor and his followers, and
then the kiss of peace and the holy communion.^
After the emperor had sworn, between the hands of the
legate, that he would observe all the conditions of the
treaties, he again received the oath of fidelity from the
princes — an oath from which they had been released by the
Franconia, Saxony, Suabia, Bavaria, Carinthia, and Upper and Lower
Lorraine. There were six archbishoprics (Mayence, Cologne, Treves,
Magdeburg, Salzburg, aud Bremen), and thirty-five bishoprics. — GiBH-
HORN, Deutsche Staats wnd Rechts Geschichte, § 294 ; '.Stentzel, vol. i. p.
727 to 735 ; Pleppel, Abridgement of Public Law i/n Germany ; Remarks on
the Fifth and Sixth Periods.
1 " Propter infiuitse multitudinis conventum loco campestri juxta
Rhenum." — Chrcm. Ursp., loc. cit.
" " Ostiensem episcopum vicem domini Apostolici per omnia tenentem."
—Hnd. 3 "QuaUter . . . humiUatus pro Christi coram multitudine maxima
abnegaverit, et iu manus Episcopi . . . ac per ipsum domino . . .
suaeque in perpetuum jus Ecclesiae dimiserit, rursusque quale sibi ...
auctoritas apostolica concesserit." — Ihid.
* "Scripta atque rescripta . . . lecta sunt, data et accepta."— TJid.
'"Post multimodals laudes rerum Gubernatori redditas, celebratis a
domno Ostiensi divinis sacramentis, inter quae . . . cum pacis osculo
sanctaque communione pienissime reconoUiavit. . . . Discessum est ab
omnibus oum mfinita laetitia."— /6J<^. Cf. Gervais, i. 349.

446 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
Council of Eheims — and swore to them, in his turn, that
he would respect their persons, their possessions, and their
right to hold courts of justice.' The meeting separated
with universal satisfaction ; and the emperor went to Bam
berg 2 to collect the suffrages of those princes who had been
unable to go to Worms. Their votes were unanimous ; and
with their consent, Henry gave, for the first time, investiture
of regalia by the sceptre agreeably to the apostolic authorisa
tion, to the new abbot of Fulda, regularly and freely elected
by the princes.* Thence the emperor sent a solemn em
bassy with rich presents to Calixtus as his dear cousin.*
As to the anti-pope Burdin, nothing was said of him ; not
a voice was raised in favour of the unfortunate man who
had consented to serve as instrument in the degradation
of the Church and the re-establishment of all the abuses
destroyed by Gregory VII. According to the usual course
of earthly justice, Burdin was betrayed and sacrificed by
those very men for whom he had betrayed and sacrificed
the Church.
Calixtus felt a joy neither less lively nor less legitimate
than that which spread through Germany. For the active
and unconquerable energy which he had displayed against
imperial usurpation, both before and after his accession to
the papal throne, the great pontiff had substituted, at the
right moment, a spirit of concUiation and mercy, which had
won for him a complete victory. He answered Henry's
letter in the most affectionate terms, congratulating him on
having returned, after so long an estrangement, into the
bosom of the Church, and on having humbly obeyed his
1 Cod. Udalr., No. 309 ; explained by Gervais, i. 349.
^ November 11, 1122.
3 " Cum consensu praesentium principum electione regulari prsemissa
. . . ejusdem congregationis frater . . . juxta privilegium praescriptum
regalia vel fiscaUa eidem ccenobio pertinentia ab -imperatore suscepit." —
Chron. Ursp., loe cit.
^ " Domno Apostolico Calixto, consanguineo scilicet jam sibi mitis-
simo." — Ihid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL 447
salutary commands.' " We open to you," he said, " as to a
son of St. Peter, our paternal arms, and we are the more
desirous to cherish your person and to honour your crown,
because you have obeyed the Eoman Church more devoutly
than your predecessors, and are more closely united to us
by ties of blood. Act so, therefore, dear son, that we may
be united in the Lord, aud reflect how much evil this long
discord between the Church and the empire has done to
the faithful throughout Europe, and how much good our
concord may do with God's help. . . . Our brothers, the
bishops, cardinals, and all the Eoman clergy, join with us
to salute you, your princes, and your barons." ^
Finally, in order to impress upon the peace the seal of
the most solemn confirmation, Calixtus II. summoned to the
Lateran an CEcumenical Council, the first which had ever
met at Eome.* The council was opened in Lent 1 1 2 3
(March 18), and almost all the prelates of Christendom
were present at it* — thirty-two cardinals, more than three
hundred bishops, and six hundred abbots ' gathered from
all countries of the Christian world. The pope having
caused the Concordat of Worms to be read to this august
and immense assembly, it was ratified and approved unani
mously by the thousand prelates.® Calixtus, by the advice
of the council, then pronounced the absolution of the em
peror from the sentence of excommunication which had
1 "Tejamdudum nimium relnctantem. . . ." — Letter of December 13,
1 122, in Cone, xii. 1331.
2 " Nos ergo te in B. Petri fiUum paternae afEectionis brachiis te susci
pimus. . . . Age ergo, fill carissime . . perpendat imperialis excellentia
tua, quantum diuturna, &c. . . . Europae fidelibus intulerit detrimentum."
—Ibid. 3 It is counted as the ninth CEcumenical CouncU and the first of the
Lateran in the West.— Fleury, b. 67, No. 31 ; Hist litt, vol. x. p. 527.
* See their names at the bottom of the deed as to metropolitan juris
diction in Corsica. — Cone, xii. 1342.
^ Simeon Dunblm., De Gest. Angl., ann. 1122. "Ultra montanos
omnes fere episcopos, et archiepiscopos, et abbates, et totius ut ita dicam
ItaUse ecclesiarum pastores."— Falco Bbnevent., Chron., ann. 1123.
" The exact number, according to Pandulph. Pisan., was 997.

448 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
been passed upon him by the four hundred and twenty-
seven prelates of the Council of Eheims ; ' he canonised the
holy monk Gebhard, Bishop of Constance, who had so long
been the indomitable champion of the liberty of the Chnrch
in Germany against Henry IV. and Henry V. ; ^ finally,
he published twenty-two canons, intended, Uke those of
Eheims, to consolidate the new conquests made in the cause
of the Church's liberty and independence, to guarantee her
property, and to maintain the freedom and purity of her
ministers. By the 21st of these canons, the marriage of
priests, always prohibited in the Latin Church, but first
uprooted by Gregory VIL, received a final blow ; the fact of
entering holy orders was declared an absolute bar to marriage.*
The one which possessed most novelty among these decrees,
assimilated, by a conception worthy of such an epoch and
such an assembly, the expeditions made against the Moors in
Spain to those pilgrimages to the Holy Land undertaken to
defend Christian nations and to destroy infidel tyranny.*
What was truly remarkable was, that amidst great internal
confiicts, while the problem of the government of Chris-
' Simeon Dunblm., loc. cit
^ The bull is in Leibnitz, Script, rer. Brunsw., vol. ii. p. 2, and in
ConcU., vol. xii. p. 1340. Gebhard or Courad was a monk of Hirschau,
and died in mo.
3 " Presbyteris, diaoonibus, subdiaconibus . . . matrimonia contrahere
penitus interdicimus : contracta quoque matrimonia ab hujusmodi personis
disjungi judicamus" — Can. xxi. Until then the prohibition had had no
penalty attached to it, except the deposition of the prevaricatory priest ;
the nullity of these marriages had not beeu explicitly pronounced.
^ "Ad Christianam gentem defendendam et tyrannidem infidelium
debellandam." — Can. ii. This order is confirmed in Calixtus's bull of
April 2, 1122 (in ConeU., vol. xii. p. 1281), by which he constituted Olde-
gamus his legate iu Spain, Archbishop of Tarragona, "quia exercitum
vestrum, per nos, ut desideraremus, visitare nequimus." Calixtus felt
special interest in Spain ; he was, in fact, uncle of Alfonso VIL, the
young King of Castile, and had a special devotion for St. James of Com
postello, patron of Spain ; he had made the sanctuary of that place a
metropolitan bishopric, to which he sent the English pilgrims who were
coming to Rome. — GuiLL. Malm., 856. A book upon the miracles of St.
James is attributed to him (Hist. litt. de Prance, vol. x. p. 532).

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 449
tendom was being decided, she was defended without by
perpetually recruited armies of Catholic heroes who, in
Palestine, under the two Baldwins,' and in Castile and
Arragon under the two Alfonsos,^ sometimes by brUliant
victories, sometimes by heroic deaths, extended the Church's
domain, and glorified the banner of the Cross.
Thus was ended by a loyal and glorious peace the war
commenced fifty years previously by Gregory VII. This
peace was but a truce, since the Church, we must repeat,
can know only truces on earth ; but it established, in the
social and religions constitution of Christendom, conquests
equaUy valuable and durable. In temporal matters, and
in what related to the great German nation, who believed
it to be their mission to rebuild, upon the memories and
traditions of the pagan empire of Eome, the Christian
edifice which has been called the Holy Boman Empire, the
peace brought about by the will and the power of the allied
nobles gave a sovereign importance to the ecclesiastical and
secular princes ; it was the true sanction of the Germanic
constitution, and maintained that fruitful independence of
provincial races and of local dynasties which has always
specially characterised the German nationality. This peace,
also, definitely secured the indispensable alliance of the
small states among themselves, and gathered the different
fractions of the body politic under the segis of a royalty
1 Baldwin I., brother and successor of Godfrey of Bouillon, died in the
midst of victory in 1118, and was interred in the Holy Sepulchre ; as was
also his brother, Baldwin II. du Burg, third King of Jerusalem, victor in
the great battle of August 14, 1120, with the wood of the true cross, who,
in the same year, held the CouncU of Naplouse to ask the blessing of God
on the conquerors, and extended the same protection, against the abuse
of power, to the Saracen as to the Christian women (Can. v. and xiii. in
ConcU. xii. 1317). He was made prisoner iu 1123, and released after the
great victory of Hiblin. The Pisans, and especially the Venetians, gave
most efficient help to the Crusaders.
^ Alfonso VII. of Castile and Alfonso VI. of Arragon were both aided in
their victorious wars with the Moors by Prench nobles— WiUiam, Duke of
Aquitaine ; Gaston, Viscount of B^arn ; Rotrou, Count of Perche ; Robert
d'AiguiUon, called Burdet ; and a number of Norman knights.
VOL. VL 2 F

450 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
elective and responsible, such as Catholic nations have
always understood.'
This settlement assured the durability of the ecclesiastical
principalities, in which, even to their last hour, the govem
ment was so beneficent and the people so happy ; ^ while it
gave a curb to the power of the emperor, and an auxi
liary to the ancient and legitimate freedom of the laity in
the liberty and independence of bishops, and of the most
influential monasteries.
Thanks to this happy revolution, it became for ever
impossible to revive that sovereignty, equally absolute in spiri
tual and in temporal matters, which the Othos, Henry IIL,
Henry IV., and Henry V., all monarchs greedy of absolu
tism, had constantly tried to appropriate to themselves,
and which, if it had unhappily triumphed, would have ended
by assimilating itself completely to the monstrous despotism
of the pagan Cfesars.
The social organisation of Germany was thus consolidated
upon bases conformable at once to the nature of a society
enfranchised by Christianity, and to the old spirit of the
ancient Germans, such as Tacitus describes them. The
modern system of a guardianship exercised by the State
over all the doings and all the rights of men had not yet
been invented, to the injury of the most inalienable rights
of each individual, and of the free development of the soul.
Both authority and general liberty were founded at once
upon individual power and upon the profitable activity of
each member of the political body in his legitimate sphere.*
In all that related to the Church, the conquests which
the peace of Worms either formally recognised or sanctioned
by silence, were yet more valuable and more durable results
^ This idea is fuUy expounded by Gbrvais, i. 123 and 153.
2 We have already quoted the saying so common in Germany before
the secularisation of these states, " Unter dem Prummstab ist es gut leben"
— it is well to live under the crosier.
3 This is what modern Germans sometimes designate by the name of
autonomy.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 45 I
of her victory. The total independence of the papacy, now
for ever freed from all the pretensions which the Byzantine
emperors, and, after them, the Carlovingians, the Othos, and
the Henrys had set up, either as emperors or as Eoman
patricians ; the confiding of the election of the sovereign
pontiff exclusively to the cardinals, and withdrawing it,
after the time of Gregory VIL, from all ratification by, or
influence direct or indirect of, the imperial authority ; the
general freedom of episcopal and monastic elections through
out the empire, guaranteed by a public concession of the
head of the State, and secured from nominations made
either for money or at the caprice of kings ; such were
the immense results obtained. If the obligation to make
the election in presence of the emperor (or of his commis
sioners) secured to him a great influence over the choice
in fact, yet in law his arbitrary intervention was annulled,
and the divine origin of ecclesiastical authority solemnly
recognised. In a word, for the uncontested imperial sup
remacy in the disposal of ecclesiastical power, such as
Henry III. had exercised, there was now substituted the
uncontested independence of the Church which Gregory VII.
had proclaimed.
Some writers have endeavoured to disparage the value
of these results by representing the treaty of Worms as a
compromise, and weighing the renunciation of investitures
by the emperor against the supposed surrender of the right,
which the popes are said to have arrogated to themselves,
of disposing as sovereign of ecclesiastical territories and
possessions. But this hypothesis, which is entirely gratui
tous, rests upon a perfectly false foundation ; the Holy See
never, in reality, made any claim to the sovereignty of eccle
siastical domains or of regalia in the empire. Pascal IL,
acting in the name of the Church, showed himself in
cUned, in the treaty of Sutri, to renounce completely the
possession of that appanage which was Ukely to be abused
by being made a bond of servitude ; but no pontiff ever

452 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
thought of making himself its absolute master, so as to
withdraw it from political subjection to the empire; and
the most erudite critic may be defied to find in the volu
minous collection of letters and decrees of Gregory VII.
and his successors, a word which implies the project or
even the thought of such a usurpation.
It has been resolved, however, that there must have been
a bargain, where, in fact, there was nothing more than a
needful distinction. The treaty of Worms sanctioned no
bargain : it simply established the essential and too long
misunderstood distinction between the bishop as a pontiff
and the bishop as a prince or vassal of the empire, between
the political duty and the temporal authority of one or the
other. And this distinction was marked by the introduc
tion of a new symbol — that is, of the sceptre regarded as
an instrument of the investiture given by the emperor ;
whUe the old and universally recognised symbols, those of
election and consecration,' the crosier and ring, were for
the future reserved to the sovereign independence of the
Church in the spiritual order. The spiritual marriage of
the pontiff with his Church, the duty of the shepherd
towards his fiock, were thus for ever removed from human
jurisdiction ; the Church never claimed anything more.
She had admitted this distinction fifteen years before, at
the time of the reconciliation between St. Anselm and the
1 The following passage from the life of Archbishop Conrad of Salzburg,
ap. Pez., Thesaur. Anecd., vol. ii. p. 3, No. 227, quoted by Stentzel, shows
the extent of the imperial usurpation by means of these symbols : " Forma
vero electionis quse tunc fiebat episcoporum et regalium abbatum talis
erat : defuncto Ecclesiae cujuslibet episoopo vel abbate, mox ad palatium
proficisci non difEerunt, prsepositus, decanus, magister scolarum et prior
monasterii, et cum eis majores et seniores concilii personse de civitate,
annulum episcopalem secum portantes et baculum, communicatoque con
cilio cum his quos in palatio circa imperatorem (esse opportebat) episcopis,
cancellario et capellano, secundum beneplacitum et favorem imperatoris,
cui sustinendus erat, eligebatur." — Now as Archbishop Adalbert perfectly
defined it during the negotiations whioh ended in the concordat, " Solius
enim consecratoris est dare annulum et baculum." — Ap. MARTENE, Ampliss.
Collect., i. 680.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 453
King of England, who retained his right to the prelates'
homage. In the same manner, fifty years earlier, at the
commencement of the contest, and in the first fervour of
its zeal, this was all that the victorious Catholic party de
manded ; for Eodolph of Suabia, when, after the deposition
of the Emperor Henry, he was elected king at Forchheim
by the legates and allied princes, had formally recognised
and practised this very distinction with regard to a bishop
who had been freely elected, and he did this in obedience
to decrees given by Gregory VII. in the council of Eome.'
Moreover, the right of investing with ecclesiastical property,
by means of a special symbol, bishops already consecrated
and invested by the crosier and ring, had been formally
acknowledged by Abbot Geoffrey of Vendome, one of the
most zealous champions of the Church during all the contest,
who maintained that investiture in general was a heresy.
According to the treaty of Worms, the symbol adopted was
a sceptre, symbol of the temporal authority of a king, and
of the protection which he owed to the Church, which was
given to him at the altar with his crown when he was con
secrated. The triumph then was immense — as is proved
by the unanimous impression of contemporaries ^ — and its
1 At the election of Wigold, Bishop of Augsburg in 1078 ; " Cui rex
post peracta legitime omnia quse ad ordinationem ipsius pertinebaut
videUcet annulo, virga pastoraU, et cathedra episcopali ab archiepiscopo
Moguntino susceptis, ex sua parte quicquid regii juris fuerit in procurandis
bonis Ecclesiasticis dUigenter commandavit. Carebat namque ut obedi-
entissimus erat iu omnibus quod Eomana synodo nuper canonice defini
tum est," &c.— Bernold. Constant, in Ussbrmann, Germ, sacr.prodr.,
U. 82.
2 "Possunt itaque sine offensione reges, post electionem canonicam et
consecrationem, per investituram regalem, in Ecclesiasticis possessionibus
concessionem, auxilium et defeusiouem episoopo dare, quod, quolibet signo,
factum extiterit, regi vel pontifici seu catholica! fidei non nocebit."—
GoDPR. ViNDOC. ab. Opusc iv., ap. Sirmond, Bp. iii. c. 890. Cf. Flbury,
Hist, ecclis., b. 67, No. 26.
3 " Quemadmodum in Lateranensi palatio tabula privilegio reprsesen-
tat, pax ad veUe papce, ab imperatore simul et recepta est et perpetuo
annuente Domino stabUita."— Pand. Pisan., Vit Calixt " Igitur Eomano

454 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
moral effects continued through all the rest of the middle

It would have been quite otherwise if the Church, over
come in the struggle, had been obliged to receive laws from
the victor. We should then have seen realised the state of
things which Geoffrey of Vendome thus pictures in his letter
addressed to Pope CaUxtus II. after his glorious victory :
" When the Church is subjected to the temporal power,
from being a queen she becomes a slave ; she loses that
charter of liberty which the Lord Christ gave to her from
His cross, and signed with His blood." '
But this divine charter, which shall never perish, was
saved by the papacy ; such as St. Gregory had handed it
on to successors filled with his own spirit.^ Men who pos
sessed both mental power and moral character of the highest
order — men such as Anselm of Canterbury, Bernard of
imperio multis modis in se attrito, imperator propter anathema deficere
a se regnum videns, patresque metuens exemplum . . . investituram
. . . resignavit. . . . ^xhinc ^cdiesia, libertate ad plenum restUuta, paceqne
ad integrum reformata, in maguum montem crevisse sub CaUxto papa II. ,
invenitur." — Otto Prising., Chron., vii. 24. " Reddit Apostolico Csesar
quaacumque rogavit, pax bona couflcitur, sublato Deo reparavit : jura suse
partis laetus uterque trahit." — Godbprid. Vitbrbiensis., Chron., part
xvii. p. 509. See also the passages quoted above from the Ohron. Ursperg.
No contemporary author can be quoted who expresses the opposite opiuion.
Pfeffel, who calls himself jurisconsult to the king, more frank thau the
historians of the modern Germau school, speaks without reserve of " that
shameful treaty which overthrew to the very foundations such remnants
of authority as the emperors had preserved." — Vol. i. p. 207 of the edition
of 1766. See also the descriptions in Bowden's Life of Gregory VIL,
ii. 372 ; aud Stbntzel'S acknowledgments, i. 709, 739 ; and those of
Gbrvais, i. 336.
1 "Quando vere Ecclesia seculari potestati subjicitur qu^ ante domina
erat, anciUa efiicitur, et quam Christus Dominus dictavit in cruce, et quasi
propriis manibus de sanguine suo scripsit chartam libertatis amittit." —
GoDPR. VlNDOC, Ep. in not. ad Yvon. Ep. p. 205.
^ Gregory VIL, Urban IL, Calixtus II. , and Alexander III. were not
chiefs of one Italian party against another, stUl less chiefs of the nation
agaiust foreigners. They were what they were bound to be — the leaders
of Christendom — nothing more, and nothing less. — Caesar, Count Balbo,
DeUa, Speranza d'ltalia.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 455
Toledo, Yves of Chartres, Geoffrey of Vend6me, WilUam of
Hirschau, Adalbert of Mayence, Frederic of Cologne, Conon
of Palestrina, and William of Champeaux — arose on all sides
to strengthen the Church by their devoted services. Sup
ported by the swords of her Norman and Saxon auxiliaries,
by an episcopate which her influence had regenerated, and
yet more by the fervent and numberless legions of monks,
the papacy gave battle to the Genius of Evil, and, after half
a century of dangers, trials, and unheard-of miseries, put him
to flight. No man, therefore, who has the smallest know
ledge of history, can faU to see in Eome the sanctuary of
spiritual freedom, the bulwark of human dignity, and the
hearth where burned the inextinguishable flame of truth.
Christendom, encouraged and saved, must have joined with
transport in the enthusiastic sentiments which Hildebert of
Le Mans,' a great French bishop, puts into the mouth of
converted Eome, herself celebrating her triumph over pagan
Eome: "When I adored false gods I was great by war,
great by my people, and great by my fortifications. But
the day came when, overthrowing my idols and their altars,
I decided to serve the one only God. Then my citadels
were taken, my palaces destroyed; then my soldiers fled,
and my people became slaves. I have hardly preserved even
the memory of what I was ; scarcely does Eome remember
Eome and her ruin. But this ruin is dearer to me than all
glories. Poor, I feel myself of more value than when I was
rich ; stmck to the earth, I am greater than when I stood
1 Bishop of Le Maus iu 1098, he went to Rome in 1107 aud 11 16, and
was elected Archbishop of Tours in 1123, the year of the Lateran Couucil.
His poems were much sought after and carried to Eome by the cardinal-
legates, as we are told by Ordericus Vitalis, his contemporary, who calls
him " incomparabUis versificator," and adds, "Multa carmina priscis
pcematibus sequalia, vel eminentiora coudidit." — B. x. p. 770. We will
give the text of this poem upon Eome. I do not thmk that the Christian
greatness of Rome has ever been celebrated in any language in equaUy fine
verses, and they are as little known as they are beautiful. [Probably M.
de Montalembert intended to place this poem in the appendix if he had
lived to complete his work. It is not, however, given Waexe.—Tramslator.']

456 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
upright. I owe my conquests more to the banner of the
Cross than to my once invincible eagles ; more to Peter than
to Csesar ; more to an unarmed troop than to all my ancient
heroes. Once, when I was powerful, I conquered the world ;
now in my feebleness I conquer hell. While I stood, I
reigned over bodies ; beaten down, I reign over souls. . . .
God, lest I should believe that I owed my empire to the
Csesars or to the might of their arms, has caused the power
of my long victorious legions to perish. The glory of my
senate has passed away ; my temples and theatres lie in
ruins, my tribune is silent, my edicts are forgotten, my
people are without laws, and my fields without husbandmen ;
my proud plebeians bend under the yoke. All these things
have befallen me lest the Eoman should be tempted to place
his hope in that which has ceased to exist, and should forget
the Cross. The Cross provides for him other palaces and
other honours; it opens infinite kingdoms to its soldiers.
Kings are the servants of the Cross, but they remain free
under its government ; they have the fear of God, but they
have also the love of Him. To whom is this new empire
owing ? To the sword of what Csesar ? to the genius of
what consul ? to the eloquence of what orator ? It was to
them that I once owed the conquest of the earth ; but by
the Cross alone I have made the conquest of heaven ! "
This brilliant triumph and its immense results would not
have been possible if the Church had not had command of
the energy, discipline, and inexhaustible resources of the
Monastic Orders. Each page of the preceding narrative
must have shown the value df that aid which monks con
stantly rendered to the good cause. Never was such aid
more frequent or more important than during the crisis that
decided for several centuries the destinies of the Church and
the Catholic nations. From the time of Gregory VIL to
that of Calixtus II. all the popes, as we have seen, were
taken from the Monastic Orders ; and in the great councils
which settled the litigated questions, the number of abbatial

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 457
crosiers surpassed even the number of episcopal ones. There
were, indeed, more than two hundred at the Council of
Eheims, when imperial power suffered its last check before
it surrendered; and more than six hundred at the CEcu
menical Council of the Lateran, where peace and the victory
of the Church were finally established.
But it is not only in great assemblies, or in the midst of
the public affairs of their time, that monks deserve our
attention and admiration ; it is also, and chiefiy, in their
private life, in the interior of their monasteries, where, by
fideUty to the holy traditions of earlier generations, by the
maintenance of principles which had governed six centuries
of their history, they won the right to be placed in the first
rank of the Church's champions. If a gradual relaxation,
and some disorders inseparable from hnman weakness, did
occasionally, in times of trial, tarnish the glory of certain
famous abbeys, there were never wanting, as we may easily
convince ourselves, vigorous and holy minds eager to return
to primitive order and purity, to restore the old houses
which had fallen into decay, or to found new ones worthy
of their prototypes.
Wherever exact discipline and the fervent practice of
ascetic virtues flourished, there flourished also the culture
of letters, the progress of science, and the love of learning.
In these ages of pretended ignorance, there was not a town,
not a vUlage, which had not its public school.' The most
generous emulation reigned ; the monastic schools competed
with the great episcopal schools, whither, as at Laon nnder
the schoolmaster Anselm, at Liege under the schoolmaster
Alger, at Eheims, at Orleans, at Poitiers, at Angers, at
Chartres, and, above aU, at Paris,^ there pressed eagerly a
1 Guibert. Novig., Gest Frame., b. i. pp. 367, 368, ed. D'Achery.
2 Hi^. litt de Prance, vol. ix. p. 30 et seq. ; Landulph. jun., ap. Murat.,
Script d'ltalia, vol. v. p. 478. See the picture sketched by John of Salisbury
of his studies at Paris in the Metalogieus, b. U. and iU. It wUl astonish
those who do not know what marveUous activity and productive freedom
reigned in medieval inteUigences.

458 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
crowd of masters and students from all countries, whom the
double bond of faith and learning united into a single com
monwealth. A brilliant education was given at Marmoutiers,
which maintained the splendour and purity derived from its
glorious founder, St. Martin of Tours; at Vezelay, where
Peter the Venerable was professor before he became Abbot
of Cluny ; at St. Germain-des-Pr^s, at Moutier-la-Celle, at
St. Benoit-sur-Loire, at Chaise-Dieu, at St. Nicaise, at St.
E^my of Eheims; and, finally, at St. Denis, where Louis
le Gros, King of France, had studied, and won the reputation
of a learned theologian.'
All these monasteries served as so many great centres of
education and of literary life. It was the same with the
abbeys of the Low Countries, and especially with Liessies,
Lobbes, St. Bertin, St. Prond, AflBighem, and Gembloux.^
At St. Laurent at JAhge, the names of monks who were
authors made np a catalogue too long to quote ; ^ but the
abbeys of Normandy seem to have excelled all others during
this period by their steady union of exact discipline with
the culture of letters. Among their inhabitants we find
most worthy of admiration William, Abbot of Cormeilles ; *
Eichard, Abbot of Preaux, whose learning and piety are
praised by Yves of Chartres ; * and Abbot William of
Troarn,® the intimate friend of St. Anselm. Under the
excellent Abbot William de Eos,^ the Abbey of Fecamp
excited the sympathy and admiration of travellers ; ^ and
' Suger calls Louis le Gros literatissimus theologus. — Vit. Ludov. Gross.,
p. 320, ed. Duchesne. Thibault of Champagne and Stephen of Blois, after
wards King of England, were educated by Abbot Gotfried of Croyland.
^ Under Abbot Anselm, elected in 11 13, who was full of zeal for the
improvement of his library. — Hist. litt. de Prance, vol. xi. In the impossi
bUity of quoting at every word, we refer for the facts of this chapter,
which are not supported by any text given, to the Annales Benedictines of
Mabillon, b. 70, 75, and to the Hist. Uti. de Prance, vols, ix., x., and xi.,
especiaUy the preliminary discourse to vol. ix. by D. Rivet.
3 Hist. Litt, ix., 99. * Died in 1109.
^ 1101 to 1131. — Yvon. Ep. 143. ' Died in iiio.
' Died in 1107. — Order. Vit., passim; Mabill,, Ann., b. 65, No. 67.
3 Balderic, Archbishop of Dol, makes a great eulogy of this abbot. — Ap.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 459
the Abbey of Bee, equally flourishing and regular, remained
worthy of the noble reputation won for it by Lanfranc and
Anselm, and constantly fumished bishops and abbots both
to England and Normandy.' Knowledge was cultivated
there with snch ardour that a contemporary who lived in
the neighbourhood has not hesitated to say that every monk
of this privileged community might pass for a phUosopher,
and that the least instructed among them were capable of
teaching the most self-satisfied grammarians.^
If the rule of the new monks of La Chartreuse forbade
them to have schools, they made up for this by the ardour
they showed in copying and dispersing manuscripts. The
Ubrary which they formed was considered one of the richest
among the great number belonging to monasteries.^
Even the abbeys of nuns kept up not only schools but
Ubraries, and the veU was given to none who did not under
stand Latin.*
Mabill., Ann., b. 71, No. 33, and Neustria Fia, i;. 33. There was one
monk especiaUy famed for his leaming, Adhelm, first a monk at Plaix or
St. Germer in Picardy : " Litteris liberaUbus apprime eruditus."— Order.
Vit., b. viU. p. 709.
1 The most famous abbot whom she sent to England, after St. Anselm,
was Gislebert Crespin, grandson of the Count of Brionue, and Abbot of
Westminster. ^ "Sic ex bono usu in tantum Beccenses coenobitse studiis literarum
sunt dediti, et in qusestione seu probatione sacrorum ^nigmatum utUi-
umve sermonum insistuut seduli, ut pene omnes videantur philosophi,
et ex coUocutione eorum etiam qui videntur inter eos ilUterati et vocan-
tur rustici, possint ediscere sibi commoda spumantes grammatici."—
Ord. Vit., b. iv. p. 246.
3 The Histoire littiraire mentions specially at this epoch the libraries of
St. Pfere at Chartres, Fleury, Corbie, Vendome, St. Victor at Marseilles,
St. Pierre-le-Vif at Sens, and St. Mmj at Rheims. The long enumeration
may be found in voL ix. p. 140 et seq. of this history.
« Hist litt de France, vol. ix. p. 127, 129. The nuns of Admont are
praised as "valde literatce et scientia S. Scripturce mirabUiter exercitatce"
(Hist. nigr. SUv., U. 91, ap. Hurtbr, Ui. 580). This title of literatce was
usuaUy employed to distinguish the nuns of the choir from the conversce,
who were chiefly occupied with the manual work of the house. But even
among these there were some who knew how to write and copy manu
scripts.— See Hurter, he dt, not. 412, and p. 526.

460 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
The regular canons, who during this period were more
and more nearly assimilated to the sons of St. Benedict,
yielded in nothing to the monks of that order. No school,
indeed, was more famous or more frequented than that
which grew up around the illustrious William of Cham
peaux, when, after having long been professor of dialectics
and rhetoric at the cathedral school at Paris, he left the
world and founded the Abbey of St. Victor,' whence he
was afterwards called to be placed in the episcopal see of
Chalons, and to be employed as plenipotentiary of the
Church in the contest with Henry V. Every one has heard
how, attracted by the fame of William's teaching, such a
multitude of students fiocked to his lectures on dialectics
and rhetoric at Paris that it was impossible to lodge them
in the cloister, where, however, the most exemplary fervour
existed. Neither the diversity of language and race, nor
the necessity of long and dangerous journeys — neither
general and private wars, nor the interest of so many con
temporary events — could diminish the activity and intensity
of study in these various schools. A striking proof of this
may be seen in the curious narrative left us of his journey
in 1 1 1 8 by Eupert, a monk of St. Laurent at JAhge, and
afterwards Abbot of Deutz, near Cologne. He was one of
the most prolific but most controverted writers of his time.
Having heard, one day, that his doctrine of the origin of
evil had been attacked by Anselm of Laon and William of
Champeaux, the two great luminaries of the Prench schools,
Eupert immediately resolved to go to Prance, and, mounted
on a poor little ass, with one companion,^ he travelled as
^ This famous abbey, the last traces of which were destroyed iu 1842,
by the order of the municipal administration of Paris, and iu spite of
many and earnest protests, was, in 1108, wheu WiUiam of Champeaux
retired thither, only a ceU dependent ou St. Victor of Marseilles. It be
came an abbey only in 11 13 wheu William was elected Bishop of ChS,lons.
Afterwards it became the head of a congregation, and several monasteries
of regular canons were under its rule. — Mabill., b. 69, No. 70 ; Fleury,
b. 66, No. 25.
* "Mirum mihimet nunc est iUud recordationis meae spectaculum.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 46 1
far as Paris in order to confute his formidable opponents,
even in their own professorial chairs. The contest ended,
the good monk hastened, as he himself expresses it, " to
return to his monastic solitude by the door of obedience.'' '
In England, four Norman monks, transplanted from St.
Evroul to Croyland, with the eloquent and leamed Abbot
Joffridus,^ previously professor at Orleans, bethought them
selves of opening a public course of instruction in a barn
which they hired at the gates of the town of Cambridge ;
but as very soon neither this barn nor other larger build
ings could contain the crowd of both men and women who
flocked to listen to them, the monks of Croyland decided to
organise the teaching given by the professors on the model
of the community's monastic exercises. Thus, Brother Odo
was appointed to lecture upon grammar at daybreak, follow
ing the system of Priscian and Eemigius ; brother Terric,
at prime, on the logic of Aristotle, with the commentaries
of Porphyry and Averroes ; brother William, at tierce, on
the rhetoric of Cicero and Quintilian ; while the most
learned monk of the community, brother Gislebert, ex
plained the Holy Scriptures to priests and the learned ^ on
every feast-day, and also preached to the people every
Sunday, notwithstanding his want of familiarity with the
language. Such was the commencement of the University
quomodo solus ego viii aseUo resideus, juvenculus, uno tantum puero
comitatus, ad exteras tam long civitates, ad conflictum contra tales pro
fectus sum." — Ruperti Tuitiensis, Comment, im Reg. S. Bened. b. i.
1 "Per januam obedientise eductus." — Ihid. He fouud that Anselm
of Laon was dead, but went on to Ch41ons, where he had acerhum con
flictum with the bishop. The superiors of this ardent controversialist sent
him to St. Laurent at Siegburg, where we fiud him later.
^ " Sermonem suo more ad populum habebat, coucurrentibus ad eum
ex vicinis etiam locis viris et mulieribus, qui, licet Latine vel Galilee
loquentem minime intelligerent, tamen in illum intendentes, virtute
verbi Dei et vultu ejus gratia ad lacrymas ita compuncti erant ut," &c.
— Mabillon, Arm. Ben., b. 71, No. 88.
3 "Sacras paginas exponebat literatis ac sacerdotibus ad ipsius audi
torium speciaUus coufiuentibus . . . rudis in Anglicana lingua, sed
expeditus et dissertus in Latina et sua GaUicaua. . . ."—Mabill., loc. cit

462 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
of Cambridge, a slender stream which was soon, according
to the expression of a French monk, to become a great
river fertilising aU England.'
Evidently, then, it was not theology alone which monks
learned and taught. In their studies they embraced the
whole of what were then called the seven liberal arts —
grammar, rhetoric, dialectics, on one hand ; music, arith
metic, geometry, and astronomy, on the other.^ They
added to these the study of law and medicine; and we
find, trained in the cloister, learned jurisconsults and famous
physicians,* whose skill was acknowledged by all, and who
used this skill freely until the day when the exercise of
their two professions was forbidden to monks by the
Council of Eheims, in 1131.^
Several of the local codes, known by the name of Cus
toms, had monks for their authors ; thus the customs of St.
Sever were drawn up by Suave, abbot of that place ; " those
of Lavedan by Pierre, Abbot of St. Savin ; '' those of Bigorre
by Gregoire d'Asten, Abbot of St. N^ ; ^ and, later, those
of Poperinghe, in Flanders, by Leo, Abbot of St. Bertin.^
In various countries, these interpreters of the local customs
appeared as the living personification of law and justice ;
and it was in this character that Thieuffroy, Abbot of
Echternach, was summoned from the banks of the Moselle
to appease the troubles of Zealand, where the inhabitants
imagined that in the pious jurisconsult they saw revived
^ " Ex isto itaque fonte parvo, qui crevit iu fiuvium jam magnum,
videmus nunc Isetificatam civitatem Dei, et totam Angliam factam fru-
giferam per plurimos magistros et doctores de Cantabrigia exeuntes ad
similitudinem sanctissimi paradisl." — Pete. Blbsbnsis, ap. Ann., loc. cit.
^ The three first formed the trivium or course of primary instruction,
and the four last the quadrivium or secondary course.
3 Hist, litt de Pr., vol. ix. p. 218.
'' Ibid., p. 194.
^ ZiBOBLBAUEE, Hist, litt, O. S. B., ii. 249.
3 Martene, Thes. anecdot, vol. i. p. 277.
' Hist, litt., ix. 614. 8 Ibid., ix. 568.
3 Chronic. S. Bertini, c. 24, ap. D. MARTENE, Thes. anee, vol. iii.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 463
their first apostle, St. Willebrod, the founder of Echter
nach.' The monks of this epoch collected historical narratives
with not less zeal and conscientiousness than had been
shown by their predecessors. It is owing to their labours
alone that we are acquainted with the events of the eleventh
and twelfth centuries.
The chronicles of St. Hubert, written by monks whose
names are forgotten ; ^ those composed at Auersperg by the
monk John ; ' at B^ze, by Clarius ; * at St. Pierre-le-Vif,
by Leon le Marsique ; and at Monte Cassino, by the
Deacon Peter ; by Abbot Eobert, at St. E^my at Eheims ;
and by Abbot Eodolph, at St. Frond,® — carry on, without
interruption, the chain of Catholic annals. To this list we
must add Hugh of St. Marie,* and Sigebert of Gembloux,^
whose historical talent deserves to be pointed ont, notwith-
1 Ann. Bened., b. 65, No. 46. ^ It ends in 1106.
3 This chronicle, which has been published by D. MAETisNB, Ampliss.
CoUect., iv., is the most important authority for the history of the eleventh
century. It is composed of two distinct parts : the first, which we have
to do with, aud which ends in 1126, is the work of a monk of Bamberg,
as has been proved by Stentzel, in his excellent critique of the historians
of this epoch (vol. ii. p. 106), founded upon a previous work of Schumacher,
pubUshed in 1770.— Cf. with Pagi, Crit, in Baeon., 1102 and 1105.
* Spicileg., vol. i. ^ Ibid.
^ Hugh of St. Marie was a monk of Fleury, and died in 1 109. Besides
the much-esteemed chronicle, which ceases with Charles the Bald, and
which has been pubUshed by Duchesne and D. Bouquet, he has left a
treatise, entitled De regia potestate et sacerdotali dignitate (published by
Baluze, MisceU., vol. iv.), in which are found most of the modem theories
as to the submission due to kings, even pagan, the absolute obedience
due to sovereignty, &c. NaturaUy Hugh shows himself favourable to the
custom of investiture.
? Bom in 1030, and dying in 1H2, Sigebert of Gembloux left a reputa
tion for learning and piety. The letter from the clergy of LiSge to Pas
cal II. iu favour of the schism and of the emperor, is attributed to him.
In his chronicle, he says that the decrees of Gregory VII. against simony
and the marriage of priests are contrary to the sentiments of the holy
Fathers (see ad aun. 1074). Accordingly, the learned authors of the
Histoire littirai/re have described him as "a good citizen, devoted to his
lawful prince."- .ffwi. litt, vol. ix. p. 536.

464 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
standing the fiagrant opposition of their opinions on all
questions of social laws and Catholic policy to the theory
and practice followed by all the most approved pontiffs and
doctors of the middle ages. Above all, we must not forget
Gilbert, Abbot of Nogent, who was not only the worthy
successor of St. Godefroy on his abbatial throne,' but who
also has left us a most animated account of the First
Crusade, and, in his own memoirs, an invaluable picture of
the domestic and religious life of his time.
But of all sciences, that which was best taught and
practised in the monastery schools was the knowledge of
salvation. It was for this reason that exemplary bishops
could always be found there — as Eichard of Narbonne was
found at St. Victor of Marseilles,^ the great and intrepid
Conon of Palestrina at Arouaise, Ealph of Canterbury at
St. Martin at Siez,^ Serion of S^ez at St. Evroul.* This is
the reason why so many of the most illustrious prelates,
such as Marbodius, Bishop of Eennes,® and William of
Champeaux,^ were anxious to end their lives as monks.
This explains the invincible attraction exercised by the life
of the cloister over so many of the noblest spirits among
that generous nobility, which was not contented with hurry
ing in crowds to the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, or
to fight for the Church on innumerable battle-fields, but
' Elected in 1104, died in 1123, Gilbert of Nogent is the author of the
chronicle entitled Gesta Dei per Prancos, and of three books, De Vita sua,
edited by D'Achery, in 1651.
^ In 1106. " In 1114.
^ In 1091 ; he died in 1122. See the touching account given by Or
dericus Vitalis (vol. xii. pp. 8, 887) of the death of this holy prelate
while he was occupied about receiving legates of CaUxtus II.
5 ' ' Monachum professus 1 3 Albino se tradidit ac sic exoneratus pau
perum Christum pauper et de seculis est."— Encycl. monach. S. Albin,
ap. Ann. Bened., b. 74, No. 56. He was oue of the most learned doctors
of his time ; he died at St. Albin, at Angers, in 1123, after an episcopate
of twenty-eight years, having been elected by Urban II. His works in
prose and verse have been published by D. Beaugenet, at the end of those
of Hildebert— folio, 1708.
^ At Clairvaux, in 11 21.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 465
who so abundantly peopled the monasteries, that it would
be difficult to name one of the great feudal families which
had not one or more of its members in the cloister.
Daring the whole time of the war of investitures, con
versions were quite as frequent and exemplary as in the
preceding ages. Names without number present them
selves to the writer's pen. Cluny continued to be a nursery
of saints. Godefroy, Count of Mortagne and Perche, after
a life devoted to the duties of his station, chose to die in
the monastic robe.' Harpin, Count of Bourges, on his
return from the Crusade and a long captivity, became, by
the advice of Pascal II. , a monk at Cluny. ^ Coming home
from the Holy Land, where he had long been a prisoner
among the infidels, Geoffrey, lord of Semur,^ brother of the
great and holy Abbot Hugh, went, with one of his sons
and three of his daughters, to seek retirement at Cluny.
The latter were placed at Marcigny, of which their father
became prior. After his death, Geoffrey appeared in a
dream to a nun of the abbey, to bid her desire his suc
cessor to suppress the heavy tax which he repented having
laid, during his lifetime, on the inhabitants. This tax fell
upon the linen and woven stuffs which it was usual to
wash in the moat of the castle of Semur, and which were
brought from all parts to be bleached at that place.
WiUiam, Count of Macon, gladly declared to the friends
of peace and truth * that he confirmed to Cluny the dona
tions made to her daughter, Marcigny, by four generations
of his ancestors, especially by his uncle and his mother,
1 " strenuus heros, omnibus rite peractis, Cluniaoencis monachus factus
est."— Order. Vit. , b. xii. p. 890.
2 Lbid., b. X. p. 795. He had pledged his county to King PhUip of
France, to provide for the expense of the Crusade.
3 The Histoire littiraire thinks this refers to Semur in Bronnais, and
not to Semur iu Auxois, but gives no authority for this opinion.
i "Vestibus ac tells quas undecumque abluendie ad castrum de Sine-
muro deferuntur."— Petr. Vener., De Mirac, b. i. c. 26; Bibl. a.
p. 1289. VOL. VI. 2 G

466 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
who was a nun there. St. Hugh's successor. Pons, whose
administration was so excellent, and who took so important
a part in the negotiations between the emperor and the
Church, was son of the Count of Melgueil, nephew of the
Count of Auvergne, godson of the pope, and cousin of the
emperor.' Another knight, who, like the Count of Bourges,
had returned from the First Crusade,^ WiUiam Malet, lord
of Graville, gave his estate of Conteville to Bee, and became
a monk there. ^ About the same time. Count Eobert de
Meulan, Prime Minister of the King of England, whose
father had died in the monastic habit, installed monks from
Bee in his county of Meulan,* which the last male heir of
that house had transmitted to him by a similar sacrifice.
In Aquitaine, a noble of Perigord, Gdrard de Salis,
having become a monk, and persuaded his father and
brothers to follow his example, devoted his patrimony and
his life to founding the five monasteries of Grandselm,
Padouin, Le Bournet, D'Alen, and Les Chasteliers, where
he died in II20, leaving this five-fold inheritance to the
Cistercians and St. Bernard.^
In Germany, Count Louis of Thuringia, surnamed the
Leaper, ancestor of the husband of St. Elizabeth, died,
after a long penance, in the abbey of Eeinhartsbriinn,
which he had founded in expiation of his crimes.^ The
young Bernard of Domnesleve, sole heir of a long line of
heroes, and possessor of vast territories, became a monk
after having bequeathed all his property to St. Maurice and
St. Nicholas. Another young noble of Suabia, Adalberon,
equally noble, rich, and accomplished, wearied of the life of
' "Cunctis animantibus pacem et veritatem." — Ann. 1107, Arm. Bened.
b. 71, No. 44.
^ See the portrait of him given by Order. Vit., b. xii. p. 887. As to
Malet, see Dumoulin, Hist de Normandie.
3 Chron. Beccens., Hist. litt. de Prance, 2, xiv. p. 268.
^ In IIOI.
" A'nn. Bened., Fleury, b. 66, c. 45.
" In 1 123, according to Mabillon, Ann. Bened., b. 66, c. 85 ; Hist de
St. Eliz., ap. No. 6 of the octavo edition.

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 467
courts and retired to St. Hubert.' There, kneeling before
the assembled chapter of the monks, amidst the tears called
forth from those present by so great a proof of disinterested
ness, he stripped himself of his rich clothing, throwing to
the ground the gold ring from his finger, and putting on
the Benedictine robe. But Bishop Barthdlemy of Laon
soon distinguished the young neophyte, whom he made an
abbot, destined to become, later, the restorer of the ancient
abbey of St. Vincent of Laon.^
In Switzerland, in a wild and frozen gorge of the Unter
wald, the noble Conrad of Sellenburen founded a great
abbey, which was subject only to the Holy See ; Pope
Calixtus approved of the foundation, and gave it the name
of Mount of the Angels,^ which it still retains. Conrad
then renounced the trade of arms, stripped himself of all
his fortune to live in monastic obedience, and shortly after
wards perished by the hands of brigands, while, like a poor
shepherd, he was keeping the flocks of the monastery on
land where he had formerly been lord and master.*
In another place, Garnier de Montmorillon, one of the
most famous knights of Poitou, gave to a poor man the
richly embroidered gloves which he bad received from a
lady whom he passionately loved, and by this sacrifice made
the first step towards a life of forty years passed as a monk
at Chaise-Dieu ia the practice of the most austere regularity.*
' He died in 1117. See his genealogy, ap. Annal. Saxo., ann. 1117.
2 "Nobilis prosapise Suevus et multiplicis scientiss clericus Constan-
tiensis . . . juvenis tantarum divitiarum . . . pretiosissimas vestes
abjiciens, annulum aureum digitis abstractum ad terram projiciens." —
Hist Aridagin., ap. Martene, Ampliss. Collect, vol. v. p. 955. He died
in 1 120.
3 "Engelberg . . . quod nos Mons Angelorum appellari volumus." —
LAtter. Calixte LI. of AprU 5, 1 124, in Ann. Bened., b. 73, No. 116.
¦"' "MUesiUustris . . . chirotheoas preciosas ab amica sibi directas." —
Order. Vit., b. viii. p. 714. His brother Hilbebert, who had also been a
knight, aud who was converted at the same time, became nuncio of St.
Cyprian, Abbot of D^ols, and afterwards Archbishop of Bourges. Orderi-

468 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
At St. Martin of Tournay, the reforming abbot, Odo,
attracted to his monastery the most powerful nobles of
Hainault. Among these penitents we remark the noble
Walter, who employed himself humbly in carrying water to
the kitchen, bolting the flour, and cleaning the stables ; '
Count Louis of Thurin ; and Ealph d'Osmond, husband of
Mainsende, the daughter of a knightly house.^ The latter,
distressed to find his salvation continually risked in the
world by constant relapses, was urged by his wife's own
brother, who was a monk of St. Amand, to request from
his consort permission to seek the safe shelter of a monas
tery. On the day when he had received this advice,
Osmond was weeping, sitting on his bed ; Mainsende com
ing in, asked the cause of his grief, and having learned it,
bade him dry his tears, for she also desired to provide for
the safety of her soul. Both, therefore, offered to God
their persons, their property, and even their three children,
the youngest of whom, still in the cradle, was laid by his
mother upon the altar. This very child, reared in the
cloister, has left us the touching account of a sacrifice which
has few equals in history. This relinquishment of conjugal
life, made to God by mutual consent, does indeed reappear
in different forms. Thus, in Anjou,^ Walter de Nidoiseau,
having founded a monastery, to which he gave his name,
on the banks of the Oudon, himself took the monastic habit
eus speaks of him under the date 1099. His conversion took place about
1078. — Cf. Mabillon, Ann. Bened., b. 64, No. 98.
^ " Insignis miles . . . de potentioribus provincise optimatibus . . . vir
nobilis non erubuit aquam ad coquinam deferre, scutellas oUasque abluere,
farinam cribare, equorum stabula mundare, multosque suo exemplo con
vertit." — Herm. de instaur., S. MART. TORNAC, in SpicUeg., ii. 906. We
have already seen the similar devotion of Osmond, friend and brother-in
arms of this Walter. — B. ii. c. 2.
^ " MUitibus provincise progenitam." — Ibid. Daughter of Hermann,
provost of St. Amand.
3 The hagiographer adds that all the Tourn&is was moved by this
example ; and that very soon more than sixty converted women were
collected in the house of his mother Mainsende, who, having given aU to
God, earned her living by spinning and weaving.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 469
with his wife, and after having both spent holy lives there,
they died the same day.'
Widows of high rank were accustomed to end their lives
in monasteries. In this way the two illustrious sisters-in-
law, Ida d' Avesnes, lady of Orsy, and Agnes de Eibemont,
Countess d' Avesnes, gave themselves, one to St. Martin of
Tournai, and the other to Liessies, which Ida's brother had
restored, and where Agnes's husband was buried.^ Eepent
ance and innocence sought the same asylum ; the beautiful
Bertrade, the unfaithful widow of Fulk of Anjou, and of
Philip, King of France, having been converted by a sermon
of Eobert d'Arbrissel, seized with horror for the lawlessness
of her life, entered the order of Fontevrault in the flower of
her age and her beauty, and there led so austere a life that
she soon sank under her macerations.^
Elizabeth, believed to have been daughter of the Count
of Cr^py, and sister of St. Simon de Valois, left the abbey of
Chelles to seek a more severe retreat, and, having found a
desolate and marshy spot called Eosoy, near Courtenay, she
Uved there a long time in a hollow tree, exposed at first to
the ridicule of the peasants, and afterwards so venerated
and followed, that she was able to found, upon the site of
the old tree, a great monastery, which was endowed by
the lords of Courtenay.* Juliana, the natural daughter of
Henry I. of England, one of the most wicked women of
the age, and Matilda of Anjou, who had been married at
twelve years old to the only son of the same king, and
become a widow six months afterwards by the prince's
1 ' ' Dedi quamdam terram desertam supra Uldonium cum aqua et utiU-
tate sua, qu^ erat mei juris et potestatis," &c. — In 1109. MAB., Ann.
Bened. b. 71, No. 83.
2 Towards 11 10. — Ibid., b. 69, No. 12.
3 " IUe setate et sanitate Integra, neo specie vulgata . . . sanctimoni
aUum appetiit velum. . . . Victu cultuque in primis aspero atque horrido
utens, vita statim privata est." — Will. Malmbsb., De Gest. reg. Angl., b. v.
She died at Haute-Bruy^re, a house which she had given to the order of
Fontevrault. * IHd., b. 70, No. 80. She left CheUes about 1104, and died about 11 30.

470 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
shipwreck, both became nuns at Fontevrault, the one to
weep for her sins, the other "to live with the immortal
Bridegroom."' Ermengarde, Duchess of Bretagne, set free
by her husband's monastic vocation, was already there
awaiting her noble companions. Many other widows of
great personages took refuge at Fontevrault under Eobert
d'Arbrissel : Philippine, wife of WiUiam VIL, Duke of
Aquitaine; Hersende de Champagne, widow of the lord of
Montsoreau ; and Petronille de Craon, widow of the lord of
Chemilld.^ Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, and
mother of King Stephen of England, the friend of St.
Anselm, went to increase the number of high-born nuns
who peopled Marcigny, the illustrious offshoot of Cluny.'
The Conqueror's daughter had already given one of her
sons to the great abbey, so, she said, that she might not be
reproached with having given birth to children only for the
world ; * and this son, afterwards an abbot and bishop, was
always an exemplary monk.
The ruling races felt themselves obliged to furnish their
contingent to the cloister as well as the ordinary nobility
and the lower classes. Alain Pergent, Duke of Brittany,
the husband of Ermengarde, who had led the flower of
knighthood to the Crusade, and had made himself famous
by his care for the administration of justice in his duchy,®
1 Order. Vit., b. xii. pp. 864, 875.
^ Ermengarde was daughter of Fulk of Anjou by his first wife, conse
quently aunt of Matilda, who was daughter of Fulk V., son of Fulk IV.
and Bertrade. The B. Robert of Arbrissel died in the arms of Agnes,
prioress of Orsan in Berry. " Nobilis monacha, quse UU valde oppido cara
habebatur, eo quod ipsa consilio ejus, fallaces seculi divitias, qase sibi
multum blandiebantur reliquerat, et pro Christo delegerat." — Baldeicus,
Vita B. Roberti, ap. Acta SS. BoLLANDl, vol. ii., Feb., p. 512. She had left
her husband Alard, who was still alive when Robert died. — Ibid., 615.
3 Order. Vit., b. xii. p. 811.
* "Ne soli sseculo liberos genuisse videretur." — Guill. Nbubrigbnsis,
b. i. c. 4. Henry was, in 1 124, Abbot of Glastonbury, then of Eeading,
then Bishop of Winchester, and always remained a close friend of Peter
the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny.
^ He established the Seneschal's Court at Eennes and restored the

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 471
had long been hostile to the abbey of Eedon, and thus called
down the anathemas of Abbot Hervd ; yet, in 1 1 1 2, touched
by repentance, he entered that very abbey of Eedon as a
monk, and there spent seven years in the deepest humility.'
Alain's son-in-law, Baldwin VIL, Count of Flanders, and
nephew of Pope Calixtus II. , in all the pride of youth and
power, quarrelled with Henry, King of England and Duke
of Normandy. Henry sent him word to look well to him
self, or he would come as far as Bruges to find him. To
which the count replied that the king might save himseK
that trouble,^ as he would go to Eouen. And, in fact, he
immediately started, with 500 horsemen, and struck his
lance into the closed gate of Eouen, to provoke a combat
with the king, who was remaining quietly in the city. This
being stUl refused, the count returned, ravaging the country
as he went, in order to show his contempt for the king.
But he had scarcely arrived in his own States, when he
received, in a tournament, a wound from which he soon felt
that he should not recover. He therefore took the monk's
robe at St. Bertin, where he shortly after died penitent,
giving to the monks a deed in which he spoke as follows :
"I feel that God has justly disciplined me, and chastised
me on account of my sins, and especially because I have not
given to the churches of the saints that honour and protec
tion which I owed them since God had appointed me their
defender ; therefore, acting by the advice of the pious men
whom the divine goodness has brought to visit me, I have
taken refuge in this asylum of penitence and contrition, and
I desire that in the future all the churches of God on my
estates may enjoy liberty and peace, that they may pray
fervently for me." ^ Ten months afterwards the count died,
ancient ParUament of Bretagne.— D'Argentre, ap. Coukson, Histoire des
peuples hrctons, vol. il. pp. 169-171.
1 From 1112 to 1119.
2 " Ne tantum laboris assumeret."— Arwi. Bened., h. 73, No. 82.
3 "Deliberans in animo meo propter peccata mea a Deo juste flageUari
et paterne castigari, maxime quia ecclesiis sanctorum quarum defensor a

472 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
and his uncle. Pope Calixtus IL, then at the Council of
Eheims, asked the prayers of the assembly for the soul of
the noble penitent.'
Eight years later, the example of Baldwin drew into the
same path his brother-in-law, William Cliton, heir-apparent
of Normandy and claimant of the county of Flanders, who,
being mortally wounded under the walls of Alost, desired
also to die in the monk's habit at St. Bertin.2 These
knights, men of strong passions, hoped to expiate their
faults and to purify their souls in the monastic robe. Their
confidence was shared by their contemporaries, who all be
lieved with the Church in the efficacy of prayer and the
omnipotence of repentance. For these numberless voca
tions in all ranks of Christendom, it was needful to provide
new asylums, and to enlarge while reforming those old
foundations where, by a law equally wonderful and invari
able in the history of the monastic orders, the throng of
neophytes was always the greater the more strictly primitive
fervour had been maintained. This fact can be easily proved
during all the period which we have just reviewed.
In the course of our narrative we have remarked the
happy infiuence of the reforming spirit of Cluny on the
great abbeys of the Netherlands,* and admired the fruitful
ness of the new foundations, due in France to Eobert
d'Arbrissel, founder and superior of Fontevrault, Bernard
of Tiron, Vital of Savigny, and Gerard of Salis ; and at the
same time we have been obliged to defer for the present
the history of the origin and growth of the Cistercian order.*
Domino sum constitutus . . . ut per hoo pro me affectuosius orare de
beant," &c. — Ann. Bened., loc cit.
1 Order. Vit., b. xii. p. 863. — " Epistola Clementise sororis Papse pro
Balduino, Flandreusium comite filio suo, recitata est. Pro quibus et pro
cunctis fidelibus defunctis lugubris pastor cum venerabili coetu Deum
deprecatus est."
2 In 1 1 27. Oedee. Vit., xii. pp. 885, 886. Ou his tomb was engraved :
" Miles famosus GuiUelmus ver generosus marchio Flandrensis jacet hic
monachus Sitiensis." 3 gge above.
^ Among the purely Benedictine foundations which became more rare

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 473
In Germany, the war between the Church and the empire
did nothing to retard the permanent impulse which led the
German nobles constantly to sanctify their domains by new
religious foundations, and to enrich their possessions per
petually with new monasteries. Agnes, daughter of the
schismatic emperor, Henry IV., who was first married to the
Duke of Suabia and afterwards to the Margrave of Austria,
founded, in concert with her first husband, Lorch in Suabia,'
and with her second, the great abbey of Kloster-Neuberg,
which has at present escaped secularisation, and still forms
one of the noblest monuments on the banks of the Danube.
Agnes's second husband, the Margrave Leopold of Austria,
by whom she had eighteen children, was atterwards canonised.
As one day the husband and wife, discussing together their
plan of buUding a monastery in honour of Mary and for the
good of souls, asked God to enlighten them in the choice of
a site, a light wind lifted the princess's veil and carried it
away. On another day, nine years later, the Margrave,
whUe hunting, found his wife's veil hanging upon a tree ;
and neither he nor she doubted that in this incident they
were to see an indication of the divine wUl. Together they
founded on this very spot the great abbey of Kloster-Neu
berg, which, situated at the gates of Vienna, has hitherto
escaped confiscation, and holds twenty parishes under its
rule.^
in France in proportion as the new orders sprung from the primitive rule
were developed, we must point out Maurigny, near Etampes, endowed iu
I io6 by Anseau the younger, Arembert, and Haimon de la Pert^-Baudouin,
and soon loaded with donations by Philip I. and Louis VI. ; among its
benefactors it counted Ermanric, a bourgeois of Etampes. The Chronicle
of Maurigny is one of the most important authorities for the history of
this period ; it is to be found in the Scriptores of Duchesne, vol. iv.
' Towards i io6, in the diocese of Augsburg. This must not be confounded
with the much more ancient abbey of Lorsch in the diocese of Worms.
2 Of the order of regular canons in 1114. "Concordes animi et uno
spiritu arbitrati rem gratam Altissimo fore. . . . B. Marise tempium, con-
dere . . . ob honorem Dei et animarum salutem . . . et cum de loco sedis
construendse cogitarent, divina quasi voluntate ventus coercitus flam-
meolum Agnetis capite leviter sublatum. . . . Elapsis novem annis, marchio

474 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
Before Sigefroy, Count-Palatine, fell under the attacks of
Henry V., he, in concert with the Countess Hedwige von
Altenahr, had installed a colony from Afflighem at Laach,'
where the church, with six towers, standing beside a solitary
and picturesque lake, still forms one of the finest monuments
of Eoman architecture in the Ehine district.
The Counts of Andechis and Spanheim both founded, at
their castle gates, monasteries which have perpetuated their
names even to our days.^ Count Wiprecht of Svoitsels, one
of the emperor's most formidable adversaries, founded Pagau
and Eeinersdorf in Saxony, by the assistance and advice of
Otho, Bishop of Bamberg.^ This holy prelate, one of the
most venerated of the time, for whose support the two
opposite parties disputed, bore the most devoted and active
affection to the monastic orders. He himself wished to
become a monk in the abbey of St. Michel in his episcopal
city ; but after he had taken the vow of obedience there, he
was forced, by the abbot, by virtue of that very promise, to
return to his episcopal functions. He indemnified himself
by founding or restoring fifteen abbeys * and six priories in
his own diocese and in the neighbouring country. And to
those who reproached him for having devoted all his reve
nues to this purpose, and kept nothing for the service of the
venationis actum exercens, fiammeolum . . . super frutice sambuci invenit
integrum." — Oratio de S. Leopoldi et Summar Canonizat. S. Leopold. , ap. Paz
Script, rer. Austriac, vol. i. pp. 579> 6l6.
1 This admirable church, commenced in 1093 by Henry, Count of Laach,
was finished in 11 12. When I visited it in 1833 it was used as farm-
buildings by a Prussian functionary named Delius. An exact lithograph
of it may be seen in the work of M. Sulpice Boisser^e, entitled Monuments
du Bas-Rhin. Por the details of the foundation, see Brouwer, Ann.
Trevir., b. xiii. p. 7, and Mab., Chron. Bened., b. 72, p. 47.
^ Andulu, not far from Munich, 1 1 20 ; and Spanheim, near Kreuznach,
iu 1 124.
3 Mabill., Ann. Bened., h. 71, No. 90; Vit. Wipracht, c. vi.-x., ap.
Gbrvais, b. 88.
* " Michelsberg, Pharis, Bantz, Aarau, Michelwend, Butzders, Priifening,
Gengenbach, Sentauer, Stein, Regentsters, Arnolstein, Clunick, Biburg,
Hosterhof." — Mabill., Ann., loc cit.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II. 475
emperor, he answered, " These are inns of which we have
but too much need in this earthly exile, while we are
travelling far from God. The world is an exile, and our
Ufe a joumey, where those who are still distant from God
cannot meet with too many inns."
Otho had confided Priifening,' the chief of his founda
tions, to a monk of Hirschau, Ermenold,^ who was equally
charitable and zealous. In a great scarcity, this holy man,
having emptied the cellars and storehouses of his monastery
to feed the poor of the neighbourhood, had himself, with his
brethren, to suffer cruelly from famine, until one day a
nobleman, who lived near, came to succour them. But if
the gates of Priifening remained always open to Christ's
poor, the abbot knew how to close them against imperial
majesty. When Henry V. came to visit the abbey, Ermenold
would not communicate with one who was excommunicated.^
He refused, in spite of the prayers of Bishop Otho himself,
and the threats of the imperial cortege, to receive the monarch.
The emperor had the generosity to respect this noble courage,
which might have procured the palm of martyrdom for the
venerable monk.
In England, Henry I. founded several monasteries, among
others that of Eeading, which he attached to Cluny, and
where he chose his burial-place. This abbey, situated where
the principal highways of the kingdom met, and possessed
^ Near Ratisbon. There is a work on this monastery, PontUegium sacrum
sive fwndatio insignis 'monast S. Georgii martyris Ord. S. Bened. vulgo Fr'u-
fening dicti, &c., R. P. F. MelCHIORE Wexbe, ejusdem monasterii seniore:
Ingalstadii, 1626.
2 He had first been Abbot of Lorch, founded by the sister of Henry V. ;
but hearing that the latter boasted of having made him a fine present for
which he hoped some return, he was horrified at the idea of simony, and
returned to Hirschau with forty of his monks. — Mabill., b. 71, c. 24.
3 "Venerabilis Otto se interponens : neminem, ait, devitare debemus et
tenemur, de cujus nobis excommunicatione non constat. Quo contra vir
Dei . . . ne gratise fundatoris uec imperatoriae deferens majestati, veri
tatem libere testaretur : non possum, inquit, sententiam ignorare, quam
ore meo memini promulgatam." — Act. S. Eembnold.

476 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTDS II.
of a hospital and lazar-house, became, as it were, the greatest
inn of the realm ; and, thanks to its unwearied hospitality,
could always count more guests than inhabitants.' Croy
land, which had been in Saxon times the most honoured of
the English monasteries, rose from her decay under the care
of her learned abbot, Godfrey of Orleans, whom we have
already seen presiding at the formation of the University of
Cambridge. Godfrey had the happiness of completing this
work by a means much used in those days;^ monks carry
ing relics and indulgences travelled about in the name of
the English bishops, offering them to all who would give
their assistance.* These collectors went not only throughout
England, but also Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, and France ;
they brought back large sums of money, and also, what was
much better, a great nuniber of foreign monks,* so sincere
and deep was the brotherhood which united all Christian
nations, and which was chiefiy cemented by the monastic
orders. The first stone of the new church was laid in 1 1 1 4
with a solemnity, and in presence of a crowd, which testified
to the general sympathy felt by men of the time in such
undertakings : while 400 strange monks dined in the re
fectory, the counts, nobles, and knights of the neighbourhood
were entertained in the abbot's parlour ; in the cloisters,
visitors of lower rank, with their wives, filled six long
1 " Hospitalitatis indefessse et dulcis indicium . . . ut plus hospites,
totis horis venientes, quam iuhabitantes insumant." — Guill. Malm.,
46, 2 ; De pont Angl., Monast. Anglic, vol. i. p. 419 ; Ann. Bened., b. 73,
No. 143.
^ See the curious account of a similar journey made by the canons of
Laon in France and England, written by the monk Hermann. — D. Mirac.
S. Mar. Laudun., h. i., printed by D'Achery at the end of the works of
Gilbert of Nogent, pp. 536-542, and extracted by D. Lblong., Hist, du
dioc. de Laon ; aud Hist. litt. de Prance, vol. xii.
3 " Ab Episcopis Anglicauis indulgentiam tertise partis poenitentiarum
impetravit, pro iis omnibus, xc." — Mabill., Ann. Bened., b. 71, No. 87.
* " Quod tam feliciter successit, ut non modo magnam pecunise sum
mam qusestores illi attulerint, sed etiam multos ad monasticam vitam
adduxerint." — Mabill., loc. dt.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 477
tables; and in the open air more than 5000 labourers and
artisans, and others of inferior condition, were served by
the monks themselves. Two princes, who had studied at
Orleans under Abbot Godfrey, Thibault, the great Count
of Champagne, and his brother, Stephen of Blois, after
wards King of England, nephews to King Henry, put a
seal to the solemnity by coming to embrace their former
master, and bring him, from their uncle, the royal confirma
tion of the immunities granted to the abbey.'
While Ealph,^ a Norman monk, occupied as St. Anselm's
successor the primatial throne in England, the Scots desired
to have an English monk as Archbishop of St. Andrews and
primate of Scotland.* Eadmer, Anselm's friend and biogra
pher, whom King Alexander of Scotland had obtained from
the church of Canterbury to fill this office, had many diffi
culties to undergo. It happened that the king, after having
eagerly desired the nomination of the venerable monk, did
not find him ready enough to yield to his will. Like most
kings in this world, Alexander wished to be everything in
his own kingdom, and to tolerate no one there who was not
entirely submissive to his authority.* But Eadmer was re
solved not to break all connection with his monastery, but
to have himself consecrated by his legitimate archbishop,
and to remain subordinate to him ; he declared also, that if
all Scotland were to be given to him, he would never cease
to be a monk of Canterbury. Finding that he could not
overcome the king's resistance, Eadmer laid his archi
episcopal crosier down upon the altar whence he had taken
it, without having received investiture or done homage,
and retumed to his abbey; thus bearing witness, as he
1 Petrus Blesensis, ap. Mabill., Ann. Bened., b. 72, No. 71.
^ Son of Siffroy, lord of Scurris. He had been Abbot of Sfez and
Bishop of Rochester before he was elected Archbishop of Canterbury in
II 14. ^ III "20.
^ " In regno suo vult esse omnia solus, uec sustinebit ut qusevis potestas
sine ejus dispositione quicquam in aliquo possit."— Badm., Hist novor.,
b. 5, p. 99, ed. Gerberon.

478 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
himself says, that he had been trained in the school of St.
Anselm.' King Alexander's brother and successor, David, Earl of
Lothian, son of St. Margaret, and canonised like his mother,
showed the most ardent devotion to monks. The virtues of
the founder of Tiron being described to him, produced such
an effect upon his mind that he left his own country to visit
the holy old man in France. But Bernard having died in
the interval, the young prince could only kneel on the tomb
of him whose blessing he had come to seek. The journey
of the Earl of Lothian was not, however, quite useless ; he
brought back twelve disciples of the revered master with him
to Scotland, and afterwards established them at Kelso.^
The relations between crowned heads and monks were
both frequent and much prized. Henry I. of England, in
spite of his conflicts with St. Anselm and with Calixtus, had
always at heart an affectionate respect for the inhabitants of
the cloister. He chose the two abbots, Joffrid of Croyland
and Gislebert of Westminster,^ for his ambassadors when, in
1 1 1 8, he wished to negotiate with Louis le Gros, King of
France. In 1 1 1 3 we find him going to St. Evroul to cele
brate the feast of the Purification ; he sat for a long time
in the cloisters of the abbey, asking about the customs
and manner of life of the monks, and showing unqualified
approbation. The following day the prince entered the
chapter and asked to be affiliated to the congregation, which
was granted ; and in return he gave to the monastery a deed
of protection, signed by himself and all his lords.*
1 Eadm., Hist, novor., b. 6. p. 102. Afterwards he showed himself more
tractable, and wrote to the king to teU him that he would give up the
supremacy of the primate of Canterbury. The result of this concession is
not known.
2 Mabill., Arm. Bened., b. 73, c. 53. Act. SS. Bollandi, die April 14.
3 They were both Frenchmen. M. Thierry has extracted the passage
of Eadmer in which he points out Henry's systematic opposition to the
election of abbots of Bnglish descent.
* " Cum magna hilaritate . . iu claustro mouachorum diu sedit

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 479
In 1 1 24, hearing that the old Abbot WiUiam, St. Anselm's
successor at Bee, was dying, after an abbacy of thirty years,
Henry went to see him, and begged him to name his successor.
William replied that the canons forbade him to make this
choice; but begged the king to permit the election of a
monk of ripe age and irreproachable life. At these words,
Henry took the abbot's hand, and having kissed it, placed
it on his eyes, as if to be blessed by it ; ' and when WUUam
had breathed his last, and his body was laid in the church,
the king went to look at it, saying, " God grant that my
soul may one day be where his soul is ! ' ^
This emotion was profitable both to the soul of the king
and to the freedom of Bee. In fact, the monks having
elected their prior, Boson, for abbot, because he had been a
disciple of their great Abbot St. Anselm,^ the king, much
annoyed, at first rejected their choice, because of the zeal
shown by this very Boson in the disputes between himself
and St. Anselm.* However, at the repeated entreaty of
the monks, Henry finally yielded. But Boson would not
accept, and resisted both the wishes of his brethren® and
the exhortations of the Archbishop of Eouen, fearing lest
the king should require from him the homage he had
resolved not to pay. He still felt himself bound by a
promise made to Pope Urban IL, who had now been dead for
. . Ulos laudavit ; sequenti vero die in capitulum venit, societatem
eorum humiUter requisivit et recepit." — Ord. Vit., b. xii. p. 840.
¦ "Dixerat hsec et dicentis dexteram ori oculisque rex admovit." —
Milo. Crispin., Ohron. Beccens. ad Cale, LanpranC, ed. D'Achery, and
in not. S. Anselmi, ed. Gerb., p. 580.
^ "Utinam anima mea esset ubi anima ejus est." — Ibid., and Ann.
Bened., b. 74, c. 75.
3 "Quia bonus homo erat et amabUis, et maxime quia fuerat ex dis
ciplina veuerabUis Anselmi." — De libertate Beccensis Monast, in Appen,,
vol. v., Ann. Bened., No. 12.
* "Ut ferus homo omnino renuit. Erat enim ei infensus idem Boso,
propter quasdam causas quse inter ipsum Henricum et Anselmum quon
dam exstiterant." — Ibid.
^ " Fratres humiliter prostraverunt se in terram, petentes ne eos dese-
reret." — Ibid.

48o THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
twenty-five years, that he would never perform such an act
in honour of any layman ; ' but the Norman bishops were
indignant at his refusal for such a reason. " What I " said
they of Evreux and Lisieux, "we, who are bishops, do
homage to the king, and here is a monk who says he will
not do what everybody else does ! " ^
But however they might irritate the king against Boson
as they rode beside him from Brienne to Eouen,* Henry
dispensed the newly-elect from doing homage, and also
from the solemn profession of obedience to the archbishop
of that city.*
After the abbot's installation, the king exhorted him to
remain faithful to the traditions of hospitality and austerity
which made the glory of Bee,® promising him, on this con
dition, to protect the monastery, and saying, " You shall be
abbot within doors, and I will be abbot without." ®
About the time when the King of England was keeping
^ "Olim cum apud domnum Apostolicum Urbanum conversarer, pro
misi ei, quasi ex fide, quod nunquam laico hominis homiuium facerem,"
&c. — Ann. Bened., loc. dt.
" ' ' Nos qui episcopi sumus, f acimus homiuium domino nostro, et iste
monachus dicit se nuUo modo facere quod omnes alii faciunt I " — Ibid.
Cf. Milo. Crisp., Vit abb. Bee post Lanpr., p. 48.
3 " Cceperunt simul equitare unus a dextris et alter a sinistris." — De
Libert Becc, loc dt.
* "Domine archiepiscope, scitote pro certo, quia iste abbas uec mihi
faciet hominium, uec vobis professionem, et archiepiscopus a contra :
domine, quod vobis beneplacitum est de re vestra facite ut dominus ; de
re vero qase ad me proprie pertinet, inter me et ipsum bene oouveniet ;
rex vero a, contra ; dixi vobis et adhuc dico per mortem Christi, quia
abbas Becci nee mihi faciet hominium neo vobis professionem. Ad hsec
conticuerunt ambo episcopi, et de re alia cceperunt loqui." — Ibid. This
referred to a certain solemn profession of submission which was expressed
by the formula profiteer ; for it is evident that, at his benediction, the
abbot agreed without diflficulty to promise between the hands of the
archbishop to be subjectus et obediens to the church of Rouen, using the
word volo.
' " Admonuit eos ut laicos homo . . . hospitalitatem quse magnum eis
nomen acquisierat." — Ibid.
^ "Tu esto intus abbas iu ordine tuo ; et ego ero abbas in rebus ex-
terioribus."

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 48 1
up these familiar relations with the chief abbey of his
Norman duchy, the King of France went to do feudal
service at St. Denis, the great abbey of his kingdom, from
which he acknowledged himself to hold the county of the
Vexin as a fief.i The motive which the French sovereign
obeyed in this case was very serious; he knew that the
Emperor Henry V. had for five years been nourishing a
bitter resentment against him on account of the assistance
he had given to the pope duriag the CouncU of Eheims.^
In fact, Henry hated that town, the scene of his humilia
tion ; and, by agreement with his father-in-law, Henry of
England, had decided to go at the head of a powerful army
to besiege and destroy it. Warned of this scheme of
aggression, the king summoned his nobles,^ and then,
remembering that the glorious martyr St. Denis, apostle
of France, was the special protector of the kingdom which
he had converted, he went to invoke the saint in the
ancient abbey where his relics reposed ; caused the sacred
remains to be displayed upon the high altar, as was cus
tomary in great public dangers ; * and taking from this
same altar, as if from the hands of his feudal lord, the
oriflamme, which was the banner of the county of Vexin,
he hastened to the defence of Eheims.® With a single
impulse, such as history seldom has to describe, the whole
^ "VexiUum quod de comitatu Viloassiui, quoad ecclesiam feodatus
est, spectat, votive tanquam a domino suo." — Suger, Vit. Lud. Gi-oss,,
p. 312-
^ "CoUecto longo animi rancore contra D. regem L., eo quod in regno
ejus Remis iu coucUio D. Calixti anathemate innodatus fuerat . . . pro-
ponens aut civitatem subito destruere aut tanta deshonestatione et op
pressione civitatem obsidere, quanta D. papa iu eum agens sedit sessione."
— SUGBR, loc cit. " Imperator ratione illum concilU iratum Francias pro
posuit Eemensem civitatem destruere." — Genebrard, Chr. in Concil.,
xii 1308.
3 "Nobiles adciscit, causam exponit." — SUGER, loe cit.
* " Et quoniam hanc ab eo habent prserogativam, ut si regnum aliud reg
num Francorum iuvadere audeat, ipse beatus et admirabilis defensor cum
sociis suis, tanquam ad defendendum altari suo superpouatur." — Lbid.
^ Lbid., supra.
VOL. VI. 2 H

482 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
of France followed him ; ' the most powerful and most
distant vassals, such as the Dukes of Brittany and Aqui
taine, the inhabitants of Champagne, of Picardy, and the
Isle of France, gathered around Eheims, where a formi
dable army was organised, resolved to avenge the insults
offered to her who was already called the Queen of
nations.^ A monk of humble birth,^ named Suger, newly elected.
abbot against the king's will,* led the vassals of the abbey
of St. Denis, and it was among them that King Louis VII.
placed himself, saying, " Here I shall fight best, under the
protection of the saints, who are my lords, and in the ranks
of my countrymen with whom I have been brought up." ®
The emperor, alarmed by the warlike attitude of the French,
retired without having given them battle. The king im
mediately went to render solemn thanks to his suzerain,
the great martyr St. Denis : he himself carried back into
the venerable church the relics before which the monks,
^ The account given by Suger, who was at Rheims, bears marks of the
most ardent patriotism.
^ "Transeamus, inquiunt (proceres), audacter ad eos, ne redeuntes im
pune faciant, quod in terrarum dominam Franciam superbe prsesump-
serint." 3 Suger insists on his humble origin in several parts of his narrative, as
we shall show.
¦• The king, not haviug been consulted about his election, caused the
monks and noblest knightly feudatories of the abbey, who came to
inform him of it, to be imprisoned at Orleans. Suger was thinking
how to oppose this arbitrary conduct ("Romans Bcclesise vigore et D.
papse Calixti qui me dUigebat auctoritate"), when the king changed
his mind, released his prisoners, aud received him willingly. — Suger,
Vit Lud. Gross., pp. 310, 311.
^ " Neo acie tam secure quam strenue dimicabo, cum prseter sanctorum
dominorum suorum protectionem, etiam qui me compatriotse familiarius
educaverint, aut vivum jurabuut aut mortuum conservanter reportabunt."
— Ibid., 313. As it was not either the citizens of St. Denis or the knights
of the neighbourhood who had brought the king up, it results from this
passage that there were monks mixed with the soldiers. The presence of
Suger himself is shown by this phrase of his account : " cum Remis unde
cumque conveuessimus."

THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II. 483
Abbot Suger's contemporaries, prayed day and night for the
success of France.'
The abbey of St. Denis, however, was not the first in
rank; she was counted after Cluny, which Louis le Gros
called the noblest limb of his kingdom,^ whose abbot dis
puted with that of Monte Cassino the title of abbot of abbotsf
and whose greatness shed an unrivalled briUiance through
every country of Christendom. In I123, Pons, who had
resigned the abbacy of Cluny, carried the sacred spear* at
the head of the Christian army, which, though only three
thousand strong, put to rout at Thelin sixty thousand
Saracens, and so saved Palestine. The following year Pons's
successor, Peter the Venerable, restored peace to Catholic
Spain, setting her free to employ all her forces against
the Saracens; and shortly after, owing to his mediation
between the kings of Castile and Arragon, a treaty was
^ "Eex exhUaratus nee ingratus . . . lecticas argenteas quse altari
principaU superpositse toto spacio beUi conventus extiterant, ubi contiuuo
celeberrimo diei et noctis officio fratrum colebautur, multa devotissimi
popuU et religiosarum muUerum ad sufEragandum exercitui frequentaban-
tur multipUci oratione, Rex ipse proprio collo domnos et patronos suos
cum lacrymarum aflfiuentia fiUaliter loco suo reportavit." — Suger, loc. cit.
He made on that occasion numerous gifts to the abbey.
^ " NobUius membrum regni nostri." — In SpicUeg., vol. xiii. p. 301.
3 At the Lateran CouncU, in 11 16, where Pons, Abbot of Cluny, was
plenipotentiary of the emperor. But his pretensions were crushed by
the cardinal-chanceUor of the Church, who obUged Pons to acknowledge
that the Clunists, like all other monks of the Roman world, " omues in
orbo Romano monachos," had received their rule from St. Benedict aud
from Monte Cassino, and upheld the title of the abbot of that monastery :
" ut ipse solus, qui tanti legiferi vicarius est, abbas abbatum appellatur."
— Chron. Oass., b. iv. c. 62.
^ " Abbas Cluniaoencis Pontius proferens lanceam transfixam in latere
Christi." — Robert del Monte, in app. Sigeh. Cluny had always had
close relations with the Bast. The Archbishop of Edessa was confrater
of the Burgundian abbey, and had been received in that character by St.
Hugh wheu passing by Cluny to go from Flanders to Jerusalem. — Arm.
Ben., b. 73, No. 108. Peter the Venerable conferred the dignity on the
Bmperor of Constantinople, Alexis Comnenus, when reclaiming the abbey
of La Charity, which the Bmperor John Comnenus had given to Cluny.—
Pbtr. Ven., b. iv. Ep. 35.

484 THE PREDECESSORS OF CALIXTUS II.
concluded by these two princes at the Clunist abbey of
Najara.' Thus at the two extremities of Christendom, two
abbots of Cluny held the first rank both in war and
peace. So much glory, scarcely tarnished by the spots inseparable
from human frailty, and the possession of so great a share
in the greatest affairs of the Church and of the world,
naturally excited lively opposition and formidable jealousy
against the Clunist monks. Enemies were met with, not
only among members of rival communities, but also among
laymen devoted to the temporal power or attached to the
emperor's person, such as those who, enraged at seeing the
gates of the abbey of Priifening shut against their excom
municated master, pointed out to him the monks occupied
in their garden,^ and cried, " Look at these cowl-wearers,
how they treat our emperor ! They do not even reverence
the imperial dignity. They should be punished for their
impudence, and taught that they cannot insult the diadem
of the Csesars with impunity." ^
Even the clergy were not innocent of such ill-will ; and
the proof of it was seen when, for the first time since
the conversion of England, an Archbishop of Canter
bury was chosen who did not belong to the monastic
ranks .^
1 Sandoval, ap. Pagi, Crit, in 1124, c. 18.
^ " Fratres ad opera manuum ... in horto forte intraverunt, quem
vitis tunc sepes ambivit. . . . Invalescebant voces militum . . ." — Acta S.
Ermenold., ap. Boll., January 6.
3 " Ecce cucuUati, qui dominum nostrum temere despexeruut, uec im-
perialem sibi dignati sunt exhibere reverentiam. . . . Dent poenas op-
probrii et protervise . . . non ferant impune sprevisse Csesareum dia-
dema." — Lbid. The emperor, as we have already said, rejected their
counsels, and respected the independence of Abbot Ermenold and his
monks. * WilUam of Corbeil, a regular canon, elected in place of Raoul (or
Ralph), monk of Bee, who had died in 1112. It seems that the regular
canons, not being sons of St. Benedict, were not counted as monks.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 485
We have spoken of the fruitless complaints made by
the bishops of the province of Lyons against Cluny at
the Council of Eheims.' At the Ecumenical CouncU at
the Lateran, one of the canons of which forbade to abbots
various episcopal and pastoral functions,^ the prelates again
protested against the encroachments of Monte Cassino and
probably of the monks in general.^
" It only remains," they said, " that we should be de
prived of the crosier and ring, and put under the orders of
monks. They have the churches, towns, castles, tithes, the
oblations of the living and of the dead. Canons and other
clergy are fallen into discredit, while monks who are sup-
Already, in 1 1 14, at Ralph's election, the bishops had shown an unwil
lingness to acknowledge a monk as St. Anselm's successor, but the antece
dents had forced them to do so. Stigand, hitherto the only archbishop
not a monk, had beeu deposed after the conquest, and never received the
pallium. — Badmer, Hist, novor., b. 5, p. 86. "Ecce," says the monk,
Ordericus Vitalis, on the election of WiUiam — " ecce antiquus mos pro
invidia, qua clerici contra monachos urebantur, depravatus fuit. . . •
Angli monachos, quia per eos ad Deum conversi sunt, indesinenter dili
gentes, honoraverunt : ipsique clerici reverenter et benigne sibi mona
chos prsef erri gavisi sunt: Nunc autem mores et leges mutati sunt, et
clerici, ut monachos confutent et conoulcent, clericos extoUunt." — Lbid.,
xU. p. 873. However, WUliam of Corbeil was succeeded, ou his death in
ii37j by Theodoric, a monk of Bee, the third Archbishop of Canterbury
drawn from that Ulustrious monastery.
^ By a buU of January 19, 1121, Calixtus laid the Bishop of Ma,con
under au interdict untU he should have repaired the wrong he had done
to Cluny. — Thesaur. anecd., i. 347. But we must not suppose that popes
always defended abbeys against bishops : there is a deed of Pascal II. in
which he blames the Abbot of Cluny for having consecrated the holy oU,
and forbids him to do so in future. — Reg. Pasc, No. 75, in Colbtti, ConcU.,
xii. 1030.
^ " Interdicimus abbatibus et monachis publicas poenitentias dare, et
infirmos visitare, et unctiones facere, et missas publicas cantare. Chris-
ma et oleum, consecrationes altarium, ordinatioues clericorum ab episcopis
accipiant in quorum parochis manent." — Can. xvii.
3 The end of the story seems to show that these complaints were only
made against Monte Cassino. Fleury (b. 67, No. 31), by abbreviating the
reply of the Ligurian bishop and the pope's decision, has generalised the
accusations.

486 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS IL
posed to have abandoned this world and all its lusts, pursue
the things of the world with insatiable avidity, and, disdain
ing the portion offered to them by St. Benedict, only think
day and night how they may rob bishops of their rights.'
A monk of Monte Cassino answered, addressing himself to
the pope : " We pray night and day for the salvation of the
whole world, and the conduct of our abbots towards the
Apostolic See has not been such that we should deserve to
lose, under your pontificate, that which so many emperors,
kings, dukes, and popes have offered to St. Benedict." ^ A
bishop of Northern Italy then took up the defence of the
monks, showed the reasons which had led former bishops to
endow them, and the perpetual coexistence of the Monastic
Orders with the active and secular clergy, and in conclusion
said that it was the duty of bishops to love the monks, not
to persecute them.* Pope Calixtus ended the discussion
by declaring that the Church of Monte Cassino had been
founded by the command of Christ Himself, who had in
spired St. Benedict to make it a venerable sanctuary for all
Christendom, and, as it were, the headquarters of the Mon
astic Orders ; and that, moreover, it had been a sure refuge
for the Eoman Church in her adversity. "Por this reason,"
added the pontiff, " following the steps of our predecessors,
we decree that this monastery shall remain free for ever
from all mortal authority, and under the sole guardianship
1 " Episcopi adversus monachos invidia infiammati, cceperunt dicere,
nil superesse aliud, nisi ut, sublatis virgis et annulis, monachis deser-
virent. Illos enim villas, castra, &c. . . . detinere ; his quse mundi sunt
inhiare nou desinnut, et quibus per B. Benedictum ultro quserendi locus
offertur, ad episcoporum jura rapienda, diu noctuque occupantur." —
Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 80.
^ " Neque enim ita Cassinenses abbates de sede apostolica meruerunt,
ut quse S. Benedicto imperatores . . . coutulerunt, hsec apostolatus vestri
tempore amitti mereamur." — Chron. Cassin., loc. cit.
3 " Quidam Ligurise episcopus . . . non sine causa prsedecessores nos
tri monasteria ditaverant. A principio namque surgeutes Ecclesise duos
ordines, &o. . . . unde nou immerito nos potius diUgere monachos, quam
insequi convenit. " — Ibid.

THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II. 487
of the Eoman Church. As to other monasteries, we com
mand that they shall be maintained such as they were
originally founded." '
The time was not yet come when the foes of the religious
orders might hope to triumph. Far from being eclipsed,
their glory every day shone more brightly. But lately
Pope Calixtus, by confirming the Order of St. John of Jeru
salem,^ had introduced into the ranks of chivalry that death
less spirit of self-sacrifice and Christian devotion which has
lived even to the days of moderii society. As he passed
through France after the glorious Council of Eheims, the
sovereign pontiff also ratified the constitution of the Cister
cian Order, which, having for years grown up in solitude,
was to surpass in splendour as well as in productiveness all
the past wonders of monastic history.^
Before his death, Calixtus II. , the great pope who gave
peace to the Church, might have seen issuing from the
bosom of this new-born order, and shining on the horizon
like aT star without a rival, that Bernard who for thirty
years was to animate and purify the Church by his breath,
enlighten her by his doctrine, and transport her by his
eloquence ; who was to speak to the pope as a doctor,
to kings as a prophet, to nations as a master ; to aid
the again menaced papacy, to dissipate schism, to con
found in the person of Abelard revolted human reason,
to merit the title of avenger of ecclesiastical free-
1 " Imperato silentio dixit : Cassinensis Ecclesia non ab hominibus neque
per hominem, sed per J. C. fundata est . . . cujus imperio Benedictus
pater . . . orbi spectabUem reddidit, totiusque monastici ordinis caput
esse constituit . . . ccenobium ab omni mortaUum jugo quietumac liberum
manere." — Chron. Cassin., loc cit.
2 By the bull Ad hoo nos disponente Domino, June 19, 11 20, accord
ing to Hfliot, and of July 6, 1121, according to the Hist, litt, vol. x.
p. 522.
3 St Bernard appeared for the first time to the eyes of the Church at the
CouncU of Langres, at the end of Lent 1124. Calixtus died December
13th of the same year.

488 THE PREDECESSORS OP CALIXTUS II.
dom,' and to humble the heir of Henry V. and grandson
of Henry IV. at the feet of an uncompromising champion
of the Church and of society.
^ "Vindex Ecclesiastica: libertatis." This is the inscription which was
read until 1837 under his statue in the Cistercian abbey of Welliugen, iu
Switzerland, now defaced by the sacrilege of Aargan.

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