YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A TRANSLATION

EPISTLES
OF
CLEMENT OF EOME, POLYCARP,
AND IGNATIUS;
AND OF THE
APOLOGIES
OF
JUSTIN MARTYR AND TERTULLIAN :
WITH
AN INTRODUCTION
AND BRIEF NOTES
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF THE
FIRST TWO CENTURIES.

By the REV. TEMPLE CHEVALLIER, B.D.
LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF CATHARINE HALL.

CAMBRIDGE:
PRINTED BY JOHN SMITH, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY.
FOR J. & J. J. DEIGHTON, TRINITY STREET;
AND J. G. & F. RIVINGTON, LONDON.

M.DCCC.XXXIII.

INTRODUCTION.

In the history of the Christian Church, there
are few periods of greater interest and importance
than that which succeeded the death ofthe Apostles.
As long as any of those holy men survived, who had
personally received instruction from our Lord, they
connected the Church on earth with its spiritual
head. The miraculous powers with which the
Apostles were endowed, and the undisputed au
thority with which their high office invested them,
placed them in a position, which none of their suc
cessors could ever occupy. In cases of difficulty
and doubt, an appeal to their more than human
wisdom was the last resource : in times of peril,
their example and their prayers strengthened the
wavering, and confirmed the faithful : and at all
periods they were justly regarded as the pillars, on
which the Christian Church securely rested.
But when the Apostles were removed from the
scene of their earthly labours, the condition of the

INTRODUCTION.

Church was changed. The efforts of its enemies
were exerted with greater energy to suppress Chris
tianity, as the numbers of those who professed the
faith increased ; while the apparent means of de
fence were materially impaired. Our attention is
therefore roused to enquire what men they were,
who, on this trying occasion, stood forth in defence
of Christianity ; with what weapons they combated
their enemies; with what zeal they laid down their
lives for the sake of the Gospel.
These early ages of the Church claim our at
tention for another reason. In contemplating the
history of that period, we view Christianity, as a
system of ecclesiastical polity, in its nascent state.
It was then that the Canon of Scripture was
formed ; that Church government took a consistent
form. The oral teaching of the Apostles and their
immediate successors was still vividly impressed
upon the minds of those who had heard them :
and many passages of Scripture, which to us appear
ambiguous, might by such means be then clearly
understood. Hence the conclusions, which the primitive
Christian Church formed, respecting questions,
which in after ages have been fruitful subjects of
controversy, are entitled to the highest regard:

INTRODUCTION. Ill
not, indeed, as infallible ; but as representing the
doctrines maintained by sincere and earnest en
quirers after the truth, by men who were best able
to form a sound determination, before their judg
ment was warped by prejudice or modified by
system. The writings of the early Christian Fathers
will therefore be carefully consulted by all who
would trace the Scriptures up to the period in
which they were written, and learn the doctrines
which were taught as essential, in the times nearest
to the Apostolic age.
These early ages of the Church possess also a
charm peculiar to themselves. The records of
ecclesiastical history in subsequent years too often
display a melancholy picture. The turbulent pas
sions of the worldly minded, the fiery zeal of the
intemperate, the arts of the designing, the follies
of the weak, all present themselves in dazzling
colours and in prominent positions : while it re
quires a practised eye and a patient investigation
to discover the milder and retiring forms of unob
trusive Christian piety. The earlier Christians
were not, as individuals, free from the infirmities
and sins of human nature. But the primitive
Christian Church did certainly stand forth in a
a 2

INTRODUCTION.

purity and simplicity which it has never since
enjoyed. And the contemplation of the age in
which this goodly spectacle was presented to the
world, has ever been a delightful employment to
minds endowed with a kindred feeling.
Of late years a considerable impulse has been
given, among ourselves, to the study of the early
Christian writers. The labours of the learned
Bishop of Lincoln, in elucidating the works of Jus
tin Martyr and Tertullian, and those of Dr. Bur
ton, are specimens of the valuable matter which is
yet to be extracted from the stores of Christian
antiquity. The present work lays claim to no such pre
tensions. Its object is to put the English reader
in possession of some of the genuine remains of
Christian writers of the first and second centuries,
and to furnish occasional information upon such
points as seem to require explanation. For this
purpose it appeared more advisable to give the whole
of such pieces as should be selected, than to select
certain parts only. Extracts must always fail to
give a faithful representation of the whole manner
of reasoning and train of thought which charac
terized the first advocates of Christianity ; and may
unintentionally give erroneous notions of their

INTRODUCTION.

opinions. It is well known that detached passages
are quoted from these writings, in favour of very
different notions. To judge therefore of the real
sentiments of the writers, the general tendency of
their argument is to be regarded, more than the
mere verbal expression of particular parts. If we
would know how these fathers of the Church
thought and wrote, we are not at liberty to omit
what may appear to us superfluous and fanciful in
illustration, or diffuse and inconclusive in rea
soning; or simply uninteresting, because it refers
to errors which have long since passed away. The
very manner of treating a subject is an indication of
the habits of thought and of the moral condition
of the age in which it was discussed. A more strik
ing and graphic representation is often given of
the state of society, and of the condition of the
Christian world in general, by an application of a
passage of Scripture, by a slight allusion to an ob
jection against the religion of the Gospel, by a
casual reference to some difficulty which its profes
sors encountered, or by some elaborate refutation
of an absurd calumny, than we should have received
from a detailed description of the circumstances.
Besides, those very parts of the writings of the
early Fathers, which seem least valuable both for

VI INTRODUCTION.
style and matter, have this incidental advantage,
that they set in a clear point of view the immea
surable superiority of the Scriptures of the New
Testament. The inspired books were written
principally by men who had not the same advan
tages of education and literary training, as some
of the Ecclesiastical writers enjoyed: yet they
are totally free from the blemishes which disfigure
the most elaborate productions of later ages of the
Church. Had not the pens of the Evangelists and
Apostles been guided by a wisdom superior to any
which those writers possessed by ordinary means,
they never could have produced a work, which,
even as a specimen of plain yet majestic narration,
and of consistent, sober, rational discussion of the
most abstruse questions, is entirely unrivalled.
We should have found — as we do find in the
writings even of those who had been thoroughly
instructed in scriptural truth, and had deeply
imbibed the spirit of Christianity — some error
mixed with truth; some inconclusive reasoning;
some vague declamation; some incautious over
statement of doctrine or fact; some merely mys
tical application of the Scriptures of the Old Tes
tament ; some exaggerated sentiment.

INTRODUCTION. Vll

In uninspired writers we should have detected
the prejudices of their education and of the age
in which they lived. We should have found some
extravagant eulogies of martyrdom ; some fanciful
notions respecting spiritual beings; some captious
and scrupulous objection to practices in themselves
indifferent. And, in their public defences of the
faith before their adversaries, we should have per
ceived them, not only speaking boldly, as they
ought to speak, but sometimes displaying a sub-
tilty too nearly allied to the craftiness of the
disputer of this world ; and on other occasions
indulging in sarcasm or invective against the
various errors of heathen worship.
In the Scriptures of the New Testament, we
find none of these faults: they are uniformly
dignified, simple, reasonable. But a very limited
acquaintance with the writings of those who en
deavoured to follow their steps will shew that,
if the Apostles and Evangelists were preserved
from such extravagance and error, they owed it
to a wisdom which was not of this world.
The works, which have been chosen for the
present purpose, are the Epistle of Clement of
Rome to the Corinthians ; that of Polycarp ; the
genuine Epistles of Ignatius, with the accounts

Vlll INTRODUCTION.
of the Martyrdom of Ignatius and Polycarp : the
first Apology of Justin Martyr ; and the Apology
of Tertullian. These Epistles, and the short histories of the
Martyrdoms, have been long known to the English
reader, in Archbishop Wake's very valuable trans
lation. It may appear presumptuous to have
changed, in any degree, language which is at once
so faithful and so scriptural as that which he has
employed. And no alteration has been made, ex
cept after due deliberation. In Archbishop Wake's
translation, however, the quotations from the Scrip
tures are given in the words of the authorised
English Version. Now the original quotations
from the Old Testament are often taken from the
Septuagint or some other Version, so as to differ
considerably from the Hebrew, text, and conse
quently from the English Version : and in other
instances, references are made to the Old and New
Testaments in such a manner as to express the
general sense of passages, rather than the words.
As the intention of this work is to give as ac
curate a representation of these writings of the
Fathers as the difference of idiom will admit,
it seemed advisable to translate these quotations
also as faithfully as possible, even in the instances

EPISTLE OF CLEMENT. IX
in which they deviate from the literal sense of the
original Scriptures. It is not always easy to deter
mine how closely a writer intended to quote a
passage; and in many cases, such references may
be regarded as a kind of comment upon the text
to which allusion is made.
EPISTLE OF CLEMENT.
It is a happy circumstance, that of the very
few remains3 of the writings of the first Century,
except the books of the New Testament, we should
possess the truly Apostolical Epistle of Clement of
Rome. Clement is believed, upon the general testi
mony of Ecclesiastical historians6, to have been
the same whom St. Paul mentions among "his
fellow labourers, whose names are written in the
book of life0." Of his early years little is cer
tainly known. It is believed, however, that he
was born of a noble family at Rome, and sent to
Athens for the purpose of education : that his
conversion to Christianity arose from unsuccessful
a It is perhaps the only remaining writing of the first cen
tury. The Epistle, ascribed to Barnabas, and the Shepherd of
Hermas, existed in the second century: but probably were
written after the Apostolic age.
b Euseb. H. E. iii. 12. c Phil. iv. 3.

X INTRODUCTION.
enquiries into which he had been led respecting
the immortality of the soul ; that he was instruct
ed and baptized by St. Peter, and for some time
continued to be his disciple.
That Clement was Bishop of Rome is a fact
which is not disputed : but the time of his acces
sion to that See is variously computed. Irenaeusd
and Eusebius mention Clement to have been the
third in succession from the Apostles : and Eu
sebius6 expressly states the twelfth year of Domi-
tian's reign, a.d. 92, as the year in which Clement
succeeded Anencletus. Tertullianf says that he
was ordained Bishop by St. Peter; whence it has
been supposed that Linus was ordained Bishop of
the Gentile Church of Rome by St. Paul, and
Clement, Bishop of the Church of Jewish con
verts by St. Peter; that Linus was succeeded by
Anencletus or Anacletus, and at his death, about
a.d. 91. the two churches were united, and the
Episcopacy of Clement over them both began.
This is by many considered the most probable
way of reconciling the difficulties which exist in
d Irenaeus Haeres. iii. 3. Euseb. H. E. v. 6.
e Eusebius H. E. iii. .13— 15. See Lardner, Credibility
Part ii. c. 2.
f Tertullian De Prescriptione Hasreticorum, c. 32.

DATE OF THE El'ISTLE OF CLEMENT. XI
determining the succession of the first Bishops of
Romeg; and was the opinion of Cave, when he
wrote the Life of Clement\ But at a subsequent
period', he adopted the conclusion of Dodwell",
that Linus and Anencletus lived as Bishops of
Rome but a very short time, and that Clement
succeeded them about a. d. 64 or 65, and continued
to the year 81. Bishop Pearson1 concludes that
Clement was Bishop of Rome from a. d. 69 to 83.
The date of the Epistle of Clement to the
Corinthians is involved in equal uncertainty.
Archbishop Wakem supposes it to have been writ
ten soon after the termination of the persecution
under Nero, between the years 64 and 70. Lard-
nern refers it to the year 96. There are but few
internal marks of time in the Epistle itself, and
none which can be regarded as decisive. It is
plain that it was written at the close of some per
secution ; for, at the beginning of it, the Church of
Rome refers to "the sudden and repeated dangers
s See note (a) on c. 54. p. 53.
h Cave's Lives of the Fathers. * Historia Literaria, 65.
k Dodwell, Disputatio Singularis de Roman. Pontif.
Success. 1 Disputatio de Successione prima Romanorum Pontificum.
m See also Dodwell Addit. ad Pearson. Dissert, ii. c. 24.
Cave Hist. Literal-. 65.
n Credibility, Part ii. c. 2.

xii INTRODUCTION.
and calamities which had befallen them." Perse
cution however, for the sake of the Christian
faith was already so common, that it cannot be
certainly said whether these words are an allusion
to some local distress, or to a general persecution.
But they might refer either to a.d. 64, at the
end of the persecution under Nero, or to a.d. 94,
after that under Domitian.
In favour of the earlier of these dates, Cle
ment in c. 5. seems to speak of the Apostles, Peter
and Paul, as having been recently put to death.
The expressions in c. 41. respecting the Temple
at Jerusalem, seem to countenance the opinion,
that the Temple was still standing, and that the
Jewish war, which began a.d. 67, had not yet
broken out. The Fortunatus also, whose name
is found in c. 59, is conceived to have come from
Corinth, and to have been the same, who is men
tioned by St. Paul0 together with Stephanus,
whose house was the first fruits of Achaia. If
this supposition be correct, it is a presumption
in favour of the earlier date: since at the later
date, Fortunatus, if alive, could hardly have been
capable of undergoing so long a journey.
0 1 Cor. xvi. 15 — 17.

EPISTLE OF CLEMENT. Xlll

On the other hand, in c. 44, Clement seems
to speak as if there had been a succession of in
termediate persons in the Church, between him
self and the Apostles.
The phrase "in the beginning of the Gospel,"
and the appellation of " Ancient Church", applied
to the Corinthians p, have also been adduced as
favouring a later date.
The high value which the ancient Christian
Church set upon this Epistle of Clement is ascer
tained by the commendations which they bestow
upon it. Irenaeusq describes this Epistle as having
been written by the Church of Rome under Cle
ment, to the Corinthians, and speaks of it as a
most powerful Epistle. Eusebius' denominates it
" a great and admirable Epistle." Dionysius,
Bishop of Corinth, about the year 170 testifies to
the fact that this Epistle was read in the Church
of Corinth from ancient times5: and other writers'
shew that it was publickly read in other Christian
Churches. Eusebius observes also that there is a
great similarity in the style of this Epistle and
that of the Epistle to the Hebrews: and that
¦> c. 47. ' Hasres. iii. 3. Euseb. H. E. v. 6.
' H. E. iii. 16. s Eusebius H. E. iv. 23.
' Eusebius H. E. iii. 16. Jerome de Viris Illustribus, c. 15.
Epiphanius Haeres. xxx. Num. 15. Photius Biblioth. Cod. 123.

XIV INTRODUCTION.
Clement on several occasions quotes that book of
the New Testament.
Notwithstanding the great esteem in which the
primitive Church held this Epistle of Clement, and
the numerous quotations from it, scattered over
the pages of ecclesiastical writers, the Epistle itself
was for many centuries considered to be lost. At
length it was discovered, at the end of a manuscript
containing the Septuagint version of the Old Tes
tament, and the New Testament. This manu
script had been presented to King Charles the First,
by Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, and afterwards
of Constantinople. The valuable treasure was dis
covered by Mr. Young, the keeper of the Royal
Library: and was first published at Oxford, in
1633. The original manuscript is now in the
British Museum.
The Epistle thus happily and unexpectedly
recovered, agrees in all respects with the accounts
given of the Epistle of Clement, and with the quo
tations from that Epistle found in ecclesiastical
writers." The absence of one or two quotations
» Clem. Alexand. Stromat. i. p. 289. iv. p. 516. v. p. 586.
vi. p. 647. Origen, de Principiis, ii. c. 3. Ad Johan. i. 29.
Cyril. Hierosol. Cateches. xviii. p. 213. Epiphanius Here's.'
xxvii. Num. 6. xxx. Num. 15. Jerome. In Esaiam Lii. ];;'
Lib xiv. Ad Ephes. ii. 2. iv. 1. Photius, Cod. 126.

EPISTLE OF CLEMENT. XV
or allusions x is sufficiently accounted for by the
fact that a fragment is still wanting at the end
of c. 57.
We recognise in this Epistle the dignified sim
plicity of style, which is mentioned y as one of its
remarkable features, and is most characteristic of
the Apostolic age.
The Church of Corinth, having been distracted
with seditions, appears to have made application to
Clement and the Church of Rome, which was itself
then exposed to persecution. After some delay,
arising from this cause, Clement addresses2 the
Corinthians, in the name of the Church of God
which is at Rome, and reminds them of the firmness
of their faith, their fruitfulness in all good works,
and the order and obedience which once prevailed
among them. He contrasts their previous Chris
tian discipline with their present disorder and
schism : and proceeds to shew by numerous ex
amples, what evils have been produced by envy
and hatred. He incidentally alludes to the recent
martyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of
many others, who had suffered in times of per
secution. x Basil. De Spiritu Sancto. c. 29-
' Photius Biblioth. Cod. 126. ' cc. 1—7-

XVI INTRODUCTION.

After this introduction, Clement3 assures the
Corinthians how sensible he is, that he himself
requires to be reminded of these truths : he ex
horts them to look stedfastly to the blood of
Christ, which has obtained the grace of repent
ance to all the world; and refers to numerous
passages of Scripture, which teach the doctrine
of repentance, and give examples of faithful obe
dience. He expatiates upon the duty of humility
and peace, after the example of Christ, who came
in all humility, although he was "the Sceptre of
the Majesty of God :" and in imitation of those,
who went about in sheep skins and goat skins,
and of other holy men.
Clement then shewsb, in a passage of great
beauty and sublimity, that God has impressed
upon the whole creation the visible marks of
order, and arranged the several parts in concord
and peace; and thence exhorts the Corinthians
to return to their former purity and meekness,
confirmed by faith in Christ, not doubting the
excellent gifts of his grace.
Clement proceeds0 to remind the Corinthians
that many objects of the natural world remind
* cc. 8—19. >> cc. 20—22. - c. 24.

EPISTLE OF CLEMENT. XV11
us of tlie resurrection from the dead, of which
our Lord Jesus Christ was the first fruits. He
exemplifies this in the succession of day and
night, and in the growth of seed, which first dies
in the ground. He adopts the story of the Phce
nix/ which was believed by his contemporaries,
and regards it as an emblem of the resurrection ;
and exhorts the Corinthians to hold fast the faith,
to repent, and return to God in holiness. He
then again refers to examples of those who have
obtained blessing from God, and to the works of
God himself,- as an encouragement to fulfil his
will. He teaches submission,6 and dwells upon the
magnitude and importance of the eternal gifts of
God, and exhorts them to fix their minds through
faith towards God in Jesus Christ our High Priest,
by whom God would have us taste of the know
ledge of immortality. He then notices f the gra
dations of rank in an army, and the members of
the body, which all conspire to promote the gene
ral good, as examples of the order which ought
to prevail in the Church. After a quotation from
the Book of Job,B Clement shews that the order
d c. 25, 26. See note p. 25. ' cc. 34—36.
f c. 37- g c- 39-

xviii INTRODUCTION.
of times and seasons in religious offices, as well
as various gradations of the priesthood, are ap
pointed by God, and that the successors of the
Apostles in the ministry were ordained by them,
after they had been proved by the Spirit;11 and
refers to the instance of Aaron having been mi
raculously called to the priesthood. He explains
more at large the care which the Apostles took,
that chosen and approved men should constantly
succeed in the ministry:1 contrasts the divisions
among the Corinthians with the examples of holy
men of old ; and shews the sin of schism.
Clement then refers k to the first Epistle of
St. Paul to the Corinthians:1 exhorts them to
unity; sets forth the excellence of Christian
charity; advises them to repent, and confess their
sin : and to forgive one another after the example
of Moses and others. He exhorts them meekly
to pray for those who are in error; and calls
upon the seditious to submit themselves.
At this part of the Epistle there is a passage
omitted; but the conclusion, containing an af
fectionate and truly apostolical benediction, is
preserved."1 h c. 42. ' cc. 44—46. k c. 47—57.
1 1 Cor. i. 12. m c. 58, 59, 60.

WHITINGS OF CLEMENT. XIX
This Epistle is the only genuine writing of
Clement. Eusebius" mentions indeed another
Epistle of his, which was not so generally re
ceived as the first, and was not quoted by the
ancients. The fragment of a second Epistle, now
extant and attributed to Clement, is generally be
lieved to be spurious. And other writings which
bear his name, The Recognitions and Homilies,
as well as the Constitutions and Canons of the
Apostles, which have been ascribed to him, are
certainly productions of a later age.
Little is known respecting the latter days
of Clement. That his mind was made up to suf
fer martyrdom for the faith, is manifest from the
determined but quiet spirit of resignation which
he expresses." But there is no sufficient evidence
for the story that he was banished into the Crimea by
Trajan, and there suffered martyrdom by drown
ing.1" He is with more reason believed to have
died in possession of his Episcopal office, about
the third year of Trajan, a.d. 100. He was
succeeded in the See of Rome by Evarestus.
The Epistle of Clement having been written
for a particular purpose, affords only occasional in-
n H. E. iii. 38. ° c. 7. p See Cave's Life, c. 7- 8.
62

INTRODUCTION.

formation respecting the state of the Church at
the period when it was written. We find in it
however proof that, within a few years after the
death of the Apostles Peter and Paul, Christian
Churches were established by their order, and
governed according to directions received from
them.q We have an appeal made to the acknow
ledged purity of life and peaceableness of deport
ment, which characterized the primitive Christ
ians;1 although the Corinthian Church, in which
divisions had taken place at a very early period,8
had much degenerated. And we have testimony,
direct and indirect, to the persecutions to which
the infant Church of Christ was so soon exposed.
Only one book of the New Testament is
expressly quoted by Clement;' and there is no
mention of the Gospels by name, nor of their
being collected into a volume. Words of our
Lord, however, are quoted with respect, which are
now found in the Gospels of St. Matthew, St. Mark,
and St. Luke." There are probable allusions to
the Acts of the Apostles,* to the Epistle of St.
" c. 42.44. 'c.2. s l Cor. xi. 18. ' 1 Cor. i. 12 c. 47.
u Matt. vii. 1—12. Luke vi. 36—38. c. 13. Matt. xxvi.
24. xviii. 6. Mark ix. 42. Luke xvii. 2. c. 46. See Lardner,
Credibility, Part n. c. 2.
* Acts xx. 35. c. 2. Acts xiii. 22. c. 18.

QUOTATIONS FROM THE NEW TESTAMENT. XXI
Paul to the Romans/ to both his Epistles to the
Corinthians,2 to his Epistles to the Galatians,3
Ephesians, b Philippians, c Colossians/ the first
Epistle to the Thessalonians,6 both the Epistles to
Timothy/ and the Epistle to Titus.g There are
also, as Eusebius noticed,11 many coincidences of
expression between the Epistle of Clement and
the Epistle to the Hebrews,1 and allusions to the
Epistles of James, k and to the first and second
Epistles of Peter.1
Lardner is of opinion, that the references and
allusions to some of these books are manifest, and

y Rom. ix. 4. c. 33. Rom. xii. 5. c. 46. Rom. xiv. 1. c. 38.
z 1 Cor. x. 24. c. 48. 1 Cor. xii. 12. c. 37- 1 Cor. xiii. 4.
c. 49. 1 Cor. xv. 20. 36. 38. c. 24. 2 Cor. iii. 18. c. 36.
2 Cor. viii. 5. c. 56. 2 Cor. x. 17- c. 30. 2 Cor. xi. 24. c. 5.
a Gal. i. 4. c. 49. b Eph. iv. 4.
c Phil. i. 10. Ye were sincere and without offence, c. 2.
Phil. ii. 5—7- c. 16.
d Col. i. 10. c. 21. e 1 Thes. v. 18. 23. c. 38.
f 1 Tim. i. 9. v. 4. c. 7. 1 Tim. ii. 8. c. 29. 1 Tim. iii. 13
c. 54. e Tit. iii. 1. Ye were ready to every good work, c. 2.
h H. E. iii. 34.
1 Heb. i. 3—13. c. 36. Heb. iii. 2. 5. c. 43. Heb. iv. 14.
c. 58. Heb. vi. 13—15. c. 10. Heb. xi. 5. c. 9- Heb. xi. 8—20.
c. 10. Heb.xi. 31. c. 12. Heb. xi. 37- c. 17- Heb. xiii. 1. 2.
c. 11. Heb. xiii. 17- c. 1.
k James i. 5. c. 23. James ii. 21—24. c. 10. 17- 30. 31.
James iii. 13. c. 38. James iv. 3. c. 30.
1 1 Pet. iv. 8. c. 49. 1 Pet. v. 5. c. 2. 30. 38. 2 Pet. ii.
5. 6. c. 7. 11. 2 Pet. iii. 4. c. 23.

XXli INTRODUCTION.
as he thinks, undeniable ; as those to the Epistle
to the Romans, and the first to the Corinthians.
To these he would add the Epistle to the Hebrews,
except that some might " think it not impossible
for a man, who had been conversant with the Apos
tles, who was fully instructed in their doctrine and
manner of reasoning, and also well acquainted with
the Old Testament, to write with that great resem
blance of the Epistle to the Hebrews, both in
thought and expression, without borrowing from it,
or imitating it;"m and also because at a later period,
in the time of Eusebius and Jerome, the Church of
Rome did not receive the Epistle to the Hebrews.
Others however," are satisfied from this Epistle
.that Clement possessed our three first Gospels, the
Acts of the Apostles, the Epistle to the Romans,
both the Epistles to the Corinthians, and the
Epistle to the Hebrews.
This valuable testimony must also be taken as
expressing the sentiments, not of Clement only,
but of the Church of Rome, in whose name the
Epistle is written, and as implying the high autho
rity which the books had with the Corinthians
themselves. m Credibility, Vol. i. pp. 300. 302.
" Mill Prolegomena, n. 140.

DOCTRINES OF THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT. Xxiii
The Epistle of Clement contains, I believe, no
allusion to existing miraculous powers.
The doctrines of this Epistle are worthy of its
high character. It is shewn elsewhere" that there
is no foundation for the charge advanced by Photius
and others, that Clement does not express himself in
terms sufficiently elevated and distinct respecting
the Divine nature of our Lord. Clement speaks
of the necessity of spiritual aid to enlighten our
understanding ; p says that we " are not justified by
ourselves, neither by our own wisdom, or knowledge,
or piety, in the works which we have done in holi
ness of heart ; but by that faith, by which Almighty
God hath justified all men from the beginning.'"1
He speaks plainly of the Atonement by the blood
of Christ, which was given for us,1 and is " precious
in the sight of God ; which being shed for our sal
vation, hath obtained the grace of repentance to the
whole world."8 He is careful also to shew the ne
cessity of repentance and holiness, ' of peace and
humility," after the example of our Lord ; * and
that they who have the love of Christ should keep
his commandments,7 and endeavour to advance in
0 Note (B) at the end of the volume.
p c. 36. « c. 32. * c. 21. 4J).
s c. 7. l c. 8. 29. u c. 13. 15.
* c. 16. y c. 30. 49-

XXIV INTRODUCTION.
all godliness, z in firm hope of a resurrection a to
immortality and glory. b
It will be remembered that all these points are
touched upon only incidentally ; the main object of
the Epistle being to correct particular disorders in
the Church of Corinth.
Such is the Epistle of Clement, which, whether
we regard its purely apostolic simplicity, the piety,
meekness, and Christian spirit which pervade it,
or the valuable testimony which it bears to the
Scriptures of the New Testament, and to the con
dition and doctrines of the Church in the age im
mediately succeeding that of the Apostles, must be
regarded as one of the most valuable remains of
Christian antiquity. POLYCARP.
The birth-place and early life of Polycarp are
involved in obscurity. He was, however, of eastern
extraction, and appears to have been brought up
as a slave by a noble matron named Callisto, who
made him her heir.
That Polycarp conversed familiarly with those
who had been the disciples of our Lord, and par
ticularly received instruction from the Apostle
' c. 32. " c. 24 — 26. » c. 35.

POLYCARP.

St. John, is proved by the testimony of Irenseus,3
who heard it from Polycarp himself. " I saw you,"
says Irenaeus, writing in his old age to Florinus,b
" when I was yet a youth, in the lower Asia with
Polycarp; when you were distinguished for your
splendid talents in the royal palace, and striving
diligently to deserve his favour. I can call to
mind what then took place more accurately than
more recent events ; for impressions made upon
the youthful memory grow up and identify them
selves with the very frame and texture of the mind.
Well, therefore, could I describe the very place in
which the blessed Polycarp sat and taught ; his
going out and coming in ; the whole tenour of his
life ; his personal appearance ; the discourses which
he made to the people. How would he speak of
the conversations which he had held with John,
and with others who had seen the Lord. How
did he make mention of their words, and of what
soever he had heard from them respecting the
Lord." Polycarp was further instructed in the Christ
ian faith by Bucolus, Bishop of Smyrna, and by
a Irenseus Hser. iii. 3. Euseb. H. E. iii. 36. iv. 14. See
also the Martyrdom of Ignatius, c. 3. p. 140.
b Epistola ad Florinum : Euseb. H. E. v. 20.

XX vi INTRODUCTION.
him ordained Deacon and Catechist of that Church.
On the death of Bucolus, Polycarp was ordained
Bishop of Smyrna. Somec ascribe his ordination
as Bishop to the Apostle John himself: others"
to some of the Apostles, ore to apostolic men.
Archbishop Usherf conceives Polycarp to have
been "the angel of the Church in Smyrna,"
whom St. John addresses in the Revelation.6
Very few particulars are known respecting the
remaining part of the life of Polycarp. He en
joyed the greatest reputation for holiness; and
was regarded both by the enemies and friends of
the Church, as one of the principal supporters of
the faith. He was appointed to go to Rome, on
occasion of the controversy between the Eastern
and Western Churches respecting the celebration
of Easter. Irenaeush relates how successful Poly
carp was during that visit, in bringing back to
the faith those also who had erred; and relates
a conversation with Marcion, who seems to have
been desirous of obtaining, if not the approbation,
at least the tacit acquiescence of the venerable Po
lycarp. The heretical leader accosted him in the
c Tertullian, De Praescriptione Hsereticorum, c. 32
*' Irenaeus Haar. iii. 3. c Euseb. H. E. iii. 36.
f Prolegomena ad Ignat. Epist. c. 3.
K Rev. ii. 8 — 10. h Irenreus iii. 3. Euseb. iv 14.

POLYCARP. XXV11
words, "Dost thou acknowledge me?" "I do,"
was the reply of Polycarp ; " I acknowledge thee
for the first-born of Satan." The tenets of Mar-
cion and the Gnostics were so totally subversive
of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, that
it is not surprising that Polycarp should express
himself in terms of strong reprobation respecting
them. And the very same phrase having been
used by Polycarp, in his Epistle to the Philip-
pians,1 adds probability to the narrative, and is an
internal mark of the genuineness of the Epistle.
The life of Polycarp was prolonged to a great
age.k Cave, after Eusebius and Jerome,1 places
his martyrdom in the year 167, and conceives him
then to have been nearly a hundred years old. He
considers, with Tillemont, that the assertion of
Polycarp himself, " Fourscore and six years have I
continued serving Christ,"1" refers to the period
which had elapsed after his conversion, and not to
the length of his whole life. Bishop Pearson,"
however, with more probability places his martyr
dom in the year 147, in the reign of Antoninus
' c. 7- k Irenaeus iii. 3.
1 Cave's Life of Polycarp, cc. 6. 15. Jerome de Viris
Illustr. c. 13.
m Martyrdom of Polycarp, c. 9-
" Dissert. Chron. Part n. cc. 14. 20.

XXV111 INTRODUCTION.
Pius, about the period in which Justin Martyr's
first Apology was written. An ancient inscription
is in favour of this date."
The circular Epistle of the Church of Smyrna p
contains a full account of the martyrdom of Poly
carp, and was so highly prized, that Eusebius has
inserted almost the whole of it in his history. It
is a very valuable memorial of Christian antiquity,
and is remarkable for discouraging, rather than
inciting persons to offer themselves voluntarily for
persecution. q The resigned spirit of the venerable
Polycarp is beautifully portrayed. His prudent
retirement for a time, his calm submission to his
persecutors, his dignified demeanour before the Pro
consul, and the piety which he displayed in his
prayers, both at the period of his apprehension and
at the hour of death, complete a picture of a Christ
ian martyr, worthy of a follower of the Apostles,
and of the high character which he had maintained
during his life.
Polycarp is believed1 to have written several
Epistles, but of these none is extant except his
° Chishull's Travels, p. n, referred to by Lardner, Credi
bility, Part ii. c. 6.
p p. 147. of this volume. i c. 4.
r Irenaeus, Epist. ad Florin, ap. Euseb. H. E. v. 20. Hieron.
Epist. ad Levinum. The fragments ascribed to Polycarp, by

EPISTLE OF POLYCARP. XXIX
Epistle to the Philippians, which was always most
highly esteemed,8 and was publickly read in the
Churches of Asia. ' In style and matter it bears a
great resemblance to the Epistle of Clement to the
Corinthians. "
This Epistle forms an appropriate introduction
to the Epistles of Ignatius, although, in strictly
chronological order, it would follow them. Ig
natius had recently passed through Smyrna, bound
with chains, and guarded by a band of soldiers,
who treated him with great cruelty, as he was
being led to Rome, there to seal his testimony
to the faith with his blood. As he came to
the different cities, it appears from his letters that
the Churches sent chosen men to meet him and
attend him : and at Smyrna he conversed with
Polycarp, and exhibited to the Church there a

by Victor of Capua in the sixth century, (see Grabe's Ire
naeus, p. 205.) are probably spurious. Lardner thinks that
Irenaeus and Eusebius had seen no writing of Polycarp but
his Epistle to the Philippians.
s Irenaeus Haer. iii. 3.
c Hieron. de Script, in Polycarp.
u Photius, in the ninth century, states that this Epistle was
then read, and observes that it was contained in the same
book with the Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians.
See Pearson Vindiciae Ignatianae, Par. i. c. 5. where it is
fully shewn, that the Epistle, which we now have, is the same
to which the earliest Christian writers bear testimony.

XXX INTRODUCTION.
splendid example of patience and Christian for
titude. It seems probable, from the commence
ment of Polycarp's Epistle, that certain of the
Philippians had accompanied Ignatius, on his
departure from their city towards Rome. Soon
after that time, and before any accurate intelli
gence of his death had reached the Church of
Smyrna/ Polycarp addressed this letter to the
Church at Philippi, sending, at the same time,
the Epistles which Ignatius had written to him
self and to the Smyrneans/ and several other of
his Epistles.
Polycarp begins his Epistle by commending
the Philippians for their attention to those who had
suffered for the faith, and for their own stedfastness:
and exhorts them to continue in faith and piety.
He reminds them of the doctrine which St. Paul
had taught them, in his Epistle addressed to them,
and proceeds to set before them the duties of faith,
hope, and charity. z He admonishes them to be
ware of covetousness ; rehearses the duties of hus
bands, wives, and widows ; of deacons, young men,
presbyters, and virgins: and enforces these duties
by the consideration that all must give an account
to God of their actions/
x Compare cc. 9. 14. >' c. 1.3. ' cc. 1 — 3. ¦» cc. 4  6.

EPISTLE OF POLYCARP. XXXI
He then proceeds to matters of faith : refers to
the nature and sufferings of Christ ; to his atone
ment, and to the example afforded by Him, and by
the Apostles and martyrs, as motives to mutual
charity and good order. b
Having expressed his regret for the miscon
duct of Valens and his wife, in the true spirit of
Christian charity for the offenders, while their
offence is rebuked, he declares his confidence that
the Philippians are exercised in the holy Scriptures;
prays for them; and commands them to pray for
others: and, in conclusion, gives directions re
specting the letters of Ignatius. c
The brief Epistle of Polycarp contains numer
ous references to the books of the New Testament.
There are expressly quoted as the writings of St.
Paul, the first Epistle to the Corinthians/ his
Epistle to the Philippians,6 and probably that to the
Thessalonians.f There is also a passageg in which
the Epistle to the Ephesians seems to be quoted
under the appellation of " the holy scriptures."
With reference to this passage, Lardner11 ob
serves that the words " Be ye angry and sin not,"
i> cc. 7 — 10. c cc. 11—14. d c. 11.
e c. 3. ' c. 11. Compare 2 Thess. i. 4.
« c. 12. Eph. iv. 26. h Credibility, Part n. c. 6.

XXxii INTRODUCTION.
are in the Septuagint version of Ps. iv. 4. " But,"
he adds, "as the latter advice 'Let not the sun go
down on your wrath,' is no where found in the Old
Testament, and both these precepts are together in
the Epistle to the Ephesians, it seems to me that
Polycarp does expressly refer the Philippians to
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, and calls it
Scripture. If this be so, then we see, that the writ
ings of the New Testament had now the name of
' Sacred Writings,' or ' Holy Scriptures,' and that
they were much read by Christians in general."
In another place1 Polycarp appears to refer to
the Scriptures of the New Testament in general,
in the phrase, " Whosoever perverts the oracles of
the Lord to his own lusts, and says there is neither
resurrection nor judgment, he is the first-born of
Satan :" and there are other references* to passages
now found in the Gospels, as the words of our Lord.
In the translation of this Epistle a reference is
made to many passages of the New Testament to
which Polycarp alludes. Others are subjoined/
1 c. 7. k cc. 2. 7.
1 Matt. v. 44. c. 12. Pray for those who persecute and hate
you. Rom. xiii. 9. 10. c. 3. For if any one have these things, he
hath fulfilled the law of righteousness.
2 Cor. vi. 7. c. 4. Let us arm ourselves with the armour of
righteousness.

REFERENCES TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. XXXlii
In this very short Epistle we have then re
ferences to two of the Gospels, to the Acts
of the Apostles, to ten of the first thirteen Epis
tles of St. Paul, and probably to the Epistles to
the Colossians and to the Hebrews: to the First

Gal. iv. 26. c. 3. Edified in the faith delivered to you,
which is the mother of us all.
Phil. ii. 16. c. 9- All these have not run in vain.
Col. i. 28. c. 12. That ye may be perfect in Christ.
1 Thess. v. 22. c. 2. Abstain from all unrighteousness.
2 Thess. i. 4. e. 11. For he glories in you, in all the
churches, which alone had known God.
Thessalonica being the capital city of the Province of Mace
donia in which Philippi was, Polycarp might consider the
Epistle to the Thessalonians as addressed also to the Philip
pians. See c. 3. note 1.
1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. c. 12. Pray for all the saints. Pray also
for kings, &c.
1 Tim. iii. 8. c. 5. The deacons must not be double tongued.
The whole chapter resembles 1 Tim. iii.
2 Tim. ii. 11. c. 5. If we walk worthy of him we shall
also reign with him.
2 Tim. iv. 10. c. 9. They loved not this present world.
Heb. iv. 12. c. 4. He sees all blemishes, and nothing is
hid from him, &c.
1 Pet. ii. 17. c. 10. Lovers of the brotherhood.
1 Pet. iv. 5. c. 2. Who comes to be the judge of quick
and dead.
1 Pet. v. 5. c. 10. Be ye subject one to another.
Jude. ver. 3. c. 3. Ye may be able to be edified in the faith
delivered unto you.
The words in c. 12. "Now the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and he himself who is our everlasting
High-priest, the Son of God, Jesus Christ, build you up in
faith and truth :" seem to be an allusion to Heb. iv. 14. vi. 20.
vii. 3.

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
Epistle of St. Peter,"1 and to the First Epistle
of St. John."
Of a writing, which is so scriptural in its lan
guage, it is needless to observe that the doctrines
are pure. Faith in Christ, who is our hope, and
the earnest of our righteousness/ who suffered for
us, that we might live through him, " our ever
lasting High Priest, the Son of God;"p a faith
bringing forth the fruits of holiness, purity, and
meekness ; q salvation by grace, not of works but
by the will of God, through Jesus Christ/ watch
fulness unto prayer, perseverance in fasting, and
supplication to God not to lead us into temp
tation,8 and for all conditions of men;1 the imi
tation of the example of Christ, and of his faithful
disciples/ the study of the Scriptures/ — these are
the doctrines of this truly Apostolical Epistle.
And these doctrines are employed to enforce the
fullest discharge of all the relative duties of dif
ferent stations in life. y

m Eusebius, H.E. iv. 14. says that Polycarp in his Epistle
to the Philippians uses testimonies from the First Epistle of
Peter. n See Lardner, Credibility, Part n. c. 6. 41.
0 cc. 1. 8. p c. 12. i c. 2. 12
r c- !¦ s c. 7- ' c. 12.
" c 8. 9- * c. 12. y cc. 4—6.

IONATIUS.

The profession of Polycarp was no vain display.
Their influence upon his own life is exemplified in
the calm serenity with which he met his death;
and in the humble confidence which he expressed
in his last prayer.2 IGNATIUS.
Ignatius appears to have been a man of much
more ardent mind than Polycarp. The place
of his birth and even his country are entirely un
known. The tradition has been preserved3 that
he was a disciple of St. John, that he conversed
with the Apostles, and was instructed by them
both in the familiar and more sublime doctrines of
Christianity; but it appears11 that he had never
conversed with our Lord himself. c So highly was
he esteemed that, about the year 70, on the death
of Euodius, he was ordained Bishop of the import
ant Church of Antioch, the metropolis of Syria,
possibly by the imposition of the hands of the
Apostles/ who still survived. The high character
z Martyrdom of Polycarp, c. 14.
a Martyrdom of Ignatius, c. 1. 3. Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36.
Chrysostom Homil. in S. Ignat. Tom. v. p. 499- 17- Savile.
» Chrysostom, Tom. v. p. 503. 36.
c See Note (a) p. 71-
d Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36. Chrysostom Horn. Tom. v.
p. 499- 32. In the Apostolical Constitutions, vii. 46. Ignatius
' is said to have been ordained Bishop by St. Paul. Others
mention
c 2

XXXvi INTRODUCTION.
which he bore is manifest from the terms in which
he is described, e as " a man in all things like the
Apostles ;" one who, " like a skilful pilot, by the
helm of prayer and fasting, by the constancy of his
doctrine and spiritual labour, withstood the raging
floods, fearing lest he should lose any of those who
wanted courage, or were not well grounded in the
faith." Socrates/ in the fifth century, ascribes to Ig
natius the introduction of the custom of singing
hymns alternately in the choir, at Antioch. And
some have thought6 that, although Flavianus and
Diodorus, in the time of Constantius were the
first who introduced at Antioch the custom of
thus singing the Psalms of David, yet hymns
might be so used at a period as early as the time
of Ignatius. If the tradition be unfounded, the use made
of the name of Ignatius shews at least that his
memory was held in great respect at Antioch so
long after his death.
mention St. Peter also. The improbability of this is shewn in
Dr. Burton's Lectures on the Ecclesiastical History ofthe First
Century. Lect. xii.
e Relation of the Martyrdom of Ignatius, c. 1.
f Socrates, H. E. vi. 8.
e See Bingham, xiv. 1. 11.

IGNATIUS. XXXV11

But the best memorial of his pastoral zeal and
diligence is found in the letters which he wrote
to the different Churches, as he was carried pri
soner from Antioch to Rome, in order to be put
to death. The date of the martyrdom of Ignatius is dif
ferently computed. According to the Acts of his
martyrdom, it took place in the year 107, the
ninth year of Trajan's reign. And this date is ac
cordingly followed by many chronologists. Others,11
however, with great probability fix upon the year
116. Whatever was the precise date, he was called
to answer before Trajan, as he passed through
Antioch, elated with his late victory over the
Scythians and Dacians, and about to set out on
his Parthian expedition. The peculiar circum
stances in which Trajan was placed may perhaps
shew why that prince, who was usually mild and
considerate, exercised such severity towards Ig
natius. In the history of the martyrdom of Ig
natius the rigour of the Emperor is ascribed to his
desire of reducing the Christians, as well as others,

h Bp. Pearson, Dissertatio de anno quo S. Ignatius ad
bestias erat condemnatus. Lloyd apud Pagiad Baron, an. 109-
Grabe ad Acta Ignatii.

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION.
to submission to his will. It is not improbable
however, that Trajan, on his arrival at Antioch,
found a persecution already raging there. Times
of public rejoicing were usually periods of peculiar
vexation to the primitive Christians, who were
then especially urged to comply with some of the
idolatrous customs of the heathen. The arrival of
the Emperor was calculated to call forth the most
vivid feelings both of loyalty and superstition : and
all his subjects, were not likely to imitate the de
cent flattery of Pliny, who, in ascribing to his im
perial patron the highest virtues of which human
nature is capable, complimented him upon his re
fusing to receive divine honours.1
Ignatius might thus probably be pointed out
to Trajan as a leader of a sect which refused to
sacrifice to the gods for the safety of the Emperor,
and the success of his arms: and the venerable
Bishop was not of a disposition to shrink from the
severest trial to which his profession of the faith
exposed him. He voluntarily offered to be brought
1 Discernatur orationibus nostri s diversitas temporum, et
ex ipso genere gratiarum agendarum intelligatur, cui, quando
sint hactenus ut deo, nunc nusquam ut numini blandiamur.
Non enim de tyranno, sed de cive : non de domino, sed de
parente loquimur. Plinii Panegyricus, sub init. Compare
Tertullian Apol. c. 34.

IGNATIUS.

before Trajan, and there expressed himself in the
noble manner recorded in the Acts of his mar
tyrdom. The result of his conference with the Emperor
was such as might have been expected. He who
gave Pliny directions not to seek for the Christians,
in his province, but, if they were brought before
him, and proved to be such, to punish them capi-
' tally/ acted only in consistency with his own prin
ciples, when he condemned Ignatius to suffer death.
It is not so easy to account for the reason which
induced Trajan to send him from Antioch to
Rome, to be exposed to the wild beasts. If the
advisers of the Emperor intended, by such a cruel
delay, either to break the spirit of the martyr, or
to give him an opportunity of recanting, their
object was far from being attained. Ignatius re
joiced that he was counted worthy to suffer for the
faith of Christ. Although deeply conscious of his
own infirmity as a man, and sensible of his infe
riority to the Apostles, in whose steps he trod, his
only fear was lest the love of the brethren at Rome
or elsewhere should prevent him from attaining
the crown of martyrdom. k Plin. Epist. x. 98.

XL INTRODUCTION.
In reading his passionate appeals, especially in
his Epistle to the Romans,1 we cannot but feel that
the ardent and almost impatient spirit, by which
he was animated, is strongly contrasted with the
dignified calmness of St. Paul, when he was " in a
strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and
to be with Christ, which is far better," but was
yet contented to " abide in the flesh," which was
more needful for his converts.1" It must be re
membered however that Ignatius lived at a period,
when the blood of the martyrs was appointed to be
the seed of the Church : that if his notions of
martyrdom appear to have been exaggerated,
he expresses the most perfect resignation, the
deepest humility and self abasement, in speak
ing of himself. And we cannot but admire the
high courage of this worthy successor of the
Apostles, which, as he passed from Antioch to
Rome, as a condemned and degraded criminal,
converted his tedious journey into a triumphal
procession. His progress is accurately described in the Acts
of his martyrdom. He set sail from Seleucia, and
landed for a short time at Smyrna. At this place
he was gratified with an interview with Polycarp,
1 c- 4. 5. >» Phil. i. o3> 24.

IGNATIUS.

the Bishop of that see, who had been with him a
fellow disciple of St. John. And, as soon as his
arrival was known, the neighbouring churches of
Asia sent their Bishops, and other messengers to
visit the venerable martyr. The Church of Ephe-
sus was represented by Onesimus/ that of Mag
nesia, by Damas, ° that of Tralles, by Polybius/
their respective Bishops, and by others of their
body. During his hurried stay at Smyrna, he
found leisure to write his Epistles, to the Ephe
sians, Magnesians, and Trallians ; and to send
also his Epistle to the Romans, by some Ephesians,
who were likely to reach the imperial city sooner
than himself.
Ignatius had intended to write a second
Epistle to the Ephesians ; q but either he was
prevented by want of time, or the Epistle has
been lost.
During his abode at Smyrna he was in great
anxiety for the Church of Syria which he had left
under persecution ; and in all the letters1 which he
wrote from that city, he entreats their prayers for
his own suffering Church, which was deprived of its
11 Ignatius Ephes. c. 1. ° Magnes. c. 2.
!• Trail, c. 1. ' Ephes. c. 20.
r Eph. c. 21. Magn. c. 14. Trail, c. 13. Rom. c. 9.

XL11 INTRODUCTION.
Bishop." But when he had advanced as far as
Troas, he learned that the persecution at Antioch
had ceased; not improbably from some decree of
Trajan himself. It should be observed, that in
the three remaining Epistles, which Ignatius wrote
from Troas, to the Churches of Philadelphia and
Smyrna, and individually to Polycarp/ he inci
dentally expresses his heartfelt satisfaction that
their prayers had been heard, and that the Church
of Syria was at peace, and had received its " proper
body ;" probably by the appointment of Heros, as
his successor in the episcopal office.
Ignatius would have written to other churches;"
but was hurried away from Troas to Neapolis by
those who guarded him. He thence proceeded by
land through Macedonia and Epirus, to Epidam-
nus ; embarked again for Italy ; and, on his arrival
at Rome, on the last day of the public spectacles,
was immediately thrown to the wild beasts in the
Amphitheatre ; displaying in his last moments the
same constancy and piety as had marked his pre
vious life.
fc Rom. c. 9.
1 Philadelph. c. 10. Smyrn. c. 11. Epist. to Polycarp, c. 7.
u Epist. to Polycarp, c. 8.

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. Xl.iti
THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS.
The Epistles of Ignatius are most interesting
and valuable documents of the early Christian
Church. They are the unstudied effusions of an
ardent and deeply religious mind ; and bespeak a
man who was superior to this world, and anxious
to finish his course with joy. It is an internal
mark of their genuineness that their style is harsh
and unpolished ; and occasionally not untinctured
with some degree of oriental exaggeration.
Eusebius, a in mentioning these seven Epistles,
observes that Ignatius was peculiarly desirous to
repress the heretical opinions which were then first
beginning to spring up in the Church, and to con
firm those whom he addressed, in the faith delivered
by the Apostles. The heretical tenets were those
of the Gnostics ; and it is evident from Ignatius'
Epistles to the Asiatic Churches that the evil was
very prevalent and injurious. In his Epistle to
Polycarp there are only two general cautions6
against false doctrine ; and in his Epistle to the
Romans, there are no allusions to the subject.
That Epistle, however, was written principally to
prepare the Church of Rome for his approach ; and
* H. E. iii. 36. " c. 3. 5.

XL1V INTRODUCTION.
Ignatius was so far from possessing the same ac
quaintance with it as with the Churches of Asia,
that he does not even mention the name of its
Bishop. No conclusion, therefore, can be drawn
from this circumstance, as to the prevalence of
Gnosticism at Rome.
The evils of schism, and the great disorders
arising from the disobedience of individuals, espe
cially in the infant state of the Church, will
account for the very forcible language in which
Ignatius urges obedience to the Bishops, Presbyters,
and Deacons, as the successors of the Apostles,
according to Divine appointment.
The doctrines contained in the Epistles of
Ignatius are purely scriptural. The hasty manner
in which they were written, prevents them from
containing any thing like a formal declaration of
any doctrinal points : but constant incidental re
ferences are made to the absolute Divinity of our
Lord, c to his pre-existence, d and eternity,6 and
the union of the divine and human nature in his
person / to the influence of the Holy Spirit, e sal-

c Ephes. Introduction cc. 1. 7- 18. 19. 20. Magnes. 7.
Epist. to Polycarp, c. 8. Martyrdom, c. 2. 8.
d Magnes. c. 6. 8. « Magnes. c. 6.
f Smyrn. c. 4. s Eph. c. 8, 15>

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XLV
li

vation by means of Christ's death alone,'1 and
the necessity of personal holiness.1
The testimony which Ignatius bears to the
writings of the New Testament is very valuable.
He quotes, indeed, only one book by name, the
Epistle of St. Paul to the Ephesians/ but Lardner
shews at length that he alludes plainly to the Gos
pels of St. Matthew and St. John, and probably to
that of St. Luke: that he has allusions to the
Acts of the Apostles, to eleven of the first thirteen
Epistles of St. Paul, to the Epistle to the Hebrews,
to the first Epistle of St. Peter, and to the first
and third Epistles of St. John. He uses terms
also which imply a collection of the Gospels, and
of the Epistles of the Apostles, and of the books
of the New Testament generally. '
These allusions, it will be seen, are usually
made in an incidental, unstudied manner, without
express marks of reference ; precisely, indeed, in
the manner in which we might expect Ignatius,
under the circumstances in which he wrote, to have
referred to Scriptures, with the general meaning
of which both he and those whom he addressed
h Trail, c. 2. Phil. c. 8. 9. Smyrn. c. 1. 2. 6. Martyrd. c. 2.
1 Eph. c. 12. Rom. c. 7. Epist. to Polycarp, c. 1.
k Ignat. Ephes. c. 12.
1 Lardner, Credibility, Part 11. c. 5.

XLvi INTRODUCTION.
were well acquainted ; but without the formality
of express verbal quotation.
It would be foreign to the present purpose to
enter at any length into the well-known controversy
respecting the genuineness of these Epistles of Ig
natius. All that can be here attempted is to give
a general view of the evidence in their favour, as it
has been most laboriously collected by Bp. Pearson1"
and others who have exhausted the subject.
The question resolves itself into two parts,
whether Ignatius left behind him written Epis
tles; and whether they are the same with those
which we now possess. Now, Polycarp, in his
Epistle to the Philippians, expressly mentions
Epistles written by Ignatius. Irenaeus/ in the
second century, refers also to Ignatius, and al
ludes" to a passage now found in his Epistle to
the Romans. Origen/ in the early part of the
third century, quotes two passages from the Epis
tles of Ignatius, now extant in the Epistles to the
Romans and Ephesians.
m Vindiciae Epistolarum S. Ignatii. See also Hammond,
Dissertationes adversus Blondellum. Usher, Prolegom. ad
Epist. Ignat. Bull Defensio Fid. Nicsenae, ii. 2. 8.
" Eusebius, H. E. v. 28.
0 Irenaeus, v. 28. Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36.
f Origen : Prolegom. in Cant. Canticor. Horn. vi. in Luc.
Ignat. Rom. c. 7- Ephes. c. 19.

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XLV11
Eusebius/ in the beginning of the fourth cen
tury, states that Ignatius wrote seven Epistles,
four from Smyrna, and three from Troas, agreeing
in their inscriptions and general character with the
Epistles now extant. He quotes remarkable pas
sages from the Epistles to the Romans, and Smyr-
neans; describes particularly the Epistle to Poly
carp, by saying that in it Ignatius commends to
Polycarp the care of the Church of Antioch ; and
with respect to the Epistles to the Ephesians,
Magnesians, and Trallians, he says that in them
Ignatius makes particular mention of the bishops
of those Churches, Onesimus, Damas, and Poly
bius. Such an accurate description of the Epistles of
Ignatius could have been given only by one well
acquainted with the Epistles themselves.
Bp. Pearson1 shews, at length, that the chain
of reference to the Epistles of Ignatius extends
without interruption through Christian writers from
the second century to the fifteenth.
This evidence is abundantly sufficient to prove
that Ignatius wrote certain Epistles ; that seven
of these existed at the beginning of the fourth cen-
q Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36.
r Vindiciae Ignat. Par. I. c. 2.

XLV111 INTRODUCTION.
tury; and that they were never altogether lost
sight of.
The first printed edition of any Epistles as
cribed to Ignatius appeared in 1557, although an
old Latin version of three Epistles had been pub
lished sixty years earlier. This edition, with two
others which appeared about the same time, con
tained twelve Epistles ; and it was soon suspected
that the Epistles so edited were interpolated. It
was observed, that seven Epistles only had been
mentioned by Eusebius ; that the seven published
Greek Epistles, with titles corresponding to those
stated by Eusebius, did not agree with quotations
from the acknowledged Epistles of Ignatius made
by ancient Christian writers ; and that of the re
maining five no notice was taken by any ancient
writer. . Nearly a hundred years after the publication of
these editions, Archbishop Usher observed that
some English writers had quoted passages from the
Epistles of Ignatius, which did not agree with
the Greek text or Latin version of the published
Epistles, although they did agree with quotations
made by Theodoret. It immediately occurred to
his acute and enquiring mind, that some manu
script of the genuine Epistles of Ignatius might

GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XL1X
exist in England : and his enquiries led to the
discovery of two Latin manuscripts, one in the
Library of Caius College Cambridge, the other in
the possession of Dr. Richard Montacute, Bishop
of Norwich, which differed materially from the
Greek editions hitherto published, but agreed with
the quotations made by the earlier Christian
writers. With the assistance of these manuscripts, the
Archbishop published, in 1644, a Greek edition of
the Epistles of Ignatius, in which the additions
made in the interpolated editions were distin
guished by red ink.
Two years after this, in 1646, Isaac Vossius
published an edition of the genuine Epistles of
Ignatius in Greek, from an ancient manuscript dis
covered in the Medicean Library at Florence, and
closely corresponding with the ancient Latin ver
sion previously discovered.
The agreement of these shorter Epistles with
the quotations in early Christian writers, added
to their internal evidence, establishes their ge
nuineness as strongly as the nature of the case
appears to admit.
It is plainly shewn, that the genuine Epistles
of Ignatius, which had been collected by Polycarp,
d

INTRODUCTION.

were probably known to Irenaeus, and certainly
eulogized by Eusebius, had been interpolated, it is
supposed about the sixth century, by additions
made in such a manner as to retain many of the
sentiments of Ignatius, but in other respects to
differ materially from his language. These inter
polations appear also to have been made not with
out design, as may easily be seen by comparing the
interpolated with the genuine Epistles in any of the
passages which most pointedly refer to the Divine
nature of our Lord.8 Besides these interpolated
Epistles, other spurious Epistles were ascribed to
Ignatius, probably as early as the middle of the
seventh century.
It must be considered a most happy circum
stance, that so valuable a relic of Christian anti
quity, as these Epistles of Ignatius, should have
been thus recovered, after having been lost, or
partially obscured, for so many years.
JUSTIN martyr.
The writings of Clement, Ignatius, and Poly
carp are addressed to Christians, and are very inter
esting as shewing us the feelings and sentiments
B As for instance, Ephes. Introduction; cc. 1.7. 18.20.
There is an English translation of the Interpolated Epistles
of Ignatius in Whiston's Primitive Christianity Revived.

JUSTIN MARTYR. LI
of some of the earliest writers after the Apostles
themselves. There is another class of Christian
writings, the Apologies, or defences, which were
addressed to the adversaries of the faith. Several
of these have been preserved. And among them
two of the most valuable are those of Justin Martyr
and Tertullian.
Justin Martyr was born about the year 100,
at Flavia Neapolis," anciently called Sichem, in
Samaria. His parents were Gentiles/ and pro
bably Greeks. In his youth, his ardour for the
acquisition of knowledge was gratified by travel:
he visited Alexandria : and in the early part of his
life became acquainted with the opinions of the
different sects of philosophers. He attached him
self0 to the Stoics, till he found that from them
he could obtain no knowledge of the nature of God.
The covetousness of the Peripatetics, to whom he
next applied, soon disgusted him. And on en
deavouring to study the Pythagorean philosophy,
he quickly relinquished the notion of uniting
himself permanently with a sect, which required as
a preliminary step an extensive acquaintance with
music, astronomy, and geometry. The tenets of
a Apol. c. i. ii. p. 52. b Apol. c. 68.
c Dialogue, p. 218.
d2

INTRODUCTION.

the Platonists" were more agreeable to his natural
disposition. But finding no satisfaction to his
mind from any of these systems of philosophy, he
was led to examine Christianity, and found in it
the certainty and adaptation to his mental wants
which no other studies had afforded.6
The direct argument in favour of Christianity,
which appears to have had the greatest weight with
Justin, was the courage with which men of all
ranks submitted to death in the cause of the Gospel,
while no one was ever found to die in support of
any philosophical opinions. f " While," he says,g
" I was myself still delighted with the philosophy
of Plato, I used to hear the Christians calumniated,
but saw that they fearlessly encountered death,
and all that is most formidable to other men. I
was convinced that these men could not be living
in wickedness or sinful pleasure. For what man,
who was subject to his passions and to intemper
ance, or delighted to feed on human flesh, would
dare to embrace death, which would put a period
to all his delights ? Such a man would strive by
all means to preserve his present life; would endea
vour to conceal himself from those in power : least

" Apol- ii- p. 50. = Dial. p. 225.
f Apol. ii. p. 48. s Apol. ii. p. 50. A.

JUSTIN MARTYR. Llll
of all would he offer himself voluntarily for punish
ment." After his conversion to Christianity, Justin still
continued to wear the dress of a philosopher.11
This circumstance has been considered to imply an
undue attachment to the opinions which he had
renounced. It was a practice, however, far from
uncommon :' and Justin might continue to use the
dress, either as sufficiently consistent with the
severity of life which Christianity required, or as a
custom, in a matter of indifference, with which he
might innocently comply/
About the beginning of the reign of Antoninus
Pius, Justin Martyr fixed his abode in Rome; l and
employed the means, which his previous studies
had put into his power, in defending the purity of
the Christian faith. He wrote a treatise m against
heresies, especially against Marcion. About this
time he addressed his first Apology to Antoninus
Pius, Marcus Antoninus, Lucius Verus, the Senate
and the people of Rome. The precise date of this
Apology has been the subject of much discussion,
without leading to any very satisfactory decision.
h Dial. p. 217. C. Eusebius, H. E. iv. 11.
1 Cave's Life of Justin Martyr, c. 6.
k Compare Tertullian Apol c. 42.
1 Eusebius, H.E. iv. 11. m Apol. i. c. 36.

Liv INTRODUCTION.
There are few internal marks of time in the
Apology itself. Justin once" speaks, in round
numbers, of the birth of Christ, as having occurred
a hundred and fifty years before. In other places,
the death and deification of Antinous/ the edict
of Adrian against the Jews/ and the revolt of
Barchochebas/ which all occurred between the
years 130 and 134, are alluded to as recent events.
The earliest date ascribed to the Apology is 139-
Others place it as late as 150. In favour of the
first date, Dodwell1 observes, that in the intro
duction Marcus Antoninus is not styled Caesar,
an omission which would imply that he had not
yet received the title. On the other hand, Luciu*
Verus was born only in the year 131 ; and the
terms in which Justin addresses him, in conjunction
with the two Antonines, could scarcely be applied
to a youth of eight years of age. If the Epistle8
to the States of Asia be properly ascribed to
Antoninus Pius, and were written in his third
consulship, a.d. 140, it is uncertain whether that
Epistle were occasioned by Justin's Apology. Eu
sebius' rather implies that it was written solely in
n c. 61. ° c. 37- p c. 62. « c. 38.
1 Dissertatio in Irenasum. c. 14.
s p. 278. ' H. E. iv. 12.

JUSTIN MARTYR S APOLOGY.

consequence of expostulations which the Emperor
had received from some Christians in Asia.
The Benedictine Editors, in the preface to their
edition of Justin's works, adopt the opinion of Til
lemont and others, who assign 150 as the date of
Justin's first Apology.
This Apology is very valuable, as being the
earliest specimen of the manner in which the
first Christians defended themselves against their
heathen adversaries. The arguments which he
advances are not arranged in any very exact order.
He begins by demanding a fair hearing for the
Christians, and expostulating against the injustice
of punishing them unheard, or accusing all Christ
ians of crimes, which might possibly be committed
by some who bore that name." He ascribes the
malice of the enemies of Christianity to the agency
of demons ; and demands that due enquiry may be
made in each individual case, and sentence passed
accordingly. x
He shews that the doctrines of the Christians
are harmless; and not derogatory to the divine
nature : y that the Christians look for no human
kingdom ; but are the best and most peaceable
u cc. 1—4. * cc. 5—7- v cc. 8—10.

LV1 INTRODUCTION.
subjects; knowing that in suffering they endure
only what their Lord prophesied should come
upon them.2
He defends the Christians from the charge of
impiety ; appeals to the blameless lives which they
lead after their conversion; and refers to many pre
cepts of Christ which teach the necessity of holiness
and obedience to authority."
Justin then argues on the possibility that the
soul should survive death, appealing to the senti
ments and practices of the heathen as implying
that fact ; and shewing that a resurrection from
the dead is not so incredible as the first creation of
an animated being. b
He shews the injustice of punishing Christians
for their opinions, when poets and philosophers
were permitted without molestation to support
others less defensible and less rational; and all
other men were allowed to choose their own ob
jects of worship.0 Justin appeals again to the
reformation of life in Christians; whereas Simon
Magus, who was honoured by the Romans, and
Marcion, and other heretics, were not molested,
however infamous their conduct might be.d
' cc. 11—15. » cc. 16—23. " cc. "1. 26
c cc. 27—32. i cc. 33—35.

JUSTIN MARTYR'S APOLOGY. LVii
Having then contrasted the purity of the lives
of Christians with the cruel custom of exposing
their children practised by the heathen, Justin
proceeds to the direct evidence of miracle and pro
phecy. He briefly alludes to the miracles of Christ,
principally to refute the objection that they were
performed by magical powers : and then alleges
many prophecies of the Old Testament, which were
fulfilled by Christ.6 From their accomplishment
he contends that other events, which are predicted
but yet unfulfilled, shall assuredly come to pass ;
such as the conversion of the Gentiles, the resur
rection of the dead, and the future judgment by
Christ/ Justin asserts that many actions ascribed to
the heathen gods were imitations of the real actions
of Jesus; and that the opinions of philosophers
were a concealed representation of the truths of
Christianity. g
Justin, in conclusion, describes the manner in
which the first converts were baptized/ and, after
a digression on the different appearances of Christ
under the Mosaic dispensation, and on certain in
stances, in which the heathen gods were made to
c cc. 36—65. f c. 66—69- ff cc. 70—78.
h c. 79, 80.

LV111 INTRODUCTION.
imitate what was written by Moses,1 he gives a
most interesting account of the state of the Christ
ians in his time; describing the administration
of the Eucharist in both kinds, the assembling of
Christians on Sunday, and the manner in which
they conducted their public worship, and made
voluntary collections for the relief of the poorer
brethren/ He finishes his Apology with an expression of
resignation, and an appeal to the letter of Adrian
in favour of the Christians.
The Dialogue with Trypho the Jew was cer
tainly written after the first Apology, to which
there is an allusion :: but the precise date is not
known. It is the account of either a real or ficti
tious discussion with a Jew, which Eusebius1" states
to have occurred at Ephesus ; and is valuable as
shewing the state of the controversy with the Jews
in the time of Justin."
1 cc. 81—84. k cc. 85—89.
1 Dial. p. 349. C. Apol. c. 34.
m H. E. iv. 18.
" There is a most clear and accurate analysis of the
Dialogue with Trypho in the Bishop of Lincoln's Account of
the Writings and Opinions of Justin Martyr, c. 11. and an
English translation of the Dialogue by Henry Brown, M.A.
London, 1755.

WRITINGS OF JUSTIN. L1X

Justin wrote also a second Apology, which, in
the Paris Edition, is denominated the first. Ac
cording to Eusebius,0 it was addressed to Marcus
Antoninus. Others suppose that it, as well as the
preceding, was presented to Antoninus Pius. From
expressions in the second Apology, Eusebiusp and
others have concluded that it was written by Justin
not long before his martyrdom.
The beginning of the second Apology is be
lieved to be lost: and it is in other respects imper
fect. Several Christians had at that time been
unjustly punished, and Justin presented the Apo
logy in their defence ; urging several of the argu
ments which he had used in the first Apology,
and replying to objections advanced by the adver
saries of Christianity.
There are several other writings attributed to
Justin Martyr. Of these, the fragment de Mo
narchic Dei is believed to be genuine. There are
doubts of the genuineness of the Hortatory Address
to the Greeks.5
The ardent spirit of Justin Martyr was likely
to draw upon him the indignation of those who
" H. E. iv. 16.
p Eusebius, H. E. iv. 16. 17- Justin, Apol. ii. p. 46. E
'' See the Bishop of Lincoln's Account of Justin Martyr, p. 5.

INTRODUCTION.

opposed Christianity; and especially of the phi
losophers, whose malice, as we have seen, he an
ticipated. Accordingly, soon after the publication
of his second Apology, about the year 165, Justin
and six of his companions were brought before
Rusticus, prefect of Rome. The behaviour of
Justin in the hour of danger was worthy of the
professions which he had previously made. He
refused to worship the gods of the Romans, avowed
his faith in the doctrines of Christianity, and at
once declared where it was that he had been accus
tomed to teach the Christian religion. When
threatened with torture and death, unless he sacri
ficed to the gods, Justin expressed his full convic
tion of eternal happiness, if he continued stedfast
in the faith, and his determination patiently to
endure all things for the sake of his Lord and
Saviour. His companions assented to these cou
rageous sentiments: and they were all imme
diately led back to prison, where, after they had
been scourged, they were beheaded.
We can only briefly touch upon the doctrines
and opinions which are maintained by Justin in his
first Apology. Those who wish for an accurate
statement of his sentiments, as deduced from a
minute examination of all his genuine works

DOCTRINES OF JUSTIN MARTYR. LX1
should consult the Bishop of Lincoln's admirable
work upon the subject.
We find Justin distinctly acknowledging the
Divinity of our Lord, representing the object of
Christian worship to be the Father, the Creator of
all things ; the Divine Word, who took our nature
upon him, and died upon the cross for our sake ;
and the Holy Spirit.1 He maintains also the
absolute Divinity of Jesus Christ, when he states,
that it was He, who appeared to Moses in the
bush, and described himself as the eternal and
self-existing God;8 and he styles Him directly
God.* Justin does not express himself very clearly
respecting the effect which the fall of man produ
ced upon his capacity of choosing good and evil.
He describes" the human race as having been crea
ted "intelligent, and able to choose the truth and
to be happy." But he speaks " of that proneness
to evil, which, although various in its kind, exists
in every man," * after the fall ; and contrasts our
first birth, in which " we were born without our
knowledge or consent, by the ordinary natural
' cc. 6. 16. 77- 85. 87- See note (k,) p. 178.
¦ c. 82. 83. ' c. 83. p. 270. u 0. 36.
" c. 10.

LX11 INTRODUCTION.
means, and were brought up in evil habits," with
the condition of those who by baptism " become
the children of choice and judgment," and " obtain
in the water remission of the sins which they have
before committed." y
Justin is scarcely more explicit upon this point,
or upon the subject of grace, in other parts of his
works, z although he declares the necessity of illu
mination from above to be enabled rightly to un
derstand the Holy Scriptures.
It must be remembered, however, that the sub
ject of his writings, which was, in his Apologies,
to defend the Christians from the charges advanced
against them by the heathen, and, in his Dialogue
with Trypho, to controvert the objections of the
Jews, did not lead him to speak upon these subjects
otherwise than incidentally ; and that his expres
sions must be considered with reference rather to
the whole context in which they are found, than
to the words which he employs in any particular
instance. The manner in which Justin treats the diffi
culty of reconciling the foreknowledge of God with
the moral responsibility of man, may be seen in
v c. 80.
1 See Bp. Kaye's Justin, p. 75.

DOCTRINES OF JUSTIN MARTYR. LX111
several passages" of the Apology. He says" that
God delayed the punishment of the Devil, since
he foreknew that some who are not yet born should
be saved: but that this foreknowledge does not
imply that every thing takes place by irresistible
necessity.0 With respect to the doctrine of Justification,
Justin in this Apologyd declares that Christ
" cleansed by his blood those who believe in him :"
and in other parts of his works * constantly refers
to the merits and death of Christ as the cause, and
to faith as the means, by which we are justified.
When Justin speaks in his own person, he in
variably maintains that the punishment of the
wicked will be eternal/
Justin Martyr, in the course of his first Apo
logy, refers, on three different occasions, to the
Memoirs8 of the Apostles, and in the second of
those instances calls the work to which he alludes
Gospels. In his Dialogue with Trypho he twice h
quotes " the Gospel ;" and in several places ' re-
1 cc. 54—58. b c. 36. c c. 54. * c. 41.
e See Dial. p. 229- E. 234. E. 259- A. 273. E. 322. E.
323. B. 338. D.
f See note (p) p. 182.
* diropvtipovevnara, cc. 43. 86. 87- h p. 227- C. 326. E.
j p. 327. B. 328. B. 329- C. 331. B. D. 332. B. 333. B. D. E.
334. B.

LX1V INTRODUCTION.
fers to the Memoirs of the Apostles. In several
of these passages he refers to words which are
found in substance in our present Gospels. Jus
tin describes these Memoirs as having been written
by the Apostles and those who followed them, k a
description which exactly corresponds with our
present Gospels, two of which were written by
Apostles, and two by those who attended the
Apostles. He mentions also that these writings
were publicly read in the solemn assemblies of
the Christians, with the Scriptures of the Old
Testament, as part of their religious service.1
" Upon the whole," says Lardner/ "it must
be plain to all, that he owned and had the great
est respect for the four Gospels, written, two of
them, by Apostles, and the other two by com
panions and followers of the Apostles of Jesus
Christ; that is, by Matthew, Mark, Luke, and
John." The Bishop of Lincoln" examines at length
the question which has been lately raised, whether
Dial. p. 331. D. 61/ yap to?<t dwofivrjuovevpaa-iv, a (print
vwo rwv Atto<tto\wv avTov nai tiov CKeivoii TrapaKoXovadvTtai/
cruvTeTci-^Bat. Compare Luke i. 3. "ESofe Kapo\ wapnKoXov-
QtjKOTt avwQev *. t. A.
1 Apol. c. 87. m Credibility, Part n. c. 10. § 3.
" Account of Justin Martyr, c. 8.

INTRODUCTION.

In reading his passionate appeals, especially in
his Epistle to the Romans,1 we cannot but feel that
the ardent and almost impatient spirit, by which
he was animated, is strongly contrasted with the
dignified calmness of St. Paul, when he was " in a
strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and
to be with Christ, which is far better," but was
yet contented to " abide in the flesh," which was
more needful for his converts."1 It must be re
membered however that Ignatius lived at a period,
when the blood of the martyrs was appointed to be
the seed of the Church : that if his notions of
martyrdom appear to have been exaggerated,
he expresses the most perfect resignation, the
deepest humility and self abasement, in speak
ing of himself. And we cannot but admire the
high courage of this worthy successor of the
Apostles, which, as he passed from Antioch to
Rome, as a condemned and degraded criminal,
converted his tedious journey into a triumphal
procession. His progress is accurately described in the Acts
of his martyrdom. He set sail from Seleucia, and
landed for a short time at Smyrna. At this place
he was gratified with an interview with Polycarp,
1 c. 4. 5. » Phil. i. 23, 24.

IGNATIUS. XL1

the Bishop of that see, who had been with him a
fellow disciple of St. John. And, as soon as his
arrival was known, the neighbouring churches of
Asia sent their Bishops, and other messengers to
visit the venerable martyr. The Church of Ephe-
sus was represented by Onesimus;" that of Mag
nesia, by Damas/ that of Tralles, by Polybius/
their respective Bishops, and by others of their
body. During his hurried stay at Smyrna, he
found leisure to write his Epistles, to the Ephe
sians, Magnesians, and Trallians ; and to send
also his Epistle to the Romans, by some Ephesians,
who were likely to reach the imperial city sooner
than himself.
Ignatius had intended to write a second
Epistle to the Ephesians ; q but either he was
prevented by want of time, or the Epistle has
been lost.
During his abode at Smyrna he was in great
anxiety for the Church of Syria which he had left
under persecution ; and in all the letters1 which he
wrote from that city, he entreats their prayers for
his own suffering Church, which was deprived of its

" Ignatius Ephes. c. 1 . ° Magnes. c. 2.
r Trail, c. 1. q Ephes. c. 20.
1 Eph. c. 21. Magn. c. 14. Trail, c. 13. Rom. c. 9.

XLI1 INTRODUCTION.
Bishop.8 But when he had advanced as far as
Troas, he learned that the persecution at Antioch
had ceased; not improbably from some decree of
Trajan himself. It should be observed, that in
the three remaining Epistles, which Ignatius wrote
from Troas, to the Churches of Philadelphia and
Smyrna, and individually to Polycarp/ he inci
dentally expresses his heartfelt satisfaction that
their prayers had been heard, and that the Church
of Syria was at peace, and had received its " proper
body ;" probably by the appointment of Heros, as
his successor in the episcopal office.
Ignatius would have written to other churches;"
but was hurried away from Troas to Neapolis by
those who guarded him. He thence proceeded by
land through Macedonia and Epirus, to Epidam-
nus ; embarked again for Italy ; and, on his arrival
at Rome, on the last day of the public spectacles,
was immediately thrown to the wild beasts in the
Amphitheatre ; displaying in his last moments the
same constancy and piety as had marked his pre
vious life.

5 Rom. c. 9.
' Philadelph. c. 10. Smyrn. c. 11. Epist. to Polycarp c. 7.
u Epist. to Polycarp, c. 8.

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XLiii
THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS.
The Epistles of Ignatius are most interesting
and valuable documents of the early Christian
Church. They are the unstudied effusions of an
ardent and deeply religious mind ; and bespeak a
man who was superior to this world, and anxious
to finish his course with joy. It is an internal
mark of their genuineness that their style is harsh
and unpolished ; and occasionally not untinctured
with some degree of oriental exaggeration.
Eusebius, a in mentioning these seven Epistles,
observes that Ignatius was peculiarly desirous to
repress the heretical opinions which were then first
beginning to spring up iu the Church, and to con
firm those whom he addressed, in the faith delivered
by the Apostles. The heretical tenets were those
of the Gnostics ; and it is evident from Ignatius'
Epistles to the Asiatic Churches that the evil was
very prevalent and injurious. In his Epistle to
Polycarp there are only two general cautions11
against false doctrine ; and in his Epistle to the
Romans, there are no allusions to the subject.
That Epistle, however, was written principally to
prepare the Church of Rome for his approach ; and
a H. E. iii. 36. b c. 3. 5.

XL1V INTRODUCTION.
Ignatius was so far from possessing the same ac
quaintance with it as with the Churches of Asia,
that he does not even mention the name of its
Bishop. No conclusion, therefore, can be drawn
from this circumstance, as to the prevalence of
Gnosticism at Rome.
The evils of schism, and the great disorders
arising from the disobedience of individuals, espe
cially in the infant state of the Church, will
account for the very forcible language in which
Ignatius urges obedience to the Bishops, Presbyters,
and Deacons, as the successors of the Apostles,
according to Divine appointment.
The doctrines contained in the Epistles of
Ignatius are purely scriptural. The hasty manner
in which they were written, prevents them from
containing any thing like a formal declaration of
any doctrinal points : but constant incidental re
ferences are made to the absolute Divinity of our
Lord/ to his pre-existence, d and eternity,6 and
the union of the divine and human nature in his
person / to the influence of the Holy Spirit/ sal-

c Ephes. Introduction cc. 1. 7. 18. 19. 20. Magnes. 7.
Epist. to Polycarp, c. 8. Martyrdom, c. 2. 8.
d Magnes. c. 6. 8. ' Magnes. c. 6.
f Smyrn. c. 4. s Eph. c. 8. 15.

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XLV

vation by means of Christ's death alone/ and
the necessity of personal holiness.1
The testimony which Ignatius bears to the
writings of the New Testament is very valuable.
He quotes, indeed, only one book by name, the
Epistle of St. Paul to the Ephesians/ but Lardner
shews at length that he alludes plainly to the Gos
pels of St. Matthew and St. John, and probably to
that of St. Luke : that he has allusions to the
Acts of the Apostles, to eleven of the first thirteen
Epistles of St. Paul, to the Epistle to the Hebrews,
to the first Epistle of St. Peter, and to the first
and third Epistles of St. John. He uses terms
also which imply a collection of the Gospels, and
of the Epistles of the Apostles, and of the books
of the New Testament generally. ]
These allusions, it will be seen, are usually
made in an incidental, unstudied manner, without
express marks of reference ; precisely, indeed, in
the manner in which we might expect Ignatius,
under the circumstances in which he wrote, to have
referred to Scriptures, with the general meaning
of which both he and those whom he addressed
h Trail, c. 2. Phil. c. 8. 9. Smyrn. c. 1. 2. 6. Martyrd. c. 2.
1 Eph. c. 12. Rom. c. 7- Epist. to Polycarp, c. 1.
k Ignat. Ephes. c. 12.
1 Lardner, Credibility, Part 11. c. 5.

XLvi INTRODUCTION.
were well acquainted ; but without the formality
of express verbal quotation.
It would be foreign to the present purpose to
enter at any length into the well-known controversy
respecting the genuineness of these Epistles of Ig
natius. All that can be here attempted is to give
a general view of the evidence in their favour, as it
has been most laboriously collected by Bp. Pearson1"
and others who have exhausted the subject.
The question resolves itself into two parts,
whether Ignatius left behind him written Epis
tles; and whether they are the same with those
which we now possess. Now, Polycarp, in his
Epistle to the Philippians, expressly mentions
Epistles written by Ignatius. Irenasus/ in the
second century, refers also to Ignatius, and al
ludes" to a passage now found in his Epistle to
the Romans. Origen/ in the early part of the
third century, quotes two passages from the Epis
tles of Ignatius, now extant in the Epistles to the
Romans and Ephesians.
m Vindiciae Epistolarum S. Ignatii. See also Hammond,
Dissertationes adversus Blondellum. Usher, Prolegom. ad
Epist. Ignat. Bull Defensio Fid. Nicaenae, ii. 2. 8.
n Eusebius, H. E. v. 28.
0 Irensus, v. 28. Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36.
p Origen : Prolegom. in Cant. Canticor. Horn. vi. in Luc.
Ignat. Rom. c. 7. Ephes. c. 19.

EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS. XLV11
Eusebius/ in the beginning of the fourth cen
tury, states that Ignatius wrote seven Epistles,
four from Smyrna, and three from Troas, agreeing
in their inscriptions and general character with the
Epistles now extant. He quotes remarkable pas
sages from the Epistles to the Romans, and Smyr-
neans; describes particularly the Epistle to Poly
carp, by saying that in it Ignatius commends to
Polycarp the care of the Church of Antioch ; and
with respect to the Epistles to the Ephesians,
Magnesians, and Trallians, he says that in them
Ignatius makes particular mention of the bishops
of those Churches, Onesimus, Damas, and Poly
bius. Such an accurate description of the Epistles of
Ignatius could have been given only by one well
acquainted with the Epistles themselves.
Bp. Pearson1 shews, at length, that the chain
of reference to the Epistles of Ignatius extends
without interruption through Christian writers from
the second century to the fifteenth.
This evidence is abundantly sufficient to prove
that Ignatius wrote certain Epistles ; that seven
of these existed at the beginning of the fourth cen-
i Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36.
r Vindiciae Ignat. Par. i. c. 2.

XLV111 INTRODUCTION.
tury ; and that they were never altogether lost
sight of.
The first printed edition of any Epistles as
cribed to Ignatius appeared in 1557, although an
old Latin version of three Epistles had been pub
lished sixty years earlier. This editiofl, with two
others which appeared about the same time, con
tained twelve Epistles ; and it was soon suspected
that the Epistles so edited were interpolated. It
was observed, that seven Epistles only had been
mentioned by Eusebius ; that the seven published
Greek Epistles, with titles corresponding to those
stated by Eusebius, did not agree with quotations
from the acknowledged Epistles of Ignatius made
by ancient Christian writers ; and that of the re
maining five no notice was taken by any ancient
writer. Nearly a hundred years after the publication of
these editions, Archbishop Usher observed that
some English writers had quoted passages from the
Epistles of Ignatius, which did not agree with
the Greek text or Latin version of the published
Epistles, although they did agree with quotations
made by Theodoret. It immediately occurred to
his acute and enquiring mind, that some manu
script of the genuine Epistles of Ignatius might

DOCTRINES OF JUSTIN MARTYR. I.XV
Justin quoted our present Gospels; and, after re
ferring to the several passages in which Justin
mentions the Memoirs of the Apostles, observes,
"the inference which I am disposed to draw from
the consideration of the above passages is, not that
Justin quoted a Narrative of our Saviour's life and
ministry agreeing in substance with our present
Gospels, though differing from them in expression :
but that he quoted our present Gospels from
memory." — " It is moreover necessary always to
bear in mind, as has been already observed, that
Justin does not appeal to the New Testament as
an authority : he wishes merely to give a true re
presentation of the doctrines and precepts of the
Gospel : and for this purpose it was sufficient to
express the meaning without any scrupulous regard
to verbal accuracy."
Justin in his Apology has but few references
to the other books of the New Testament. In
c. 63, where he states that the Jews, who had the
prophecies, and always expected the Christ to come,
not only were ignorant of him, but evil entreated
him, he probably alludes to Acts xiii. 27- And in
c. 82, he says that Jesus is called " the Apostle,"
an appellation which is given to him only in Heb.
iii. 1, 2.

LXV1 INTRODUCTION.
Lardner shews, however, that Justin, in other
parts of his works, recognizes the Acts of the
Apostles; the Epistle to the Romans; the Epistles
to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, and Co-
lossians : the second Epistle to the Thessalonians ;
the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the second Epistle
of Peter. It is remarkable that the only Book which
Justin expressly quotes" is the Revelation, which
he ascribes to the Apostle St. John.
The most interesting part of Justin's Apology
is, doubtless, the picture which he draws of the
condition of the primitive Church in his time. He
appeals to the change which had been wrought in
those who had embraced the Christian faith. p He
refers directly and indirectly to the fact, that they
were exposed to grievous persecution, and subject
to the most atrocious calumnies ; yet declares that
they bore all evils with patience, not even demand
ing that their false accusers should be punished. q
But while the believers were harassed from with
out, they enjoyed the privileges of Christian com
munion within the pale of the Church. They still
" Dial. p. 308. B. Eusebius mentions this quotation, H. E.
iv. 18. P c- 20- « c. 7.

JUSTIN S ACCOUNT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LXVll
continued to address one another by the apostolic
title of brethren/ and assembled every Sunday,
whether they dwelt in towns or in the country,
for the purpose of public worship. Their religious
services consisted in hearing the Gospels and the
Scriptures of the Old Testament read and ex
pounded. The President then delivered a dis
course ; and after they had all stood up together to
pray, the Eucharist, of bread and wine mixed with
water, was administered to each : and a contribution
was made for the use of the fatherless and widows,
for such as were in necessity, or in bonds.
Such is the picture of the Christian Church
drawn by one who had tried what the systems of
heathen philosophy could do to satisfy the anxious
enquiries of his mind after spiritual things, and
found them all insufficient; who dared to stand forth
as the advocate of the cause of the Gospel, when to
profess the faith was to expose himself to immediate
persecution; and soon afterwards proved the sincerity
of his profession by the sacrifice of his life.
tertullian.
Quintus Septimius Florens Tertulli-
antjs, as he is usually called, was born at Carthage,
about the year 150. His father was a soldier, a
r c. 85.

e

o

LXVIII INTRODUCTION.
centurion in constant attendance upon the Procon
sul of Africa. Tertullian is believed to have been
a Gentile: and the supposition is favoured by
several passages of his works a in which he seems
to describe himself as having been among those
whose errors he exposes. His education appears
to have extended to every kind of literature which
was studied at the period in which he lived. His
knowledge of the Greek language is evident from
the fact of his having composed b three treatises
in it, which are now lost. And the quotations
with which his works abound imply a wide range
of knowledge in poetry, natural philosophy, and
medical science. Eusebius0 observes that he was
particularly well skilled in the Roman laws, as is
indicated indeed by his familiar use of legal terms.
His ability and learning were always highly cele
brated. Jerome informs usd that Cyprian never
passed a day without reading some of the works of
Tertullian, whom he called " his master."
Jerome also says that Tertullian was a Pres
byter ; and it is believed that he held that office
a Apol. c. 18. p. 362. De Pcenitentia, c. 1. De Fuga in
Persecut. c. 6. Adv. Marcion. iii. c. 21.
" De Corona, c. 6. De Baptismo, c. 19. De Resurrectione
Carnis. c. 49-
c H. E. ii. 2. " Catalogus Scriptorum Eccles.

TERTULLIAN. Lxix
in the Church of Rome. That he was a married
man is known from the writings which he has left,
addressed to his wife.
Whether Tertullian were educated as a Christ
ian, or converted after he had reached a mature
age, the number of his works shews that he was a
most zealous and active defender of the opinions
which he embraced. It would be difficult to point
out a writer whose style of thought and expression
is so peculiar as Tertullian's. He pours forth with
profusion, and with little discrimination, the varied
stores of acquired knowledge with which his mind
was enriched ; displaying unrivalled keenness of
sarcasm, and great brilliancy of imagination. Yet
with these advantages he could scarcely have been
an attractive writer, even to those who were fami
liar with his frequent and pointed allusions to facts
now little known.
His style is thus described with great accuracy
and discrimination by one who is peculiarly well
qualified for forming a correct opinion upon such a
subject. " He frequently hurries his hearers along
by his vehemence, and surprises them by the vigour,
as well as inexhaustible fertility of his imagination :
but his copiousness is without selection, and there
was in his character a propensity to exaggeration,

LXX INTRODUCTION.
which affected his language, and rendered it inflated
and unnatural. He is indeed the harshest and
most obscure of writers, and the least capable of
being accurately represented in a translation." 6
Still, there is in the writings of Tertullian a
manly vigour of conception and a vivacity of ex
pression, which amply repay the labour which
must be undergone in order to comprehend them.
Jerome, in his account of Tertullian, asserts
that he was driven to embrace the errors of Monta-
nus, in consequence of the contumelious treatment
of the Romish Clergy. The year 199 is usually
assigned as the probable period of this remarkable
change in Tertullian's views. From a passage in
his works/ it is evident that he was attached to
that sect before the year 207, the fifteenth year of
the Emperor Severus. The greater part of his
writings, which have been preserved, were com
posed after he became a Montanist.8 Whether his
Apology was one of these is doubted. The subject
of that address did not call upon him to profess
e Bishop of Lincoln's Tertullian, c. 1. p. 66.
Lactantius, v. 1. says, Septimius quoque Tertullianus fuit
omni genere literarum peritus, sed in eloquendo parum facilis,
et minus comptus, et multum obscurus fuit.
' Adv. Marcion i, cc. 15. 63.
* See Bp. of Lincoln's Tertullian, c. 1. p. 6l.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. LXX1
any of the peculiar opinions of that sect ; and the
marks of time which are found in it have led to
different conclusions respecting its date. Mosheim,
in his Dissertation on the date of this Apology/
fixes on the year 198. Du Pin assigns it to the
year 200, and conceives that it was written before
Tertullian embraced the opinions of Montanus.
Tillemont is in favour of the same date. Cave
and Dodwell think that it was composed in 202,
Basnage in 203, Pagi in 205, Scaliger in 211,
and Allix assigns so late a date as 217-
The Bishop of Lincoln,1 after observing that
" the allusion to conspiracies which were daily de
tected at the very time when the book was writ
ten/ as well as the enumeration of the barbarous
nations1 which either then were, or had recently
been, at war with Rome, correspond to the events
which took place during the reign of Severus,"
suggests that the work may with probability be
referred to about the year 204.
The Apology was written at Carthage, and ad
dressed to the governors of Proconsular Africa."1
The Christians, at the time in which it was writ-
b Disquisitio Chronologico-critica de vera aetate Apologetici
a Tertulliano Conscripti. Lug. Bat. 1720.
'' Tertullian, c. 1. p. 53. * k c. 35. ' c. 37.
m See note (a) p. 280.

LXX11 INTRODUCTION.
ten, were exposed to great sufferings, as well from
the unrestrained violence of the people, as from
the action of laws which were still in force."
"How frequently," he says,0 "do ye use violence
against the Christians, sometimes at the instigation
of private malice, and sometimes according to the
forms of law. How often also — not to mention
yourselves — do the common people in their rage
attack us of their own accord with stones and
flames:" and, in another place/ "there are no
greater persecutors of the Christians than the vul
gar." Their general insecurity was increased when
the governor of the province in which they lived
was cruel or rapacious ; and on the other hand,
they enjoyed a temporary security, if, from a sense
of justice or the feelings of humanity, he chanced
to treat them with indulgence.
The Christians at Carthage were not thus fa
voured. Just before the period at which Tertul
lian's Apology was written, the governors had pro
ceeded with great severity against some members
of their own families/ in consequence of their pro
fessing the Christian faith. And, the way of pub
lic justice being obstructed, Tertullian was anxious
" See note (b) p. 297. » Apol. c. 37- p. 430.
v c 35. 'i Apol. c. 1.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY'. LXX111

that the truth might still be presented to the go
vernors, by the means of a written Apology.
He demands, therefore, that before the Christ
ians are condemned, they may be allowed to answer
for themselves; alleging, with great truth, that the
refusal to hear them was a tacit confession that the
charges against them were unfounded.1 He shews
that all other criminals, however guilty, enjoy every
legal privilege : are heard in their own defence,
and permitted to have an advocate to plead their
cause. He dwells upon the injustice and contra
dictory character of the edict of Trajan ; and com
plains that while others are tortured only to com
pel them to confess their guilt, the Christians are
racked, to force them to deny the charge of which
they are accused.8
Tertullian then appeals to the indirect testi
mony which even their adversaries bore to the
strictly moral conduct which characterized those
who were converted to Christianity : and obviates
an objection which was brought against the very
name which they bore.' He shews, by examples
of recent changes in the laws, that those which
existed against the Christians might be also abro-
' c. I. 5 c. 2. l c. 3.

LXX1V INTRODUCTION.
gated/ that those sanguinary laws had been in
variably proposed by Emperors of the most cruel
and unjust character, while the mild and just princes
had favoured the Christians." But Tertullian is
not contented with resting merely on the defensive.
He makes vigorous attacks upon his adversaries
themselves ; and shews in a strain of bitter satire
how much the subjects of the Roman Empire had
degenerated from their ancestors.7
He next notices the horrible calumnies which
were circulated respecting the Christians, — such as
the murder of children, and incest — shews that they
originate in nothing but mere common report,2 and
are utterly incredible and false.3 On this point
also Tertullian assails his opponents, and shews
that the abominations and cruelties of heathen na
tions might make them credit such unnatural
charges, although the purity of life which marked
the Christians, was a complete proof of their inno
cence of these specific crimes/ Another frequent
accusation against the Christians, was that they
refused to worship the gods of the heathen, and to
offer sacrifice for the safety of the Emperors. This
charge Tertullian repels by at once shewing that
11 c. 4. ^ c. 5. y c. 6.
' c- 7- ¦ c. s. h c. g.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY.

the gods so worshipped were merely men, to whom,
after their death, divine honours were paid:" and
argues closely and forcibly that the supposition,
that they were deified, necessarily implies the ex
istence of some Supreme Deity, who had the power
of conferring so high a privilege : that He could
have no need of such agents, and would never have
extended his favour to such unworthy objects/
Tertullian proceeds to shew the absurdity of
idol-worship,6 and the indignity with which the
heathens themselves treated their divinities, by
making them the object of sale/ defrauding them
by the sacrifice of imperfect victims ; degrading
them by absurd fables/ and making them the
subject of ridicule in their dramatic exhibitions/
Tertullian, after refuting1 calumnies which were
circulated respecting the object of Christian wor
ship, declares, in a passage of great beauty/ who
the God is whom they adore: that He is one
God, the Creator and sustainer of all things, im
mensely great, and, although faintly discernible in
these his lowest works, yet fully intelligible to
himself alone : that the soul of man itself, when
not disturbed by any delusion, recognizes this
r c. 10. d c. 11. ° c. 12. f c. 13.
* c. 14. h c. 15. > c. 16. k c. 17.

LXXV1 INTRODUCTION.

One God, by the phrases which it involuntarily
uses, as " God knows," " I leave it to God," and
the like. He shews that God had from the begin
ning made known his will, by inspiring the pro
phets with his Holy Spirit ; and that the writings
of those prophets still remained, both in the ori
ginal Hebrew and in the Greek translation.1
Tertullian advances the high antiquity of
Moses, and the priority of the prophets to the
heathen philosophers, as an argument of the supe
riority of the doctrines contained in the Scriptures
of the Old Testament ; m and refers to the prophe
cies, which had been fulfilled and were fulfilling, as
a proof of the inspiration of Scripture."
Such having been the origin of the Jewish
religion, Tertullian shews in what manner the
Christian religion is founded upon it, and con
nected with it by a chain of prophecy. He declares
that Jesus Christ was the Son of God ; and endea
vours to illustrate the manner of his generation,
by a comparison with the procession of a ray of
light from a luminous body. He shews that the
miracles of Christ proved him to be the Word of
God : declares that his sufferings and death were
voluntary, the fulfilment of his own predictions:
' c- ]S. '» c. ip. » L. 20.

tertullian's apology. Lxxvii
and appeals to the annals of the Roman Empire in
attestation of the miraculous darkness at the cru
cifixion. Tertullian relates the resurrection and
ascension of Christ; and asserts that Pontius
Pilate sent a written account of those transactions
to Tiberius. He makes a strong appeal to the tes
timony which the Christians gave even unto death ;
and desires to put the question upon the issue
whether the divinity of Christ be real or not."
After this, Tertullian declares his opinions
respecting the existence and employment of evil
spirits, or demons :p and demands that any one
confessedly under the influence of demoniacal pos
session may be brought out before the tribunal;
and promises that, at the bidding of any Christian,
the demon shall depart. q
Tertullian then shows how unjustly the Christ
ians are treated, since, when all others are permit
ted to choose their own divinities for worship, the
Christians alone are prevented/
An objection was sometimes brought against
Christianity, that the prosperity which the Roman
empire had attained was a proof of the Divine
favour. Tertullian meets that objection by shew
ing that the worship which the Romans paid to
0 c. 21. p c. 22. ' c. 23. r c. 24.

LXXV111 introduction.

many of their deities wasmot established till long
after their power had greatly increased ; and that
their conquests, which spared not the temples
more than the houses of the vanquished, ought
rather to have brought down upon them the ven
geance of the gods, had they been really divine.8
This therefore was rather an argument in favour of
the existence of One Supreme God, who governs
the whole world.1
Tertullian then refers to a temptation to which
Christians were sometimes exposed, by their adver
saries suggesting that they might outwardly com
ply with the rites of heathenism, while they men
tally retained their own sentiments. He rejects
such a notion with disdain, as unworthy of a true
Christian, and as a suggestion of evil spirits." He
shows, that although the Christians refused to sa
crifice for the emperors, which was, in the eyes of
their accusers, a worse offence than neglecting the
worship of idols, they acted with a proper sense of
the dignity of the Emperor, in not subjecting him
to his inferiors :x but that they did pray for the
safety of the Emperor, not to dumb idols, but to
the living God, lifting up holy hands, and beseech-

c 25. « c. 26. « c. 27.

cc. 28, 29.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. LXX1X
ing him to grant to the Emperor a happy reign
and a long life, with all prosperity for himself and
his people: y and that in so doing they fulfilled the
commands given them in the Word of God, their
Scriptures/ Another reason for their praying for
the safety of the Emperor was their conviction
that the day of judgment was delayed only by the
continuance of the Roman Empire.3
While the Christians reverenced the Emperor
as their sovereign, they paid him greater honour
than if they flattered him with a title to which he
had no claim ; a title which the best of Emperors
refused to receive/
Tertullian then exposes the folly of shewing
loyalty to the Emperor by rioting and festivity ;
when the conspiracies which were daily occurring
shewed that this attachment was merely feigned.0
The Christians, on the other hand, are required
to do good to all men, and therefore especially to
the Sovereign : they are bound to love their
enemies, and the proof that they do so is found
in their forbearance, when their numbers are
already so great that, if they chose, they might
set the empire at defiance, or destroy it effectually
y c. 30. z c. 31. ¦ c, 32.
" cc. 33, 34. c c. 35.

LXXX INTRODUCTION.
by merely withdrawing themselves to some distant
part of the world/
The innocent lives of the Christians furnish
another reason for their being leniently treated.6
In the concluding part of the Apology, Tertul
lian gives an instructive and interesting account of
the Christian Church in his time. He describes
their meeting for the purposes of prayer, for read
ing the Holy Scriptures, and receiving instruction :
their government, under the presidency of" certain
approved elders, who have obtained that honour
not by purchase but by public testimony :" and
their monthly or occasional contributions for the
relief of the aged and destitute. He dwells upon
the exemplary love which the Christians displayed
towards one another; and alludes to the tem
perate banquets which they held in common, sea
soned with holy conversation, and sanctified with
prayer. f
Notwithstanding their blameless lives, Ter
tullian shews that every national calamity, the over
flowing of the waters of the Tiber or the failure
of those of the Nile, were all attributed to the
Christians : yet nothing could be more absurd than
.such an accusation ; since, as he had before shewn,
d c- 36. c c. 38. f c. 39.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. LXXxi
the like calamities occurred before the Christian
religion began ;g and the Romans themselves were
more truly the cause of such misfortunes, since
they despised the true God, and worshipped images.
The temporal dispensations of Providence, how
ever, form no sure mark of the favour or anger
of God. The troubles of the world are sent for
the purpose of admonition as well as of punish
ment/ Another accusation against the Christians was
that they were unfit for the ordinary business of
life. Tertullian refutes this charge, by shewing
that they refused compliance with no innocent cus
tom ; and were useless to none but to those whose
occupations were disgraceful.1 The records of the
courts of justice would prove that no Christian
was ever accused of a crime/ This freedom from
0
open guilt arose from the superiority which divine
laws possess over those which are of human in
vention. '
There were others who represented Christianity
as merely a system of philosophy. Had this been
the case, Tertullian argues that those who pro
fessed it were entitled to the same tolerance as was

* c. 40. h c. 41. ' cc. 42, 43.
k c. 44. l c. 45.

/

LXXX11 INTRODUCTION.
extended to other philosophers. But Christianity
is actually as superior to any philosophy in morality
as in its authority.1" Indeed, the poets and philo
sophers of old were indebted to Christianity for
many of their tenets, which they borrowed without
acknowledgment, and distorted to serve their own
purposes." Yet philosophers were permitted to
hold their doctrines, such as that of the transmi
gration of souls, without any interference ; while
Christians were punished for believing the resur
rection. Tertullian argues that a resurrection is
necessary, in order that man should be judged in
the same body which had been the instrument
of his actions : that it is not so incredible, that a
body should be restored to life, as that it should
have been formed at first : and that this restora
tion is rendered highly probable by the analogy
with many changes in the natural world. Thus
the succession of day and night, the order of the
seasons, the decay and growth of the seed in the
earth, are all emblems of a resurrection. Tertul
lian anticipates the objection, — that these vicissi
tudes would rather imply a succession of changes
from death to life, than a single death followed
by an unchangeable eternity, — by observing, that
'" C. 46. n c, 47.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. 1.XXX111
had such been the will of God, man must have
submitted : but that the word of God establishes
the fact that there shall be one final resurrection of
all mankind; after which the righteous shall be
for ever clothed upon with immortality in the pre
sence of God ; and the wicked shall be consigned
to everlasting punishment.0
It is, then, most unreasonable that the Christ
ians should be punished for maintaining opinions,
which, if sincerely entertained, must make them
better members of society ; while tenets, for which
the philosophers are indebted to their imitation of
Christianity, are eulogized as the highest attain
ments of human wisdom. Christians suffer for
their religion; but they suffer voluntarily; choosing
rather to be condemned by men than to fail in
their duty towards God. p
Tertullian answers an objection, which the pa
tience of the Christians might suggest, that they
really took delight in the sufferings which they
endured with so great fortitude. He observes that
Christians did, indeed, submit to persecution :
but they did it with the feelings of a soldier
whose duty called upon him to expose his life.
He would gladly escape the peril, although, when
0 c. 48. p c. 49.

LXXX1V INTRODUCTION.
necessary, he shrinks not from it. Yet this con
tempt of pain and death, which is eulogized in
patriots and philosophers, when practised by Christ
ians is derided and despised. Tertullian, in con
clusion, defies the utmost malice of the enemies
of the faith : declaring that, if they were bent on
destroying Christianity, their attempt would be
fruitless: and that the example of patience, ex
hibited by those who were called to suffer, was the
most convincing argument of the truth of their
religion. q
There is no record of the effect which this
Apology produced. It was, however, most highly
prized by Christians in all ages. It was at an
early period translated into Greek, and is the only
writing of Tertullian which is expressly quoted
by Eusebius.1 Cyprian not only looked up to
Tertullian as his master, and frequently copied
him, but especially in his Treatise de Idolorum
Vanitate, closely imitated parts of Tertullian's
Apology. The object of Tertullian in this Apology did
not lead him to make frequent mention of the
Scriptures of the New Testament. We find him,
however, referring to them on several occasions
' c. 50. r H. E. ii. 2.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY.

under the title of " Scriptures," and " Holy Scrip
tures,"8 appealing to them as "the Word of God,
our Scriptures,'" open and accessible to all; and
declaring that one of the principal objects of the
Christians publicly assembling was to read the
Scriptures." In the passage" in which an appeal is made to
the Scriptures, Tertullian quotes words now found
in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke : and
others which are in substance written in the Epis
tle of St. Paul to the Romans, the first Epistle
to Timothy, the Epistle to Titus, and the first
Epistle of St. Peter.
There is probably also an allusion to the first
Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians ; y and to the
Epistle to the Hebrews.2
In other parts of his writings, the testimony of
Tertullian to the inspiration" and sufficiency" of
' c. 22. p. 380. Apud literas sanctas ordine cognoscitur,
c. 23. p. 391. Ipsi literarum nostrarum fidem accendunt.
1 c. 31. p. 414. Inspice Dei voces, literas nostras, quas ne
que ipsi supprimimus, et plerique casus ad extraneos referunt.
u c. 39. p- 436. Coimus ad literarum divinarum comme-
morationem. * c. 31, p. 414.
y c. 12. p. 340. Compare c. 10. p. 329-
' c. 30. p. 412.
a Adv. Marcion. v. c. 7- De Anima, c. 2.
b Contra Hermogenem, c. 22. Adoro Scriptura; plenitudi-

INTRODUCTION.

the Holy Scriptures, his frequent quotation of the
books of the New Testament, his reference to four
Gospels, and no more, written by Apostles or
apostolic men/ and the deference which he always
pays to the Holy Scriptures, render his works most
valuable as tending to prove the genuineness and
integrity of the Scriptures of the New Testament.
So copious are these allusions, that Lardner
remarks/ " there are perhaps more and larger quo
tations of the small volume of the New Testament,
in this one Christian author, than of all the works
of Cicero, though of so uncommon excellence for
thought and style, in the writers for several
ages." Tertullian's Apology contains very interesting
information respecting the condition of the Christ
ian Church, especially in Africa, in the second and
third centuries. He bears testimony to the wide
diffusion of Christianity in his time ;6 and shews
that the Christians were distinguished, both by
themselves and by their adversaries, for their mu
tual love/ Their harmless and tranquil life;6

c Adv. Marcion. iv. c. 2. 5.
11 Credibility, Part n. 27. 23.
1 cc. 1. 37- < c. 39.
* c. 42.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. LXXXV11
their habits of domestic piety ; their constant use
of prayer, in private and in public / their charity
towards all men, their love of their enemies,1 their
patience under persecution and distress, k complete
a picture which is the more striking when con
trasted with the scene which the pagan world pre
sented at the same time. The character of Ter
tullian himself is a proof of the power of religion:
no other influence could have subdued the fiery
spirit of such a man.
The Apology forms so small a portion of Ter
tullian's works, that any conclusions from it, re
specting the doctrine of the Church in his time,
would be very incomplete, unless supported by nu
merous references to his other writings.
The limits of this Introduction will not admit
of so extended an examination ; and the task has
been lately performed with such accuracy and judg
ment by the learned Bishop of Lincoln, that any
further labours in the same field would be su
perfluous. Little is necessary to be said of the remaining
part of Tertullian's life. At a period, which was
either a little before, or soon after, the publication
11 cc. 30. 39. ' cc. 31. 37- k cc. 37- 50.

LXXXV111 INTRODUCTION.
of his Apology, he avowed himself a follower of
Montanus. The harsh and ascetic tenets of that
visionary heretic agreed with the naturally austere
character of Tertullian. But his defection was in
matters rather of discipline than of faith : and in
the latter period of his life he again seceded from
the Montanists, and founded a sect, called after
his name, Tertullianists. The remnants of this
sect continued to exist after his death till they
were finally dispersed by Augustin.1
The period of Tertullian's death is unknown.
Jerome informs us that he lived to a great age,
and the year 220 is usually assigned. There is
every reason to believe that he died a natural
death. The heretical opinions of Tertullian doubtless
threw a cloud over his fame ; but they were not
able to eclipse the reputation which his great ta
lents, piety, and learning, had deservedly acquired.
Hence, even those who blamed his errors united
in paying a just tribute to his sincerity and great
mental endowments. The character given to him
by Vincentius Lirinensis, in the fifth century, may
be taken as a proof of the great estimation in
1 Augustin de Hseres, c. 86.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. LXXX1X

which he was held. It is conceived in terms of
high panegyric : but the context shews that it was
written by one, who was as sensible of the errors
as of the excellencies of Tertullian. After having
shewn the dangerous innovations which Origen
introduced, he describes Tertullian, notwithstand
ing his erroneous opinions, as far superior to all
the Latin Christian writers. "Who," says he,
" ever excelled him in learning ? who had greater
proficiency in all knowledge, sacred and profane ?
His astonishing capacity embraced in its compre
hensive grasp all the various branches and sects of
philosophy, the original founders and supporters
of the different schools, and the course of disci
pline adopted by each, together with a wide range
of history and other studies. Such also was the
vigour and force of his intellect, that, whatever
position he attacked, he either penetrated it by
his subtilty, or crushed it with the weight of his
reasoning. The peculiar character of his style
surpasses all praise. The arguments are connected
in so indissoluble a chain of reasoning, as to com
pel the assent of those who would not be per
suaded : every word is a sentence ; every sentence
a victory over his adversaries. The followers of
Marcion, Apelles, Praxeas, and Hermogenes ; the

INTRODUCTION.

Jew, the Gentile, the Gnostic, had full experience
of this : against all their blasphemies he hurled
the ponderous masses of his voluminous works,
and overthrew them, as with a thunderbolt."1"
With respect to the present translations, it has
already been observed, that the Epistles of Cle
ment, Polycarp, and Ignatius, and the accounts
of the Martyrdom of the two last, are in substance
taken from Archbishop Wake's Version. The lan
guage of that version has been happily styled by
Lardner " Apostolical English :" and it would have
been a needless affectation of originality to have
m Sed et Tertulliani quoque eadem ratio est. Nam sicut
ille (Origenes) apud Grascos, ita hic apud Latinos nostrorum
omnium facile piinceps judicandus est. Quid enim hoc viro
doctius? quid in divinis atque humanis rebus exercitatius ?
Nempe omnem Philosophiam et cunctas philosophorum sectas,
auctores adsertoresque sectarum, omnesque eorum disciplinas,
omnem historiarum ac studiorum varietatem, mira quadam
mentis capacitate complexus est. Ingenio vero nonne tam
gravi ac vehementi excelluit, ut nihil sibi pa?ne ad expugnan-
dum proposuerit, quod non aut acumine inruperit, aut pondere
eliserit? Jam porro orationis suae laudes quis exequi valeat?
quae tanta nescio qua rationum necessitate conserta est, ut ad
consensum sui, quos suadere non potuerit, impellat. Cujus
quot paene verba, tot sententiae sunt; quot sensus, tot victoriae.
Sciunt hoc Marciones, Apelles, Praxeae, Hermogenes, Juda?i,
Gentiles, ceterique quorum ille blasphemias multis ac mag-
nis voluminum suorum molibus, velut quibusdam fulminibus
cvertit. Vincentitis Lirinensis Commonilorium, Lib. i. c. 26.

TERTULLIAN S APOLOGY. XC1

injured, by any unnecessary alteration, what had
already been expressed so faithfully and so well.
My first intention was to have simply reprinted
those Epistles, with such illustrations as they
might seem to require. A comparison of the pre
sent translation with that of Archbishop Wake
will shew that, with the exception of the quo
tations, his version has been here closely, but not
servilely, followed.
In translating the Apologies of Justin Martyr
and Tertullian, my object has been to express with
fidelity the sentiments of the originals, in such a
manner as to be intelligible to a reader who may
not be able to consult the original works. Those
who are best acquainted with the nature of such
a task will be the most lenient in overlooking
any harshness or want of fluency, which, in such
a translation, it is so difficult to avoid. The
version of Tertullian is necessarily more para
phrastic than that of Justin, in order to render
intelligible the brief allusions and sudden tran
sitions which characterize his style. Should there
be any instances in which I have not succeeded
in representing the sense of Tertullian, I would
willingly refer to the character of his writings,

XCli INTRODUCTION.
which has before been quoted, that " he is
indeed the harshest and most obscure of writers ;
and the least capable of being accurately repre
sented in a translation."

CONTENTS. PART I.

The Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians.

Page

Chap. i. ii. Clement commends the Corinthians for
their order and piety before their schism began 1
in. The origin of their strife  3
iv. — vi. He shows, by numerous examples, that envy
and strife have been the fruitful cause of many
evils  4  7
vii. viii. He exhorts them to look up to the rule of
their high calling, and displays the promises of
mercy made to the penitent  7 — 8
ix. — xii. He refers them to the instances of
Noah  9
Abraham  —
Lot  II
Rahab  . —
xiii  xv. And exhorts the Corinthians to follow these
examples in humility, meekness, and godliness,
according to the precepts of Scripture  13 — 15
xvi. He refers to the example of Jesus Christ, who
came in great humility  15
xvii. xviii. And to Elijah, Elisha, Ezekiel, Job, Daniel
and David  18
xix. And thence exhorts them to orderly obedience. 20
xx. He shews that order is the principle of the
Universe  21
xxi. He exhorts them to obedience, in compliance
with the will of God ; who is ever present ... 22
xxn. And enforces his advice by an appeal to the
Scriptures  23

xciv contents.
Chap. Pao«
xxiii. The promises and threatenings of God will
surely and speedily come to pass  24
xxiv. — xxvi. The Resurrection is certain. It is illus
trated by natural changes, as those of day and
night: and by the example of the Phoenix  25 — 27
xxvu. Hence God is faithful, and will perform his
promises  27
xxvm. — xxx. A further exhortation to obedience, pu
rity, humility, and moderation  28 — 30
xxxi. xxxii. The blessedness of those who have been
obedient  30
xxxm. xxxiv. And an exhortation not to be weary in
well doing ; and to live in concord  31
xxxv. For this purpose God hath made to us many
glorious promises  33
xxxvi. And given us our great High Priest, Jesus
Christ  36
xxxvu. — xxxix. The natural constitution of human so
ciety teaches us the necessity of different orders
of men  37
xl. And God hath accordingly appointed every
thing to be done decently and in order in the
Church  39
xli. Hence he exhorts them to the observance of
order  40
xlii. The orders of Ministers were established in the
Church of Christ, by the Apostles, according
to Divine command  41
xliii. Even as the priesthood was especially appointed
by God, under the Jewish law  42
xliv. The Apostles foretold that contentions should
arise respecting the ministry  43
xlv. He again refers them to the examples of obe
dience in the Scriptures  45
xlvi. And to the precepts therein contained  46
xlvii. Especially to the Epistle of St. Paul to them ... 47
xlviii. The higher gifts a man may have, the more
humble-minded he ought to be  48

CONTENTS. xcv
Chap. . . Pjigk
xlix. Christian charity is shewn by obedience and
Christian meekness  40.
l. It is the gift of God, and must be sought for
by prayer  50
li. Pie exhorts those who had caused these di
visions to repent  51
hi. — liv. And again refers to the precepts and examples
of Scripture  52
lv. And to other examples among the heathen  54
lvi. He recommends mutual prayer  55
lvii. And humiliation  57
lviii. — lx. He concludes with a commendation of the
Corinthians to God; and with a blessing upon
them  58

The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians.
1. Polycarp congratulates the Philippians, on
the reception which they gave the confessors of
the faith of Christ  60
n. Exhorts them to perseverance from the con
sideration of the resurrection : and reminds
them of the precepts of Christ  6l
in. Polycarp assumes not the authority or wisdom
of St. Paul, to whose Epistle to them he refers 62
iv. — vi. But exhorts them to the practice of various
Christian duties, according to their several
stations ; as husbands, deacons, young men,
and elders  63
vii. Whosoever confesses not that Christ is come
in the flesh, is antichrist  65
vm. ix. He exhorts them to patience by the imitation
of Christ, and of the Apostles and others  66
x. And to be stedfast in the faith  67
xi. Polycarp expresses his regret for the miscon
duct of Valens and his wife  68
xii. Recommends the study of the Scriptures, and
sends them his blessing  69

xcvi contents.
Chap. Paob
xiii. xiv. He refers to the Epistles of Ignatius ; and
desires to know if they have received any
certain intelligence respecting him  70

The Epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians.
i. Ignatius thanks the Ephesians for sending
their Bishop Onesimus to meet him, as he
was passing bound from Syria to Rome  72
ii. He congratulates them on the possession of
other faithful servants, and exhorts them to
obedience  73
in. iv. He disclaims all personal superiority, but in
charity recommends them to obey their Bishop
and the Presbytery  74
v. vi. He expatiates upon the character of Onesimus,
and the Episcopal authority generally  75
vii. He warns them of false teachers  77
vm. Commends the integrity of their faith  78
ix. And their refusal to listen to error  —
x. xi. He exhorts to prayer and holiness, since the
last times are at hand  79
xii. And contrasts his own condition with theirs ... 80
xiii. He recommends their frequent assembling  81
xi v. And exhorts to faith and charity  —
xv. Unostentatious faith is better than unreal pro
fession  82
xvi. xvii. He warns them against false doctrine  83
xvni. Expresses his willingness to die for the Cross
of Christ.  —
xix. The Prince of this world knew not the vir
ginity of Mary, nor the birth of Christ, nor
his death  84
xx. He purposes sending to them a second Epistle,
declaring the faith more fully  85
xxi. Beseeches their prayers for the Church which
is in Syria, and bids them farewell  86

CONTENTS. XCV11
Chap. Pabe
Epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians.
i. Ignatius salutes the Church at Magnesia  87
ii. Whose Bishop, Damas, he had seen  88
m. iv. He exhorts them to reverence their Bishop, in
obedience to the ordinance of God  —
v. The difference of the faithful and the unfaithful 89
vi. vii. He exhorts them to be obedient to the Bishops,
Presbyters, and Deacons, and to preserve the
unity of the Church  —
vm. — x. Warns them not to live according to the Jew
ish law ; but after Christ, who is our life  90 — 93
xi. Ignatius disclaims any personal authority  93
xii. Commends their faith  —
xiii. Exhorts them to be established in the doctrines
of Christ and the Apostles, in all obedience  94
xiv. xv. And concludes with intreating their prayers,
and with a salutation  —

The Epistle of Ignatius to the Trallians.
i. Ignatius commends the purity and godliness
of the Trallians, of which he had been assured
by their Bishop Polybius  95
11. 111. Their obedience to their Bishops, the Presby
tery, and the Deacons, without whom there is
no Church  96
iv. v. He refrains from boasting, and from speaking
of heavenly things  —
vi.  vm. Exhorts them to avoid unsound doctrine ; and
to continue in the Unity of the Chureh  98
ix. — xi. To stop their ears if any spake to them against
Jesus Christ, or declared that he existed and
suffered in appearance only  100
xii. xiii. He salutes them in his own name and that of
the faithful who are at Smyrna and Ephesus ... —

xcvm CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
The Epistle of Ignatius to the Romans.-
i. After a salutation to the Church at Rome, he
recommends them not to interfere to hinder his
martyrdom  104
n  iv. But to permit him to be offered up, as he was
ready to be, for the sake of Christ; and to
strengthen him with their prayers  —
v. He mentions the evil treatment which he en
dured from the soldiers, on his passage from
Syria to Rome  107
vi. But expresses his full determination to die for
Christ  —
vii. And declares that the love of Christ in him
had conquered all his earthly desires  109
vm. He again urges them not to prevent the accom
plishment of his wishes  110
ix. Entreats their prayers for the Church of Syria —
x. And mentions with honour those who were
with him  Ill

The Epistle of Ignatius to the Philadelphians.
i. Ignatius recommends Church unity; praises
their Bishop  112
ii. — iv. And exhorts them to flee divisions and false
doctrines ; and to partake of one Eucharist  113
v. He entreats their prayers  114
vi. Warns them against Judaizing teachers  115
vii. Reminds them of his previous exhortations to
obedience to the Bishop, Presbytery, and
Deacons  116
vm. He warns them against those who preferred
the writings of the Old Testament to the
Gospel  —
ix. And shews the excellence of the Gospel above
the Law  117

CONTENTS. XC1X
Chap. pAOB
x. He advises the Philadelphians to send a Dea
con to congratulate the Church of Antioch, on
the peace which they enjoyed  118
xi. And concludes with a salutation  —

The Epistle of Ignatius to the Smyrneans.
i. Ignatius praises their immoveable faith in
Christ who truly lived and suffered for us  120
ii. in. As He also truly raised himself from the dead,
and appeared to Peter and to many  121
iv. He warns them against heretics, and commands
them to pray for them : although their con
version rests with Christ  123
v. Ignatius will not mention the names of those
who hold erroneous opinions  124
vi. vii. But refers to their conduct, and refusal to par
take of the Eucharist; and exhorts the Smyr
neans to abstain from such men  125
vm. ix. And to follow their Bishop, Presbytery, and
Deacons, according to God's ordinance  126
x. He commends them for receiving Philo, and
Rheus  127
xi. Glories in that he is counted worthy to suffer :
recommends them to send to congratulate the
Syrian Church, for the peace which it enjoyed . 128
xii. xiii. And concludes with a salutation  —

The Epistle of Ignatius to Polycakp.
i. He exhorts Polycarp to persevere in the dili
gent discharge of his Episcopal office  131
n. To be wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove 132
m. To endure all things  133
iv. To care for all  —
v. He exhorts the married and single  1 34
g-2

Chap. VI.
VII.
VIII.

contents. Page
And adds advice to the whole Church  1 34
Recommends messengers to be sent to Antioch 135
Directs Polycarp to write to the Churches near
him ; and concludes with a salutation  136
The Martyrdom of Ignatius  137
The circular Epistle of the Church of
Smyrna, concerning the Martyrdom of
Polycarp  147

PART II.

¦/¦

IX.

The Apology of Justin Martyr.
Justin addresses the Emperor Antoninus Pius,
Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus  171
And represents that their names and station
required them to regard truth alone  172
He demands that the charges against the Christ
ians should be examined: that the Christians
should be impartially treated, according as they
deserved, and not be punished for a mere name 173
Christianity ought not to be judged of, from
the misconduct of some who only profess the
name  176
Justin attributes the injustice of the heathens
towards the Christians, to the instigation of
demons  176
And declares that the Christians worshipped
only God, the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. . . 178
He requires that the actions of all those ac
cused should be examined  180
The Christians suffer only because they dare
not deny the truth  182
And will not pay honour to false gods, and
senseless idols  183

contents. ci
Chap. ».„„Page
x. Knowing that God requires not material offer
ings, but purity and holiness of life ; and will
admit those, who obey his will, to immortality
and glory  184
xi. The kingdom, which Christians expect, is not
of this world  185
xii. Their religion is the best means of preserving
peace  186
xm. And enables them to defy their persecutors  187
xiv. Jesus Christ foretold their persecutions  188
xv. Justin proceeds to shew what Christianitj' is . . . —
xvi. The worship of the Christians consists in prayer
and praise to God, the Creator, to his Son,
Jesus Christ, and to the Holy Spirit  189
xvii. A most beneficial change had taken place, in
the lives of those who had become Christians 190
xvin. Many precepts of Christ teach chastity  191
xix. — The love of all men  193
xx. — The patient endurance of evil  194
xxi. — And that men should not swear  195
xxn. Christ declared that they who live not as he
taught, are not Christians indeed  196
xxiii. And commanded his followers to pay tribute,
and honour those in authority  197
xxiv. The superstitions of the heathens themselves
might make them believe that the soul survives
death  198
xxv. The resurrection ofthe body is not so incredible
as its first formation would be, to one who had
had no experience of it  200
xxvi. Christ taught that things impossible with man
are possible with God  202
xxvn. The punishment of hell reserved for the un
righteous, is hinted at by some heathens  —
xxviii. It is, therefore, unreasonable that Christians
alone should be hated, while poets and philoso
phers, who entertain less just and sublime no
tions, are honoured  203

Cll contents.
Chap. Page
xxix. Justin compares the opinions which the hea
then falsely maintained respecting Jupiter and
others, with the more reasonable tenets of the
Christians  205
xxx. And shews that their opinions respecting Christ
might well obtain credence from those who
held notions of a similar nature respecting
their own deities  206
xxxi. The truths of Christianity are more ancient
than the fables of heathenism  207
xxxii. Yet Christians alone are punished, while the
most absurd idolatries are permitted  208
xxxiii. They have reformed their lives in embracing
a purer faith  209
xxxiv. Even after the ascension of Christ the evil
spirits have instigated men to call themselves
gods: as in the instance of Simon Magus and
Menander  210
xxxv. The heresy of Marcion  213
xxxvi. Justin refutes the calumnies, brought against
the Christians, of devouring children, and in
cest: and retorts the charges upon the heathen 215
xxxvu. The purity and continence of the Christians. . . 217
¦ — ¦ Lest the miracles of Christ should be ascribed
to magic, Justin appeals to prophecy  218
xxxviii. And relates the history ofthe translation ofthe
Hebrew Scriptures into Greek by the order of
Ptolemy  219
xxxix. In those prophecies, the miraculous birth of
Jesus, his being made man, his miracles, suf
ferings, death, resurrection, and ascension, his
Divine nature, and the extension of his reli
gion over the whole world are expressly predicted 22 1
xl. — lii. This is shewn by various quotations  221-236
liii. Justin explains why the Holy prophetic Spirit
speaks of future events as already past  236
L_ liv. Christians consider not that events happen by
fatal necessity ; which would be inconsistent
with the free-will of man  237

CONTENTS.

cm

Chap. LV.

LVI.
LVII.
LVIII.

LXIII.

LXIX. LXX.

But believe this only to be irreversibly deter
mined, that they who choose the good shall be
rewarded, and they who choose the evil shall
be punished  238
This is proved by quotations from Scripture. . . 239
And shewn to agree with the opinion of Plato 240
Prophecy therefore implies not a fatal necessity,
but shews the foreknowledge of God  240
The evil spirits endeavoured to prevent the
knowledge of prophecy, but in vain  241
David predicted that God the Father should
receive Christ into heaven  241
Justin asserts that all men, in all ages, who
lived agreeably to right reason, were Christians
in spirit  242
Various prophecies, shewing that Jerusalem
should be destroyed  244
That Christ should heal the sick, and raise the
dead  245
That He should be made man, and suffer many
things, and come again in glory  247
That He hath an origin which cannot be ex
pressed  249
The fulfilment of these prophecies is an earnest
that those yet unaccomplished will be fulfilled . 250
And, therefore, that Christ will come the second
time, to judgment  251
These prophecies had fully persuaded the
Christians to believe Christ, who was crucified,
to be the first-born of the unbegotten God  252
The conversion of the Gentiles was foretold ... —
The evil demons, knowing the prophecies
respecting Christ, invented fables of a similar
nature, to deceive men  254
As in the fables of Bacchus, Bellerophon, Per
seus, and Hercules  255
But in no fable was the crucifixion of Christ
imitated  256

civ contents.
Chap. Page
lxxii. The figure of the Cross is almost universally
employed  257
lxxiii. The demons also, after the ascension of Christ,
raised up men, such as Simon, and Menander,
before mentioned, in c. 34  258
lxxiv. The malice of these evil spirits can, however,
only instigate the enemies of the Christians to
destroy them  259
lxxv. They raised up Marcion to deceive men  260
lxxvi. lxxvii. Plato obtained his notions respecting the
creation of the world, and other opinions, from
the writings of Moses  26l
lxxviii. It is not, then, that the Christians adopt the
opinions of others, but others, theirs  263
lxxix. Justin explains the manner in which believers
are baptized  264
lxxx. Shews that this new birth is necessary; and
that baptism is performed in the name of God
the Father, and of Jesus Christ, and of the
Holy Spirit  265
lxxxi. Justin then digresses to shew that the evil
spirits imitated the practice of baptism ; as they
caused the action of Moses, who put off his
shoes at the burning bush, to be imitated  266
lxxxii. He declares that it was the Son of God, who
appeared to Moses in the bush  267
lxxxiii. And to the prophets in various forms  268
lxxxiv. And asserts that the demons imitated what
they learned from the writings of Moses, in
several instances  270
lxxxv. Justin then returns to describe the administra
tion of the Eucharist to those who had been
baptized  271
lxxxvi. He explains the nature of that sacrament; that
the elements are not common bread nor com
mon drink ; and relates the manner of its insti
tution  273

CONTENTS. cv
Chap. rAUK
lxxxvii. The Christians assemble on Sunday. An ac
count of the manner of public worship in the
primitive Church  275
lxxxviii. The collection of alms  276
lxxxix. The reason of assembling on Sunday  —
xc. Justin concludes with desiring that the Christ
ians may not be condemned unheard ; but ex
presses their resignation to the will of God;
and subjoins the Epistle of Adrian in their
favour  277

The Epistle of Antoninus Pius to the Common
Assembly of Asia  278

The Apology of Tertullian.
The Christians, under Severus, not being per
mitted to speak in their own defence, Tertullian
addresses this written Apology to the Governors
of Proconsular Africa. He shews that their
religion, founded on truth, requires no favour
but demands justice  280
The hatred which her enemies entertain towards
her is manifestly unjust  282
All Christians glory in their faith  284
Christians, even if guilty, ought to be treated
in the same manner as other criminals  286
The edict of Trajan was self-contradictory. . .. 287
Other criminals are tortured to make them
confess ; Christians, to make them deny  288
The name alone of Christian, not the fact of
professing Christianity, is made a crime  291
The enemies of Christianity bear unwilling tes
timony to its excellence  293
Yet permit their hatred to prevail over the
benefit which they derive from Christianity. . . . 294
The name of Christian is harmless, both in its
own signification, and as it relates to its author 295

VI CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAG*
iii. And is therefore no reasonable ground of accu
sation  29o
iv. Tertullian prepares to answer the charges
against Christianity  297
— But first shews that, even if laws exist against
the Christians, they may be repealed, as many
laws have been  298
— And that laws, which would punish a name,
not a crime, are foolish as well as unjust  302
v. The gods of the Romans could not be conse
crated without the consent of the Senate  —
— Tiberius is said to have proposed to introduce
Jesus Christ among the Roman gods  303
— The bad emperors were persecutors, the good,
protectors, of the Christians  305
— The Thundering Legion  306
vi. The Romans had abrogated many laws of their
ancestors ; and greatly degenerated from their
severity of life  309
vii. Tertullian refers to many calumnies brought
against the Christians  313
— And demands that they may be investigated. . . 314
— Common fame is their only accuser  315
vm. These accusations are in themselves incredible 318
ix. Heathen nations themselves practised the atro
cities of which they accused the Christians  322
— As human sacrifices  323
— The tasting of blood  324
— And the crime of incest  327
— From all which Christians are free  328
x. Christians are accused of neither worshipping
the gods nor sacrificing to the safety of the
Emperors  329
They do this, knowing them to be no gods  —
Thus, Saturn was the oldest of the heathen
deities, and yet was a man  330
xi. Those persons, who were once men, were
never made gods  333

CONTENTS. CV11
tHAP- Page
xi. This supposition would imply the existence of
a Supreme Deity, who would have no need of
dead men; and would certainly not have chosen
such men for their virtues  333
xn. The absurdity of idol- worship  338
xiii. They who conceive these false gods to be ob
jects of worship, do themselves neglect and
insult them  341
xiv. Their sacrifices are disgraceful ; and their my
thological history derogatory to the dignity of
their gods  245
xv. Their gods were made the subject of ridicule
in their fables and dramas  348
— Their temples were constantly desecrated  350
xvi. Calumnies founded upon the alleged objects
of Christian worship  —
— They are falsely accused of adoring
An Asses head  351
A Cross  352
The Sun  354
Or a being of monstrous form  356
xvii. The object of the Christian worship is One
God, the Creator of all things  358
— To whom the soul of man naturally bears
witness  359
xvm. God hath revealed to us his written word  .. 36l
— The prophets taught of old  362
— These Scriptures were translated from Hebrew
into Greek, by the command of Ptolemy  363
xix. These Scriptures are most ancient  365
— Moses might be proved to have been antecedent
to all heathen writers, and philosophers  366
xx. The authority of Scripture is proved by pro
phecy  368
xxi. The religion of the Christians must not be con
founded with that of the Jews  370
— Christians worship Christ not as a human being,
but as God  371
— Christ is God, and the Son of God  372

CV111 CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
xi. His procession from the Father compared with
that of light from the sun  373
— Two comings of Christ are predicted  374
— The Jews ascribed his miracles to magic  375
— They put him to death  376
— But he rose from the dead  —
— And shewed himself to chosen witnesses  377
— Pilate wrote an account to Tiberius  —
— This statement ought at once to repress all
false assertions respecting Christianity  378
xxn. Tertullian declares his sentiments respecting
the existence and occupation of demons  380
— And ascribes the ancient oracles to their agency 383
xxm. The demons and the heathen gods were the
same  385
— Tertullian offers to rest the truth of Christianity
on the power of any Christian publicly to ex
pel a demon  386
— Jesus Christ is the Virtue, Spirit, Word, Wis
dom, Reason, and Son of God  390
xxiv. The acknowledgement of inferior gods implies
the existence of One superior  392
— This God is worshipped by the Christians:
and they claim the same right which is allowed
all others  393
xxv. The great prosperity of the Roman Empire
was not the reward of the devotion of the
Romans to their gods  395
— For the rise of their power preceded the greater
part of their worship  398
— And their conquests spared not the temples of
the gods themselves  399
xxvi. It is God, therefore, who rules the world  401
xxvn. The Christians cannot be guilty of any offence
against gods, who have no existence 
— The persecution of the Christians is instigated
by the malice of demons  404
xxviii. Compulsory worship could never be acceptable
to the gods  406

Chap.
XXVIII.

XXXII.

XXXIII.

XXXIV. XXXV.

XXXVI.
XXXVII.

XXXVIII

XXXIX.

XL.

CONTENTS. C1X
Page
As the Christians are innocent of sacrilege, so
also they are not guilty of treason against the
Emperors  407
To sacrifice for the Emperors, to those who are
no gods, is but a mockery  408
Christians pray constantly to the true God for
the Emperors, and for the well-being of the
state  411
This they are commanded to do by their
Scriptures  414
Christians pray for the continuance of the
Roman Empire, after which they expect the
day of judgment  416
Christians reverence the Emperor, as appointed
by God : but not as a god  419
Augustus would not be called Lord  421
The immoral festivities of the heathen are a
disgrace, rather than an honour, to the Em
peror  423
Their congratulations are insincere  425
Christians are bound to do good to all men  428
If they were enemies of the state, their num
bers would enable them to avenge themselves.. 430
The rapid increase of the number of Christians 431
¦ The harmless character of Christians ought to
protect them  434
Christians met constantly for public worship,
and reading the Scriptures  436
Elders presided; and distributed the common
fund  437
The mutual love of Christians  438
Their simple feast in common, hallowed by
prayer, and religious converse  440
Public calamities were unjustly ascribed to the
Christians  444
But rather arise from the impiety of the
heathens  448
All calamities are not judgments  449

CX CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
xlii. A refutation of the calumny that Christians
were useless members of society  450
xliii. Infamous men only had reason to complain of
the Christians  454
xliv. The innocency of Christians  455
xlv. Which arises from the principles which they
profess  457
xlvi. Christianity is not a species of philosophy  459
— Christians are superior to philosophers in their
knowledge of God  46l
— In the purity of their lives  — -
— In humility, and moral virtue  462
xlvii. The heathen philosophers borrowed largely
from the Scriptures ; but perverted their mean
ing  465
xlviii. Those who, with the Pythagoreans, believe a
transmigration of souls, may well believe the
possibility of a resurrection  470
— The restoration of man to life after death is
not so difficult to conceive as his first formation
from nothing  472
— The changes of the natural world render a
resurrection probable  473
— The phasnomena of lightning and volcanos
may be regarded as affording a presumption
that the punishment of the wicked in eternal
fire is possible  476
xlix. If the opinions of the Christians are prejudices,
they are at least innocent  478
l. Christians would gladly avoid suffering, al
though they cheerfully submit to it  480
— Their resolution is courage, not obstinacy : and
similar to that, which is applauded in others . . 481
— But persecution cannot crush Christianity  482
— The blood of Christians is the seed of the faith 484
— And their patience under martyrdom the most
effectual preacher  

CONTENTS. CXI

APPENDIX.

Note. Page
(A) On the preaching of St. Paul in the West. ... 485
— The probable duration of St. Paul's preaching
after his first imprisonment  —
— Evidence to prove that St. Paul visited Spain 486
— Evidence in favour of his preaching in Britain. 487
(B) On the Epistle of Clement, c. xvi. p. 16  —
Passages in which Clement speaks of the Di
vine nature of Christ  491
— Extract from the Epistle to Diognetus  492
(C) On Ignatius's Epistle to the Magnesians,
c. viii  495
(D) The Letters of the younger Pliny and Trajan
respecting the Christians  500

ERRATA.

Page
5. Note q, for 1 Kings xix. read 1 Sam. xix.
7. Note x, for Gen. ii. 22, read Gen, ii. 23.
9. Note i, for Isai. ii. 23, read James ii. 23.
16. Note e, add Hieron. ad Isa. c. iii. Opera, Tom. iii. p. 382.
19. Line 3, for Daniel, read David.
Note r, add Compare Acts xiii. 22, 1 Sam. xiii. 14.
26. Note d, line 12, 15, for Camis read Carnis.
28. Note m, omit Rom. ix. 19, 20.
46. Note 1, for Wisdom vi. 35, read Wisdom vi. 25.
51. Note t, for Ex. iv. read Ex. xiv.
61. Line 1, for chosen, read truly chosen.
62. Line 2, after evil for evil, insert or railing for railing.
66. Line 2, after his own lusts, insert and says there is neither resurrection nor
judgment.
69. Note s, for Ps. iv. 5, read Ps. iv. 4.
74. Note k, for Acts v. 26, read Acts v. 36.
83. Note k, for Ps. xijv. 8. cxxxii. 2, read Ps. xlv. 7. cxxxiii. 2.
85. Note p, for 1 Cor. xiv. 30, read 1 Cor. xiv. 36.
89. Line 7, for commandments, read commandment.
108. Note n, for Col. i. 21, read Phil. i. 21.
116. Note i, for Joh. ii. 8, read Joh. iii. 8.
177. Line 18, after death, insert as an atheist or impious.
183. Note n, for Isai. iv. 12—20, read Isai. XLiv. 12—19.
194. Line 17, for place, read way.
194. Note b, for Matt. v. 15, read Matt. v. 16.
216. Line 3, for swine, read goats.
224. Note m, for Matt. i. 2, 3, read Matt. i. 23.
228. Note c, for Ps. xxi. 17, 19, read Ps. xxii. 16, 18.
244. Notes, for Isai. lx. 10, 11, 12, read Isai. Lxiv. 10, 11, 12.
262. Line 1, for Timceus, read Timseus.
Note k, line 4, for Timoeus, read Timajus.
299. Note c, for Acts xix. 25, read Acts xix. 35.
323. Line 10, for I refer the fables, read I refer to the fables.
340. Notec./m- Baruch, vi. 19, read Baruch, vi. 22.
352. Line 4 from bottom, for kind, read kinds.
366. Line 6, for five hundred years, read five hundred years more.

T H E

EPISTLE OF CLEMENT

TO THE

CORINTHIANS.

The Church of God which is at Rome to
the Church of God which is at Corinth, called,
sanctified by the will of God, through our Lord
Jesus Christ, grace to you and peace from Al
mighty God, through Jesus Christ, be multiplied.
1. The sudden and repeated dangers and
calamities which have befallen us, brethren, have,
we fear, made us too slow in giving heed to those
things which ye enquired of us, as well as to
that wicked and detestable sedition, altogether
unbecoming the elect of God, which a few
hasty and selfwilled persons have excited to such
a degree of madness, that your venerable and
renowned name, so worthy of the love of all
men, is thereby greatly blasphemed. For who
that hath sojourned among you hath not ex
perienced the firmness of your faith, and its
fruitfulness in all good works? and admired
the temper and moderation of your piety in
Christ? and proclaimed the magnificent spirit of
A

THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT

your hospitality ? and thought you happy in your
perfect and certain knowledge (of the gospel)?
For ye did all things without respect of per
sons ; and walked according to the laws of God ;
being subject to those who had the rule over
you ; and giving to the elders among you the
honour which was due. Young men ye com
manded to think those things which are modest
and grave. Women ye exhorted to perform all
things with an unblameable, and seemly, and
pure conscience ; loving their own husbands as
was fitting: ye taught them, also, to be subject
to the rule of obedience, and to order their houses
gravely with all discretion.
2. Ye were all of you humble minded, a not
boasting of any thing, desiring rather to be sub
ject than to govern ; to give, than to receive ; b
being content with the portion which God had
dispensed unto you : and hearkening diligently
to his word, ye were enlarged in your bowels,0
having his sufferings always before your eyes.
Thus a deep and fruitful peace d was given to
you all, and an insatiable desire of doing good ;
and a plentiful effusion of the Holy Ghost was
a 1 Pet. v. 5. b Acts xx. 35. c 2 Cor. vi. 11, 12.
d elptjurj pladeia k«i \iirapct.
The metaphor appears to refer to a soil which is deep and
fertile. Thus Chrysostom Horn. 52 on Genesis — e'l$i>Tes on
ov Kara irerpwv a-Treiponev, d\\' el<s \nrapdv k<x\ /3advyeu>v ko-
Ta/3aAAo/iev tc2 aireppcnct. Vol. I. p. 420. 37- Savile.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

upon all of you. And, being full of holy counsel,
ye did, with great readiness of mind, and re
ligious confidence, stretch forth your hands to
Almighty God, beseeching him to be merciful,
if in any thing ye had unwillingly sinned. Ye
contended day and night for the whole brother
hood, that with compassion and a good conscience
the number of his elect might be saved. Ye
were sincere and without offence : not mindful
of injuries one towards another. All sedition
and all schism was an abomination unto you.
Ye mourned over the sins of your neighbours,
esteeming their defects your own. Ye were kind
one to another without grudging ; ready to every
good work. Ye were adorned with a conversation
entirely virtuous and religious ; and did all
things in the fear of God. The commandments
of the Lord were written upon the tables of
your heart.6
3. All honour and enlargement was given
unto you. Then was fulfilled that which is
written : " My beloved did eat and drink, he
was enlarged, and waxed fat, and kicked." f
Hence arose envy, and strife, and sedition; per
secution and disorder, war and captivity. Thus
they that were of no renown lifted up themselves
against the honourable ; those of no reputation
e Prov. vii. 3. 2 Cor. iii. 3. f Deut. xxxii. 15.
a 2

* THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
against those that were in respect; the foolish
against the wise ; the young against the elders.
Therefore righteousness and peace are departed
from you, because every one of you hath forsaken
the fear of God, and is become blind in his faith,
and walks not by the rule of God's command
ments, nor regulates himself as is fitting in Christ.
But every one follows his own wicked lusts,
having taken up unjust and wicked envy, by
which even death entered into the world.
4. For thus it is written ; " And it came
to pass, after certain days, that Cain brought of
the fruit of the ground an offering unto the
Lord. And Abel he also brought of the first
lings of his flock, and of the fat thereof. And
God had respect unto Abel and unto his offering ;
but unto Cain and to his offering he had not
respect. And Cain was very sorrowful, and his
countenance fell. And God said unto Cain,
Why art thou sorrowful ? And why is thy coun
tenance fallen? If thou shalt offer aright, but
not divide aright, hast thou not sinned ? Hold
thy peace. B Unto thee shall be his desire ; and
thou shalt rule over him. And Cain said unto
Abel his brother, Let us go aside into the field. h
6 According to the version of the Septuagint. So Irenaeus
iv. 34. h The Samaritan Pentateuch, Septuagint, Vulgate and
other Versions supply these words, which are wanting in the
Hebrew copies.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

And it came to pass as they were in the field
that Cain rose up against Abel his brother and
slew him." ' Ye see, brethren, envy and jealousy
wrought the murder of a brother. Through
envy, our father Jacob fled from the face of his
brother Esau. k Envy caused Joseph to be per
secuted even unto death, and to come into bond
age. ' Envy compelled Moses to flee from the
face of Pharaoh king of Egypt ; when he heard
his own countryman say, Who made thee a
judge and a ruler over us ? wilt thou kill me, as
thou killedst the Egyptian yesterday? m Through
envy, Aaron and Miriam" were shut out of the
camp. ° Envy sent Dathau and Abiram quick
into the grave, because they raised up a sedition
against Moses the servant of God. p Through
envy, David was not only hated of strangers,
but persecuted even by Saul, the king of Israel. q
5. But, not to dwell upon ancient examples,
let us come to those who in these last days
have wrestled manfully for the faith ; let us ti»ke
the noble examples of our own age. Through
envy and jealousy, the faithful and most righteous
pillars of the Church have been persecuted even
' Gen. iv. 3 — 8. k Gen. xxviii. ' Gen. xxxvii.
m Exod. ii. 14.
n Miriam is said to have been shut out from the camp,
Numb. xii. 14, 15, but not Aaron.
0 Num. xii. 14, 15. p Num. xvi. 33.
i 1 Kings xix.

THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT

to the most dreadful deaths. Let us place
before our eyes the good Apostles. Peter, by
unjust envy, underwent not one or two but
many labours; and thus having borne testimony
unto death he went unto the place of glory
which was due to him. Through envy, Paul
obtained the reward of patience. Seven times
was he in bonds ; he was scourged ; was stoned. r
He preached both in the east and in the west,
leaving behind him the glorious report of his
faith. And thus, having taught the whole world
righteousness, and reached the furthest extremity
of the west, s he suffered martyrdom, by the com
mand of the governors, * and departed out of this
world, and went to the holy place, having become
a most exemplary pattern of patience.
6. To these holy apostles was added a great
number of other godly men, who having through
envy undergone many insults and tortures, have
left a most excellent example to us. Through
envy, women" have been persecuted; and suffer
ing grievous and unutterable torments, have
finished the course of their faith with firmness,

r 2 Cor. xi. 25.
5 See note (A) at the end of the Volume.
1 Probably of Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the
two prefects of the prastorian cohorts, appointed by Nero in
the place of Burrus. Tacit. Annal. xiv. 51.
" The words, "the Danaides and Dirce," here inserted,
appear to be an interpolation.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

and, though weak in body, have received a
glorious reward. Envy hath alienated the minds
of wives from their husbands, and changed that
which was spoken by our father Adam, " This is
now bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh." x
Envy and strife have overthrown great cities,
and utterly rooted out mighty nations.
7. These things, beloved, we write unto you,
not only to instruct you, but to remind ourselves:
for we are enclosed in the same lists, and must
engage in the same combat. Wherefore let us
lay aside all vain and empty cares, and come up
to the glorious and honourable rule of our holy
calling. Let us consider what is good, and ac
ceptable, and well pleasing in the sight of him
that made us.7 Let us look stedfastly to the
blood of Christ, and see how precious his blood
is in the sight of God, which, being shed for
our salvation, hath obtained the grace of repent
ance to the whole world. Let us look to all
past generations, and learn that from age to age
the Lord hath given place for repentance to all
such as would turn to him. Noah preached re
pentance : and as many as hearkened to him were
saved.2 Jonah a denounced destruction against
the Ninevites: and they, repenting of their sins,
appeased the wrath of God by their prayers; and
x Gen. ii. 22. v 1 Tim. v. 4.
* '2 Pet. ii. 5. Gen. vii. "¦ Jon. iii. 5.

8 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
received salvation although they were strangers
(to the covenant) of God.
8. • The ministers of the grace of God have
spoken, by the Holy Spirit, of repentance : and
even the Lord of all hath himself declared with
an oath concerning it, "As I live, saith the
Lord, I desire not the death of a sinner, but
rather that he should repent :"b adding also this
good exhortation ; " Turn from your iniquity, O
house of Israel.0 Say unto the children of my
people, though your sins should reach from earth
to heaven, and though they should be redder
than scarlet d and blacker than sackcloth, yet if
ye shall turn to me with all your heart, and
shall say, Father ! e I will hearken to you as
unto an holy people." And in another place,
he saith on this wise : " Wash you, make you clean,
put away the evil of your souls from before mine
eyes. Cease from your wickednesses : learn to
do well : seek judgment : relieve the oppressed :
judge the fatherless; and plead for the widow.
Come now and let us reason together (saith
the Lord.) Though your sins be as scarlet, I
will make them white as snow: though they be
like crimson, I will make them white as wool.
If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the
good of the land. But if ye refuse and obey
b Ezek. xxxiii. 11. c Ezek. xviii. 30 — 32.
d Isai. i. 18. ' Jer. iii. 4. If).

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

not, the sword shall devour you : for the mouth
of the Lord hath spoken these things."f God
hath thus appointed by his almighty will, desiring
that all his beloved should come to repentance.
9. Wherefore let us obey his excellent and
glorious will : and imploring his mercy and good
ness, let us fall down before him, and turn our
selves to his mercy, laying aside all labour after
vanities, and strife, and envy which leads to
death. Let us look earnestly to those who have
perfectly ministered to his excellent glory. Let
us take Enoch (for our example), who being found
righteous in obedience was translated, and his
death was not known.8 Noah being found faith
ful, did by his ministry preach regeneration to
the world ; h and the Lord saved by him all the
living creatures, which entered with one accord
into the ark.
10. Abraham, who was called the friend (of
God), ' was found faithful, inasmuch as he
obeyed the words of God. He, in obedience,
went out of his own country, and from his kin
dred, and from his father's house, k that by thus
forsaking a small country, and a weak kindred,
and a mean house, he might inherit the pro-
f Isai. i. 16—20. s Gen. v. 24. Heb. xi. 5.
h Gen. vi. vii. viii.
1 2 Chron. xx. 7- Is xll 8. Isai. ii. 23.
k Heb. xi. 8.

10 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
mises of God. For " (God) said to him : Get
thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred,
and from thy father's house, unto a land which
I will shew thee. And I will make thee a
great nation: and I will bless thee, and make
thy name great ; and thou shalt be blessed.
And I will bless them that bless thee; and
curse them that curse thee : and in thee shall
all families of the earth be blessed." ' And again,
when he separated himself from Lot, God said
unto him; " Lift up now thine eyes, and look
from the place where thou art, northward, and
southward, and eastward, and westward. For all
the land which thou seest, to thee will I give
it, and to thy seed for ever. And I will make
thy seed as the dust of the earth ; so that if
a man can number the dust of the earth, then
shall thy seed also be numbered." m
And again he saith, " God brought forth
Abraham and said unto him, Look now towards
heaven and tell the stars, if thou be able to
number them ; so shall thy seed be. And Abra
ham believed God, and it was counted to him
for righteousness."11 Through faith and hospi
tality a son was given unto him in his old age :
and through obedience he offered him up in
1 Gen. xii. 1—3. ¦» Gen. xiii. 14—16.
" Gen. xv. 5, ri. Rom. iv. 3.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 11
sacrifice to God, upon one of the mountains
which God shewed unto him.
11. By hospitality and godliness, Lot was
saved out of Sodom, when all the country round
about was punished with fire and brimstone :
the Lord thereby making it manifest, that he
will not forsake those that trust in him ; but
will bring to punishment and correction those
who decline from his ways. For his wife, who
went out with him, being of a different mind,
and not continuing in the same obedience, was
for that reason set forth for an example, and
became a pillar of salt unto this day. That all
men may know, that those who are double-minded,
and distrustful of the power of God, are prepared
for condemnation, and to be a sign to all gene
rations. 12. By faith and hospitality was Rahab the
harlot saved. ° For when the spies were sent by
Joshua the son of Nun to search out Jericho,
the king of the country knew that they were
come to spy out his land, and sent men to
take them and put them to death. But the hos
pitable Rahab received them ; and hid them
under the stalks of flax on the top of her house.
And when the men that were sent by the king
came unto her, and asked her, saying, p There
0 Josh. ii. f Josh. ii. 3.

12 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
came men unto thee to spy out the land ; bring
them forth, for so hath the king commanded;
she answered, The two men, whom ye seek, came
in unto me, but presently they departed and
are gone ; not discovering them unto them.
Then she said to the spies, I know that the
Lord your God hath given you this city:q for
the fear of you, and the dread of you, is fallen
upon all that dwell therein. When therefore ye
shall have taken it, ye shall save me and my
father's house. r And they said unto her, It shall
be as thou hast spoken unto us. Therefore when
thou shalt know that we are near, thou shalt
gather all thy family together upon the house
top, and they shall be saved ; but all that shall
be found without thy house shall be destroyed.
Moreover they gave her a sign, that she shoidd
hang out of her house a (line of) scarlet (thread):
shewing thereby, that by the blood of our Lord5
¦> Josh. ii. 9. r Josh. ii. 13.
• Fanciful as the illustration here given may seem, it was
a favourite notion of many of the early Christian writers.
Justin Martyr, in his dialogue with Trypho, p. 338, says,
"The sign of the scarlet thread, which the spies, sent from
Joshua the son of Nun, gave to Rahab the harlot in Jericho,
commanding her to hang it to the window by which she let
them down that they might escape their enemies, was in like
manner a sign of the blood of Christ, by which those of all
nations, who were once harlots and sinners, are saved, receiving
forgiveness of sins, and sinning no more." Irenseus Hseres.
iv. 37- makes the same use of the history. " So also Rahab
the harlot, although she condemned herself as a gentile and
guilty

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 13
there should be redemption to all who believe and
hope in God. Ye see, beloved, that there was not
only faith, but prophecy also in this woman.
13. Let us, therefore, be humble minded,
brethren, laying aside all pride, and boasting,
and foolishness, and anger ; and let us do as it
is written. For thus saith the Holy Spirit ;
" Let not the wise man glory in his wisdom ;
nor the strong man in his strength, nor the
rich man in his riches ; but let him that glorieth
glory in the Lord, to seek him, and to exercise
judgment and righteousness." ' Above all, re
membering the words of the Lord Jesus, which
he spake, teaching us gentleness and long suf
fering. For thus he said : " Be merciful, that
ye may obtain mercy : forgive, that it may be
forgiven unto you. As ye do, so shall it be
done unto you : as ye give, so shall it be given
unto you: as ye judge, so shall ye be judged:
guilty of all kinds of sin, did yet receive the three spies, who
were searching the whole land, and hid them in her house,
that is to say, the Father, and Son and Holy Ghost. And
when all the city in which she dwelt had fallen in ruins, at the
sound of the seven trumpets, Rahab the harlot was at the last
saved, with all her house, by faith in the sign of the scarlet
thread ; as the Lord also said to the Pharisees, who received
not his coming, and set at nought the crimson sign, which
was the passover, the redemption and deliverance of the
people out of Egypt, saying; the publicans and harlots go
into the kingdom of heaven before you."
Cotelerius refers to many other passages of the same kind.
1 Jer. ix. 23. 1 Cor. i. 31.

14 • THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
as ye shew kindness, so shall kindness be shewed
to you. With what measure ye mete, with the
same shall it be measured to you." u By this
command, and by these rules, let us establish
ourselves, that so we may always walk obedi
ently to his holy words, being humble-minded.
For thus saith the holy word, " Upon whom shall
I look, but upon him that is meek and quiet,
and trembleth at my words.""
14. It is therefore just and holy, men and
brethren, that we should become obedient unto
God, rather than follow those who through pride
and sedition have made themselves the leaders
of a detestable emulation. For we shall undergo
no ordinary harm, but exceedingly great danger,
if we shall rashly give ourselves up to the wills
of men, who are urgent in promoting strife and
contention, to turn us aside from that which is
good. Let us be kind to one another according
to the compassion and sweetness of him that
made us. For it is written, " The merciful shall
inherit the earth ; and they that are without
evil shall be left upon it. y But the transgres
sors shall perish from off (the face of) it." And
again he saith, " I have seen the wicked in great
power, and spreading himself like the cedars of
Libanus. And I passed by, and lo, he was not:
u Luke vi. 36—38. Matt. vii. 1, 2 — 12.
" Isai. Lxvi. 2. >' Ps. xxxvii. 9. Prov. ii. 21.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 15
and I sought his place, but it could not be
found. Keep innocency, and do the thing that
is right ; for there shall be a remnant to the
peaceable man." z
15. Let us therefore hold fast to those who
follow peace with godliness, and not to such as
with hypocrisy pretend to desire it. For he saith
in a certain place, " This people honoureth me
with their lips, but their heart is far from me." a
And again, " They bless with their mouth, but
curse with their heart."" And again he saith,
" They loved him with their mouth, and with
their tongue they lied unto him. For their heart
was not right with him, neither were they faithful
in his covenant." c " Let all deceitful lips become
dumb, and the tongue that speaketh proud things.
Who have said, with our tongue will we prevail ;
our lips are our own : who is Lord over us ? For
the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of
the needy, now will I arise, saith the Lord: I
will set him in safety : I will deal confidently
with him."d
16. For Christ is theirs who are humble, not
theirs who exalt themselves over his flock. The
sceptre of the Majesty of God, our Lord Jesus
Christ, came not in the pomp of pride and arro-
1 Ps. xxxvii. 35 — 37- * Isai. xxix. 13.
b Ps. Lxii. 4. c Ps. Lxxviii. 36, 37-
d Ps. xii. 4. xxxi. 18.

16 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
gance, although he was able (to have done so) ; e
but with humility, as the Holy Ghost had spoken
concerning him/ For thus he saith : g " Lord who
hath believed our report? and to whom is the
arm of the Lord revealed? We have declared
before him as (if he were) a child : as a root in
a thirsty ground. For there is no form in him,
nor glory. Yea we saw him, and he had no
form nor comeliness : but his form was without
honour, marred more than the sons of men. He
is a man in stripes and sorrow, and acquainted
with the endurance of infirmity. For his face
was turned away ; he was despised, and esteemed
not. He beareth our sins, and is put to grief
for us ; and we did esteem him to be in sorrow,
and in stripes, and in affliction. But he was
wounded for our transgressions ; and bruised for
our iniquities. The chastisement of our peace
was upon him ; with his stripes we are healed.
All we, like sheep, have gone astray: man hath
gone astray in his way ; and the Lord hath
given him up for our sins; and he opened not
his mouth through his suffering. He was led as
a sheep to the slaughter, and like a lamb dumb
before his shearer, so opened he not his mouth.
e Jerome, who translated this Epistle into Latin, appears
to have read naiwep irdv-ra Ivvuixeuoi, ' although he was able to
do all things.'
f See note (B) at the end of the volume.
* Isai. Liii. according to the Septuagint.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 17
In his humiliation his judgment was taken
away : and who shall declare his generation ; for
his life is taken from the earth. For the trans
gressions of my people he cOmeth to death. And
I will give the wicked for his tomb, and the
rich for his death. Because he did no iniquity,
neither was guile found in his mouth. And
the Lord is pleased to purify him with stripes.
If ye make an offering for sin, your soul shall
see a long-lived seed. And the Lord is pleased
to lighten the travail of his soul, to shew him
light, to form him in understanding, to justify
the just one who ministereth well to many:
and he himself shall bear their sins. For this
cause he shall inherit many : and shall divide the
spoil of the strong ; because his soul was given
up to death, and he was numbered with the trans
gressors : and he bare the sins of many, and was
given over for their sins." And again he himself
saith ; " But I am a worm and no man, a reproach
of men, and despised of the people. All they
that see me laugh me to scorn : they shoot out
their lips, they shake their head, (saying,) He
trusted in the Lord, let him deliver him, let him
save him, seeing he delighteth in him." h Ye see,
beloved, what the pattern is which hath been
given unto us. For if the Lord was so humble-
h Ps. xxii. 6.

18 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
minded, what should we do, who are brought by
him under the yoke of his grace?
17. Let us be followers of those also, who
went about in goat-skins and sheep-skins, *
preaching the coming of Christ. Such were
Elijah and Elisha, and Ezekiel, the prophets,
and moreover those who have received the like
testimony. Abraham was honoured with a good
report, and was called the friend of God : k and
he, stedfastly beholding the glory of God, saith
with all humility, I am dust and ashes. 1 Again,
of Job it is thus written, " Job was just, and
blameless, true, one that served God, and eschewed
all evil." m Yet he, accusing himself, saith,
" No man is free from pollution, no, not though
he should live but one day." n Moses was called
faithful in all God's house, ° and by his conduct
the Lord punished Israel by stripes and plagues.
And even this man so greatly honoured, spake
not greatly of himself, but when the oracle of God
was delivered to him out of the bush, he said,
" Who am I that thou dost send me ? I am of
1 Heb. xi. 37.
k 2 Chron. xx. 7. Isai. xi,i. 8. James ii. 23.
1 Gen. xviii. 27- m Job i. 1 .
n Job xiv. 4. Septuagint. Thus Cyprian, Test, ad Quiri-
num 1. 3, c. 54. "Apud Job; Quis enim mundus a sordibus?
Nee unus, etiamsi unius diei sit vita ejus in terra. Jerome,
on Isai. Liii. and on Ps. Li. quotes the passage in the same
manner. 0 Num. xii. 7. Heb. iii. 2.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 19
a slender voice and of a slow tongue." p And again
he saith : " I am as the smoke of the pot." q
18. Again, what shall we say of Daniel who
hath obtained so good a report? to whom God
said, " I have found a man after mine own
heart, David the son of Jesse : with my holy oil
have I anointed him." r But yet he himself saith
unto God; " Have mercy upon me, O God, ac
cording to thy great kindness, and according unto
the multitude of thy tender mercies, blot out my
transgression. Wash me throughly from mine
iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. For I
acknowledge mine iniquity, and my sin is ever
before me. Against thee only have I sinned,
and done this evil in thy sight, that thou mightest
be justified when thou speakest, and overcome
when thou judgest. For, behold, I was shapen
in wickedness, and in sin did my mother conceive
me. For behold thou lovedst truth; the secret
and hidden things of wisdom hast thou revealed
unto me. Thou shalt purge me with hyssop*
and I shall be clean : thou shalt wash me, and I
shall be whiter than snow. Thou shalt make me
to hear joy and gladness ; the bones which have
been broken shall rejoice. Turn thy face from

p Exod. iii. 11. iv. 10.
i These words are not found in the Pentateuch. See Ps.
cxix. 83. Hos. xiii. 3.
r Ps. Lxxxix. 20. p. 2

20 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
my sins, and blot out all mine iniquities. Create
in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right
spirit within me. Cast me not away from thy
presence, and take not thy Holy Spirit from me.
Restore unto me the joy of thy salvation, and
establish me with the guidance of thy spirit. I
will teach sinners thy ways, and the ungodly
shall be converted unto thee. Deliver me from
blood, O God, thou God of my salvation. My
tongue shall rejoice in thy righteousness. O Lord,
open thou my lips, and my mouth shall shew
forth thy praise. For if thou hadst desired sacri
fice, I would have given it: thou delightest not
in burnt offerings. The sacrifices of God are a
broken spirit : a broken and contrite heart God
will not despise."3
19. Thus the humility and godly fear of
such great and excellent men, whose praise is in
the Scriptures, hath, by means of their obedience,
improved not only us, but generations before us,
even as many as have received his holy oracles
in fear and truth. Having therefore so many,
and great, and glorious examples transmitted to
us, let us turn again to that mark of peace which
from the beginning was set before us: let us
look stedfastly up to the Father and Creator of
the universe, and hold fast by his glorious and
exceeding gifts and benefits of peace. Let us
1 Ps. Li.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 21
see him with our understanding, and look with
the eyes of our soul to his long-suffering will :
calling to mind how gentle and slow to anger
he is towards his whole creation.
20. The heavens, peaceably revolving by his
appointment, are subject unto him. Day and
night perform the course appointed by him, in
no wise interrupting one another. By his ordi
nance, the sun and moon, and all the compa
nies of stars, roll on, in harmony, without any
deviation, within the bounds allotted to them. In
obedience to his will, the pregnant earth yields
her fruit plentifully in due season to man and
beast, and to all creatures that are therein ; not
hesitating nor changing any thing which was de
creed by him. The unsearchable secrets of the
abyss, and the untold judgments of the lower
world, are restrained by the same commands. The
hollow depth of the vast sea, gathered together
into its several collections by his word, passes
not its allotted bounds ; but as he commanded,
so doth it. For he said, "Hitherto shalt thou
come, and thy waves shall be broken within thee.'"
The ocean impassable to mankind, and the worlds
which are beyond it, are governed by the same
commands of their master. Spring and summer,
and autumn and winter, give place peaceably to
one another. The winds, in their stations, per7
' Job xxxviii. 1 1.

22 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
form their service without interruption, each in
his appointed season. The ever-flowing fountains,
ministering both to pleasure and to health, without
ceasing put forth their , breasts to support the life
of man. Nay, the smallest of living creatures
maintain their intercourse in concord and peace.
All these hath the great Creator and Lord of all
things ordained to be in peace and concord; for
he is good to all ; but above measure to us, who
flee to his mercy, through our Lord Jesus Christ,
to whom be glory and majesty, for ever and ever;
Amen. 21. Take heed, beloved, that his rnany bless
ings be not turned into condemnation to us all.
(For thus it will surely be) unless we walk worthy
of him, and with one consent do that which is
good and well-pleasing in his sight. For he
saith in a certain place, " The spirit of the Lord
is a candle, searching out the inward parts of
the belly."" Let us consider how near he is, and
that none of our thoughts or reasonings which
we frame within ourselves are hid from him. It
is therefore just that we should not desert our
ranks, (by declining) from his will. Let us choose
to offend men, who are foolish and inconsiderate,
lifted up, and glorying in the pride of their
reasoning, rather than God. Let us reverence
our Lord Jesus Christ, whose blood was given
11 Sec Prov. xx. 27-

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 23
for us. Let us honour those who are set over
us ; let us respect our elders, let us instruct our
young men in the discipline and fear of the Lord.
Our wives let us direct to that which is good.
Let them shew forth the lovely habit of purity
(in all their conversation) with a sincere affection
of meekness. Let them make manifest the go
vernment of their tongues by their silence. Let
their charity - be without partiality, x exercised
equally to all who religiously fear God. Let
our children partake of the instruction of Christ ;
let them learn of how great avail humility is
before God, what power a pure charity hath with
him, how excellent and great his fear is, saving
such as live in it with holiness and a pure con
science. For he is a searcher of the thoughts
and counsels (of the heart) : whose breath is in
us, and when he pleases, he takes it away.
22. All these things the faith which is in
Christ confirms. For he himself, by the Holy
Ghost thus speaks to us. y " Come ye children,
hearken unto me ; I will teach you the fear of
the Lord. What man is he that desireth life,
and loveth to see good days? Keep thy tongue
from evil, and thy lips from speaking guile.
Depart from evil, and do good ; seek peace, and
ensue it. The eyes of the Lord are upon the
righteous ; and his ears are open unto their
x 1 Tim. v. 21. ¦ y Ps. xxxiv. 11—17-

24 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
prayer. But the face of the Lord is against
them that do evil, to cut off the remembrance
of them from the earth. The righteous cried, and
the Lord heard him ; and delivered him out of
all his troubles. Many are the plagues of the
wicked : but they that trust in the Lord, mercy
shall compass them about."2
23. Our all merciful and beneficent Father
hath bowels of compassion towards them that
fear him ; and kindly and lovingly bestows his
graces upon such as come to him with a simple
mind. Wherefore let us not be double-minded,
neither let us have any doubt in our hearts, of his
excellent and glorious gifts. Let that be far
from us which is written, " Miserable are the
double-minded, and those who are doubtful in
their hearts ; a who say, These things have we
heard, even from our fathers; and lo, we are
grown old, and nothing of them hath happened
unto us. O fools ! Compare yourselves unto a
tree: take the vine (as an example to you).
First it sheds its leaves ; then comes forth the
bud, then the leaf, then the flower; after that
the unripe grape, and then the perfect fruit."
Ye see how, in a little time, the fruit of a tree
comes to maturity. Of a truth, yet a little
while, and his will shall suddenly be accomplished:
the Scripture also bearing witness, " that He
z Ps. xxxii. 10. » James i. 8,

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 25
shall quickly come, and" shall not tarry : and that
the Lord shall suddenly come to his temple, even
the Holy One, whom ye look for." b
24. Let us consider, beloved, how the Lord
doth continually shew us, that there shall be
a future resurrection, of which he hath made
our Lord Jesus Christ the first fruits, raising
him from the dead. Let us contemplate, be
loved, the resurrection which is continually taking
place. Day and night declare to us a resur
rection. c The night lies down, the day arises :
again, the day departs, and the night comes on.
Let us behold the fruits (of the earth). Every
one sees how the seed is sown. The sower goes
forth, and casts it upon the earth, and the seed
which, when it was sown, fell upon the earth
dry and naked, in time is dissolved ; and from
this dissolution the mighty power of the provi
dence of the Lord raises it, and out of one seed
many arise and bring forth fruit.
25. Let us consider that wonderful sign,
which occurs in the regions of the East, in
Arabia. There is a certain bird, called a Phcenix.11
" Hab. ii. 3. Mal. iii 1.
.c See Tertullian Apol. chap. 48.
d The application, which Clement here makes of the sup
posed history of the Phcenix, has given rise to more discussion
than the question deserves. He was not likely to be better
informed upon a fact of Natural History, than his contempo-i
raries, Tacitus and Pliny: (Tacitus, Annal. vi. 28- Pliny, Hist.
Nat. x. 2.)

26 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
It is the only individual of its kind, and lives five
hundred years. When the time of its dissolution
draws near, that it must die, it makes itself a
nest of frankincense, and myrrh, and other
spices, into which, when its time is fulfilled, it
enters, and dies. But as the body decays, a cer
tain kind of worm is produced, which nourished by
the juices of the dead bird, puts forth feathers.
And when it is at length grown to a perfect state,
it takes up the nest in which the bones of its
parent lie, and carries it from Arabia into Egypt,
to the city called Heliopolis ; and, in open day,
flying in the sight of all men, places them upon
the altar of the sun, and, having done this, has
tens back to his abode. The priests, then, search
the records of the time, and find that it hath come
at the completion of the five hundredth year.
Nat. x. 2.) Historians, from Herodotus (ii. 73.) downwards,
have related particulars of this imaginary bird, with circum
stances more or less fanciful: and Clement might, without
impropriety employ an illustration founded upon an alleged
fact, which was generally credited in the age in which he
lived: his object being, not to prove the fact of the resurrection;
but to shew that it is possible. Tertullian, Ambrose, (De fide
Resurrect, c. 8.) and many other Christian writers allude to
the Phoenix in the same manner. See Junius' note on Clem.
Rom. It does not appear that Clement applied to the phcenix
what is said of the palm-tree, Ps. xcii. 12. Job xxix. 18. as
Tertullian (De Resurrect. Camis, c. 13.) and others did, being
misled by the circumstance that, in the Greek translation, the
same word, cpointj expressed both. Compare Tertullian, Apol.
c. 48. De Resurrect. Camis, c. 12. Theophilus ad Autolycum,
Lib. i. p. 77- D. See Pearson on the Creed, Art. xi. p. 376.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 27
26. Shall we then think it to be any very
great and strange thing, for the Maker of all
things to raise up those that religiously serve
him in the assurance of a good faith, when even
by a bird he shews us the greatness of his (power
to fulfil his) promise. For he saith in a certain
place, " Thou shalt raise me up, and I shall
confess unto thee." And again, " I laid me down
and slept, and awaked, because thou art with
me." e And again Job saith, " Thou shalt raise
up this my flesh, which hath suffered all these
things." f
27- Having therefore this hope, let us hold
fast to him who is faithful in his promises, and
righteous in his judgments. He who hath com
manded us not to lie, much more will he not
himself lie. For nothing is impossible with God, e
but to lie. h Let his faith therefore be stirred up
again in us, and let us consider that all things
are near unto him. By the word of his power
he made all things ; and by his word he is able
to destroy them. Who shall say unto him, What
hast thou done ? or who shall resist the power
of his might ? ' He hath done all things when he
pleased, and as he pleased ; and nothing shall pass
away of all that hath been determined by him.
e Ps. iii. 5. f Job xix. 9.6.
e Mark x. 27- h Heb- vi. 18.
1 Wisd. xii. 12.

28 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
All things are open before him, and nothing is hid
from his counsel. " The heavens declare the
glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his handy
work. Day unto day uttereth speech, and night
unto night sheweth knowledge. There is no
speech nor language where their voices are not
heard." k
28. Since, then, all things are seen and heard
(by God,) let us fear him, and lay aside the wicked
works which proceed from impure desires, that
through his mercy we may be delivered from the
condemnation which is to come. For whither can
any of us escape from his mighty hand? Or what
world shall receive any of those who flee from
him ? For thus saith the Scripture in a certain
place: " Whither shall I flee, or where shall I
hide myself from thy presence ? If I go up to
heaven, thou art there : if I go to the uttermost
parts of the earth, there is thy right hand. If I
shall make my bed in the deep, there is thy
spirit."1 Whither then shall any one go, or
whither shall he flee from Him who comprehends
all things in himself.
29. Let us therefore come to him with holi
ness of mind, lifting up pure and undefiled hands
unto him:m loving our gracious and merciful
Father, who hath made us partakers of his elec-
" Ps. xix. 1, 2, 3. 1 ps. cxxxix. 7.
m 1 Tim. ii. 8. Rom. ix. 19, 20.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 29
tion. For thus it is written n " When the most
High divided the nations, when he separated the
sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the nations
according to the number of his angels. His peo
ple Jacob became the portion of the Lord, and
Israel the lot of his inheritance." And in another
place he saith, ° " Behold the Lord taketh unto
himself a nation from the midst of the nations,
as a man taketh the first fruits of his flour ; and
the most Holyp shall come out of that nation."
30. Wherefore we being a part of the Holy
One, let us do all things which pertain unto holi
ness, fleeing all evil-speaking against one another,
all filthy and impure embraces, together with all
drunkenness, youthful lusts, abominable concu
piscence, detestable adultery, and execrable pride.
" For God," saith he, " resisteth the proud, but
giveth grace unto the humble." q Let us there
fore cleave to those to whom God hath given
his grace. And let us be clothed with concord,
humble-minded, temperate, free from all whisper
ing and detraction, justified by our actions not
by our words. For he saith, r " He that speaketh
much, shall hear much in answer. Doth he who
is of fair speech count himself righteous ? Doth
he that is born of woman and liveth but a few
" Deut. xxxii. 8, 9- Septuagint. ° Deut. iv. 34.
p Greek, The holy of holies.
i Jam. iv. 6. 1 Pet. v. 5. r Job xi. 2, 3. Septuagint.

30 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
days think himself blessed ? Be not a man of
many words." s Let our praise be of God, not of
ourselves. For those that praise themselves God
hates. Let the testimony of our good works be
given by others, as it was given to the holy
men, our fathers. Boldness, and arrogance, and
confidence belong to them who are accursed of
God : but moderation, and humility and meekness
to those who are blessed by him.
31. Let us then lay hold on his blessing,
and consider by what means we may attain unto
it. Let us revolve in our minds those things
which have happened from the beginning. Where
fore was our father Abraham blessed ? Was it
not that through faith he wrought righteousness
and truth ? Isaac, being fully persuaded of that
which he knew was to come, cheerfully yielded
himself up for a sacrifice.' Jacob with humility
departed out of his own country, fleeing from
his brother, and went unto Laban, and served
him : and so the sceptre of the twelve tribes of
Israel was given unto him.
32. Whoever will carefully consider each
particular, will understand the greatness of the
s Greek, Be not much in words.
' This assertion may appear to disagree with Gen. xxii. 7.
The faith of Isaac in blessing "Jacob and Esau concerning
things to come," is commemorated, Heb. xi. 20. Chrysostom,
in his 47th Homily on Genesis, notices the willing obedience of
Isaac.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 31
gifts, which were given through him. For from
him came all the priests and Levites, who mi
nistered at the altar of God. From him came
our Lord Jesus Christ, according to the flesh."
From him came the kings and princes and rulers
in Judah. And the rest of his tribes were in
no small glory ; since God had promised, " Thy
seed shall be as the stars of heaven." x They were
all, therefore, glorified and magnified, not for
their own sake or for their works, or for the
righteous deeds which they had done, but through
his will. And we also, being called by his will
in Christ Jesus, are not justified by ourselves,
neither by our own wisdom, or knowledge, or
piety, or the works which we have done in ho
liness of heart; but by that faith by which
Almighty God hath justified all men from the
beginning : to whom be glory for ever and ever ;
Amen. 33. What shall we do, then, brethren ?
Shall we grow weary in well doing, and lay
aside charity? God forbid that any such thing
should be done by us. Rather let us hasten
with all earnestness and readiness of mind to
perfect every good work. For even the Creator
and Lord of all things himself rejoices in his
own works. For by his almighty power he esta
blished the heavens ; and by his incomprehensible
u Rom. ix. 5. x Gen. xv. 5. xxii. 17- xxviii. 14.

32 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
wisdom he adorned them. He also divided the
earth from the water which encompasses it, and
fixed it as a firm tower, upon the foundation of
his own will. By his appointment also he com
manded all the living creatures, that are upon
it, to exist. He created the sea and all the
creatures that are therein, and by his power en
closed them within their proper bounds. Above
all, with his holy and pure hands, he formed
man, the most excellent of his creatures, and the
greatest, as endowed with reason ; the impress
of his own image. For thus God saith: "Let
us make man after our image, and likeness."7
So God made man, male and female created he
them. Having thus furnished all these things,
he pronounced them good, and blessed them, and
said, Be fruitful and multiply/ We see how
all righteous men have been adorned with good
works. Wherefore even the Lord himself, having
adorned himself with his works, rejoiced. Having
therefore such an example, let us diligently fulfil
his will: and with all our strength work the
work of righteousness.
34. The good workman receives with confi
dence the bread of his labour : the idle and neg
ligent cannot look his employer in the face. We
must therefore be ready and active in well-doing ;
for from him are all things. And thus he foretells
y Gen. i. 26, 27- % Gen. i. 28.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 33
us : " Behold the Lord cometh, and his reward is
before his face, to render to every man according
to his work."a He warns us therefore beforehand
with all his heart, to this end, that we should
not be slothful and negligent in well doing.b Let
our boasting and our confidence be in God. Let
us submit ourselves to his will. Let us consider
the whole multitude of his angels, how ready
they stand to minister unto his will. For the
Scripture saith, " Ten thousand times ten thou
sand stood before him, and thousands of thousands
ministered unto him. And they cried, saying,
Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of Sabaoth ; all
creation is full of his glory.'" Wherefore let us
also, being conscientiously gathered together in
concord with one another, as with one mouth
cry earnestly unto him, that we may be partakers
of his great and glorious promises. For he saith ;
"Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have
entered into the heart of man the things which
he hath prepared for them that wait for him."d
35. How blessed and wonderful, beloved, are
the gifts of God ! Life in immortality ! bright
ness in righteousness ! truth in full assurance !
faith in confidence ! temperance in holiness !
And all these hath God subjected to our under-
a Isai. xl. 10. Lxii. 11. Rev. xxii. 11.
b Gal. vi. 9- 2 Thess. iii. 13. c Dan. vii. 10. Isai. vi. 3.
d 1 Cor. ii. 9- Isai. Lxiv. 4. C

34 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
standings. What therefore shall those things be
which he hath prepared for them that wait for
him? The Creator and Father of the worlds,6
the most Holy, He (only) knows both the great
ness and beauty of them. Let us therefore
strive with all earnestness, that we may be found
in the number of those that wait for him, that
we may receive the gifts which he hath pro
mised. And how shall this be, beloved? by
fixing our minds through faith towards God, and
seeking the things which are pleasing and accept
able unto him: by acting conformably to his
holy will; and following the way of truth,
casting away from us all unrighteousness and
iniquity, covetousness, strife, evil manners, deceit,
whispering, detraction ; all hatred of God, pride
and boasting, vain glory and ambition/ For
they that do these things are hateful to God;
and not only they that do them, but also all
such as have pleasure in them that do them.6
For the Scripture saith, h "But to the ungodly
said God, Why dost thou preach my laws, and
takest my covenant in thy mouth ; whereas thou
hatest to be reformed, and hast cast my words
behind thee. If thou sawest a thief, thou didst
run with him, and with the adulterers thou didst
cast in thy lot. Thy mouth abounded in wick-
c tu>v alwviev. f 2 Cor. xii. 20. Rom. i. 29.
e Rom. i. 32. " Ps. l. 16—23. Septuagint.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 35
edness, and thy tongue contrived deceit. Thou
satest, and spakest against thy brother, and hast
slandered thine own mother's son. These things
hast thou done, and I held my tongue, and thou
thoughtest wickedly that I should be like unto
thee. But I will reprove thee, and set thyself
before thee. Consider, then, this, ye that forget
God, lest he tear thee in pieces, like a lion, and
there be none to deliver you. The sacrifice of
praise, that shall honour me ; and there is the
way, by which I will shew to him the salvation
of God." 36. This is the way, beloved, in which we
find the means of our salvation, Jesus Christ, the
high-priest of all our offerings, the defender and
helper of our weakness. By him we look up to
the highest heavens, and behold, as in a glass,
his spotless and most excellent countenance. By
him are the eyes of our hearts opened; by him
our foolish and darkened understanding rejoices
(to behold) his wonderful light. By him would
God have us to taste the knowledge of immor
tality, " Who being the brightness of his glory,
is by so much greater than the angels, as he hath
by inheritance obtained a more excellent name
than they." i For so it is written, " Who maketh
his angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of
fire."k "But to his Son, thus saith the Lord,
1 Heb. i. 2, 3. k Ps. civ. 4. Heb. i. 7-
c 2

36 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee.
Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen for
thine inheritance, and the utmost parts of the
earth for thy possession." ' And again he saith
unto him, " Sit thou on my right hand, until I
make thine enemies thy footstool."1" And who
then are his enemies? the wicked, and such as
oppose their own wills to the will of God.
37. Let us, therefore, wage (our heavenly)
warfare, men and brethren, with all earnestness
according to his holy commands. Let us consider
those who fight under our (earthly) governors, how
orderly, how readily, how obediently they perform
the commands which each receives. All are not
captains of the host, all are not commanders of a
thousand, nor of an hundred, nor of fifty, nor the
like. But each one, in his respective rank, per
forms what is commanded him by the king, and
those who are in authority. They who are great
cannot subsist without those who are small; nor
the small without the great. There must be a
mixture in all things, and hence arises their use.
Let us take our body as an example. n The
head without the feet is nothing : so neither the
feet without the head : and the smallest members
of our body are necessary, and useful to the .
whole body. But all conspire together, and are
1 Ps. ii. 7, 8. ™ Ps. ex. 1. Heb. i. 13.
n 1 Cor. xii. 13.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 3^
subject to one common use, the preservation of
the whole body.
38. Let, therefore, our whole body be saved
in Christ Jesus ; and let each one be subject to his
neighbour,0 according to the order in which he is
placed by the gift of God. Let not the strong
man despise the weak; and let the weak reverence
the strong. Let the rich man distribute to the
necessities of the poor; and let the poor bless
God, that he hath given to him one by whom
his want may be supplied. Let the wise man
shew forth his wisdom, not in words, but in good
works. Let him that is of humble mind not
bear witness to himself, but leave it to another
to bear witness of him. Let him, that is pure
in the flesh, glory not therein, knowing that it
was another who gave him the gift of continence.
Let us consider, therefore, brethren, whereof we
are made ; who, and what manner of beings, we
came into this world, as it were out of a sepulchre,
and darkness. He, who made us and formed us,
brought us into his own world. He prepared his
benefits for us, even before we were born. Having,
therefore, received all these blessings from him, we
ought in every thing to give thanks unto him : to
whom be glory for ever and ever ; Amen.
39- Foolish and unwise men, who have nei
ther prudence nor learning, may mock and deride
0 1 Pet. v. 5. Eph. v. 21.

38 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
us, wishing to set up themselves in their own
conceits. But what can mortal man do ? or what
strength is there in him that is made of the dust ?
For it is written, p " There was no shape before
mine eyes; only I heard a sound and a voice.
For what? shall man be pure before the Lord?
shall he be blameless in his works, if He trusteth
not in his servants, and hath charged his angels
with folly ? Yea the heaven is not clean in his
sight. How much less they that dwell in houses
of clay ; of which also we ourselves were made.
He smote them as a moth ; and from morning even
unto the evening they endure not. Because they
were not able to help themselves, they perished.
He breathed upon them, and they died ; because
they had no wisdom. Call now, if there be any
that will answer thee : and if thou wilt look to
any of the angels. For wrath killeth the foolish
man; and envy slayeth him that is in error. I
have seen the foolish taking root, but lo their
habitation was presently consumed. Be their chil
dren far from safety ; may they perish at the
gates of those who are less than themselves ; and
let there be no man to deliver them. For what
was prepared for them, the righteous shall eat:
and they shall not be delivered from evil."
40. Seeing, then, that these things are mani
fest unto us, we ought to take heed, that, look-
'' Job iv. 16. xv. 15. iv. 19.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 39
ing into the depths of divine knowledge, we do
all things in order, whatsoever our Lord hath
commanded us to do. That we perform our offer
ings'1 and service to God, at their appointed
seasons: for these he hath commanded to be
done not rashly and disorderly, but at certain
determinate times and hours. He hath himself
ordained by his supreme will both where and
by what persons they are to be performed, that
all things being piously done unto all well-
' In the early ages of the Church there was not only a
pecuniary collection made every Lord's day, for the benefit of
the poor, in compliance with the command of St. Paul, 1 Cor.
xvi. 1, 2. but certain offerings were placed upon the holy table
by the Minister. This was done, after the service of the Cate
chumens, and before the service of the faithful began. Justin
Martyr speaks of them in his First Apology, Sect. 16. and 87-
Irenaeus iv. 32. says, "The Lord gave his disciples command
to offer unto God the first-fruits of his creatures, not as if he
needed them, but that they themselves might be neither un
fruitful nor ungrateful. He took that which by its created
nature was bread, and gave thanks, saying, This is my body.
In like manner also he declared that, which by its present
created nature is the cup, to be his blood : and taught them to
make a new offering of the New Testament."
Hence the term oblation, irpoa-cpopd, is frequently used for
the celebration of the Eucharist itself; and sometimes for the
offerings thus made. Every one made these offerings, accord
ing to his ability, as the first-fruits of his increase. They were
applied to the general uses of the Church, to the support of
the ministry and of the poor. The common entertainment, or
feast of love, in which the rich and the poor met together at
the same table, either before, or soon after the celebration of
the Holy Sacrament, was probably furnished from this source.
In reference to these offerings, Bishops are described, in
this Epistle, c. 44, as those who "offer the gifts."

40 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
pleasing, they may be acceptable Unto his will.
They therefore who make their oblations at the
appointed seasons are accepted and happy: for
they sin not, inasmuch as they obey the com
mandments of the Lord. For to the chief-priest
his peculiar offices are given, and to the priests
their own place is appointed, and to the Levites
appertain their proper ministries. And the lay
man T is confined within the bounds of what is
commanded to laymen.
41. Let every one of you, brethren, bless God,
in his proper station, with a good conscience, and •
with all gravity, not exceeding the rule of his
service that is appointed to him. The daily sa
crifices are not offered every where, nor the peace-
offerings, nor the sacrifices appointed for sins and
transgressions, but only in Jerusalem. And even
there, they are not offered in every place, but only
r 6 A«7ko<; c\vQpunro<i.
There are no instances, among the few remains of the wri
tings of the Hellenistic Jews, in which the priests and Levites
are called kAjJ^o? and KAijptKut, as distinguished from the
rest of the people, Xa'iKoi. The word \<ziK<fc is used, however,
in Hellenistic Greek, to indicate that which is not consecrated ;
as 1 Sam. xxi. 4, aproi AaiVoi implies "common bread," in con
tradistinction to "hallowed bread," in Aquila, Symmachus,
and Theodotion. And in Ezek. XLviii. 15. Symmachus and
Theodotion have \ciU6v where Aquila has fieftriXov. Le Clerc
mentions these and several other instances, in which this word,
and even \dk6u>, are used in a corresponding sense.
Clement here uses the word XdUoi in a manner whioh shews
that the distinction between the clergy and the laity was fa
miliar to him.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 41
at the altar before the temple : that which is
offered being first diligently examined5 by the
high-priest, and the other ministers before-men
tioned. They, then, who do any thing which is
not agreeable to his will, are punished with death.
Consider, brethren, that the greater the knowledge
is, which hath been vouchsafed to us, the greater
is the danger to which we are exposed.
42. The apostles have preached to us from
our Lord Jesus Christ: Jesus Christ from God.
Christ therefore was sent by God ; and the apostles
by Christ. Thus both were orderly sent according
to the will of God. For having received their com
mand, and being thoroughly assured by the resur
rection of our Lord Jesus Christ, ' and convinced
by the word of God, with the fulness of the Holy
Spirit, they went forth, proclaiming, that the
kingdom of God was at hand. And thus preaching
through countries and cities, they appointed the first
fruits (of their conversions) to be bishops and minis
ters over such as should afterwards believe, having
first proved them by the Spirit. Nor was this any
new thing : seeing that long before it was written
concerning bishops and deacons. For thus saith the
Scripture in a certain place, " I will appoint their
* Ma>noo-Koirti8ei>. This word was used to signify peculiarly
the strict examination to which victims were subjected, both
under the Jewish law and by the customs of the gentiles. See
Polycarp's Epistle, Sect. 4.
' 1 Thess. i. 5.

42 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
overseers " in righteousness, and their ministers * in
faith." y
43. And what wonder, if they to whom such
a work was committed by God in Christ, established
such an order of men as hath been mentioned, since
even Moses, that happy and faithful servant in all
his house,7' set down in the holy Scriptures all
things that were commanded him. Whom also all
the other prophets followed, bearing witness with
one consent to what was written by him in the law.
For when a strife arose concerning the priesthood,
and the tribes contended which of them should be
adorned with that glorious name, he commanded
their twelve captains to bring him rods, inscribed
each according to the name of its tribe. And he
took and bound them, and sealed them with the
seals of the twelve princes of the tribes, and laid
them up in the tabernacle of witness, upon the
table of God. And when he had shut (the door of)
the tabernacle, he sealed up the keys of it, in like
manner as he had sealed the rods : and said unto
them, Men and brethren ; whichsoever tribe shall
have its rod blossom, that tribe hath God chosen,
to be priests and ministers before him. And when
the morning was come, he called together all
Israel, six hundred thousand men, and he shewed
the seals to the princes of the tribes, and opened
u eirttTKOTrovs. x hiaKouovt.
y See Isai. lx. 17- ' Heb. iii. 2. Num. xii. 7.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 43
the tabernacle of witness, and brought forth the
rods. And the rod of Aaron was found not only
to have blossomed, but also to have brought forth
fruit. a What think ye, beloved ? Did not Moses
know beforehand, that thus it would be ? Yes,
verily. But that there might be no division nor
tumult in Israel, he did in this manner, that the
name of the true and only God might be glori
fied : to him be honour for ever and ever ; Amen.
44. So likewise our Apostles knew by our Lord
Jesus Christ, that contentions should arise on
account of the ministry. And therefore, having a
perfect foreknowledge of this, they appointed per
sons, as we have before said, and then gave a
direction b in what manner, when they should die,
other chosen and approved men should succeed in
their ministry. Wherefore, we cannot think that
those may justly be thrown out of their ministry,
who were appointed by them, or afterwards chosen
by other eminent men, with the consent of the
whole Church,0 and who have with all lowliness
8 Num. xvii.
11 eirivofirj. Junius conceives this word to imply a descrip
tion of the duties attached to each office ; Salmasius renders it,
"a precept;" Archbishop Usher, "a prescribed order;" Marca,
"a form;" Hammond gives it the sense of "a catalogue or a
series and order of succession." Le Clerc imagines the mean
ing of Clement to be, that the Apostles not only appointed the
first Bishops, but selected, from the whole body of the Church,
those who should succeed them.
c A clear intimation is here given of the different parts
which

44 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
and innocency ministered to the flock of Christ in
peace, and without self-interest, and have been
for a long time commended by all. For it would
be no small sin in us, should we cast off those from
the ministry, who holily and without blame fulfil
the duties d of it. Blessed are those priests, who
which the clergy and people took in the ordination of a Bishop.
The first appointment rested with the Apostles and Bishops,
but the consent of the people was necessary. Cyprian, Epist.
Lxviii., plainly shews that this was the case. " In compliance
with divine tradition and apostolical usage, the custom must
diligently be observed and maintained, which is established
among us and in almost all other provinces; that, for the due
celebration of ordinations, the Bishops of all the adjoining pro
vinces are to repair to the people, over whom a Bishop is to be
ordained ; and then a Bishop shall be chosen, in the presence
of the people, who have had the fullest knowledge of the life
of each one, and been thoroughly acquainted with their man
ners and whole conversation." In his Lvth Epistle he says
also, " (Cornelius) was ordained Bishop by many of our col
leagues who were there present in Rome : he was ordained
Bishop by the judgment of God and of Christ, by the testimony
of almost all the clergy, with the assent of the people who
were there present, and by the assembly of antient priests and
holy men."
Origen, in his 6th Homily upon Leviticus, says " that the
presence of the people is necessary in the ordination of a
Bishop, that all may know and be well assured, that he who is
chosen to that office is distinguished among all the people for
his pre-eminence in learning, and holiness, and a virtuous life :
and this is done in the presence of the people, that there may
be no room for mistake or objection."
Bishop Fell, who gives two of these references, shews, in
his note, how exactly this primitive usage agrees with the
custom of the Church of England.
d irpoa-eveyKovTat -rd Zwpa, offering the gifts. See Note on
Sect. 40. The Eucharist itself was also styled " raunus con-
secratum," "munera sancta," " rj /ivo-tikii Ztopotpopia," and by
the

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 45
having finished their course before these times,
have obtained a fruitful and perfect dissolution.
For they have no fear lest any one should remove
them from the place appointed for them. But we
see how you have put out some, who conducted
themselves well, from the ministry which by their
innocence they had adorned.
45. Ye are contentious, brethren, and zealous
for things which pertain not unto salvation. Look
into the holy Scriptures, which are the true words
of the Holy Ghost. Ye know that nothing unjust
or counterfeit is written in them. There you shall
not find that righteous men were ever cast off by
those who were holy themselves. The just were
persecuted ; but it was by the unjust : they were
cast into prison ; but it was by the unholy : they
were stoned ; but it was by transgressors : they
were slain ; but it was by the wicked, and by such
as had taken up unjust envy against them. All
these sufferings they endured gloriously. For what
shall we say, brethren? Was it by those who feared
God that Daniel was cast into the den of lions ?
Was it by men, who worshipped the most High
with excellent and glorious worship, that Ananias,
Asarias, and Misael, were shut up in the fiery
furnace? God forbid. What manner of men,
therefore, were they who did these things ? they
the Ethiopians, expressly, Corban, that is to say, a gift; Mark
vii. 11,

46 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
were men abominable, full of all wickedness : men
so incensed as to afflict those who served God
with a holy and unblameable purpose of mind:
knowing not that the most High is the protector
and defender of all those who with a pure con
science serve his holy name: to whom be glory
for ever and ever ; Amen. And they who in the
fulness of faith have endured, are become inhe
ritors of glory and honour; and are exalted and
lifted up by God in their memorial for ever and
ever; Amen.
46. It is, therefore, brethren our duty to
cleave to such examples as these. For it is written,
" Hold fast to such as are holy ; for they that do
so shall be sanctified."6 And again in another
place he saith, "With the pure thou shalt be
pure, and with the elect thou shalt be elect, but
with the perverse man thou shalt be perverse." f
Let us therefore cleave to the innocent and right
eous ; for such are the elect of God. Wherefore
are there strifes, and anger, and divisions, and
schisms, and wars among us? Have we not all
one God, and one Christ ?g Is not one Spirit
of grace poured out upon us all ? Have we not
one calling in Christ ? Wherefore, then, do we
rend and tear in pieces the members of Christ:
and raise seditions against our own body? And
c See Wisd. vi. 35. 1 Cor. vii. 14.
' Ps. xviii. 26. k Eph. iv. 4. 1 Cor. xii.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 47
are come to such a height of madness, as to forget
that " we are members one of another." h Re
member the words of our Lord Jesus. For he
said; ' "Woe to that man (by whom offences come):
it were better for him that he had never been
born, than that he should have offended one of
mine elect. It were better for him, that a mill
stone should be hanged about his neck, and he
should be cast into the sea, than that he should
offend one of my little ones." Your schism hath
perverted many, hath discouraged many : it hath
thrown many into doubt, and all of us into grief.
And yet your sedition continues to prevail.
47. Take into your hands the epistle of the
blessed Paul the apostle. What did he first write
to you at the beginning of the Gospel. k Verily
h Rom. xii. 5.
1 Matt. xxvi. 24. Mark ix. 42. Luke xvii. 2. Matt, xviii. 6.
k The phrase, " in the beginning of the Gospel," which is
used by St. Paul, Phil. iv. 15., denotes either the period when
the Gospel was first preached, or the time when it was first
made known to any particular Church. The Corinthian
Church is here, then, called ancient, as having been founded
in the first ages of the Christian religion. The Churches, which
were first established, were always held in the highest honour.
Thus, Irenaeus iii. 3. eulogizes the Church of Rome, as "the
greatest and most ancient and well known Church, founded
and established by the two most glorious Apostles, Peter and
Paul." Tertullian, de Virginibus Velandis c. 2. describes the
Apostolic Churches, as those " which were avowedly founded
by the Apostles, which ascribed their origin to one of the
Apostles; which were taught by them; and to which any
Epistles of the Apostles were addressed." See Tertullian Pras-
scrip. Haeret. 32. Marcion iv. 5. Cotelerius.

48 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
he did by the Spirit admonish you concerning him
self, and Cephas, and Apollos, ' because that even
then ye had formed parties, and divisions among
yourselves. Nevertheless your partiality then led
you into less sin. For you were favourably in
clined towards Apostles, men of eminent reputa
tion in the Church ; and towards another who had
been approved of by them. But consider, who
they are that have now led you astray, and lessened
the reputation of that brotherly love which was so
celebrated among you. It is shameful, beloved, it
is exceedingly shameful, and unworthy of your
Christian profession, to hear, that the most firm
and ancient Church of the Corinthians, should by
one or two persons be led into a sedition against
its priests. And this report is come, not only
unto us, but to those also whose minds are unfa
vourably affected towards us. Insomuch that the
name of the Lord is blasphemed through your
folly ; and ye yourselves are brought into danger
by it. 48. Let us, therefore, with all haste take
away this cause of offence ; and let us fall down
before the Lord, and beseech him with tears,
that he would be favourably reconciled to us, and
restore us again to a grave and holy course of
brotherly love. For this is the gate of righteous
ness, opening into everlasting life : as it is written,
1 1 Cor. i. 12.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 49
" Open to me the gates of righteousness ; I will
go in unto them and praise the Lord. This is
the gate of the Lord : the righteous shall enter
into it."m Although, therefore, many gates are
opened, yet this gate, which is in righteousness,
the same is that gate iu Christ, into which blessed
are all they that enter, and direct their way in
holiness and righteousness, doing all things without
disorder. Let a man be faithful ; let him be pow
erful in the utterance of knowledge ; let him be
wise in making an exact judgment of words ; let
him be pure in all his actions : still, he ought to
be so much the more humble-minded as he seems
to be superior to others ; and to seek that which is
profitable to all men, and not his own advantage.
49. He that hath the love that is in Christ,
let him keep the commandments of Christ. Who
is able to express the obligation of the love of
God? What man is sufficiently worthy to declare
the excellency of its beauty ? The height to which
charity leads is inexpressible. Charity unites us
to God : charity " covereth the multitude of sins :" n
" charity endureth all things;"0 is long suffering in
all things. There is nothing sordid in charity,
nothing proud. Charity hath no schism ; charity
is not seditious ; charity doth all things in peace
and concord. In charity were all the elect of God
m Ps. cxviii. 19, 20. n 1 Pet. iv. 8.
0 1 Cor. xiii. 7. D

50 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
made perfect; without charity nothing is well-
pleasing to God. In charity did the Lord take us
to himself: through the love which he bare towards
us, Christ our Lord gave his blood for us, by the
will of God : and his flesh for our flesh : and his
soul for our souls. p
50. Ye see, beloved, how great and won
derful charity is: and its perfection cannot be
expressed. Who is fit to be found in it, except
those whom God shall vouchsafe to make so ? Let
us therefore pray to him and beseech him, that
we may be worthy of it : that we may live in cha
rity, without human partiality, unblameable. All
generations from Adam until this day have passed
away : but they who have been made perfect in
love, according to the grace of Christ, have a place
among the righteous, and shall be made manifest
in the judgment of the kingdom of Christ. For
it is written, " Enter into thy chamber for a little
space, until mine anger and indignation shall pass
away. q And I will remember the good day, and
will raise you up out of your graves." Happy,
then, are we, beloved, if we shall have performed
p t»ji/ \p-u-^rjv virep tm \]/v£ulv fjpolv. Irenaeus, Lib. v. 1.
uses the same expression : " The Lord, therefore, having re
deemed us by his own blood, and having given his soul for
our souls, and his flesh for our flesh, and having poured forth
the Spirit of the Father, for the purpose of uniting God and
man." q Isai. xxvi. 20.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 51
the commandments of God in the unity of love,
that so, through love, our sins may be forgiven us.
For so it is written ; " Blessed are they whose
iniquities are forgiven, and whose sin is covered.
Blessed is the man, to whom the Lord imputeth
no sin, and in whose mouth there is no guile." r
This blessing is upon those who are chosen of God,
through Jesus Christ our Lord ; to whom be glory
for ever and ever ; Amen.
51. Let us, therefore, as many as have trans
gressed by any of the suggestions of the adversary,
pray for forgiveness : and let those, who have been
the leaders of the sedition and dissention among
you, look to the common object of our hope. For
as many as have their conversation in fear and
charity, would rather they themselves should fall
into trials than their neighbours : and choose
to be condemned themselves, rather than to
violate that good and equitable concord which
hath been transmitted to us. For it is good for a
man to confess wherein he hath transgressed,
rather than to harden his heart, as the hearts of
those were hardened, who raised up sedition against
Moses the servant of God : whose punishment was
manifest to all men; for they went down alive
into the grave ; death swallowed them up. s Pharaoh
and his host, * and all the rulers of Egypt, their
' Ps. xxxii. 1. ! Numb. xvi.
1 Exod. iv. d y

52 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
chariots also and their horsemen, were overwhelmed
in the Red Sea and perished, for no other reason
than because they hardened their foolish hearts,
after so many signs had been done in the land of
Egypt, by Moses the servant of God.
52. Beloved, the Lord is in want of nothing :
neither requires he any thing of us, but that we
should confess our sins unto him. For so saith
the holy David : " I will confess unto the Lord,
and it shall please him better than a young bul
lock, that hath horns and hoofs. Let the poor
see it, and be glad."u And again he saith, " Offer
unto God the sacrifice of praise; and pay thy vows
unto the most Highest. And call upon me in
the day of trouble, and I will deliver thee, and
thou shalt glorify me." * " The sacrifice of God
is a broken spirit." y
53. Ye know, beloved, ye know full well the
holy Scriptures ; and have thoroughly searched
into the oracles of God. Call them, therefore,
to your remembrance. For when Moses went up
into the mount, and tarried there forty days and
forty nights, in fasting and humiliation, God said
unto him,z " Arise, Moses, get thee down quickly
from hence, for thy people have committed wicked
ness: they whom thou hast brought out of the
land of Egypt have quickly turned aside from the
11 Ps. Lxix. 31. v Ps. l. 14.
y Ps. Li. 17- z Ex. xxxii. Deut. ix. 12.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 53
way which I commanded them, and have made
to themselves molten images. And the Lord said
unto him, I have spoken unto thee once and again,
saying, I have seen this people, and behold it is
a stiff-necked people. Let me therefore destroy
them, and I will blot out their name from under
heaven, and I will make of thee a nation mighty
and wonderful, and much greater than they. But
Moses said, not so, Lord: forgive now this people
their sin ; and if not, blot me also out of the book
of the living." O admirable charity ! O insuper
able perfection ! The servant speaks boldly to his
Lord; he beseeches him either to forgive the people,
or that he himself may also be destroyed with them.
54. Who, then, is there among you that is
generous? who, that is compassionate? who that
is filled with charity ? let him say, if this sedition,
and strife and schism be upon my account," I am
* Clement here professes no more than he practised. It is
highly probable, as Epiphanius asserts, that he was appointed,
by St. Peter, to be Bishop of Rome, but declined accepting the
office as long as Linus and Cletus (or Anencletus) lived. This
seems the most probable cause of the difficulty of ascertaining
the succession of the first Bishops of Rome.
Chrysostom, in his xith Homily on the Epistle to the Ephe
sians, (Vol. iii. p. 824. Savile.) expresses his readiness to act up
to this precept ; " If you entertain," he says, " such suspicions
respecting me, I am ready to resign my office, and to retire
whithersoever ye will, only so that the unity of the Church
may be preserved."
Gregory Nazianzen actually resigned the See of Constanti
nople, rather than be the cause of disputes in the Church. See
Cave's life : Sect 6.

5i THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
ready to depart, to go away whithersoever ye please;
and to do whatsoever the multitude command me;
only let the flock of Christ be in peace, with the
elders that are set over it. He that shall do this,
shall obtain to himself a very great honour iu
the Lord : and every place will be ready to re
ceive him. " For the earth is the Lord's, and
the fulness thereof."" These things they who
have their conversation towards God not to be
repented of, both have clone, and will always be
ready to do.
55. Nay, to produce examples even of the
Gentiles : many kings and rulers, in times of pes
tilence, being warned by their oracles, have given
themselves up to death, that they might, by their
own blood, deliver their country. Many have for
saken their cities, that seditions might no longer
continue. We know how many" among ourselves
b Ps. xxiv. 1.
c St. Paul mentions " Priscilla and Aquila, my helpers in
Christ Jesus, who have for my life laid down their own necks."
Rom. xvi. 3, 4. and Epaphroditus, who "for the work of
Christ was nigh unto death not regarding his life." Phil. ii. 30.
Baronius relates that St. Alban, the proto-martyr of Britain,
gave himself up and was put to death under Diocletian, a.d.
303, instead of a fugitive who had taken refuge from persecu
tion under his roof.
In the early ages of Christianity many, under the desig
nation of Parabolani, gave themselves up to the care of the
sick, at the peril of their own lives. These were so numerous,
that a law was passed to limit their number. Codex Theodos.
Lib. xvi. Tit. 2. leg: 42. (Fell.)

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

have given themselves up into bonds, that thereby
they might free others. Many have sold them
selves into bondage, and received the price, that
with it they might feed others. Nay, even women,
strengthened by the grace of God, have performed
many manly actions. The blessed Judith/ when
her city was besieged, desired the elders that they
would suffer her to go into the camp of their
enemies. Thus she went out, and exposed herself
to danger for the love she bare to her country,
and her people that were besieged : and the Lord
delivered Holofernes into the hand of a woman.
Again, Esther,6 being made perfect in the faith,
exposed herself to a danger equally great, that
she might deliver the twelve tribes of Israel, who
were in danger of being destroyed. For by fast
ing and humbling herself she entreated the great
maker of all things, the God of the worlds ; f so
that beholding the humiliation of her soul, he
delivered the people, for whose sake she was in
peril. 56. Let us, therefore, pray for those who are
fallen into any sin ; that meekness and humility
may be given unto them, so that they may submit
not unto us, but unto the will of God. For by
these means they shall obtain a fruitful and perfect
remembrance, with mercy, both in our prayers to
d Judith viii. ix. x. xi. * Esth. vii. viii.
1 Qeov rwv aian/mv.

56 THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT
God, and in our mention of them before his saints.
Let us receive correction, at which no man ought
to repine. Beloved, the admonition which we ex
ercise towards one another is good, and exceedingly
profitable : for it unites us the more closely to the
will of God, For thus saith the Holy Scripture ;
" The Lord chastened and corrected me ; but he
did not give me over unto death." g " For whom
the Lord loveth, he chasteneth, and scourgeth
every son whom he receiveth." h " The righteous,"
saith he, " shall instruct me in mercy, and reprove
me: but let not the oil of sinners anoint my
head with its fatness."1 And again he saith, k
" Happy is the man, whom God correcteth : but
despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty,
For he maketh sore, and again restoreth; he
woundeth, and his hands make whole. Six times
out of trouble he shall deliver thee : yea, in seven
there shall no evil touch thee. In famine, he
shall redeem thee from death ; and in war he shall
defend thee from the hand of iron. He shall hide
thee from the scourge of the tongue : neither shalt
thou be afraid of evils when they come. Thou
shalt laugh at the wicked and sinners; neither
shalt thou be afraid of the beasts of the earth.
For the wild beasts shall be at peace with thee.
Then shalt thou know that thy house shall be in
e Ps. cxviii. 18. h Prov. iii. 11.
1 Ps. c\l. 5. Septuagint. k Job v. 17.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 57
peace ; and the habitation of thy tabernacle shall
not err. Thou shalt also know that thy seed shall
be great ; and thy offspring as all the grass of the
field. And thou shalt come to the grave as ripe
corn, that is taken in due time, like as a shock
of corn cometh in, in its season." Ye see, be
loved, that there is a protection to those who are
corrected of the Lord. For he is a good instructor;
and is willing that we should be admonished by
his holy discipline.
57. Do ye, therefore, who laid the foundation
of the sedition, submit yourselves unto your elders ;'
and be instructed unto repentance, bending the
knees of your hearts. Learn to be subject ; laying
aside all proud and arrogant boasting of your
tongues. For it is better for you to be found in
the sheep-fold of Christ little and approved, than
to appear superior to others, and to be cast out of
his hope. m For thus speaks the excellent and all-
virtuous Wisdom," "Behold I will pour out the
word of my spirit upon you; I will make known
my speech unto you. Because I called, and ye
would not hear : I stretched out my words, and ye
regarded not : but ye set at nought all my counsel,
and disobeyed my reproof; therefore I also will
1 1 Pet. v. 5.
m ix riji cAttico? au-ov — perhaps we should read e\ Ttji
eVau'AiSoc — 'out of his fold.'
n Prov. i. 23. The book of Proverbs is often quoted by
this title, by the early Christian writers.

58 THE EPISTLE OK CLEMENT
laugh at your calamity, and exult when your
desolation cometh ; and when trouble cometh sud
denly upon you, and destruction as a whirlwind, or
when persecution or siege cometh upon you. For
it shall come to pass, when ye call upon me, I will
not hear you : the wicked shall seek me ; but they
shall not find me. For they hated knowledge,
and did not seek the fear of the Lord: neither
would they take heed to my counsels, but laughed
my reproofs to scorn. Therefore shall they eat of
the fruit of their own ways ; and shall be filled
with their own wickedness."

58. Now God, the inspector of all things,
the Father ° of spirits, and the Lord of all flesh,
who hath chosen our Lord Jesus Christ, and us, by
him, to be his peculiar people, grant to every soul
of man that calleth upon his glorious and holy
name, faith, fear, peace, patience, long-suffering,
temperance, holiness, and sobriety, unto all well-
pleasing to his name: through our High-priest
and protector Jesus Christ; by whom be glory and
majesty, and power, and honour, unto Him now
and for evermore. Amen.
59- The messengers, whom we have sent unto
you, Claudius Ephebus, and Valerius Bito, with

ccairorrj^.

TO THE CORINTHIANS. 59
Fortunatus, send back to us again with all speed
in peace and with joy, that they may the sooner
acquaint us with your peace and concord, so much
prayed for and desired by us ; and that we may
rejoice in your good order.
60. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be
with you, and with all that are any where called
by God and through him ; to whom be honour
and glory, and might, and majesty, and eternal
dominion, by Christ Jesus, p from everlasting to
everlasting. Amen. p & oil avrw oo$ja. k.t.A.

THE
EPISTLE OF POLYCARP

TO THE

PHILIPPIANS.

Polycarp, and the Presbyters that are with
him, to the church of God which is at Philippi,
mercy unto you and peace from God Almighty,
and the Lord Jesus Christ our Saviour, be mul
tiplied. 1. I rejoiced greatly with you, in our Lord
Jesus Christ, that ye received the patterns of
true love, and accompanied, as it behoved you,
those who were bound with chains, the fitting
ornament of saints, a the crowns of those who are
a Thus Ignatius, in his Epistle to the Ephesians, c. 11. calls
his chains " spiritual jewels.'' Compare also his Epistle to the
Smyrneans, c. 11. In like manner Cyprian, Epist. 76. (Fell).
" Dicatis Deo hominibus, et fidem suam religiosa virtute tes-
tantibus, ornamenta sunt ista, non vincula : nee Christianorum
pedes ad infamiam copulant, sed clarificant ad coronam. O
pedes feliciter vincti, qui non a. fabro sed Domino resolvuntur!
O pedes feliciter vincti, qui itinere salutari ad paradisum diri-
guntur! O pedes in seculo ad praesens ligati, ut sint semper
apud Dominum liberi!" Compare Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. i. 5.

EPISTLE OF POLYCARP TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 61
chosen of God and our Lord : and that the firm
root of your faith, which was preached from ancient
times, remains until now, and brings forth fruit to
our Lord Jesus Christ, who suffered himself to be
brought even to death for our sins : " whom God
raised up, having loosed the pains of death :" b " in
whom, having not seen him, ye believe ; and be
lieving rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of
glory." c Into which joy many desire to enter,
knowing that "by grace ye are saved, not of
works," d but by the will of God, through Jesus
Christ. 2. " Wherefore, girding up the loins (of your
minds)" e serve God in fear and truth, laying aside
all empty and vain speech, and the error of many,
"believing in him that raised up our Lord Jesus
Christ from the dead, and gave him glory," f and
a throne at his right hand : to whom all things in
heaven and earth are subject ; g whom every living
creature worships ; who comes to be the judge of
the quick and dead ; whose blood God shall require
of them that believe not in him. But he that
raised up Christ from the dead, shall raise up us
also, if we do his will, and walk in his command
ments, and love the things which he loved;
abstaining from all unrighteousness, inordinate
" Acts ii. 24. c 1 Pet. i. 8.
d Eph. ii. 8, 9- e 1 Pet. i. 13.
f 1 Pet. i. 21. » Phil. ii. 10.

62 . THE EPISTLE OF POLYCARP
affection,1' love of money, evil-speaking, false-
witness: not rendering evil for evil, or blow for
blow, or curse for curse : but remembering what
the Lord taught us, saying, " Judge not that ye
be not judged : forgive, and it shall be forgiven
unto you :" be merciful, that ye may obtain mercy ;
" for with the same measure that ye mete withal,
it shall be measured to you again ;" ' and that
" Blessed are the poor, and they that are persecuted
for righteousness' sake ; for theirs is the kingdom
of God." k
3. I have not assumed to myself, brethren,
the liberty of writing to you these things concern
ing righteousness ; but you yourselves before en
couraged me. For neither can I, nor any other
such as I am, come up to the wisdom of the blessed
and renowned Paul, who, being amongst you, in
the presence of those who then lived, taught with
exactness and soundness the word of truth ; who
in his absence also wrote an Epistle ' to you, into
which if you diligently look, you may be able to
be edified in the faith delivered unto you, which
is the mother of us all, being followed with hope,
h Eph. iv. 19. Col. iii. 5. 1 Pet. iii. 9.
1 Matt. vii. 1. Luke vi. 37.
k Matt. v. 3—10. Luke vi. 20.
1 typcupev eirutTo\ai. The word sVio-roXai, in the plural,
is sometimes used for a single epistle, as Cotelerius shews.
Polycarp might possibly, however, allude to the Epistles of
St. Paul to the Thessalonians, or to the Corinthians, the con
tents of which would be communicated to the Philippians.

TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 63
and led on by love, both towards God and Christ,
and towards our neighbour. For if any one hath
these things, he hath fulfilled the law of righteous
ness: for he that hath charity is far from all
sin. 4. But " the love of money is the beginning
of all evils." m Knowing, therefore, that " we
brought nothing into the world, neither are we
able to carry any thing out," n let us arm ourselves
with the armour of righteousness, and teach first
ourselves to walk in the commandment of the
Lord, and then your wives to walk likewise in the
faith and love and purity which is given unto them,
loving their own husbands in all truth, and kindly
affectionate to all others equally in all temperance,
and to bring up their children in the instruction
and fear of God : that the widows be sober as to
what concerns the faith of the Lord, praying
without ceasing ° for all men, being far from all
detraction, evil-speaking, false-witness, love of
money, and all evil : knowing that they are the
altars of God ; and that he sees all blemishes, p
and nothing is hid from him, either of words or
thoughts, nor any of the secret things of the heart.
5. Knowing, therefore, that God is not
mocked, q we ought to walk worthy both of his
m 1 Tim. vi. 10. n 1 Tim. vi. 7- ° 1 Thess. v. 17-
p ircivra fioiixpo-Koire'nat. See Clem. Rom. Sect. 41.
" Gal. vi.' 7-

64 THE EPISTLE OF POLYCARP
command and of his glory. In like manner the
deacons must be blameless in the sight of his
righteousness, as the ministers of God in Christ,
and not of men : not false accusers, not double-
tongued, not lovers of money, temperate in all
things, compassionate, careful, walking according
to the truth of the Lord, who became the servant-
of all ; whom if we please in this present world,
we shall be made partakers also of that which is
to come, according as he hath promised to us that
he will raise us from the dead ; and that if we
shall walk worthy of him, we shall also reign toge
ther with him, if we believe. In like manner the
young men must be blameless in all things, above
all, taking care of their purity, and restraining
themselves from all evil. For it is good to emerge r
out of the lusts which are in the world : for every
lust warreth against the spirit : s and " neither for
nicators, nor effeminate, nor abusers of themselves
with mankind, shall inherit the kingdom of God," '
neither they which act foolishly. Wherefore it is
necessary that ye abstain from all these things,
being subject to the presbyters and deacons, as
unto God and Christ : the virgins also should walk
in a spotless and pure conscience.
r ctvaKvvTeo-dat. This reading appears preferable to dva-
KOTrTeo-dat, "to be cut off." Thus Chrysostom de Sacerd.
Lib. I. 1. 'fie 06 fllKpoll KCtl OUTO! a tiCKVip a tou /3iiotikou k\v-
Bmi/os. s 1 Pet. ii. 11. 4 1 Cor. vi. 9, 10.

TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 65
6. Let the elders" also be compassionate,
merciful to all, bringing back such as are in error, x
seeking out all those that are weak, not neglecting
the widow or the fatherless, or the poor : but pro
viding always what is good in the sight of God
and men ; y abstaining from all wrath, respect of
persons, and unrighteous judgment; being far from
all covetousness : not ready to believe any thing
against any; not severe in judgment, knowing
that we are all debtors in point of sin. If there
fore we pray to the Lord that he would forgive us,
we ought also to forgive. z For we are before the
eyes of our Lord and God, and "must all stand
before the judgment seat of Christ," a and shall
every one give an account of himself. Let us
therefore so serve him, with fear and all reverence,
as he himself hath commanded, and as the apostles
who have preached the gospel unto us, and the
prophets who have foretold the coming of our
Lord, (have taught us) : being zealous of what is
good, abstaining from all offence, and from false
brethren, and from those who bear the name of
Christ in hypocrisy, who deceive vain men.
7. " For whosoever confesses not that Jesus
Christ is come in the flesh, is antichrist :" b and who
soever confesses not his suffering upon the cross, is
u Presbyters. x Ezek. xxxiv. 4.
y Rom. xii. 17- z Matt- vi- 12—14.
a Rom. xiv. 10. 2 Cor. v. 10. b 1 Joh. iv. 3.
E

66 THE EPISTLE OF POYLCARP
of the devil. And whosoever perverts the oracles
of the Lord to his own lusts, he is the first-born of
Satan.0 Wherefore leaving the vanity of many,
and false doctrines, let us return to the word which
was delivered to us from the beginning, " watching
unto prayer," d and persevering in fasting; with
supplication beseeching the all-seeing God, not to
lead us into temptation,6 as the Lord hath said,
" the spirit indeed is willing, but the flesh is
weak."f 8. Let us therefore without ceasing hold sted
fastly to him who is our hope, and the earnest of
our righteousness, even Jesus Christ, who "bare
our sins in his own body on the tree ;" who " did
no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth :" g
but endured all for our sakes, that we might live
through him. Let us therefore imitate his pa
tience ; and if we suffer for his name, let us
glorify him. For this example he hath given us
by himself, and so we have believed.
9. I exhort you all therefore to obey the word
of righteousness, and exercise all patience, which
c Marcion is said to have once met Polycarp, and to have
addressed him with the words, " Dost thou acknowledge me."
The reply attributed to Polycarp is, " I acknowledge thee for
the first-born of Satan." Euseb. Hist. iv. 14. Iren. iii. 3. In
the interpolated epistle of Ignatius to the Trallians, Sect. 11.
Simon Magus is called "the first-born of Satan," toV irpmro-
TOKOV avrov vlov.
d 1 Pet. iv. 7- ' Matt. vi. 13.
' Matt. xxvi. 41 . M Pet. ii. 22 — 24.

TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 67
ye have seen set forth before your eyes, not only in
the blessed Ignatius, and Zosimus, and Rufus, but
also in others among yourselves, h and in Paul him
self, and the other apostles; being confident of
this, that all these have not run in vain, but in
faith and righteousness : and that they are gone to
the place which was due to them, in the presence
of the Lord, with whom also they suffered. For
they loved not this present world, but him that
died for us, and was raised again by God for our
sake. 10. 'Stand therefore in these things, and
follow the example of the Lord, being firm and
immutable in the faith, lovers of the brotherhood,
lovers of one another, companions together in the
truth, being kind and gentle towards each other,
despising none. When it is in your power to do
good, defer it not, for "charity delivereth from
death." k " Be all of you subject one to another,
having your conversation honest among the gen
tiles," 1 that by your good works both ye yourselves
may receive praise, and the Lord may not be blas
phemed through you. m But woe to him by whom
h vfxtSii — Dodwell, in his Dissertationes Cyprianicae, Diss.
xi. 27. supposes tjfJLtau to be the correct reading : and imagines
that Polycarp is speaking of a persecution which took place in
his own time, either in the church of Smyrna or in that of
Philippi. ' Sections 10, 11, 12 are lost in the Greek. The loss is
supplied by the old Latin version.
k Tobitxii. 9. ' 1 Pet. ii. 12. m Rom. ii. 24. Tit. ii. 5.
E 2

68 THE EPISTLE OF POLYCARP
the name of the Lord is blasphemed. Wherefore
teach all men sobriety, in which do ye also exercise
yourselves. 11. I am greatly afflicted for Valens, who was
once made a Presbyter among you ; that he should
so little understand the place that was given unto
him. Wherefore I admonish you that ye abstain
from concupiscence ; " and that ye be chaste and
true of speech. Keep yourselves from all evil. °
For he that in these things cannot govern himself,
how shall he be able to prescribe them to another ?
If a man doth not keep himself from concupiscence,
he shall be polluted with idolatry, p and he shall be
judged as if he were a gentile. But who of you
are ignorant of the judgment of God ? " Do ye not
know that the saints shall judge the world," q as
Paul teaches? But I have neither perceived nor
heard any thing of the kind in you, among whom
the blessed Paul laboured ; and who are named in
the beginning of his epistle. r For he glories of
you in all the churches which alone had then
known God : for we had not yet known him. Where-
n The old Latin translation has avaritia : the Greek probably
had TrXeovegia. That this word should, in many places, be
rendered in the sense here given, is fully shewn by Suicer on
the words irXeoueKTeu) and irXeove^ia, and by Hammond on
Rom. i. 29. and 1 Cor. v. 10. See also Paley, Ser.xLii. Edit. 1825.
It appears from what follows, that both Valens and his
wife had fallen into adultery.
0 1 Thess. v. 22. v Col. iii. 5. Eph. v. 5.
1 1 Cor. vi. 2. > Phil. i.

TO THE PHILIPPIANS. 69
fore, brethren, I am exceedingly sorry both for
him, and for his wife : may God grant them true
repentance. And be ye also moderate on this
occasion ; and consider not such as enemies, but
call them back, as suffering and erring members,
that ye may save your whole body. For by so
doing ye edify yourselves.
12. For I trust that ye are well exercised
in the Holy Scriptures, and that nothing is hid
from you. But at present it is not granted unto
me to practise that which is written, "Be ye angry
and sin not," and " Let not the sun go down upon
your wrath."3 Blessed is he that believeth and
remembereth these things; which also I trust ye
do. Now the God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and he himself who is our everlasting High-
priest, the Son of God, even Jesus Christ, build
you up in faith and truth, and in all meekness
and lenity, and in patience and long-suffering, and
forbearance and chastity: and grant unto you a
lot and portion among his saints, and unto us
with you, and unto all that are under heaven,
who shall believe in our Lord Jesus Christ, and
in his Father who raised him from the dead.'
Pray for all the saints. Pray also for kings, and
authorities, and princes, and for those who perse
cute you and hate you, and for the enemies of
s Ps. iv. 5. Eph. iv. 26. ' Gal. i. 1.

70 EPISTLE OF POLYCARP TO THE PHILIPPIANS.
the cross : that your fruit may be manifest in all,
and that ye may be perfect in Christ.
13. Both ye and Ignatius wrote to me," that
if any one went (hence) into Syria, he should also
bring back your letters with him: which also I
will do, if I have a convenient opportunity, either
by myself, or by him whom I shall send upon
your account. The Epistles of Ignatius which he
wrote unto us,x and others as many as we have
with us, we have sent to you, according to your
order; which are subjoined to this Epistle; from
which ye may be greatly profited. For they treat
of faith and patience, and of all things which
pertain to edification in our Lord.
14. What ye know certainly of Ignatius, and
those that are with him, signify unto us.
These things have I written unto you by
Crescens, whom by this present Epistle I have
recommended to you, and do now again commend.
For he hath had his conversation without blame
among us, and I trust in like manner also with
you. You will also have regard unto his sister
when she shall come unto you. Be ye safe in
the Lord Jesus Christ ; and his grace be with
you all. Amen.
u See Ignatius' Epistle to the Smyrneans, Sect. 11.
x The two Epistles which Ignatius wrote, one to Polycarp,
the other to the Church of the Smyrneans.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

TO THE

EPHESIANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus,* to
the Church which is at Ephesus in Asia, deservedly
1 Theophorus. All Christians were denominated Theo-
phori, (6eu(p6pot) Temples of God, and sometimes Christophori
(Euseb. viii. 10. Ignat. Ep. to Ephes. 9. Compare Magnes. 12.)
Temples of Christ The reason of the appellation, which was
constantly applied to Ignatius, both by himself and others, is
given in the history of his Martyrdom, Sect. 2. " As soon then
as he stood in the presence of the Emperor Trajan, the Em
peror demanded of him, ' Who art thou, unhappy and deluded
man, who art so active in trangressing our commands, and, be
sides, persuadest others to their own destruction ?' " Ignatius
replied, "No one ought to call (one who is properly styled)
Theophorus, unhappy and deluded : for the evil spirits (which
delude men) are departed far from the servants of God. But
if you so call me because I am a trouble to those evil spirits,
and an enemy to their delusions, I confess the justice of the
appellation. For having (within me) Christ the heavenly king,
I loosen all their snares." Trajan replied, "and who is Theo
phorus?" Ignatius answered, "He that hath Christ in his
heart." Then answered Trajan, " Carriest thou, then, within
thee him who was crucified?" "Yea," replied Ignatius, "for
it is written, 'I will dwell in them and walk in them'." (2 Cor.
vi. 16.) The

72 THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS
happy, being blessed through the greatness and
fulness" of God the Father, and predestinated
before the world began that it should be always
unto an enduring and unchangeable glory ; being
united and chosen through actual suffering,0 ac
cording to the will of the Father, and Jesus Christ
our God, all happiness, by Jesus Christ, and his
undefiled grace. ,
1. I have heard of your name which is much
beloved in God, that which ye have attained by a
habit of righteousness, according to the faith and
love which ' is in Jesus Christ our Savionr ; that
being followers of God, and stirring up yourselves
by the blood of God, d ye have perfectly accom
plished the work which was agreeable to your
The notion of the later Greeks, that Ignatius was called
Theophorus (deocpopcK, borne by God) because he was the
child whom Christ took up in his arms, (Matt, xviii. 2. Mark
ix. 36.) although adopted by several writers, is a mere fancy.
Had such a tradition existed even in the time of Chrysostom,
he would surely have known it, and was not of a disposition
to have omitted it, in the Homily which he composed on the
Martyrdom of Ignatius: whereas he there expressly states, that
Ignatius never saw Jesus, nor had any intercourse with him.
(Homil. on Ignatius, Vol. v. p. 503. 37. Savile).
" Eph. iii. 19.
G ei/ wddei dXridivui. Archbishop Wake follows the interpre
tation proposed by Smith, "chosen through (his) true passion,"
through the meritorious sufferings of Christ, which he truly
underwent. Compare Epist. to the Trallians, 9, 10.
6 Compare Acts xx. 28. " Feed the church of God, which
he hath purchased with his own blood."

HO THE EPHESIANS. 'J 3
nature. For hearing that I came bound from
Syria, for the name and hope that are common to
us all, trusting through your prayers to fight with
beasts at Rome, that so by suffering martyrdom I
may become indeed the disciple of him, who gave
himself to God, an offering and sacrifice for us, e
(ye hastened to see me.) I received therefore in
the name of God your whole multitude in (the
person of) Onesimus/ who for his love hath no
word by which he can be described, but according
to the flesh is your bishop : whom I beseech you in
Jesus Christ to love, and that ye would all strive
to be like unto him. And blessed be God, who
hath granted unto you, who are so worthy of him,
to possess such a bishop.
2. But with regard to my fellow-servant Bur-
rhus, your deacon, in the service of God, blessed
in all things, I entreat you that he may remain to
the honour both of you and of your bishop. And
Crocus also, worthy both of God and of you,
whom I have received as a pattern of your love,
hath in all things refreshed8 me, as (I pray) the
' Eph. v. 2.
f Compare the Epistle to the Magnesians, Sect. 6. Some
suppose this Onesimus to be the servant of Philemon, who is
mentioned as the first Bishop of Beroea, in the Apostolical
Constitutions, Book vii. 46. Although that book is not genuine,
it may yet have preserved the tradition of such a fact, and he
might have been removed to Ephesus. The name of Onesimus
was, however, by no means uncommon at that time.
g ttuXXcxki^ pc avtmavo-cv, raV kcu ovtuv 6 irctTrjp '\rj<rov XjOkttov

74 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ may refresh him,
together with Onesimus, and Burrhus, and Euplus,
and Fronto, in whom I have, as to your charity,
seen you all. May I always have joy of you, h if
I shall be worthy of it. It is therefore fitting that
ye should by all means glorify Jesus Christ, who
hath glorified you : that by an uniform obedience
ye may be perfectly joined together in the same
mind, and in the same judgment, and may all
speak alike concerning every thing ; * and that
being subject to the Bishop and the Presbytery ye
may be altogether sanctified.
3. These things I command you not, as if I
were any one. k For although I am even bound
for his name, I am not yet perfect in Jesus Christ.
But now I begin to learn ; and I speak to you as
my fellow-disciples. For I ought to have been
stirred up by you, in faith, in admonition, in
patience, in long-suffering. But forasmuch as
charity suffers me not to be silent towards you, I
have therefore first taken upon me to exhort you,
that ye woidd all run together according to the
will of God. For Jesus Christ, our inseparable life,
he is by the will of the Father:1 as also the
aVo\Jyu'fai.— See 1 Cor. xvi. 18. 2 Cor. vii. 13. and 2 Tim.
i. 16. h Philemon, v. 20. 'lCor.i. 10. k Comp. Acts v. 26.
1 'Itiorov? Xpio-To? — tov iraTpo<; r] yvafxt). " Jesus Christ — is
the Will of the Father." Smith proposes to read t$ yvtapri,
which is adopted in the text.

TO THE EPHESIANS. 75
bishops, appointed unto the utmost bounds of the
earth, are by the will of Jesus Christ.
4. Wherefore it becomes you to run together
according to the will of your bishop, even as also
ye do. For your renowned Presbytery, worthy of
God, is fitted as exactly to the Bishop, as the
strings are to an harp. m Wherefore, in your con
cord and harmonious love, Jesus Christ is sung.
And every single person among you makes up the
chorus ; that all being harmonious in concord,
taking up the song of God in perfect unity, ye
may sing with one voice to the Father, through
Jesus Christ ; to the end that he may both hear
you, and perceive by your works that ye are mem
bers of his Son. Wherefore it is profitable for
you to live in an unblameable unity, that ye may
always have fellowship with God.
5. But if I, in this little time, have had
such a familiarity with your bishop, (whom I have
known) not in the flesh but in the spirit, how
much more must I think you happy, who are so
joined to him as the Church is to Jesus Christ,
and Jesus Christ to the Father, that all things
may agree together in unity. Let no man deceive
himself. Except a man be within the altar, he is
deprived of the bread of God. For if the prayer
of one or two be of such avail, n how much more
m See the Epistle to the Philadelphians, Sect. 1.
" Jas. v. 16. Matt, xviii. 19-

76 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
shall that of the Bishop and the whole Church be ?
He therefore that comes not together into the
same place with it, he is proud already, and hath
condemned himself. ° For it is written, p " God
resisteth the proud." Let us take heed, therefore,
that we set not ourselves against the Bishop, that
we may be subject to God.
6. The more any one sees his bishop silent,
the more let him revere him. For whomsoever the
master of the house sends to be over his own
household, we ought to receive him, even as we
would him that sent him. It is evident, therefore,
that we ought to respect the bishop, even as the
Lord himself. And indeed Onesimus himself
greatly commends your good order in God ; in that
ye all live according to the truth, and no heresy
dwells among you. For neither do ye hearken to
any one more than to Jesus Christ, speaking to you
in truth. 7. For some there are who are wont to carry
about the name (of Christ) in deceitfulness, but do
things unworthy of God; whom ye must avoid,
as ye would wild beasts. For they are ravening
dogs, which bite secretly ; of whom ye must
beware, as of men hardly to be cured. There is
one physician, both carnal and spiritual; create
and uncreate ; q God, manifest in the flesh ; true
0 Compare John iii. 18. » Jas. iv. 6.
i yevrjToi Ka) dyivnrtK. This is the reading adopted by
Smith.

TO THE EPHESIANS. 77
life, r in death ; both of Mary, and of God : first
capable of suffering, and then liable to suffer no
more, (even Jesus Christ our Lord.)"
Smith. The other editions have yevvtjTm na\ dyewnro<;, " be
gotten and unbegotten." Bull, (Defensio Fid. Nic. Cap. ii. 2.
s. o.) although he reads yewrjTo^ k<x\ dyewriToi translates the
words "create and uncreate," following the old Latin version,
and Athanasius de Synodis Arim. et Seleuc. Tom. i. 922.
Heireto-iteBa on xai 6 paKcipioi lyvaTios opdax; eypa-^e, yevrj-
rov axiTov Xeyiuv Bid rrjv o-dpica- 6 yap Xpto-Tos adpt iyeveTo-
ayevtirov h)e, oti nrj t<ui< iroirmciTuiv Kai yevr/Tav icriv, aXX' vioi
6« irarpoi. " We are persuaded, that the blessed Ignatius also did well
declare in his writings, respecting Christ, that he was made
according to the flesh, for Christ was made flesh: and that he
was uncreate, because he is not among those things which were
created and formed, but the Son proceeding of the Father."
Cotelerius shews that yevrrros and yevvr/rm, dyevr)To<; and
dylnriToi have been not unfrequently confounded. This
confusion may have sometimes arisen from the errors of
transcribers; but, before the council of Nice the distinction
between the words was not so scrupulously observed as it was
afterwards. Origen was censured for calling the Son yevrj-roi
6eo<f although in another part of his works (Contra Celsum
vi. 17-) he expressly calls him dyevrjTo?. See Burton, Testi
monies ofthe Antenicene Fathers, No. 12. Suicer, Thesaurus;
on the words dyei/riroi and yevrjToi. Theodoret reads yewr]Tdi
ef dyevvtJTov, " begotten of him who is unbegotten."
Tertullian De Carne Christi, Cap. 5. has a plain refer
ence to this passage of Ignatius: "Ita utriusque substantia?
census hominem et Deum exhibuit: hinc natum, inde non
natum; hinc carneum, inde spiritalem; hinc infirmum, inde
praefortem : hinc morientem, inde viventem. Quae proprietas
conditionum, divinae et humanse, aequa utique naturae utriusque
veritate dispuncta est, eadem fide et spiritus et camis."
r iv Bavaria £uirj aXr;dtvr]. This seems to be the true reading,
instead of iv dBavdrto tyy dXr/Bivt], words which convey no
distinct meaning.
s These words are added in the old Latin version, and in
the

78 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
8. Wherefore let no man deceive you: as
indeed ye are not deceived, being wholly (the
servants) of God. For inasmuch as there is no
contention nor strife among you, which can trouble
you, doubtless ye live according to God's will. May
my soul be for yours ; and I myself be the expiatory
offering for your church of Ephesus, so famous to
all ages. They that are of the flesh cannot do
the works of the Spirit ; neither they that are of
the Spirit the works of the flesh. ' As also faith
cannot do the works of unfaithfulness, nor unfaith
fulness the works of faith. But even those things
which ye do according to the flesh are spiritual ;
for ye do all things in Jesus Christ.
9. Nevertheless, I have heard of some who have
passed by you, having perverse doctrine ; whom ye
did not suffer to sow among you ; but stopped your
ears that ye might not receive those things which
were sown by them, as being the stones u of the
temple of the Father, prepared for the building of
God the Father, raised up on high by the engine
of Jesus Christ, which is the cross; and using
the Holy Ghost as the rope. And your faith is
your support :x and your charity the way which
the passage as quoted in the 5th Century by Theodoret, Epist.
ad Monachos ConstantinopoUtanos, and Gelasius, at the end of
his work De duabus naturis Christi.
* Gal. v. 17. u Eph. ii. 20, 21, 22. 1 Pet. ii. 5.
x dvaytayevi. Vossius thinks this word here signifies a
pulley, dywycvs is sometimes used for the rein with which a
horse

TO THE EPHESIANS. 79
leads to God. Ye are, therefore, and all your
companions, full of God, his (spiritual) temples,
full of Christ, full of holiness: adorned in all
things with the commands of Christ : in whom
also I rejoice that I have been thought worthy by
this present epistle to converse, and joy together
with you; that with respect to the other life, ye
love nothing but God only.
10. Pray also without ceasing y for other men.
For there is hope of repentance in them, that they
may attain unto God. Suffer them, therefore, to
receive instruction of you if it be only from your
works. To their anger, be ye meek ; to their boast
ings, be ye humble ; to their blasphemies (return)
your prayers ; to their error (oppose) your firmness
in the faith ; to their cruelty, be ye gentle ; not
studying in return to imitate them. Let us be
horse is guided. Ignatius probably alludes to the metaphor
used by St. Paul in writing to the same Ephesians, Eph. ii. 20.
&c. He compares the faithful to the stones composing the
Temple of the Father, Jesus Christ to an engine by which
they are raised on high, the Holy Spirit to the rope by which
they are drawn, faith to the puUy or windlass, and charity to
the levelled road along which the stones are drawn from the
quarry. Comparisons of this kind, carried even to a greater de
gree of minuteness, are common in the early Christian writers.
Those who object to them, as opposed to our present notions
of taste, must remember that refinement upon such points
formed no part of the habits of those who were addressed : and
that the writings of St. Paul, as for instance Eph. vi. 14 — 18,
owe much beautiful and forcible illustration to comparisons of
a similar nature.
' 1 Thess. v. 17-

80 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
found their brethren in moderation, and study
to be followers of the Lord: for who was ever
more unjustly used, more destitute, more despised?
that no herb z of the devil may be found in you ;
but ye may remain in all holiness and sobriety in
Christ Jesus, both bodily and spiritually. a
11. The last times are at hand. Let us
reverence, let us fear the long-suffering of God,
that it be not to us unto condemnation. For let
us either fear the wrath to come, or love the grace
that we at present enjoy ; one of the two : only
that we be found in Christ Jesus unto true life.
Let nothing become you, besides him ; for whom
also I bear about these bonds, these spiritual
jewels, b in which I would to God that I might
arise, through your prayers ; of which I entreat
you to make me always partaker, that I may be
found in the lot of the Christians of Ephesus, who
have always agreed with the apostles, through the
power of Jesus Christ.
12. I know who I am ; and to whom I write.
I, a person condemned ; ye, such as have obtained
mercy ; I, exposed to danger ; ye, established.
Ye are the passage of those that are killed for
God; who have been instructed in the mysteries
z This is a favourite metaphor with Ignatius, to signify
false doctrine; compare his Epistle to the Philadelphians,
Sect. 3. and Epistle to the Trallians, Sect. 6.
a 1 Cor. vii. 34.
b See the Epistle of Polycarp, Sect. 1.

TO THE EPHESIANS. HI
of the gospel e with Paul, who was sanctified, and
bore testimony even unto death, and is deservedly
most happy ; at whose feet I would that I might
be found, when I shall have attained unto God ;
who throughout all his Epistle makes mention of
you in Christ Jesus.
13. Let it be your care, therefore, to come
more frequently together to the praise d and glory
of God. For when ye frequently meet together in
the same place, the powers of Satan are destroyed,
and his mischief is dissolved by the unity of your
faith. Nothing is better than peace ; by which
all war is abolished, whether of heavenly or of
earthly things.
14. Of all which nothing is hid from you, if
ye have perfect faith and charity in Christ Jesus,
c avpii.i<nat. Baptized Christians were denominated pu-
<rrai and o\ ixenvrinevoi, the initiated, while the Catechumens
were called dpuo-roi, dpvr]-roi, and dfxvo-Tayuiyriroi, uninitiated,
as not yet admitted to the use of the sacred offices, and know
ledge of the mysteries of the Christian religion. Hence the
phrase "aao-iv ol pepvyntvoi, the initiated know what is said, so
constantly used in the early homilies and addresses to the
people, when any reference is made to the higher doctrines of
Christianity. Casaubon observes that this phrase occurs fifty
times in the writings of Chrysostom and Austin. See Cave's
Primitive Christianity, Part i. ch. 8. Bingham's Antiquities of
the Christian Church, Book i. ch. iv. 2.
A eh evyapicriav &eov koi eU %6£av. He exhorts them to
frequently gathering themselves together, for public worship,
and especially to the celebration of the Eucharist, in which an
offering of praise and thanksgiving is made to God. Compare
1 Cor. xi. 18—20.

82 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
which are the beginning and end of life: the
beginning, faith; the end, charity. And these
two, being in unity, are of God. And all other
things which concern a holy life are the conse
quences of these. No man, who professes the true
faith, sins: neither doth he, who hath charity,
hate. The tree is made manifest by its fruit. e So
they who profess themselves to be Christians, shall
be made known by their deeds. For now (Chris
tianity) is not the work of an outward profession,
but (shews itself) in the power of faith, if a man
be found (faithful) unto the end.
15. It is better to be silent, and to be ; than
to say (a man is a Christian) and not to be. It is
good to teach, if he who speaks, acts. He therefore is
the only Master, who spake, and it was done. f And
even those things, which he did in silence, g are
worthy of the Father. He that possesses the word
of Jesus is truly able to hear even his silence,
that he may be perfect: and may both do according
to what he speaks, and be known by those things
of which he is silent. There is nothing hid from
God : but even our secret things are nigh unto him.
Let us therefore do all things as becomes those
who have God dwelling in them ; that we may be
his temple ; and he may be one God within us ; as
also he is, and will manifest himself before our
e Matt- xii. 33. f ps. xxxiii. 9.
s Those actions which Christ performed in all humility.

TO THE EPHESIANS. 83
faces, by those things for which we justly love
him. 16. Be not deceived, my brethren. Those
who corrupt houses (by adultery) shall not inherit
the kingdom of God. h If therefore they who do
this according to the flesh, have suffered death ; '
how much more shall he die, who by his wicked
doctrine corrupts the faith of God, for which Christ
was crucified ? He that is thus defiled, shall depart
into unquenchable fire ; and in like manner he that
hearkens to him.
17. For this cause did the Lord receive oint
ment upon his head, k that he might breathe (the
breath of) immortality into his Church. ' Be not ye
therefore anointed with the evil savour of the doc
trine of the Prince of this world. Let him not
take you captive from the life that is set before
you. And why are ye not all wise, seeing ye have
received the knowledge of God, which is Jesus
Christ. Why do we perish in our folly, ignorant
of the gift which the Lord hath truly sent us ?
18. Let my life be sacrificed for the doctrine
of the cross, which is a stumbling block to them
that believe not, but to us is salvation and life
everlasting. m Where is the wise ? Where is the
disputer?" Where is the boasting of those who
h 1 Cor. vi. 9, 10. ' 1 Cor. x. 8.
k Ps. XLiv. 8. cxxxii. 2. ' Compare Joh. xx. 22.
m 1 Cor. i. 18—23, 24. " 1 Cor. i. 20.

84 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
are called men of understanding? For our God
Jesus Christ was borne in the womb of Mary,
according to the dispensation of God, of the seed
of David, yet by the Holy Ghost. He was born,
and was baptized, that through his passion, he
might purify water (to the washing away of sin).
19. And the Prince of this world knew not
the virginity of Mary, ° and him who was born of
her, and the death of the Lord : three mysteries
every where noised abroad, yet done by God in
silence. How then was he manifested to the
world? A star shone in heaven above all other
0 It was a favourite notion with the early Christian writers,
that Mary was espoused to Joseph before the birth of Jesus,
that his being born of a virgin might escape the knowledge of
Satan. Thus Theophilus, the sixth bishop of Antioch, in
the Latin version of his commentary on St. Matthew's Gospel,
i. 18. has this observation. "Quare non ex simplici virgine,
sed ex desponsata concipitur Christus ? Prim6, ut per gene-
rationem Joseph origo Marias monstraretur : secundo, ne lapi-
daretur a. Judaeis ut adultera : tertio, ut in ^gyptum haberet
solatium viri : quart6, ut partus ejus falleret diabolum, putantem
Jesum de uxorata, non de Virgine natum." Jerome ascribes
this very reason to Ignatius, " Martyr Ignatius etiam quartam
addit causam cur a. desponsata conceptus sit, ut partus, inquiens,
ejus celaretur a diabolo, dum eum putat non de virgine sed de
uxore generatum." Basil, in his Sermon on the Nativity of
Christ, quotes the same opinion. These passages appear to
be allusions to this Epistle of Ignatius. Origen, in his sixth
homily on St. Luke, translated by Jerome says, " Eleganter in
cujusdam Martyris Epistola scriptum reperi, Ignatium dico,
Episcopum Antiochiae post Petrum secundum, qui in perse-
cutione Romas pugnavit ad bestias, Principem saeculi hujus
latuit virginitas Marise." Pearson Vindicim Ignaliance, Par. 1.
cap. 2.

TO THE EPHESIANS. 85
stars ; and its light was inexpressible ; and its
novelty struck terror. All the rest of the stars,
with the sun and moon, were the chorus to this
star ; and that sent forth its light above all. And
there was trouble, whence this novelty came, so
unlike to all the others. Hence all (the power of)
magic was dissolved ; and every bond of wicked-
' ness was destroyed : ignorance was taken away ;
the old kingdom was abolished ; God being made
manifest in the form of a man, for the renewal of
eternal life. Thence began what God had prepared.
From thenceforth all things were disturbed, for
asmuch as he designed to abolish death.
20. But if Jesus Christ shall give me grace
through your prayers, and it be his will, I purpose
in a second Epistle, which I am about to write to
you, to declare more fully to you the dispensation
of which I have now begun to speak, unto the new
man, which is Jesus Christ : both in his faith and
charity; in his suffering, and in his resurrection,
especially if the Lord shall make it known unto
me by revelation : p since ye all individually come
together in common in one faith, and in one Jesus
Christ, who was of the race of David according to
the flesh, the Son of man, and the Son of God :
obeying your Bishop and the Presbytery with an
entire affection: breaking one bread, which is
the medicine of immortality; our antidote, that
f Compare 1 Cor. xiv. 30.

86 EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE EPHESIANS.
we should not die, but live for ever in Jesus
Christ. 21. My soul be for yours, and for those whom
ye have sent, for the glory of God, to Smyrna,
whence also I write unto you, giving thanks unto
the Lord ; and loving Polycarp, even as I do you.
.Remember me, even as Jesus Christ doth remember
you. Pray for the Church which is in Syria, whence
I am being carried bound q to Rome, being the least
of all the faithful that are there, as I have been
deemed worthy to be found to the glory of God.
Farewell in God the Father, and in Jesus Christ,
our common hope.
' Ignatius was bound in chains, at Antioch in Syria, and
there delivered to the soldiers to be carried to Rome, as he
expresses in his Epistle to the Romans.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

MAGNESIANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to
the (Church) blessed by the grace of God the
Father, in Jesus Christ our Saviour ; in whom I
salute the Church which is at Magnesia, near the
Maeander ; and wish it all joy, in God the Father,
and in Jesus Christ.
1. Having heard of your well ordered love
and charity in God, I determined, with much joy,
to speak unto you in the faith of Jesus Christ.
For having been thought worthy to obtain a most
excellent name, in the bonds which I carry about,
I salute the churches, wishing in them an union
both of the body and spirit of Jesus Christ, our
eternal life ; (as also) of faith and charity, to which
nothing is to be preferred ; but especially of Jesus
and the Father, in whom if we undergo all the
injuries of the Prince of this world, and escape, we
shall enjoy God.

88 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
2. Seeing then that I have been thought
worthy to see you, by Damas" your godly and
excellent Bishop, and by your worthy Presby
ters, Bassus and Apollonius; and by my fellow
servant Sotio the Deacon, in whom I rejoice, foras
much as he is subject unto his Bishop as unto the
grace of God, and to the Presbytery, as unto the
law of Jesus Christ, (I determined to write unto
you.) 3. It is your duty also not to despise the
youth of your Bishop, but to yield all reverence to
him, according to the power of God the Father. As
also I perceive your holy Presbyters do, not con
sidering his youthful appearance, b but as men
prudent in God, submitting to him; and not to
him (indeed), but to the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, the Bishop of us all. It becomes you
therefore to be obedient with all sincerity, in
honour of him whose pleasure it is (that ye should
do so). For, otherwise, a man deceives not this
Bishop whom he sees, but affronts him who is
invisible. For whatsoever of this kind is done, it
reflects not upon men, but upon God, who knows
the secrets of our hearts.
a Compare Ignatius' Epist. to Ephes. Sect. 1. Eusebius,
Eccles. Hist. iii. 36. says that Ignatius wrote an Epistle to the
church in Magnesia near the Maeander, in which he makes
mention of their bishop Damas.
b njv (paivo/xevnv vewreptKrjv Ta£ii/ — This may refer either
to his youth, or to his recent ordination.

TO THE MAGNESIANS. 89
4. It is therefore fitting that we should not
only be called Christians, but be so : as some call
a Bishop by the name (of his office,) but do all
things without him. But such men appear to me
void of a good conscience, since they are not
gathered together firmly, according to God's com
mandments. 5. Seeing then all things have an end, there
are set before us at once these two things, death
and life : and every one shall depart into his proper
place. For as there are two sorts of coins, the one
of God, the other of the world, each having its
own stamp impressed upon it, c so the unfaithful
bear the mark of this world, and the faithful in
charity that of God the Father through Jesus
Christ, through whom unless we hold ourselves in
readiness to die, after the likeness of his passion,
his life is not in us.
6. Forasmuch, then, as I have seen in faith
and love your whole multitude, in the persons of
whom I have before written, I exhort you that ye
study to do all things in a divine concord ; your
Bishop presiding in the place of God, and your
Presbyters in the place of the council of the Apos
tles, and your Deacons, most dear to me, being
entrusted with the ministry of Jesus Christ, who
was with the Father before all ages, and in the
end hath appeared. d Do ye all, therefore, be in
c Compare Rev. xiii. 16. d Heb. i. 2. ix. 26.

90 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
subjection one to another,' following the same
holy course. And let no man look upon his
neighbour after the flesh, but in all things love ye
one another in Jesus Christ. Let there be nothing
among you which can cause a division ; but be ye
united to your Bishop, and to those who preside
over you, to be your pattern and direction f unto
immortality. 7. As therefore the Lord, did nothing without
the Father, g being united to Him ; neither by
himself nor yet by his Apostles, in like manner do
ye nothing without the Bishop and the Presbyters.
Neither endeavour that any thing may appear rea
sonable unto yourselves privately ; but being come
together into one place, have one prayer, one sup
plication, one mind, one hope, in love and in joy
undefiled.11 There is one (Lord) Jesus Christ,
than whom nothing is better. Wherefore come
ye all together, as unto one temple of God, as unto
one altar, as unto one Jesus Christ, who proceeded
from one Father, and exists in One, and is returned
(to One). s
8. Be not deceived with strange doctrines,
nor with old fables which are unprofitable. k For
if we still continue to live according to the Jewish
law, we acknowledge that we have not received
c Eph. v. 21. f Compare Rom. vi. 17. Phil. iii. 17.
e Joh. x. 30. xiv. 11, 12. xvii. 21, 22.
h Eph. iv. 3—6. s Joh. xvi. 28. k Tit. iii. 9.

TO THE MAGNESIANS. 91
grace. ' For even the most holy prophets lived
according to Christ Jesus. For this cause they
were persecuted also, being inspired by his grace,
fully to convince the unbelievers that there is One
God, who hath manifested himself by Jesus Christ
his Son ; who is his eternal word, m not coming
forth from silence, n who in all things was well-
pleasing to him that sent him.
9- If, therefore, they who were brought up
in these ancient laws, have come to the newness
of hope, no longer observing sabbaths, but keeping
the Lord's day, ° in which also our life is sprung
up by him, and through his death, which (yet) some
1 Gal. v. 4. m Joh. i. 1.
n See note (C) at the end ofthe volume.
" The error here pointed out is that of observing the Jew
ish Sabbath, to the neglect of the Lord's day. That the first
day of the week was constantly observed by the early Christians
is plain, as well from instances in the New Testament, in
which the habitual assembling of Christians, and their celebra
tion of the holy sacrament, on that day, are distinctly ascer
tained, (Acts xx. 7- 1 Cor. xvi. 2. compared with 1 Cor. xi 20.)
as from the testimony of Justin Martyr (Apol. Sect. 89-) Ter
tullian, (Apol. c. 16.) and others. It was kept so strictly as
a festival, that fasting was forbidden on that day. Die Domi-
nico jejunium nefas ducimus. (Tertullian de Corona Militis.
cap. 3.)
The seventh day of the week, which is always designated
by the word Sabbatum, in the early Christian writers, was also
observed as a religious festival. Even the Montanists, although
very anxious to introduce severe discipline in the observance
of fasts, abstained from fasting on Saturday and Sunday, when
they kept their two weeks of Xerophagiae. Duas in anno heb-
domadas Xerophagiarum, nee totas, exceptis scilicet Sabbatis
et Dominicis, offerimus Deo. (Tertullian de Jejuniis, c. 15.)
^ The

92 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
deny : — By which mystery we have been brought
to believe, and therefore wait, that we may be found
the disciples of Jesus Christ our only teacher : —
How shall we be able to live without him, whose
disciples the very prophets were, and whom by the
Spirit they expected as their teacher ? And there
fore he, whom they righteously waited for, being
come, raised them up from the dead.
10. Let us then not be insensible of his good
ness. For if he had dealt with us according to
our works, we should not now have had a being.
Wherefore being become his disciples, let us learn
to live a Christian life. For whosoever is called
by any other name besides this, is not of God.
Lay aside therefore the evil leaven, which is grown
The Saturday before Easter day was, however, observed as a
fast. In the Apostolical Constitutions, which may be taken
to represent the usage of the Church in the fourth century,
sentence of suspension is denounced against any of the
Clergy who should fast on Saturday or Sunday. (Canon 64.)
This observance, which probably arose from a desire of con
ciliating the Jewish converts, continued in the Eastern Church
for many centuries. In the Western Church, Saturday was
usually observed as a fast. The custom, however, was not
general even in Italy. Ambrose, bishop of Milan, in the
fourth century, when he was at Rome, observed the day as a
fast, but at Milan made no such distinction between Saturday
and the rest of the week. His answer to Augustine, who con
sulted him upon the point, has become almost proverbial.
" When I come to Rome, I fast on Saturday, as they do at
Rome ; when I am here I observe no fast. In like manner my
advice is that you observe the custom of every church, where
you happen to be." (Augustine ad Januar. Epist. 118. Cave's
Primitive Christianity, Part l. ch. 7- Bp. Kaye's Tertullian,
chap. vi. p. 409. 1st edit.)

TO THE MAGNESIANS, 93
old, and sour; and be changed into the new
leaven, which is Jesus Christ. Be ye salted in
him, lest any of you should be corrupted, for by
your savour ye shall be judged. It is absurd to
name Christ Jesus, and to be still a Jew. For
Christianity embraced not the Jewish religion, but
the Jewish the Christian : that so every tongue that
believed might be gathered together unto God.
11. These things, my beloved, (I write unto
you), not that I know of any among you who are
thus disposed, but, as one less than yourselves, I
would warn you, not to fall into the snares of
vain glory, but to be fully instructed in the birth,
and sufferings, and resurrection (of Christ), which
was accomplished in the time of the government
of Pontius Pilate ; all which was truly and surely
performed by Jesus Christ, our hope, from which God
forbid that any of you should ever be turned aside.
12. May I have joy of you in all things, if
I shall be worthy of it. For although I am bound,
I am not worthy to be compared to one of you who
are at liberty. I know that ye are not puffed up.
For ye have Jesus Christ in your hearts. And
the rather when I commend you, I know that ye
are ashamed, as it is written, The just man con-
demneth himself. p
13. Give diligence, therefore, to be established
in the doctrines of our Lord and the Apostles, that
p Prov. xviii. 17- Septuagint.

94 EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE MAGNESIANS.
so whatsoever ye do, ye may prosper both in body
and spirit : in faith and charity, in the Son and in
the Father, and in the Spirit, in the Beginning and
in the End;q together with your most worthy
Bishop, and the well-woven spiritual crown of your
Presbytery, and your godly Deacons. Be subject
to your Bishop, and to one another, as Jesus Christ
to the Father, according to the flesh ; and the
Apostles to Christ and to the Father, and to the
Spirit ; that so there may be (among you) an
union both in body and spirit. *
14. Knowing you to be full of God, I have
the more briefly exhorted you. Remember me in
your prayers, that I may attain unto God ; as also
the Church which is in Syria, whence I am not
worthy to be called. For I stand in need of your
joint prayers in God, and of your charity, that
the Church, which is in Syria, may be thought
worthy to be nourished s by your church.
15. The Ephesians from Smyrna, whence
also I write, salute you ; being present here to the
glory of God, in like manner as ye are, who have in
all things refreshed me, together with Polycarp, the
Bishop of the Smyrneans. The rest of the Churches,
in the honour of Jesus Christ, salute you. Fare
ye well in the concord of God, possessing his in
separable Spirit, which is Jesus Christ.
i Rev. i. 8. • > Eph. iv. ,4.
s opoa-to-drjviu, to be bedewed. Compare Hos. xiv. 5.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

TO THE

TRALLIANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to the
holy Church which is at Tralles in Asia, beloved
of God the Father of Jesus Christ, elect and
worthy of God, having peace through the flesh,
and blood, and passion of Jesus Christ, our hope,
in the resurrection unto him ; whom also I salute
in its fulness, (continuing) in the Apostolic cha
racter, wishing it all joy and happiness.
1 . I have heard of your blameless and con
stant disposition through patience, which not only
appears in your outward conversation, but is
naturally rooted and grounded in you ; even as
Polybius a your bishop hath declared unto me ; who
came to me at Smyrna, by the will of God and
Jesus Christ, and so rejoiced with me in my bonds
for Jesus Christ, that I saw your whole assembly
in him. Having therefore received by him the
a Eusebius mentions this Polybius, in his account of this
Epistle. H. E. iii. 36.

96 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
testimony of your good will towards me for God's
sake, I seemed to find you, as I knew ye were, the
followers of God.
2. For inasmuch as ye are subject to your
Bishop as to Jesus Christ, ye appear to me to live
not after the manner of men, but according to Jesus
Christ, who died for us, in order that, believing in
his death, ye may escape death. It is therefore
necessary that ye do nothing without your Bishop,
even as ye are wont : and that ye be also subject
to the Presbytery as to the Apostles of Jesus Christ,
our hope, in whom if we walk, we shall be found
(in him).b The Deacons also, as being the (mi
nisters) of the mysteries of Jesus Christ, must by
all means please all. For they are not the mi
nisters of meat and drink, but of the Church of
God. Wherefore they must avoid all offences,
as (they would avoid) fire.
3. In like manner, let all reverence the Dea
cons as Jesus Christ, and the Bishop as the Father ;
and the Presbyters as the council of God, and the
assembly of the Apostles. Without these there is
no Church. Concerning all which I am persuaded
that ye think after the very same manner. For I
have received, and even now have with me, the
pattern of your love in your Bishop : whose very
look is much instruction, and his mildness, power :
whom I am persuaded that even the ungodly rever-
b Compare Philip, iii. 9.

TO THE TU ALL I ANS. 97
ence. But c because I have a love towards you, I
will not write any more sharply unto you about
this matter, although I very well might ; I have
even taken so much upon myself, who am but a
condemned (captive), as to command you as if I
were an apostle.
4. I know many things in God ; but I refrain
myself, lest I should perish in my boasting. For
now I ought the more to fear, and not hearken
to those that would puff me up. For they, who
(so) speak to me, chasten me. I love to suffer,
but I know not if I be worthy. And this desire,
though to others it doth not appear, yet to myself
is (on that account) the more violent. I have,
therefore, need of moderation, by which the Prince
of this world is destroyed.
5. Am I not able to write to you of heavenly
things ? But I fear lest I should harm you who
are babes in Christ : excuse me (this care) : lest,
not being able to receive them, ye should be choked
c ov Xoy'tfopai ko.\ tob? dBeow; ivrpeireo-Bai. ayaTrwvrai di ou
(beioonat iavTov iroTepov, Suva/ievo* ypa<peiv vixep tovtov els tovto
tar\Br\v, "va t£v KaTUKpi-roi to? dirddroXoi v'/juv ZiaTaa-o-wfiai. This
passage is evidently corrupted, and was so, before the old
Latin Version was made, which is here only a verbal translation
of the separate Greek words. Salmasius, Pearson, and Smith
all endeavour to explain the passage, without success. The
translation in the text is that of Archbishop Wake. It is
founded upon the reading suggested by the corresponding
passage in the interpolated Epistle: 'AyaTrwv u'/iat cpeiiopai
{ruvTovwrepov iirio-TclXat' *. t. X. G

98 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
with them. For even I myself, although I am in
bonds, yet am not therefore able to understand
heavenly things, as the orders of the angels, and
the several companies of them under their respective
princes, things visible and invisible : but in these
I am yet a learner. For many things are wanting
to us, that we come not short of God.
6. I exhort you therefore (or rather) not I,
but the love of Jesus Christ, that ye use none but
Christian nourishment ; abstaining from all strange
pasture, d which is heresy. For such confound
Jesus Christ with their own poison,6 while they
seem worthy of belief. As men give a deadly
potion mixed with sweet wine ; which he who is
ignorant of doth with the treacherous pleasure
sweetly drink in his own death. f
d flordvri — Compare Ephes. x. Philadelph. iii.
e oi Kaipdi "irapefXTrXeKovo-iv Ir/aovv Xpicrrow — Vossius's Con
jecture, ol «a\ iow, founded upon the old Latin Version and the
reading of the interpolated Epistle, appears highly probable,
and is here followed.
f Compare Philadelph. ii. A similar comparison, but more
poetical, is used by Chrysostom, Contra Judaeos iii. (Tom. vi.
p. 344. 24 Savile.) Kadairep ol to SriXnrtjpta KCjoa'i/i/ui/Tec (pappaxa,
fxeXtri to (TTOfxa Trji kvXikos Trepiypiovrei, ewirapaoenTov •jtoiovo'i
Trjv /3xd/3r]v. Although Chrysostom's application is the same
as that of Ignatius, it might almost be supposed that he was
acquainted with the beautiful passage of Lucretius, as beauti
fully imitated by Tasso, in which the application is different.
Nam veluti pueris absinthia tetra medentes
Quum dare conantur, prius oras pocula circum
Contingunt mellis dulci flavoque liquore,
Ut puerorum aetas improvida ludificetur Labrorum

TO THE TRALLIANS. 99
7. Wherefore, guard yourselves against such
persons. And that ye will do, if ye are not puffed
up, but continue inseparable from Jesus Christ
our God, and from your Bishop, and from the com
mands of the Apostles. He that is within the
altar is pure. But he that is without is not pure.
That is, he that doeth any thing without the
Bishop and the Presbyters, and the Deacons, is not
pure in his conscience.
8. Not that I know there is any thing of this
nature among you ; but I forewarn you, as greatly
beloved of me, foreseeing the snares of the devil.
Wherefore putting on meekness, renew yourselves
in faith, that is the flesh of the Lord, and in
charity, that is the blood of Jesus Christ. Let no
one of you bear a grudge against his neighbour.
Give no occasion to the Gentiles, lest by means of
a few foolish men, the whole congregation of God
be evil spoken of. For woe to that man through
whose vanity my name is blasphemed by any. g
9. Stop your ears, therefore, when any one
Labrorum tenus, interea perpotet amarum
Absinthi laticem, deceptaque non capiatur,
Sed potius tali tactu recreata valescat. Lucret. iv. 11.
Cosi all' egro fanciul porgiamo aspersi
Di soave licor gli orli del vaso :
Succhi amari ingannato intanto ei beve,
E dall' inganno suo vita riceve. Tasso Ger. Lib. i. 3.
g Isai. Lii. 5. G 2

100 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
speaks to you against Jesus Christ, who was of the
race of David, of the Virgin Mary: who was
truly born, and did eat and drink, was truly perse
cuted under Pontius Pilate, was truly crucified,
and died, in the sight of those in heaven, and of
those on earth, and of those under the earth. Who
also was truly raised from the dead, by his Father;
after the same manner as he will also raise up us
who believe in him, by Christ Jesus, without whom
we have no true life.
10. But if, as some who are Atheists, h that is
to say, unbelievers, pretend, he suffered only in
appearance — they themselves living only in appear
ance — why then am I bound ? Why do I desire
to fight with beasts? Then do I die in vain.
Verily I lie not against the Lord.
11. Flee, therefore, these evil scions, which
bring forth deadly fruit ; of which if any one taste
he shall presently die. For these are not plants
of the Father.1 For if they were, they would
appear to be branches of the cross, and their fruit
h This is a plain allusion to the heresy of the Docetae, to
which St. John probably refers in 1 Epist. iv. 3. "Every
spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh,
is not of God." They imagined that the body of our Lord
was no real substance, but an unsubstantial phantom. Simon
Magus is said to have been the author of this heresy. Menan-
der, his disciple, was a contemporary of Ignatius, and is said
by Justin Martyr, Apol. c. 34. to have deceived many in An
tioch. Compare Ignatius' Epistle to the Smyrneans, c. 1,2.
1 Matt. xv. 1 3.

TO THE TRALLIANS. 101
would be incorruptible ; by which he invites you
through his passion, who are members of him. For
the head cannot be without its members, God
having promised an union, which is himself.
12. I salute you from Smyrna, together with
the Churches of God, which are present with me,
who have refreshed me in all things, both in body
and in spirit. My bonds, which I carry about me
for the sake of Christ, beseeching him that I may
attain unto God, exhort you. Continue in concord
among yourselves, and in prayer one with another.
For it becomes every one of you, especially the
Presbyters, to refresh the Bishop, to the honour of
the Father, of Jesus Christ, and of the Apostles.
I beseech you that you hearken to me, in love,
that I may not, by those things which I write,
rise up in witness against you. Pray also for me,
who stand in need of your love, through the mercy
of God, that I may be worthy of the portion which
I am about to obtain, that I be not found a cast
away. k
13. The love of those who are at Smyrna
and Ephesus salutes you. Remember ye in your
prayers the church of Syria, from which I am not
worthy to be called, being one of the least of it.
Fare ye well l in Jesus Christ, being subject unto
your Bishop, as to the command (of God), and in
like manner to the Presbytery. Love every one
k 1 Cor. ix. 27- ' ippmaOc — Be strong.

102 EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE TRALLIANS.
his brother in simplicity of heart. May my soul
be your expiation,™ not only now, but when I
shall have attained unto God. For I am yet
under danger. But the Father is faithful in Jesus
Christ, to fulfil both my petition and yours: in
whom may ye be found unblameable.
m The Greek text here has dyvi^eTe vfnolv to indv irvevpa.
Vossius proposes to read dyvio-fxa upav, and Cotelerius dyvitjirai.

T II I'.

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

ROMANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to
the Church which hath obtained mercy in the
Majesty of the Most High Father, and his only
Son Jesus Christ, beloved and illuminated through
the will of Him who willeth all things, which are
according to the love of Jesus Christ, our God ;
(to the Church) which presides also in the place
of the region of the Romans, worthy of God, and
of all honour and blessing and praise ; worthy to
receive that which she wishes, chaste, and pre-emi
nent in charity, bearing the name of Christ and
iof the Father, which I salute in the name of
Jesus Christ, the Son of the Father : to those who
are united both in flesh and spirit to all his com
mands, and wholly filled with the grace of God,
and entirely cleansed from the stain of any other
doctrine, be all undefiled joy in Jesus Christ our
God.

104 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
1. Forasmuch as, through my prayers to
God, I have obtained to see your faces worthy of
God,a which I much desired to do, being bound
in Christ Jesus I hope to salute you, if it shall be
the will of God that I shall be thought worthy to
attain unto the end. For the beginning is well
disposed, if I shall but have grace, without hin
drance to take upon me my lot. But I fear your
love, lest it injure me. For to you it is easy to
do as ye will : but to me it is difficult to attain
unto God, if ye be (too) indulgent to me.
2. For I would not have you please men, but
God ; even as also ye do. For I shall never have
such an opportunity of attaining unto God ; nor
will your names ever be inscribed upon a better
work, if ye only keep silence. For if ye are silent
with respect to me, I shall be made partaker of
God : but if ye shall love my flesh, I shall again
have my course to run. Ye can do me no greater
favour, than to suffer me to be offered up to God,
now that the altar is prepared : that when ye are
gathered together in love, ye may sing praises to
the Father, in Christ Jesus, that he hath vouch
safed that a Bishop of Syria b should be found, and
a This Epistle was written from Smyrna. But Ignatius,
having set out to be brought to Rome, speaks in anticipation
of his arrival.
b Ignatius, as the Bishop of Antioch, the chief city of Syria,
styles himself Bishop of Syria. Compare Sect. 9. where he
refers to himself, as the shepherd of Syria.

TO THE ROMANS. 105
to call him from the east unto the west. It is
truly good for me to set from the world, unto God,
that I may rise again unto him.
3. Ye have never envied any one ; ye have
taught others. c I would therefore that those
things, which ye have commanded others in your
teaching, be now established among yourselves.
Only pray for me, that God would give me both
inward and outward strength, that I may not only
say, but will : in order that I may not only be
called a Christian, but be found one. For if I be
so found, I may deservedly be called a Christian ;
and be faithful then, when I shall no longer appear
to the world. Nothing that is seen is eternal ; " for
the things which are seen are temporal, but the
things which are not seen are eternal.'"1 For
even our God, Jesus Christ, now that he is in the
Father, doth the more appear.6 A Christian is
not made so by the mere power of persuasion, but
by greatness of mind : especially when he is hated
of the world. f
4. I write to all the churches, and signify to
them all, that I am willing to die for God, unless
c Ye have never envied any other the glory of becoming a
martyr for the name of Christ ; nay, ye have encouraged them
by your exhortations to remain faithful unto death.
d 2 Cor. iv. 18.
e By the power which he infuses into his servants, enabling
them to undergo all sufferings for his sake.
f The Greek text has, ou aiuirtr\<s povov to epyov, aXXa pe-
yeBuvi ea-Ttv 6 Xpt<TTiavt<rp.6<:. "The Christian religion is not to
be

106 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
you hinder me. I beseech you that ye shew not
an unseasonable good-will towards me. Suffer me
to be the food of wild beasts, by which I may
attain unto God. I am the wheat of God : g and
by the teeth of wild beasts I shall be ground, that
I may be found the pure bread of Christ. Rather
encourage the wild beasts, that they may become
my sepulchre, and may leave nothing of my body ;
that when I sleep I may be burdensome to no one.
Then shall I truly b& a disciple of Christ, when
the world shall not see so much as my body. Pray
to Christ for me, that by these instruments I may
be made a sacrifice (of God). I command you not,
as Peter and Paul did : they were apostles, I a
condemned man : they were free, but I hitherto a
servant : but if I shall suffer, I shall then become
the freed-man of Jesus (Christ), and shall rise free
in him. And now, being in bonds, I learn to
desire no worldly or vain thing.
be silently nourished, but magnanimously professed." The
reading followed in the text is that of Vossius, suggested by
the old Latin version, "oil ireio-ixovrji to epyov, dXXd fieyidovi
€<ttiv o A|OicrTiaeo<;, /AaAiffTa orav fMarjTat uno koctjuou.
e These remarkable words are quoted by Irenaeus, v. 28.
Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36. Jerome, in his catalogueof Ecclesiastical
writers, the Menologia Graeca, and others, say that Ignatius
addressed to the people expressions of the same nature, when
he was brought out before the wild beasts. " O Romans, the
spectators of this contest I am not thus condemned for any
evil deed, but for the sake of my religion. For I am the wheat
of God, and by the teeth of wild beasts I shall be ground,
that I may be the pure bread (of Christ)."

TO THE ROMANS. 107
5. From Syria even to Rome I fight with
beasts both by sea and land, by night and day ;
being bound to ten leopards, that is to say, a band
of soldiers, who even when kindly treated become
the worse. h But by their unjust treatment I am
the more instructed : yet am I not thereby justified. !
May I enjoy the wild beasts which are prepared
for me ; k and pray that they may be found ready
for me : which I will even encourage to devour me
all at once, and not fear to touch me, as they have
some others. And even if they refuse, and will not,
I will compel them. Bear with me (in this) : I
know what is profitable for me ; now I begin to be
a disciple. l Let nothing, of things either visible
or invisible, deprive me of attaining unto Jesus
Christ. Let fire and the cross, and the companies
of wild beasts, let tearings and rendings, let break-
h This passage also is quoted by Eusebius, H. E. iii. 36. Ig
natius compares the ill usage which he experienced from the
soldiers to the violence with which the beasts, to which he was
condemned, would treat him. " My contest with wild beasts is
already begun, and continues all the way from Syria even to
Rome. Rather than endure the insults, could I rejoice in the
wild beasts which are prepared for me."
1 1 Cor. iv. 4.
k Chrysostom quotes this expression in his Homily on the
martyrdom of Ignatius. The annals of the primitive martyrs
present many instances, in which those who were exposed to
wild beasts or subjected to other punishment, used means to
accelerate their own death. See the circular Epistle of the
Church of Smyrna on the martyrdom of Polycarp, c. 3.
1 Luke xiv. 27-

108 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
ings of bones, and the cutting off of limbs, let the
shatterings of the whole body, and all the evil tor
ments of the devil come upon me : only let me
attain unto Jesus Christ.
6. All the pleasures of the world and the
kingdoms of this life will avail me nothing.
Better is it for me to die for Christ Jesus than to
reign over the ends of the earth. " For what is a
man profited, if he shall gain the whole world,
and lose his own soul ?" m Him I seek, who died
for us : him I desire, who rose again for us. This
is the gain that is laid up for me. " Pardon me,
brethren : hinder me not from living, let me not
die," who am willing to be God's. Rejoice not in
the world ; suffer me to enter into pure light : when
I shall be there, I shall be a man of God. Suffer
me to imitate the sufferings of my God. If any
one hath Him within himself, let him consider
what I desire, and sympathize with me, knowing
how I am straitened.
7. The Prince of this world would fain carry
me away, and corrupt my resolution towards my
God. Let none of you therefore assist him :
rather join yourselves to me, that is to God. Do
not speak of Jesus Christ, and yet covet the world.
Let not envy dwell in you : obey not even me, if,
m Matt. xvi. 26. " Col. i. 21.
0 Hinder me not from attaining immortal life, let me not
die eternally, by refusing to suffer for Christ's sake.

TO THE ROMANS. 109
when I shall be present with you, I should exhort
you (to the contrary) : but rather obey these com
mands which I write unto you. I write to you
desiring to die, though I live. My love is cru
cified : p and in me, who love (a heavenly object),
there is no (earthly) fire ; but living water, spring
ing up in me, saying within me, Come unto the
Father. q I delight not in the food of corruption,
p The Greek here has, 6 i/jtos 'ipw; io-ravpoirai, ko.\ ou'k eVm/
iv i/xui rrup (piXouXov ibup Be IQiav, k.t.X. " There is in me no
fire delighting in matter, &c." Simeon Metaphrastes has also
(piXouXov. The old Latin Version, which is usually a strictly
verbal translation, has "et non est in me ignis amans aliquam
aquam ; sed vivens et loquens est in me &c." The interpo
lated Epistle has the same reading as the old Latin Version
ovk 'icFTiv iv 6/jlo\ Trvp (ptXovvrt. The sense ofthe passage
being to this effect : " While I contemplate Jesus, whose love
dwells in me, crucified for me, the fire, which the vain desires
of the world kindle, is extinguished within me. I perceive my
whole heart bedewed with the effusion of the Holy Spirit, as
by a copious and perpetual stream of living water, springing
up unto everlasting life. And thence I hear as it were a
heavenly voice, calling unto me, and saying, Come unto the
Father." Origen, in the introduction to his commentary on the book
of Canticles, the book De Divinis nominibus, ascribed to Dio-
nysius the Areopagite, cap. 4; the Menologia Graeca, on the
20th of December, and many modern writers agree in con
sidering the terms "my love is crucified," as expressing the
love of Ignatius to his Saviour who was crucified for him.
This seems the most natural meaning of the expression.
Cave, in his life of Ignatius, ch. xi., follows the opinion
of those who refer the words to the disposition of Ignatius
himself, who had "crucified the flesh with the affections and
lusts." i Joh. iv. 14.

110 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
nor in the pleasures of this life ; I desire the bread
of God ; the heavenly bread, the bread of life,
which is the flesh of Jesus Christ the Son of God,
who was born, in these last days, of the seed of
David and Abraham : and the drink of God which
I desire is his blood, which is incorruptible love,
and eternal life.
8. I have no desire to live any longer after
the manner of men ; neither shall I, if ye consent.
Consent therefore, that (God) may also consent
unto you. I exhort you in few words ; believe me.
And Jesus Christ will shew you that I speak truth,
he who is the mouth of the Father, without deceit,
in whom the Father speaks truly. Pray for me,
that I may attain. I have not written unto you
after the flesh, but according to the will of God.
If I shall suffer, ye have consented to my wishes ;
if I shall be rejected, ye have hated me.
9. Remember in your prayers the Church of
Syria, which now enjoys God for its shepherd,
instead of me. Jesus Christ alone shall supply
the place of its Bishop, together with your love.
But I am ashamed even to be reckoned as one of
them. For neither am I worthy, being the least
among them, and as one born out of due time. r
But through mercy I have obtained to be somebody,
if I shall attain unto God. My spirit salutes you :
and the charity of the churches which have re-
r 1 Cor. xv. 8. Compare Epist. to the Smyrneans, c. 11.

TO THE ROMANS. Ill
ceived me in the name of Jesus Christ, not simply
as a passenger. For even those which belonged
not at all to me, have brought me on my journey
from city to city, in my way according to the
flesh. 10. These things I write to you from Smyrna,
by the most worthy of the Church of Ephesus.
There is now with me, together with many others,
Crocus, most beloved of me. I doubt not that ye
have known of those who are gone before me out
of Syria to Rome, to the glory of God : to whom
signify also that I am near at hand : for they are
all worthy both of God and of you, whom it is fit
that ye refresh in all things.
This have I written to you, on the twenty-
fourth day of August. Be strong unto the end,
in the patience of Jesus Christ.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

PHILADELPHIANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to
the Church of God the Father, and our Lord
Jesus Christ, which is at Philadelphia in Asia,
which hath obtained mercy, and is fixed in the
unity of God, and rejoices evermore in the passion
of our Lord, and is fulfilled in all mercy through
his resurrection; which also I salute in the blood
of Jesus Christ; which is our eternal and abiding
joy, especially if they be at unity with the Bishop
and the Presbyters and Deacons with him, ap
pointed according to the will of Jesus Christ, whom
he hath settled according to his own will, in all
firmness by the Holy Spirit.
1. Which Bishop I know obtained that mi
nistry which appertains to the public good, neither
of himself, nor by men, nor through vain glory,
but in the love of God the Father and our Lord

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 113
Jesus Christ ; whose moderation I admire ; who by
his silence prevails more than the vain speech of
others. For (his mind) is aptly fitted to the com
mandments, as an harp to its strings. a Wherefore
my soul esteems his mind towards God most happy,
knowing it to be fruitful in all virtue, and perfect,
full of constancy, free from passion, and according
to all the moderation of the living God.
2. Wherefore, as becomes children of light
and of truth, flee divisions and false doctrines :
for where the shepherd is, there do ye, as sheep,
follow after. For many wolves,b which appear
worthy of belief, do through the allurements of
evil pleasure lead captive those that run in the
course o'f God. But in your concord they shall
find no plaee.
3. Abstain from those evil herbs,0 which
Jesus Christ cultivates not, since they are not
planted by the Father. Not that I have found
any division among you, but purity from all de
filement. d For as many as are of God, and of
Jesus Christ, are also with their Bishop. And as
many as shall with repentance return into the
unity of the Church, even these shall also be the
" See Ignatius's Epistle to the Ephesians, ch. 4.
b Acts xx. 29.
* Compare the Epistle to the Trallians, c. 6.
d dirolivXto-nov, the clearness which is produced by filtering
or straining a liquid, so as to separate from it all extraneous
substances. H

114 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
servants of God, that they may live according to
Jesus Christ. Be not deceived, my brethren : if
any one follows him that makes a schism (in the
Church), he shall not inherit the kingdom of God.
If any one walks after any other opinion, he agrees
not with the passion (of Christ).
4. Give diligence, therefore, to partake all of
the same Eucharist. For there is but one flesh
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one cup, in the
unity of his' blood : one altar, as there is also
one Bishop, together with the Presbytery, and the
Deacons, my fellow-servants. That so, whatsoever
ye do, ye may do it according to the will of
God. 5. My brethren, I am greatly enlarged in
my love towards you; and in my great joy I
would establish you: yet not I, but Jesus Christ,
in whom being bound I fear the more, as yet
being imperfect." But your prayer to God shall
make me perfect, that I may attain that portion,
which by God's mercy, is allotted unto me: flee
ing to the Gospel/ as to the flesh of Christ,
and to the Apostles, as unto the Presbytery of
e Compare Ignatius's Epistle to the Ephesians, c. 3.
f Having recourse to the Gospel, as if it were to Jesus
Christ himself, and to the writings of the Apostles, who are
the council of the Church. Le Clerc well observes that Ig
natius here specifies, in the first place, the Scriptures of the
New Testament, as his refuge : and, in the second place, those
of the Old Testament, as confirmatory of the New.
He ascribes also the salvation of the prophets to their faith.

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 115
the Church. Let us also love the prophets, for
asmuch as they also proclaimed the coming of
the Gospel, and hoped in Christ, and waited for
him : in whom believing also they were saved, in
the unity of Jesus Christ, being holy men worthy
of all love and admiration, who have received
testimony from Jesus Christ, and are numbered
in the Gospel of our common hope.
6. But if any one shall teach you the Jewish
law, hear him not. For better is it to receive
the law of Christ from one that is circumcised,
than the law of the Jews from one that is un-
circumcised.g But if either the one or the other
do not speak concerning Christ Jesus, they seem
to me but as monuments and sepulchres of the
dead, upon which are written only the names of
men. Flee, therefore, the wicked arts and snares
of the prince of this world, lest at any time being
oppressed by his craftiness ye grow weak in charity.
But come all together into the same place with
an undivided heart. And I bless my God that
I have a good conscience towards you, and that
no one among you hath to boast, either openly
or privately, that I have been burdensome to any
either in much or little.'1 And I pray that this
be not for a testimony to all among whom I have
conversed. g See note on Ignatius's Epistle to the Magnesians, c. 8.
h 2 Cor. xi. 9- H 2 «

116 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
7. For although some would have deceived
me according to the flesh, yet the Spirit is not
deceived, being from God. For it knows both
whence it comes, and whither it goes,1 and re
proves the secrets (of the heart).11 I cried, whilst
I was among you, I spake with a loud voice, Give
ear to the Bishop, and to the Presbytery, and to
the Deacons. And some suppose that I spake this,
as knowing before the separation of some. But
He is my witness, for whose sake I am in bonds,
that I knew nothing from any man. But the
Spirit spake, saying on this wise ; do nothing with
out the Bishop : keep your bodies as the temples
of God : love unity : flee divisions : be the followers
of Christ, as he was of his Father.
8. I therefore performed my part, as a man
anxious for unity. For where there is division and
strife, God dwells not. But God forgives all that
repent, if they return to the unity of God, and
to the council of the Bishop. For I trust in the
grace of Jesus Christ, that he will free you from
every bond. Nevertheless, I exhort you that ye
do nothing out of strife, but according to the in
struction of Christ.1 Because I have heard some

1 Joh. ii. 8. k Heb. iv. 12.
1 This seems to be a caution against the early heretics, such
as the Cerinthians and Ebionites, who would not admit any
doctrine of the Gospel, except such as could be proved by the
writings ofthe Old Testament. Lardner, Credibility, Part n.
c. 17, p. 323, agrees with Le Clerc, in supposing that a refer ence

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 117
say, Unless I find it in the ancient writings, I
will not believe in the Gospel. And when I said
to them, It is written, (in the Gospel) they an
swered me, It is found written before (in the Law).
But to me the most ancient records are Jesus
Christ ; the most uncorrupted records, his cross,
and death, and rising again, and faith in him, by
which I desire, through your prayers, to be jus
tified. 9. The priests themselves are good. But
much better is the High-priest, to whom only
hath been committed the Holy of Holies, to whom
alone have been entrusted the secret things of God.
He is the door of the Father, by which enter in
Abraham and Isaac, and Jacob, and the Prophets,
and the Apostles, and the Church. All these
things are for the unity of God. Howbeit the
Gospel hath somewhat in it far above, the ap
pearance of our Lord Jesus Christ, his passion, and
resurrection. For the beloved prophets referred to
him; but the Gospel is the perfection of incor-
ruption. All, therefore, together are good, if ye
believe with charity.
10. Forasmuch as I am told, that, through
your prayers and the bowels which ye have in

ence is here made to those who appealed, on all controverted
points, to the original autographs of the Gospels. The whole
tenour of the passage, however, from Sect. 6. to Sect. 9. ap
pears to relate to the Jewish law, compared with the Gospel.

118 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
Christ Jesus, the Church, which is in Antioch in
Syria, is at peace,™ it will become you, as the
Church of God, to appoint a Deacon to go to
them thither as the ambassador of God, that he
may rejoice with them when they meet together,
and glorify the name of God. Blessed be that
man in Christ Jesus, who shall be found worthy
of such a ministry ; and ye yourselves also shall
be glorified. If, now, ye be willing, it is not
impossible for you (to do this) for the sake of
God, as also the other neighbouring Churches have
sent them, some Bishops, and other Priests and
Deacons. 11. As concerning Philo the Deacon of Cilicia,
a man of honest report,11 who now also ministers
unto me in the word of God, with Rheus Aga-
thopus,0 a chosen man, who is also following me
from Syria, not regarding his life, these also bear
witness of you. And I myself give thanks to God
for you, that ye have received them, even as the
Lord hath received us. And for those who dis
honoured them, may they be forgiven through the
grace of Jesus Christ. The love of the brethren
that are at Troas salutes you; whence also I now
m Compare Ignatius's Epist. to the Smyrneans, c. 11. and
to Polycarp, c. 7- Archbishop Usher is of opinion that this
peace to the Church of Antioch arose from the Edict of Trajan,
that the Christians should no longer be sought out for punish
ment. Acts vi. 3. " See Epist. to the Smyrneans, c. 10.

TO THE PHILADELPHIANS. 119
write by Burrhus, who was sent together with me
by those of Ephesus and Smyrna, for respect sake.
May our Lord Jesus Christ honour them ; in whom
they hope, both in body, and soul, and spirit,1" in
faith, and love, and unity. Fare ye well in Christ
Jesus, our common hope.
p 1 Thess. v. 23.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

TO THE

SMYRNEANS.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to
the Church of God the Father, and of the beloved
Jesus Christ, which is at Smyrna, in Asia, (a
Church, which is mercifully blessed with every good
gift, a being filled with faith and charity, so that
it is wanting in no good gift, most godly, and
fruitful in saints,) all joy through the immaculate
Spirit and the Word of God.
1. I glorify God, even Jesus Christ, who
hath given you such wisdom. For I have observed
that you are settled in an immoveable faith, nailed,
as it were, to the cross of the Lord Jesus Christ,
both in the flesh, and in the spirit, and are con
firmed in love through the blood of Christ, being
fully persuaded of those things which relate unto
our Lord, who was truly b of the race of David
" 1 Cor. vii. 25.
b These observations are directed against the Doceta:, who
denied Christ had a real body. Compare c. 4. and Epist. to
Trallians, c. 10.

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE SMYRNEANS. 121
according to the flesh, (but) the Son of God, ac
cording to the will and power of God, truly born
of a virgin, and baptized by John, that so all
righteousness might be fulfilled in him, c truly
crucified for us in the flesh under Pontius Pilate
and Herod the Tetrarch. By the fruits of which,
by his most blessed passion, we are : that he might
set up a token d for all ages through his resurrec
tion, to all his holy and faithful servants, whether
they be Jews or Gentiles, in one body of his
Church. 2. Now all these things he suffered for us,
that we might be saved. And he suffered truly,
as he also truly raised up himself. And not, as
some unbelievers say that he only seemed to suffer,
they themselves seeming only to be (Christians). "
And as they believe so shall it happen unto them,
when they are divested of the body, and shall
become mere spirits.
3. For I know that even after the resurrection
he was in the flesh, and believe that he is still so.
And when he came to those who were with Peter,
he said unto them, Take, handle me, and see that
I am not an incorporeal demon. f And straight-
* Matt. iii. 15. d Isai. v. 26. xlIx. 22. Lxii. 10.
e Compare Epist. to Trallians c. 10. Thus Tertullian, Adv.
Valentinianos, c. 27- Ita omnia in imagines urgent, plane et
ipsi imaginarii Christiani.
f Xapere, -^tjXaiprjirare ne, nai \bere, oti ouk ei/ii Zaipoviov
ao-iDfjiarov. These words are in all probability, a loose quotation from the

122 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
way they touched him and believed, being con
vinced both by his flesh and by his spirit. For
this cause they despised death, and were found
3 above it. But after the resurrection, he did eat
and drink with them, although as to his spirit he
was united to the Father.
the Gospel of St. Luke xxiv. 39- \f/riXa(ptjo-aTe ne, ku'i "Bere-
6'ti weuna o-dpica na\ oo-rea ouk 'iyei KaBd's ini dempeiTe eyov-ra.
" Handle me, and see ; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones,
as ye see me have." Ignatius evidently here uses the word
demon to mean no more than spirit. It is so much the custom
for the early Christian writers to quote the substance, and not
the very words of Scripture ; and Ignatius, when he wrote this
Epistle, was so likely to quote from memory, that probably
the allusion, in this case, would scarcely have been questioned,
had not Eusebius (Eccles. Hist. iii. 36.) expressed his ignorance
of the place whence the quotation was taken : and Jerome on
two occasions (De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, and, in his Com
mentary on Isaiah, lib. 18.) stated that Ignatius quotes the
passage from the Gospel according to the Hebrews. In another
place (Adversus Pelagianos, lib. 3.) Jerome describes this Gos
pel as being " written in the Chaldean or Syrian language, but
in Hebrew characters ,•" and says that in his time, the early
part of the fifth century, it was in use among the Nazarenes,
and called the Gospel according to the Apostles, or more gene
rally "the Gospel according to Matthew."
Origen, Trep\ dpyav, lib. 1, says that in the book which is
called "the Doctrine of Peter," the Saviour appears to say to
his disciples, that he is not an incorporeal demon.
The testimony of Jerome leaves no doubt that these words
were found in the " Gospel according to the Hebrews :" but
it certainly does not appear that Ignatius quoted from that
Gospel. Le Clerc, in his third Dissertation, at the end of his
Harmonia Evangelica, and Lardner, Credibility of the Gospel
History, Part n. c. 5. 55. are of opinion that Ignatius here
merely alludes to St. Luke. Bp. Pearson, Vindicia Ignatianae,
Part n. c. 9. p. 103, agrees with Isaac Casaubon in supposing
that Ignatius refers to some Verbal tradition, which might
afterwards

TO THE SMVKNEANS. 123
4. Now of these things I remind you breth
ren, not questioning but that ye yourselves also
believe that they are so. But I forewarn you to
beware of certain beasts in the shape of men, whom
ye must not only not receive, but, if possible, not
even meet with. Only ye must pray for them,8
that if it be the will of God they may repent,
which yet will be very hard. But of this Jesus
Christ hath the power, who is our true life. For
if all these things were done by our Lord in ap
pearance only, h then am I bound in appearance
only. Wherefore then have I given myself over
unto death, to fire, to sword, to wild beasts ? But
now, the nearer I am to the sword, the nearer to
God; when I am among the wild beasts, I am
with God. Only in the name of Jesus Christ, I
undergo all, to suffer together with him ; since he,
who was made perfect man, strengthens me.
5. Whom some, not knowing, do deny : or
afterwards be inserted in the Gospel according to the Hebrews,
ascribed to St. Matthew.
g This is an early instance of distinct prayer for the con
version of heretics ; as in Irenaeus iii. 46. " Nos autem pre
camur non perseverare illos in fovea quam ipsi foderunt, sed
segregari — et legitime eos generari, conversus ad ecclesiam Dei.
Haac precamur de illis, utilius eos diligentes quam ipsi semet
ipsos putant diligere."
Our own Church, in the third Collect for Good Friday,
expressly follows the example thus set, and continued in the
Christian Church. See Palmer's Antiquities of the English
Litury, ch. 14. vol. i. p. 333.
h Compare Trallians, c. 10.

124 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
rather have been denied by him, being the advo
cates of death, rather than of the truth. Neither
the prophets, nor the law of Moses, nor even the
Gospel itself, even to this day, nor the sufferings
of every one of us, have persuaded these men. For
they think also the same things of us. For what
doth any one profit me, if he shall praise me, and
blaspheme my Lord, confessing not that he was
truly made flesh ? Now he that doth not say this,
doth in .effect deny him, and is in death. ' But
for the names of such persons, thus being unbe
lievers, I thought it not fitting to write them unto
you. Yea, God forbid that I should make any
mention of them, till they shall repent to a true
belief of Christ's passion, which is our resurrection.11
6. Let no man deceive himself. Both the
things which are in heaven, and the glory of
angels, and princes whether visible or invisible,
1 There is here a correspondence in terms, which cannot
be expressed in a translation. He who doth not confess that
Jesus Christ truly bore our flesh (o-apicocpopm) is himself (ve-
Kpocpopov) a bearer of the dead, one who carries about his own
body, "dead while he liveth." Cyprian expresses the same
sentiment in his treatise De Lapsis (p. 135. Fell.). "Animam
tuam misera perdidisti : spiritualiter mortua supervivere hic
tibi, et ipsa ambulans funus tuum portare coepisti; et non
acriter plangis, non jugiter ingemiscis ?" And Jerome, Ep. xiii.
" Quanti hodie diu vivendo portant funera sua."
Until they shall renounce their heretical opinions respect
ing his passion, which they hold to have been merely imagi
nary, and acknowledge that his sufferings were real, by virtue
of which alone we look for our own resurrection.

TO THE SMYRNEANS.

125

unless they believe in the blood of Christ, even
they shall receive condemnation. * He that is able
to receive this, let him receive it.m Let no man's
place puff him up. For that which is worth all is
faith and charity, to which nothing is to be pre
ferred. But consider those who are of a differe
opinion with respect to the grace of Jesus Chr......
which is come unto us, how contrary they are to
the design of God. They have no regard to cha
rity, (no care) of the widow, the fatherless, and
the oppressed, of the bound or free, of the hungry
or thirsty. 7. They abstain from the Eucharist and from
prayer, because they confess not the Eucharist to
be the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which suf
fered for our sins, and which the Father, of his
goodness, raised up (again from the dead). They
therefore who contradict the gift of God, die in
their disputes. But better would it be for them
to receive it, n that they might rise also from the
1 Ignatius is not the only early Christian writer, who held
that the death of Christ was influential in the salvation of or
ders of beings superior to man. Jerome, in his Commentary
on the Epistle to the Ephesians, lib. ii. says, " Descendit ergo
in inferiora terrae, et ascendit super omnes crelos Filius Dei,
ut non tantum leges prophetasque compleret, sed et alias quas-
dam occultas dispensationes, quod solus ille novit cum Patre.
Neque enim scire possumus, quo modo et angelis, et his qui in
inferno erant, sanguis Christi profuerit : et tamen quin profuerit
nescire non possumus.
m Matt. xix. 12.
" dyawav. This is the sense which Abp. Wake gives to
the

26 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
lead. It will become you, therefore, to abstain
rom such persons, and not to speak with them
ither in private or in public : but to hearken to
he prophets, and especially to the Gospel, in
vhich Christ's passion is manifested unto us, and
lis resurrection perfectly declared. But flee all
livisions, as the beginning of evils.
8. See that ye all follow your Bishop, as
lesus Christ the Father : and the Presbytery, as
he Apostles : and reverence the Deacons as the
:ommand of God. Let no one do any thing which
>elongs to the Church, separately from the Bishop.
jet that Eucharist be looked upon as well estab-
ished, which is either offered by the Bishop, or
>y one to whom the Bishop hath given his consent.
Wheresoever the Bishop shall appear, there let the
leople also be : as, where Jesus Christ is, there is
he Catholic0 Church. It is not lawful, without
ie word. It may perhaps mean, to acquiesce, and no longer
ontradict the gift of God. Bp. Pearson considers it to refer
3 the Agapse, or common feasts of the rich and the poor,
rhich were held at the time of the celebration of the Eucharist.
«e below, ch. 8. This feast, in the early ages ofthe Church,
eems to have preceded the Communion, (1 Cor. xi. 20, 21.)
ut at a later period, it was deferred till after the administration
f the Holy Sacrament. In the council of Carthage, a.d. 252,
; was decreed that the Eucharist should be received fasting,
xcept at Easter. See Bingham, Eccles. Ant. Book xv. ch. vii. 7.
lave, Primitive Christianity, Part i. ch. 11. Suicer's Thesau-
us on the word 'Aydirr]. Tertullian, Apol. c. 39-
0 This is the earliest instance of the use of the word Ca-
liolic, which was so soon adopted to distinguish the faith of the
Ihristaan church diffused throughout the whole world from that

TO THE SMYRNEANS. 127
the Bishop, either to baptize, or to celebrate the
Holy Communion. p But whatsoever he shall
approve of, that is also pleasing unto God, that
so whatsoever is done may be surely and well
done. 9. For what remains, it is reasonable that we
should repent, and, while there is yet time, return
unto God. It is good to have due regard both to
God and to the Bishop. He that honours the
Bishop, shall be honoured of God. But he that
doeth any thing without his knowledge, ministers
unto the Devil. Let all things therefore abound
to you in charity, seeing ye are worthy. Ye have
refreshed me in all things ; so shall Jesus Christ
you. Ye have loved me absent and present. May
God repay you, for whom whilst ye undergo all
things, ye shall attain unto him.
10. Ye have done well, in that ye have re
ceived Philo, and Rheus Agathopus,q who followed
me for the word of God, as the Deacons of Christ
our God : who also give thanks unto the Lord for
that of other sects, which wished to shelter themselves under the
name of Christians. Pacian in his Epistle to Sempronian the
Novatian heretic, in the fourth century, well describes the rea
son of this appellation. "Christian is my name, and Catholic
my sirname : the first is my denomination, the second my dis
tinction." (Christianus mihi nomen est, Catholicus cognomen.
Illud me nuncupat, istud ostendit.) The word Catholic occurs
in the introduction to the account ofthe Martyrdom of Polycarp.
See Bingham, Eccles. Ant. Book i. ch. 1, 7.
p dydirnu iroieiv. See note (n) c. 7-
q Compare Philadelph. c. 11.

128 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
you, forasmuch as ye have refreshed them in all
things. Nothing (that ye have done) shall be lost
to you. May my soul be for yours, and my bonds,
which ye have not despised, nor been ashamed of.
Neither shall Jesus Christ, (our) perfect faith, be
ashamed of you.
11. Your prayer is come to the Church of
Antioch which is in Syria. Whence being sent
bound with chains, which are the fittest ornament1"
of a servant of God, I salute all (the Churches),
not as though I were worthy to take my name
from that Church, being the least of them. s Ne
vertheless by the will of God I have been thought
worthy (of this honour) ; not that I am at all con
scious of deserving it, but by the grace of God,
which I wish may be given unto me in perfection,
that by your prayers I may attain unto God. In
order, therefore, that your work may be fully ac
complished, both upon earth and in heaven, it is
fitting, that, for the honour of God, your Church
should appoint some worthy delegate, who being
come as far as Syria may rejoice with them, in that
they are at peace,' and that they are again restored
to their former greatness, and have again received
their proper body. It hath appeared therefore to
r QeoTrpeTrecrrdTOK: oW/uoi?. Compare Epist. of Polycarp,
c. 1. Ignatius, Epist. to the Ephes. c. 11. »
s Compare Ignatius's Epistles to Rom. 9. Trallians 13.
* See the Epistle to the Philadelphians, c. 10. Epistle to
polycarp, c. 7-

TO THE SMYRNEANS. 129
me a proper measure, that ye send some one from
you, with an epistle, to congratulate them upon
the calm which hath been given them of God, and
that through your prayers they have already at
tained to an harbour. Being perfect, mind also
that which is perfect. For when ye are desirous
to do well, God is ready to enable you thereunto.
12. The love of the brethren that are at
Troas salutes you. Whence also I write to you by
Burrhus whom ye sent with me, together with the
Ephesians your brethren ; and who hath in all
things refreshed me. And would that all imitated
him, as being a pattern of the ministry of God.
May (his) grace fully reward him. I salute your
very worthy Bishop, and your venerable Presbytery,
and your Deacons, my fellow-servants ; and all of
you in general, and every one in particular, in the
name of Jesus Christ, and in his flesh and blood ;
in his passion and resurrection both fleshly and
spiritually, in the unity of God with you. Grace
be with you, and mercy, and peace, and patience,
for evermore. 13. I salute the families of my brethren with
their wives, and children, and the virgins that are
called widows." Be strong in the power of the
u These were the Deaconnesses, whose office was very an
cient in the Christian Church. St. Paul speaks of Phoebe " a
servant [haKovm) of the Church which is at Cenchrea." Rom.
xvi. 1. And Pliny evidently alludes to them, in his celebrated
Epistle : (Lib. x. Ep. 97-) " Quo magis necessarium credidi,
I ex

130 EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO THE SMYRNEANS.
Holy Ghost. Philo, who is present with me, salutes
you. I salute the house of Tavia, and pray that
she may be strengthened in faith and charity, both
of flesh and spirit. I salute Alee, my well-beloved ;
and the incomparable Daphnus, and Eutechnus,
and all (others) by name. Farewell in the grace
of God.
ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrce dicebantur, quid esset veri et
per tormenta quasrere." They are frequently styled widows ;
(Tertull. Lib. i. ad Uxorem, c 70 and usually were so. The
qualifications generally required for a Deaconness were, that she
should be a widow, who had borne children, had been the wife
of but one husband, and of mature age, from forty to sixty
years old. Tertullian (De Velandis Virgin, c. 9) inveighs in
strong terms against the abuse of introducing a virgin, under
the age of twenty years, into the order of the Deaconnesses.
" Plane scio alicubi virginem in viduatu ab annis nondum vi-
ginti collocatam. Cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus,
aliter utique salvo respectu disciplinas praestare potuisset, ne tale
nunc miraculum, ne dixerim raonstrum, in Ecclesia. denotare-
tur." It appears, however, from this passage of Ignatius, and
from other authorities, that virgins were admitted into this
order. Thus Epiphanius (Exposit. Fid. n. 21.) says the Dea
connesses must be either virgins, or widows who had been but
once married: fj yripeucracrai diro novofyccnias, rj de\ irdodevoi
olo-at. The same rule is laid down in the Apostolical Consti
tutions, Lib. vi. c. 17, the preference being there given to a
virgin. See Bingham, Eccles. Ant. B. ii. c. 22. 1, 2. where
several instances of virgin Deaconnesses are mentioned: and
Valesius, on Eusebius, de Laudibus Constantini, c. 17.

THE

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS

POLYCARP.

Ignatius, who is also called Theophorus, to
Polycarp, Bishop of the Church which is at Smyrna;
(their overseer), but rather himself overseen by
God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ ; all
happiness. 1. Having known that thy mind towards
God is fixed as it were upon an immoveable rock, I
exceedingly give thanks, that I have been thought
worthy to behold thy blessed face, in which may I
always rejoice in God. I beseech thee, by the
grace of God, with which thou art clothed, to press
forward in thy course, and to exhort all (others)
that they may be saved. Maintain thy station
with all diligence both of flesh and spirit. a Be
careful (to preserve) unity, than which nothing is
better. Bear with all men ; even as the Lord with
a 1 Cor. vii. 34.
I 2

132 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
thee. Support all in love, as also thou dost. Find
time to pray without ceasing. Ask more under
standing than what thou already hast. Be watch
ful, having thy spirit always awake. Speak to
every one, according as God shall enable thee.
Bear the infirmities of all, b as a perfect cdmbatant:
where there is the greater labour, there is the
greater gain.
2. If thou shalt love the good disciples, what
thank is it? But rather do thou subject to thyself
in meekness those that are mischievous. Every
wound is not healed with the same remedy. Mol
lify severe attacks with lenient fomentations. Be
in all things wise as a serpent, and harmless as a
dove. e For this cause thou art composed of flesh
and spirit, that thou mayest treat mildly those
things which appear before thy face. And, as for
those that are not seen, pray to God that he would
reveal them unto thee, that so thou mayest be
wanting in nothing, but abound in every gift. The
times demand thee, as (pilots) require the winds,
and as he that is tossed in a tempest (desires) the
haven; that thou mayest attain unto God. Be
sober, as the combatant of God. The crown (pro
posed to thee) is immortality, and eternal life, con
cerning which thou art also fully persuaded. In
all things I, and my bonds which thou hast loved,
will be thy surety.
" Comp. Isai. Liii. 4. Matt. viii. 17. c Matt. x. 16.

TO POLYCARP. 133
3. Let not those which appear worthy of cre
dit, but teach other doctrines, disturb thee. Stand
firm and immoveable as an anvil when it is beaten
upon. It is the part of a brave combatant, to be
wounded, and yet to overcome. But especially we
ought to endure all things for God's sake, that he
may bear with us. Become daily more diligent
even than thou art. Consider the times, and expect
Him, who is above all time, eternal, invisible,
though for our sakes made visible : who cannot be
perceived by our touch, neither is liable to suffer
ing, although for our sakes he submitted to suffer,
and endured evils of every kind for us.
4. Let not the widows be neglected. Be thou,
after God, their guardian. Let nothing be done
without thy knowledge and consent ; neither do thou
any thing but according to the will of God; as also
thou dost with all constancy. Let your assemblies
be more full*/ enquire into all by name. Overlook
not the men-servants and maid-servants. Neither
let them be puffed up, but rather let them be the
more subject, to the glory of God, that they may
obtain from him a better liberty. Let them not
desire to be set free at the public cost, that they
may not be slaves to their own lusts.
5. Flee evil arts: or rather, make not any
mention of them. e Say to my sisters, that they
d Compare Ignatius's Epistle to the Ephesians, c. 13.
' The Greek text, paXXov ci ¦wep] rovrav opiXiav irotou,
« Rather

134 THE EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS
love the Lord, and be satisfied with their husbands
both in the flesh and spirit. In like manner
exhort my brethren, in the name of Jesus Christ,
to love their wives, even as the Lord the Church/
If any one is able to remain in chastity, to the
honour of Him, who is the Lord of (all) flesh, g let
him remain so without boasting. If he boast, he is
undone. And if he desire to be more esteemed
than the Bishop, he is corrupted. It becomes also
those who marry and are given in marriage to be
united with the consent of the Bishop, that so the
marriage may be according to godliness, and not in
lust. Let all things be done to the honour of
God. 6. Hearken ye (all)h unto the Bishop, that
God also may hearken to you. My soul be security
for those who submit to their Bishop, Presbyters,
and Deacons. And may my portion be together
with theirs in God. Labour ye one with another :
strive together ; run together ; suffer together : to
gether take rest, and together rise, as the stewards,
and assessors, and ministers of God. Please him,
" Rather make frequent discourses respecting them." The old
Latin version has the same sense. It seems probable, however,
that the reading, nrj irotoS, which is preserved in the Interpo
lated Epistle, is correct.
f Ephes. v. 25. e Comp. Jer. xxxii. 27.
h Although this Epistle was written to Polycarp, Bishop of
Smyrna, precepts are included in it addressed to the whole
Church; as St. Paul, in his first Epistle to Timothy, introduces
many instructions to Christians in general.

TO POLYCARP. 135
under whom ye war, and from whom also ye receive
your wages. Let none of you be found a deserter.
Let your baptism remain, as arms, faith as an
helmet, charity as a spear ; patience as your whole
armour. Let your works be that which is com
mitted to your charge, ' that so ye may receive a
suitable reward. Be long-suffering, therefore, to
wards each other in meekness, as God is towards
you. Let me have joy of you in all things.
7. Now, forasmuch as the Church of Antioch
in Syria, is, as I have learned, at peace through your
prayers, k I also have been the more comforted and
without care in God, if so be that by suffering I
shall attain unto God, that through your prayers
I may be found a disciple (of Christ). It will be
fit, most worthy Polycarp, to call a council of the
most godly men, and choose some one whom ye
particularly love, and who is patient of labour,
that he may be the messenger of God, and to
appoint him to go into Syria, and glorify your
unwearied love, to the praise of Christ. A Chris
tian is not in his own power, but must be
always at leisure for (the service of) God. And
this is the work both of God, and of you, when ye
shall have perfected it. For I trust, through the
1 to 367roi7iTa v'pwv, to epya i/'/uioi/. See that ye employ all
the talents, committed to you as a sacred deposit, for which
ye will be called upon to give an account.
k Trajan having put a stop to the persecution at Antioch.
Compare the Epistle to the Philadelphians, c. 10.

136

EPISTLE OF IGNATIUS TO POLYCARP.

grace (of God) that ye are ready to every good
work, that is fitting for you in the Lord. Know
ing therefore your earnest affection for the truth,
I have exhorted you by these short letters. '
8. But forasmuch as I have not been able to
write to all the Churches, because I must suddenly
sail from Troas to Neapolis, for so is the will of
those to whom I am subject, write to the Churches
which are near thee, inasmuch as thou art in
structed in the will of God, that they also may
do in like manner. Let those who are able send
messengers ; and the rest send (their) letters by
those who shall be sent by you : that thou mayest
be glorified to all eternity, even as thou art
worthy. I salute all by name : and (particularly) the
wife of Epitropus, with all her house and children.
I salute Attalus my well-beloved. I salute him
who shall be thought worthy to be sent by you
into Syria. Grace be ever with him, and with
Polycarp who sends him. I wish you all happi
ness in our God, Jesus Christ, in whom continue in
the unity and protection of God. I salute Alee my
well-beloved. Farewell in the Lord.
1 The Epistle to the Smyrneans and this to himself.

THE

MARTYRDOM

IGNATIUS.

A RELATION OF THE MARTYRDOM OF IGNATIUS.
Soon after Trajan had succeeded to the Roman
empire, Ignatius, the disciple of the Apostle John,
a man in all things like unto the Apostles, go
verned the Church of Antioch with all care. He
had with difficulty escaped the former storms of
the numerous persecutions, which happened under
Domitian, like a skilful pilot, by the helm of prayer
and fasting, by the constancy of his doctrine and
spiritual labour, withstanding the raging floods,
fearing lest he should lose any of those who wanted
courage, or were not well grounded in the faith.
Wherefore, when the persecution was for the present
somewhat abated, he rejoiced greatly at the tran
quillity of the Church. Howbeit for himself he
was troubled, that he had not yet attained to the
true love of Christ, nor to the perfect rank of
a disciple. For he thought that the confession,
which is made by martyrdom, would bring him

138 THE MARTYRDOM
to a yet more close and intimate union with the
Lord. Wherefore, having continued a few years
longer with the Church, illuminating, like a divine
lamp, the heart of every man by the exposition of
the Holy Scriptures, he attained the object of his
wishes. 2. For, after this, in the ninth" year of his
empire, Trajan elated with his victory over the
Scythians and Dacians, and many other nations,
conceived that the religious company of Christians
was yet wanting to complete his universal dominion.
He therefore threatened them with persecution,
unless they chose to submit to the worship of devils,
with all other nations ; so that terror compelled all
men of godly lives either to sacrifice or to die.
Then, therefore, this noble soldier of Christ, ap
prehensive for the Church of Antioch, was vo
luntarily brought before Trajan, who was at that
time passing through the city, as he was hastening
against Armenia, and the Parthian s. As soon then
as he stood in the presence of the Emperor Tra
jan, the Emperor said, "Who art thou, unhappy
and deluded man,b who art so active in trans-
a The Greek has iwo-Tip era; the old Latin version, "post
quartum annum." Bp. Pearson, in his dissertation on the year
in which Ignatius was condemned at Antioch by Trajan, shews
that there is some error in this date. He places the event as
late as the eighteenth year of Trajan, a.d. 116.
b tis el, KawZaipov. The word KaKolalpwv signifies both a
person who is unhappy, or ill-fated, and one who is under the
influence of evil spirits. Trajan uses the word in the first

OF IGNATIUS. 139
gressing our commands, and besides persuadest
others to their own destruction?" Ignatius re
plied, " No one ought to call (one who is properly
styled) Theophorus,0 unhappy and deluded; for
the evil spirits (which delude men) are departed
far from the servants of God. But if you so call
me, because I am a trouble to those evil spirits,
and an enemy to their delusions, I confess the
justice of the appellation. For having (within
me) Christ the heavenly King, I loosen all their
snares." Trajan replied, "And who is Theopho
rus?" Ignatius answered, "He that hath Christ
in his heart." Then said Trajan, "Thinkest thou,
therefore, that we have not the gods within us,
who also assist us in our battles against our ene
mies ?" " Thou dost err," Ignatius replied, " in
calling the evil-spirits of the heathen, gods. For
there is but one God, who made the heaven and
the earth, the sea and all that are in them : and
one Christ Jesus the only-begotten Son of God,
whose kingdom may I enjoy." Trajan said, "Speak-
est thou of him who was crucified under Pontius
Pilate?" Ignatius answered, "(I speak of) him
who hath crucified my sin, with the inventor of
it ; and hath put all the deceit and malice of the
devil under the feet of those who carry him in
sense. Ignatius replies by a reference to the second. See
Pearson, Vindiciae Ignat. Part n. c. 12.
c See note on the introduction to Ignatius's Epistle to the
Ephesians.

140 THE MARTYRDOM
their hearts." Then asked Trajan, "Carriest thou,
then, within thee him who was crucified?" "Yea,"
replied Ignatius, "for it is written, I will dwell
in them, and walk in them."d Then Trajan pro
nounced this sentence : " We decree that Ignatius,
who hath confessed that he carries about within
himself him that was crucified, shall be carried
in bonds by soldiers to the great Rome, there
to be thrown to the beasts for the gratification
of the people." When the holy martyr heard this
sentence, he cried out with joy, "I thank thee,
O Lord, that thou hast vouchsafed thus to punish
me, out of thy perfect love towards me, and hast
made me to be put in iron bonds, with thine
apostle Paul." Having thus spoken, he joyfully
suffered his bonds to be put about him ; and having
first prayed for the Church, and commended it with
tears unto the Lord, like a choice ram, the leader
of a goodly flock, he was hurried away by the brutal
and cruel soldiers, to be carried to Rome and there
to be devoured by blood-thirsty wild beasts.
3. Wherefore with much readiness and joy,
out of his desire to suffer, he left Antioch, and
came to Seleucia, whence he set sail. After (a
voyage of) much labour he reached the city of
Smyrna, and with great gladness left the ship,
and hastened to see the holy Polycarp, Bishop of
Smyrna, who had been his fellow disciple; for
" 2 Cor. vi. 16.

OF IGNATIUS. 141
both of them had been instructed by St. John
the Apostle. Being hospitably received by him,
and communicating to him spiritual gifts,6 and
glorying in his bonds, he entreated first of all
the whole Church, (for the cities and Churches of
Asia attended this holy man by their Bishops,
and Priests, and Deacons, all hastening to him,
if by any means they might receive some part of
his spiritual gift) but more particularly Polycarp,
to contend (with God) in his behalf: that being
suddenly taken by the beasts from the world, he
might appear before the face of Christ.
4. Thus, then, he spake, and thus he testi
fied ; extending so much his love for Christ, as
one who was about to receive heaven, through his
own good confession, and the earnest contention
of those who prayed together with him : and to
return a recompense to the Churches, who came to
meet him by their governors, he sent letters of
thanks to them which distilled spiritual grace,
c It is highly probable that, at this time, certain preterna
tural powers subsisted in the Church, especially in those who
had been ordained to any holy office by the imposition of the
hands of the Apostles themselves. Although Ignatius ex
presses in his Epistles the greatest humility, and the fullest
sense of his inferiority to the Apostles, (Ephes. c. 3. Magnes.
c. 11. Rom. c. 4.) he yet plainly implies that some revelations
were made to him, (Ephes. c. 20.) and that he professed some
knowledge of spiritual things which he was not then at liberty
to communicate to those who were less advanced in Christian
knowledge. (Trail, c. 4, 5.) The writer of this account probably
refers to some communications of this nature. See 1 Pet. iv.l 0,11.

142 THE MARTYRDOM
with prayer and exhortation. Seeing therefore all
men so kindly affected towards him, and fearing
lest the love of the brotherhood should prevent
his hastening to the Lord, now that a fair door
of martyrdom was opened to him, he wrote to
the Church of the Romans the Epistle follow
ing/ 5. Having then by this Epistle prepared,
according to his wishes, such of the brethren at
Rome as were against his martyrdom, he set sail
from Smyrna and came to Troas. For this faithful
follower of Christ was pressed by the soldiers to
arrive at the great city of Rome before the public
spectacle, that he might be delivered to the wild
beasts in sight of the Roman people, and so receive
the crown for which he strove. From Troas, then,
he proceeded and landed at Neapolis, and went (on
foot) by Philippi through Macedonia, and that part
of Epirus which is next to Epidamnus ; and hav
ing found a ship in one of the sea-ports, he sailed
over the Adriatic sea, and passing out of that
into the Tyrrhene sea, and sailing by many islands
and cities, at length he came in sight of Puteoli.
As soon as this holy man saw the place, he was
very anxious to disembark, wishing to tread in the
footsteps of the Apostle Paul. But a violent wind
arising and driving back the ship, suffered him not
f Here was inserted the Epistle of Ignatius to the Romans.

OF IGNATIUS. 143
to do so. Wherefore, commending the love of
the brethren in that place, he sailed forward.
For one whole day and night, then, weg were
hurried on by a favourable wind. To us, this
was a subject of sorrow, inasmuch as we were
grieved at our approaching separation from that
holy man ; but to him it was the accomplishment
of his prayers, that he might the sooner depart out
of this world, and attain unto the Lord whom he
loved. Wherefore sailing into the Roman port,
as that impure festival was approaching to an end,
the soldiers began to be offended at our slowness,
but the Bishop, with great joy, complied with their
haste. 6. Being therefore hurried from the place
which is called the Port, we forthwith met the
brethren; for the report respecting the holy martyr
was already spread abroad, who were full of fear
and joy. For they rejoiced in that God had
vouchsafed them the company of Theophorus, but
were afraid when they considered that such an one
was brought thither to die. Some of these who
were the most zealous (for his safety), and promised
s This abrupt and inartificial change from the third to the
first person is a strong internal mark of genuineness. It is
exactly similar to that in Acts xvi. 8, 10. "And they passing
by Mysia, came down to Troas. And after he had seen the
vision, we immediately endeavoured to go into Macedonia."
The first incidental intimation that St. Luke there became the
companion of St. Paul.

144 THE MARTYRDOM
to calm the people, that they should not desire the
destruction of the just, he commanded to hold
their peace: for he presently knew this by the
Spirit, and saluted them all, intreating them to
shew true love towards him ; expressing himself in
discourse more fully even than he had in his epistle,
and persuading them not to hinder him who was
hastening to the Lord. And so, all the brethren
kneeling down, he prayed to the Son of God for
the Church, that he would cause the persecution
to cease, and (continue) the love of the brethren
towards each other. (This being done,) he was
hurried away with all haste into the amphitheatre,
and was immediately thrown in, according to the
previous command of Caesar, the end ofthe specta
cles being at hand. For it was then a very solemn
day, called in the Roman tongue the thirteenth
(of the Calends of January), upon which the people
were more than ordinarily wont to be gathered
together. Thus was he delivered to the wild
beasts, near the Temple, that so the desire of the
holy martyr Ignatius might be accomplished, as it
is written, the desire ofthe righteous is acceptable :h
namely, that he might be burdensome to none of
the brethren, by the gathering of his remains,
according as in his epistle he had before wished
that so his end might be.1 For only the more
h Prov. x. 24.
' See Ignat. Epist. to Romans, 4.

OF IGNATIUS. 145
solid parts of his holy remains were left, which
were carried to Antioch, and wrapped in linen, as
an inestimable treasure left to the holy Church, by
the grace which was in the martyr.
7. Now these things were done the day before
the thirteenth of the Calends of January, that is on
the twentieth day of December, Sura and Senecius
being the second time consuls of the Romans/ We
ourselves were eye-witnesses of these events, with
many tears ; and as we watched all night in the
house, and prayed God in many words, with bended
knees and supplication, that he would give us weak
men some assurance of what was before done, it
happened that, having fallen into a slumber for a
little while, some of us on a sudden saw the blessed
Ignatius standing by us and embracing us : and
others beheld him praying for us ; others saw him
as it were dropping with sweat, as if he came out
of great labour, and standing by the Lord. Hav
ing seen these things then with great joy, and com
paring the visions of our dreams, we sang praises to
God the giver of all good things, and pronounced
the saint blessed ; and have now made known unto
you both the day and the time : that, being assem
bled together at the season of his martyrdom, we
may communicate with the combatant and noble
martyr of Christ, who trod under foot the Devil,
k This corresponds to a.d. 107-
K

146

THE MARTYRDOM OF IGNATIUS.

and perfected the course which he had piously
desired, in Jesus Christ our Lord, by whom and
with whom, all glory and power be to the Father
with the Holy Spirit for ever. Amen.

THE
CIRCULAR EPISTLE OF THE CHURCH OF SMYRNA

CONCEIIMNG

THE MARTYRDOM

ST. POLYCARP.

The Church of God which is at Smyrna to the
Church of God which is at Philadelphia, and to all
the other assemblies of the holy and Catholic
Church, in every place; mercy, peace, and love
from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ be
multiplied. 1. We have written unto you, brethren, re
specting the other martyrs, and (especially) the
blessed Polycarp, who by his martyrdom has set,
as it were, his seal, and put an end to the persecu
tion. For almost all things that went before were
a Eusebius, Eccles. Hist.iv. 15. has preserved the substance
of this Epistle, from another copy, sent to the Church of Phi-
lomelium in Phrygia. He has transcribed the Epistle from
c. 8. to the middle of c. 19, with some variations from the
present Greek copy. K 2

148 THE MARTYRDOM
done, that the Lord might shew us from above a
martyrdom truly such as became the Gospel. For
he expected to be delivered up, even as the Lord
also was, that we also should imitate his example ;
considering not only our own interest but that of
our neighbour. For true and perfect charity desires
not only that a man's self should be saved, but
also all his brethren.
2. The sufferings, then, of all the other mar
tyrs which they underwent according to the will of
God, were blessed and generous. For so it becomes
us, who are more religious (than others) to ascribe
the supreme power over all things unto Him. And
who indeed would not admire the greatness of their
mind, their patience and love of their Lord ; who
when they were so torn with scourges, that the very
structure of their bodies to the inward veins and
arteries was seen, did yet endure it ; so that all who
stood round pitied and lamented them ? Others
again attained to such a degree of fortitude, that no
one uttered a cry or a groan, plainly shewing to
all of us, that those martyrs of Christ, in the same
hour in which they were tormented, were absent
from the body : or rather that the Lord stood by,
and conversed with them. Wherefore being sup
ported by the grace of God, they despised all the
torments of the world, and by the sufferings of one
hour redeemed themselves from everlasting punish
ment. Whence even the fire of their cruel mur-

OF POLYCARP. 149
derers seemed cold to them : for they had before
their eyes the prospect of escaping that which is
eternal and unquenchable : and beheld with the
eyes of their heart those good things which are
reserved for them that endure, which neither ear
hath heard, nor eye seen, nor have they entered
into the heart of man. b But to them they were
now revealed by the Lord, as being no longer men,
but already become angels. In like manner they
who were condemned to the wild beasts, (and kept)
a long while (in prison,) underwent many grievous
torments : being compelled to lie upon sharp spikes, c
and tormented with divers other punishments, that,
if it were possible, the tyrant might force them,
by the length of their sufferings, to deny Christ.
3. The devil did indeed invent many things
against them : but, thanks be to God ; for he pre
vailed not over all. For the brave Germanicusd

b 1 Cor. ii. 9.
c KrjpuKas — These spikes might be natural or artificial.
Eusebius, (H. E. iv. 15.) who has given only a brief abstract
of the early part of this Epistle, paraphrases the expression
thus: — "being sometimes laid upon whelk-shells from the sea,
and upon sharp spikes." (rori ci tous diro BaXarrrjs KtjpuKa<:,
Kal rival dfeTc ofleXiaKOU? uwoa-rpcovvvnivovs) The^shell ofthe
Kij'01/f or buccinum, was armed with rough spikes : (Plin. Hist.
Nat. ix. 36.) and an iron instrument, formed with sharp spikes
projecting in every direction, used by the Romans as a defence
against the enemy's horse, was called Murex, from its resemr
blance to the shell of the fish of that name.
d The Latin Church celebrate the memory of Geymanicus
on the 19th of January.

150 THE MARTYRDOM
strengthened those that feared, by his patience,
and fought gloriously with wild beasts. For when
the proconsul would have persuaded him, telling
him, that he should consider his age, and spare
himself, he forcibly drew the wild beast towards
him, c being desirous the more quickly to be deli
vered from a wicked and unjust world. Upon this,
the whole multitude, wondering at the courage of
the holy and pious race of Christians, cried out,
Away with the wicked wretches : f let Polycarp be
sought out.
4. Then one named Quintus, a Phrygian,
having lately come from his own country, when he
saw the wild beasts, was afraid. Now this was the
same man who forced himself and some others, to
present themselves of their own accord (to the trial).
e Compare Ignatius's Epistle to the Romans, c. 5.
f dBeous — atheists. This was a constant term of reproach
against the early Christians, arising from their opposing the
worship of the heathen deities. Thus Dio, in his life of Do-
mitian, speaks ofthe charge of Atheism being "very common
against those who went over to the Jewish religion ;" evidently
alluding to Christianity ; and of Acilius Glabrio being put to
death on that account.
Athenagoras says that the Gentiles brought three principal
accusations against the Christians, — Atheism, banquetting on
the bodies of children, and incest, (rpia ein<pnn'&u(riv rjpTv
eyKXrjpara, ddeorrira, Quia-reia oeiwva, OioWoSeious /Uf£e<?)
(Athenag. Legatio pro Christianis, p. 4. C. Colon. 1686.)
Justin Martyr, Apol. c. 5. and elsewhere refers to the same
charge. From c. 9. of this Epistle it is plain that the phrase,
"away with the Atheists," was considered equivalent to "away
with the Christians."

OF POLYCARP. 151
Him therefore the proconsul induced,- after much
persuasion, to swear (by the emperor) and to sacri
fice. For which cause, brethren, we do not com
mend those who offer themselves (to persecution) ;
since the Gospel teaches no such thing.
5. Now the most admirable Polycarp, when
he first heard (that he was called for,) was not dis
turbed in mind, but determined to remain in the
city. But the greater part (of his friends) per
suaded him to retire. Accordingly he went into a
little village, not far distant from the city, and
there remained, with a few others ; doing nothing
else, either by day or by night, but praying for all
men, and for all the Churches throughout the
world, according to his usual custom. And as he
prayed, he saw a vision, g three days before he was
taken; and, behold, the pillow under his head
appeared to be on fire. Whereupon, turning to
those who were with him, he said prophetically,
"I must be burnt alive."
6. And when those who sought for him drew
near, he departed into another village ; and imme
diately his pursuers came thither. And when they
found him not, they seized upon two young men,
one of whom being tormented, confessed. For it
was impossible he should be concealed, forasmuch
B Eusebius describes this as a dream. For he says, "when
he awoke from sleep, he immediately related what he had seen
to those who stood by." "Efcwirvov Se eVl toJt<o yevdpevov, eudv\
u<pepprive£(rai toi? irapova to <j>aviv.

152 THE MARTYRDOM
as they who betrayed him were his own domestics.
So the keeper of the peace, who was also magistrate
elect, Herod by name,11 hastened to bring him
into the lists : that so Polycarp might receive his
proper portion, being made partaker of Christ : and
they that betrayed him might undergo the punish
ment of Judas.
7. The officers, therefore, and horsemen,
taking the young lad along with them, departed
about supper time, it being Friday, with their
usual arms, as if they were in pursuit of a robber.
And being come to the place where he was, about
the close of the day they found him in a small
house, lying in an upper chamber, whence he could
easily have escaped into another place ; but he
would not, saying, " The will of the Lord be done."
Wherefore, when he heard that they were come to
the house, he went down and spake to them. And
as they that were present wondered at his age and
constancy, some of them began to say, "Was
there need of all this care to take such an old man
h KCt\ o' elprjvapyoi, 6 Ka\ KXripovonoi, rS aura Svona 'Hpuoyi,
imXey6nevo,. This is the manner, in which Smith proposes to
read and point the passage. The Proconsul was at that period
the chief magistrate of the Province of Asia. But every year
the names of ten principal men were sent to him out of each
city, one of whom was appointed by the Proconsul to be
keeper of the peace for the following year. See Valesius on
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 15. Aristides Orat. iv. Herod appears
to have been elected also to some other permanent office, im
plied by the title KXr/povonoi.

OF POLYCARP. 153
as this ?" Immediately then he commanded to be
set before them, the same hour, to eat and to drink,
as much as they would : desiring them to give him
one hour's liberty, that he might pray without dis
turbance. And when they had permitted him, he
stood praying, being full of the grace of God, so
that he ceased not for two whole hours, to the
admiration of all that heard him ; insomuch that
many (of the soldiers) began to repent, that they
were come out against so godly an old man.
8. As soon as he had finished his prayer, in
which he made mention of all men who had ever
been acquainted with him, whether small or great,
honourable or obscure, and of the whole Catholic1
Church, throughout the world ; the time being
come when he was to depart, they set him upon an
ass, and led him into the city, it being the day of
the great Sabbath. k And Herod, the keeper of
the peace, with his father Nicetes, met him in a
chariot. And having taken him up to them, and
set him in the chariot, they began to persuade
him, saying, " What harm is there in saying, Lord
Caesar, and in offering sacrifice, and so being safe ?"
1 See note (o) on Ep. of Ignatius to the Smyrneans, c. 8.
p. 126. k The week in which the Passion of. our Saviour was cele
brated was called the Great Week : and the Saturday of that
week the Great Sabbath. This was the only Saturday which
was observed as a fast, in the Eastern Church. Bingham, Ec
cles. Ant. xx. c. 3. 1. Other opinions on this point are stated
by Valesius, in his notes on Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. iv. 15.

154 THE MARTYRDOM
with other words which are usual on such occasions.
But Polycarp at first answered them not: where
upon, as they continued to urge him, he said, " I
shall not do as you advise." They, therefore, fail
ing to persuade him, spake bitter words against
him, and then thrust him violently off the chariot,
so that he hurt his thigh in the fall. But he,
without turning back, went on with all diligence,
as if he had received no harm at all : and so was
brought to the lists, where there was so great a
tumult, that no one could be heard.
9. Now as he was going into the lists, there
was a voice from heaven, "Be strong, Polycarp,
and quit thyself like a man." No one saw who it
was that spake to him : but those of our brethren
who were present heard the voice. And as he was
brought in, there was a great disturbance, when
they heard that Polycarp was taken. And when
he came near, the Proconsul ' asked him, whether
he were Polycarp. And, when he acknowledged
(that he was,) he persuaded him to deny (the faith,)
saying, " Reverence thy old age ;" with many other
exhortations of a like nature, as their custom is,
saying, " Swear by the fortune of Caesar ; Repent,
and say, Away with the wicked.'"" Then Polycarp,
1 Statius Quadratus, who was consul, a.d. 142.
m Atheists. See note on c. 5.
It appears from the celebrated letter of Pliny to Trajan,
that one of the customary trials, to which those accused of
Christianity were exposed, was to urge them to sacrifice to the
gods,

OF POLYCARP. 155
looking with a severe countenance upon the whole
company of ungodly Gentiles who were in the lists,
stretched forth his hand to them, and said, groan
ing and looking up to heaven, "Away with the
wicked." But the Proconsul urging him, and say
ing, "Swear, and I will release thee: reproach
Christ," Polycarp answered, " Fourscore and six
years have I continued serving him, and he hath
never wronged me at all ; how then can I blas
pheme my King and my Saviour?"
gods, or to the statue of the Emperor, to swear by the genius
or fortune of Caesar, and to reproach Christ.
"Propositus est libellus, sine auctore, multorum nomina
continens, qui negarent se esse Christianos, aut fuisse, quum,
praeeunte me, deos appellarent, et imagini tuae, quam propter
hoc jusseram cum simulachris numinum afferri, thure ac vino
supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo : quorum nihil
cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani." Plin. Ep. x. 97-
Tertullian's Apology, c. 32. shews that the Christians in
his time were exposed to the same trial, and gives the reasons
why they would swear neither by the fortune nor by the genius
of Caesar. Chrysostom founds one of his eloquent appeals to the con
sciences of his hearers upon this well known fact. " Where
fore let us bear witness to Christ : for we, as well as the mar
tyrs of old, are called upon to bear testimony to him. They
obtained that appellation, because, when they were called upon
to abjure, they endured every torment, sooner than deny the
truth. Let us then be unsubdued, when various passions in
vite us to abjure our faith. Gold commands you, 'Say that
Christ is not Christ' Hear it not then, as if it were the voice
of God, but set at nought its counsel. Evil lusts pronounce
the same command. But be not thou persuaded by them, but
stand firmly, that it be not said of us, ' They profess that they
know God, but in works they deny him.' (Tit. i. 16.) For
this becomes not martyrs, but the reverse." Chrysost. Horn.
47. on the Acts ofthe Apostles, Tom. iv. p. 872. Savil.

156 THE MARTYRDOM
10. And when the Proconsul nevertheless still
insisted, and said, " Swear by the genius of Caesar,"
he answered, " If thou art so vainly confident as to
expect that I should swear by what thou callest
the genius of Caesar, pretending to be ignorant
of what I am, hear me freely professing unto thee,
I am a Christian. And if thou further desirest to
know what Christianity really is, appoint a day,
and thou shalt hear it." The Proconsul replied,
" Persuade the people." Then said Polycarp, " To
thee have I freely offered to give even a reason of
my faith ; for we are taught to pay to the powers
and authorities, which are ordained of God, the
honour which is due, provided it be not injurious
to ourselves. But for the people, I esteem them
not worthy that I should give any account of my
faith to them."
11. The Proconsul said unto him, " I have
wild beasts ready; to those I will cast thee, un
less thou repent." He answered, " Call for them,
then: for we Christians are fixed in our minds,
not to change from good to evil. But it will
be good for me to be changed from my grievous
(sufferings) to their just reward. The Proconsul
added, "Seeing thou despisest the wild beasts, I
will cause thee to be devoured with fire, unless
thou shalt repent."0 Polycarp answered, "Thou
n It will be observed that the punishment of being burnt
alive is here considered more severe than that of being exposed
to wild beasts.

OF POLYCARP. 157
threatenest me with fire, which burns for an hour,
and in a little while is extinguished : for thou
knowest not the fire of the future judgment, and
of that eternal punishment, which is reserved for
the ungodly. But why tarriest thou? Bring
forth what thou wilt."
12. Having said this, and many other things,
(of the like nature,) he was filled with confidence
and joy, insomuch that his very countenance was
full of grace, so that not only he was serene and
undisturbed at what was spoken to him, but, on
the contrary, the Proconsul was astonished, and
sent his own herald to proclaim thrice, in the
midst of the lists, " Polycarp hath confessed him
self to be a Christian." When this was proclaimed
by the herald, the whole multitude both of the
Gentiles and of the Jews which dwelt at Smyrna,
being full of fury, cried out with a loud voice,
"This is the teacher of Asia,0 the father of the
Christians, who hath overthrown our gods, and
teaches so many not to sacrifice, nor to pay any
worship to the gods." And so saying, they cried
out and desired Philip the president of the spec
tacles, p that he would let loose a lion against
0 The original words are, 6 riji do-efteia<; SiSao-KoAoc. But
Eusebius, H. E. iv. 15. Rufinus, and the old Latin version
agree in putting 'A o-las for do-eplelai. Jerome, in his catalogue
of Ecclesiastical writers, calls Polycarp, Totius Asiae princeps.
' 'Ao-idpxi'!- The Asiarch was chief priest of the whole
province of Asia. He is called dp^tepeus in c. 21. Every year,
about

158 THE MARTYRDOM
Polycarp. But Philip replied, that it was not
lawful for him to do so, since that kind of spec
tacle was already over. Then it pleased them to
cry out with one consent, that Polycarp should
be burnt alive. For so it was necessary that the
vision should be fulfilled which was made mani
fest to him by his pillow, when he saw it on fire,
as he prayed, and said prophetically to the faith
ful that were with him, I must be burnt alive.
13. This then was done with greater speed
than it was spoken : the whole multitude instantly
gathering together wood and faggots out of the
work-shops and baths: the Jews especially, ac-
about the period of the Autumnal equinox, an assembly was
held in the several cities, in which one person of that city was
nominated to the office. The common council of all Asia after
wards elected about ten, out of those nominated by the several
cities. It is doubtful whether all the ten filled the office during
the year, or whether the Proconsul appointed one of the ten,
as in the case of the Irenarch, or keeper of the peace. See
note, h, c. 6.
Valesius (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 15.) is of opinion, from
the conclusion of this Epistle, in which the martyrdom of Po
lycarp is said to have taken place "when Philip was chief
priest," that one only was appointed. In Acts xix. 31. mention
is made of " certain of the chiefs of Asia," ('Ao-iap^wv) whence
Abp. Usher concludes there were more than one. But those
who had once discharged the office might still be called by the
name, as was sometimes the case with the Jewish High Priests.
The office was accompanied with great expence. For
which reason Strabo says that the Asiarch was often chosen, as
in this instance, c. 21. from the opulent citizens of Tralles.
koi ael Tivei ef aurav (TpaXXtavdiv) el<riv ol irpwTeuovres koto
rrjv iirapyiav out Aaidpyas naXuva-i. Strabo, Lib. xiv.

OF POLYCARP. 159
cording to their custom, with all readiness assist
ing them in doing it. When the pile was ready,
Polycarp laying aside all his upper garments, and
loosing his girdle, endeavoured also to loosen his
sandals, which aforetime he was not wont to do ;
forasmuch as always every one of the faithful, that
was about him, contended who should soonest
touch his flesh. For he was adorned by his good
conversation with all kinds of piety, even before
his martyrdom. q Immediately then they put upon
him the instruments r which were prepared for the
pile. But when they would also have nailed him
to the stake, he said, " Leave me thus : for he who
hath given me strength to endure the fire, will also
enable me, without your securing me by nails, to
remain without moving in the pile."
14. Wherefore they did not nail him, but
bound him (to the stake). But he, having put his
hands behind him, and being bound as a ram,
(chosen) out of a great flock for an offering, and
prepared to be a burnt sacrifice, acceptable unto
God, looked up to heaven, and said, " O Lord God
Almighty, the Father of thy well-beloved and
blessed Son Jesus Christ, by whom we have received
* Eusebius has, " For, even before he was grey-headed,
(vpo rtji iroXidi) he was adorned in all things by his good
conversation." ' iipyava — the pitched shirt, in which the victim was wrap
ped, the stake to which he was bound, the nails, and other
implements, by which he was secured.

160 THE MARTYRDOM
the knowledge of thee; the God of angels and
powers and of every creature, and (especially) of the
whole race of just men, who live in thy presence ;
I give thee hearty thanks that thou hast vouchsafed
to bring me to this day and to this hour ; that I
should have a part in the number of thy martyrs,
in the cup of thy Christ, unto the resurrection of
eternal life, both of soul and body, in the incor-
ruption of the Holy Spirit : among which may I be
accepted this day before thee, as a fat and accept
able sacrifice, as thou hast before ordained, and
declared, and fulfilled, even thou the true God
with whom is no falsehood at all. For this and
for all things else, I praise thee, I bless thee,
with the eternal and heavenly Jesus Christ, thy
beloved Son, with whom to thee and the Holy
Ghost be glory, both now and to all succeeding
ages. Amen.s
15. As soon as he had uttered Amen, and
finished his prayer, the men appointed for the pur-
s The conclusion of this prayer is differently expressed in
Eusebius: "For this, and for all things else, I praise thee,
I bless thee, I glorify thee, through the eternal High Priest,
Jesus Christ thy beloved Son, through whom, to Thee with
Him, in the Holy Ghost, be glory both now and to all suc
ceeding ages. Amen."
61 oi croi crui/ ailriii iv 7rveiinari dy'ao oo£a, *. r.X.
The old Latin version agrees nearly with Eusebius. " Ob
hanc rem te benedico in omnibus, et glorior, per aeternum Pon-
tificem omnipotentem Jesum Christum, per quem tibi, et cum
ipso, et cum Spiritu Sancto, gloria nunc, et in futurum, et in
saecula saeculorum. Amen."

OF POLYCARP. 161
pose lighted the fire. And when the flame began
to blaze to a very great height, a wonderful sight ap
peared to us, who were permitted to witness it, and
were also spared, to relate to others what had hap
pened. For the flame, making a kind of arch, like
the sail of a ship filled with wind, encompassed the
body of the martyr, which was in the midst, not as
flesh which was burned, but as bread which is baked,
or as gold or silver glowing in the furnace. More
over we perceived as fragrant an odour, as if it came
from frankincense, or some other precious spices.
16. At length, when these wicked men saw
that his body could not be consumed by the fire,
they commanded the executioner s to go near, and
pierce him with his sword. Which being accord
ingly done, there came forth ' so great a quantity
* Both the Greek text and Eusebius, have here the Latin
word KoncpeKTopa. The confectores were persons appomted to
kill the wild beasts, at the public games ; if there was any ap
prehension of their injuring the people. They differed from
the bestiarii, who fought with the beasts, in somewhat the
same manner as the matador does from the combatant in the
Spanish bull-fights.
' The original words are igrjxde irepio-repa xa\ ¦n-XrjBoi
afpaTm. There came forth a dove, and a quantity of blood.
Eusebius, and his translator Rufinus, make no mention of
this prodigy ; and no tradition of the kind is contained in any
ancient Christian writer. It has been conjectured, with some
probability, that the word mepicripa is an error for iir dptc-
repa, ' on the left side :' so that the sentence would be to this
effect, "when the executioner wounded him with his sword,
there came forth from the wound, which was inflicted in his
left side, such a quantity of blood, as extinguished the fire."
L

162

THE MARTYRDOM

of blood, as extinguished the fire, and raised an ad
miration among the people, to consider what a dif
ference there is between the infidels and the elect,
one of which this admirable martyr Polycarp was,
being in our times a truly apostolical and prophet
ical teacher, and the Bishop of the Catholic Church
which is at Smyrna. For every word that pro
ceeded out of his mouth either is (already) fulfilled,
or will (in due time) be accomplished.
17- But when the emulous and envious and
wicked adversary of the race of the just saw the
greatness of his martyrdom, and considered how
blameless his conversation had been from the be
ginning, and that he was now crowned with the
crown of immortality, having without all contro
versy received his reward, he took all care that not
the least relic of his body should be taken away
by us, although many desired to do it, and to have
a share in his holy flesh. And to that end he sug
gested to Nicetas, the father of Herod, and brother
of Alee, to go to the governor, and hinder him from
giving his body to be buried : lest, said he, for
saking him that was crucified, they should begin to
worship this Polycarp. And this he said at the
suggestion and instance of the Jews, who also
watched us that we should not take him out of the
fire : not considering that it is impossible for us
either ever to forsake Christ, who suffered for the
salvation of all such as shall be saved throughout

OK L'OLYOAKP. 163
the whole world, (the righteous for the ungodly),"
or to worship any other. For him indeed, as being
the Son of God, we adore. But for the martyrs,
we worthily love them/ as the disciples and imita
tors of our Lord, on account of their exceeding
great love towards their Master and King; of whom
may we also be made companions and fellow-
disciples. 18. The centurion, therefore, seeing the con
tention of the Jews, put his body into the midst
of the fire, and burned it. After which, we, taking
up his bones more precious than the richest jewels,
and tried above gold, deposited them where it was
fitting. Where being gathered together as we
have opportunity, with joy and gladness, the Lord
will grant unto us to celebrate the anniversary y of
11 1 Pet. iii. 18. These words appear to be an interpolation.
They are not found in Eusebius nor in the old Latin version.
s This valuable testimony of the Church of Smyrna, against
the adoration of Saints, agrees with the sentiments of Augus
tin; "Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum; quia,
si pie vixerunt, non sic habentur ut tales quaerant honores : sed
Ilium a nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante, laetantur meriti sui
nos esse consortes. Honorandi ergo sunt propter imitationem,
non adorandi propter religionem." Augustin. De Vera. Reli-
gione, c. 55.
y rrjv rou ncprvpiou aurou rjnepav yeveBXwv, the birth-day
of his martyrdom.
The celebration of the anniversary of the day on which a
martyr suffered began thus to be observed, early in the second
century. At the end of the fourth, and in the beginning of the
fifth century, we find from Chrysostom and Theodoret (Serm.
viii. de Martyribus) that these days were greatly increased in
L 2 number.

164 THE MARTYRDOM
his martyrdom, both in memory of those who have
suffered, and for the exercise and preparation of
those that may hereafter (suffer).
19. Such were the sufferings of the blessed
Polycarp, who, though he was the twelfth of those
number. There are extant sixteen homilies of Chrysostom,
preached on different days set apart for such commemorations.
Bingham, Eccles. Ant. xiii. 9. 5. quotes Chrysostom, Horn. xl.
in Jubentinum, to prove that the festival of Babylas and Ju-
bentinus then occurred on two successive days. The passage,
however, merely implies that the festival of Babylas occurred
soon before that of Jubentinus : the one, indeed, on the 4th of
September, the other on the 25th of January.
'O naKapioi Ba/3i/Aa? it poirjv »7/ua? kvravBa nerd -Tralciov rpliav
(Tvvrjyaye' <rrjnepov o-rpaTiajrcov £uviop\s dyiwv, ro rov \pia-rov
o'TparoireZov iiri rrj^ irapard^ews earrjcre. Chrysos. Horn, m
Juventin. Tom. v. p. 533. Savil.
Chrysostom makes the same kind of allusion to the previous
festival of Pelagia, on the 8th of October, in his Homily upon
the martyrdom of Ignatius, on the 20th of December.
Tip ait] v yuvv rjnccs Koptj Kopicrj vea k<x) dweipoyanos tj ixanapla
fiaprvs YleXayta jueto iroXXtj<: rr/i eucppoo-vvrjs ela-rlace' o-rjntpov
iraXiv rrjs eaelvr]*: ioprrji 6 naKapiots ouros nai yevvaTos naPrvt:
lyvdnos oieoigaro. Chrys. Horn, in Ignat. Tom. v. p. 498.
Savil. The only two festivals which appear to have occurred on
consecutive days in the Eastern Church, in the time of Chry
sostom, were those of Romanus and Barlaam on the 18th and
19th of November.
These anniversaries of the days on which the martyrs
suffered were called their birth-days, as being the days on
which they were freed from the trials of mortality, and born,
as it were, into the joys and happiness of heaven. Thus Ter
tullian de Coron. Militis, c. 3. says, " Oblationes pro defunctis
pro natalitiis annua die facimus." Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage,
writing to his Presbyters and Deacons respecting their treat
ment of the Confessors, then in prison, thus advises them;
" Denique et dies eorum quibus excedunt annotate, ut comme-
morationes

OF POLYCARP. 165
who, together with them of Philadelphia, suffered
martyrdom, in Smyrna, is yet alone chiefly had in
memory of all men ; insomuch that he is spoken of
by the very gentiles themselves in every place, as
having been not only an eminent teacher, but also
a glorious martyr. Whose death all desire to imi-
morationes eorum inter memorias martyrum celebrare possi-
mus." Cyprian, Ep. xii. p. 27. (Fell.) And, in another Epistle
to the same persons, he says, with reference to Laurentius and
Ignatius; "Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut meministis, offerimus,
quoties martyrum passiones et dies anniversaria commemora-
tione celebramus." Epist. xxxix. p. 77- Fell.
After Cyprian himself had suffered for the faith, we find
Peter Chrysologus, in his Sermon on the Martyrdom of Cy
prian, using the like expressions : " Natalem sanctorum cum
audistis, fratres, nolite putare ilium diei, quo nascuntur in ter
rain de carne ; sed de terra, in caelum, de labore ad requiem,
de tentationibus ad quietem, de cruciatibus ad delicias, non
fluxas sed fortes et stabiles et aeternas, de mundanis risibus ad
coronam et gloriam. Tales natales dies martyrum celebrantur.
In the time of Constantine, the observation of the festivals
of the martyrs was enforced by a decree of the Emperor. Eu
seb. de Vit. Constant, iv. 23.
The manner of celebrating the memories of the Martyrs
and Confessors, in the primitive Church, was this.
On the anniversary day, the people assembled, sometimes
at the tombs where the martyrs had been buried. They then
publicly praised God for those who had glorified him by their
sufferings and death ; recited the history of their martyrdom,
and heard a sermon preached in commemoration of their pa
tience and Christian virtues. They offered up fervent prayers
to God, and celebrated the Eucharist, in commemoration of
Christ's passion, and gave alms to the poor.
They kept also a public festival, provided by general con
tribution, to which the poorer brethren were freely admitted.
In the early ages these feasts were frugal and temperate ; but
afterwards degenerated into excess.

166 THE MARTVRDOM
tate, as having been in all things conformable to
the Gospel of Christ. For having by patience over
come the unjust governor, and so received the
crown of immortality, he now, together with the
apostles and all other righteous men, with great
triumph glorifies God even the Father, and blesses
our Lord the Governor of our (souls and) bodies/
and the Shepherd of the Catholic Church through
out the world.
20. Whereas, therefore, ye desired that we
would at large declare to you what was done, we
have for the present briefly signified it to you by
our brother Marcus. When, therefore, ye have read
this Epistle, send it also to the brethren that are
more remote, that they also may glorify God, who
makes such choice of his own servants, and is able
to bring us all by his grace and help to his eternal
kingdom, through his only begotten Son Jesus
Christ; to whom be glory, honour, might, and
majesty, for ever and ever ; Amen. Salute all the
saints. They that are with us salute you : and
Evarestus, who wrote this Epistle, with his whole
house. 21. Now the martyrdom of the blessed Poly
carp was on the second day of the month Xanthicus,
z The Greek has Kvj3epvrJTriv riiov etapdrwv ijn<»v. The old
Latin version has, salvatorem animae nostrae, gubernatorem cor-
porum : and adds, at the conclusion of the sentence, et Spiri-
tum Sanctum, per quem cuncta cognoscimus

OF POLYCARP. 167
that is the seventh of the Calends of May,'1 on the
great Sabbath, about the eighth hour. He was
taken by Herod, Philip the Trallian being the chief
priest," Statius Quadratus proconsul; but our
Saviour Christ reigning for evermore. To Him be
honour, glory, majesty, and an eternal throne, from
generation to generation; Amen.
22. We wish you, brethren, all happiness, by
living according to the rule of the Gospel of Jesus
Christ ; with whom, glory be to God the Father,
and the Holy Spirit, for the salvation of his chosen
saints : after whose example the blessed Polycarp
suffered ; at whose feet may we be found in the
kingdom of Jesus Christ.

This Epistle was transcribed by Caius out of
the copy of Irenaeus the disciple of Polycarp, who
also lived and conversed with Irenaeus. And I
Socrates transcribed it at Corinth, out of the copy
of the said Caius. Grace be with all.

After this, I Pionius again wrote it from the
copy before mentioned, Polycarp having pointed it

1 The 26th of April.
b Or Asiarch. See note on c. 12.

168

THE MARTYRDOM OF POLYCARP.

out to me by a revelation, as I shall declare in what
follows; having gathered these things together,,
already almost corrupted by length of time : that
Jesus Christ our Lord may also gather me toge
ther with his elect. To whom with the Father
and the Holy Ghost, be glory for ever and ever.
Amen.

PART II.

THE
APOLOGY OF JUSTIN MARTYR
FOR THE
CHRISTIANS
TO ANTONINUS PIUS.

1. To the Emperor Titus iElius Adrianus
Antoninus Pius Augustus Caesar, and to his son 5
Verissimus the Philosopher, and to Lucius the
Philosopher, the son b of (iElius Verus) Caesar by
a The figures in the margin refer to the pages in the Paris
Edition.
b The Emperor Adrian adopted Lucius iElius Verus, and
gave him the title of Caesar. This Lucius died ; leaving only
one son Lucius Verus.
Adrian then adopted Titus Antoninus Pius, as his suc
cessor, upon condition that he should adopt both Marcus
Aurelius Antoninus, who is here called Verissimus, his wife's
brother's son, and Lucius Verus, the son of iElius Verus.
The following scheme will shew the relation in which
Lucius Verus stood towards Antoninus Pius and Lucius
iElius Verus. Adrian adopted

Antoninus Pius Lucius jElius Verus, Cssar
adopted

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, Lucius Verus
Verissimus, the Philosopher.
Thus Lucius Verus was by birth son of L. iElius Verus Caesar,
and the adopted son of Antoninus Pius. The apology of Athe-
nagoras

172 THE APOLOGY OF
birth, and of Pius by adoption, the lover of learn
ing; and to the sacred Senate, and to all the
Roman people, in behalf of those of all nations
who are unjustly hated and persecuted, I Justin,
the son of Priscus, and grandson of Bacchius,
natives of Flavia Neapolis0 of Syria Palestine,
being myself one of those (who are so unjustly used)
offer this address and supplication.
2. Reason herself dictates that those, who can
with propriety be denominated Pious and Philo
sophers, should love and honour truth alone, and
refuse to follow the opinions of the ancients, if
plainly erroneous. For right reason not only
forbids us to assent to those who are unjust, either
in practice or in principle, but commands the lover
of truth, by all means, to choose that which is just
in word and deed, even in preference to his own

nagoras is in like manner inscribed to Marcus Aurelius and
Lucius iElius, or Aurelius Verus, the philosophers.
Of Lucius Verus the following character is given by Gib
bon, (Book i. ch. 3.). "He was adopted by Pius; and on the
accession of Marcus was invested with an equal share of sove
reign power. Among the many vices of this younger Verus,
he possessed one virtue : a dutiful reverence for his wiser col
league, to whom he willingly abandoned the ruder cares of
empire. The philosophic emperor dissembled his follies, la
mented his early death, and cast a decent veil over his
memory." c Flavia Neapolis was, as its name implies, a new town,
built near the ruins of Sychem, in Samaria. It derived its
name Flavia from Flavius Vespasian, who sent a colony
thither.

JUSTIN MARTYR.. 173
life, and under the threatened danger of immediate
death. Now ye hear continually ascribed to your
selves the appellations, Pious, Philosophers, Guar
dians of Justice, and Lovers of Learning: but
whether ye also really are such, the event will shew.
For we have come before you, not to flatter you in
this address, nor to obtain favour by words of adula
tion, but to demand that judgment may be passed
according to strict and well-weighed reason; that ye
be not influenced by prejudice or the desire of
pleasing superstitious men, nor, through inconsi
derate passion, and the long prevalence of an evil
report, pass a sentence, which would turn against
yourselves. For we are fully persuaded that we
can suffer no injury from any one, unless we are
found guilty of some wickedness, or proved to be
bad men : and kill us, ye may ; but hurt us ye
cannot. 3. That no one, however, may imagine this to
be an unfounded and rash boast, we entreat that
the charges against Christians may be examined ;
and if they be proved to be well founded, we are
willing that they should be punished as they de
serve, or even to punish them ourselves. d But if
d d£iovn6v  KoXafceadat alnrpiwov io-ri, naXXuv oi KoXafeiv.
The translation expresses the sense which Fabricius gives
to this difficult passage. A similar sentiment is found at the
end of ch. 22. "We even entreat that those who live not
agreeably to their doctrines, but are merely called Christians,
may be punished by you."
Other explanations of the words are given by Thirlby.

174 THE APOLOGY OF
no one has any proof to bring against them, right
reason requires that you should not, in consequence
of an evil report, injure innocent men, or rather
yburselves, since your decisions would be influenced
not by judgment but by passion.
Every wise man will agree, that an appeal of
this nature can then only be conducted equitably
and well, when subjects have the privilege of
giving, without interruption, a full account of their
lives and opinions ; and princes, on the other hand,
pass sentence in all godliness and true philosophy,
and not according to the dictates of violence and
arbitrary power: since by so doing, both princes
and subjects would secure their own interest. For'
even one of the ancients hath somewhere said,
"Unless both princes and subjects be influenced
by true philosophy, the state can never prosper." e
It will be our care, therefore, to give all men the
power of examining our lives and doctrines, that
we may not suffer for the errors blindly committed
by such as determine to be ignorant of our opinions :
and it will be your duty, as right reason requires,
when ye have heard the cause, to be just judges.
For if, when ye shall have been so informed, ye
do not what is just, ye will be inexcusable before
God. A name in itself ought not to be judged
e Plato de Republics, v. Tom. 11. p. 473. D. This was a
favourite maxim of Antoninus the philosopher, and was,
therefore, judiciously introduced by Justin Martyr.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 175
favourably or unfavourably, without the actions
which that name implies. Although, as to our
name, which is made a subject of accusation against
us, we are the best of men. f But as we should
think it unjust that, if we are proved to be guilty,
we should demand to be acquitted in consequence
of possessing a good name, so on the other hand,
if we are proved to be innocent of all offence both
in the name which we bear, and in the lives which
we lead, it will be for you to beware, lest, if you
unjustly punish the guiltless, ye yourselves should
be exposed to the vengeance of justice. From a
mere name neither praise nor blame can justly arise,
unless something either good or bad can be proved
by actions. For you pass not sentence upon any
that are accused among yourselves, until they are 55
condemned; but against us you receive the very
name as an accusation; whereas from our name
you ought rather to punish our accusers. For we
are accused of being Christians : but to hate that
which is good, (which Chrestus implies) is manifestly
unjust. And again, if any one of those also who
are so accused, denies it, asserting that he is not,
ye dismiss him; ye release him as if ye had nothing
f Xpria-ToraToi. The names Christus and Xpr/o-Toi were
frequently confounded; sometimes fancifully enough. Thus
Theophylus ad Autolycum, p. 69- B. iym piv ouv onoXoym
elvai Xpia-rtavoi, koi <popu> to 8eo((>iXe<; bvopa tovto, eXirl^av
eixprio-ro* elvai tw 0eco. And again, p. 77. B. See Ter
tullian Apol. c. 3.

176 THE APOLOGY OF
whereof to accuse him. But if any one confesses
that he is a Christian, ye punish him for his con
fession : whereas ye ought to inquire into the life
both of him who confessed and of him who denied,
that by their deeds it might be made manifest
what kind of man each of them was.
4. For as some, who have been taught by
our master Christ not to deny him, even when
tortured, exhort (others to embrace the faith) ; so
it may happen that men of evil lives may afford
a pretence to others, who are anxious to accuse all
Christians of impiety and injustice. But this too
is unjustly done. For many assume the name
and garb of Philosophy, who act not at all in
conformity with their character. And ye well
know that men holding opposite opinions and doc
trines amongst the ancients, are styled by the
common name of philosophers. Now some of these
taught atheism ; and some who were poets attri
buted even to Jupiter the grossest indulgences,
with his own children. Yet those who give pub
licity to such opinions receive no prohibition from
you. Nay, ye even propose prizes and honours to
such as shall eloquently express these disgraceful
histories of your gods.
5. Why then should we be thus treated, who
openly avow our determination not to injure any
one, nor to hold these impious opinions ? Ye judge
not righteous judgment, but under the excitement

JUSTIN MARTYR. 177
of unreasonable passion, and lashed on by the
scourges of evil demons, ye punish without judgment
and without thought. For the truth must be
spoken. Evil demons,8 in times of old, assuming
various forms, went in unto the daughters of men,
and committed other abominations ; and so asto
nished the minds of men with the wonders which
they displayed, that they formed not a rational
judgment of what was done, but were hurried away
by their fears ; so that, not knowing them to be
evil demons, they styled them gods, and addressed
them by the name which each demon imposed
upon himself. And when Socrates, in a spirit of
true wisdom and research, endeavoured to bring all 56
this to light, and to lead men away from the
worship of demons, the demons themselves so
wrought by the hands of men who delighted in
wickedness, as to put him to death, under the
pretence that he was introducing new deities. And
so in like manner do they act towards us. For not
only was this declared to the Greeks by Socrates,
at the suggestion of right reason, but also in other
lands, by Reason, even the Word itself, which ap
peared in a bodily form, and was made man, and
was called Jesus Christ. We, then, believing in
him, declare that the demons, who did such
g 'Ettci to iraXaiov calpove? (pavXoi iirupaveia? iroirprdpevoi,
na\ yvvdiKai enoiXevaav xai irdioai Stt(j)8eipav, koi d>6/3r]Tpa
avBpuiirot*; 'edei^av. M

178 THE APOLOGY OF
things, not only are no gods,h but are evil and
unholy spirits, whose actions are not even equal to
those of virtuous men. Hence it is that we are
styled Atheists.11
6. We confess, indeed, that we are unbelievers
of such pretended gods, but not of the most true
God, the Father of righteousness and temperance,
and of all other virtues, in whom is no mixture of
evil. But we worship and adore Him, and his
Son, who came out from Him, and hath taught us
respecting these things,1 and respecting the host of
h ou n°vov ny deovs elvai cpanev, aXXd kqkoi/c Kai dvoo-'iovi
Sai'novas. The common reading is nv opBous, which is plainly
erroneous. 1 See the note on the martyrdom of Ignatius, c. 3.
k 'AAA' ineivov re, nai rov Trap aurou viov eXBovra nai oida~
fcavra rjnas raura Kai tov ruv dXXiav iwonevmv Kai e^onoiounevwv
dyaBolv dyye\wv trrparov, irveuna re to TrpocprjriKov aeponeBa,
koi wpoa-Kuvovnev, Xoyif Kai aXr/deia ripwvres.
The sense given in the translation is that usually affixed to
these words, and supported by Bp. Bull, Defensio Fid. Nicenae,
Sect. ii. c. iv. 8. Justin had observed, in c. 5. that Socrates
fell a victim to the cruelty of his countrymen instigated by
evil demons ; and that the same spirits caused the Gentiles to
accuse the Christians of atheism. He shews, therefore, that
the religion of Christ taught them that those spirits were no
gods. "The object of our worship," he says, "is God the
Father of righteousness and temperance, the author of every
good thing. We adore Him, and his Son, who came out from
Him. He it was who taught us fully what hath before been
observed respecting evil angels, and their delusions, and hath
also taught us that there is an innumerable host of good angels,
who follow him and are made like unto Him. We worship also
the Prophetic Spirit."
The parenthetic mention of evil and good angels is certainly harsh ;

JUSTIN MARTYR. 179
the other good angels, who follow Him and are
made like unto Him ; and the Prophetic Spirit ;
honouring them in reason and in truth. And to
harsh; but may perhaps be justified when the words are con
sidered in connection with the context.
The statement respecting the three persons of the Blessed
Trinity, as the only objects of worship, is repeated in c. 16.
"We worship the Creator ofthe universe. — Again we have
learned, that he, who taught us these things and for this end
was born, even Jesus Christ — was the Son of Him who is truly
God; and we esteem him in the second place. And that we
with reason honour the Prophetic Spirit, in the third place, we
shall hereafter show."
Toi/ orjniovpyov rovce rov 7ravroi oeftopevoi — rov dicao-KaXov
re rouruiv yevopevov rjniv, Kai eis rovro yevvrjOevra lrjcrouv Xpio-rov
— viov aurou rov bvrws Qeov jUa0o'i/Tes, Kai iv cevrepa yaipa
eyovrei, irvevpa re irpocprjriKov ev rp'irn rafjei, on pcra Xoyou
rinwn^v, drrooei^onev. Apol. p. 60. D.
Grabe follows Cave (Primitive Christianity, Part i. ch. i.
pi 9-) by connecting rov dyyeXwv err par ov with tf^ot. "Who
instructed us, and the whole society of angels, in these divine
mysteries." Grabe supports this version by a reference to
Eph. iii. 10. 'ii/a yvojptcrdfj vvv raw dpyafc Ka\ rail itovo-iais iv
toi? cjrovpavlois, ota rrjs eKKXrjcrlas, rj iroXviroiKiXoi o-oipia rou
Qeoii- and quotes Irenaaus ii. 55. Semper autem coexistens Filius
Patri, olim et ab initio semper revelat Patrem, et angelis et arch-
angelis et potestatibus et virtutibus, et omnibus quibus vult
revelare Deus.
Ashton, in a note subjoined to his edition of this apology,
supposes that there is a dislocation in the words of the text,
the clause — nai rov rav aXXwv — dyyeXwv arparov — having been
removed from the end of the sentence into the middle. The
passage, with this alteration, will stand thus. 'AAA.' exeivov re,
koi rov irap' aurou viov iXBovra Ka\ oioa^avra rjpdi ravra, irvevjid
re to irpocprjriKov treponeda Kai irpoo-KUvovnev, Xoya Kai aXrjBeia,
rin^vres Kai rov rtav dXXtov eVo|Uei/a>i> Kai e^opoioupivtav dyaBtov
ayyeXiov arparov.
" But we worship and adore, in reason and truth, Him,
and his Son who came out from Him, and taught us these
m 2 things,

180 THE APOLOGY OF
every one who wishes to learn, we freely deliver
our opinions, even as we have been taught.
7- But, some one will say, already some of
those who have been taken have been proved guilty
of crimes. And, in fact, ye do frequently condemn
many, after having made diligent enquiry into
the life of each one that is accused, and not in
consequence of such charges as have been men
tioned. ' Moreover, this we readily confess, that
things, and the Holy Spirit; honouring also the host of the
other good angels who follow him and are made like unto him."
Roman Catholic writers adduce this passage, as favouring
the worship of angels. They place a comma after ravra, and
render the words to this effect : " We worship in reason and
in truth, with all honour, Him, and his Son who came out
from Him, and taught us these things, and the host of good
angels which follow him and are made like unto Him, and the
Prophetic Spirit."
In the passage, however, above quoted, and in many others,
Justin plainly points out three persons only, the Creator, the
Son, and the Prophetic Spirit, as the objects of Christian wor
ship. Compare Apol. c. 77- 79- 85. 87.
See Bp. Kaye's " Account of the Writings and Opinions of
Justin Martyr," Ch. 11. p. 53.
Kai yap ttoXXov: TroXXaKis, brav eKao-rore rmv Karriyoprfpi-
vmv rov (3'iov itjerdtyre, aXX' ou Sid rou\ irpoXeyBivra", KaTaS<-
Ka'Q-Te. If this passage is correct, its sense seems to be this :
" In the course of your various and discursive enquiries into
the lives of so many as are brought before you under the ge
neral accusation of being Christians, there are doubtless many
who are guilty of some crime, for which they may justly suffer
punishment, although they would deserve no blame for the
charge first alleged against them." The last clause, aAA' ou Sid
tou? irpoXeyBivra-:, is, however, so harsh, that we might almost
suspect that Justin wrote, aXX' oil' uu'toJs ou'k iXeyyBivTai, or,
if the word might be allowed, oi irpoeXeyxBevras. "Ye fre
quently

JUSTIN MARTYR. 181
in the same manner as among the Greeks, those
who hold any peculiar system of opinions, are all
called by the name of philosophers, although their
tenets be opposed to each other, so, in other coun
tries, the name assumed by all those, who either
have or profess true wisdom, is the same ; for all
are called Christians. Wherefore we require that
the actions of all those who are accused before you
may be examined; that he who is convicted may be
punished as an evil doer, but not as a Christian."1
And if any one appears to be innocent, that he
may be dismissed, as a Christian who hath done
no evil. For we require you not to punish our
accusers : " they are sufficiently recompensed by 57
their own malice, and their ignorance of what is
good. 8. Moreover, bear in mind that it is for your
sakes that we thus speak ; since it is in our power
to deny, when we are questioned. But we choose
not to live by falsehood. For out of our great
love of an eternal and pure life, we desire to con
verse with God, the Father, and Creator of all
things ; and hasten to confess, inasmuch as we be-
quently condemn many, after ye have made enquiry into the
life of each, but not even those, unless they have been first
convicted of some crime."
m 1 Pet. iv. 15.
n This is probably an allusion to the rescript of the Em
peror Adrian, subjoined to this Apology, in which punish
ment is threatened against any who should calumniate the
Christians.

182 THE APOLOGY OF
lieve and are sure, that such as shew by their works
that they follow God, and earnestly long to converse
with him, in the place where no evil assaults them,
shall be able to attain to those blessings. Such
then, to speak briefly, are our expectations : such
are the doctrines, which through Christ we have
learned, and teach. Now Plato" in like manner
declared that Rhadamanthus and Minos will punish
the wicked who shall come to them. The event, of
which we speak, is the same; but we say that it will
be accomplished by Christ : and that both souls
and bodies will be united, and punished with
eternal torments, and not, as he declares, for a
thousand years only. q If, notwithstanding, any
one should say that all this is incredible or impos-
i
0 Plato, Gorgias. p. 524.
« Plato, de Republ. Lib. x. p. 6l5.
Justin here plainly maintains the eternity of future punish
ments. When Justin M. speaks in his own person, he always
describes the punishment of the wicked as eternal. See c. 12.
24. 29. at the end. 60 at the end. See also Apol. 2. p. 41. C. E.
45. E. 46. D. 47. D. There is a passage in his Dialogue with
Trypho, however, in which his instructor describes the hap
piness of the righteous and the punishment of the wicked as
enduring as long as God shall will :
ovrws al nev (^uYa') ^£ial TO" ®€ov ipaveicrBai ovk arroBvrjc-
kovo'i tTi, al oi KoXa'^ovrat es r dv aura? Kai eivai koi KoXaQetr-
Bai 6 6eos BeXri. p. 223. C.
If Justin is here to be considered as expressing his own
sentiments, the apparent contradiction will be reconciled by
supposing his opinion to be, that the eternity of the soul of
man is not inherent, but that God wills the punishment of the
wicked to be eternal. See Bp. Kaye's Account of Justin Mar-
tyr, Ch. v. p. 102.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 183
sible, this error regards ourselves only, and no one
else,q as long as we are not proved guilty of any
evil action.
9. Neither again do we honour with numerous
sacrifices and garlands of flowers, those, whom men
have invested with a bodily shape, and placed in
temples, and then denominated gods. We well
know that these are senseless and dead, possessing
not the form of God. We imagine not that God
hath such a bodily shape as some pretend to imitate,
to his honour ; and are persuaded that these images
have not the form of God, but the names and
figures of those evil demons which have appeared.
For why should I repeat to you, who know so well,
in what manner the workmen treat their materials,
polishing, cutting, melting, and hammering, and
frequently out of the meanest vessels, by merely
changing their form, and fashioning them anew,
giving them the name of gods ? r In our opinion
this is not only unreasonable, but offers great dis
honour to God, who, although he possesses a glory
and form which are inexpressible, is thus named
after corruptible things and such as require care to
preserve them. Ye well know, also, that those
who are occupied in these works lead most impure

' Compare Job xix. 4.
1 Compare Isai. iv. 12 — 20. It might be conceived that
Justin Martyr had in view the history told of Amasis, in He
rod, ii. 172,

184 THE APOLOGY OF
lives, and, not to dwell upon particulars, practise
58 all kinds of wickedness, so that they even corrupt
the women who assist them in their works. O as
tonishing blindness ! that men thus impure should
be said s to form and change the fashion of gods,
for the purpose of worship ; and that such men
should be placed as guards of the temples where
they are set up, not considering that it is impious
either to imagine or to say, that men are the
keepers of gods.
10. But we are firmly persuaded that God
requires not from men material offerings, seeing
that he hath given us all things. And we have
been taught, and believe, and are sure, that they
only are accepted of him, who imitate the perfec
tions of his holy nature, chastity, justice, humanity,
and whatever other virtues belong to God, to whom
no name can be ascribed.' We have been taught
also, that he, of his goodness, did in the beginning
make all things of unformed matter, for the sake

s XiyeaBai is the reading of H. Stephanus, instead of Ae'-
7eo-6'e. ' Justin expresses the same thought in c. 80. and in his second
Apology, p. 44. ovona Se tw irdvrtov irarp\ Berov, dyevvrjrio
ovrt, ouk 'io-riv. In the persecution, which took place after the
death of Antoninus Pius, Attalus, in the midst of his torments,
while being roasted in an iron chair by a slow fire, was asked,
what was the name of God? his reply was, "God is not like
man, he hath no name." 'O Qeoi bvopa ouk e;yei ws dvBpaiwos.
Euseb. H. E. v. 1. The same sentiment is found in the Cohor-
tatio ad Graecos, ascribed to Justin, p. 19. B.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 185
of men ; who shall, we know, be admitted to his
presence, there to reign with him, in immortality
and freedom from all suffering, if they shew them
selves worthy, by their actions, in obedience to his
will. For in the same manner as he created us from
nothing, so we believe that they who choose such
things as are well pleasing in his sight, shall, in
consequence of that choice, be deemed worthy of
immortality and communion with him. For to
exist, at the beginning, was not in our own power.
But to obey what is conformable to his will, making
our choice by means of the rational faculties with
which he hath endowed us, persuades us and leads
us to faith." And we consider it to be of the utmost
importance to every man, that he be not forbidden
to learn these things, but be exhorted and per
suaded to embrace them. For that which human
laws never could have effected, the Word, which
is divine, would have (already) performed, had not
the evil demons disseminated many false and im
pious accusations, of which we are entirely guiltless,
availing themselves of the assistance of that prone-
ness to all evil, which, although various in its kind,
exists in every man.
11. Now ye, when ye hear that we look for a
kingdom, assume, without enquiry, that we speak
of a human kingdom ; whereas we speak of that
which is with God : as plainly appears from this,
u Compare John vii. 17-

186 THE APOLOGY OF
that when we are questioned by you, we confess
that we are Christians, when we know that the
punishment of death will be inflicted upon all who
confess. For if we expected a human kingdom,
59 we should deny, that we might escape death ; and
should seek to remain concealed, that we might
obtain what we expect. But since our hopes are
not fixed upon this present world, we care not for
our murderers, knowing that at all events we must
die. 12. Moreover, we aid and assist you to pre
serve peace, more than all other men : for we are
firmly persuaded, that it is impossible that any man
should escape the notice of God, whether he be
an evil doer, or covetous, or a traitor, or a virtuous
man : and that every one shall go into eternal pun
ishment or happiness, according to that which his
deeds deserve. For if all men knew this, no one
would choose evil for a little time, knowing that
he must go into everlasting punishment by fire ;
but each would restrain himself, and adorn himself
with all virtue, that so he might attain unto the
good things which are of God, and be free from
those torments. They, who offend against the
laws and are exposed to the punishments which
you impose, may endeavour to escape detection,
knowing well that it is possible to elude the notice
of human beings like yourselves. But if they had
learned and were well assured, that it is impossible

JUSTIN MARTYR. 187
for God not to know every thing which is done,
nay even every thing which is thought, they would
by all means live circumspectly, if it were but to
avoid the punishment hanging over their heads, as
even ye yourselves will confess.
13. But, it would seem, ye fear lest all
should be just and holy in their lives, and ye
should have none to punish. This would be an
apprehension worthy of an executioner, but not of
good princes. And we are persuaded that such
suggestions arise, as we have before said, from those
evil demons, who demand even offerings and wor
ship from those who live a life contrary to reason.
Neither do we suspect that ye, who follow after
piety and philosophy/ would do any thing against
reason. But if ye also, in like manner with
those inconsiderate men, honour established prac
tices more than truth, then do what ye can : and
the utmost that even princes can do, who honour
the opinions (of men) more than the truth, is
but as much as robbers in the desert could. y
And that your labour will be in vain the Word
himself declares, than whom, with God his Father,
we know no prince more royal and more just. For
as all avoid the inheritance of the poverty, or dis
ease, or disgrace of their parents, so will every one 60
x Justin alludes to the appellations of the two Antonines,
Pius and Philosopher. See. c. 2.
y That is, put us to death. Compare cc. 2, and 60.

188 THE APOLOGY OF
who is wise reject that which right reason com
mands him to refuse.2
14. Our teacher, the Son and Apostle3 of
God the Father and Lord of all things, even
Jesus Christ, from whom also we have obtained
the name of Christians, hath foretold to us that all
these things would come to pass. Wherefore we
cleave stedfastly to all things which were taught of
him, since whatsoever he before declared should
happen, hath in deed been fulfilled. For this is
the work of God (only) ; to declare events before
they happen ; and manifestly to bring them to pass,
even as they were predicted.
15. We might now rest satisfied with what
hath been said, and add nothing more, in the full
assurance that our demands are perfectly consistent
with justice and truth. But being well aware
that the mind, once held captive by ignorance,
doth not without great difficulty change, in an
instant, its whole train of thought, we have deter
mined to add a few words, to persuade those who
are really lovers of truth ; for, although difficult,
z Children inherit the property of their parents, and they
justly claim it as their right. But no" one requires to succeed to
the poverty, or disease, or disgrace of his parent. In like man
ner, although established prejudices may have descended to us,
we shall exercise our own judgment upon them: we shall con
sider whether right reason declares them to be part of the
wealth or of the weakness of antiquity : and accordingly accept
or reject them. -
* Heb. iii. 1.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 189
we are persuaded that it is not impossible, that a
plain representation of the truth should be suffi
cient to dissipate error.
16. With respect to the charge of impiety:
what man of consideration will not confess that
this accusation is falsely alleged against us ? since
we worship the Creator of this Universe, declaring,
as we have been taught, that he requires not sacri
fices of blood, and libations, and incense; and praise
him to the utmost of our power, with words of
prayer and thanksgiving, for all things which we
enjoy. For we have learned, that the only honour
which is worthy of him is, not to consume with
fire what he hath given to us for our nourishment,
but to distribute them to ourselves and to those
who have need : and that our thankfulness to him
is best expressed, by the solemn offering of prayers
and hymns. Moreover we pour forth our praisesb
for our creation, and every provision for our well-
being; for the various qualities of all creatures, and
the changes of seasons ; and (for the hope) of rising
again in incorruption, through faith which is in
him. Again we have learned, that he who taught
us these things, and for this end was born, even
Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius
Pilate, the procurator of Judea, in the time of Ti
berius Caesar, was the Son of Him who is truly
God, and we esteem him in the second place. And
b The true reading is probably ahiaeii, not airrjrrei<;.

190 THE APOLOGY' OF
that we with reason honour the prophetic Spirit,
in the third place, we shall hereafter show.* For
upon this point they accuse us of madness, saying
61 that we give the second place after the unchange
able and eternal God, the Creator of all things, to
a man who was crucified ; (and this they do) being
ignorant of the mystery which is in this matter ;
to which we exhort you to take heed while we
explain it. d
17- For we have forewarned you to beware
lest those demons, whom we have before accused,
should deceive you, and prevent you from reading
and understanding what we say. For they strive
to retain you as their slaves and servants, and
sometimes by revelations in dreams, and at other
times again by magical tricks, enslave those who
strive not at all for their own salvation. In like
manner as we also, since we have been obedient to the
Word, abstain from such things, and, through the
Son, follow the only unbegotten God. We, who once
delighted in fornication, now embrace chastity only :
we, who once used magical arts, have consecrated
ourselves to the good and unbegotten God: we,
who loved above all things the gain of money and
possessions, now bring all that we have into
one common stock, and give a part to every one
c Compare c. 6.
d Justin here digresses, after his usual manner, and does
not resume his argument till c. 31.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 191
that needs : we, who hated and killed one another,
and permitted not those of another nation, on
account of their different customs, to live with us
under the same roof, now, since the appearing of
Christ, live at the same table, and pray for our
enemies, and endeavour to persuade those who
unjustly hate us ; that they also, living after the
excellent institutions of Christ, may have good
hope with us to obtain the same blessings, with
God the Lord of all.
18. And, that we may not seem to deceive you,
we think it right to remind you of some few of the
doctrines which we have received from Christ him
self, before we proceed to the proof (which we have
promised) : and be it your care, as powerful princes, e
to enquire whether in truth we have thus been
taught and teach. His words were short and con
cise ; for he was no sophist, but his word was the
power of God.f With respect, then, to chastity,
he spake thus : " Whosoever shall look on a
woman to lust after her, hath already committed
adultery in his heart before God." g And " If
thy right eye offend thee, cut it out ; h for it is
profitable for thee to enter into the kingdom of
e ra's owartav fiaaXeoiv. H. Stephanus proposes to read cos
orj a-vvermv fiaaiXttav, "as wise princes."
f 1 Cor. i. 24.
s Matt. v. 28.
h Justin has e k k o \// o v airov — the word skko^ov being taken
from the following verse, for ef eAe.

192 THE APOLOGY OF
heaven with one eye, rather than with the two, to
62 be sent into everlasting fire."1 And, "Whosoever
marrieth a wife that is put away from another man,
committeth adultery :" k and, " There are some,
which were made eunuchs of men : and there are
some which were born eunuchs ; and there are some
which have made themselves eunuchs, for the king
dom of heaven's sake : but all receive not this." '
Hence they who, under the sanction of human
laws, marry again, and they who look on a woman
to lust after her, are sinners in the sight of our
master. For not only he, who is an adulterer in
fact, is cast out by him, but he who wishes to com
mit adultery : since not only the deeds but the
very desires are manifest to God. Nay many,
both men and women, of the age of sixty and
seventy years, who have been disciples of Christ
from their youth, continue in immaculate virginity;
and it is my boast to be able to display such before
the whole human race. For why should we men
tion also the innumerable multitude of those, who
have been converted from a life of incontinence,
and learned these precepts ? For Christ called not
the righteous nor the chaste to repentance, but
the ungodly, and the incontinent, and the unjust.
For thus he said ; " I came not to call the righteous,

1 Matt. v. 29. Mark ix. 47.
k Matt. v. 32. Luke xvi. 18.
1 Matt. xix. 11, 12.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 193
but sinners to repentance."1" For our heavenly
Father prefers the repentance of a sinner to his
punishment. 19- Again, concerning the love of all men he
thus taught : " If ye love those who love you, what
new thing do ye ? for even the fornicators also do
the same. But I say unto you, Pray for your ene
mies, and love those that hate you, and bless those
that curse you; and pray for those that despitefully
use you." n And that we should give to them that
are in need, and do nothing for the sake of vain
glory, he thus said ; " Give to every one that asketh
of you, and from him that would borrow of you
turn not ye away :"° " For if ye lend to them from
whom ye hope to receive, what new thing do ye ?
for even the publicans do the same."p "But lay
not ye up for yourselves treasures upon earth,
where moth and rust doth corrupt, and thieves
break through : but lay up for yourselves trea
sures in the heavens, where neither moth nor
rust doth corrupt.'"1 " For what is a man profited,
if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul ? Or what shall he give in exchange for it ?" r
" Lay up therefore treasure in the heavens, where
neither moth nor rust doth corrupt." And, " Be ye
m Matt. ix. 13. Luke v. 32.
n Matt. v. 44. 46. Luke vi. 27, 28. 32.
° Matt. v. 42. Luke vi. 30.
" Luke vi. 34. « Matt. vi. 19, 20.
T Matt. xvi. 26. Luke ix. 25.
N

194 THE APOLOGY OF
good and merciful, as your Father also is good and
merciful; and maketh his sun to rise upon the
sinners, and the righteous, and the wicked."6
" Take no thought what ye shall eat, or what ye
shall put on : are ye not better than the fowls and
the beasts? Yet God feedeth them. Therefore
take no thought, what ye shall eat, or what
ye shall put on ; for your heavenly Father
knoweth that ye have need of these things. But
seek ye the kingdom of heaven, and all these
things shall be added unto you.1 For where the
treasure is, there also is the mind of man."" And,
" Do not these things, to be seen of men : otherwise
ye have no reward with your Father which is in
heaven." x
20. That we should also patiently endure evil,
and be kind to all, and not give place to wrath, he
taught us in these words : " Unto him that smiteth
thee upon the cheek, turn also the other : and him
that taketh away thy coat or thy cloak hinder
not." y "And whosoever is angry is in danger of
the fire." l "And whosoever shall compel thee to
go a mile, follow him twain." a " Let your good
works shine before men, that they may see them,
and glorify your Father which is in heaven." b For
s Luke vi. 35, 36. Matt. v. 45.
' Matt. vi. 25, &c. Luke xii. 22. 24, &c.
u Matt. vi. 21. Luke xii. 34. - Matt. vi. 1. 9.
y Matt. v. 39. Luke vi. 29. * Matt. v. 22.
a Ma". v. 41. b Matt v# 15

JUSTIN MARTYR. 195
we must not oppose : neither would he that we
should imitate bad men, but hath commanded us
by patience and meekness to withdraw all men from
shameful and evil lusts. Which also we can shew
to have actually taken place among us, in many,
who have been subdued and changed from violent
and tyrannical men, either by imitating the con
stancy of their neighbours' lives, or by observing
the unusual patience of those with whom they tra
velled, when they were defrauded on the way, or by
experiencing the faithfulness of those with whom
they had any dealings.
21. That we should not swear at all, but
speak the truth always, he thus commanded us :
" Swear not at all : but let your yea be yea, and
you nay, nay : for whatsoever is more than these
cometh of evil."0 And that we should worship
God only, he thus taught us, saying, " The greatest
commandment is, Thou shalt worship the Lord
thy God, and him only shalt thou serve, with all
thy heart, and with all thy strength, even the
Lord who created thee."d And when a certain
man came to him, and said, " Good master ;" he
answered and said, " There is none good save
one, that is God, who created all things."6
22. Now whosoever are found not to live as
Christ taught them, let it be publicly known that
c Matt. v. 34. 37- d Matt. iv. 10. Mark xii. 30,
c Matt xix. 16, 17- v 2

196 THE APOLOGY OF
they are not Christians, although they should
profess with their tongue the doctrines of Christ.
64 For he declared, that not they who only profess,
but they who do his works shall be saved. For
thus he said: "Not every one that saith unto
me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of
heaven, but he that doeth the will of my Father
which is in heaven." f "For he that heareth me,
and doeth what I say, heareth him that sent me."e
"And many shall say unto me, Lord, Lord, have
we not eaten, and drunk,11 and done mighty works,
in thy name? and then will I say unto them,
Depart from me, ye workers of iniquity." ' " Then
shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth ; when the
righteous shall shine as the sun : but the un
righteous shall be sent into eternal fire."k "For
many shall come in my name, covered outwardly
with sheep's clothing, but inwardly being ravening
wolves : by their works ye shall know them. But
every tree, which bringeth not forth good fruit,
is hewn down, and cast into the fire."1 And we
even entreat, that those who live not agreeably to
their doctrines, but are merely called Christians,
may be punished by you.
f Matt. vii. 21. s Matt. vii. 24. x. 40.
Ine (jreek has, ov tw <no ovopaTi icpdyopev xa\ iiriopev,
Kai ovvapei? eVoiijo-a^ei/; Ashton proposes to read ouk ivtomov
aou eipayapev Kai iwtonev, Kai ™ o-co ovopari Sui/a'jxere iirotrjo-anev.
Compare Luke xiii. 26.
1 Matt. vii. 22. Luke xiii: 26.
k Matt. xiii. 42, &c. i Matt. vii. 15, 16. 19-

JUSTIN MARTYR. 197
23. We make it also our principal endeavour
in every place to pay tribute and custom to such
officers as are appointed by you, even as we
have been taught by him. For " at that time
certain came unto him, and asked him, whether it
were lawful to pay tribute unto Caesar. And he
answered, Tell me, whose image doth the tribute
money bear ? They said unto him, Caesar's. Then
again answered he them, Render therefore unto
Csesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God
the things which are God's.""1 Wherefore we wor
ship God only : but in all other matters we joyfully
serve you, confessing that ye are kings and rulers ;
and praying that ye may be found to possess,
together with your royal power, a sound and dis
cerning mind. If, however, notwithstanding we
thus pray, and openly lay every thing before you,
ye yet treat us with contempt, we shall receive no
injury, believing, yea rather being firmly persuaded,
that every one, if his deeds shall so deserve, shall
receive the punishment of eternal fire ; and that an
account will be required of him, in proportion to
the powers which he hath received from God ; as
Christ hath declared, saying, " To whomsoever
God hath given much, of him shall be much re
quired."11 24. For look to the end of each of the Em
perors who have already reigned, that they died
™ Matt. xxii. 17, &c. " Luke xii. 48.

198 THE APOLOGY OF
the common death of all men : and well would it
be for the wicked, ° if this were merely a passage
65 into a state of insensibility. But since both sense
remains in all who have ever lived, and eternal
punishment is reserved (for the wicked), take heed
that ye be persuaded and believe that these things
are true. For the very acts of necromancy, p the
inspection of the bodies of pure children, q (for the
0 'ippaiov dv ijv toTc dc'iKou wao-iv. Justin seems to allude
to a similar phrase in his master Plato : el /uev r\v 6 ddvaroi rou
ttoi/tos diraXXayrj, eppatov av r)v roTs koko?5 diroBavovci. Phasdo.
p. 107- p See Tertullian's Apology, c. 23.
» Justin here refers to a barbarous practice frequently al
luded to by writers both of ecclesiastical and profane history.
Immaculate children of both sexes were slain, and their entrails
inspected for the purpose of divination, under the persuasion
that the souls of the victims were then present, and revealed
the knowledge of futurity to those who consulted them.
Thus Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, as preserved by
Eusebius, H. E. vii. 10. relates that, in the ninth persecution
under Valerian, the emperor was instructed by the chief of
the Magi of Egypt, in many abominable rites, and taught "to
murder wretched infants, and sacrifice the children of miser
able parents ; and to examine their tender entrails." TeAeVa9
oe avayvovi Kai payyavetas ifcayia-TOWi Kai lepovpylas aKaXXieprj-
rovi iirireXeiv viroriBenevoi, vrdiSas d8Xiow; diroo-cpdrreiv, Kai
reKva dvo-rtjvwv irarepaiv KaraBveiv, koi cirXayyya veoyevrj CiaipcTv.
Eusebius also, in two places, mentions among the enormities
perpetrated by the tyrant Maxentius, that he filled up the
measure of his guilt by having recourse to magical arts, among
which was the inspection of the entrails of new-born children.
'H oe rtav KaKwv tw rupdvvio Kopiavis eVl yorjretav rjXavve' payi-
tcate eirivoiais rore nev yvvalKas iyKvpovas dvao-yi^ovros, rori
Se veoyvwv o-nXayyya j3pe<j)Hv Zieptvvinnivov. Eusebius, H. E.
viii. 14. Vit. Const, i. 36.
Socrates states the same brutal treatment to have been used by

JUSTIN MARTYR. 199
purpose of divination,) the calling forth of human
souls, and those whom your magicians call senders
of dreams, and familiar spirits/ and the practices
of those who are skilled in such matters, may induce
you to believe that souls after death are still in a

by the Pagans towards the Christians, in the time of Julian, in
various cities, and particularly at Athens and Alexandria. "At
that time, the Gentiles made a furious attack upon the Chris
tians : and those who called themselves philosophers were ga
thered together. They established also certain horrid rites, so
that they even slew many young children, both male and female,
for the purpose of inspecting their entrails, and also tasted
their flesh."
TrjviKavra Kai oi ' EAAifi/es ralv ypurriavi^ovriav Karerpeyov.
orvppoia re twv (piXoo-otyelv Xeyovriav eyivero. Kai reXerds rival
o-uviorracrav, £09 Ka\ crTrXayyvoo-Koirovnevot 7ra?Sa? Kara&ueiv dd>86-
pov<s, dppevai Kai BrjXeias, ko.\ t<oV o-apKwv diroyeveaBai. Socrat.
H. E. iii. 13.
In the work called the Recognitions of Clement, which is at
least as old as the time of Origen, by whom it is cited, (Philo-
cal. c. 23.) Simon Magus is made to say ; " By means of in
effable adjurations I called up the soul of an immaculate boy,
who had been put to a violent death, and caused it to stand by
me : and by its means whatever I command is effected." And
again, " (The soul freed from the body) possesses the faculty of
foreknowledge : whence it is called forth for necromancy."
" Pueri incorrupti et violenter necati animam adjuramentis
ineffabilibus evocatam adsistere mihi feci; et per ipsam fit
omne quod jubeo." " Statim et praescientiam habet (anima),
propter quod evocatur ad necromantiam." Recognit. demen
tis, Lib. ii. c 13.
r irdpelpoi. Valesius in his notes on Euseb. H. E. iv. 17-
shews that by this word were meant spirits, who assisted the
Magicians and performed their orders. Irenaeus, Haer. i. 20.
says that the followers of Simon Magus had both the kinds of
spirits here mentioned. Qui dicuntur paredri et oniropompi
et quaecunque sunt alia perierga apud eos studiose exercentur.

200 THE APOLOGY OF
state of sensibility. To these may be added the
men who are seized and thrown down by the souls
of the departed, s who are commonly called demo
niac and mad ; and what are styled oracles among
you, such of those of Amphilochus, and Dodone,
the Pythian, and the like: the opinions also of
writers, such as Empedocles, Pythagoras, Plato,
and Socrates : the trench mentioned by Homer,'
and the descent of Ulysses to see these things;
together with the tenets of those who have spoken
to the same effect. Give us, now, but the same
degree of credit which you give to them ; inasmuch
as our confidence in (the power of) God is not less,
but greater, than theirs: for we expect that we
shall each again take upon us our bodies which are
dead and cast into the earth, holding that nothing
is impossible to God.
25. And if any one considered the matter
well, would this appear more incredible than it
would, if we were not in the body, and any one
should assert that it was possible for bones and
tendons and flesh to be formed, as we see in the
human body, out of a minute drop of seminal mat-

¦ Such as the demoniacs, described in Matt. viii. 28. Mark
v. 3. Luke vii. 25. Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 6. 3. in like man
ner describes demons as the spirits of wicked men. To ydp
KaXovpeva caipovia, ravra oi irovripwv io-riv dvdparnwv irvevpara,
to?« Qao-iv elo-ovopeva ko! Krelvovra tous (3or}6eias pr} Tvyya-
vovrat, avrtj (rj plfja Hadpat) rayiaii e^eXaivet.
« Od. X. 25. 37, &c.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 201
ter? For let us suppose an imaginary case. If
ye were not such as ye are, nor of such an origin,
and any one should shew you the generating sub
stance, and a painted representation (of the human
form), and should persist in affirming that the
one could be produced from the other, would ye
believe him before ye saw the effect produced?
No one would be bold enough to assert, that ye
would. In the same manner, ye now disbelieve,
because ye never saw a dead man raised to life.
But even, as ye would not at first have believed,
that from a little drop of seminal matter such
bodies could be formed, which yet, ye see, are
formed; so consider that it is not impossible for
human bodies, decomposed, and, like seed, resolved
into earth, to arise, in due season, at the command
of God, and to put on incorruption.u We pretend
u The argument here used by Justin, is frequently em
ployed by the early Christian writers. Tertullian de Resur.
Camis c. 11. says, "Idoneus est reficere (carnem,) qui fecit:
quanto plus est fecisse, quam refecisse : initium dedisse, quam
reddidisse. Ita restitutionem camis faciliorem credas institu-
tione." See also Tertullian Apol. c. 48. Irenaeus argues,
with a plain reference to this passage of Justin, how much
more difficult it is that bones and tendons and veins, and the
rest of the body made after the fashion of a man, should be
caused to exist, and to become a pious, and rational being,
when as yet it existed not, than that, having once been made
and resolved into earth, it should be restored to a form which
it once possessed, even if it should have been reduced to the
same state in which it was, before it was first made man.
KaiVep 7roAAw oWkoA<otE|0oi/ koi dirusroTepov r)v, ix prj
ovrusv oareoiv re xai vevpuiv — Kai riji Xonrrjs rrji Kara rov av-
Opaiirov

202 THE APOLOGY OF
not to say, how worthy an estimate of divine power
66 they form, who maintain that every thing returns
to its original whence it proceeded, and that beyond
this even God can do nothing : but we plainly see
this, that they would not have believed it possible,
for beings like themselves, and for the whole world,
to have existed, and to have had their origin, in the
manner which their own observation now discovers.
26. We have already assumed that it is better
to believe things, which in their own nature and by
the power of men are impossible, than to disbelieve
as others do. Since we know how our master Jesus
Christ said, " The things which are impossible
with men, are passible with God." x He said also,
" Fear ye not them that kill you, and after that
are able to do nothing : but fear him, who after
death, is able to cast both soul and body into
hell." y
27. Now hell is the place, where those shall be
punished, who have lived unrighteously, and have
not believed that the things shall come to pass,
Bpwnov oiKOKO/ii'ac, iroirjcrai eis to elvai, Kai ep\jsvyov, Kai XoyiKov
aTrepydo-ao-Bai ^mov, r) to yeyovos, eireira dvaXvSiv eis rrjv
yijv — aiiBis atroKarao-rfja-ai, eis exeiva ympfjaav bBev rrjv dpyrjv
prioeiTiti yeyovoi iyeyovei d dvBpunro<;. Irenaeus Haer. v. 3.
p. 401. 32.
Athenagoras, in his argumentative treatise on the Resur
rection of the body lays great stress upon the same reasoning.
Athenag. de Resur. Carnis, p. 43. A. 59- A. See also the
Apostolical Constitutions, Lib. v. Sect. 43. 7- p- 308.
* Luke xviii. 27- y Matt. x. 28. Luke xii. 45.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 203
which God hath taught through Christ. And even
the Sibyl z and Hystaspes declared that there
should be a destruction of corruptible things by fire.
And those who are styled Stoic philosophers3 teach,
that God himself will be resolved into fire; and
affirm that the world shall be renewed by a change.
But we entertain far higher notions respecting God,
the Creator of all things, than that he should be
subject to any change.
28. If then in some things we hold the same
opinions with the poets and philosophers, whom
ye honour, and in others entertain views more
sublime and more worthy of the divine nature,
and if we alone are able to prove what we say,
why are we unjustly hated above all men? For
when we affirm that all things were ordered and
made by God, we hold apparently the same doc-
z  pevcei oi ttvoos /uaAepou KarapaKTrji
'AKaTiaTos* (pXe^ei ci yaiav, (pXe^et oe BaXacraav,
ai iroXov oupaviov, xai rjnara, Kai kticiv aurrjv
Eis ev ycovevo-ei, Kai eis KaBapov oiaXe^ei.
Carm. Sib. Lib. iii.
Theophilus ad Autolycum, Lib. ii. p. 114. D. 116. A. ap
peals in like manner to the Sibyl. The author of the Quaes-
tiones et Responsiones ad orthodoxos, a work falsely ascribed
to Justin, says that Clement of Rome, in his Epistle to the
Corinthians, appeals to the writings of the Sibyl, as testifying
that the world should be destroyed by fire. In the present
Epistle of Clement there is no such allusion. Grotius de
Veritate Rel. Christ, i. 22. has accumulated several instances
of the same tradition.
a See Justin Martyr's second Apol. p. 45. Cicero De Nat.
Deor. ii. 46.

204 THE APOLOGY OF
trine as Plato : when we speak of a destruction by
fire, we agree with the Stoics : in maintaining that
the souls of the unjust are punished, retaining
their consciousness even after death, and the souls
of good men live happily, free from pain, we as
sent to what your poets and philosophers declare :b
when we say that we ought not to worship the
works of men's hands, we agree with Menander
the comic poet, and others who hold the same
opinions; for they have shewn that the Creator
is greater than the creature. And when we affirm
that the Word, which is the first-begotten of God,
was born without carnal knowledge, even Jesus
67 Christ our Master, and that he was crucified, and
died, and rose again and ascended into heaven,
we advance no new thing different from what is
maintained respecting those, whom ye call the
sons of Jupiter."
29. For ye well know how many sons your
b Theophilus of Antioch, ad Autolycum, Lib. ii. p. 115.
and Clemens Alexandrinus; Stromata, Lib. iv. p. 541. have col
lected many passages of heathen poets and philosophers, agree
ing with different tenets of the Christian religion.
The object which Justin has in view, in the ensuing part
of his Apology, although now void of interest, was important
at the time in which it was written, when the heathen world
was given up to idolatry. He endeavours to shew that the
Gentiles could not consistently make it a matter of accusation
against the Christians, that they believed in the incarnation of
Jesus Christ the Son of God, when they themselves held
opinions, which were fully as incredible, respecting their false
gods.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 205
approved writers attribute to Jupiter ; Mercury,
the word of interpretation and the teacher of all
men : Esculapius, who was a physician, and yet
struck with lightning and taken up into heaven :
Bacchus, who was torn in pieces; Hercules, who
burned himself upon the pile to escape his tor
ments ; Castor and Pollux, the sons of Leda ; Per
seus the son of Danae ; and Bellerophon, born of
human race, and carried away upon the horse
Pegasus/ For why should I speak of Ariadne,
and others also, like her, who were said to be
raised among the stars of heaven? Nay, ye de
termine that the very Emperors, who die among
you, shall always become immortal ; and bring for
ward some one to swear that he saw Caesar, who
was burnt, going up to heaven out of the funeral
pile. Neither is it necessary that I should relate
to you, who already know well, of what kind were
the actions of each of those who were called the
sons of Jupiter; I need only say, that the writings,
in which they are recorded, tend only to corrupt
and pervert" the minds of those who learn them:
for all take a pride in being imitators of the gods.
Now far be from every sound mind such concep
tions concerning the gods, that even the very
d Justin alludes to the same story respecting Bellerophon
in c. 71. The mythological history was not, however, that
Bellerophon was carried to heaven on Pegasus, but that he
made the attempt and failed.
e eis Siacbdopdv xa) iraparpovriv.

206 THE APOLOGY OF
leader and father of them all, as they account
Jupiter, should be a parricide, as his father also
was;f should be a slave of the worst and basest
passions, as in the instance of Ganymede and his
adulteries with many women, and receive with
approbation his sons who acted in like manner.
But, as we have before said, the evil spirits did
these things. And we have been taught that
they only are immortalized, who live holily and
virtuously before God: believing also that they
who live an unjust life, and repent not, shall be
punished in eternal fire.
30. But Jesus, who is called the Son of God,
even if he had been but a man, in the ordinary
sense, would yet by his wisdom have deserved to
be called the Son of God; for all writers call
Him God, who is the Father of gods and men :
but if we say that he was begotten of God, in
a manner far different from ordinary generation,
being the Word of God, as we have before said,
let this be considered a correspondence with your
own tenets, when ye call Mercury the word who
68 bears messages from God. And if any one ob
jects to us, that he was crucified ; this too is a
point of correspondence with those whom ye call
f The word "parricide" does not always strictly mean the
murderer of a parent. Jupiter was said to have dethroned, and,
by some, to haveemprisoned Saturn; and Saturn was accused
of using still greater violence to his own father, Ccelus or
Uranus.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 207
the sons of Jupiter, and yet allow to have suf
fered, as we before stated. For the sufferings of
their deaths are related to have been not similar
to his, but different ;g so that he seems not to
have been inferior to them even in the peculiar
manner of his death : nay, in the progress of our
address we shall shew, as we promised, that he
is even superior : or rather this is already shewn ;
for he that is superior appears to be so from his
deeds. Again, if we affirm that he was born of
a virgin ; let this be considered a point in which
he agrees with what you (fabulously) ascribe to
Perseus. And whereas we say that he made those
whole, who were lame, palsied, and blind11 from
their birth, and raised the dead; in this too we
ascribe to him actions similar to those which are
said to have been performed by Esculapius.
31. We desire also to make it fully apparent
to you, that those things only which we affirm,
and have learned from Christ and the prophets
who went before him, are the truth, and more
ancient than (what is recorded by) all other
writers; and we do not require to be believed,
because in some particulars we agree with them,
but because we say the truth ; and Jesus Christ,
s In c. 72. Justin argues that the mystery of the cross
was never imitated by any of the false gods.
h irnpovs. This seems a better reading than irovrtpow.
Thirlby shews that the word is used by Justin to signify "the
blind," as in Trypho, p. 295.

208 THE APOLOGY OF
who alone was properly born -the Son of God,
being his Word, and First-begotten and Power,
and by his counsel made man, hath taught us
these things, for the reformation and improvement
of the human race. Before he was made man
and dwelt among men, some,1 at the instigation
of those evil spirits of which we have spoken, de
clared through the fictions which the poets uttered,
that these events had already happened ; as also
they have fabricated those infamous and impious
actions which are reported of us, without witness
or proof. Of this our refutation follows.
32. In the first place, we alone, although we
express nothing but what is similar to the profes
sions of the Greeks, are hated on account of the
name of Christ, and, although innocent, are put
to death as transgressors : whereas other persons, in
different places, worship trees and rivers, and mice,
and cats, and crocodiles, and (many) other brute
beasts. Yet the same animals are not held sacred
by all, but some in one place and some in another ;
1 <pBdo-avre<! Tii/ec oid tous wpoeipr/nivovs xaxous oalpovas, oid
rtav iroirjriov co's yevoueva elirov, a pvBo-iroirja-avrei ecprjo-av ov
rpoirov Kai to xaB tjni>v Xeyopeva oiacprina xa\ do-efttj epya
evripyrjo-av. There is probably some omission or error in the Greek
text. The assertion of Justin seems to be, that the demons,
whom he supposes to have inspired the heathen poets and
mythologists, had obtained some imperfect knowledge of the
actions which Christ should perform, and purposely framed
the stories of the false gods so as to anticipate them.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 209
so that all are accounted impious one to the other,
for not worshipping the same objects. — And this
is the only thing of which ye can accuse us, that
we worship not the same gods which ye worship,
and offer not libations, and the perfume of the fat
of beasts, to the dead, nor crowns and sacrifices to
images. k — For ye well know that the same things 69
are regarded by some as gods, by others as beasts,
and by others again as victims.
33. In the second place, we, out of every na
tion, who formerly worshipped Bacchus the son of
Semele, and Apollo the son of Latona, whose infa
mous abominations it is a shame even to mention,
together with Proserpine and Venus, who were
inflamed with passion for Adonis, and whose mys
teries ye celebrate, or any others of those who are
called gods, do now for the sake of Jesus Christ
despise all these, even under the threat of death :
and dedicate ourselves to God who is unbegotten '
and without passions ; of whom we believe not (as
ye believe of Jupiter) that under the influence of
base passion he followed Antiope, or others in like
manner, or Ganymede, nor that he was loosed from
bonds by (Briareus) with an hundred hands, at the
solicitation of Thetis; nor on that account was
anxious that Achilles, the son of Thetis, should slay
k ev ypa(pdi<; arecpavovi. Salmasius reads eV pa<pdis (rrecbd-
voui, crowns sewed together.
1 dyewrjria. See note (q) on Ignatius's Epistle to the
Ephesians, c. 7- P- 76. O

210 THE APOLOGY OF
many of the Greeks,™ for his concubine Briseis.
Nay we pity those who believe such fables; and
are persuaded that evil spirits are the authors of
them. 34. In the third place, even after the ascen
sion of Christ into heaven, the evil spirits have put
forward certain men, who said that they were gods :
and these men were so far from being persecuted
by you, that they were thought worthy even of
honours. For instance, there was one Simon, a
Samaritan, from a village named Gitton, who under
Claudius Caesar performed magical wonders in your
imperial city Rome, through the art and agency of
evil spirits ; and was regarded as a god, and had a
statue erected to him among you. This statue
stood by the river Tiber, between the two bridges,
having upon it this Latin inscription,
SIMONI DEO SANCTO. n
And almost all the Samaritans, and some also in
other nations, confess him to be the first of the
m II. B. 4.
n The account which Justin here gives of the statue erected
to Simon Magus, is followed by Tertullian, (Apol. c. 13.)
Irenaeus, (i. 20.) Eusebius, (H. E. ii. 13.) and many others of
the Fathers; and was not doubted till the year 1574, when a
stone was dug up in the Island of the Tiber, with the in
scription, SEMONI SANCO (or SANGO) DEO FIDIO SACRUM SEX.
POMFEIUS S. P. F. COL. MUSSIANUS QUINQUENNALIS DECUR
BIDENTALIS DONUM DEDIT.
Since that time, many have supposed that the similarity of
names led Justin into an error; and that he attributed to
Simon

JUSTIN MARTYR. 211
gods, and even worship him ; and say that a cer
tain Helena, who travelled with him at that time,
and formerly had been a prostitute, was the first
Simon Magus an honour which was really paid to Semo San-
cus, a god of the Sabines.
It is certainly possible enough that Justin should have been
mistaken. But it must be observed that the inscriptions, al
though similar, are not the same, the order of the words being
different: that the statue to Simon Magus is said (Justin,
Apol. c. 73.) to have been dedicated by the Roman people,
whereas that to Semo Sancus is a private offering of Sextus
Pompeius. The statue of Simon Magus was in the form of
Jupiter: (Iren. i. 20. p. 95. 25. Imaginem quoque Simonis ha
bent factam ad figuram Jovis. Cyril. Catechis. 6. p. 87- Oxon.
(e'n e'ioei A/os) Epiphan. Haer. 21. c. 3.) that of Semo represented
Hercules. The objections of Valesius (in Euseb. H. E. ii. 13.) and of
Bagnage, (Exercit. Hist. p. 573.) founded on the assertion that
the Romans never attached the epithet sanctus to their gods,
nor employed the words Deo Sancto in an inscription, are
proved to be incorrect. There are numerous passages of the
poets, and of Cicero, (a) in which sanctus is so used : and in
scriptions are extant with the words, Apollini Sancto, Mscu-
lapio Sancto, and the like; and with the very words in dispute,
Deo Sancto Apollini Pacifero. Gruter, Inscr. xxxviii. 7-
It is also said, but I know not on what authority, that the
statue attributed to Simon Magus was of brass, whereas that
discovered was of stone.
The accuracy of Justin is questioned by Basnage, Exercit.
Histor. p. 570 ; by Antonius Van Dale, in his Dissertatiuncula
de statu! Simoni Mago erecta, by Valesius, Grabe, and many
others. The defenders of Justin's correctness on this point
are Baronius xLiv. 55. Halloix, in his life of Justin, Tille
mont, Tom. n. Part I. p. 341. and p. 176. and Jenkin, in his
Defensio S. Augustini adversus Joan. Phereponi animadver-
siones, p. 176. Thirlby, in his notes on the passage, pretends
(a) Catullus Lxiv. 269. Lxviii. 5.
Tibullus i. 3, 52. Ovid. Met. i. 372. Cicero pro P. Sextio. 68.
Pro Milone 31. In Verrem, i. 19. v. 72.
O 2 to

212 THE APOLOGY OF
Intelligence ° which proceeded from him. We know
to defend the accuracy of Justin ; and, in his usual way be
tween jest and earnest, brings much information to bear upon
the point.
0 Irenaeus i. 20. and after him, Tertullian de Anima, c. 34.
and Theodoret de Fabul. Hasret. Lib. i. ii. give an account of
the strange doctrines maintained by Simon Magus. He called
himself the most sublime virtue, or the Supreme Father ; and
affirmed that Helena was the first conception of his mind, the
mother of all things, by whom in the beginning he conceived
in his mind the idea of creating the angels and archangels.
For that this first conception, or Ennoea, springing forth from
him, and knowing her father's will, descended into the lower
parts, and produced the angels and powers, by which again
the world was formed. But after she had produced them, she
was herself detained by them through envy, since they were
unwilling to be thought to be the offspring of any other ; that
is, as Bp. Kaye interprets the words (Tertullian, c. vii. p. 575.)
not to be self-existent. These inferior angels knew not the
Supreme Father, and detained his Ennoea, that she might not
return to her father; subjecting her to every indignity, and
emprisoning her in various female bodies, transferring her
from one to another, as liquid is poured from vessel to vessel.
That thus she was in that Helen, who was the cause of the
siege of Troy; and Stesichorus, who spoke against her in
his verses, was therefore deprived of his sight, and afterwards,
on his repentance and recantation, restored to the use of his
eyes. That she thus transmigrated from body to body, always
exposed to insults, and at last was reduced to the condition of
a prostitute. That she was the lost sheep, mentioned in the
parable : wherefore Simon himself descended, to recover and
release her from her bonds, and afford salvation to mankind
by acknowledging her.
For since the angels governed the world amiss, each de
siring the sovereign power, he had come to amend all things,
and had appeared as the Son in Judaea, when he suffered in
appearance and not in reality. That the prophets had been in
spired by the angels, and were to be no more regarded by those
who believed in him and in Helena. He concluded with the
impious doctrine, which many heretics have maintained, that his

JUSTIN MARTYR 213
also that one Menander/ a Samaritan also, from
the village of Capparetaea, a disciple of Simon, re
ceived power from the evil spirits, and being in
Antioch deceived many by magical art. He per- 70
suaded also his followers that he should never die ;
and still there are some of his sect who profess to
believe this.
35. There is also Marcion of Pontus,q who is
his followers were perfectly free to live according to their own
pleasure, for that men were saved by his grace, and not by
good works. (Secundum enim ipsius gratiam servari homines,
sed non secundum operas justas).
It is melancholy and humiliating to notice such blasphe
mous absurdities : but they shew of what the mind of man is
capable, when it is left to its own imaginations, and how surely
erroneous notions lead to flagitious practice.
p Menander was the disciple of Simon Magus, and the
master of Saturninus. He declared that the First Virtue, or
Supreme Power, was unintelligible to all : but that he himself
was sent from the invisible world, as a Saviour for the salva
tion of mankind. With respect to the creation of the world
by the angels, and their being sent forth from the Enncea, or
first Intelligence, he agreed with Simon : and averred that the
magical science which he possessed was given him, that he
might overcome the angels, who made the world. He affirmed
also that the baptism which he conferred upon his disciples
was a true resurrection, and that those who received it were
incapable of death, and would continue to live for ever with
out experiencing the inconveniences of old age. He dissuaded
his followers from encountering martyrdom. Irenaeus i. 21.
Tertullian de Anima, c. 23. 50. De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 5.
Eusebius H. E. iii. 26.
' Marcion lived in the reign of Antoninus : (Tertullian de
Praescrip. c. 30.) and that this was Antoninus Pius, appears
from Irenaeus iii. 4, who states that he flourished in the time
of Anicetus, the tenth Bishop of Rome, who lived in the reign of

214 THE APOLOGY OF
even now teaching his followers to profess, that
there is some other God, greater than he who
created the world. This man, through the assist
ance of evil spirits, hath caused many in every
nation to speak blasphemies, and to deny that the
Creator of the universe was God ; maintaining that
some one else, of superior power, hath exceeded
that Creator by executing greater works. And yet
all, who have sprung from these sects, as we have
stated, are called Christians. In the same manner
as those, who do not hold the same opinions as the
philosophers, are still included under the common
appellation of philosophy. Now whether they are
guilty of any of those infamous acts which are re
ported, r such as the putting out of the lights, and

of Antoninus Pius. Euseb. H. E. iv. 10, 11. and Chronicon.
Irenaeus gives an account of his tenets. (Lib. i. 29-) His heresy
arose from his wish to reconcile the existence of evil, with the
perfect power and wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Being :
and this he endeavoured to do by supposing that the world
was created by an inferior being, who was the author of evil ;
and that the Supreme Being himself was unknown to mankind
until he was revealed by Christ. Tertullian wrote five books
against Marcion : and the best account of the opinions of that
heretic is given by the Bp. of Lincoln, in his luminous epitome
of those books. Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, ch. vii. pp. 474 — 505.
Eusebius, H. E. iv. 11. in quoting this passage, expresses
himself as if it occurred in a book of Justin written against
Marcion. * These calumnies were constantly brought against the
Christians; and are refuted in all their apologies. Compare
Justin, Apol. 2. p. 50. Dial. p. 227- Tertullian, Apol. cc.2, 7- 8.
Ad Nationes i. c. 2. Minucius Felix; Octavius, cc. 9, 30. Thev

JUSTIN MARTYR. 215
promiscuous intercourse, and feeding on human
flesh, we know not ; but we know that they are not
persecuted nor put to death by you, even on account
of their peculiar doctrines. We have also a trea
tise composed against all the heresies which have
arisen, which, if you wish to peruse it, we will
produce. 36. But we are so far from committing any
(such) injustice or impiety (as is implied in the
charge of devouring children), that we have learned
that none but wicked men expose infants when
they are born. First,8 because we see, that almost
all such are brought up in the vilest manner, and
for the basest purposes, whether they be male or
are mentioned also by the martyrs, who suffered in the perse
cution after the death of Antoninus Pius, (Euseb. H. E. v. i.
p. 133. A.) by Athenagoras (Legat. p. 4.) and by Origen (Contra
Celsum, Lib. vi. p. 293 — 4.) as having been advanced at the
beginning of Christianity. He attributes the origin of the ac
cusation to the Jews. Kai hoxei poi irapairXrjo-iov 'IouSaiois
ireiroirjxevai (KeAo-os) tois xard rrjv dpyrjv rov Xpio-riavio-pov
oiSao-xaXiai KaTacKeodcao-i h'uo-iprin'iav rov Xoyov mi dpa xara-
Buo-avrei iraiSiov neTa^a^l3dvova,iv avrov rmv G-apxaiv. x. t. X.
s UpaiTov piv, on rovi irdvrai o-y^eo'ov bpwpev eiri iropveta.
irpodyovrai, oi povov rai Kopai, aXXa Kai rovi apaevai' xai ov
rpoirov Xeyovrai ol iraXaio\ dyeXai ftowv r) aiyaiv, rj irpoflarwv
rpedjeiv, rj "irrrmv (popftdowv, ovrto vvv Kai TraToas eis to alo-y^pioi
yprjaBai povov, xcti opolaii BrjXeiwv xai dvopoyuviov, xa) dpprjTO-
troiwv irXtjBoi xard rrav 'idvoi im toutov rov ayovi hoTrjxe.—
Kai toIv tovtoii y^piepeviav tis, ttjoos ry aBeif xai dce/3e? xai
dxparei n'i^6l> tl T"Xol> T^K,"fi >7 <rvyyevei r) doeXipuS plyvvrai. Oi
Se* Kai to eavroSv rexva, kou rdi opo^uyovi irpoaywyeiovrar Kai
(bavepai eis xivaioiav a-noKoirrovrai Tines, Kai eis ptirepa 6e<Sv ra
puGTrjpia. ava(pepov<ri.

216 THE APOLOGY OF
female : and are every where publicly exposed,
even as men of old reared for sale herds of oxen,
or swine, or sheep, or horses. And ye receive the '
hire4 and tribute and custom of these persons,
when ye ought to cut them off from the face of
your empire. I abstain from mentioning the hor
rible, and even incestuous, offences which hence
frequently occur ; the manner in which men some
times prostitute their children and their wives ; or
the shocking offerings which are made to her, whom
ye call the mother of the gods. And, indeed, in
the worship of all those who are accounted gods
71 among you, a serpent is represented as a great
symbol and mystery. (Ye accuse us also of ex
tinguishing the lights, that we may give way to
gross indulgences :) thus what ye openly practise
and hold in honour, as if the divine light (of reason
and natural sense of right and wrong) were over
thrown and extinguished in you, ye falsely attri
bute to us : but this brings no blame upon us,
who are free from all such abominations, but rather
upon those who do them, and bear false witness.
For, as ye may learn, by enquiry, from our scrip
tures, the leader of the evil demons is by us
called the Serpent, and Satan, and the Devil,"
4 Compare Suetonius, Caligula : c. 40. This disgraceful
tribute was finally removed by a law contained in Justinian,
tit. xl. Lib. xi.
u Rev. xx. 2. See Dial, with Trypho, p. 331.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 217
who, as Christ hath foretold, shall be sent into fire
with all his host, and such men £is follow him, to
be punished for endless ages. For the cause why
God hath hitherto delayed the execution of this is
the human race. For he foreknows that some shall
be saved by repentance, and some perhaps who are
not yet born : and at the first he formed the human
race intelligent, and able to choose the truth and
to be happy, x so that all men should be without
excuse before God; for they are made capable of
reason and foresight. But if any one believes not
that God cares for such things, such a man must
either profess that God exists not at all,y or affirm
that, if He exists, he delights in evil ; or else
that he remains as insensible as a stone : and that
virtue and vice are nothing ; but that men judge
actions to be good or bad merely by their own
opinion ; which is the greatest impiety and in
justice. A second reason z for our not exposing infants
is, lest any one so exposed should not be taken up,
but perish ; and thus we should be murderers.
37- Moreover, we either marry at first, for no
other object than to rear children, or else abstain-
x ev irpdrreiv.
y rj prj elvai airov oid rey^vfji opoXoyrjcrei. For Sid reyvrji
should probably be read either aVeyWs or oY dvdyxrii.
z Justin here takes up again the subject of exposing chil
dren, from which, in his usual discursive manner, he had
deviated, at the beginning of this Section.

218 THE APOLOGY OF
ing from marriage, continue to live in a state of
continence. And already one of our religion, in
order to persuade you that promiscuous concu
binage is not a religious mystery with us, (as ye
falsely allege) presented a written petition to Felix
the governor, at Alexandria, praying that he would
permit a physician to mutilate his person ; an ope
ration which the physicians there said they were
not at liberty to perform, without the governor's
leave. And when Felix altogether refused to grant
his permission, the young man still persisted in his
resolution of continence, satisfied with his own
conscience, and that of his Christian brethren.
72 Here also we may mention Antinous, who lately
died, and whom all, through fear (of offending the
Emperor Adrian) were eager to worship as a god,
knowing well what kind of character he bore, and
whence he was.
And that no one may advance this objection
against us, " What should hinder us from believing,
that he who by us is called Christ, was a man of
merely human origin, who performed the wonders,
which we speak of, by magical art,a and on that
a Absurd as this objection may appear, it was one which
the early Christian Apologists thought it necessary to antici
pate, and on that account sometimes laid greater stress on pro
phecy than on the miracles of Christ. Compare Irenaeus ii. 57.
Lactantius v. 3. Disce igitur, si quid tibi cordis (cordi) est,
non idcirco a nobis Deum creditum Christum, quia mirabilia
fecit, sed quia vidimus in eo facta esse omnia qua? nobis an-
nunciata

JUSTIN MARTYR. 219
account was considered to be the Son of God ?" we
will proceed now to bring forward a proof. We
will not rely upon testimony, but shall necessarily
be persuaded by prophecies delivered before the
events ; since we see with our own eyes that events
have taken place, and are now taking place, ac
cording to the predictions. And this proof will,
we imagine, appear to you also the most perfect
and most true.
38. There were, then, among the Jews certain
men, who were Prophets of God, by whom the
prophetic Spirit proclaimed future events before
they came to pass. And the kings, who were over
the Jews in those days, possessed and preserved
with great care the prophecies of these men, as
they were first delivered, in books composed by the
prophets themselves, in their own Hebrew language.
Now when Ptolemy, king of Egypt, was forming
his library, and endeavouring to collect the writings
of all men, he heard of these prophecies, and sent

nunciata sunt vaticinio prophetarum. Fecit mirabilia: magum
putassemus, ut et vos nuncupatis, (nunc putatis) et Judaei
tunc putaverunt, si non ilia ipsa facturum Christum prophetae
uno spiritu praedixissent. In another place (iv. c. 13.) Lac-
tantius replies to the objection, said to have been made by the
oracle of Apollo, and assented to by some of the Jews, that
the miracles of Jesus were performed by magic, by an appeal
to the fulfilment of prophecy, as a continual miracle going on
before their eyes.
Origen meets the same objection, with different reasons.
Contra Cels. ii. p. 88. seq.

220 THE APOLOGY OF
to Herod b who then ruled over the Jews, desiring
that the books of the prophecies might be sent to
him. And Herod the king sent them written in
their aforesaid Hebrew language. But since what
was thus written in them could not be understood
by the Egyptians, he again sent, and desired him
to send men to translate them into the Greek lan
guage. This being done, the books have remained
with the Egyptians even to this day : and they are
also with all the Jews in every place. Yet the Jews
who read, understand not what is written ; but
regard us with hatred and enmity, slaying and
punishing us, even as ye do, whenever they are able ;
as ye may easily learn. For in the late Jewish
war,c Barchochebas, the leader of the Jewish insur
rection, commanded the Christians only to be led

b This is a mistake either of Justin, or of some of his tran
scribers. The person to whom Ptolemy sent was Eleazar,
who, according to Philo Judaeus (Lib. 2. de Vita Mosis) was
high-priest and king of Judea. Josephus (Ant. xi. 4. 8.) says
that the high-priests had the supreme power, till the posterity
ofthe Asamoneans established a monarchical authority.
Grabe supposes we should here read lepei for 'Hpwot].
The account of the Septuagint version of the Old Testa
ment given in the Cohortatio ad Graecos, p. 13, 14, which is
ascribed to Justin, is somewhat different from this. It follows
Philo, (De Vit. Mosis, Lib. ii.) in asserting that the seventy
interpreters were each shut up in a different cell, and com
posed so many distinct versions, which all literally agreed.
c In the 17th year of Adrian: Eusebius, H. E. iv. 6. and
Chron. Eusebius says the cause of his enmity to the Chris
tians was their refusal to unite with him against the Romans.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 221
away to severe tortures, unless they denied Jesus
Christ and blasphemed.
39- Now in the books of the prophets we find 73
it predicted, that Jesus, our Christ, should come,
should be born of a virgin, and be made man ; that
he should heal every disease, and all manner of
sickness, and raise the dead: that he should be
enviously treated, and not be known ; that he
should be crucified, and die, and rise again, and
ascend into heaven ; that he should be the Son of
God ; and so be called : that some should be sent
by him to preach these things to every nation of
mankind, and that men of the gentiles should more
especially believe on him. Some of these prophe
cies also respecting him were delivered five thou
sand years before his appearing, d some three thou
sand, some two thousand; and some again one
thousand, and others eight hundred years. For in
the course of successive generations, different pro
phets succeeded one another.
40. Moses then, who was the first of the
prophets, e wrote in these very words : " A prince
4 According to the chronology of Justin Martyr, somewhat
more than 5000 years elapsed between the Creation and the
birth of Christ. Theophilus (Ad Autolycum, Lib. iii. p. 138.)
makes it 5515 years. Justin here, therefore, considers Adam
as one of the prophets; agreeing with Theophilus (Lib. ii.
p. 104.) Clemens Alexandrinus, (Strom, i. p. 335.) in like
manner regards the names which Adam bestowed upon Eve,
and upon all animals, as prophetic.
e The first, whose writings are preserved. Here, and in
c. 71-

222 THE APOLOGY OF
shall not fail from Judah, nor a ruler from between
his feet, f until He shall come, for whom it is re
served ; g and He shall be the expectation of the
Gentiles, binding his colt to a vine, washing his
garment in the blood of the grape." h Now it is
for you to enquire diligently, and to learn, how long
the Jews continued to have a ruler and a king of
their own. It was until the appearing of Jesus
Christ, our Master, and the interpreter of the
prophecies which were not understood : as it was
declared by the divine holy spirit of prophecy, in
the writings of Moses, that a prince should not
fail from the Jews, until he should come, for whom
the kingdom was reserved. For Judah was the
ancestor of the Jews, from whom also they have
received their name. And 'ye, since Christ hath
appeared, have both reigned over the Jews, and
possessed all their country. Moreover, the ex
pression, "He shall be the expectation of the
Gentiles," implied, that men of all nations should
expect him to come again ; and this ye may see
with your own eyes, and be persuaded of by the
fact itself. For out of all nations of men, they
look for Him who was crucified in Judea ; after
c. 71- the prophecy of Jacob is apparently ascribed to Moses
who records it.
f ix rmv prjpmv avrov. From his thighs.
b ui dirixeirai — that this, and not o diroxeirai, is the true
reading, is plain from Justin's Dial, with Trypho, pp.348, 349-
h Gen. XLix. 10.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 223
whom the land of the Jews was immediately sub
jugated and given up to you.
41. The words,' " Binding his colt to a vine,
and washing his garment in the blood of the grape,"
were a sign representing what should be done to
Christ, and what he should himself perform. For
an asses colt was standing in a certain village
bound to a vine, which he then commanded his 74
disciples to lead to him ; and when it was brought,
he sat thereon, and entered into Jerusalem, where
was that most magnificent temple of the Jews,
which was afterwards thrown down by you. And
after these things, he was crucified ; that the rest of
the prophecy might be fulfilled. For the words,
"washing his garment in the blood of the grape,"
predicted his passion, which he was to undergo,
cleansing by his blood those who believe in him.
For that which is called, by the prophet in the
holy spirit, his garment, are the men which believe
in him, in whom dwells the seed which is from
God, even the word. And that, which is called
"the blood of the grape," indicates that he who
was to appear should have indeed blood, but that
he should have it by divine power, and not of
human seed. And the principal power, after God
the Father and Lord of all things, is the Son, the
Word ; the manner of whose incarnation, and how
' This passage is explained in a similar manner, in the
Dialogue with Trypho, pp. 272, 348.

224 THE APOLOGY OF
he was made man, we shall hereafter shew. For
as not man, but God, hath made the blood of the
vine, so this intimated that the blood should not
be of human seed, but of the power of God, as we
before said.
42. Isaiah also, another prophet, predicting
the same things in different words, thus spake : k
" There shall come a star out of Jacob, and a flower
shall spring from the branch of Jesse :" " and upon
his arm shall the Gentiles hope." ' Now a shining
star did rise, and a flower did spring from the root
of Jesse, even this Christ. For through the power
of God, he was born of a virgin, of the seed of
Jacob, the father of Judah, who hath been shewn
to be the father of the Jews. Moreover Jesse was
his progenitor, according to the prophecy ; and he
was the son of Jacob and Judah by natural descent.
43. And again, hear how expressly it was pre
dicted by Isaiah, that he should be born of a virgin.
For thus it was spoken : " Behold a virgin shall
conceive and bear a son : and they shall say of his
name, God with us." m For the things which ap
peared to be incredible and impossible with men,
those did God predict by the prophetic Spirit ; that
when they came to pass, they should not be dis
believed, but believed, inasmuch as they were before
k Justin here unites the prophecy of Balaam, Numb. xxiv.
17. with that of Isaiah xi. 1.
1 Isai. xi. 1, 10. m Isai. vii. 14. Matt. i. 2, 3.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 225
declared. But lest some, " not understanding the
prophecy which hath been advanced, should bring
the same charge against us, which we make against 75
your poets, who say that Jupiter came down to
women, under the influence of impure passions, we
will endeavour to explain these words. Now, when
it is said, "Behold a virgin shall conceive," it is
implied that the virgin conceived without carnal
intercourse with any one ; or otherwise she would
no longer have been a virgin. But the power of
God coming upon the virgin overshadowed her, and
caused her to conceive, although still a virgin.
Moreover the angel of God, who was sent to the
virgin at that very time, saluted her saying, " Be
hold, thou shalt conceive in thy womb, by the
Holy Ghost, and shalt bear a son, and he shall
be called the Son of the Highest ; and thou shalt
call his name JESUS : for he shall save his people
from their sins."" Thus they, who have recorded1"
all things concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ,
have taught: whom we believe; since the pro
phetic Spirit also declared, as we have shewn, by
the above-mentioned Isaiah, that he should be so
born. Moses, therefore, the prophet already quoted,
declares,' that we are not permitted to consider the
n oirmi oi prj Tires p.rj vorjoavrei, n. t. A.
0 Luke i. 31, 33. Matt. i. 21.
p dwopvrinoveva-avTei. — In c. 86. the Gospels are styled
drropvrjnovevnara, memoirs.
* Moses no where makes such an assertion ; unless we
P suppose

226 THE APOLOGY OF
Spirit, and the Power which is from God, to be
any other than the Word,1 which is also the
first-begotten of God. And this, coming upon
the virgin and overshadowing her, not by carnal
knowledge, but by (divine) power, caused her to
conceive. The name also of Jesus, in the He
brew tongue, hath the same meaning as Soter
(Saviour), in the Greek language.5 Wherefore also
the angel said to the virgin, "And thou shalt call
suppose Justin to have alluded to some mystical interpretation
of such a passage as Ex. iv. 22. " Israel is my son, my first
born." Grabe supposes that Justin may have written 'Ho-aias
instead of Mwo-^s.
' The Spirit and the Word (A070S) seem here to be con
founded. Compare c. 6l, 85. Bp. Kaye observes, with refer
ence to the passages of the early Fathers, in which irvevpa is
used to signify the Divine Nature of Christ, " Perhaps the
idea present to their minds was, that as, in the mystery of the
Incarnation, the Holy Ghost came upon the Virgin, and the
Power of the Highest overshadowed her, and the Aoyoi there
by became flesh, the Holy Spirit, the power of the Highest,
and the Aoyoi were the same. But Justin attributes the in
spiration of the ancient Prophets sometimes to the Adyos, some
times to the Holy Spirit. Here it is difficult to interpret the
latter of the Divine nature in Christ ; and yet the two appear
to be identified. I know of no other mode of explaining this
fact, than by supposing that, as the A070S was the conductor
of the whole Gospel economy, Justin deemed it a matter of
indifference, whether he said that the Prophets were inspired
by the Aoyoi, or by the Holy Spirit who was the immediate
agent. The Holy Spirit is called in Scripture the Spirit of
Christ. (Rom. viii. 9. Gal. iv. 6. Phil. i. 19. 1 Pet. i. 11. In
the last passage the immediate reference is to the inspiration
of the prophets)." Bp. Kaye's Account of Justin Martyr,
ch. 11. p. 72.
" Compare Dial, with Trypho, p. 44.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 227
his name Jesus ; for he shall save his people from
their sins.'"
44. Even ye yourselves, I imagine, will con
cede, that they who prophesy are inspired by
nothing else but the divine word. Hear also how
another prophet, Micah, predicted the very place
where Christ should be born. For he spake thus :
" And thou Bethlehem, in the land of Judah, art
not the least among the princes of Judah : for out
of thee shall come a governor, that shall rule my
people Israel." u Now Bethlehem is a village in
the country of the Jews, five and thirty furlongs
distant from Jerusalem ; as ye may also learn from
the taxing, which took place under Cyrenius who
was your first prefect* in Judea.
Hear, again, what was foretold, to shew that
Jesus, when he was born, should not be known by
other men, until he came to man's estate, even as
it came to pass. The prophecies are these. y

45. " Unto us a child was born : unto us a
young man was given : whose government is upon 76
4 Matt. i. 21.
" Mie. v. 2, as quoted Matt. ii. 6.
-v eirirpo-rroi — Grotius on Luke ii. 2. shews that Cyrenius
could not have been procurator. The word eirirpovoi is of
general signification.
Y There is here probably an omission of some passages from
the prophets. P 2

228 THE APOLOGY OF
his shoulders." z This is a prophecy of the power
of the cross, against which he placed his shoulders
when he was crucified, as shall be more clearly
shewn as we proceed. And again the same prophet
Isaiah, inspired by the Spirit of prophecy, declared,
" I have stretched forth my hands unto a disobe
dient and gain-saying people, unto those who
walked in a way that was not good." a " They ask
of me now justice : and dare to draw nigh unto
God."b And again in other words he saith by
another prophet, " They pierced my feet and my
hands, and cast lots for my vesture." c Now David,
the king and prophet who said thus, suffered none
of these things ; but the hands of Jesus Christ were
stretched out, when he was crucified by the Jews
who spake against him, and said that he was not
the Christ. For, as the prophet said, they in
derision placed him upon a judgment-seat, and said,
" Judge over us." The words also, " They pierced
my hands and my feet," were a reference to the
nails, which were fixed in his hands and feet upon
the cross. And, after his crucifixion, they who
crucified him cast lots for his vesture, and divided
it among themselves. And that these things were
done, ye may learn from the records of what took
place under Pontius Pilate. d To shew that it was
2 Isai. ix. 6. a Isai. lxv. 2. Rom. x. 21.
»' Isai. Lviii. 2. c Ps. xxi. 17, 19-
4 Compare Justin Martyr's Apol. c. 63. Tertullian, Apol.
c. 5, 21.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 229
expressly predicted, that he should sit upon the
foal of an ass, and come into Jerusalem, we will
mention the prophetic writings of another prophet,
Zephaniah. The words are these : " Rejoice
greatly, O daughter of Sion ; shout, O daughter of
Jerusalem : behold, thy king cometh unto thee,
meek, and riding upon an ass, and upon a colt the
foal of an ass."e
46. Now, when ye hear the sayings of the pro
phets, as if they were delivered by some one person,
imagine not that they are said by the inspired
writers themselves, but by the divine word which
moved them. For sometimes it prophetically de
clares what shall come to pass hereafter ; sometimes
it speaks as in the person of God the Father, and
Lord of all; sometimes as in the person of Christ;
and sometimes as in the person of the people who
answer to the Lord, or to his Father. In the same
manner as ye may see also in your own writers,
that one person writes the whole, but introduces
different persons as holding discourse. The Jews
who had the books of the prophets, not observing
this, knew not Christ, when he came ; and more-
c. 5, 21. appeals to the information respecting Jesus Christ
conveyed to the Emperor Tiberius by Pontius Pilate. These
acts, or records, of Pilate were the memoranda of the daily
transactions of his government.
e Zech. ix. 9. Matt. xxi. 5. Justin Martyr in his Dialogue
with Trypho, p. 273. quotes this prophecy correctly, from
Zechariah, not from Zephaniah, as here.

230 THE APOLOGY OF
77 over hate us, who say that he is come, and prove
that he was crucified by them, as it was pre
dicted. 47. And that this also may be plain to you ;
these words were spoken, in the person of the
Father, by Isaiah the prophet, whom we have
before mentioned : " The ox knoweth his owner,
and the ass his master's crib : but Israel doth not
know me : and my people doth not consider. Ah,
sinful nation, a people full of iniquity, an evil seed,
wicked children : ye have forsaken the Lord." f
And again in another place, where the same pro
phet speaks in like manner in the person of the
Father. " What house will ye build me, saith the
Lord. Heaven is my throne, and earth my foot
stool."8 And again in another place; "Your new
moons and your sabbaths my soul hateth, and the
great day of fasting and rest I endure not ; even
if ye come to present yourselves before me, I
will not hear you. Your hands are full of blood :
even if ye bring fine flour and incense, it is an
abomination unto me. I desire not the fat of
lambs and the blood of bulls. For who hath re
quired this at your hands." h "But loosen every
band of wickedness, rend asunder the ties of violent
contracts : cover the naked and him that hath no
house: deal thy bread to the hungry."1 Thus,
f Isai. i. 3, 4. « Isai. LXVi. j.
h Isai. i. 11, 12, 13, 14. > Isai. Lviii. 6, 7-

JUSTIN MARTY H.

231

then, may ye understand what kind of precepts
are delivered from God by the prophets.
48. When, again, the prophetic spirit speaks
in the person of Christ, it expresses itself thus :
" I have stretched forth my hands unto a disobe
dient and gainsaying people, unto those who walked
in a way that was not good."k And again, " I
gave my back to stripes, and my cheeks to buf
ferings: I turned not away my face from the shame
of spitting. And the Lord was my helper. Where
fore I turned not : but I set my face as a solid
rock ; and I knew that I should not be ashamed,
for he is near that justifieth me."1 And again,
when he saith, " They cast lots for my vesture ;
and pierced my feet and my hands."111 " But I
lay down and slept and rose up again : for the
Lord sustained me."n And again, when he saith,
" They spake with their lips, they shook the
head, saying, let him save himself."0 All which
things, as ye may learn, were done to Christ by
the Jews. For when he was crucified, they pouted
their lips, and shook their heads, saying, Let him
that raised the dead save himself.5
49. Moreover, when the prophetic spirit speaks
to foretell things to come, it is in this manner.
" For out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the 78
k Isai. lxv. 2. Rom. x. 21. ' Isai. l. 6, 7, 8.
m Ps. xxii. 16, 17, 18. " Ps. iii. 5.
* Ps. xxii. 7, 8. p Matt, xxvii. 39-

232 THE APOLOGY OF
word of the Lord from Jerusalem. And he shall
judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many
people. And they shall beat their swords into
plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks.
And nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
neither shall they learn war any more."q And
that it did so come to pass, ye may readily
learn. For from Jerusalem twelve men went forth
into the world, and they unlearned,' not knowing
how to speak. But by the power of God they
preached to every nation of men, that they were
sent by Christ to teach all men the word of God.
Wherefore we who formerly killed one another,
now not only abstain from fighting against our
enemies, but are ready to meet death with cheer
fulness, confessing the faith of Christ, rather than
lie, or deceive those who persecute us. For we
might, on such an occasion, have acted accord
ing to that saying (of the poet),8
" My tongue alone hath sworn, and not my mind."
However it would be absurd, while soldiers, once
engaged and enrolled by you, adhere to the oath
which they have made, in preference even to their
own lives, their parents, their country, and all their
families, when ye can offer them nothing im
mortal ; that we, ardently desirous of immortality,
' Isai. ii. 3, 4.
r ZSimtoi. Acts iv. 13. 1 Cor. ii. 1, 4. 6. 13. 2 Cor. xi. 6.
s Eurip. Hippolytus, 608.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 233
should not endure every thing, in order to obtain
the object of our wishes, from him who is able
to fulfil them.
50. Hear also in what manner prophecy was
made concerning those who preached his doctrine,
and declared his appearing; the aforesaid prophet
and king having thus spoken by the prophetic
spirit : " Day unto day uttereth speech : and night
unto night sheweth knowledge. There is no speech
nor language whose voices are not heard. Their
sound is gone out through all the earth, and their
words unto the ends of the world. In the sun he
hath placed his tabernacle : and he (is) as a bride
groom going out of his chamber: he will rejoice
as a giant to run his course.'"
51. In addition to these, we have thought
it right and appropriate to mention some other
prophecies, delivered by the same David ; whence
ye may learn in what manner the prophetic spirit
exhorts men to live: and how it speaks of the
conspiracy which was formed against Christ by
Herod, king of the Jews, and the Jews themselves,
and Pilate who was your procurator among them,
with his soldiers : declaring that all nations of men 79
should believe in Him ; shewing that God calls him
his Son, and hath promised to put all his enemies
under him : in what manner the devils endeavour,
as far as is possible, to escape the power of God
4 Ps. xix. 2, 3, 4, 5. Rom. x. 18.

234 THE APOLOGY OF
the Father and Lord of all things, and that of
Christ himself: and how God calls all men to re
pentance, before the day of judgment shall come.
The words are to this effect:11 "Blessed is the
man, who hath not walked in the counsel of the
ungodly, and hath not stood in the way of sinners,
and hath not sat upon the seat of the scornful."
But his will is in the law of the Lord, and in
his law will he meditate day and night. And
he shall be like a tree planted by the water
courses, which shall give its fruit in its season:
and the leaf whereof shall not fall off, and all
which it bearethy shall prosper. Not so the wicked,
not so ; but (they are) even as the chaff, which the
wind scattereth from the face of the earth. There
fore the ungodly shall not stand in the judgment,
nor sinners in the council of the righteous. For
the Lord knoweth the way of the righteous, and
the way of the ungodly shall perish." " Why did
the heathen rage, and the people imagine vain
things? The kings of the earth stood up, and the
rulers were gathered together against the Lord,
and against his Anointed, saying, Let us break
their bonds asunder, and cast away their yoke
from us. He that dwelleth in the heavens shall
laugh them to scorn; and the Lord shall have
them in derision. Then shall he speak unto them
u Ps. i. ii.
N Xoipuv. Of pestilences.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 235
in his wrath, and in his anger he shall trouble
them. But I am set up by him as a king, upon
Sion his holy mountain, declaring the command
of the Lord. The Lord hath said unto me, Thou
art my Son, to day have I begotten thee. Ask
of me, and I shall give thee the heathen for thine
inheritance, and for thy possession the extremities
of the earth. Thou shalt rule them with a rod
of iron; as vessels of a potter shalt thou dash
them in pieces. And now, ye kings, be wise ; be
instructed, all ye that judge the earth. Serve the
Lord with fear, and rejoice in him with trembling.
Receive instruction,2 lest haply the Lord be angry,
and so ye perish from the right way, when his
wrath is quickly kindled. Blessed are all they
that put their trust in him."
52. And again the prophetic spirit, declaring
by the same David that Christ should reign after
his crucifixion, spake thus : " Sing unto the Lord,
all the earth, and shew forth his salvation from day
to day. For the Lord is great, and greatly to be 80
praised; he is to be feared above all gods. For
all the gods of the nations are idols of devils : but
God made the heavens. Glory and praise are
before his face ; and strength and majesty a in the
1 ApdgaaBe irailelai. This is the version of the Septuagint.
Cappellus, Critica Sacra, Lib. iv. Sect. 5. p. 243. endeavours
to shew how the difference between the present Hebrew . read
ing and the Greek may have arisen.

236 THE APOLOGY OF
place of his holiness. Give glory unto the Lord,
the Father of the worlds" : bring an offering, c and
come in before his face, and worship in his holy
courts. Let the whole earth fear before his face,
and be established, and not be shaken. Let them
rejoice among the nations. The Lord hath reigned
from the wood."d
53. But whereas the prophetic spirit speaks of
future events, as if they were already past, as may
have been observed in what hath been said, we
will explain this also, that it may not perplex those
who meet with it. (The spirit) speaks of things
which it assuredly knows shall happen, as if they
had already taken place. And that we must so
b T(3 iraTp\ rulv altovwv. The Sept. has ai iraTpia\ rmv
iBvmv, "O ye kindreds of the people;" and Justin so quotes
the passage in Dial. p. 299- A.
c Xafiere yap1"'
d Ps. xcvi. 1, 2. 4 — 10. Compare Col. ii. 14. 15.
The passage is thus quoted by many of the Fathers.
Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 11. says, "Age nunc, si legisti penes
prophetam in psalmis, Deus regnavit a ligno, expecto quid in-
telligas, ne forte lignarium aliquem regem significari putetis,
etnon Christum, qui exinde a. passione Christi (crucis) su-
perata morte regnavit." And again, c. 13. Unde et ipse David
regnaturum ex ligno Dominum dicebat. See also Tertullian
adv. Marcion. iii. c. 19. Barnabas, Epist. c. 8. is supposed
to recognize the words, when he says, oti Se to epiov eVl to
jjuXov; on rj paaiXela rou 'Irjo-ov eVi rm £uA«>. Justin Martyr,
in his Dialogue with Trypho, p. 298. accuses the Jews of
having erased the words drro rov fu'Aou. There is no trace,
however, of the words in any Hebrew or Greek MS. of the
Old Testament, or in Origen or Jerome.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 237
receive these writings will be evident, if ye attend
to the following considerations. David spake the
words which have been recited, fifteen hundred years6
before Christ was made man and crucified : and
yet no one, of those who lived either before David
or after him, gave occasion of rejoicing to the
heathen by his sufferings upon the cross. But now,
in our days, f Jesus Christ was crucified, and died,
and rose again, and ascended into heaven, and
reigned there ; and, in consequence of what hath
been preached in all nations, by the apostles sent
from him, there is great joy to those who look for
the immortality, which he hath promised.
54. And that no persons may imagine, from
what we have now advanced, that we conceive
events to happen by fatal necessity, because, as we
have said, they are foreknown, we will explain this
also. We have learned from the prophets, and
declare it for a truth, that punishment and tor
ments, as well as rewards, will be given to every one
according to his works. For if this is not so, but
every thing takes place by irresistible necessity,

e In c. 39. Justin appears to allude to David, when he says,
in round numbers, that some of the prophets lived one thou
sand years before Christ. Theophilus, (ad Autolycum, p. 138.)
places David eleven hundred years before Christ. The chro
nology of Justin seems to have been rather loose; but it is
probable that the numbers here have been altered by an error
of a transcriber.
f 'O xaB' rjndi 'Irjo-ovi Xpicroi.

238 THE APOLOGY OF
then there is nothing at all in our own power.
For if it is fated that one man must be good, and
another bad, neither is the one to be praised, nor
the other to be blamed. And again, if the human
race hath no power, by its free will, to avoid the
evil and to choose the good, it is not responsible
for any actions of any kind. But that men do
stand and fall by free will is thus shewn. We see
that the conduct of the same man is different at
different times. But if it was fated, that he should
be either bad or good, he could never act so dif
ferently, nor change so frequently. Neither indeed
81 would some be good, and some bad : since in that
case, we should represent fate as the cause of evil,
and at variance with itself: or else we must profess
that opinion to be true, which we have before men
tioned,8 that virtue and vice are nothing, but
actions are reckoned to be good or bad by opinion
only ; which, as true reason plainly shews, is the
greatest impiety and injustice.
55. But we say that this only is irreversibly
determined, that they who choose what is good
shall be proportionably rewarded, and in like man
ner, they who choose the reverse shall be punished
as they deserve. For God did not make man like
the other creatures, such as trees and four-footed
beasts, incapable of doing any thing by free choice ;
since he would not be a fit object of reward or
* c. 36.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 239
praise, if he did not himself choose the good, but
were so made ; nor, if he were bad, would he
deserve punishment, if he were not such by his
own act, but were unable to become in any respect
different from what he was made.
56. Now the holy prophetic Spirit taught us
this, saying by Moses, that God thus spake to the
man who was first created: "Behold, before thy
face is good and evil ; choose the good." h Again
it is thus spoken by another prophet, Isaiah, as in
the name of God the Father and Lord of all things:
" Wash you, make you clean, put away the evil
from your souls : learn to do well : do justice to
the fatherless, and avenge the widow ; and come
and let us reason together saith the Lord. Even if
your sins should be as scarlet, I will make them as
white as wool : and if they should be as crimson, I
will make them white as snow. And if ye will,
and will hearken unto me, ye shall eat the good of
the land. But if ye will not hearken unto me,
the sword shall devour you. For the mouth of the
Lord hath spoken these things." * Now that which
is said above, " The sword shall devour you," im
plies not, that they who are disobedient shall perish
by the sword; but the sword of the Lord is the fire,
by which those shall be consumed who choose to
h Deut. xxx. 15, 19- Justin Martyr erroneously attributes
to Moses an application made in Ecclus. xv. 14—17.
1 Isai. i. 16—20.

240 THE APOLOGY OF
do evil. Wherefore he saith, " The sword shall
devour you ; for the mouth of the Lord hath
spoken it." But if he had spoken of the sword
which cuts, and immediately ceases, he would not
have said, it shall devour. k
57- Wherefore also when Plato said,1 " The
fault lies with him who chooses, but God is blame
less;" he took it from the prophet Moses, who was
more ancient than all the writers of the Greeks.
And in all, which philosophers or poets have said
concerning the immortality of the soul, or punish-
82 ments after death, or the contemplation of heavenly
things, or the like opinions, they could conceive
and explain such notions only as they first derived
from the prophets. Whence there appear to be
the seeds of truth among them all : but they are
proved not to have thoroughly understood them,
since they so speak as to contradict themselves.
58. When therefore we say, that prophecies
have been delivered respecting future events, we
assert not that they were foreseen, because they
happened by a fatal necessity ; but that God, well
knowing what the actions of all men would be,
and having determined that he would reward
every man according to his deeds, declared by
k Justin's interpretations are sometimes fanciful enough.
The mouth of the sword, 2-irnS is a common Hebrew ex
pression. Jer. xxi. 7. Job i. 15, 17.
1 De Republ. x. p. 617. H. Steph.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 241
his prophetic spirit, that his dealings with them
would correspond with those actions, thus always
leading the human race to reflection and repent
ance, and shewing his care and providence for
^ them. 59. But the evil spirits denounced death
against those who read the books of Hystaspes,
or the Sibyl, or the prophets, that they might
deter them from improving such an opportunity
of learning what was for their real good, and re
tain them in slavery to themselves. But this
purpose they could not entirely effect. For we
not only fearlessly study these books, but, as ye
perceive, offer them for your consideration, being
assured that they will be well pleasing to all men.
And even if we persuade but a few, our gain
will be great: for as good husbandmen we shall
receive the reward from our Master.
60. Hear also what was spoken by David
the prophet, to shew that God the Father of all
things would receive Christ into heaven, after
having raised him from the dead, and retain him
there, until he should tread under foot his ene
mies the devils, and the number of those should
be fulfilled, who, as He foreknew, would be good
and virtuous; for whose sake also the final de
struction1" of all things by fire is yet delayed.
m ixitvpmoiv for iiriKvpoio-iv, as in c. 28, 74. 77- and Apol. ii.
p. 45- C. Q

242 THE APOLOGY OF
The words are these : " The Lord said unto my
Lord, Sit thou on my right hand, until I make
thine enemies thy footstool. The Lord shall send
the rod of thy strength out of Jerusalem : and rule
thou in the midst of thine enemies. With thee
shall be the rule in the day of thy power, in the
splendours of thy saints. From the womb, be
fore the day-star, have I begotten thee."n The
words, "The Lord shall send the rod of thy strength
83 out of Jerusalem," are a prophecy of that powerful
word, which the Apostles of Christ, who went out
from Jerusalem, preached every where, although
death was threatened against those who taught,
or even confessed the name of Christ, and which
we now every where embrace and teach. And if
ye too receive what we now offer, in an hostile
manner, ye can do no more, as we have already
said,0 than slay us : which brings, in fact, no evil
upon us, but will procure everlasting punishment
by fire upon yourselves, and all those who hate
us without reason, and repent not.
61. But, lest any one should unreasonably
object to what is taught by us, saying that
Christ was born but an hundred and fifty years
since, in the time of Cyrenius, and taught what
we ascribe to him still later, under Pontius Pi-
n Ps. ex. 1, 2, 3. This is the reading of the Septuagint.
See Lud. Cappellus, Critica Sacra, Lib. iv. c. 2, 8. c. 11, 3.
0 Cc. 2, 13.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 243
late, and should accuse us of maintaining that
all men, who lived before that time, were not
accountable for their actions, we will anticipate
and solve the difficulty. We have learned, and
have before explained, that Christ was the first-
begotten of God, being the Word, or Reason, of
which all men were partakers. p They then who
lived agreeably to reason, were really Christians,
even if they were considered atheists, such as
Socrates, Heraclitus, and the like among the
Greeks ; and among other nations Abraham, Ana
nias, Azarias, Misael, and Elias, and many others,
the actions and even the names of whom we at
present omit, knowing how tedious the enume
ration would be. Those therefore who of old lived
without right reason, the same were bad men,q
and enemies to Christ, and the murderers of those
who lived agreeably to reason. Whereas they who
ever lived or now live, in a manner which reason
would approve, are truly Christians, and free from

p Justin's notion was, that every degree of intelligence
which men possessed, respecting the nature of the Deity, and
their relation to him, was derived from a portion of the Di
vine reason, Ao-yos, communicated to them ; but that the true
believer in Christ only possesses this quality in perfection. He
uses the word \6yoi in different senses. Sometimes it denotes
the Second person of the Trinity, the Word; sometimes reason
or intelligence; and sometimes word or speech. This neces
sarily creates ambiguity in determining the sense of the term
in any particular passage.
q uyprjarot, xa\ ix&po\ ra Xpiarm rjaav.
Q 2

244 THE APOLOGY OF
fear or trouble. From what we have already so
fully stated, any intelligent man may understand,
for what cause He was made man, and born of
a virgin, by the power of the Word1 and the
counsel of God the Father and Lord of all things,
and was named Jesus, and died on the cross, and
rose again, and went up again into heaven. But
since any further disquisition for the explanation
of this point is not now necessary, we will pro
ceed to the proof of that which is more closely
84 connected with our present purpose.
62. Hear, then, what was spoken by the pro
phetic spirit, declaring that the whole land of
Judea should also be laid waste. The words, it
will be observed, are spoken in the person of the
people themselves wondering at what was done ;
and they are these. " Sion is become a wilder
ness ; Jerusalem is become as a wilderness : the
house, our holy place, is accursed : and the glory,
which our fathers blessed, is burned with fire.
And all its glories are fallen down. And in these
things thou didst refrain thyself, and didst hold
thy peace, and afflict us very sore."8
Now that Jerusalem is laid waste, as it was pre
dicted it should be, ye have good proof. It was
also thus spoken by Isaiah the prophet, concern
ing its desolation, and that no one should return
r See note (r) on c. 43. Compare Phil. ii. 7-
' Isai. lx. 10, 11, 12.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 245
thither to dwell : " Their land is desolate : their
enemies devour it before their face : ' and none of
them shall dwell therein."" Ye well know also
that ye have forbidden any man to dwell there :
and that the punishment of death is denounced
against any Jew who shall be found within the
place."" 63. Hear also in what manner it was predicted
that our Christ should heal all manner of diseases,
and raise the dead. Thus it is said, "At his
coming the lame man shall leap as an hart, and
the tongue of the stammerer shall be eloquent, the
blind shall receive their sight, and the lepers shall
be cleansed, and the dead shall arise and walk," y
And that Christ did these things ye may learn
from the records of what was done under Pontius
Pilate.2 Hear again what was said by Isaiah, fore
telling by the prophetic spirit that Christ should
be slain, together with those men who hoped in
' Isai. i. 7-
u Justin adds what is spoken, Jer. l. 3. respecting Babylon.
* Tertullian (Apol. c. 21.) speaks of the Jews as banished
from their country ; and not even permitted as strangers to set
foot upon their own land. He repeats the same assertion,
adv. Judaeos. c. 15. Eusebius, (H. E. iv. 6. and in his Chroni-
con,) states that an edict was made, in the eighteenth year of
the Emperor Adrian, forbidding any Jew to approach within
sight of Jerusalem. Valesius in his notes on Eusebius, H. E.
shews that there was one day in the year, on which the re
striction was removed.
y Isai. xxxv. 5, 6.
'. See Justin Martyr's Apol. c. 45.

246 THE APOLOGY OF
him. The words are these. " Behold, how the
just man perisheth, and no man layeth it to heart:
and merciful men are taken away, and no one con
sidered. The just man is taken away from before
injustice : and his grave shall be in peace : he is
taken away from the midst." a And again, how is
it declared by the same Isaiah that the people of
the Gentiles who expected him not, should worship
him ; but the Jews, who constantly expected him,
should know him not when he came. The words
were spoken as in the person of Christ ; and are to
this effect. " I was made known to them that
looked not for me ; I was found of them that sought
me not : I said, Behold, here am I, to a people
who called not upon my name. I stretched forth
my hands to a disobedient and gain-saying people :
85 to those that walked in a way which was not good,
but after their own sins : a people that provoketh
to anger before me."b For the Jews, who had the
'prophecies, and always expected the Christ to come,
not only knew him not, but evil entreated him.
But they of the Gentiles, who had never heard any
thing of Christ, until the apostles who went forth
from Jerusalem declared what he had done, and
delivered the prophecies respecting him, were then
filled with joy ; and renounced their belief in idols ;
and dedicated themselves to the unbegotten God
» Isai. Lvii. 1, 2. b Isai. lxv. 1, 2, 3. Rom. x. 21.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 247
through Christ.0 Hear also what was briefly spoken
by Isaiah, to shew that these harsh accusations
should be brought against those who confessed
Christ; and how wretched those should be who
spoke ill of him, and maintained that the ancient
customs ought to be preserved. His words are
these: "Woe unto them that call sweet bitter,
and bitter sweet." d
64. Hear also in what manner it was prophe
sied, that he should be made man for us ; and sub
mit to suffer, and be set at naught ; and should
come again with glory. The words are these.
"Because e he hath given up his soul unto death,
and was numbered with the transgressors ; he hath
borne the sins of many, and shall make interces
sion for the transgressors. For behold my Son
shall understand, and shall be exalted, and shall
be exceedingly glorified. As many shall be asto
nished at thee ; so shall thy appearance be without
honour, more than any men, and thy glory more
than any men : so shall many nations wonder at
thee ; and kings shall shut their mouths at thee ;
for they to whom nothing had been told of thee,
c Grabe observes, that this is a formula in which Catechu
mens, who were subsequently to be baptized, were dismissed
from the Church. Such a formula is given by the author of
the Apostolical Constitutions, (viii. c. 6.) as part of the bidding
prayer, which the Deacon was to use for the Catechumens.
Compare similar expressions in cc. 17- 33. 79-
d Isai. v. 20. ' Compare Epist. of Clement, c. 16.

248 THE APOLOGY OF
and who had not heard, shall understand. Lord,
who hath believed our report, and to whom is
the arm of the Lord revealed? We have de7
clared before him, as (if he were) a child ; as a
root in a thirsty ground. There is no form in him,
nor glory. Yea we saw him ; and he had no form
nor comeliness : but his form was without honour,
and marred more than men. He was a man in
stripes, and knowing how to bear infirmity. For
his face was turned away, he was despised, and
esteemed not. He beareth our sins and for us is
he afflicted. And we considered him to be in
trouble, in stripes, and in affliction. But he was
wounded for our iniquities, and bruised for our
sins. The chastisement of peace was upon him : by
86 his stripes we were healed. All we like sheep have
gone astray. Man hath erred from his way. And
(the Lord) gave him for our sins : and he opened
not his mouth through his suffering. He was led
as a sheep to the slaughter, and as a lamb before her
shearers is dumb, so he openeth not his mouth. In
his affliction his judgment was taken away."f
Wherefore after his crucifixion even all his dis
ciples forsook him, and denied him. But after
wards, when he arose from the dead, and appeared
to them, and taught them that they should read
the prophecies in which all these events were pre
dicted, and when they had seen him going back
f Isai. Lii. Liii. Septuagint.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 249
into heaven, they believed, and received power
which was thence sent down upon them from him,
and went into all the world, and preached these
things, and were themselves called Apostles.
65. Again, these are the words of the pro
phetic spirit, declaring to us that he, who suffered
thus, hath an origin which cannot be expressed,
and rules over his enemies : " Who shall declare
his generation ; for his life is taken from the earth.
For their transgressions he comes to death. And
I will give the wicked for his tomb, and the rich
for his death. Because he did no iniquity, neither
was guile found in his mouth : and the Lord will
cleanse him from his stripes. If he shall be given
an offering for sin, your soul shall see a long-lived
seed. And the Lord is pleased to take his soul
out of travail, to shew him light, and to form
him in understanding, to justify the just one who
ministereth well to many. And he himself shall
bear our sins. For this cause he shall inherit
many ; and shall divide the spoil of the strong.
Because his soul was given up to death, and he
was numbered with the transgressors ; and he bare
the sins of many, and he himself was given fox
their transgressions." B Hear also in what manner
it was predicted that he should ascend up to heaven.
For thus it was spoken : " Lift up the gates of
heaven ; be ye opened, that the King of glory may
& Isai. Liii. 8 — 12.

250 THE APOLOGY OF
come in. Who is this King of glory ? The Lord
mighty, even the Lord powerful." h Hear also
what was spoken by Jeremiah1 the prophet, to
shew that he should also come again from heaven
with glory. His words are these : " Behold how
the Son of man cometh upon the clouds of heaven,
and the angels with him."
87 66. Since, then, we have shewn that all things
which have already happened were foretold by the
prophets, before they came to pass, we must neces
sarily believe with full faith, that those things,
which are in like manner foretold, but are still to
happen, will assuredly come to pass. For in the
same manner as past events, which were predicted
and not known, did come to pass, so events which
are yet to happen, even if they be unknown and
disbelieved, will come to pass. For the prophets
foretold two comings of Christ; the first, which
hath already taken place, as of a man without
honour and exposed to suffering ; and the second,
when it is declared he will come with glory from
heaven, with his angelic host ; when also he shall
raise again the bodies of all men who have ever
lived, and shall clothe with incorruption the bodies
of those who so deserve, but shall send those of the
wicked into everlasting fire, there to dwell in end
less consciousness with the evil spirits.
h Ps. xxiv. 7, 8.
'' The passage alluded to is in Dan. vii. 13. See Matt. xxv. 31.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 251
67- Now that these things also are foretold,
we will proceed to shew. Thus, then, was it
spoken by Ezekiel the prophet : " There shall be
brought together joint to joint, and bone to bone :
and flesh shall grow upon them." k And, " Every
knee shall bow to the Lord, and every tongue shall
confess to him." ' Hear also what is in like manner
foretold, to shew in what degree of sensibility and
punishment the wicked shall be. The words are
these : " Their worm shall not cease, and their fire
shall not be quenched."1" And then shall they
repent, when it will avail them nothing. Moreover
what the people of the Jews shall say and do, when
they see him coming in glory, is foretold in these
words by the prophet Zechariah: " " I will command
the four winds to bring together my children that
are scattered : I will command the north to bring,
and the south to oppose not. And then iu Jeru
salem shall there be great wailing ; not the wailing
of the mouth or of the lips, but wailing of the
heart. And they shall rend not their garments
but their consciences. One tribe shall mourn to
another : and then shall they look on him whom
they pierced, and shall say, Wherefore, Lord, hast
thou caused us to wander from thy way? The
k See Ezek. xxxvii. 6, 7, 8.
1 Isai. xlv. 23. See Rom. xiv. 11.
m Isai. lxvi. 24. Mark ix. 44.
n See Zech. ii. 6. xii. 2, 10. 12. Isai. xi. 12. XLiii. 5, 6.
Lxiii. 17. Lxiv. 11. Joel ii. 13.

252 THE APOLOGY OF
glory, which our fathers blessed, is turned to our
reproach." 68. Although we might mention also many
other prophecies, we here pause, persuaded that
these are sufficient to convince such as have ears to
hear, and hearts to understand ; and nothing doubt
ing that they will perceive, that we are not like
those, who devise fables concerning the supposed
sons of Jupiter, asserting what we are unable to
prove. For how should we believe of a man who
was crucified, that he was the first-born of the un
begotten God, and should himself be the judge of
all the human race, unless we found testimonies of
him foretold, before he came and was made man,
and saw also that it so came to pass ? For we have
witnessed the desolation of the land of the Jews,
and have seen such men, as we ourselves are, men
out of every nation, persuaded by the teaching of
his apostles, and renouncing their former manner
of life, in which they had gone astray ; and that
Christians more numerous and more true have been
made from the Gentiles, than from the Jews and
Samaritans. For all other nations of mankind are
called Gentiles, by the prophetic spirit; but the
tribes of Judea and Samaria are denominated
Israel and the house of Jacob.
69. And to shew that it was foretold that
there should be a greater number of believers from
the Gentiles, than from the Jews and Samaritans,

JUSTIN MARTYR. 253
we will produce the prophecies, which are these.
" Rejoice, thou barren that bearest not, break out
and cry, thou that travailest not : for the children
of the barren are more than those of her which
hath an husband."0 For all the nations were
barren of the knowledge of the true God, worship
ping the works of their own hands : but the Jews
and Samaritans, who by the prophets had the
word delivered to them from God, and continually
looked for the Christ, knew him not when he came,
except a certain few, who should be saved ; even
as the prophetic spirit foretold, by Isaiah. For he
said, in their name, " Except the Lord had left us
a seed, we should have been as Sodom and Go-
morrha."p These are related by Moses to have
been cities of wicked men, which God overthrew,
and burned with fire and brimstone, so that no one
who was in them was saved, except one man of
another nation, a Chaldean by birth, named Lot,
with whom his daughters also were saved. And
any who wish, may now see the whole of that coun
try desolate and burnt up, and still remaining un
productive. Moreover to shew that it was foreseen
that they of the Gentiles should be more true and
more faithful, we will state what was thus spoken 89
by the prophet Isaiah :q "Israel is uncircumcised in
0 Isai. Liv. i. Gal. iv. 27-
p Isai. i. 9.
q This quotation is from Jer. ix. 26.

254 THE APOLOGY OF
heart, but the Gentiles (are uncircumcised) in the
flesh." 70. What, then, hath now been so fully seen
may reasonably produce conviction and faith in
those who embrace the truth, and are not vain
glorious, nor governed by their passions. Whereas
they who teach the fables which have been invented
by the poets, offer no proof to the young men who
learn them : and we have shewn that such tales
are spoken, by the influence of evil demons, to
deceive the human race, and lead them astray.
For having heard that it was declared by the pro
phets that Christ should come, and that wicked
men should be punished by fire, they put forward
many, whom we have already mentioned,1 to be
called the sons of Jupiter; supposing that thus
they might persuade men to consider what was
related respecting Christ to be merely fabulous pro
digies, of the same nature with those related by the
poets. And these inventions were circulated both
among the Greeks and all other nations, where
they understood the prophets to declare that the
belief in Christ should most prevail. We shall
show, however, that when they thus heard what
was spoken by the prophets, they did not per
fectly understand it, but erroneously imitated
what was really performed by Christ, in whom we
believe. 1 c. 29-

JUSTIN MARTYR. 255
71. Moses, then, the prophet, was, as we
have before stated/ more ancient than all other
writers; and he delivered this prophecy, which
hath been already quoted:' "A prince shall not
fail from Judah, nor a ruler from between his
feet," until He shall come for whom it is reserved:
and He shall be the expectation of the Gentiles,
binding his colt to a vine, washing his garment
in the blood of the grape." x The demons then,
hearing these prophetic words, asserted that Bac
chus was born the son of Jupiter; they ascribed
to him also the invention of the vine, and in the
celebration of his mysteries led an assy in pro
cession, and taught that Bacchus was torn in
pieces, and taken up into heaven. And since, in
the prophecy of Moses, it was not plainly ex
pressed, whether he who should come was to be
the Son of God, (or of man), and whether, thus
riding upon a colt, he should remain upon earth,
or ascend into heaven ; since also the word, colt,
might imply the foal either of an ass or of a horse,
and they doubted whether he who was predicted
should lead an ass's colt, or that of a horse, as
» c. 57- ' c. 40.
u ix t£v pripmv, from his thighs. See the note (g) on c. 40.
p. 222. x Gen. xLix. 10.
y olvov {iivov) iv rail puarripian airou avaypd<j>ova-i (avacbe-
povo-t). Compare Dial, with Trypho, p. 295. where the same
argument is used, and the same instances adduced. Pliny,
Hist. Nat. xxiv. 1. says that the ass was sacred to Bacchus.

256 THE APOLOGY OF
the sign of his coming, and whether he should
be the Son of God or of man, they said that
Bellerophon also, a man born of a human parent,
went up to heaven2 upon the horse Pegasus.
90 When also they heard that it was said by another
prophet, Isaiah, that Christ should be born of a
virgin, and should ascend to heaven by himself,
they devised the story of Perseus. Knowing, again,
that it was said, as hath been already shewn by
reference to the prophets, "He shall be strong as a
giant to run a race,"3 they told of Hercules, wha
was strong, and wandered over the whole earth.
And when again they learned that it was prophe
sied, that Christ should heal all manner of disease,
and raise the dead, they introduced Esculapius.b
72. But in no instance, nor in the history of
any of those who were called the sons of Jupiter, did
they imitate his crucifixion : for since all that was
spoken respecting this was figuratively expressed,
as we have shewn, it was unintelligible to them.
Now the cross, as the prophet hath predicted, is
the greatest sign of his might and dominion ; as
is plain from what falls under our own observation.
For observe how impossible it is that any thing
iu the world should be regulated, or any mutual
intercourse carried on, without employing this
figure. The sea cannot be navigated, unless this
symbol, as the mast and yard-arm of the sail,
* See c. 29. " Ps. xix. 5. " Compare c. 30.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 257
remains firm in the ship. Without an instrument
in this form, the land cannot be ploughed : nei
ther can they who dig exercise their labour, nor
handicraft-men pursue their occupations, without
implements which are fashioned in like manner.
The human figure also differs from those of ir
rational animals in no respect but this, that it is
erect, and hath the hands extended: and in the
countenance also hath the nose reaching downward
from the forehead, by which we are able to breathe.
This again shews no figure but that of the cross.
It is spoken also by the prophet, " The breath
before our nostrils is Christ the Lord."0 The
signs also in use among yourselves shew the force
of the same figure/ [as in the instance of stand-
c Lament, iv. 20. Trvevpa irpo irpoo-m-nou rjpwv Xpioroi Ku-
pioi. The Septuagint version now has rrveipa rcpoo-mrrou, the
breath of our nostrils. And the words are so quoted by Ter
tullian, Adversus Marcion: iii. 6. Advers. Praxeam. c. 14. Ire
naeus iii. 11. p- 315. In the Apostolical Constitutions, v. 20.
the words are quoted in the same manner as by Justin. Ter
tullian argues from this passage, that it was Christ, who spake
by the prophets, and appeared at various times, before his
coming in the flesh. The mystical senses, which Justin and
others of the Fathers have applied to this passage, depend
upon the Greek version, in which is found Xpio-roi Ki^ios,
and not X^io-tos Kvplou, " the Anointed of the Lord;" by which
term probably Zedekiah was meant.
d Kai rd Trap vpiv oi o-vnfioXa rrjv rov o-yrjpaToi rovrov ou-
vapiv SrjXoi'  XXmnev xai rmv rpoiratwv.
Some words are here lost. Among the different conjectures,
that of Thirlby seems as probable as any: — hr/Xo? Xeym Si rd
rmv KaXovpivwv Trap upiv oui^iXXiav xai rmv rpoiraimv.
Notions of the same fanciful kind, respecting the universal
R use

258 THE APOLOGY OF
ards] and trophies, by which your progress is every
where marked. In all these, ye shew the true
sign of authority and power, although ye do it
ignorantly. Moreover by the use of the same
figure, ye set up the figures of your deceased
emperors, and denominate them gods, by the ac
companying inscriptions. Having then thus ex
horted you, to the utmost of our power, both by
an appeal to your reason, and to these sensible
signs, we know that we shall henceforth be blame-
91 less, even if ye believe not. For we have done
our duty, and brought our work to an end.
73. It was not sufficient, however, for the
evil demons to declare, before the coming of
Christ, that those sons, who have been spoken of,
were born to Jupiter : but afterwards, when Christ
had appeared and dwelt with men, and they learned
in what manner he was predicted by the prophets,
and knew that men of all nations believed on
him and expected him [to come again to judg
ment], they again raised up others, as we have
before shewn, as Simon and Menander from Sa
maria:6 who by the display of magical arts de
ceived, and continue to deceive, many. For Simon
being with you, as we have already said, in the
imperial city of Rome, under Claudius Caesar, did
use of the figure of the cross, are found in Minucius Felix,
Octavius, c. 29. and in Justin's Dialogue, p. 317, 318. 332. He
finds it exemplified, among other instances, in the horn of the
unicorn. ' See c. 34.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 259
so astonish the sacred senate and the people of
Rome, that he was considered to be a god, and
honoured with a statue, even as the other gods
who are worshipped among you. Wherefore we
request that the sacred senate and your people
would join with you in considering this our ad
dress ; that if there be any one who hath been
seduced by his doctrine, he may learn the truth,
and be able to avoid error : and, if it please you,
destroy the statue.
74. For the evil demons can never persuade
men that the wicked shall not be punished in
fire ; even as they were unable to cause Christ to
be unknown, when he did come; but this only:
they can cause those men who oppose right reason
by their lives, and have been brought up in de
praved habits of sensuality, and are puffed up with
vain glory, to destroy and hate us. Yet we not
only bear no malice against these men, but, as is
hereby manifest, pity them and endeavour to per
suade them to repentance. For we fear not death,
since it is acknowledged that at all events we must
die: and there is nothing new,f but a continual
repetition of the same things in this life. And
if they who partake of these delights are satiated
with them in one year, they must surely hearken
to our instruction, that they may live for ever,
free from suffering and fear. But if they believe
f Eccles. i. 9, 10.
R 2

260

THE APOLOGY OF

that there will be nothing after death, and are
of opinion that they who die pass into a state of
insensibility, then they act as our benefactors, in
liberating us from sufferings and privations, while
^2 they yet shew themselves to be influenced by
hatred and enmity and vain-glory: for their ob
ject in thus removing us is not to relieve us from
distress, but by our death to deprive us of life
and all its pleasures.
75. The evil demons also, as we have already
shewn, raised up Marcion of Pontus, who even now
continues to teach men to deny God the Creator
. of all things in heaven and earth, and Christ his
Son, who was foretold by the prophets: and as
serts that there is some other God, besides the
Maker of all things, and also another Son. And
many, believing his pretensions to be the only one
acquainted with the truth, deride us, although
they can produce no proof of what they assert,
but contrary to all reason are hurried away, as
lambs are by wolves, and become a prey to wicked
doctrines and to demons. For the demons, which we
have spoken of, strive to do nothing else but to
lead men away from God the Creator and Christ
his first-begotten Son. Wherefore they have fixed
and continue to fix down to earthly things and
such as are made with hands, those men who can
not raise themselves from the earth: but as for
those who turn to the contemplation of heavenly

JUSTIN MARTYR. 261
things, they mislead them, and cast them into
ungodly living, unless they have a wise judgment,
and lead a life of purity free from human passions.
76. Further, that you may be convinced that
when Plato asserted, that God made the world by
a change wrought in matter previously unformed, he
was indebted to our teachers, that is to the word
of God delivered by the prophets, hear the very
words of Moses, whom we have before mentioned
as the first prophet, and more ancient than any
writers among the Greeks. The prophetic spirit,
declaring by him in what manner, and from what
materials, God in the beginning made the world,
spake thus : g "In the beginning God created the
heaven and the earth. And the earth was invisible
and unformed ; and darkness was upon the face of
the deep : and the Spirit of God moved upon the
face of the waters. And God said, Let there be
light ; and it was so."11 Wherefore Plato and they
who agree with him, as well as we ourselves, have
all learned that the whole world was made by the
word of God, from what was related and made
known by Moses; as ye also may be convinced.
Moreover we know that what is called Erebus by
the poets, was before spoken of by Moses.'
77. Moreover, when Plato discussing the
physical nature of the Son of God, saith in his
g Gen. i. 1 — 3. h koi eyevero oStois. (<£><oe)
1 2~ty Gen. i. 5.

262 THE APOLOGY OF
Timoeus,k "He impressed him upon the universe
in the form of a cross," he here also borrowed
his assertion from* Moses. For in the writings of
Moses it is recorded, that, at the time when the
93 Israelites came out of Egypt, and were in the
desert, venomous creatures, vipers and asps, and all
kinds of serpents, met them, and destroyed the
people: and that Moses by the inspiration and
power which were given him from God, took brass,
and made it into the form of a cross, and placed
this upon the holy Tabernacle, and said to the
people, " If ye look upon this figure, and believe,
ye shall be saved by it." He related also, that as
soon as this was done, the serpents perished and the
people escaped death. Plato reading this relation,
and not fully comprehending it, nor aware that it
was a type of the cross, but conceiving only a
division in that form,' said that the virtue which
was next to the supreme God was impressed upon
the universe in the form of a cross. And he spoke
also of that third quality, since, as we have already
said, m he read what Moses related of the Spirit of
God being carried over the waters. For he assigns
k The passage, to which Justin alludes, relates to the
creation of the soul of the universe. Taurnv ovv rrjv guo-Tao-tv
¦nao-av, bnrXrjv koto nfixoi o-^iVas, neo-tjv wpoi (ueV^w exaripav
aXXtjXan, oiov X Trpocr/^aAeoi/j xarixup^ev eis xvxXov. Timceus,
Tom. iii. p. 36. b.
1 ^i'air/ia, the form of the letter X.
m c. 76.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 263
the second place to the Word of God, whom he
declares to have been impressed upon the universe
in the form of a cross, and the third, to the Spirit,
which is said to have been borne over the water,
when he saith, " And what is in the third place
about the third." n Hear also in what manner the
prophetic spirit declared by Moses that there should
be a destruction of all things by fire. For he spake
thus ; " There shall go down an ever-living fire,
and shall consume even unto the abyss beneath."
78. It is not therefore that we hold the same
opinions with others, but that all others speak in
imitation of ours. For with us information may be
obtained upon these points, from those who have
not received even the rudiments of learning, who,
although unlearned and speaking a strange lan
guage,0 had wisdom and faith in their hearts:

n 'Hide yap eyer irep\ rov trdvrmv /3acri\ea icavr cVti, koi
ixeivov evexa iravra' koi exiivo a'lTiov dirdvrtav tuv xaXdv Seure-
pov Se irepi, ra ieurepa, xai rp'nov trepi, rd rpira. Plato Epist. 2.
Tom. iii. p. 312. e.
For thus it is: around the King of the universe are all
things, and all things for him ; and he is the cause of every
good thing : and about the second are those which are in the
second place ; and about the third those which are in the third
place. ° i2(0)t<oi/ piv koi ftapfidpiov to ipBiypa. Irenaeus iii. 4. ex
presses the same sentiments : " Hanc fidem qui sine Uteris cre-
diderunt, quantum ad sermonem nostrum, barbari sunt, quan
tum autem ad sententiam et consuetudinem, et conversationem,
propter fidem perquam sapientissimi sunt, et placent Deo, con-
versantes in omni justitia et castitateet sapientia."

264 THE APOLOGY OF
though some of them were lame and blind, so as
to make it evident that these things were not done
by human wisdom, but spoken by the power of
God. 79. We will state also in what manner we are
created anew by Christ, and have dedicated ourselves
to God : that we may not, by omitting this, appear
to dissemble any thing in our explanation. As
many as are persuaded and believe that the things
which we teach and declare are true, and promise
that they are determined to live accordingly, are
taught to pray, and to beseech God with fasting, to
grant them remission of their past sins, while we
also pray and fast with them. We then lead them
to a place where there is water, and there they are
regenerated iu the same manner as we also were :
for they are then washed in that water, in the name
94 of God the Father and Lord of the universe, and
of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit.
For Christ said, " Except ye be born again, ye shall
not enter into the kingdom of heaven :" p and that
it is impossible, that those who are once born should
again enter into their mothers* wombs is evident to
all. Moreover it is declared by the prophet Isaiah,
as we have before written, in what manner they
who have sinned and repent may escape (the pun
ishment of) their sins. For thus it is said ; " Wash
you, make you clean, put away the evil from your
p John iii. 3, 5.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 265
souls ; learn to do well ; do justice to the father
less, and avenge the widow : and come and let us
reason together, saith the Lord. Even if your
sins should be as scarlet I will make them as white
as wool : and if they should be as crimson I will
make them white as snow. But if ye will not
hearken unto me the sword shall devour you : for
the mouth of the Lord hath spoken these things." q
80. The apostles have also taught us for what
reason this new birth is necessary. Since at our
first birth, we were born without our knowledge or
consent, by the ordinary natural means, and were
brought up in bad habits and evil instructions,1 in
order that we may no longer remain the children
of necessity or of ignorance, but may become the
children of choice and judgment, and may obtain
in the water remission of the sins which we have
before committed, the name of God the Father and
Lord of the universe is pronounced over him who
is willing to be born again, and hath repented of his
sins ; he who leads him to be washed in the laver
of baptism, saying this only over him :s for no one
can give a name to the ineffable God ; and if any
« Isai. i. 16 — 20. r dvarpo<pa\i.
s The translation follows the reading proposed by Thirlby,
auro touto novov eiriXeyovroi tou rov Xouaopevov uyovroi e*7ri to
Xovrpov. They pronounced over the new convert the name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, according
to the apostolical precept, Matt, xxviii. 19. but did not presume
to give any other name to God, whose name is ineffable.
See note on c. 1 0.

266 THE APOLOGY OF
man should dare to assert that there is such a name,
he is afflicted with utter madness. And this wash
ing is called illumination,' since the minds of
those who are thus instructed are enlightened.
And he who is so enlightened is baptized also in
the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under
Pontius Pilate, and in the name of the Holy Spirit,
who by the prophets foretold all things concerning
Jesus." 81. The demons also, who heard that this
washing of baptism was predicted by the prophet,
caused that those who entered into their holy
places, and were about to approach them, to offer
libations and the fat of victims, should sprinkle
95 themselves. Moreover, they cause them to wash
themselves, as they depart (from the sacrifice), before
they enter into the temples where their images
are placed. Again, the demons having learned
what happened to Moses, the prophet of whom we
have spoken, and wishing to imitate him, intro
duced the practice, that those who enter into their
temples, and worship the gods there, should be ex
horted by the priests to loose their shoes from off
their feet. For at the time when Moses was com-
' cpionapoi. Justin in Dial. p. 258. A. uses the same lan
guage, (pWTdCppevoi oid tov ovoparoi rov Xpio-rov tovtov.
Terms of a like import were constantly applied to baptism.
Instances are given by Suicer, Thesaurus, on the word <pwrio--
poi : and Bingham, Eccles. Ant. xi. 1, 4.
a Justin resumes this subject in c. 85.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 267
manded to go down to Egypt, and lead out the
people of the Israelites who were there, as he was
feeding the flock of his mother's brother," in the
land of Arabia, Christ, whom we worship, spake
with him in the appearance of fire out of a bush,
and said, " Put off thy shoes, and come and hear." y
And he put off his shoes, and went; and heard that
he must go down to Egypt, and lead out the people
of the Israelites who were there ; and received
great power from Christ who spake with him in
the appearance of fire. So he went down, and led
out the people, and performed great and wonderful
miracles ; which, if ye wish to hear them, ye may
learn perfectly from his writings.
82. Now all the Jews to this day, teach that
God, who cannot be named, spake to Moses. z
Whence the prophetic spirit reproached them by
Isaiah the aforementioned prophet, as we have
already declared, thus saying, " The ox knoweth
his owner, and the ass his master's crib : but Israel
doth not know me ; and the people doth not con
sider me." And in like manner Jesus Christ him
self also said, upbraiding the Jews for that they
* Exod. iii. 1. Jethro was the father in law of Moses.
Justin was perhaps led into the error by thinking of Jacob
feeding the flock of Laban, his mother's brother. Gen. xxix. 10.
xxx. 29.
y Exod. iii. 5.
' Justin treats on this subject, in his Dialogue with Try
pho, p. 282.

268 THE APOLOGY OF
knew not what the Father is, and what the Son is :
" No one knoweth the Father, but the Son ; neither
knoweth any one the Son, but the Father, and they
to whomsoever the Son shall reveal it." a And the
Word of God is his Son, as we have before said.
He is called also the Angel, b (who declares) and
the Apostle, c (who is sent ;) since he declares what
ever is necessary to be known, and is sent to pub
lish whatever is entrusted to him : as our Lord
himself said, " He that heareth me, heareth him
that sent me." d This also will plainly appear
from the writings of Moses. For in them it is
thus said : "And the Angel of the Lord spake
unto Moses in a flame of fire out of the bush, and
said, I am he who is ; the God of Abraham, the
God of Isaac, the God of Jacob, the God of thy
fathers. Go down to Egypt, and lead out my
people."6 Ye may learn what follows from the
writings themselves ; since it is impossible to com
prise every thing in the present address.
96 83. Now these words have been spoken, to
shew that the Son of God, and Apostle, is Jesus
Christ, who before was the Word, and appeared
sometimes in the form of fire, and sometimes
in the image of incorporeal beings, but hath
Matt. xi. 27. This passage is quoted in the same manner >
in the next chapter, 83.
b Exod- "i- 2. <= Heb> m x> 2
d Matt- x- *0- ' Exod. iii. 2, 14. 15.

JUSTIN MARTYR 269
now by the will of God, and for the sake of
mankind, been made man ; and endured what
soever the demons caused to be inflicted upon
him by the senseless Jews : who, when they find
it expressly declared in the writings of Moses,
"And the Angel of God spake to Moses in a
flame of fire in a bush, and said, I am he who
is ; the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac,
and the God of Jacob," f say that it was the
Father and Creator of all things who so spake.
Whence also the prophetic spirit reproached them
saying, "But Israel doth not know me, and the
people doth not consider me."8 And again Jesus,
while he was with them, said, as we have al
ready shewn, "No one knoweth the Father but
the Son : neither knoweth any one the Son, but
the Father, and they to whomsoever the Son
shall reveal it."h The Jews, therefore, who al
ways thought that it was the Father of all
things who spake to Moses, whereas he who spake
to him was the Son of God, who is also called
the Angel and the Apostle, are justly upbraided
both by the prophetic spirit, and by Christ him
self, as knowing neither the Father nor the Son.
For they who say that the Son is the Father,
are proved not to know the Father, nor that the
Father of all things hath a Son, who, being the
f Exod. iii. 2, 14. 15. g Isai. i. 3.
h Matt. xi. 27-

270 THE APOLOGY OF
first-begotten Word of God, is also God. He
also formerly appeared to Moses and the prophets
in the form of fire, and of an incorporeal image :
but now in the time of your empire, as we have
already said, was made man, and born of a virgin,
according to the will of the Father, for the sal
vation of those who believe in him. He permit
ted himself also to be set at naught, and to suffer,
that by dying and rising again he might conquer
death. Moreover when he spake out of the bush
to Moses, saying, " I am he who is ; the God of
Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of
Jacob, and the God of thy fathers," he intimated
that they who were dead, did still exist and were
men of Christ himself. For they were the first
of all men who diligently sought after God, Abra
ham being the father of Isaac, and Isaac of Jacob,
as Moses also hath recorded.
84. Ye may also, from what hath been al
ready said, perceive, that it was in imitation of
that which was written by Moses, that the de
mons caused to be placed by fountains of water,
the statue of her who is called Proserpine, and
said to be the daughter of Jupiter. For Moses
said, in the words which have been already ad
duced,1 " In the beginning God created the heaven
and the earth: and the earth was invisible and
unformed: and the Spirit of God moved .upon
1 Sect. 76. Gen. i. 1, 2.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 271
the face of the waters." They therefore said,
that Proserpine was the daughter of Jupiter, in
imitation of the spirit of God, which was said
to have moved over the water. By a similar
perversion, they spake of Minerva as being the
daughter of Jupiter, but not by natural gene
ration. But having learned that God after deli
beration made the world by the Word,k they spake
of Minerva as the first Intelligence. Now this we
consider most absurd, to carry about the image of
Intelligence in a female form. In like manner,
the actions of the others, who are called sons of
Jupiter, prove what they really are.
85. We, then, after having so washed him
who hath expressed his conviction and professes
the faith, lead him to those who are called breth
ren, where they are gathered together, to make
common prayers with great earnestness, both for
themselves and for him who is now enlightened,
and for all others in all places, that having learned
the truth, we may be deemed worthy to be found
men of godly conversation in our lives, and to
keep the commandments, that so we may attain
to eternal salvation. When we have finished our
prayers, we salute one another with a kiss. After
which, there is brought* to that one of the brethren
who presides, bread and a cup of wine mixed with
* See note on c. 34.

272 THE APOLOGY OF
water.1 And he having received them gives praise
and glory to the Father of all things, through the
name of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and gives
thanks in many words for that God hath vouchsafed
1 Irenaeus, in like manner, speaks of the cup of the Eucha
rist, as consisting of wine mixed with water. He calls it «-
xpdpevov irorrjpiov, (v. 2.) and speaks of our Saviour, who in
his last supper declared the mixture of the cup to be his own
blood: (temperamentum calicis suum sanguinem declaravit) :
(iv. 57.) and, in describing the promise of our Lord that he
would drink the fruit of the vine new with his disciples in his
Father's kingdom, (Matt. xxvi. 29.) he uses the expression,
"Hsec enim et Dominus docuit, mixtionem calicis novam in
regno cum discipulis habiturum se pollicitus." (v; 36.)
Some early heretics, as part of the sect of the Ebionites
and of the followers of Tatian, used water only in the adminis
tration ofthe Eucharist; whence they are opposed by Epipha-
nius (Hser. xLvi. Encrat. 4. 16.) who calls them Encratitae;
by Augustin (De Haeres. 64.) under the appellation of Aqua-
rii; and by Theodoret, (De Fab. hasret. i. 20.) who styles
them Encratitae and Hydroparastatae; Clemens Alexandrinus
(Stromat. i. p. 375. Paedagog. ii. 2. p. 177- Potter) mentions
the same error. An Epistle of Cyprian to Caecilius (Ep. 63.
p. 148. Fell) is directed against this practice. His argument
is intended to prove, that wine is essential to the sacrament,
and supposes that the cup, of which our Lord partook, con
tained water as well as wine. He imagines that the union of
water with the wine indicated a mystical union between the
people and Christ, and that the absence of either substance
dissolves this union. It will be observed, that the object of
Cyprian in this Epistle, is to shew, not that the wine must be
mixed with water, but that water alone did not represent sacra-
mentally the blood of Christ.
The third council of Carthage (c. 24.) decreed that in
the Eucharist the wine should be mixed with water. And
many other early writers maintain the same opinion.
In the first Common Prayer Book of the Church of Eng
land, published by authority of Edward the Sixth, the Minister

JUSTIN MARTYR. 273
to them these things. And when he hath finished
his praises and thanksgiving, all the people who are
present express their assent, saying, Amen, which
in the Hebrew tongue, implies, So be it. The
President having given thanks, and the people
having expressed their assent, those whom we call
deacons give to each of those who are present a
portion of the bread which hath been blessed, and
of the wine mixed with water; and carry some
away for those who are absent.
86. And this food is called by us the Eucha
rist (or Thanksgiving) : of which no one may par
take unless he believes that what we teach is true,
was directed by the rubric, when he put the wine into the
chalice, " to put thereto a little pure and clean water." The
same custom existed in the Anglo-Saxon Church. See Pal
mer's Antiquity of the English Ritual, c. iv. sect. 9.
Although, however, this custom is primitive and perhaps
apostolical, and although it is probable that the cup which
our Saviour consecrated at the last supper did contain water
as well as wine, according to the general practice of the Jews,
(Maimonides Lib. de Solennitate Pasch. c. 7-) yet it has been
long decided by theologians that the mixture of water is not
essential to the sacrament. Cardinal Bona refers to Bernard,
as speaking of those who considered water to be essential, but,
he says, "the judgment of theologians is certain, that the con
secration of the elements is valid, even if water be omitted,
although he who omits it is guilty of a grievous offence."
(Bona, Rer. Lit. Lib. ii. c. 9- 3.)
In our present rubric, although the mixture of water with
wine is not enjoined, it is not prohibited.
This question is treated by Bingham, Eccl. Ant. xv. 2. 7- ;
Wheatley on the Common Prayer, c. vi. sect. 10. 5.; Palmer's
Antiquity of the English Ritual, c. iv. sect. 9-> and in a Disser
tation by Vossius, Thes. Theolog. p. 494.
S

274 THE APOLOGY OF
' and is washed in the laver, which is appointed for
the forgiveness of sins and unto regeneration, and
lives in such a manner as Christ commanded. For
we receive not these elements as common bread or
common drink. But even as Jesus Christ our
Saviour, being made flesh by the Word of God,m
had both flesh and blood for our salvation, even so
we are taught, that the food which is blessed by the
prayer of the word which came from him, by the
conversion of which (into our bodily substance) our
blood and flesh are nourished, is the flesh and blood
of that Jesus who was made flesh. For the
Apostles, in the Memoirs composed by them, which
are called Gospels, have related that Jesus thus
commanded them ; u that having taken bread, and
given thanks, he said, " Do this in remembrance of
me : this is my body :" and that in like manner
having taken the cup, and given thanks, he said,
" This is my blood ;" and that he distributed them
to these alone. And this too the evil demons have
in imitation commanded to be done in the mys
teries of Mithra. For ye either know or may
learn, that bread and a cup of water are placed in
the rites appointed for the initiated, with certain
prayers. After these solemnities are finished, we
afterwards continually remind one another of them.

m See note on c. 43. and Bp. Kaye's Account of Justin
Martyr, ch. iv. p. 86. note 6.
" Matt. xxvi. 26. Mark xiv. 22. Luke xxii. ] 9.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 275
And such of us as have possessions assist all those
who are in want ; and we all associate with one
another. 87. And over all our offerings, we bless the
Creator of all things, through his Son Jesus Christ,
and through the Holy Spirit. And, on the day
which is called Sunday, there is an assembly in one
place of all who dwell either in towns or in the
country; and the Memoirs of the Apostles or the
writings of the prophets are read, as long as the
time permits. Then, when the reader hath ceased,
the President delivers a discourse, in which he
reminds and exhorts them to the imitation of all
these good things. We then all stand up together,
and put forth prayers. Then, as we have already
said, when we cease from prayer," bread is brought,
and wine, and water : and the President in like
manner offers up prayers and praises with his
utmost power : and the people express their assent
by saying, Amen. The consecrated elements are
then distributed and received by every one ; and a
portion is sent by the deacons to those who are
absent. 88. Each of those also, who have abundance 99
and are willing, according to his choice, gives what
he thinks fit : and what is collected is deposited
0 The previous description was that of the first Communion
after baptism : Justin here relates the ordinary celebration of
the Eucharist. s 2

276 THE APOLOGY OF
with the President, who succours the fatherless and
the widows, and those who are in necessity from
disease or any other cause ; those also who are in
bonds, and the strangers who are sojourning among
us ; and in a word takes care of all who are in
need. p
89. We all of us assemble together on Sunday,
because it is the first day in which God changed
darkness and matter, and made the world. On the
same day also Jesus Christ our Saviour rose from
the dead. For he was crucified the day before that
of Saturn : and on the day after that of Saturn,
which is the day of the Sun, he appeared to his
apostles and disciples, and taught them what we
now submit to your consideration.
90. If now what we have advanced appears to
be reasonable and true, honour it accordingly ; and
if it appears folly, despise it as foolish, but pass not
sentence of death against those who have done no
evil, as if they were enemies. For we have already
forewarned you, that ye shall not escape the future
judgment of God, if ye continue in unrighteous
ness. And we shall exclaim, What God wills, let
that come to pass. Although we might demand of
p Bp. Kaye, in his Account of Justin Martyr, p. 91. notices
the alterations which had taken place in the mode of celebra
ting the communion between the time of the Apostles and
that of Justin. The chief of these was the separation of the
time of partaking of the Eucharist from that of their ordinary
meal.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 277
you, from the epistle of the most great and illus
trious Caesar Adrian, your father, that which we
require, that ye should command right judgment to
be made, we have yet preferred that this should not
take place because it was so ordained by Adrian,
but have made this address and explanation to you,
knowing that we demand what is just. And we
have subjoined also a copy of the letter of Adrian,
that in this too ye may perceive that we speak
the truth. The copy is as follows :
THE EPISTLE OF ADRIAN RESPECTING THE
CHRISTIANS.
To Minucius Fundanus.
We have received the letter written to me by
the most renowned Serenius Granianus whom you
succeeded. It seems then to me that the matter
must not be left without enquiry ; lest those men
should be troubled, and a means of evil doing
should be open to false accusers. If then the
people in the provinces are able to advance so far
in their accusations against the Christians, as to
answer before the seat of judgment, let them have
recourse to these means alone, and not act by
vague accusations or mere clamour. For it is far
better, if any one wishes to bring an accusation,
that you should examine it. If therefore any one
accuses them, and proves that they have done any
thing against the laws, dispose of the matter

278 THE APOLOGY OF
according to the severity of the offence. But I
require you, if any man bring such a charge falsely,
deal with him according to his deserts, and take
care that you punish him.

THE EPISTLE OF THE EMPEROR ANTONINUS PIUS
TO THE COMMON ASSEMBLY OF ASIA."
The Emperor Cassar, Titus iElius Adrianus Anto
ninus Augustus Pius, Pontifex Maximus, fifteenth
time Tribune, thrice Consul, Father of his Country,
to the Common Assembly of Asia, sends greeting.
I am well assured, that the gods themselves
will take heed that men of this kind shall not
escape : for it is much more their interest to punish,
if they can, those who refuse to worship them.
Whereas ye trouble them, and accuse the opinions
which they hold, as if they were Atheists: and
bring many other charges, of which we are able
to discover no proof. Nay, it would be in their
estimation a great advantage to die for that of
which they are accused : and they conquer you, by
throwing away their own lives, rather than comply
with what ye require them to do.
" Eusebius, H. E. iv. 13, gives this Epistle, as having been
written by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, although in c. 12. he
appears to ascribe it to Antoninus Pius. Valesius and Scaliger
think that it was written by Marcus Aurelius. Halloix, in his
life of Justin, c. 5. and Cave, in his life of Justin, c. 10. agree
in ascribing the letter to Antoninus Pius.

JUSTIN MARTYR. 279
With respect to earthquakes, which either have
happened or do happen, it is not fitting that ye
should regard them with despondency, whatever
they may be, comparing your own conduct with
theirs, and observing how much more confidence
they have towards God, than ye. Ye, in fact, at
such periods, appear to forget the gods, and neglect
your sacred rites. And ye know not the worship
which belongs to God ; whence ye envy those who
do worship him, and persecute them even unto
death. Respecting such men, certain others of
the rulers of provinces wrote to my Father of
blessed memory ; to whom also he wrote in reply,
that they should in no wise trouble men of that
kind, unless they were shewn to be making any
attempt against the dominion of the Romans.
Many too have given information respecting such
men to me also, to whom I answered, in conformity
with my father's opinion. If then any one shall
bring any charge against one of these men, simply
as such, let him who is so accused be released, even
if he should be proved to be one of this kind of
men : and let the accuser himself be subject to
punishment.

THE APOLOGY

OF

QUINTUS SEPTIMIUS FLORENS
TERTULLIANUS.

CHAPTER I.
If ye, rulers a of the Roman Empire, sit
ting judicially upon your open and lofty seat
of judgment, and occupying, as it were, the most
elevated position in the state, are yet unable openly
to enquire, and closely to examine, what is the
real truth, in questions respecting the Christian
a Antistites. In other parts of the Apology, Tertullian
calls the same persons Praesides ; as in c. 2, 9- 50. They were
the governors of Proconsular Africa. Eusebius, indeed, H. E.
v. 5. says that this Apology was addressed to the Roman Senate :
but this is contradicted by internal evidence. Had it been
written at Rome, or addressed to Romans, Tertullian would
not have used such expressions as Hoc imperium, cujus minis-
tri estis : c. 2. Ecce in ilia religiosissima urbe ^Eneadum : c. 9.
or, Ipsos Quirites, ipsam vernaculam septem collium plebem,
convenio. c. 35. The manner in which he contrasts the fear
of God with that of the Proconsul, at the conclusion of c. 45.
implies that the Apology was written in some province which
was under a Proconsul.
It is most probable, that this Apology was both written
and presented at Carthage.

CHAP I.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 281
religion, — if in this case alone your authority in
matters of justice is either afraid or ashamed to
enquire, — or if, as hath recently occurred," the
great severity with which ye have persecuted
this sect in your own families prevents your list
ening to an impartial defence, — the truth may
still be permitted to reach your ears by the secret
means of a written apology. Truth demands no
favour in her cause ; for she wonders not at her
own condition. She knows that she is a sojourner
upon earth ; that she must find enemies among
strangers ; but that her origin, her home, her
hopes, her honours, her dignities are placed in
heaven. She hath but one desire, not to be con
demned unknown. What injury can the authority
of the laws suffer, which are absolute in their own
realm, if the truth be heard?0 Nay, their power
will be more manifested, if they even condemn
her, after she is heard. But if they condemn
her unheard, in addition to the odium attached

b One of those, who is here addressed, had probably ex
ercised some act of severity, towards some of his own family,
in consequence of their professing the Christian religion.
c The laws can never suffer any diminution of their au
thority, by permitting those who are accused to answer for
themselves. The very demand for an audience is an acknow
ledgement of their power. Nay, if absolute authority must
prevail, arbitrary power would appear more conspicuously, if
it condemned, after having heard.
An (at) hoc magis gloriabitur potestas earum, quo etiam
auditam damnabunt veritatem.

282 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. I.
to injustice, they will deservedly incur the sus
picion, that they wilfully refused to hear, knowing
that, if they had heard, they could not have con
demned her.
This, therefore, is the first reason which we
allege, to prove how unjust is the hatred borne to
wards the name' of Christian ; an injustice, which is
at once aggravated and proved to exist, by the very
cause, which at first appears to excuse it, namely,
ignorance. d For what can be more unjust than
that men should hate that of which they are igno
rant, even if the subject should deserve their hatred ?
For then only can any thing be said to deserve
such treatment, when the fact is clearly ascertained.
And where there is no knowledge of what are the
true merits of the case, upon what grounds can the
justice of the hatred be defended, when that justice
must be proved, not from the fact that hatred
exists, but from previous knowledge of the grounds
on which it rests? Since, therefore, their only
reason for hatred is that they are ignorant what it
is which they hate, why may not the subject be
really of such a nature as not to deserve hatred?
Hence we establish the unreasonableness of our
adversaries in each case, by proving that they are
in ignorance, while they hate, and that, while
they are thus in ignorance, their hatred is unjust.
d Tertullian uses the same argument, in nearly the same
words, Ad Nationes, i. c. i.

CHAP. I.] OF TERTULLIAN. 283
A proof of this ignorance, which, while it excuses
their injustice, doth yet condemn it, is this, that
all who once were enemies, through ignorance, as
soon as they have ceased to be ignorant, cease also
to hate. They are changed from what they were,
and become Christians, as soon as they learn what
that religion really is ; e they begin to hate what
they were, and to profess the opinions which they
hated, and are become as numerous as we are
shewn to be. Our enemies exclaim that the whole
state is overrun with us : f they lament it as a great
calamity, that Christians are found in the country,
in cities, in the islands ; that persons of each sex,
and of all ages, and station, and dignity, come over
to that name. Yet not even this fact is sufficient
to rouse their minds to imagine that there is some
latent good in Christianity. They permit them
selves not to entertain any more reasonable suspi
cion, nor to investigate the truth more clearly. In
this instance alone the curiosity natural to man is
not excited ; they please themselves in ignorance
of that, which others are delighted to have known.
Anacharsisg permitted none but those skilled in

e Utique de comperto. He contrasts the docility of a con
scientious convert with the determined ignorance of their per
secutors, who continued to oppose a religion of which they
were ignorant.
f Compare c. 37- and Ad Nationes, i. c. i.
g Plutarch, in his life of Solon, relates that Anacharsis
witnessing judicial proceedings at Athens, expressed his sur
prise.

284 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. I.
the science, to judge of music : with how much
greater justice might he have accused these men of
folly, who, in their utter ignorance, presume to form
a judgment respecting those, who have diligently
enquired and learned the truth. They prefer igno
rance of Christianity, because they already hate it :
yet, by thus voluntarily encouraging ignorance,
they tacitly confess their conviction that, if they
did know what it was, they would be unable to
hate it : since, if no just ground of hatred should
be discovered, they would certainly act a wiser part
in dismissing an unjust hatred ; but if, on the
other hand, sufficient cause for hatred should appear,
the hostility, which now exists, would not only be
continued, but acquire fresh reason and encourage
ment, even on the authority of justice itself.
But, it is said, the numbers, who are persuaded
to embrace -Christianity, afford no proof that the
religion is good in itself; for how many are prone
to evil? how many desert the paths of truth for
error ? Doubtless : yet not even they, who are led
away by that which is evil in itself, dare to defend
it, as good. Nature herself hath spread over every
thing which is evil, either fear or shame. Evil
prise, that in so civilized a state wise men should plead causes,
and fools determine them. Diogenes Laertius, in his life of
Anacharsis, has preserved a saying of the philosopher, which
more closely resembles Tertullian's allusion: Oavpd&iv Si fy„,
rrmi -napd roil "E\,\„<n„ dyavilQovTai piv ol rcXvlra,, xplvovai Si
ot fit] Ttyv'tTai.

CHAP. I.] OF TERTULLIAN. 285
doers are anxious for concealment; avoid publicity;
when detected, tremble ; when accused, deny ; even
under torture, do not readily, nor always, confess :
at all events, when they are condemned, they
grieve ; they reflect upon themselves with remorse ;
they attribute the sins,- which arise from an evil
heart, either to fate, or to the stars : for they would
not have that, which they acknowledge to be evil,
to belong to themselves. But what similarity is
there between this and the conduct of a Christian ?
No one is ashamed, no one is sorry, except that he
was not a Christian long before. If he is pointed
out, he glories in the charge : if accused, he makes
no defence; if questioned, he confesses, even of
his own accord ; if condemned, he returns thanks.
What kind of evil, then, is this, which hath none
of the natural attributes of evil, fear, shame, sub
terfuge, repentance, sorrow ? What kind of evil is
this, in which the culprit delights ; the accusation
of which is the completion of his wishes ; and its
punishment, his happiness? -You cannot call this
madness, since you are proved to be entirely igno
rant of the real cause.

CHAPTER II.

If, however, it be ascertained that we are
really most guilty, why are we treated differently
from other criminals, our fellows? since similar
offences ought to receive the same treatment.
When others are accused of the offences, which
are laid to our charge, they are permitted freely
to speak, and to employ an advocate to prove
their innocence : they haye the privilege of re
plying, and objecting; since it is illegal that any
should be condemned, entirely undefended or
unheard. Christians alone are not permitted to
advance any thing which may repel the charge,
or defend the truth, or justify the judge. That
alone is required, which the public hatred renders
necessary, a confession of the name of Christian,
not any enquiry into the offence. Whereas when
ye examine any other accused person, ye are not
induced to pronounce sentence, as soon as he hath
confessed himself guilty of murder, or sacrilege, or
incest, or treason, (to speak of the ordinary heads
of accusation against ourselves), without demanding

CHAP. II.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 287
in corroboration proof of the nature of the act, the
number of the perpetrators, the place, manner, time,
accomplices, companions. In our case, no care of
this kind is taken ; although it is equally necessary
that whatever is now falsely asserted should be
elicited ; upon how many infants each had already
fed ; a how many incestuous crimes he had hidden
in darkness ; who were employed to prepare the
human banquet ; what dogs to extinguish the lights.
Great would be the glory of that President, who
could discover one who had already devoured an
hundred infants ! Yet we find that even enquiry
into our cases is forbidden. For the younger Pliny,
when he had the command of a Province, and had
condemned some Christians, and removed others
from their offices, was yet perplexed at their
number, and at that time consulted the Emperor
Trajan" what he should do with the remainder,
declaring that, with the exception of their obstinate
refusal to sacrifice, he had discovered nothing re
specting their religious obligations, than that they
assembled at day-break to sing to Christ as God,
and to unite in the exercises of their religion, pro
hibiting murder, adultery, fraud, perfidy, and all
other crimes. Upon this, Trajan returned for
a See Justin Martyr's Apology, c. 35. note (r) and Ter
tullian's Apology, cc. 7, 8.
b Pliny, Epist. x. 97- The Epistle and answer of Trajan,
as translated by Melmoth, are subjoined, for convenience of
reference, at the end of the volume.

288 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. II.
answer, that persons of this persuasion should not
be enquired after, but should be punished if brought
before him. What a self-contradictory sentence !
He assumes their innocence, when he directs enquiry
not to be made ; yet commands them to be pun
ished, as guilty. He is lenient, and cruel ; he
connives, and censures. Why do you thus con
tradict yourself in your own determination? If
you condemn, why do you not also enquire ? If
you enquire, why do you not also acquit? Through
out every province, military stations are established
for the discovery of robbers. Against those guilty
of treason and public offences every man is a
soldier : strict enquiry is made even into the com
panions and accomplices of such offenders. In the
case of a Christian alone, enquiry is forbidden,
accusation is permitted : as if enquiry itself were
intended for any other purpose than as the foun
dation of an accusation. Ye condemn, therefore,
him who is brought before you, although no one
wished him to be enquired for ; and it seems, that
the accused did not deserve punishment, because
he was guilty, but because he was discovered, in
opposition to the edict, which forbade enquiry to be
made. Again, ye violate, in our case, the ordinary
process, which is followed in the investigation of
crimes ; since ye torture other criminals, to make
them confess ; Christians alone, to compel them to
deny : whereas, if that of which we are accused

CHAP. II. J OF TERTULLIAN. 289
were evil, we should deny the fact, and ye would
compel us by tortures to confess. For ye ought
not to think it needless to make enquiry respecting
the crimes alleged, on the plea that they are ad
mitted, by the very confession of the name of Chris
tian; since, at this day, although ye well know
what murder is, ye still think it necessary to
extract the circumstances of his crime, even from
one who confesses himself guilty of murder. Nay,
still more unreasonably, having presumed our guilt,
from the mere confession of the name of Christian,
ye compel us by tortures to retract our confes
sion ; as if, by denying the name, we should at
once deny the crimes, which, from that confession,
ye had presumed to exist. But, we are, perhaps,
to imagine, ye wish us not to perish, bad as ye
consider us to be. Your custom may be to entreat
the murderer to deny his crime ; to torture the
sacrilegious, if he persists in his confession. If
this is not the principle upon which ye act towards
us, as guilty, then ye consider us most innocent ;
since, as most innocent, ye will not permit us to
continue in that confession, which, as ye well know,
ye condemn from compulsion, rather than from a
sense of justice. A man exclaims, I am a Christian.
He speaks the truth : ye desire to hear what is not
the truth. Ye, who preside for the purpose of
extorting truth, from us alone endeavour to hear
falsehood. The accused declares, I am, such as ye
T

290 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. II.
enquire whether I am. Why do ye seek to mislead
me by torture ? I confess ; and ye torture me :
what would ye do, if I denied? When others
deny, ye believe them not readily ; when we deny,
ye believe us at once. This contradiction might
alone lead you to suspect, that there is some secret
force, which instigates you in opposition to the very
forms and nature of judicial proceedings, and to
the very laws themselves. For, if I rightly judge,
the laws require the guilty to be discovered, not
concealed ; they pronounce that those who confess
should be punished, not acquitted. The decrees of
the senate, the commands of princes, the supreme
power, of which ye are the ministers, dictate this.
Your authority is legal, not tyrannical : for with
tyrants, tortures form also a part of punishment :
with you, they are used only for eliciting the truth.
Maintain this your law, respecting the application
of torture, until confession is made. And if torture
is anticipated by a confession, it will be superseded,
and sentence should be passed. The malefactor is
to be discharged e from the punishment due to his
offences, by its infliction, not by its remission. No
one, in fact, desires to release him, or is permitted
to entertain such a wish. Hence, no one is ever
compelled to deny. Whereas ye regard a Chris
tian as a man stained with every crime, the enemy
of the gods, of the emperors, of the laws, of morals,
c Expungendus est

CHAP. II.] OF TERTULLIAN. 291
of all nature ; and compel him to deny, that ye
may absolve him ; since, without his denial, ye
could not extend mercy to him. Thus ye pervert j
the laws.* Would ye then have him deny his
guilt, that ye may treat him as innocent, and
absolve him, even against his will, of all previous
guilt ? Whence is this inconsistency ? Consider
ye not, that his voluntary confession was far more
credible than his compulsory denial ? Or that, if
he be compelled to retract, his disavowal may be
insincere ; and that, when dismissed, he will again
become a Christian, and smile, behind your judg
ment seat, at the absurdity of your hatred ?
Since, then, your treatment of us is entirely
different from that of other criminals ; since this
is your only object, that we should be deprived of
the name of Christians, — for we are deprived of it,
if we act as those who are not Christians — ye may
understand,6 that there is no crime in the fact itself;
but that some active principle of hatred pursues
the very name of Christian, and produces especially
this effect, that men are determined not to acquire
any certain knowledge of a subject, of which they
d Praevaricaris in leges. Having taken upon yourselves
the office of accusers, ye so conduct your proceedings, as if
your principal object were, not to investigate the guilt of the
accused, but to give him every opportunity of escaping.
e Intelligere potestis, non scelus aliquod in causa esse, sed
nomen, quod quaedam ratio asmulae operationis insequitur, hoc
primum agens, ut homines nolint scire pro certo quod se ne-
scire pro certo sciunt. T 2

292 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. II.
well know they are totally ignorant. Hence it
is, that they believe circumstances respecting us,
which are not proved ; and will not enquire, lest
those accusations should be proved to be false,
which they would rather wish to be believed ; that
the name, which is so opposed to that principle of
hatred, should be condemned simply on its con
fession ; upon the presumption, not upon the proof,
of guilt. Hence we are tortured, if we confess ;
and punished, if we persevere ; and absolved, if
we deny ; because the question regards the name
only. Moreover, why, in the accusation, do ye charge
a person as a Christian ? If a Christian be a mur
derer, or incestuous, why not accuse him of murder,
or of any other crime, of which ye believe us
guilty?' In our case alone, is there the least scru
ple or hesitation to declare the crimes of which any
one is accused. The term Christian,61 if it implies
no crime, is nugatory ; if it implies merely the
crime of professing that name, it must surely pos
sess some very peculiar and hateful meaning.
f Denique quid de tabella recitatis ilium Christianum?
cur non et homicidam? cur non et incestum? si homicida
Christianus, vel quodcumque aliud esse nos creditis ? (Haver-
camp.) g Christianus, sinullius criminis nomen est, valde ineptum ;
si solius nominis crimen est, valde infestum.

CHAPTER III.

It is almost needless to observe, that the greater
part follow their hatred of Christianity so blindly,
that, even when they bear testimony to any one's
good qualities, they still upbraid him with the
name which he bears. " Caius Seius," they say,
" is a good man, except that he is a Christian."
Another observes, " I am quite surprised that so
wise a man as Lucius Titius should have suddenly
become a Christian." No one thinks of demanding
in return, whether Caius is not good, or Lucius
prudent, because he is a Christian ; or a Christian,
because he is prudent and good. They praise what
they know ; they blame what they know not ; at
the same time distorting what they know, by
reasons drawn from that of which they are igno
rant ; although justice would rather require them
to form an opinion of that which is unknown, from
that which is known, than to condemn what is
evident, from that which is secret. Others, in
describing persons, whom, before their profession of
Christianity, they had known to be given up to

294 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. III.
licentiousness, to every base lust, and immorality,
use terms, which are really those of approbation ;
thus, in the blindness of their .hatred, bearing
unwilling testimony to the excellence of that which
they condemn. They say of a woman, "How
wanton, how gay she used to be !" of a young man,
" What a libertine, what a profligate, he was ! now
they are both become Christians !" Thus the name
is coupled with their reformation.
Some would even make a compromise with their
hatred of Christianity, to their own disadvantage ;
being well satisfied to be injured in the tenderest
points, provided they are freed from the intrusion
of such objects of hatred in their own homes.
The husband, who hath now no longer any reason
for jealousy, expels his now virtuous wife from his
house : the father, formerly indulgent, disinherits
his now obedient son: the master, once lenient,
sends his now faithful servant from his sight.
Each one becomes hateful, in proportion as he is
amended by the profession of this faith. The im
provement, which hath followed from it, is not suf
ficient to counteract the general hatred towards
the Christians.
Further, then, if the hatred belongs to the
name, what guilt can be attached to any appellation?
what accusation can be founded on a word ? unless
it be said, that the very name itself hath a bar
barous sound, or is of evil omen, or scandalous, or

CHAP. III. J OF TERTULLIAN. 295
immodest. Now the term Christian, as to its mean
ing, is derived from a word, which signifies to
anoint. And even when it is mis-pronounced
Chrestian by you, a — for you are in ignorance even
of the name itself — that appellation would, from its
derivation, imply sweetness or benignity. Hence
even a harmless name is hated, in men who are
harmless too.
But, it will be said, the sect b is hated for the
name of its author. Is it then a new thing that
persons, holding peculiar tenets, should receive an
appellation from the name of the author of them ?
Are not philosophers denominated from Plato,
Epicurus, and Pythagoras ; or even Stoics and Aca-

a It is not surprising that gentile writers should have con
founded the words Christus and Chrestus (Xpno-roi). Thus
Suetonius (Claud, xxv.) says "Judaeos, impulsore Chresto
assidue tumultuantes, Roma expulit (Claudius)." The words
of Suetonius do not necessarily imply, that he conceived Christ
to have lived in the time of Claudius ; but that tumults then
arose in Rome among the Jews, respecting him, some of them
affirming and others denying that he was the Messiah. The
expulsion of the Jews from Rome, by Claudius, is mentioned,
Acts xviii. 2. Lactantius iv. 7- treats of the common error in
the name of Christ; "Sed exponenda hujus nominis ratio est,
propter ignorantium errorem, qui eum, immutata litera, Chres-
tum solent dicere."
The names Chrestus and Chresta were not uncommon
among the Greeks and Romans.
b The word secta, like the corresponding term a'i'peeti, was
originally indifferent in its application : it implied the adoption
of certain opinions, without any such expression of disapproba
tion as the term heresy subsequently conveyed.

296 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAP. III.
demies from their places of meeting, and ordinary
resort? Have not physicians been named from
Erasistratus, grammarians from Aristarchus, and
even cooks from Apicius ? Yet no one ever took
offence at a name, thus transmitted from the founder
of a system with his peculiar tenets.
If, indeed, any one proves that the author of
any opinions was bad, or his sect bad, he will then
prove that the name ought to be hated, for the
faults of the sect, and of its author. Wherefore,
before hatred of the name of Christian should have
been indulged, a judgment ought to have been
formed, either of the sect from its author, or of
the author from his sect. But now, without the
slightest enquiry or knowledge of either, the name
is made the subject of detention and accusation :
and the appellation alone at once condemns the
sect, and the author, equally unknown ; because
they bear this name, not because their guilt is
proved.

CHAPTER IV.

Having, then, premised these remarks, to
expose the injustice of the public hatred against
us, I shall now proceed to establish the plea of our
innocence ; and not only disprove what is objected
against us, but also retort the charge upon our
accusers : that hence all may know, that practices
do not prevail among the Christians, which actually
exist among themselves, without their knowledge :
and that they may be put to the blush, when accu
sations are thus brought — I say not by men of the
worst character against the best, — but, if they will
have it so, against men like themselves. We shall
answer every separate charge, both what we are
accused of doing in secret, and what we openly
avow: the actions in which we are regarded as
impious, or foolish, or culpable, or ridiculous. But
since, even when our plain statement of the truth
hath removed all reasonable objections, we are,
after all, borne down by the authority of the laws
themselves, and3 by the assertion, that, when laws
a This passage plainly shews, that, at the period when this
Apology was written, certain laws were in existence against tho

298 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. IV.
are once established, no alteration must be made in
them, or that judges must, however unwillingly,
prefer absolute obedience to the laws, to the plain
investigation of truth ; I will first argue with you,
as with the guardians of the laws.
Now, in the first place, when ye pronounce your
decision, in these words, " Ye are not permitted to
exist;" and deliver this command, without any
more lenient modification, ye act by arbitrary force,
and an iniquitous and absolute power, if ye forbid
our existence, because it is contrary to your will,
not because we ought not to be. But, if ye de
termine that, because we ought not to exist, there
fore we shall not ; doubtless that which is evil in

the Christian religion. Tertullian makes the same assertion in
c. 5, and 37 : and in his first book ad Nationes, c. 7- he says,
that the edicts of Nero against the Christians were still in
force. "Et tamen permansit, erasis omnibus, hoc solum insti-
tutum Neronianum : justum denique, ut dissimile sui auctoris."
Mosheim inadvertently states (Cent. ii. Part i. c. 2.) that "In
the beginning of the second century, there were no laws in
force against the Christians : for the senate had annulled the
cruel edicts of Nero : and Nerva had abrogated the sanguinary
laws of his predecessor Domitian." Yet in c. 7- he says, " the
imperial laws against the Christians were not abrogated, and
the iniquitous edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were
still in force ; there was consequently a door open to the fury
and injustice of corrupt magistrates, as often as they were
pleased to exercise them on the Church." Gibbon, c. xvi.
p. 540. (418) concludes, from the celebrated letter addressed
by Pliny to Trajan, that at that period "there were no general
laws or decrees of the senate in force against the Christians."
•See Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, p. 114.

CHAP. IV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 299
itself ought not to be allowed ; yet this very con
clusion implies that what is good ought to be
permitted. If I shall discover that what your law
forbids is in itself good, shall I not at once prove,
that the law cannot forbid that which, if it were
evil, it might justly prohibit ? b If your law hath
erred, it is, I imagine of human origin ; it fell not
from heaven. c Is it astonishing, that man could
either err in framing laws, or shew his better
judgment in amending them ? Did not the amend
ment of the laws of Lycurgus himself by the
Lacedaemonians cause such grief to their author,
that he starved himself to death in his retirement.d
Do not even ye yourselves, in daily endeavouring
to throw light upon the darkness of antiquity, clear
away and fell all the old and unsightly forest of
laws, by the renovating axes of the rescripts and
edicts of your princes? Did not Severus, that
most determined of your emperors, but yesterday
abrogate those most absurd Papian laws/ which
b Si bonum invenero esse, quod lex tua prohibuit, nonne
ex illo praejudico prohibere earn non posse, quod, si malum
esset, jure prohiberet?
c Tertullian covertly alludes to the pretensions which Nu
ma and other early Romans made, to praeternatural communi
cations: and to the Ancilia, which were said to have fallen
from heaven. Compare Acts xix. 25.
d Plutarch's account is, that Lycurgus starved himself,
after having taken an oath of his citizens, that they would
maintain his laws inviolate till his return.
e The Julian law, introduced by Augustus, a. u. c. 736. as
a means of repairing the great waste of population in the civil
wars,

300 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. IV.
inflicted a penalty, if children were not born to
persons, before they had attained the age, at
which the Julian laws required them to have con
tracted marriage ; and that too, after the laws had
acquired all the authority of long duration ? There
wars, encouraged marriages by facilitating and regulating the
nuptial contract, and imposing penalties on those who should
continue unmarried after a certain age.
The Papian law, called also Papia Poppaea from the Con
suls Papius and Poppaeus, was introduced a. u. c. 762. at the
conclusion of the reign of Augustus. This offered greater ad
vantages to married men, and established more severe penal
ties upon those who lived in a state of celibacy, and those who
had no children, than the Julian law, or the previous customs
ofthe Romans.
Thus married men had precedence in the public spectacles:
(Suetonius. Aug. 44.) they had a priority in the election to
public offices; and many other privileges. The same law
confirmed the rights conferred upon those who had children :
in all competition for public officers gave the preference to the
candidates in proportion to the number of their family, and
permitted those, who were fathers at an early age, to fill
offices, for which their youth would otherwise have disqua
lified them.
The celebrated Jus trium liberorum had its origin in the
Julian law.
The principal restrictions attached to a state of celibacy
regarded the capability of inheriting property and receiving
testamentary benefactions. Single men could inherit nothing,
except from their most immediate relatives; and those who
had no children could receive only the half of a legacy. Sozo-
men has noticed this circumstance, Eccles. Hist. i. 9.
" No^o<r r]v 'Pwpa'ioti iraXatbi, dno e'lxocri koi rrivre irmv
rwv 'laav agiourrdai xwXuwv rovi dydpovi roil prj roiovron,
rrep\ aXXa re rroXXa, xa) rb /uijeeV xepcaiveiv iK Sia8rjxt]i rovi
pij yivei iyyvrdrw irpoo-rjxovrai- roil Si diraiSai, typimv rb
ripiirv rwv KaraXeXetnniviav." Such

CHAP. IV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 301
were also lawsf providing, that those, who were
previously condemned, might be cut in pieces by
their creditors: but by public consent this cruel
enactment was erased : and the capital punishment
was commuted for a mark of disgrace. The con
fiscation of a man's goods was directed against his
feelings of shame, not against his life.8 How many
laws of yours yet remain to be reformed, which are
Such legacies and inheritances were forfeited to the state.
Tertullian de Monogamia, c. 16. alludes to the same custom.
"Aliud est, si et apud Christum legibus Juliis agi credunt,
et existimant, ca;libes et orbos ex testamento Dei solidum non
posse capere."
The absurdity, here mentioned by Tertullian, is a contra
diction which had subsisted for many years between the Julian
and Papian laws. The Papian law subjected to restrictions
those who were childless, a man at the age of twenty-five,
and a woman at the age of twenty, a time of life, at which, by
the Julian law, they were still permitted to remain unmarried.
The penalties against celibacy were removed by Constan
tine, to favour those Christians who continued in that state
from motives of religion. Eusebius Vit. Constantin. iv. 2, 6.
The substance of the Julian and Papian laws is given by
Lipsius, in his Excursus ad Taciti Ann. iii. 25.
f The laws of the twelve tables, c. 8. Aul. Gellius Noct.
Att. xx. 1. Si plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, se-
care, si vellent, atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis per-
miserunt. Et quidem verba ipsa legis dicam, ne existimes in
vidiam me istam forte formidare. tertiis. inquit, nundinis.
PARTIS. SECANTO. SI. PLUS. MINUS. VE. SECUERUNT. SE.
FRAUDE. ESTO.
Quinctilian, Instit. Orat. iii. 6. 84. alludes to the same law.
Sunt enim quaedam non laudabilia natura, sed jure concessa:
ut in xii. tabulis debitoris corpus inter creditores dividi licuit,
quam legem mos publicus repudiavit.
B Bonorum adhibita proscriptio svffundere maluit hominis
sanguinem quam effundere.

302 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. IV.
maintained neither by their own antiquity, nor by
the dignity of those who enacted them, but by jus
tice alone ; and, therefore, when they are proved to
be unjust, they, which condemn others, are justly
condemned themselves. But why should we call
them simply unjust ? If they punish a mere name,
they are foolish too. And if they punish men for
their actions, why, in our case, do they punish such
actions on the presumption of the name alone,
while, in other cases, they require them to be proved
from circumstances, not from the mere name ?
Suppose I am guilty of incest : why do not the
laws inquire into the offence? Suppose I have
murdered an infant ; why do they not put me to
the torture? Suppose I have committed a crime
against the gods, against Caesar : why am I not
heard, when I have the means of clearing myself?
No law forbids the investigation of an action which
it disallows. Since not even a judge can rightly
put the law in force, unless he first ascertains that
a crime hath been committed : neither can a
citizen faithfully obey the law, while he is ignorant
what offence is punished. Every law is required
to give proof of its justice, not only to itself, but
to those from whom it expects obedience. And
any law is justly suspected, which will not submit
to proof; and unjust, if, without proof, it yet
exercises arbitrary power.

CHAPTER V.

Now, to refer in some measure to the origin of
laws of this kind, there was an old decree," that
no Deity should be consecrated by the Emperor,
without the approbation of the senate. Marcus
Emilius knows this well, in the matter of his god
Alburnus. This circumstance also is in our favour,
that the divinity of your gods depends upon the
estimation of man. A god is no god, unless he
pleases man ; and man must now be propitious to
the god. Tiberius," then, in whose time the name
"¦ The law is given in Cicero de Legibus ii. Separatim
nemo habessit Deos, neve novos ; sed ne advenas, nisi publics
adscitos, privatim colunto.
b The fact here mentioned, and repeated in c. 21. with the
addition that Tiberius received the account from Pilate, who
in his conscience was a Christian, rests solely on the authority
of Tertullian. Eusebius, H. E. ii. 2. gives a translation of this
passage, but refers to no other testimony in confirmation of it :
and Justin Martyr, when, in two instances, he refers to the
Acts of Pilate, (Apol. cc. 45, 63.) mentions no proposal made
to the senate of Rome by Tiberius, respecting Christ.
It is not surprising that Jortin (Remarks on Eccles. Hist.
Vol. i. p. 2.) and Gibbon (Decline and Fall, c. xvi. p. 556. 4to.)
should agree with Le Clerc (Hist. Eccles. p. 324.) in giving little

304 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. V.
of Christian entered into the world, laid before the
senate intelligence, which had been sent from Pa
lestine, and proved the truth of the Divine power
there displayed, and added the influence of his own
little credit to this statement. Dupin (Bibliotheque, Tom. i.
p. 24.) considers the fact doubtful : and Bp. Kaye (Tertullian,
c. ii. p. 112.) is of opinion "that the story is liable to just sus
picion :" and observes, " How happened it that so remarkable
a fact, as a public proposal from the Emperor to the Senate to
receive Christ among the gods of Rome, escaped the notice of
every other writer?"
Lardner, in his Testimonies of Ancient Heathen Authors,
c. 2. discusses this question at length: and concludes "that
the accounts of those ancient authors Justin Martyr and Ter
tullian deserve some regard."
He observes, after Bp. Pearson, (Lection, in Act. Apost. iv.
sect. 15. p. 65.) that those two are early writers of good re
pute : that it was customary for governors of provinces to com
pose memoirs or acts, such as are here referred to: that, if
Pilate wrote at all to Tiberius respecting Christ, he was likely
to speak favourably and honourably of him : that it was not
inconsistent with the known character of Tiberius to make
such a proposal, nor improbable that the senate should not
comply with it: that it is not necessary to suppose that the
Emperor was well acquainted with the doctrines of Chris
tianity, or at all inclined to be a Christian, since the very
reverse is immediately asserted by Tertullian.
In his observations upon this question, Lardner has scarcely
made sufficient distinction between the testimonies of Justin
Martyr and Tertullian. Justin speaks of the Acts of Pilate,
and appeals to them, as being accessible at the time when he
wrote. But he does not expressly state even that the contents
of those acts was made known to Tiberius.
Tertullian asserts, that Pilate did communicate with Tibe
rius, and that, in consequence of the extraordinary nature of
that communication, he proposed to the senate that Jesus Christ
should be received among the deities of Rome. The last fact
rests upon the single testimony of Tertullian. Christopher

CHAP. V.] OF TERTULLIAN. 305
vote. The Senate rejected the proposal, because
it had not itself first approved it. The Emperor
persisted in his opinion ; and threatened those with
punishment, who should accuse the Christians.
Consult your own records ; ye will there find that
Nero was the first who wielded the sword of the
empire against the Christian religion, then first
springing up in Rome. And we justly glory in
the fact, that our first persecutor was such a man.
For whoever knows his character may understand
that nothing but what was excellently good would
be persecuted by Nero. Domitian also, who had a
portion of Nero's cruelty, made a similar attempt ;
but, retaining some sentiments of humanity, soon
desisted, and even permitted those whom he had
banished to return. Such have ever been our per
secutors ; the unjust, the ungodly, the vile ; men
of such character, that ye yourselves have been
accustomed to condemn them, and to restore those
whom they have condemned. But from that time
down to the present reign, out of so many emperors
who were acquainted with religion or humanity,
we challenge you to mention one, who was an
Christopher Iselin wrote a letter in defence of the truth of
this fact, published in the Bibliotheque Germanique, Tom.
xxxii. p. 147- Tom. xxm. p. 12. Lardner refers also to Tille
mont, Mem. Eccles. Tom. i. St. Pierre, Art. 19. Sueur, Hist.
de I'Eglise et de I'Empire, Tom. 1. p. 130. and Grotius on
Matt. xxiv. 11. U

306 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. V.
enemy of the Christians. On the contrary, we
appeal to a protector, if the letters of that most
worthy Emperor Marcus Aurelius are examined, c
in which he testifies, that, in Germany, the thirst
c At nos e contrario edimus protectorem, si literas Marci
Aurelii gravissimi imperatoris requirantur, quibus illam Ger-
manicam sitim, Christianorum forte militum precationibus
impetrato imbri, discussam testatur. The same words, with
an inconsiderable variation of expression, are given by Jerome
in his Latin translation of Eusebius's Chronicon. p. 170.
Tertullian repeats the assertion in his Treatise ad Scapulam,
c. 4. Marcus quoque Aurelius, in Germanics, expeditione
Christianorum militum orationibus ad Deum factis, imbres in
siti ilia impetravit. But he there makes no mention of the
letter of Marcus Aurelius. Eusebius (H. E. v. 5.) refers to
this passage of Tertullian's Apology, as the authority for the
account which he gives of the Thundering Legion; and he
and subsequent writers (Orosius vii. 15. Nicephorus iv. 12.
Zonaras Ann. Tom. n. 207-) make considerable additions to
the facts mentioned by Tertullian. Eusebius states, but in a
manner which shews he doubted the authority on which the
fact rested, that a violent storm of thunder and lightning put
the enemy to flight, while a shower refreshed the Roman army
which was about to perish with thirst.
The fact, that such a seasonable shower did happen, is ex
pressly asserted by several heathen writers ; and there is still
extant the celebrated Antonine Column, which represents Ju
piter Pluvius, under the appearance of an aged man with out
stretched arms, pouring down a violent rain, which refreshes
the Romans and discomfits their enemies. Dion Cassius, 1. 71.
ascribes the shower to the magical arts of Arnuphis, an Egyp
tian magician: and Suidas, on the word Arnuphis, says that
others attributed it to the power of Julian a Chaldean.
Tertullian does not here state that he had seen the letter of
Marcus Aurelius, to which he appeals. And such a letter is
quite at variance with the general character of that Emperor,
and with the persecutions to which the Christians were subject under

CHAP. V.] OF TERTULLIAN. 307
of his troops was dispelled by a shower, obtained
by the prayers of some Christian soldiers, who hap
pened to be in his army. That Emperor, although
he did not publicly abrogate the punishments
directed against the Christians, averted them by
another public act, by subjecting their accusers to a
punishment of a still more severe nature.
What then are these laws, which none but the
impious, the unjust, the vile, the trifling, the
insane enforce ? of which Trajan partly frustrated
the effect, by forbidding enquiry to be made after
Christians ? which neither Adrian, although a
searcher out of all new and curious doctrines, nor
Vespasian, although the conqueror of the Jews, nor
Pius,d nor Verus put into action. Now it is plain,
under his reign. Mosheim (De rebus Christianor. ante Con-
stantin. Sect xvii.) is of opinion that Tertullian was thinking
of the edict, which Antoninus Pius, who is often confounded
with Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, wrote to the community of
Asia. (Euseb. H. E. iv. 13.) See p. 278.
The letter, on this subject, purporting to be written by
Marcus Aurelius, and subjoined to Justin Martyr's Apology,
(p. 101. Paris edition) is generally believed to be spurious.
Lardner ' (Testimony of Ancient Heathens, Marcus Anto
ninus, Sect, iii.) has collected the opinions of various writers
upon this subject. See also a most luminous and accurate
account in Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, p. 106.
d Antoninus Pius, to whom the Apology of Justin Martyr
is addressed. It is doubtful whether the Verus, to whom this
allusion is made, is Lucius iElius Verus, the adopted son of
Adrian, or his son Lucius Verus. See note (b) at the begin
ning of the Apology of Justin Martyr, p. 171. The name
Verus may even refer to Marcus Aurelius, to whom it was
sometimes applied. U 2

308 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. V.
that men, as bad as Christians are represented to
be, would be destroyed by all the best princes, who
would naturally be opposed to them, rather than
by those who were like themselves.

CHAPTER VI.

I should now wish, that they, who make such
a profession of scrupulously protecting and ob
serving the laws and institutions of their fathers,
would answer a question as to the faithfulness,
with which they have themselves honoured and
respected them. Is there no law which they have
violated? none which they have transgressed?
Have they not abrogated the most necessary and
wholesome parts of ancient discipline ? What is
become of those laws, which were enacted to restrain
luxury and ostentation ; which commanded that no
more than an hundred pence should be expended
upon an entertainment, nor more than one fowl,
and that not fatted, should be set before the
guests ; which removed from the Senate, as a man
of notorious ostentation, one who possessed ten
pounds of silver ; which immediately destroyed the
theatres, which were then beginning to be raised,
as tending to the destruction of morals ; and per
mitted no one, without just and sufficient cause, to
assume the dignity, and adopt the distinctions, of
noble birth ? For now I see that the expence of

310 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. VI.
entertainments is to be reckoned by hundreds, not
of pence, but of pounds ; and that massive silver
is formed into dishes, not for senators only, but for
men just freed from slavery, and hardly yet escaped
from the lash. I see that one theatre alone is not
sufficient ; they must be both numerous and
covered : * and we are to suppose the Lacedae
monians invented that odious cloak, lest winter
should throw a chill upon the immodest plea
sures of the theatre." I recognise no longer any
distinction of dress, between a matron and a pros
titute. And all those regulations of our ancestors
have fallen into disuse, which favoured modesty
and sobriety in the conduct of women : when no
woman wore a gold ring on more than one finger,
that, namely, on which it was placed at her espousal :
when women abstained from the use of wine so
scrupulously, that a matron was starved to death by
her family, for having broken open the vaults of a
wine cellar : and, in the time of Romulus, a woman,

* The theatres were originally open : afterwards coverings
of different kinds were devised to shelter the spectators from
the heat of the sun.
b Nam (Jam) ne vel hyeme voluptas impudica frigeret,
primi Lacedasmonii odium penulae ludis excogitaverunt. '
Luxury hath reached such a point, that neither the heat of
summer nor the cold of winter prevents the assembling of the
people in the theatres. Even the thick cloak, which the Lace
daemonians invented to defend themselves from the weather in
war, might appear to have been invented to shelter from the
cold our effeminate frequenters ofthe theatres.

CHAP

-*• VI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 311

who had touched wine, was killed with impunity
by her husband Mecenius. Hence the custom arose
for them to salute their near relations with a kiss ;
that their breath might detect them. Where is
now that happiness of the marriage state, which
accompanied the severity of ancient manners, so
that not one family was sullied by a divorce, for
nearly six hundred years after the foundation of
the city of Rome ? Now, as for your women, their
whole person is weighed down with gold; their
breath universally betrays their indulgence in wine :
and divorce is now a part of the marriage vow, as
if it were the natural consequence of matrimony.
Even the very decrees, which your ancestors have
wisely enacted respecting your gods, ye, their
most obedient followers, have rescinded. The con
suls, with the authority of the Senate, banished the
worship of Bacchus, with its mysteries, not only
from the city (of Rome,) but from all Italy.
Although Piso and Gabinius were no Christians,
yet in their consulship they forbade Serapis, Isis,
and Harpocrates, with his accompanying deity
having a dog's head, to be brought into the capitol;
which was in fact expelling them from the assembly
of the gods ; and overthrew their altars, in their
anxiety to suppress the abuses of their base and
idle superstitions. Now these very deities ye have
restored, and invested with supreme authority.
Where then is your religion ? Where is the rever-

312 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAP. VI.
ence which ye owe to your ancestors ? In dress, in
diet, in equipage, in expence, nay even in language,
ye have degenerated from your forefathers. Ye are
constantly praising the ancients ; ye live daily
as moderns. And in this it is made manifest, that,
in departing from the good institutions of your
ancestors, ye retain and observe what ye ought not,
while ye observe not what ye ought. Thus ye
maintain, with the utmost fidelity, the law delivered
down from your ancestors, by which ye principally
condemn the Christians, that law respecting the
worship of strange gods, which was one of the
greatest errors of antiquity. Still, although ye
have restored the altars of Serapis, now made a
Roman god ; although ye have introduced all the
furious orgies dedicated to Bacchus, now naturalized
in Italy, I will yet take occasion to shew in its
proper place,0 that ye have in fact despised, and
neglected, and destroyed, the authority of your
ancestors. For at present I shall answer the infa
mous accusation of secret atrocities, with which we
are charged, to clear the way for the vindication of
the actions which we avowedly perform.
c See c. 13.

CHAPTER VII.

It is said, then, that we are guilty of most
horrible crimes ; that, in the celebration of our
sacrament, we put a child to death," which we
afterwards devour ; and at the end of our banquet
revel in incest ; that we employ dogs, as ministers
of our impure delights, to overthrow the lights,
and thus to provide darkness, and remove all
shame, which might interfere with these impious
lusts. But this is always mere assertion : and ye
take no pains to prove what for so long a time,
ye continue to assert. Either therefore investigate
the truth, if ye believe the charge, or cease to
believe, what ye have not proved. Your dissimu
lation in this matter plainly implies, that crimes,
which ye dare not investigate, have no existence.
Ye impose upon your executioner very different
commands respecting the Christians; not that
a See note (r) on Justin Martyr's Apology, c. 35. This
calumny might possibly have originated from some mis
conception, or wilful perversion, of the solemnization of the
Eucharist.

314 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. VII.
they should confess what they do, but deny what
they are.
That religion, as we have already declared,
arose in the reign of Tiberius. At its very first
appearance, truth was an object of detestation
and hostility. It had as many enemies, as there
were strangers : for instance, the Jews from a
spirit of envy; the soldiers, from interested mo
tives; our very domestics, from their natural hos
tility to their superiors. We are every day pursued
and betrayed; we are especially attacked in our
very places of public resort, and in our religious
assemblies. Yet who ever surprised us with an
infant weeping in the manner described? Who
ever kept us to be brought before the judge, with
our faces red with blood, as he found us, like the
Cyclops or Sirens ? Who ever detected the slight
est traces of indelicacy, even in their wives (who
have become Christians ?) who is there, who having
made such discoveries, was either silent, or bribed
to conceal them," thus betraying his duty towards
mankind? Besides, if our actions are always so
secret, when were they ever made known? Nay,
by whom could they be made public? not, certainly,
by those who committed them; since a profound
b Quis talia facinora, cum invenisset, celavit, aut vendidit,
ipsos trahens homines ?
Betraying his duty to society, which ought to have led him
to prosecute men guilty of such atrocious crimes.

CHAP. VII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 315
silence is part of the very essence of all mysteries.
No one divulges the secrets of the Samothracian
and Eleusinian mysteries ; how much more, then,
would such rites be kept secret, as, if once be
trayed, would provoke the rigour of human laws,
while they are exposed to the vengeance of di
vine wrath?
If, then, our accusation comes not from our
selves, it comes from strangers. And whence have
strangers this knowledge ? since even in initiations,
which are regarded as religious, the profane are
excluded, and no witnesses admitted; unless it
can be conceived that they, who are conscious of
impiety, would be less fearful.
The nature of common fame is known to all.
One of your own poets0 declares,
"Fame is an ill, swifter than all besides:"
Why doth he call fame an evil ? is it because she
is swift ? because she gives intelligence ? or because
she is generally mendacious ? For even when what
she reports is true, she still is not free from the
guilt of falsehood ; by diminishing, or increasing,
or distorting the plain truth. In fact, her con
dition is such, that, as soon as she ceases to be
false, she ceases to exist. She lives no longer,
than while she fails to prove her assertions. For
as soon as she hath proved them, she ceases to be.
Her office of relating being, as it were, at an end,
c Virgil, Mn. iv. 174-

316 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. VII.
she declares a fact; and thenceforth it is considered
as a fact, and so denominated. No one, for in
stance, says, " It is reported that such a circum
stance hath happened at Rome," or, " The rumour
is, that he hath obtained such a province;" but,
" He hath the province," and " it hath taken place
at Rome." Fame, the very name of which implies
that it is uncertain, hath no existence when a fact
is certain. And who, but a man of no reflection,
would ever believe common report? for no wise
man trusts to what is uncertain. All men are
competent to judge upon this point; with what
ever perseverance it is disseminated, upon whatever
strength of asseveration it is built. It must have
had its origin from one source, and thence have
been transmitted through many tongues and ears.
Thus the circumstances, which have gathered
round a rumour, so hide the error and meanness
of its origin, that no one enquires whether the
first reporter did not disseminate a falsehood;
a circumstance which frequently happens, either
from an envious disposition, or by the aggravation
of a mere suspicion, or by the habitual and na
tural pleasure which some take in lying.
Well is it, that, according to your own proverbs
and sayings, Time reveals all things ; that events
are so ordered by the constitution of nature, that
nothing is long concealed, even though fame should
never have reported it.

CHAP. VII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 317
Yet this common fame is the only accuser,
which ye bring against us; an accuser, which
hath never yet been able to prove, what it hath
at different times asserted, and for so long a period
endeavoured to corroborate.

CHAPTER VIII.

In answer to those who think these accusations
credible, I would appeal to the testimony of na
ture herself. Suppose that we promise a reward
for these atrocities, even eternal life. Conceive
this for a moment. And then I demand, whether,
if you believed this, you would think eternity itself
worth purchasing at the price of such a burden
on the conscience? Suppose a man were thus ad
dressed : " Come, plunge your steel into an infant,
who can have committed no offence, can be no
one's enemy, and may be any one's child. Or,
if this murderous office falls to another, merely be
present, while a human being dies, almost before
he is brought to life; wait for the departure of
the soul but just united with the body; catch the
scarcely-formed blood, saturate your bread with it,
eat freely. Meanwhile, as you recline at the ban
quet, observe the places where your mother and
your sister sit; mark them well; that when the
dogs shall have put out the lights, you may be
sure to make no mistake ; for it will be a mortal
sin, if you fail to commit incest. Thus initiated

CHAP. VIII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 319
and thus sealed you shall live for ever." I would
have you answer me, whether eternity is worth all
this ; and if not, that you will allow the charge to
be incredible. Even if you believed such promises
as these, I am persuaded you would not comply;
even if you would, I know you could not. Why,
then, should others be able to do so, if ye cannot ?
why are ye unable to do it, if others can ? Are
we conceived to be of a different nature from your
selves," monsters, like those described in India and
in Africa, with the heads of dogs, and feet which
would overshadow the body? Are our teeth set
differently from yours, or our bodies so framed as
to be peculiarly fitted for incestuous passion? If
you can believe this of any human being, you are
yourself capable of committing it: you yourself
are a man ; and so is a Christian. What you
could not do, you ought not to believe. For a
Christian too is a human being ; and in all respects
such as you are.
But, it will be said, none but the ignorant are
imposed upon, and seduced into the commission of
these atrocities : men who never knew that crimes
like these were ascribed to the Christians. But
a Alia nos, opinor, natura ; Cynopaene an Sciapodes ?
Tertullian has the same expression, ad Nationes i. c. 8.
Plane tertium genus dicimur. Cynopennae (Cynopaene) aliqui,
vel Sciapodes, vel aliqui sub terra. Antipodes? Si qua istic
apud vos saltern ratio est, edatis velim primum et secundum
genus, ut ita de tertio constet.

320 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. VIII.
surely, in such cases, every one would observe and
diligently examine for himself.
It is, I imagine, customary for all those, who
are desirous of being initiated, first to apply to the
chief priest, and to ascertain what preparation is
to be made. We are to believe, then, that when
this enquiry is made by any one who is desirous of
becoming a Christian, he is told, " You must pro
cure a young and tender child, one who knows not
what death is, and will smile under your knife:
you must have some bread too, to suck up every
drop of blood which flows ; and besides these,
candle-sticks and lights ; and some dogs, and bits
of meat to draw them off, so as to throw down the
candles. Above all, take care and come with your
mother and your sister." What is the poor candi
date to do, if he cannot persuade them to accompany
him, or should have none at all ? What becomes of
all Christians who have no such relations? No
one, I suppose, can be a regular Christian, except
he is a brother, or a son.
But suppose that all these preparations are
made without the knowledge of the new Christians.
At all events, they know all this afterwards, and
yet submit to it, and allow it. They fear to be
punished, while, if they proclaimed the truth,
they would deserve universal approbation ; and
ought rather to prefer death, than submit to live
with such a burden on their conscience. And even

CHAP. VIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 321
if they feared to disclose the past, why do they also
persevere for the future ? For surely no one would
continue to be such as he would never have been,
had he been forewarned,

X

CHAPTER IX.

Foe, the more complete refutation of these
accusations, I will now shew, that these very
atrocities are committed by yourselves, partly in
public, and partly in secret, whence probably ye are
so ready to believe us also guilty of them. In
Africa, infants were openly sacrificed, until the
time of Tiberius," who exposed the priests them
selves- alive, upon crosses made of the trees, to
which their votive offerings used to be suspended,
in the very groves of the temples which had over
shadowed their murderous rites. In proof of this
fact, we can appeal to the soldiers of our own
country, who were employed by the proconsul in
the execution of this very duty. And even now the
same horrible sacrifice is secretly continued. Your
ordinances are despised by others besides the Chris
tians ; no atrocity is for ever abrogated : no deity
s Usque, ad proconsulatum Tiberii; until the time of a
Proconsul of Africa, in the reign of Tiberius. Scaliger, Epist.
ad Casaub. 66. proposes to read proconsulem.

CHAP IX.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 323
changes his habits. b Since Saturn spared not his
own children, he continued implacable to those of
others. Nay, the very parents offered up their own
children, paid their vows with the greatest alacrity,
and soothed their infants, that they might not be
sacrificed while in tears. Surely this murder of
children by their parents is a far greater crime
than homicide itself.
Adults were sacrificed to Mercury by the Gauls.
I refer the fables of the Tauric Chersonese, to the
theatres, where they are such favourite subjects:
but even in the most religious city of the pious
descendants of JEneas, there is a Jupiter (Latiaris),
whom they sprinkle with human blood at his
annual games.
But the blood thus shed, ye will say, is merely
that of men already condemned to the beasts. As
if this were not equally the murder of a human
being ; and an offering still more dishonourable to
a god, inasmuch as it is that of a bad man. At
all events, such bloodshed is murder. How truly
is Jupiter thus a Christian, as ye conceive Chris
tians to be, and the only son of his father for
cruelty !
But since the guilt of infanticide is by no
means different, whether the crime be committed
" There are others, besides the Christians, who disobey
your commands; since the secret sacrifices continue to be made
in honour of Saturn, although your laws have long since pro
hibited them. X 2

324 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. IX.
out of superstition or voluntarily, — although it is
a great aggravation that the parents should be the
agents — I will turn to the people. How many of
those who stand around, and are so eager to shed
the blood of the Christians, nay, how many of you
who preside with such justice and severity in re
ceiving the accusations against us, will be cut to
the heart, when your consciences accuse you of the
murder of your own children.
There is a difference also in the manner of
inflicting death ; and yours is more cruel than any
of which we are accused ; ye drown the breath of
infants in the waters, or expose them to perish by
cold, or famine, or the dogs. Surely any one able
to make a choice would prefer the sword to such
an end as this.
Our religion, on the contrary, not only forbids
murder, but protects the fruit conceived in the
womb, while yet the tender elements are scarcely
formed into a human being. To prevent the birth
is anticipated homicide : to take away life or to
interrupt it in its natural course is equally culpable.
That, which is to be a man, hath all the rights of
humanity; the whole future fruit is concentrated
in the seed.
With respect to feeding upon human blood,
and other tragic banquets of a like nature, see if it
be not related, I believe by Herodotus,0 that certain
c Herodotus i. 74.

CHAP. IX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 325
nations ratified their treaties by mutually tasting
the blood drawn from each other's arms. Some
thing of the same kind is told of Catiline.d And
it is reported that, among some nations of the
Scythians, every one, as soon as he dies, is devoured
by his own family. But I need not seek so far, for
an example. At this very day, blood drawn by
incisions in the thighs and given in the hand6 to
drink, marks those who are consecrated to Bellona.
Again, where are those who, for the cure of epilepsy,
eagerly drink the fresh blood which flows from the
throatsof the condemned gladiators, who are stabbed
in the arena ? those too who feed upon the animals
which are slain in public combat ; who ask with
eagerness for a piece of the boar or the stag ? That
boar tore, in the mortal struggle, the man whose
blood he shed : that stag lay down in the gore
which flowed from the gladiator's wound. The very
entrails of wild boars are required for food, before
they have themselves digested the human flesh,
which they have devoured: and one human being
is gorged to repletion with the flesh of animals
which lived upon men. While ye practise such
d Sallust mentions such a report: Bell. Catilin. c. 23.
" Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent, Catilinam oratione habita,
aim ad jusjurandum populares sceleris sui adigeret, humani
corporis sanguinem vino permistum in pateris circumtulisse :
inde cum post execrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in
solemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, dicitur aperuisse consilium."
e Palmula : perhaps we should read parmulA, a shield.

326 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. IX.
atrocities, how far are ye yourselves from the hor
rible banquets of which ye accuse the Christians?
And the still more ineffable abominations, which
some of you commit/ exceed in enormity even the
crime of devouring children which is ascribed to
us. Ye, who act thus, may blush at the Christians,
who consider the blood even of animals forbidden
food ; and abstain from things strangled, and from
such as die naturally, lest we should contract im
purity by unwittingly feeding upon some portion of
blood contained in the body.
Besides, among the trials to which ye expose
Christians, one is to offer him to eat food prepared
with the blood of animals, well knowing that the
act, by which ye thus tempt them to transgress, is
forbidden by our laws. Now, how can it be
believed, that those, who thus abhor the blood of
animals, should eagerly devour human blood?
unless perhaps ye have yourselves tasted it, and
found it sweeter. If that be the case, he who
undertakes to examine a Christian should offer this
to him, instead of the fire and incense, which is now
used for the purpose. Christians would be known,
by their taste for human blood, as well as they now
are, by refusing to offer sacrifice; and should be
f Minus autem et illi faciunt, qui libidine fera humanis
membris inhiant, quia vivos vorant? minus humano sanguine
ad spurcitiam consecrantur, quia futurum sanguinem lambunt ?
non edunt infantes plane, sed magis puberes.

CHAP. IX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 327
put to death, if they tasted the blood, as they
now are, if they sacrifice not. And, as long as ye
conduct the accusation and condemnation of pri
soners in the same manner as at present, there
would be no lack of human blood, with which to
make the experiment.
With respect to the alleged crime of incest,
who was ever so great an example of this crime as
Jupiter himself? Ctesias relates, how common the
union of .sons with their own mothers was, among
the Persians. And the Macedonians are suspected
of the same enormity, since, when they first wit
nessed the representation of the tragedy of CEdipus,
they ridiculed the grief which he expressed for his
involuntary crime, crying out »/Xawe Trjv parepa.
Consider, now, how wide a field is opened to
the involuntary commission of this crime of incest
among yourselves, by the universal licentiousness
which prevails. In the first place, ye expose your
sons, as soon as they are born, to be taken up by
the casual pity of some passing stranger ; or give
them up for adoption to others, who will make
better parents than yourselves. The memory of a
race thus dispersed must sometimes be lost. And
if once such an error is committed, it will soon be
aggravated by the addition of the crime of incest
to the original guilt. Wherever ye go, at home,
abroad, or beyond the sea, ye carry your unbridled
passions with you : and this licentiousness may

328 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. IX.
well, in some instances, produce a race of children
springing up, without their fathers' knowledge,
as if they grew from seed scattered at random :
and this promiscuous race, in the ordinary vicissi
tudes of human intercourse, is liable to unite with
those of their own blood, and thus fall unwittingly
into the perpetration of incest.
The constant and entire chastity, which we
observe, defends us from this danger: we are as
secure from the commission of incest, as we are
free from all excesses and licentiousness after mar
riage. Some of us, with still greater security,
prevent the possibility of errors of this nature, by
preserving an immaculate continence, retaining in
their old age the virgin purity of youth.
If ye properly considered, that all these enor
mities exist among yourselves, ye would at once
perceive, that they are not found among the Chris
tians. The same light would inform you of both
these facts. But two kinds of blindness are fre
quently united, that which sees not what is, and
that which thinks it sees what is not.
I shall shew how true this is, in all particulars.
But first I will treat of what is most obvious.

CHAPTER X.

Ye accuse us Christians, of neither worshipping
the gods, nor offering sacrifice for the safety of the
Emperors. It follows, as a necessary consequence,
that we sacrifice not for others, since we do not
sacrifice even for ourselves, nor ever pay reverence
to the gods. Hence we are accused at once of
sacrilege and treason. This is the main part of
the accusation against us; nay, it is the whole of it,
and well worthy to be investigated, if judgment be
formed without prejudice, and without injustice;
the former of which hath no hope that the truth
can be established, and the latter refuses to hear
its voice. We have refused to worship your gods, from
the time that we were convinced that they were no
gods." Ye ought, therefore, to require us to prove
that they are no gods, and therefore ought not to
be worshipped : for undoubtedly they are worthy of
all reverence, if only they be truly gods. Then
also ought the Christians to be punished, if it
* 1 Cor. viii. 4.

330 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. X.
should appear, that those are gods, whom they
refused to worship, believing them not to be so.
But, ye say, in our estimation they are gods.
Here, then, we appeal at once from yourselves to
your own conscience. That shall judge us; that
shall condemn us, if it can deny that all those,
whom ye consider gods, were once men. If your
conscience denies this, it shall be convinced by a
reference to your own works of antiquity, from
which your knowledge of your deities is derived :
for these bear testimony at the present day, both
to the cities, in which they were born, and to the
countries, in which they left traces of their achieve
ments, and where their burial places are even now
shewn. It will be needless for me to enumerate
every individual of such an endless variety, new
and old, barbarian, Greek, Roman, or foreign ; such
as were captives, or adopted ; national or general ;
male or female; attached to the country or the
town ; naval or military. It would be tedious and
useless even to mention all their titles. I will then
make a compendious summary ; and this, not for
the purpose of instructing, but of reminding you,
for ye act as if ye had forgotten the facts.
There is, among you, no god before Saturn :
from his date, every other deity, although more
esteemed or better known, is to be reckoned.
Whatever, then, is established respecting the origin,
will be true of those derived from it. Now, as

CHAP. X.] OF TERTULLIAN. 331
far as your records extend, neither Diodorus the
Greek, nor Thallus, nor Cassius Severus, nor Cor
nelius Nepos, nor any other writer of antiquity of
the same kind, speaks of Saturn as any other than a
man. If we refer to facts, I find none better attested
any where than in Italy itself, in which Saturn took
up his abode, after many wanderings, and after he
had been entertained in Attica, being received by
Janus, or Janes, as the Salii call him. The moun
tain, in which he dwelt, is called Saturnius ; the
city, which he founded, retains the name of Sa-
turnia to this day : and all Italy, which before
was called CEnotria, received the appellation of
Saturnia. From him was first received the know
ledge of written characters, and the art of making
impressions upon coins: whence he is the deity,
who is supposed to preside over the treasury. If,
then, Saturn was a man, he was of human birth ;
and if of human birth, he derived not his origin
from the heaven and the earth. It was however
an easy fiction to call him, whose true parents were
unknown, the son of those elements, of which we
all may seem to be the offspring. For who is there,
who speaks not of the heaven and the earth as
his mother and father, under a feeling of reverence
and honour, or by the ordinary custom, by which
those, who appear suddenly or unexpectedly, are
said to have come from the skies ? Hence it hap
pened, that, wherever Saturn came suddenly, he

332 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAP. X.
received the appellation of heaven-born." Just
as even now those, whose descent is unknown, are
commonly said to spring from the earth. I say
nothing of the fact, that men were then in so rude
and uncultivated a state, that they regarded the
appearance of every stranger as something divine :
since, even civilized as they now are, they conse
crate among the gods those, whom, but a few days
before, they confessed to be mortal, by the public
mourning for their death. These few words are
sufficient to shew, what Saturn really was.
We shall hereafter shew, that Jupiter is also a
man, and of human origin ; and that the whole
swarm of that race of beings are both mortal,
and of the same nature with the stock whence
they arose.
b Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 22. adopts this argument of
Tertullian. Homo igitur utique qui fugit, homo utique qui latuit, et
pater hominis, et natus ex homine : terrae enim et coeli filius,
qudd apud Italos esset ignotis parentibus proditus : ut in ho-
diernum inopinato visos, coelo missos : ignobiles et ignotos
terrae filios nominamus.
Lactantius, (Divin. Institutionum, Lib. i. 11.) appears to
give Minucius the credit of inventing this explanation of the
fable of Saturn.

CHAPTER XI.

Since, then, ye dare not deny that these were
men, but have taken upon yourselves to assert that
they were made gods, after their death, let us con
sider the causes, which have produced this. Now,
first ye must admit, that there is some superior
Deity, who hath the power of conferring divinity,
and thus deifies mortals. For they could not them
selves assume a divine nature, which they never
had ; nor could any one confer it, upon those who
possessed it not, unless it were inherent in him
self. And, if there were no person to make them
gods, by removing the supposition of such an agent,'
ye destroy the possibility that they ever should
have been made gods. For, assuredly, had they
been able to make themselves, they never would
have existed as men, while they had the power
of assuming a more excellent nature. If, there
fore, there exists some Being, who hath the power
of making men into gods, I return to the con
sideration of the causes, which should induce him
to exercise this power; and I find none, except

334 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XI.
that such a supreme Deity might require instru
ments and agents, for performing the offices be
longing to divinity. Now, in the first place, it is
a supposition unworthy of the Divine nature, that
the Supreme Being should stand in need of the
aid of any one, much less of a dead man ; since,
had he been liable to require such assistance, it
would have been more conformable with his dignity,
to have at once created some god. But I see no
room for such a supposition. For the universe,
whether we regard it, with Pythagoras, as self-
existent and uncreated, or, with Plato, as taking
its origin from a creator, was, at all events, disposed
once for all in the original design, and so framed
and ordered ; since every part is regulated by the
guidance of reason. Now that, which brought
every thing to perfection, " could not itself be im
perfect. It required not the aid of Saturn and his
race. Men would be foolish indeed, not to be
certain, that, from the beginning of the world, rain
fell from heaven, and the stars sent forth their
beams, and the light shone, and the thunder roared,
so that Jupiter, in whose hand ye place the thunder
bolt, did himself tremble at it. In like manner it
must be conceived, that all kinds of fruit abounded,
before the time of Bacchus, and Ceres, and Mi-
a Imperfectum non potuit esse, quod perfecit omnia. The
world, which at its first creation was formed perfect, so as to
require no subsequent improvement.

CHAP. XI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 335
nerva ; nay, even before the existence of the first
man, whoever he was ; since nothing, which was
devised for the support and maintenance of man,
could be introduced after man himself. Besides,
those deities are said to have discovered those
necessaries of life, not to have created them : now
that which is discovered, already exists : and that
which was in existence must not be ascribed to him
who discovered its use, but to him who made it ;
for it was formed before it could be discovered.
And if Bacchus is therefore a god, because he first
shewed the use of the vine, Lucullus was hardly
used, who first introduced the cherry out of Pontus
into Italy, that he was not consecrated as the crea
tor of a new fruit ; since he invented it, and shewed
its use. If, therefore, the universe was originally
ordained and destined for the due performance of
certain offices, there is no pretence, on these grounds,
for adopting the human into the divine nature ;
since the stations and powers which ye attribute to
them, were from the beginning such as they would
have been, even if ye had not made them gods.
Ye have recourse, however, to another reason,
asserting that their deification was intended as the
reward of their merit; assuming, I suppose, that
the God, who deified them, excels in justice, so
as to dispense so magnificent a reward neither
without consideration, nor upon unworthy objects,
nor with undue profusion. I should wish, there-

336 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XI.
fore, to enumerate their merits, and see whether
they are of such a nature as to raise them to
heaven, and not rather to sink them to the bottom
of Tartarus, which ye and many others affirm to
be the place of infernal punishments. For to
that place are usually sent the impious, those
who have committed incest with parents or sisters,
adulterers, ravishers of virgins, corruptors of youth;
men who commit violence, or murder, or theft ;
those who deceive, or are like any of those gods
of yours, not one of whom ye can prove to be
free from such vices or crimes, unless ye deny
that he was once a man. But since ye cannot
pretend to deny that they were men, they are
also branded with such marks, as prevent us from
believing that they should afterwards be made
gods. For, if ye preside on your judgment seats,
for the purpose of punishing crimes like these — if
every one of you, who is upright, avoids all in
tercourse, conversation, or society with men of
such infamous and base character, — and yet that
supreme God, whom ye suppose, raised men like
these to partake of his majesty, — why do ye con
demn, in men, the qualities, which ye adore in
your gods? Your administration of justice is a
reflection upon heaven. Ye ought to deify all
your vilest offenders, to please your gods. Their
honour is involved in the consecration of their
fellows.

CHAP. XI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 337
But, to dwell no longer upon their unworthi-
ness, I will suppose that they were honest and spot
less and good. Yet how many far better men have
ye left in the shades below ? Men celebrated, for
instance, as Socrates, for wisdom ; Aristides, for
his integrity ; Themistocles, for his valour ; Alex
ander, for his magnanimity ; Polycrates, for his
good fortune ; Croesus, for his riches ; Demosthenes,
for his eloquence ? Which of those, whom ye have
made gods, was more distinguished for gravity
and wisdom, than Cato ; for justice, and military
skill, than Scipio; for grandeur of soul, than
Pompey; for success, than Sylla; for wealth, than
Crassus; for eloquence, than Cicero? How much
more worthily would your supreme God have
waited to confer divinity upon those men, well
knowing that these better men would exist. But
we are to suppose he hastened, and once for all
shut the gates of heaven, and now blushes, when
he sees so many far better men murmuring in
the shades below.

CHAPTER XII.

I shall pursue these observations no further,
well knowing that I can truly shew what they are
not, by setting forth what they really are. Now,
in the persons of your gods, I perceive nothing
but the names of certain men long since dead;
I hear nothing but fables ; I recognise only sacred
rites founded on fables. And, as for the images
themselves, I discover nothing but the mothers
and sisters," as it were, of vessels and common
utensils, or things, which, by the act of conse
cration, and the transforming power of art, change
their destination with those vessels and utensils.
Yet even this dedication is not unaccompanied
with insult and sacrilege, in the very act itself;
so that we, who are punished principally on ac
count of the gods, may derive some consolation
from the reflection, that they themselves under-
a Nihil amplius deprehendo quam matres sorores esse vas-
culorum, &c.
The images of your worship are formed of the same ma
terial, and are equally worthless, with your most ordinary
vessels. Compare Isaiah XLiv. 16, 17-

CHAP. XII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 339
went similar treatment, in the act of fabrication.
If ye impale the Christians upon crosses, and
stakes, every image of a god hath been first con
structed upon a cross and stake, and plastered
with cement. The body of your God is first de
dicated upon a gibbet. If ye tear the bodies of
Christians with your nails; your hatchets, and
planes, and files are more unmercifully used upon
all the members of your gods. If we lay our
heads upon the block ; your deities have no heads,
before the lead, and the solder, and the rivets are
applied. If we are exposed to the beasts ; those
animals are the same, which ye make the con
stant attendants on Bacchus, Cybele, and Ceres.
If we are burned in the fire; the substance, of
which they are composed, was first submitted to
the same trial. If we are condemned to the
mines; thence come they, whom ye believe to be
gods. b If we are banished into islands ; an island
is the favourite spot for the birth or death of
every god. If this constitutes divinity, those who
are punished are consecrated; to be condemned
is to be deified. But, in good truth, your gods are
as unconscious of the insults, thus offered to them
in their fabrication, as they are of the worship,
which is paid to them. "Impious assertions!" I
hear you exclaim — " sacrilegious insult !" But
b Gods of silver or gold, or marble. Compare c. 39. Puto
autem et hae ipsae materiae de metallis Caesarum veniunt.

340 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XII.
however great may be your rage and fury against
us, ye at the same time approve of a Seneca, who
inveighs at greater length and with greater bitter
ness against your superstition. If, then, we refuse
to adore statues and images cold as death, the real
nature of which birds and mice and spiders well
understand,0 are we not rather Worthy of praise
than blame, for rejecting an acknowledged error?
For how can we seem to injure those, whom we
assuredly know to be nothing in the world ?d That,
which is not, can be in no way affected by that
which is.

c Compare Baruch vi. 19. Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 24.
Quanta vero de diis vestris animalia muta naturaliter judicant ?
Mures, hirundines, milvi, non sentire eos sciunt, norunt; in-
culcant, insident, ac nisi abigatis, in ipso dei ore nidificant.
Aranea? vero faciem ejus intexunt, et ipso capite sua fila sus-
pendunt. d 1 Cor. viii. 4.

CHAPTER XIII.

In our estimation, however, ye say, they are
gods. If so, how impious and sacrilegious and
irreligious are ye proved to be towards these gods,
in neglecting those, whose existence ye believe,
destroying the objects of your fear, and insulting
those, whose rights ye defend. Judge, yourselves,
whether I speak truth or not. In the first place,
since some of you worship one god, and some
another, ye undoubtedly offend those whom ye
do not worship: ye cannot prefer one without
offering an insult to others ; nor choose one, with
out rejecting another. Ye despise, therefore, those
whom ye reject, and have no fear of so offending
them. For, as we have before noticed, the con
dition of every god depended upon the estimation
in which the Senate held him. He was no god,
if the men, who deliberated upon the question,
determined against his claim, and, by refusing to
admit him, condemned him. As for your family

342 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XIII.
gods, which ye call Lares, ye treat them, as other
household articles, with arbitrary power, by pledg
ing, or selling them, or by changing a statue of
Saturn or Minerva into the basest utensils, when
ever it is battered or worn out with the length
of service paid to it, or when any one finds his
domestic distress a more powerful deity than his
household gods. Ye publicly commit a like out
rage against your public gods, whom ye expose
in catalogues, and sell by auction. The Capitol
and the herb-market are sold in the same manner."
The divinity of your gods itself is put up to
sale by the same voice of the crier, at the same
appointed place, under the same inspection of the
Quaestor. Estates, however, liable to a tax are
on that account less valuable ; the persons of men
who are subject to tribute are less noble; for
all these are marks of servitude. But your gods
are the more holy, the greater the tribute is, to
which they are subject ; or rather, those who are
most holy, are most heavily taxed. Their ma
jesty is made a source of gain. Religion goes
round the taverns begging. Ye demand pay
ment for entering the temple, and for a place
at festivals. No one can become acquainted with
the gods for nothing ; access to them is purchased.
* The revenue arising from the temples was let by public
contract, in the same manner as the tolls arising from the
markets. Compare Tertullian, Ad Nationes, I. c. 10.

CHAP. XIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 343
What do ye for their honour, more than for your
dead ? The temples and altars are precisely the
same. They have the same dress and ornaments
upon their statues. The age, the profession, the
occupation of the dead man are preserved in his
effigy; and it is the same with the god. What
difference is there in the feast of Jupiter, and in
that made for aged men at a funeral?" between
the vessel, in which wine is poured out in sacri
fices, and that with which libations are made to
the dead ; between an augur, who predicts by ob
servation of the entrails, and an embalmer? for
he performs the office of an augur to the dead.
But ye consistently enough confer the honour of
divinity upon your dead emperors, since ye ascribe
it to them in their lives. Your gods will feel
deeply indebted to you, and be delighted that those
who have ruled even over them, are put upon a
level with them. But when ye introduce Laren-
tina,° a common prostitute, — I should have pre
ferred, at all events, Lais or Phryne, — among such
goddesses as Juno, and Ceres and Diana ; when ye
b Quo differt ab epulo jovis silicernium? a simpulo obba,
ab aruspice pollinctor ? nam et aruspex mortuis apparet.
Tertullian sarcastically compares the different offices paid
to Jupiter in his dotage, with those which accompanied fu
nerals. c Larentina, or Larentia, was said to have been the nurse
of Romulus. Tertullian, Ad Nationes, II. c. 10. Lactantius,
Lib. i. 20.

344 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAP. XIII.
honour Simon Magus with a statue/ and an in
scription, bearing the title of holy god, when ye
introduce one of the infamous pages6 of the court
into the council of the gods ; although your an
cient gods could boast of no more noble origin, yet
they will think ye use them ill, by conferring a
dignity upon others, to which they conceive their
antiquity gives them a prescriptive right.
d See Justin Martyr's Apology, c. 34.
e Antinous.

CHAPTER XIV.

I will not observe upon your religious rites,
nor mention the shameful manner in which ye
perform your sacrifices, slaying for that purpose
any animals which are emaciated, or rotten, or
diseased, and cutting off from the fat and entire
carcases the useless head and hoofs, which even
at home ye would have thrown to the dogs, or
given to slaves; and place upon the altar of Her
cules not a third part of the tenth, which is his
share. In all this, I rather praise your wisdom,
in reserving something from that which would
otherwise be totally lost. But I will turn to your
literature, whence ye derive your instruction in
prudence and the liberal sciences ; what absurdities
are there found ? I read of gods, who fought like
pairs of gladiators, for Trojans and Greeks: of
Venus being wounded by an arrow, directed by a
human hand, in her anxiety to save her son iEneas,
who was on the point of being slain by the same
man, Diomede : of Mars almost worn out, by an
imprisonment of thirteen months in chains ; of

346 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XIV.
Jupiter, who was freed by the aid of some monster,
(Briareus) when he was in danger of suffering the
same treatment from the immortals ; and, at one
time, weeping for the fate of Sarpedon, at another,
reviving his passion for Juno, his sister, by a dis
graceful enumeration of his former adulteries, in
none of which he was so enamoured. " After this,
what poet is there who hath not followed the prince
of poets, in calumniating the gods? One gives
Apollo, to keep the sheep of King Admetus :
another lets out Neptune, to build walls for Lao-
medon. There is also the celebrated lyric poet,
Pindar," who declares Esculapius to have been
deservedly struck by lightning, for his avarice, in
exercising the art of medicine to a bad purpose.
If this was Jupiter's thunder, he acted ill ; with
injustice towards his grandson, and with envy
towards the inventor of so noble an art. Among
men so very religious, these facts, if true, ought
never to have been betrayed : if false, ought never
to have been invented. Even the writers of tra
gedy and comedy are not more cautious ; but take
for their subject the miseries, or the crimes, of
some of your gods. I say nothing of your philo
sophers, being content to mention Socrates, who,
out of contempt for your gods, used to swear by an
oak, a goat, and a dog. But, ye will say, Socrates
was put to death, for destroying the authority of
* II. 2. 314. t> Pythia iii. 96. Antist. 3.

CHAP. XIV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 347
the gods. So indeed he was, for, aforetime, as
ever, truth is hated. Yet when the Athenians
afterwards repented of their error, punished the
accusers of Socrates, and placed a golden statue of
him in a temple, the repeal of the sentence restored
the testimony of Socrates to its original importance.
Besides this, Diogenes turned Hercules into ridi
cule ; and the Roman Cynic Varro introduces three
hundred Joves, or Jupiters, without heads.

CHAPTER XV.

All your inventors of wanton tales minister to
your pleasures, by disgraceful stories of your gods.
Examine the most admired beauties of your Lentuli
and Hostilii; in the jokes and tricks which are
there displayed, are the actors or the gods the
subjects of your derision ? When, for instance, ye
laugh at an adulterous Anubis, at a Moon of the
male sex, at Diana being flogged, at the reading
of the will of Jupiter after his death, and at three
half-starved Hercules. Besides, your dramatic li
terature describes all their most disgraceful actions.
Ye are delighted to hear the Sun grieving for his
son Phaeton, cast down from heaven ; ye blush not
to hear Cybele sighing for a shepherd, who rejects
her with disdain : and ye tolerate the enumeration
of all the infamous tales attributed to Jupiter, and
the judgment which a shepherd passed upon Juno,
Venus, and Minerva. Again, how disgraceful is
it, that the mask, which is formed to represent
one of your gods, should be worn by a man of infa
mous and notorious character ; that one personally
dissolute, and with his frame rendered effeminate
for the purpose, should represent sometimes a Mi-

CHAP. XV.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 349
nerva, and sometimes an Hercules. Do ye not
applaud, while the majesty of your gods is thus
insulted, and their divinity abused ? Ye are, how
ever, I presume, more scrupulous in your arenae,
where the gods are introduced dancing in the midst
of the blood of the gladiators, and the pollution of
capital punishments, affording the plot and history,
in the course of which these wretched victims may
be put to death ; not to mention that the culprits
themselves sometimes support the character of some
of your gods. We have formerly seen a man muti
lated in the character of Atys, your god from Pes-
sinum ; and one, who personated Hercules, burnt
alive. We have joined in the laugh, at the cruel
entertainments, with which ye beguile the middle
of the day, when Mercury went about to try with
a red-hot caduceus, whether the bodies were really
dead. We have seen also Pluto, the brother of
Jupiter, dragging off the corpses of the gladiators,
with a hammer in his hand.
But who can enumerate every particular of
this kind ? If such representations injure the ho
nour of the divine character, if they lay its majesty
in the dust, they infer a contempt of the gods,
both in those who act in any thing of the kind,
and in those for whose entertainment they are
performed. But, ye will say, this is merely in sport. If,
however, I should add, what your consciences

350 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAF. XV.
would admit to be equally true, that adulterous
assignations are made in your temples; that be
fore your very altars, the violation of chastity is
contrived ; that acts of the grossest kind are
usually committed in the very houses of the
ministers, and priests of the temples; while the
garlands, and ornaments, and purple vestments
of the priesthood are still Upon them, and the
incense is still burning; I fear your gods would
have more reason to complain of you, than of
the Christians themselves.
At all events, all those, who are found guilty
of sacrilege, are of your religion: for the Chris
tians never enter your temples, even in the day
time : had they entered them to worship, perhaps
they too would have been led to rob them. What,
then, is likely to be the object of adoration to
men, who refuse to worship objects such as these?
From this very circumstance it may be inferred,
that they worship the truth ; since they have de
sisted from worshipping falsehood. It is unlikely
that they should again fall into an error, which
they had ceased to commit, as soon as they came
to the knowledge of theniselves.
I would have you, then, first weigh this fact
attentively, and then proceed to learn all the
particulars of our religion, after I shall first have
refuted certain false prejudices.

CHAPTER XVI.

Some of you have adopted an absurd notion,
that an asses head is our God. Cornelius Tacitus
first promulgated this report. In the fifth book
of his History," he begins his description of the
Jewish war with an account of the origin of that
people; and, in discussing this question, offers
his own opinion respecting their name and re
ligion. He states, that the Jews were liberated,
or, as he conceives, expelled, from Egypt, and
wandered in the extended plains of Arabia, where
there was the greatest scarcity of water: while
they were suffering from intense thirst, they ob
served certain wild asses proceeding, as they
imagined, to drink after pasture. Following their
guidance, they discovered a spring, and, in com
memoration of this benefit, consecrated the head
of an animal of the same kind. Hence, I ima
gine, hath arisen the erroneous notion, that in
our religion, which is conceived to be closely con
nected with that of the Jews, the same image
* Tacitus, Hist. v. 3.

352 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XVI.
is worshipped. Yet the same Cornelius Tacitus —
whose loquacity in falsehood agrees but ill with
his name — in another part of the same history"
relates, that Cneius Pompeius, when he had taken
Jerusalem, and entered the Temple, to witness
the secret rites of the Jewish religion, found there
no image at all. If, however, any object repre
sented in a bodily form had been worshipped, it
would surely have been found in the most holy
place ; and so much the more, as the worship, how
ever absurd, was in no danger of the intrusion of
strangers : since none but the priests were allowed
to enter ; and a veil hid that part of the temple,
even from the sight of all other men. Ye, how
ever, will not deny, that of all kinds of beasts of
burden, and not merely the heads, but the whole
bodies of geldings, with their goddess Epona, are
objects of adoration to you. This, I suppose, is
our crime, that among the worshippers of cattle,
and beasts of all kind, we adore an ass only.
Those, again, who conceive that we pay too
much honour to the cross, are themselves our fellow-
worshippers.0 If adoration is paid to any wood,
b Tacitus, Hist. v. 9.
c This passage has been alleged, to prove that, in Tertul
lian's time, some kind of worship was paid to the cross. It is
plain, from the context, that it proves just the reverse. In
this part of his Apology, he is refuting several calumnious or
mistaken charges, which were brought against the Christians ;
and he applies to each of them the argument ad hominem, of
which

CHAP. XVI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 353
the particular shape signifies nothing, provided the
material is the same : the form is of no importance,
if that be regarded as the substance of a god. But
in what way can the Athenian Minerva and the
which he was rather fond. He endeavours to shew, that, even
if they had been all true, the worshippers of false gods were
equally exposed to blame.
The first calumny is, that an asses head was the object of
their worship; he shews this to be unfounded; and then re
torts upon the accusers of the Christians, that all kinds of
cattle were worshipped by the pagans.
The next accusation is that brought by those who imagined
the Christians to be worshippers of the cross. (Sed et qui
crucis nos religiosos putat, consecraneus erit noster.) And
this too he answers, by shewing that, even if it were true,
the heathens also worshipped images of wood; and that the
Christians had, even oh that efroneous supposition, an advan
tage over them, in worshipping a whole and perfect god, and
not a mere block, which was part of a cross.
(Nos, si forte, integrum et totum Deum colimus.) The
phrase, si forte, is a favourite expression of Tertullian, when
he repels an accusation, or retorts it upon his opponents.
He disposes of the other charges, the worship of the sun,
and of a deity of monstrous form, by arguments of the same
kind. There is no doubt, that, in the age of Tertullian, great re
spect was paid to the sign of the cross. A well known pas
sage in his Treatise de Corona Militis, c. 3. shews, that the
sign of the cross was used, not only in baptism, but on nu
merous other occasions, as a sign of the faith in Christ cru
cified. " Ad omnem progressum atque promotum, ad omnem
aditum, et exitum, ad vestitum, ad calciatum, ad lavacra, ad
mensas, ad lumina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia, quaecunque nos con-
versatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus." This re
spect, however, was very different from adoration. Minucius
Felix, Octavius, c. 29- who imitates Justin Martyr, Apol. c. 72.
and this passage of Tertullian's Apology, expressly states, that
the cross was no object of worship. Z Cruces

354 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XVI.
Pharian Ceres be distinguished from the wood of a
cross, when each is formed of a rough block and
unfinished timber? Every stake, which is erected,
is but part of a cross ; we, at all events, worship a
whole and perfect deity. We have before shewn/
that the very images of your gods are obtained by
models, formed upon a cross-like frame. Besides
this, ye adore the goddess of victory, while a cross
is made the foundation, on which your trophies are
hung. The whole religion of your camp teaches
your soldiers to adore their standards, to swear by
them, to prefer them to all other gods. All those
series of images, suspended around your standards,
are so many necklaces to a cross ; all those pendant
hangings of your standards and ensigns are but the
robes of a cross. I admire your care : ye would
not consecrate simple and unadorned crosses.
Others, again, with more probability and reason,
believe that the Sun is the object of our adoration.
If this be the case, we are joined with the Persians,
although we do not adore its image painted upon
a banner; since we have the Sun itself with us,
wherever we go, set in the heavens as in a shield.
This suspicion, however, hath arisen from our well
Cruces etiam nee colimus nee optamus. Vos plane qui
ligneos deos consecratis, cruces ligneos, ut deorum vestrorum
partes, forsitan adoratis. Nam et signa ipsa, et vexilla castro-
rum, quid aliud quam inauratae cruces sunt et ornatae ? Tropaea
vestra victricia non tantum simplicis crucis faciem, verum et
affixi hominis imitantur.
0 c 12.

CHAP. XVI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 355
known custom of turning towards the East, when
we pray.6 And many even of yourselves, out of
an affectation of sometimes adoring the heavenly
bodies also, move your lips towards the quarter, in

' The custom of turning to the East in prayer was very
ancient in the Christian Church. The East was considered an
emblem of Christ, probably from such passages as Zech. iii. 8.
vi. 12. Mal. iv. 2. Luke i. 78. Clemens Alexandrinus, Stro-
mat. vii. p. 856. considers the custom to be significative of the
rising of the Sun of righteousness upon the benighted mind.
'Eirti oe yeveBXiov rjnipai elxwv rj dvaroXrj, xaxtTBev rb (pwi a'vjje-
rai ex q-kotovi Xan^av rb irpwrov aXXd xa\ roil iv ayvoia xvXtv-
oovnevon avereiXe yvwtrewi aXrjBelai rjnepa, xard Xoyov rov rjxlov
irpoi rrjv ewBivr/v dvaroXrjv al evyai.
Augustin (De Sermone Domini, Lib. ii. c. 5.) refers to the
same custom ; Quum ad orationes stamus, ad orientem conver-
timur, unde ccelum surgit : non tanquam ibi sit Deus, et quasi
caeteras mundi partes deseruerit, qui ubique praesens non loco
rum spatiis sed majestate potentiae ; sed ut admoneatur animus
ad naturam excellentiorem se convertere, id est, ad Dominum.
Many other reasons, which might have led to this obser
vance, are adduced from various early authorities, by Bingham,
Eccles. Ant. Book xiii. c. 8. 15. Bingham is inclined to think
that it arose from a ceremony in baptism, in which the convert,
in renouncing the devil, turned his face to the West, as the
region of darkness, and, in declaring his faith in Christ, turned
to the East. Book xi. c. 7- 4. This, however, seems to have
been rather a particular instance of the general custom, than
its origin. The same veneration for the East caused Churches to be
usually built, in very early times, with the principal entrance
to the West, and the Altar towards the East. Tertullian seems
to allude to this position of places of worship, as well as to
the attitude of the worshippers ; Advers. Valent. c. 3. Nostras
columbae etiam domus simplex, in editis semper et apertis,
et ad lucem. Amat figura Spiritus sancti Orientem, Christi
figuram. Z 2 The

356 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XVI.
which the sun rises. In like manner if we do
observe Sunday, as a day of festivity, not from any
worship which we pay to the Sun, but from a very
different reason, we are, in that custom, closely
allied to such of you as set apart the Saturday for
a day of ease and feasting ; although, even in that,
they deviate from the Jewish custom, which they
have ignorantly followed.
But a new calumny hath recently been pub*
lished, in the city of Rome, against the God whom
we worship; where a vile wretch, who had for
money exposed himself with criminals to fight with
wild beasts, carried about a picture with this in
scription, The God of the Christians, 0N0K0ITI2.
This figure was painted with asses ears, having a
hoof upon one foot ; carrying a book in his hand,
and wearing a robe. We smiled at the absurdity
of the name, and the extravagance of the figure.
But the idolatrous heathen ought at once to fall
down and worship the two-fold divinity ; since they
have already received into the number of their
The few exceptions to this position of the Churches, which
are occasionally found, shew only that the custom was not
general. There is one remarkable instance, in the splendid
Church erected at Tyre by Paulinus, the Bishop, at the begin
ning of the fourth century. The entrance of that magnificent
edifice was to the East, and the Altar in the center. (Eusebius,
H. E. x. 14. pp. 311. D. 312. B.) Socrates (H. E. v. 22. p. 235.
D.) mentions that the Church at Antioch in Syria was placed
in a direction opposite to that which was usual, having the
Altar towards the West, instead of the East.

CHAP. XVI.J OF TERTULLIAN. 357
gods those who had the head of a dog and of a lion
united, and others horned like a buck, or a ram,
and with loins like a goat, and with their lower
extremities like a serpent, or with wings upon their
back or feet.
I have mentioned this absurdity, although there
was no necessity for noticing it, that I might not
incur the imputation of purposely omitting any ru
mour against the Christians. Having then cleared
away all these charges, we will proceed to the proof
of what our religion really is.

CHAPTER XVII.

The object of our worship is One God, who
made out of nothing the whole frame of this uni
verse, furnished with all the elements, and bodies,
and spirits, by his word, which commanded ; by
his wisdom, which ordained ; by his power, which
ruled ; for the glory of his own majesty ; whence
also the Greeks denominated the world by a word,"
which implies order and beauty. God is invisible,
although plainly seen ; incomprehensible by touch,
although represented to us by his gracious revela
tion ; inappreciable, although all our senses bear
testimony to his existence. Hence he is the true
God, since he is immensely great. But that which
can be seen by the ordinary senses, or touched, or
defined, is less than the eyes, by which it is dis
cerned, and the hands, by the contact of which it
is defiled, and the senses, by which it is discovered.
But that which is immense is known to itself alone.
This it is which causes God to become intelligible,
although he cannot be fully understood. The im-

xoa-poi.

CHAP. XVII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 359
mensity of his being presents him to our minds as
at once known and unknown. And in this, in
short, consists the guilt of those who will not know
Him, of whom they cannot be ignorant. Would
ye have this proved from his manifold and great
works, by which we are surrounded, and sustained,
and filled, sometimes with delight, and sometimes
with alarm ? Would ye have this proved, from
the testimony of the soul itself, which, although
weighed down and confined by its prison, the body,
although surrounded by evil customs, although
enervated by lusts and passions, although enslaved
to false gods, yet, when it doth come to itself as it
were from intoxication, or sleep, or some grievous
sickness, from which it is restored to its natural
state of health, then speaks of God by this name
only, because it is the proper name of the true God.
Then "the Great God," "the Good God," and
" What God shall give," is the language in every
one's mouth. In like manner, the ordinary expres
sions, "God knows," " I leave it to God," and "God
will restore it to me," all testify that He is the
universal judge." O glorious testimony of the
" Tertullian uses the same argument, in his Treatise de
Resurrectione Carnis, c. 3. Utar ergo et sententia Platonis
alicujus pronunciantis, Omnis anima immortalis. Utar et con-
scientia populi, contestants Deum deorum. Utar et reliquis
communibus sensibus, qui Deum judicem praedicant; Deus
videt; et, Deo commendo. He uses the same- language, and
argues upon it; De Testimonio Anima?, cc. 2, 3, 4, 5. He is
followed

360 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [dlAP. XVII.
soul, naturally impressed with the truths of Chris
tianity ! And when she gives utterance to these
sentiments, her eyes are directed not to the Capitol,
but to heaven. For she knows, that there is the
habitation of the living God, that He is the author
of her being, and there the place whence she came
down.
followed by Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 18. p. 49- Quid,
quod omnium de isto habeo consensum ? Audio vulgus, cum
ad ccelum manus tendunt, nihil aliud quam Deum dicunt: et,
Deus magnus est, et, Deus verus est: et, si Deus dederit,
Vulgi iste najuralis sermo est, an Christiani confitentis oratio ?

CHAPTER XVIII.

But, in order that we might approach to a
more full and clear knowledge, both of Himself,
and of His disposition and will towards man, God
hath further given us his written word ; that all,
who desire, may enquire respecting God ; and gra
dually proceed from enquiry to knowledge, and from
knowledge to belief, and from belief to obedience.
For God, from the beginning, sent forth into the
world men, whose righteousness and innocence qua
lified them to understand, and make known His
will ; and poured down upon them his Holy Spirit,
by which they were enabled to declare, that there
is One God, who created all things, and formed
man of the dust of the earth : — for he is the true
Prometheus," — who ordered the world to be go
verned by a certain course of time and seasons;
and afterwards gave signs of his majesty in judg
ment, by water, and by fire ; who established laws,
1 Tertullian makes the same allusion, Adv. Marcion. i. c. i.
Quidni? Penes quem verus Prometheus, Deus omnipotens,
blasphemiis lancinatur.

362 THE APOLOGY [CHAP.

XVIII.

which ye either know not, or forsake, for obtain
ing his favour; and hath prepared rewards for
those who observe and keep them ; for, at the end
of the world, he will by his judgment restore his
worshippers to eternal life, but will condemn the
wicked to endless streams of fire; all who have
ever lived being raised from the dead, and restored
to their bodies, and judged, every man according to
his works. We too, as well as yourselves, once
derided all this. We were of your party: for
Christians are made, not born so. Those preachers,
of whom we speak, were called prophets, from their
office of foretelling the future. Their words, and
the signs which they performed, as proofs of their
divine mission, still remain in the treasures of the
Scriptures, and are now no longer hidden. The
most learned of the Ptolemies, surnamed Phila-
delphus, was a prince who made the most diligent
search into all branches of literature. Being de
sirous of imitating, as I imagine, the fame of Pisis-
tratus in the formation of a library, he collected
from all quarters such books as had acquired cele
brity for their antiquity or curiosity. Among these,
at the suggestion of Demetrius Phalereus, the most
celebrated grammarian of the age, to whom he had
entrusted the care of his library, he procured from
the Jews also their Scriptures written in their own
native language, and kept in their possession alone :
for the prophets had always been raised up among

CHAP. XVIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 363
the Jews, and had spoken to them, who, from the
love which God bore to their forefathers, were His
peculiar people. Those, who are now Jews, were
formerly Hebrews; whence tfye Scriptures were
written in the Hebrew character, and in the He
brew language. Lest, however, the contents of
these volumes should remain unknown, the Jews
sent to Ptolemy also seventy-two interpreters, whom
Menedemus the philosopher, the asserter of a Di
vine Providence, treats with great respect, as agree
ing with him in opinion. Aristeas also assures us
of this fact. Thus Ptolemy left these documents
plainly translated into the Greek language. At
this very day, in the temple of Serapis, the library
of Ptolemy is in existence, with the Hebrew copy
itself. The Jews read it openly ; it is a privilege
to which their tribute entitles them." All con-

" Vectigalis libertas.
Some have concluded, from this passage, that the tribute
alluded to was paid solely for the privilege of reading the
Scriptures in the original Hebrew ; that the Jews at first held
the version of the Septuagint in the greatest estimation, but
afterwards rejected it, because it was believed to favour Chris
tianity more than the original Hebrew: and that they were
therefore obliged to purchase the privilege of reading the
Hebrew Scriptures every sabbath. There is, however, no
trace of such an impost; and it can scarcely be believed that
Adrian felt any interest in the question whether the Jews read
their Scriptures in Hebrew or Greek. The tribute here al
luded to was, probably, the half shekel which the Jews paid,
to secure the public exercises of their religion, of which reading
the law was one. The

364 THE APOLOGY OE TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XVIII.
stantly go thither every sabbath. Whoever hears
those Scriptures, will discover what God is : and
whoever studies to comprehend him, will be com
pelled to believe in him also.

The author of the Apostolical Constitutions (Lib. vi. cc. 24,
25.) asserts, without foundation, that, under the Romans, the
Jews were not permitted to use their ordinances: and that
they were forbidden by the law of Moses (Deut. xii. 14.) to
erect an altar in any place but Jerusalem, and to read the law
without the bounds of Judea. The last assertion appears to
have arisen from following the erroneous Septuagint Version
of Amos iv. 5. Koi dviyvwo-av e£«o vopov. See L. Cappellus
Critica Sacra, Lib. iv. c. ii. 23.

CHAPTER XIX.

These records, then, have the greatest claim
to our attention, by the authority which is due
to their high antiquity; and, even among your
selves, it is as it were a part of your religion
to pay regard to any observance in proportion to
its age. Now the writings of one only of the
Prophets, Moses, which are in themselves a trea
sure of all the Jewish religion, and consequently
of our own, are by many ages superior in anti
quity to your most ancient records. They surpass
writing of all kinds, upon whatever fabric or sub
stance, and the very earliest origin, and rude
beginnings of all the most ancient inscriptions:
nay, they are prior to almost all nations and
distinguished cities, to the earliest traces of history
and tradition, even to the invention of pictorial
characters, which were long the only records of
events: and they surpass — what are of far less
antiquity — your gods themselves, their temples,
oracles, and sacred rites, If ye have ever heard
mention made of Moses, he was contemporary

366 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XIX.
with the Argive Inachus: and wanted but seven
years to be four centuries before Danaus, who is
himself the most ancient of any among yourselves :
he lived about a thousand years before the death
of Priam. I should have good authority for placing
him full five hundred years before the time of
Homer. Although the other prophets also are later
than Moses, yet the last of them are earlier than
your first philosophers, lawgivers, and historians.
We could easily give reasons sufficient to prove
this to you, if it were not beyond our present
design : the task would not be difficult, although
tedious. It would be necessary to sit down quietly,
with all the leisure and means for computation;
and to open the archives of the most ancient na
tions, the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phoenicians ;
to call upon those natives of the several nations,
who furnish us with information, such as Manetho,
among the Egyptians, and Berosus among the
Chaldeans. We should be obliged to have recourse
to Iromus the Phoenician, king of Tyre ; and to
the followers of these ancient testimonies, Ptolemy
of Mendes, Menander the Ephesian, Demetrius
Phalereus, King Juba, Appion, Thallus, and Jose-
phus, who wrote the history and antiquities of his
own countrymen the Jews, and either confirms or
refutes the more ancient writers. It would also be
necessary to compare the historical records of the

CHAP. XIX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 367
Greeks, and to notice the time when each event
took place, in order that the connection of the dif
ferent periods might be made apparent, and the
order of all the facts be clearly set forth. It would
be necessary to digress into the history, and litera
ture, of the whole world. However, we have in
some degree introduced a part of this proof, by
touching upon the manner, in which it might be
effected. But it will be better to defer all this, for
the present, lest either our want of time should
prevent us from following the enquiry to a sufficient
extent, or, if we followed it, we should wander
too widely from our pre'sent subject.

CHAPTER XX.

We shall now make more than amends for
deferring the consideration of this question, by
proving the majesty and authority of Scripture, if
not its antiquity ; we shall establish its divine
origin, even if a doubt should still remain respect
ing its age. This requires us not to search long,
nor at any great distance : the grounds of proof are
obvious, namely, the state of the world, the history
of all ages, and the general course of events.
Whatever is now done was foretold : whatever is
now seen, was first heard. If earthquakes swallow
up cities, if islands are invaded by the sea; if
foreign and domestic wars distract states; if king
dom rises up against kingdom ; if there are famine,
and pestilence, and slaughters, in divers places ; if
the wild beasts of the mountains lay waste many
regions; if the humble are exalted, and the lofty
are laid low; if justice is rare, and iniquity abounds;
if the regard for every good and wholesome disci
pline waxes cold ; if even the times and seasons
vary from their appointed order ; and the natural

CHAP. XX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 369
form of animals is violated, by the production of
monsters and prodigies ; all these have been pre
dicted by the providence of God. While we suffer
these calamities, we read of them : when we recog
nise them as the objects of prophecy, the truth of
the Scriptures, which predict them, is proved.
The daily fulfilment of prophecy is, surely, a full
proof of revelation. Hence, then, we have a well-
founded belief in many things which are yet to
come, namely, the confidence arising from our
knowledge of the past ; because some events, still
future, were foretold at the same time with others
which are past. The voice of prophecy speaks
alike of each ; the Scriptures record them equally ;
the same spirit taught the prophets both. In the
predictions, there is no distinction of time : if
there be any such distinction, it is made by men ;
while the gradual course of time makes that pre
sent, which was future, and that past, which was
present. How can we, then, be blamed for believ
ing also what is predicted respecting the future,
when our confidence is founded upon the fulfil
ment of prophecies relating to the present and
the past.

A A

CHAPTER XXI.

Since, however, we have declared our religion
to be founded upon those most ancient writings
of the Jews, — although almost every one knows,
and we acknowledge, that Christianity is of recent
origin, having sprung up in the reign of Tiberius, —
there may, perchance, at this point arise an ob
jection, that we are desirous of sheltering ourselves
from some of the odium which attaches to us, un
der the shadow of a religion which hath been long
known, and is, at all events, tolerated: whereas,
besides the very different degrees of antiquity in
the Jewish and Christian faith, we do not agree
with them, either in abstinence from certain kinds
of food, or in the observance of certain festivals,
or in the peculiar rite of circumcision, or in the
name which we profess; in all of which there
ought to be no difference, if we were subject to
the same God. Besides, every one of you con
siders Christ to have been a man, such as the
Jews believe him to have been ; whence the error
might the more easily arise, that we worship some
human being.

CHAP, XXI.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 371
We are not, however, ashamed of Christ ; since
we count it our highest privilege to be accused
and condemned in his name, nor are our opinions
respecting God different from those of the Jews.
It will be necessary then, to speak a few words
of Christ, as God.
The people ofthe Jews were so highly favoured
of God, on accourit of the remarkable justice and
faith of their forefathers; whence their numbers
were multiplied, and their kingdom flourished,
and increased; and so great were their privileges,
that the voice of God which instructed them,
taught them how to obtain his favour, and avoid
his anger. Yet their present condition* even with
out their own confession, sufficiently proves, with
what vain confidence in the merits of their an
cestors they were urged to madness, and driven
profanely to desert their ordinances. They are
dispersed and vagabond, wandering as exiles from
their native soil throughout the whole world;
without either man or God for their king, and
not even permitted as strangers to set foot upon
their own land." Now all the sacred scriptures,
with one voice, predicted that this would be their
condition; that, in the last days, God would gather
together from every nation, and people, and country,
more faithful servants, to whom he would impart
a fuller portion of his grace, in proportion to the
* See Justin Martyr, c. 62. and note (x) p. 245.
A A2

372 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XXI.
measure which the founder of this faith should
be capable of receiving. The author, then, and
master of this grace and this religion, who was to
enlighten the world, and lead the human race in
the way of salvation, was predicted as the Son of
God, yet not born in such a manner as to be
ashamed of the title of a Son, or of his descent
from his Father. In your fables, Jupiter is re
presented to have been the father of some of your
heroes, by incest with a sister, or by violence com
mitted upon a daughter, or by adultery, in the
form of a serpent, or of a bull, or of a swan, or
of a shower of gold. The true Son of God was
born in no such manner ; he had no mother, after
the flesh, even in lawful matrimony, for she who
bare him had not known man.
I will first, however, declare what was the
nature of his substance ; and then the manner of
his nativity Will plainly appear. We have already
declared, that God created this Universe of the
world by his Word, and Reason, and Power.
Even your philosophers agree in ascribing the
creation of the Universe to the Logos, that is,
to the Word or Reason. For Zeno asserts that
this was the maker, who formed every thing in
its order; and he called it Fate, and God, and
the Mind of Jupiter, and Necessity, the compul
sory cause of all things. Cleanthes ascribes all
this to the Spirit, which, he declares, pervades

CHAP. XXI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 373
the Universe. Now we also consider the Spirit to
be the proper substance of the Word, and Reason,
and Power, by which we have declared that God
made all things ; since it was by the Word that
he prophesied, by reason that he ordained, and
by power that he perfected all things. We have
been taught, that he came forth from God, and
was begotten by that procession, and so is the
Son of God, and called God from the unity of
his substance: for God also is a spirit. Thus,
when a ray of light issues from the sun, it is a
part from the whole : but the sun will be in the
ray of light, because it is a ray of the sun, and
the substance is not separated, but extended.
Thus, Spirit comes from Spirit, and God from
God, as light is kindled from light. b The matter,
which is the origin, remains whole and unimpaired,
although you should derive from it many other
substances which transmit the same qualities. In
the same manner, that which proceeds from God,
is God, and the Son of God; and both are one.
Thus a Spirit of a Spirit, and God of God, makes
one different in order, not in number ; in gradation,
not in nature : it proceeds from its origin, but is
not separated from it. That emanation, therefore,
of the Divinity, as was always before predicted,
b Compare Tertullian Adv. Praxeam, c. 8. Protulit enim
Deus Sermonem, quemadmodum etiam Paracletus docet, sicut
radix fruticem, et fons fluvium, et sol radium.

374 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXI.
being sent down upon a virgin, and in her womb
made flesh, was born God united with man. His
flesh, animated with the Spirit, was nourished,
grew up, spake, taught, acted, and was Christ.
Ye can surely have no difficulty in receiving
this, for a time, even as a fable, for it is like your
own ; while we shew in what manner the true
character of Christ is demonstrated. Those amongst
you, who devised fables of a similar nature, for the
destruction of the truth, well knew this. The
Jews also, to whom the prophets foretold that
Christ should come, knew this. For even to this
day they look for his coming; and one of the
greatest points of controversy between us and them
is, that they believe not that he is come already.
For since the Scriptures speak of two comings of
Christ,0 — the first which he hath already fulfilled,
by appearing in the humility of the human nature,
and the second, which is now at hand, when, at
the consummation of all things, he shall be ma
nifested in the sublimity of his divine power, —
they, who understood not his first coming, con
sidered it to be the same as his second coming,
which they conceive to be more clearly predicted.
For their guilt well deserved this punishment, that
they should not understand his first coming, inas
much as, had they understood it, they would have
believed ; and had they believed, they would have
c Tertullian refers to the same subject, Adv. Judseos. c. 14.

CHAP. XXI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 375
been saved. They themselves read the scripture
in which it is written, that they were deprived
of wisdom and knowledge, and of the use of their
eyes and ears.d
Since, then, they considered Christ, in conse
quence of his humility, to be a mere man, it
naturally followed that they should regard him
as a magician, in consequence of his praeternatural
power; when he cast out devils by a word, gave
sight to the blind, cleansed the lepers, restored
the palsied to strength, and, lastly, by a word
raised the dead to life; when he ruled the very
elements, calmed the storms, walked upon the sea,
and shewed himself to be the Logos of God, that
is, the original Word, the first-begotten, endued
with divine power and with reason, and sustained
by the Spirit.6
But at his doctrine, by which the teachers and
leaders of the Jews were condemned, they were so
exasperated, especially when a great multitude
were converted to him, that, at the last, by the
urgency of their violence, they compelled Pontius
Pilate, the Roman governor of Syria, before whom
he had been brought, to give him up to them to
be crucified. Christ himself had foretold that they
would do so. But this, in itself, would have been
A Isai. vi. 10.
c In most editions, there are here added the words, eun
dem, qui verbo omnia et faceret, et fecisset.

376 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXI.
an inconsiderable fact, had not the prophets also of
old predicted the same. Yet when he was crucified,
he voluntarily gave up the ghost, with a word ad
dressed to his heavenly Father; and thus antici
pated the last office of the executioner. At the
same moment, the mid-day was deprived of the sun
which hid its light. Those who were ignorant that
this also was predicted respecting Christ, thought,
doubtless, that it was a natural eclipse, and when
they could not account [for an eclipse of the sun
at the time of the full moon,] they denied the fact ;
although ye have the occurrence related in your
annals/ After that, the Jews took him down from the
cross, and placed him in a sepulchre, which they
carefully surrounded with a military guard, lest,
since he had predicted that he would rise again
from the dead, on the third day, his disciples com
ing secretly should escape their vigilance, and steal
the body away. But, behold, on the third day,
suddenly there was a great earthquake, and the
stone which closed the sepulchre was rolled away;
the guards were struck down with fear; and, with
out any of his disciples being there, there was no
thing found in the tomb, but the clothes in which
f Tertullian alludes, in like manner, to the miraculous
darkness at the crucifixion, Adv. Judaeos, c. 10. Nam quod in
passione ejus accidit, ut media dies tenebresceret, Amos Pro-
pheta annunciat, dicens, Et erit, inquit, in die ilia, dicit Domi-
nus, occidet sol media die; &c. Amos, viii. 9.

CHAP. XXI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 377
he had been buried. Yet the chief of the Jews,
whose interest it was to promulgate a falsehood,
and recall the people from their belief in Christ,
to be tributary and enslaved to them, declared that
his disciples had stolen him away.
Yet Christ did not shew himself to all the
people ; lest the wicked should be compelled to for
sake their error ; and in order that faith, to which
so high a reward was to be attached, should not be
attained without difficulty. He remained, however,
with some of his disciples in Galilee, a region of
Judaea, for the space of forty days, teaching them
what they were themselves to teach others. After
this, having ordained them to the office of preaching
the Gospel throughout the world, he was taken up
into heaven, concealed in a cloud, in a manner far
more real than that which such witnesses as Pro-
culus report of Romulus, and your other kings.
Pilate, who in his conscience was persuaded of
the innocence of Christ, sent a full account of all
these transactions to Tiberius Caesar. g And even
emperors would have believed in Christ, if either
emperors were not necessary for conducting the
affairs of this world, or Christians could also be
emperors. His disciples also scattered throughout
the world were obedient to the commands of God
their master, and, confident in the faith, suffered
many things from the Jews who persecuted them,
* Compare c. 5. p. 303. note (b).

378 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXI.
and lastly shed their Christian blood in Rome, by
the cruelty of Nero.
We will however shew you sufficient witnesses
of the truth of Christ, those very gods which ye
adore. It will be a great point, if I can so produce
them as testimonies, that ye may embrace the
Christian faith, by means of those who now per
suade you to disbelieve the Christians. Mean
while, this is the manner of our argument. We
declare to you the origin of our religion and of our
name, and who was the author of it.
Let no one, therefore, any longer bring against
us those infamous accusations, or ascribe to our
religion any other origin ; since, in matters of faith,
it is the highest impiety for any one to speak dif
ferently from the truth. For, from the moment
that any one professes that he worships any other
deity than the real object of his adoration, he denies
that which he worships, he transfers his devotion
to another ; and, by such a change, ceases at once
to worship the Being whom he denies. Now we
declare, and openly profess in the midst of all your
tortures ; while torn and bleeding, we cry out, We
worship God through Christ. Ye consider him to
be a mere man. Suppose this were true, still it is
through him, that God will have himself known
and worshipped. In answer to the Jews, we say,
that they have learned to worship God by the me
diation of Moses ; in answer to the Greeks, that

CHAP. XXI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 379
Orpheus upon the mountain Pieria, Musaeus at
Athens, Melampus at Argos, and Trophonius in
Bceotia all introduced their religious ceremonies
into their country. And with reference to your
selves, who are the masters of the world, Pompilius
Numa was a man, although he loaded the Romans
with the most burdensome superstitions. Surely
then Christ may be permitted to set forth the
divinity, which properly belongs to him. He did
not, like Numa, reduce to civilization men yet
rude and uncultivated, astonishing them by an
enumeration of so great a multitude of fictitious
gods, whose favour must be propitiated, but led to
the sight and knowledge of the truth, men who
were already polished, and led astray even by the
errors of their mental cultivation. Examine, then,
whether the divinity of Christ is real or not. If his
claim to the divine character be such, that by
knowledge of it a man is formed anew to every
thing which is good, it follows, that all other pre
tended gods, which are discovered to be contrary
to him, must be renounced as false ; and, above
all, those deities are by every means to be repu
diated, which, hiding themselves under the names
and appearances of dead men, endeavour to procure
belief in their divine nature, by means of certain
signs, and miracles and oracles.

CHAPTER XXII.

We assert, then, that there are certain spi
ritual substances, the name of which is well known.
Your philosophers acknowledge the existence of
demons, for Socrates himself was guided by the
counsel of one of them. This is plain; for he
said that a demon attended him from his very
youth, and constantly dissuaded him — and, so,
doubtless, it did, from all good. All your poets
are well acquainted with them. And even now,
the uninstructed vulgar, in their imprecations, fre
quently call upon Satan, the chief of this evil race;
and thus by the very terms which they use in
cursing, betray what are the inward sentiments of
their minds. Plato also denies not the existence
of angels ; and even those who profess the prac
tice of magical arts confess the existence of both
demons and angels. Now it is known from the
holy Scriptures, in what manner from certain an
gels, who voluntarily corrupted themselves, there
arose a still more depraved race," condemned of
a Tertullian, in his Treatise de Virginibus Velandis, c. 7-
refers to Gen. vi. 2. in proof that the angels married the virgin
daughters

CHAP. XXII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 381
God together with the authors of their being, and
with him whom we have spoken of as their chief.
It will here be sufficient to explain the manner
of their agency. Their ordinary occupation is the
injury of man ; as the malice of evil spirits from
the beginning contrived the perdition of the human
race. Hence they bring upon the body diseases
and certain grievous accidents, and violently affect
the mind with sudden and extraordinary passions.
Their surprising subtilty and tenuity give them
the facility of thus entering into the body and
mind of man. As spirits, they possess the asto
nishing power of being invisible and insensible;

daughters of men. He repeats the same assertion, De Idolo-
latria, c. 9. Unum propono, angelos esse illos desertores Dei,
amatores fceminarum: and, in his Treatise de Cultu Fcemina-
rum, Lib. i. 2. 3. he quotes the Apocryphal book of Enoch to
the same purpose. Josephus (Ant. Jud. Lib. i. c. iv. 1.) makes
the same use of Gen. vi. 2.
It was imagined that from these corrupt angels arose the
demons, a race still more corrupt, who injured and deceived
men, and were principally employed in seducing them from
the worship of the true God to that of idols.
The principal passages of Tertullian bearing upon this
point, are collected in Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, p. 214.
Lactantius (Lib. ii. c. 14). adopts the same fanciful notions :
Itaque illos cum hominibus commorantes dominator ille terrae
fallacissimus consuetudine ipsa, paulatim ad vitia pellexit, et
mulierum congressibus inquinavit. Tum in ccelum ob peccata,
quibus se immerserant, non recepti, ceciderunt in terram. Sic
eos Diabolus ex angelis Dei suos fecit satellites, ac ministros.
Qui autem sunt ex his procreati quia neque homines fuerunt,
sed mediam quandam naturam gerentes, non sunt ad inferos
recepti, sicut nee in ccelum parentes eorum.

382 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXII.
so that their influence is perceived rather in the
effects, which it produces, than at the time of its
action. In the same manner as it often happens
in fruit or in grain, that some secret blight in
the air blasts the blossom, kills the produce in
the seed, or destroys it when it hath arrived at
maturity; or that the air, affected by some un
known cause, breathes forth pestilence and death.
By some influence equally obscure, the inspiration
of angels and demons agitates the corrupt passions
of the mind with fury and disgraceful excesses,
and inordinate lusts, together with various errors.
One of the principal of these is the delusion,
which recommends those gods to tine blinded and
prejudiced minds of men, in order that the demons
may procure for themselves their proper food, the
odour of the fat and the blood of the sacrifices
offered to those shadows and images. But what
they pursue with still greater anxiety is, to re
move man from the knowledge of the true God,
by the subtil craftiness of false divination. How
they effect this, I will shew. Every spirit flies:
and angels and demons possess this faculty. Hence
they are every where in a moment. The whole
world is to them one place : they know, with the
same readiness with which they declare it, what
is done, and where. This velocity is taken for a
proof of divinity, because the nature of all spi
ritual substances is not understood. Thus they

CHAP. XXII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 383
sometimes wish to appear to have done what
they only relate: and so indeed they sometimes
are the causes of the evil, but never of the
good. They formerly obtained a knowledge of
the intentions of God, from the declarations of
the prophets, and now gather it from hearing
their writings read aloud. Thus, collecting some
conjectural knowledge of the future, they emulate
the divine authority, by means of the power of
divination, which they have surreptitiously ob
tained. With what dexterity, in their oracles, they
framed their answers so ambiguously as to apply
to either event, such men as Croesus and Pyrrhus
well know. But the Pythian Apollo was able,
in the manner which we have described, to bring
back word that Croesusb was cooking a tortoise
with the flesh of a lamb ; he had been to Lydia,
and returned in an instant. / From their dwell
ing in the air, and their vicinity to the stars,
and their acquaintance with the clouds, they are
able to know what changes are taking place in
the atmosphere, so that they can predict rain,
which they already perceive forming. Even in
the means which they are believed to possess of
curing sickness, their evil nature is displayed: for
they first inflict an injury, and then propose reme
dies, which appear so new as to be miraculous, or
b Herod, i. 46—48.

384 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXII.
even of a directly contrary nature ; and after this,
they desist from injuring, and are believed to have
cured. It is needless for me to dwell upon the
other contrivances or even upon the powers of
deception which these spirits possess: such as the
appearances of Castor and Pollux, the sieve which
contained water, a ship drawn by the girdle of a
vestal, a beard which changed colour, and became
red by a touch.0 All these were illusions devised
to persuade men to believe images of stone to be
gods, and not to seek for the true God.
c Suetonius (Nero, c. 1.) relates a report of this nature
respecting Domitius, the ancestor of the Domitian family at
Rome. iEnobarbi auctorem originis, itemque cognominis ha
bent L. Domitium: cui rure quondam revertenti, juvenes ge-
mini augustiore forma, ex occursu imperasse traduntur, nuntiaret
senatui ac populo victoriam, de qua incertum adhuc erat : atque
in fidem majestatis adeo permulsisse malas ut e nigro rutilum,
aerique assimilem capillum redderent. Quod insigne mansit
et in posteris ejus, ac magna pars rutila barba fuerunt.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Moreover, if the practisers of magical arts
call forth spectres, and even injure and insult
the souls of the dead, — if they throw boys into
convulsions," to prepare them to give utterance
to the words of the oracle, — if by means of jug
gling tricks, they pretend to perform numerous
miracles, — if they inspire dreams too, by having
the powerful assistance of the angels and demons
once invited to attend them, by whose means even
kids and tables have been made the instruments
of divination, — how much more should that spi
ritual power be exerted of its own accord, and for
its own objects, to produce the same effects, which
it thus performs for the advantage of another?
Or, if angels and demons perform the same opera-
1 Elidunt.
This refers either to the sacrificing of children, jipecpopavretu
or iratSopavrela, to propitiate the god, who was supposed to
give the oracle, (see Justin Martyr's Apology, c. 24. p. 198.
note (q)), or else to the convulsion fits, into which boys were
thrown, in order that the words which they uttered, in a state
of mental alienation, might be taken for an oracular reply.
Bb

386 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXIII.
tions which your "gods perform, where then is that
supreme excellence of divinity, which must be be
lieved superior to all other authority ? Would it
not be a more reasonable assumption, that they
were truly gods, who made themselves so, since
they perform the very same actions which cause
you to believe the divine nature of your gods,
than that they are gods simply because they are
equal to angels and demons ? We are to conceive,
I suppose, that the difference of place causes a
distinction : that the divinity of your gods is ac
knowledged in their temples, but not in any
other place ; that the madness which urges one
man to leap from a consecrated tower, is different
from that which makes another throw himself from
a neighbouring house : and a man, who mutilates
his body or lacerates his arms, labours under a
different insanity from that which causes another
to cut his own throat. The end of these different
acts of madness is the same, and they are incited
by the same cause.
But these are mere words : we now appeal to a
matter of fact, as a proof that the nature of your
gods and of the demons is the same under different
titles. Let any one, who is confessedly under the
influence of demoniacal possession, be brought out
here before your tribunal. If the spirit be com
manded by any Christian to speak, he shall as
truly confess himself to be a demon, as, in other

CHAP.

XXIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 38?

places, he falsely professes himself to be a god.b
In like manner, let any one of those be produced,
who are believed to be influenced by your gods,
who inhale the inspiration of divinity by breathing
the fumes of the altars, who are bent double
in the agonies of suppressed divination, and pant
for breath in giving utterance to their oracles.
If that very heavenly virgin, Juno, who promises
you rain, if Esculapius himself the inventor of me
dicine, who gave life to Socordius, and Thanatius,
and Asclepiadotus, — men who must yet die some
other day, — do not confess themselves to be de
mons, not daring to lie to a Christian, then shed
the blood of that most impudent Christian upon
the spot. What can be plainer than such an ap
peal to facts ? What can be more impartial than
such a mode of proof? Truth is before you in

* Tertullian advances the like assertions respecting the
power of Christians in expelling demons, in cc. 37- 43. De
Testimonio Animae, c. 3. Ad Scapulam, c. 2. De Spectaculis,
c. 29. De Idololatria, c. 11. De Corona, c. 11.
Bp. Kaye observes (Tertullian, c. 2.) that Tertullian
"casts a doubt upon the accuracy of his own statement by
ascribing to Christians in general those extraordinary gifts,
which even in the days ofthe Apostles appear to have been
confined to them, and to the disciples upon whom they laid
their hands."
The learned prelate discusses the question respecting the
continuance of miraculous power in the Church with his well
known judgment and caution. He is of opinion that they
ceased with the death of the last disciple, upon whom the
Apostles laid their hands.

388 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XXIII.
all her simplicity: she is supported by her own
power alone. There is no room for suspicion.
Will ye say that this effect is produced by
magic, or by some fallacy of that kind? The
testimony of your own eyes and ears will not suffer
you to be so deceived. And what can be objected
to that which shews itself in naked simplicity?
If, on the one hand, they are truly gods, why do
they falsely confess themselves demons? Is it in
subserviency to us? If so, whatever their divinity
be, it is subject to the Christians. And surely
that can be no real divinity at all, which is sub
ject to men, and, to add to the disgrace, to men
who confess a rival divinity. If, on the other
hand, they are demons or angels, why do they on
other occasions represent themselves to be gods?
For as those, who bear the title of gods, if they
were really divine, would not degrade themselves
from the majesty of their nature by acknowledging
themselves to be merely demons, so those, whom
by their own confession ye know to be demons,
would not dare to pass for gods on other occasions,
if there actually were any such gods, as those
whose names they usurp: for they would fear to
insult the majesty of those, who are doubtless
superior to themselves, and the objects of their
reverence. So absolutely nugatory is that divinity of your
gods, which ye maintain: since, if it existed, it

CHAP. XXIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 389
would neither be assumed by demons, nor denied
by the gods themselves. Since, therefore, each
party agrees in one confession, acknowledging that
they are no gods, do ye confess that the two are
actually one kind ; that is, that they are demons.
Enquire, then, of each of them, which are really
gods : for those, whom ye formerly considered to be
such, ye now acknowledge to be demons. But
since, by our exertions, we have extorted from
your gods this avowal, among many others, that
neither they nor any such beings are truly divine,
ye may immediately proceed to discover who truly
is God; whether He is the same, and He alone,
whom we Christians profess, and whether he is to
be believed in, and worshipped, according to the
Christian faith and discipline.
Some, however, will say on this occasion, And
who is this Christ, with his marvellous tale ? As
if he were a mere ordinary man, or a practiser of
magic ; as if he were stolen from his grave by his
disciples, and were really now with the dead ; as
if he were not in heaven, whence he shall quickly
come, with a terrible commotion ofthe whole world,
with distress of nations and wailing of all men,
except Christians; as the Virtue of God,0 as the
c Jesus Christ is in like manner spoken of in c. 21. p. 372.
as the Word, and Reason, and Power of God. Jam edixi-
mus Deum universitatem hanc mundi Verbo, et Ratione, et
Virtute molitum. And soon after, Et nos etiam Sermoni, atque
Ration i,

390 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXIII.
Spirit of God, as the Word, and the Wisdom, and
the Reason, and the Son of God. Let your pre
tended gods join with you in any such profane
ridicule ; let them deny that Christ will come to
judge every soul which ever lived, reunited to the
body; let them assert their belief, before the tri
bunal, if haply they agree with Plato and the poets,
in regarding this office of judgment to belong to
Minos and Rhadamanthus, and at least avoid the
stigma of their present infamy and future damna
tion. Let them deny that they are foul spirits,
a fact which might at once be understood even from
their food, which is blood, and smoke, and dis
gusting sacrifices of animals ; and from the impure
tongues of their very priests. Let them deny, that,
for their wickedness, they are already condemned to
that day of judgment, with all their worshippers
and accomplices.
Now all the dominion and power, which we
exercise over them, is obtained by the name of
Christ, and by reminding them of the punishment
Rationi, itemque Virtuti, per quae omnia molitum Deum edixi-
mus, propriam substantiam Spiritum inscribimus, cui et sermo
insit praenuntianti, et ratio adsit disponenti, et virtus praesit
perficienti. Tertullian uses the same expression, in his Treatise De
Oratione, c. 1. Omnia de carnalibus in spiritalia renovavit
nova Dei gratia, superducto Evangelio expunctore totius retro
vetustatis, in quo et Dei Spiritus, et Dei Sermo, et Dei Ratio
approbatus est Dominus noster Jesus Christus; spiritus quo
valuit, sermo quo docuit, ratio qua venit.

CHAP. XXI1I.] OF TERTULLIAN. 391
which will come upon them from God by Christ
their judge. Fearing Christ in God, and God in
Christ, they are subject to the servants of God and
Christ. Hence at our touch, or at our breath, they
are alarmed with the contemplation and represen
tation of that fire, and at our command depart even
from the bodies of men, with reluctance and grief,
and blushing with shame at your presence.
Believe them, when they speak the truth of
themselves, since ye believe them, when they speak
falsely. No one speaks a falsehood to disgrace
himself, but to enhance his credit ; they are there
fore more entitled to belief, when they confess
against themselves, than when they deny in their
own favour. Finally, the testimony thus borne by
your gods frequently converts men to Christianity :
since, by giving full credit to it, we believe in our
Lord Christ. Those very gods animate our faith
in the Scriptures ; and establish the confidence of
our hope. Ye appease them, I well know, even
with the blood of Christians. If, therefore, they
dared to deny the truth, when any Christian desires
by their confession to prove to you what the truth
is, they surely would not lose you, who are such
profitable and sedulous servants to them.

CHAPTER XXIV.

All this confession of your deities, in which
they acknowledge that they are not gods, and that
there is none other God but one, whom we serve,
is at once a sufficient answer to the accusation of
treason against the public and peculiarly Roman
form of religion. For, if they are assuredly no
gods, their religion can have no solid foundation.
And if their religion is nugatory, because they are
assuredly no gods, then we, assuredly, are not guilty
of treason against religion. But, on the contrary,
from the real nature of the facts, the charge will
be turned against yourselves, since, in worshipping
a lie, ye not only neglect, but openly oppose, the
true religion of the true God, and thus commit the
real crime of actual irreligion.
But even if it should now be granted that those
are gods, will not ye allow, according to the com
mon opinion, that there is some Being of greater
dignity and power, who is the supreme governor of
the world, of infinite might and majesty? For
this is the manner, in which most of your, philo-

CHAP. XXIV.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 393
sophers conceive the Divine power to be exercised,
that the absolute authority is vested in one, but
that the various offices are divided among many :
as Plato describes the supreme Jupiter in heaven
accompanied with a numerous train of gods and
demons. If so, procurators and prefects and pre
sidents ought all to receive the same respect which
is paid to the Emperor. Yet of what offence is
any man guilty, who turns his whole attention,
and directs all his hopes, to deserve the favour
of Caesar himself; and, as he gives the name of
Emperor to none but Caesar, ascribes divinity to
the supreme God alone? since it is considered a
capital offence to speak or hear of any other
sovereign than Caesar.
Let one, however, be at liberty to worship God,
another Jupiter ; let one lift his hands in supplica
tion towards heaven, another towards the altar of
Faith ; let one address his prayers to the clouds —
if ye so think of our worship — and another to the
decorated ceilings of a temple ; let one devote his
own soul to his God, and another sacrifice the life of
a goat. For beware, lest, in addition to the charge n
of irreligion, ye expose yourselves to the accusation
of taking away religious liberty, and forbidding a
person to make choice of the deity, which he will
worship, so that I may not pay my adorations
where I will, but be compelled to pay them where
I would not. No one, not even a man, would

394 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAF. XXIV.
choose to be treated with forced respect: hence
even the Egyptians have permission granted them
to practise their vain superstition, to consecrate
birds and beasts, and to condemn to death those
who should kill any of those deities. Besides,
every province and state hath its own god. Thus
Atargatis is worshipped in Syria, Dusares in Arabia,
Belenus in Noricum, the heavenly Virgin in Africa,
in Mauritania their princes. All these, which I
have enumerated, are, I believe, Roman provinces ;
yet the gods, which they worship, are not Roman
gods, for they are not worshipped at Rome, any
more than those are, which are consecrated, through
out Italy also, as the municipal deities of particular
cities ; such as Delventinus at Casinum, Visidianus
at Narnia, Ancharia at Aesculum, Nortia at Vol-
sinium, Valentia at Ocriculum, Hostia at Sutrium;
and among the Falisci, Juno succeeded to the ho
nour once paid to her father Cures, and thence
received a peculiar appellation. We alone are
forbidden to exercise our own religion : we offend
the Romans, and are not considered to be Romans,
because we worship not the god of the Romans.
Our happiness is to know that there is one God of
all, whose servants we all are, whether we will
obey, or whether we will forbear. But with you,
permission is given to worship any god, except the
true God: as if he, whose we all are, were not
peculiarly the God of all.

CHAPTER XXV.

I have already, I trust, sufficiently proved
which is the false, and which is the true God, hav
ing established the fact, in the foregoing demon
stration, not only by reasoning and argument, but
by the very testimony of those, whom ye believe to
be gods : so that no further discussion is necessary
upon that point. But since incidental mention
hath been made of the name of the Romans, I
will not elude the further question, which is offered
by those who maintain that the Romans have been
raised to such a degree of prosperity as to govern
the whole world, in consequence of their diligent
observance of their religion : and that the objects
of their worship are certainly gods, since those who
are their most faithful adherents, are blessed with
prosperity above all others.
We are to suppose then, I presume, that these
benefits have been conferred by the Roman gods,
as the reward of piety towards them. Sterculus,
and Mutunus and Larentina have raised the empire
to its present height. For I can never imagine

396 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XXV.
that foreign gods would have favoured a strange
nation, more than they did their own, and given
to a people from beyond the sea their own country,
in which they were born, and brought up, and
deified, and buried. Let Cybele say, whether her
love to the city of Rome arose from her attach
ment to the memory of the Trojan race, who were
her natural protectors against the Greeks ; and
whether she foresaw that she was then passing
over to her avengers, who, she knew, would subdue
Greece, the destroyer of Troy. She hath, there
fore, even in our time, given a striking proof
what that divinity is, which she transferred to the
city of Rome; since, when the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius died at Syrmium, on the seventeenth
of March, her chief priest, that most venerable
prince of Eunuchs, was offering the accustomed
vows for the safety of the Emperor, Marcus, and
to enforce his prayers, was drinking the impure
blood which flowed from his lacerated arms, seven
days after the Emperor's death ! O lazy messen
gers ! O tardy dispatches ! by whose delay it
happened, that Cybele was not sooner acquainted
with the death of the Emperor, that so the Chris
tians might have had no cause to deride so sage a
deity. But, if the gods had that power of protecting
and rewarding their worshippers, surely Jupiter
would never have suffered his own Crete to be

CHAP. XXV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 397
subdued by the Roman power : he never would so
soon have forgotten that cave of Ida, and the
brazen cymbals of the Corybantes, and the delight
ful odour of his nursing-mother the goat. Would
he not have rendered his own tomb far superior to
the whole Capitol, that so the land which con
tained the ashes of Jupiter should be chosen, in
preference to any other, as the mistress of the
world ? Again, would Juno have suffered Carthage,
that colony of the Phoenicians, for love of which
she neglected Samos, to be destroyed, especially by
the descendants of JEneas ? I well know,
 Here were her arms,

And here her chariot stood : this favourite realm
The Goddess loved and cherished, as the seat
Of universal empire, if the fates
Should smile propitious."
The unhappy wife and sister of Jupiter could do
nothing against the fates : in fact,
Even mighty Jove himself must bend to fate.
Yet, although the fates thus gave Carthage up
to the Romans, against the will and intention of
Juno, they never received half so much honour
from the Romans as was paid to that most aban
doned harlot Larentina.
Again, it is an acknowledged fact, that many
of your gods were sovereigns on earth. If, then,
» Mneid. i. 16.

398 THE APOLOGY [dlAP. XXV.
they possess the power of conferring terrestrial do
minion, from whom did they receive their royal
authority when they reigned ? Whom did Saturn
and Jupiter adore ? Some such god as Sterculus,
I suppose, with the other native Italian gods, who
are since so honoured at Rome. b And even if
some of your gods were not sovereigns, at all
events, some, at that time, reigned who were not
their worshippers ; for they were not yet accounted
gods. Hence the power of conferring dominion is
vested in some one else ; since royal sway ,was ex
ercised, long before one of their idols was ever
carved, and his titles engraved.
But how unreasonable is it to ascribe the
extent of the Roman power to their scrupulous ob
servance of their religious ordinances, when their
religion hath received its principal advancement
since the Empire hath been established, and raised
by gradual accession to its present state. For
although Numa first introduced the peculiarities
of your superstition, yet, in his time, the service
of your gods was conducted without images or
temples. Your religion was then frugal, and its
rites simple: there were no Capitols lifting their
heads to heaven, but altars casually made of turf,
and vessels merely of earth, whence the odour of
b Quem coluerat Saturnus et Jupiter? aliquem, opinor,
Sterculum, sed Romae postea cum indigenis.
The words sed Romae postea appear to be an interpolation.

CHAP. XXV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 399
the offerings arose ; and no statues of tlie gods
were any where seen. The invention of the Greeks
and Tuscans had not yet been exercised to inun
date the city with statues. The Romans, then,
were not thus religious, until they were great :
and, therefore, did not become great, because they
were religious. Nay, how could their greatness be
the reward of their religion, when it was obtained
by irreligion? For I suppose it will be granted,
that all dominion is acquired by war, and extended
by victories. Now war and victories are usually
signalized by the capture and destruction of the
enemies' cities : and that cannot be effected, with
out injuring their gods. Walls and temples fall in
one common ruin : the sword spares neither citi
zens nor priests ; and rapine commits equal ravages
upon sacred and profane wealth. The sacrileges
of the Romans, therefore, are as numerous as their
trophies: their triumphs are celebrated equally
over the gods and over the nations: the statues
of captive deities still existing are so many spoils
of war. These very gods, then, suffer themselves to be
adored by their enemies, and reward with endless
empire those, whom they ought rather to punish
for their outrages, than to favour for their adulation.
But on beings without consciousness, as injuries
may be committed with impunity, so honour is
vainly bestowed. No one can, surely, believe, that

400 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXV.
a people have risen to power for their religion,
who, as we have shewn, have either augmented
their power by injuring religion, or injured religion
by that very increase. For even all those nations,
whose independent kingdoms are now united to
form the Roman Empire, had their own several
religions, at the time when they lost their power.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Consider, then, whether He is not the dis
penser of kingdoms, to whom belongs the world,
which is governed, and man, who governs it : whe
ther He hath not ordained all the changes of
empire, in their several periods during all ages ;
who was, before all time ; who framed eternity into
a regular succession of time ; whether it is not He
who raises and depresses states, under whom the
human race once existed without any kind of civil
government. Why do ye err in this matter ?
Rome, in her humble and rustic state, was prior
to some of her own gods: she reigned, before
the circuit of the Capitol was erected. The Ba
bylonian monarchy was established before your
priests; the Medes reigned before your Quinde-
cimviri ; the Egyptians before the Salii ; the
Assyrians before the Luperci ; the Amazons before
your Vestal virgins. Finally, if the religion of the
Romans had the power of conferring kingdoms,
Judea, which despised all those gods alike, would
never have reigned in times past. And yet ye
Cc

402 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXVI.
Romans honoured the God of the Jews with vic
tims, and his temple with gifts, and the people,
at various periods, with treaties ; and, would never
have subdued that nation, if in the end it had
not filled up the measure of its iniquities, by its
treatment of Christ.

CHAPTER XXVII.

We have now sufficiently answered the accu
sation of treason against your religion ; and proved
that we are not guilty of any injury against the
divinity of your gods, by shewing it hath no' exist
ence. When, therefore, we are invited to offer
sacrifice, we strenuously defend ourselves, by ad
vancing the faithful testimony of our own consci
ence, which assures us what persons they really are,
to whom those rites are consecrated, by the dedi
cation of images, and the deification of human
names. Some, however, think it mere madness in
us, obstinately to prefer perseverance to safety : we
might easily, they think, offer sacrifice for the
present, and depart uninjured, still mentally re
taining our own sentiments. Thus ye yourselves
suggest means, by which we might deceive you.
But we know what enemy it is, who suggests all
these expedients, who causes all this vexation, and
strives to overcome our constancy, sometimes by
cunning craftiness of persuasion, and sometimes by
the severity of punishment. It is that spirit, who
C C 2

404 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXV!I.
partakes at once of the nature of devils and of
angels ; who, in consequence of his own fall, being
jealous of us, and envious of the divine grace which
is given unto us, influences your minds against us,
moulding and leading them by his secret inspi
ration to that violation of justice, and that iniquity
of punishment, which I have already exposed in
the beginning of this Apology. For although all
the power of demons and of spirits of a like nature
is subject to us, they still are like vicious servants,
who add contumacy to their fear, and strive to
injure those, whom they otherwise reverence ; for
fear itself inspires hatred. Besides this, their des
perate condition of eternal damnation finds some
kind of consolation in the indulgence of malice ;
while their punishment is yet delayed. Yet, when
they are taken, they are at once subdued, and yield
to the necessity of their condition ; at a distance
they fight against those, whose mercy they suppli
cate when near at hand. Hence, when they ex
ercise their malice against us, in whose power they
are, and cause us to be condemned, like disobedient
and rebellious slaves, to labour in prisons, or in the
mines, or to undergo any other kind of servile pun
ishment, they know well how unequal in power
they are, and that their real nature is the more
surely betrayed a by these abortive attempts. We,
* Hoc magis proditos; this is the reading of Havercamp's
edition, instead of perditos.

CHAP. XXVII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 405
therefore, oppose these evil spirits as it were upon
equal ground ; we resist them by persisting in the
cause which they oppose ; and are never more tri
umphant over them, than when we are condemned
to suffer for our perseverance in the faith.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

It would easily appear, how unjust it is that
free men should be driven to sacrifice to the gods,
when in all other instances a willing mind is re
quired as an indispensable qualification for any
office of religion ; but, at all events, it must seem
the height of absurdity, that any one should be
compelled to honour the gods, whom he ought to
propitiate for their own sake; that he may not
have the liberty of saying, I will not have Jupiter
propitious to me. Who are you? Let Janus
meet me with anger seated upon either of his
brows. What right have you to interfere with
me? Ye are, in fact, urged by the same spirits,
to compel us to sacrifice for the safety of the
Emperor. The necessity of compelling us is as
obligatory upon you, as the duty of suffering for
our faith is upon us.
We now come to the second charge of treason
against a Majesty more august than that of your
gods. For ye reverence Caesar with greater ap-

CHAP. XXVIII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 407
prehension, and more fervent timidity," than the
Olympian Jove himself; and with good reason, if
ye knew the truth. For is not every living person
far better than any dead one ?b Neither do ye even
this so much from the dictates of reason, as from
the respect which ye bear to his immediate and
intrinsic power. Thus, in this instance also, ye
are proved to be guilty of irreverence towards
your gods, since ye pay greater respect to human
power. In fact, among you, a man had better for
swear himself by all the gods, than by the simple
genius of Caesar.
a Calidiore timiditate- b Eccles. ix. 4. See c 30.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Ye ought, then, first to prove, whether they,
to whom sacrifice is offered, are able to give pros
perity to the Emperor, or to any man ; and then
to accuse us for neglecting to comply. If angels
or demons, in their own nature the worst kind
of spirits, confer any benefit; if the lost can save;
if the condemned can liberate ; if the dead — as
your conscience confesses them to be — can defend
the living ; then let them first protect their own
statues, and images, and temples, which now, I
fancy, require the nightly protection of the im
perial guard. Nay, I imagine, the very materials,
of which they are composed, come from Caesar's
mines; and every temple depends upon Caesar's
will. Besides, many gods have had an enemy in
Caesar. Even if he is propitious, this strengthens
our cause, that he should be able so to exercise
his liberality, and to confer privileges upon them.
Now, how should they, who are in Caesar's power,
who depend entirely upon him, have the pros
perity of Caesar in their power? How can thev

CHAP. XXIX.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 409
grant to him what they might more easily obtain
from him?
This, then, is the amount of our crime against
the Emperors, that we will not subject them to
what is their own;' that we do not join in ridi
culous addresses for their welfare, nor believe them
to be in hands, which require to be fastened with
lead. Ye, I presume, are the only religious per
sons, who seek for prosperity for your Emperors,
where it cannot be found; who demand it of
him, who hath it not to give ; while ye pass over
Him, in whose power it is : and, besides, persecute
those who know how to ask for it; and by such
knowledge would be able to obtain it.

CHAPTER XXX.

For the God, whom we invoke for the safety
of the Emperors, is the eternal God, the true
God, the living God, whom the Emperors them
selves would wish to propitiate above all others.
They know who it is who hath given them power:
they know, as human beings, who hath given them
life also. They perceive that he is God alone, in
whose power alone they are, under whom they
hold the second place, after whom they occupy
the first rank, before all and above all gods. For
they are superior to all men living; and all who
live are surely superior to the dead." They con
sider how far the bounds of their power extends ;
and thus understand what God is. They acknow
ledge that their power is derived from Him,
against whom their authority avails nothing. Let
any Emperor make war on heaven, lead heaven
* Eccles. ix. I.

CHAP. XXX.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 411
captive in his triumphal procession, set a guard
over heaven, and impose a tribute upon it. He
can do no such thing. His power arises only from
this, that he is inferior to heaven. For he belongs
to that Being, in whose power is heaven and every
creature. He hath no other origin as Emperor,
than he had, as a man, before he was Emperor:
his power and his life are alike the gifts of God.
To that God we Christians look up with hands
extended, because they are innocent; with head
uncovered, because we have nothing of which we
are ashamed ; and pray without a prompter, b be
cause we pray from the heart. We all pray without
ceasing for all Emperors, beseeching for them a
long life, a secure reign ; that their families may
,be preserved in safety, their armies brave, the
senate faithful, the people honest, the whole world
b Denique sine monitore, quia de pectore, oramus.
It is plain that Tertullian is here not condemning the use
of set forms of prayer, but contrasting the hearty and earnest
devotions, which the Christians offered for the Emperor, with
the desultory and forced exclamations of the idolatrous people.
Compare c. 35. There is probably also an allusion to the
persons who were appointed, at the sacrifices of the Romans,
to prompt the magistrates, lest they should incidentally omit a
single word in the appropriate formulae, which would have
vitiated the whole proceedings. "Vidimus certis precationibus
obsecrasse summos magistratus: et ne quid verborum praete-
reatur, aut praeposterum dicatur, de scripto praeire aliquem,
rursusque alium custodem dari qui attendat, alium verd prae-
poni qui faveri Unguis jubeat; tibicinem canere, ne quid aliud
exaudiatur." Plin. Hist. Nat. xxviii. c. 2. See Bingham,
Eccles. Ant. Book xm. c. 5. 5.

412 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXX.
peaceful, and whatever other things either the
people or the Emperor can desire. I can prefer
these prayers to Him only, who, I know, will
grant them, since it is He alone, in whose power
they are ; and I am one whom he will hear, one
of those who alone are his servants. For his
sake I am killed. To him I offer the rich and
more excellent sacrifice, which he himself hath
ordained/ prayer out of a clean heart, and in
nocent mind, and sanctified spirit. I offer not
a grain of frankincense which is sold for . one
farthing, nor the tears of an Arabian tree, nor
two drops of wine, nor the blood of a cast-away
ox, which would be glad to die; and after all
other abominations, even a defiled conscience ; so
that it is a wonder, when the most reprobate
priests are appointed to examine your victims,
why the enquiry is made into the hearts of the
sacrifices, rather than into those of the sacri-
ficers. When, then, we are thus stretching forth our
hands in prayer to God, let piercing instruments
lacerate our flesh, let crosses sustain, and flames
devour us, let swords strike off our heads, and
wild beasts rend us ; the very attitude of a Chris
tian in prayer is prepared for every kind of
punishment. c Heb. xiii. 15. Hos. xiv. 2.

CHAP. XXX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 413
Take especial care of this,11 ye excellent and
just judges: rack the soul which is praying to
God for the Emperor. This will be a crime,
when truth and devotion to God is.
A Hoc agite, boni praesides.
Tertullian makes here a sarcastic allusion to the well known
institution of Numa, that, while the magistrates and priests
were engaged in any religious ceremony, a herald should pro
claim Hoc age, to fix the attention of the people.

CHAPTER XXXI.

But perhaps it will be said, we merely flatter
the Emperor, and counterfeit the vows, which we
have mentioned, to avoid punishment. The accu
sation of this deceit is not without its advantage ;
for ye permit us to prove what we allege in our
defence. Ye, therefore, who think we care nothing
for the safety of the Emperors, examine the word
of God, our Scriptures ; we conceal them not, and
many accidents bring them to the knowledge of
those who are strangers to our faith. Learn from
them, that we are commanded, in the overflowing
fulness of Christian charity, to pray to God even
for our enemies, and to supplicate all good things
for our persecutors." Who are greater enemies
and persecutors of the Christians, than those against
whom we are accused of treason? Whereas we
are commanded plainly and expressly, in these
words, "Pray for kings, and for princes, and
authorities, that all things may be peaceable to
a Matt. v. 44. Luke vi. 27. 35.

CHAP. XXXI.^] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 415
you."b For when the whole empire is shaken, by
the disturbance of its other members, we too, al
though entirely removed from all civil contentions,
must yet be found in some place exposed to acci
dental injuries.
b Rom. xiii. i. 1 Tim. ii. 2. Tit. iii. i. 1 Pet. ii. 13.

CHAPTER XXXII.

We have another and greater necessity, which
urges us to pray for the Emperors, and for the
prosperity of the whole Empire and condition of
the Romans, since we know that the violent com
motions which are impending over the whole world,
and even the end of all things, which threatens the
most horrible desolation, is retarded by the con
tinuance of the Roman Empire. " We would wil-
a It was a prevailing opinion, in the early ages of the
Church, that the day of judgment was at hand. Thus Cyprian,
De Mortalitate, p. 165. (Fell).
Quod cum semper faciendum fuerit Dei servis, nunc fieri
multo magis debet, corruente jam mundo, et malorum infes-
tantium turbinibus obsesso: ut qui cernimus caepisse jam gravia,
et scimus imminere graviora, lucrum maximum computemus,
si istinc velocius recedamus. Si in habitaculo tuo parietes
vetustate nutarent, tecta supertremerent, domus jam fatigata,
jam lassa, aedificiis senectute labentibus ruinam proximam mi-
naretur, nonne omni celeritate migrares? Si, navigante te,
turbida et procellosa tempestas fluctibus violentius excitatis,
praenunciaret futura naufragia, nonne portum velociter peteres ?
Mundus ecce nutat et labitur : et ruinam sui non jam senectute
rerum sed fine testatur : et tu non Deo gratias agis, non tibi
gratularis, quod exitu maturiore subtractus, minis, et naufragiis,
et plagis imminentibus exuaris ? Tertullian

CHAP. XXXII.J THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 417
lingly avoid these evils ; and while we pray that
they may be deferred, we favour the duration of
the Roman power.
Moreover, if we swear not by the genius of
the Emperors, b we swear by their safety, which is
an oath of greater respect than any genius. Can
ye possibly be ignorant, that the genii are called
Demons, and thence by a diminutive, Daemonia?
We reverence, in the Emperors, the providence of

Tertullian, in many parts of his writings, as well as in this
Apology, expresses his belief that the consummation of all
things would immediately follow the dissolution of the Roman
Empire : and in his Treatise de Resurrectione Carnis, c. 24. he
thus interprets the prophecy of St. Paul (2 Thess. ii. 6.) re
specting the man of sin. " Et nunc quid detineat scitis, ad
revelandum eum in suo tempore. Jam enim arcanum iniqui-
tatis agitatur ; tantum qui nunc tenet, teneat ; donee de medio
fiat." Quis, nisi Romanus status? Cujus abscessio in decern
reges dispersa Antichristum superducet.
Hence, although, as in Resurrect. Carnis, c. 22. he some
times represents the final judgment as the completion of the
hopes of a Christian — vota nostra suspirant in seculi hujus
occasum, in transitum mundi quoque ad diem Domini magnum,
diem irae et retributionis : and in his Treatise de Oratione, c. 5.
he appears to oppose those who pray for a longer continuance
of the world, as contrary to the petition in the Lord's prayer,
Thy kingdom come — he yet speaks of the connection between
the day of judgment and the termination of the Roman power
as a reason why Christians should earnestly pray for the Em
peror and the Empire. Thus, ad Scapulam, c. 2. he says,
Christianus nullius est hostis, nedum Imperatoris : quem sciens
a Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut ipsum diligat et revereatur,
et honoret, et salvum velit, cum toto Romano imperio, quous-
que saeculum stabit : tamdiu enim stabit.
b See note (m) on the Martyrdom of Polycarp, c. 9. p. 1 54.
Dd

418 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXXII.
God, who placed them on their throne.0 We know
that the power which they possess is in conformity
to the will of God ; and we therefore are desirous
that what is the will of God should be safe ; and
we regard this as a powerful oath. But, with
respect to the demons, that is the Genii of which
ye speak, our custom is to adjure d them, in order
to cast them out of men, and not to swear by them,
as if we attributed to them divine honour.

c Thus the military oath, under the Christian Emperors,
was altered, in compliance with the conscientious feelings of
the Christian soldiers. Vegetius, de re militari ii. 5. has pre
served the form : " Jurant per Deum, et per Christum, et per
Spiritum Sanctum, et per majestatem Imperatoris, quae secun
dum Deum generi humano diligenda est et colenda."
d Adjurare consuevimus, ut illos de hominibus exigamus;
non dejerare, ut illis honorem divinitatis conferamus.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

But why shoidd I longer dwell upon the
religion and piety of the Christians towards the
Emperor, whom we must necessarily reverence as
the person whom our Lord hath chosen, and who,
I might justly say, is to us something more than
Caesar, since he is appointed by our God. Hence
I act the more efficaciously for his welfare in this
respect, that I not only pray for it to Him who is
able to grant it, and, as a Christian, deserve to
obtain it, but by subjecting the majesty of Caesar
to God, I commend him the more to God, to whom
alone I make him subject. And in thus subjecting
him to God, I do not make him equal to God.
For I will never call the Emperor god, not only
because I cannot lie, but because I dare not insult
him by pretended devotion, and because he would
not wish himself to be called a god. If he be a
man, it is the true interest of every human being
to give way to God : it is sufficient for him to be
called Emperor. Even this is a noble title, which
is given to him by God. He who calls him a god,
D D 2

420 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXXIII.
deprives him of the title of Emperor. " He is not
an Emperor unless he is a man. He is admonished
of his human nature, even when he is riding in
triumphal procession in his lofty chariot ; for even
then a person placed behind him whispers in his
ear, " Look back : remember that thou art a man."
And, in fact, the necessity that he should be thus
admonished of his condition, adds to the satisfac
tion which he feels at the splendour which glitters
around him. He would be really less, if he were
then called a god ; because it would be false. He
is greater when he is recalled to himself, that he
may not esteem himself a god.

a The Emperors were not deified till after their death. He,
therefore, who calls them by the appellation of a god addresses
them as if they were already dead, and either seems to wish
for their death, or, at least, utters words of ill omen. See the
end of c. 34.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Augustus, the founder of the Empire, would
never permit himself to be styled even Lord."
For this also is a name peculiar to God. I may
simply call the Emperor, lord, but as an ordinary
appellation, not when I am forced to call him
Lord, in the place of God. But I am his free
subject : b for I have but one Lord, the omnipotent
and eternal God, who is also his Lord. How can
he, who is properly styled the Father of his coun
try, be its lord. Besides, the name which entitles
him to filial respect is more grateful than that
which implies absolute power. Any one, in his own
family, would rather be called father than lord. So
far is the Emperor from being entitled to be called
God ; a supposition indeed which never could be
believed, except by an adulation as pernicious as it
is base. It is as if, when ye have one Emperor,
1 Suetonius, Aug. 53.
b Liber sum illi. I owe allegiance to the Emperor; but in
matters of religion I am free to pay my worship to Him who
is the supreme and only God.

422 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XXXIV.
ye addressed yourselves to another. By so doing,
would ye not unpardonably offend your own Em
peror, and expose him, whom ye address, to fearful
danger ? Be rather religious towards God, if ye
would have him favourable to the Emperor. Cease
to regard any other as God, and thus to call him a
god, who himself hath need of God. And if your
adulation be of such a nature that it blushes not
to assert such a falsehood, in addressing a man as
God, at least let it be afraid of the ill omen which
it implies. It is nothing less than a malediction
to address Caesar as a god, before his apotheosis.

CHAPTER XXXV

For this reason, then, the Christians are treated
as public enemies, because they refuse to ascribe
vain, and lying, and unauthorised honours to the
Emperors ; because, in the spirit of true religion,
their services are seated in the heart, rather than
displayed in wanton excess. It is, forsooth, a great
instance of zealous attachment, to bring out pub
licly fire and couches, to feast throughout all the
streets, to turn the whole city into one tavern, to
spill wine upon the ground, and run about in troops
to commit every act of violence, and indecency,
and lust. Is the public joy thus expressed by the
public disgrace ? Are acts proper to be performed
on the festal day of the Prince," which are impro
per on all other days? Shall they who, out of
respect to Caesar, usually observe discipline, on his
account cast it off? Shall piety be an excuse for
licentiousness ; religion an occasion of luxury ?
a  Cras nato Caesare festus

Dat veniam somnumque dies; impune licebit
/Estivam sermone benigno tendere noctem.
Hor. Epist. i. 5. 9.

424 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXXV.
O how justly are we to be condemned ! For
why do we make our vows, and keep our festi
vities for Caesar, with chastity, and sobriety, and
moderation ? Why, on the day of public rejoicing,
do we not cover our doors with laurel, and violate
the light of day by an artificial display of lamps ?
When a public solemnity requires it, to decorate
your house as if it were some new brothel, is a
mark of respectability. With respect, however, to
the religion which ye say is due to some second
degree of divine authority, — and for which ye
accuse us Christians of a second sacrilege, because
we refuse to celebrate the festivals of the Empe
rors, in a manner not permitted by modesty, or bash-
fulness, or sobriety, and introduced rather as an
occasion of unlawful enjoyment, than in compliance
with the persuasion of right reason, — I am desirous
to shew what is your own fidelity and truth, lest,
haply, those who will not permit us to be regarded
as Romans, but as enemies of the Roman sovereigns,
should in this instance also be found worse than
the Christians themselves. I appeal to the citizens
of Rome, to the populace, who dwell upon the
seven hills, whether their language spares any one
of the Caesars ? The low habitations on the border ,
of the Tiber, and the shows of wild beasts, which
are the schools where the multitude learn their
manners, bear sufficient testimony to this. In fact,
had nature placed some transparent substance in

CHAP. XXXV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 4,25
every man's breast, on whose heart would there not
be found imprinted the scene of another and again
another Caesar, presiding at the distribution of the
largess on his accession ; and that too in the very
hour when they are shouting,
" Jove, take our years to lengthen Caesar's life."
A Christian would be as far from pronouncing such
a prayer, as he would be from wishing for a new
emperor. But these, ye will say, are the mere vulgar.
But if they are the vulgar, they are yet Romans ;
and there are no greater persecutors of the Chris
tians than the vulgar. Of course, however, all the
other orders of the state are scrupulously faithful,
in proportion to their rank : no treason was ever
breathed from the Senate itself, from the Eques
trian order, from the military, or from the very
court. Whence then came a Cassius," a Niger, an
Albinus ? Whence arose those who attacked the
Emperor (Commodus) between the two groves of
laurel? and those who exercised themselves in
wrestling to acquire strength to strangle him ?
Whence came those who rushed in arms into the
palace, [to murder Pertinax,] in a more audacious
manner than Sigerius and Parthenius employed [in
the murder of Domitian ?] The actors in all these
scenes were Romans, I fancy, that is, were not
* Compare Tertullian Ad Nationes, I. c. 17- Ad Martyr, c. 6.
Ad Scapulam, c. 2.

426 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXXV.
Christians. Hence all of them, up to the very
breaking out of their treason, constantly sacrificed
for the welfare of the Emperor, and sware by his
genius. In all of them there was a great difference
between their outward deportment and their in
ward sentiments : and doubtless they gave the
Christians the name of public enemies. Nay, look
at those who are daily discovered as the accomplices
and abettors of similar wicked attempts, a gleaning
of the full vintage of parricide : how careful were
they to fill their door-ways with the freshest and
most umbrageous laurels ? how did they cover the
entrance of their houses with the loftiest and
brightest lamps? how did they divide the forum
among themselves by a display of the most highly
decorated and splendid couches ? All this they did,
not as partaking in the celebration of the public
festivity, but that they might pay their vows for
the success of their own schemes, in a solemnity
appointed for a different purpose, and inaugurate
an emblem and image of their own hopes, changing
in their hearts the name of the Emperor.
Those also perform their duty in the same
manner, who consult astrologers and soothsayers,
and augurs, and magicians, respecting the person
of the Emperor; arts to which Christians never
have recourse, even in their own private affairs,
inasmuch as they were delivered by fallen angels,
and are forbidden by God. For who can need to

CHAP. XXXV.] OF TERTULLIAN. 427
make any inquiry about the welfare of the Emperor,
unless he designs or wishes something contrary to
it, or encourages the expectation of some benefit
after his death ? For a consultation of this nature
is made with a very different spirit respecting a
man's friends and his sovereigns. The solicitude
of natural affection is very different from that of
slavery.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

If, then, they are proved to be enemies, who
yet were called Romans, why are we refused the
name of Romans, because we are presumed to be
enemies ? Is it impossible that we should be
Romans, and yet not enemies, because some are
found to be enemies, who were called Romans?
Piety, and religion, and fidelity to the Emperors
consist not in those observances, which rather serve
as a cloak for the purposes of hostility, but in con
duct which obliges us to display our respect to the
Emperor as truly as our kindly disposition towards
all men. For the exercise of good will is not
required of us with respect to the Emperors alone.
We are bound to do good without respect of per
sons; for we do it for our own sakes, and look for a
return of commendation and reward not from men
but from God, who requires and will repay disin
terested charity. We trust our Emperors and our
neighbours alike. For we are alike forbidden to
wish, or to do, or to say, or to think any evil of

CHAP. XXXVI.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 429
any one. What we are forbidden to do towards
the Emperor, we are not permitted to do towards
any one else. What we may do to no one else, we
are perhaps still more bound not to do to him,
whom God hath raised to such an elevation.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

If, then, we are commanded to love our ene
mies, as I have before shewn, whom have we to
hate ? If, when injured, we are forbidden to return
evil for evil, lest we should be like our adversaries,
whom can we hurt ? And on this point do ye your
selves be judges. For how frequently do ye use
violence against the Christians, sometimes at the
instigation of private malice, and sometimes ac
cording to the forms of law. How often also — not
to mention yourselves — do the common people in
their rage attack us of their own accord with stones
and flames. In the furious orgies of the Baccha
nalians, they spare not even the dead bodies of the
Christians : they draw them forth, from the resting
place of the grave, from the asylum of death; they
cut in pieces, and drag asunder, corpses which can
not be recognised, and are no longer entire. But
among all those, against whom such cruelties are
exercised, and who are so provoked, even to death,
what instance did you ever discover, in which the
injury was retaliated ? Although even one night,

CHAP. XXXVII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 431
with the aid of a torch or two, would afford abun
dant means of revenge, if we were permitted to
return evil for evil. But God forbid that our
religion should require the fires of the incendiary to
prove its divine origin, or should grieve at sufferings
by which its truth is tried. For if we wished to act,
not as secret avengers, but as open enemies, think
ye that we should lack numbers and forces ? As
well might ye say that any one nation, such as the
Moors, the Marcomanni, the Parthians themselves,
or any other tribe confined to its own territory, was
more numerous than the rest of the world united.
We are but of yesterday, and have already filled all
your empire, your towns, islands, forts, boroughs,
councils, your very camp, every tribe and quarter of
the city, the palace, the senate, the forum. " We
a This is a remarkable testimony to the rapid propagation
of the Christian religion. Tertullian makes assertions of the
same nature in his Apology, c. 1. (p. 283.) In his Treatise ad
Scapulam, c. 2. he speaks of the Christians as forming almost
the majority in every place — " tanta hominum multitudo, pars
pene major civitatis cujusque." And at the conclusion of the
same Treatise, c. 5. he declares, that if the cruel laws against
the Christians were rigidly enforced Carthage would be deci
mated. "Hoc si placuerit et hic fieri, quid facies de tantis
millibus hominum, tot viris ac feminis, omnis sexus, omnis
aetatis, omnis dignitatis offerentibus se tibi ? Quantis ignibus,
quantis gladiis opus erit ? Quid ipsa Carthago passura est de-
cimanda a te, cum propinquos cum contubernales suos illic
unusquisque cognoverit ? — Parce ergo tibi, si non nobis. Parce
Carthaglni, si non tibi."
Compare also Ad Nationes, I. c. 8. In another place (Adv.
Jud. c. 7.) he speaks of the diffusion of Christianity throughout the

432 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XXXVII.
leave you nothing but your temples. We can cal
culate the number of your armies : the Christians
of one province would exceed it. Even with infe
rior numbers, for what war should we not be ready,
and fitted, when we possess such passive courage as
to submit patiently to death, if our principles did
not instruct us rather to be slain than to slay?
We might indeed, effectually oppose you even
without arms, and without active resistance or
revolt, by merely separating ourselves from you.
For if such a multitude of men, as we are, should
suddenly remove to some remote extremity of the
world, the loss of so many citizens, of whatever kind
they were, would overwhelm your whole empire with
shame, and punish it simply by desertion. With
out all doubt ye would be terrified at the solitude
the world, and enumerates Spain, Gaul, and Britain, among
many other places to which the Gospel had already extended.
" — .- Getulorum varietates, et Maurorum multi fines; His-
paniarum omnes termini, et Galliarum diversas nationes, et
Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita : et
Sarmatarum, et Dacorum, et Germanorum, et Scytharum, et
abditarum multarum gentium ; et provinciarum et insularum
multarum nobis ignotarum, etquae enumerare minus possumus?
In quibus omnibus locis Christi nomen, qui jam venit, regnat."
De Corona, c. 12, he uses the incidental expression, " Et apud
barbaros etiam Christus."
We must make considerable allowance for the strong man
ner in which Tertullian is in the habit of making his statements.
But after all reasonable deduction on this account, we cannot
but regard his testimony as very valuable in shewing that the
Christians formed a most numerous body in many places, and
that the religion of the Gospel was then very widely diffused.

CHAP. XXXV1I.J OF TERTULLIAN. 433
in which ye found yourselves placed, at the silence
of all things around you, and, as it were, at the
awful stillness of a dead world ; and would look
about in vain for subjects to govern. Ye would
have more enemies than citizens left. For even
now ye have fewer enemies than ye otherwise
would have, on account of the multitude of Chris
tians, since almost all the citizens of almost all
cities are Christians.
But, notwithstanding this, ye prefer calling us
enemies of the human race. Whereas who else
would rescue you from enemies, which are secretly
in all directions destroying your souls and under
mining your health? I speak of the incursions of
demons, which we repel from you without fee or
reward." This alone would afford us an ample revenge,
that we should leave you in the undisturbed pos
session of unclean spirits. Yet ye repay us not
for this invaluable protection, but treat a race of
men, who are not only harmless, but necessary to
your welfare, as enemies ; and enemies indeed we
are, not of the human race, but rather of all kinds
of error. b Compare c. 23. note (b.)

E K

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Our religion, therefore, ought to be still more
leniently regarded, among those sects which are
tolerated ; since we commit none of those enormi
ties, which are apprehended from such factions as
are disallowed. For, doubtless, the legitimate
object of government, in prohibiting factions, is to
guard the public peace, and prevent the state from
being divided into various parties ; since this would
soon create disturbance in your assemblies, in your
councils, your courts, your meetings, and even in
your public spectacles, by the conflict of those who
favour different parties, especially at a time when
men are found, who from vile and mercenary
motives will lend themselves to the perpetration of
any violence. But we, who are dead to all desires
of glory and dignity, have no occasion to join in any
assemblies; and no life is more alien from our
habits than public life. We look upon ourselves as
citizens of one state only, of the whole world. In
like manner we renounce your public spectacles,
since we know they originated in superstition ; and

CHAP. XXXVIII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 435
have no dealings with what is there transacted.
What we speak, and see, and hear, hath nothing in
common with the madness of the circus, the inde
cency of the theatre, the cruelty of the arena, or
the vanity of your athletic exercises. Ye permitted
the Epicureans to boast that they had discovered
the true secret of pleasure. Why are ye offended
at us if we have recourse to other pleasures of our
own ? If we will be ignorant of the art of enjoy
ment, the loss is ours; at all events, not yours.
But we renounce what pleases you, and our occu
pations delight you not.

E E2

CHAPTER XXXIX.

I shall now set forth the facts relating to
the Christian faith; that, having refuted the
calumnies advanced against it, I may display its
goodness, by a representation of the truth. We
are a body united in the profession of religion, in
the same rites of worship, and in the bond of a
common hope. We meet in one place, and form
an assembly, that we may, as it were, come before
God in one united body, and so address him in
prayer. This is a violence, which is well pleas
ing to God. We pray also for the Emperors, and
for those in authority under them, for the powers
of this world, for the maintenance of peace, and for
the delay of final judgment.
We meet, also, for reading the holy Scriptures,
as the circumstances of the times require us to
receive instruction for the future, or remembrance
of the past. By the study of those holy words we
most surely nourish our faith, elevate our hope,
confirm our assurance, and strengthen our attach-

CHAP. XXXIX.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 437
ment to its precepts, even under persecution." In
the same place we deliver exhortations, reproofs,
and the religious censure of excommunication . For
our judgments are given with great solemnity* as
among men who are conscious that they are in the
sight of God ; and it is the surest anticipation of
future judgment, if any one who offends is there
fore banished from all communion of prayer, and
from our public assemblies, and from all holy
intercourse. There preside over us certain approved elders, b
who have obtained that honour not by purchase,
but by public testimony : for no office of God is to

a Disciplinam praeceptorum nihilominus in compulsationi-
bus densamus. Many editions have inculcationibus.
" Tertullian here speaks of the order of Bishops and Pres
byters under the appellation of probati quique seniores. In his
Treatise de Praescriptione Haereticorum, c. 3. he mentions the
orders of Bishop and Deacon. Quid ergo si Episcopus, si dia
conus  lapsus a regula fuerit. In other places, he enumerates
the three orders of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons ; and makes
a distinction between the Clergy and Laity.
Dandi quidem habet jus summus sacerdos, qui est Episco
pus ; dehinc Presbyteri et Diaconi : non tamen sine Episcopi,
auctoritate, propter Ecclesiae honorem ; qua salvo, salva pax
est. De Baptismo, c. 17- Sed quum ipsi auctores, id est, ipsi
Diaconi, Presbyteri, et Episcopi fugiunt, quomodo laicus
intelligere poterit, qua. ratione dictum, Fugite de civitate in
civitatem? De Fuga in Persecut. ell.
In his Treatise de Praescriptione Haereticorum, c. 41. he
accuses the Heretics of confounding these distinctions ; Itaque
alius hodie Episcopus, eras alius : hodie Diaconus, qui eras
Lector : hodie Presbyter, qui eras Laicus : nam et laicis
sacerdotalia munera injungunt.

438 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXXIX.
be bought with money. If there is a public chest,
the money collected is no dishonourable sum, as if
it belonged to a purchased religion. Every one
makes a small contribution, on a certain day of the
month, or when he chooses, provided only he is
willing and able : for no one is compelled ; all is
voluntary. The amount is, as it were, a common
fund of piety. Since it is expended not in feasting,
or drinking, or indecent excess, but in feeding and
burying the poor, and in supporting children of
either sex, who have neither parents nor means of
subsistence, and old men now confined to their
houses and incapable of work ; in relieving those
also who have been shipwrecked : and if there are
any in the mines, or in the islands, or in prison,
provided they suffer for the cause of God's religion,
they are the almoners of the bounty, to which their
confession entitles them.
But even the working of a charity like this is
by some made a cause of censure against us. " See,"
say they, " how these Christians love one another!"
For they themselves hate one another : and, " how
ready each one is to die for the other !" For they
themselves are much more ready to put one another
to death. If, again, we are blamed for styling one
another brethren, this can, I imagine, be made
matter of reproach for this reason only, that among
themselves all names of kindred are affected only
for feigned purposes. We acknowledge ourselves

CHAP. XXXIX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 439
to be even your brethren, having one nature as our
common mother, although ye have forfeited your
title to be considered human beings, because ye are
bad brethren. With how much more reason, then,
are we both called and esteemed brethren, who
have all recognized one Father, even God, who
have all drunk of one spirit of holiness, who have
all trembled with astonishment, when we have been
born as it were from the same womb of ignorance,
into the same light of truth.
But, it may be, we are the less regarded as real
brethren, because no tragedy derives materials for
declamation from our brotherhood, or because, as
brethren, we unite in the use of our common pro
perty, which, with you, is the greatest cause of
discord among brethren. Hence we, who are of one
mind and one soul, hesitate not to communicate
what we possess one with another. All things
which we have are in common, except our wives.
Our community of property ceases, in that very
point, in which alone other men have any thing in
common ; for they not only violate the marriage
bed of others, but most patiently allow their friends
access to their own ; following, I imagine, the les
sons of those wisest of men, the Grecian Socrates,
and the Roman Cato,c who lent to their friends
c Plutarch, in his life of Cato, the philosopher, great-grand
son of Cato the Censor, says that he gave his wife Marcia to
Quintus Hortensius, and, at his death, took her back again.
Tertullian here confounds the two Catos.

440 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXXIX.
the wives whom they had married, that they might
bear children to others. How far this was against
the consent of their wives, I know not : for why
should they be careful of their chastity, of which
their husbands so easily disposed ? O wisdom of
Athens ! O rare example of Roman gravity ! The
Philosopher and the Censor each disposes of his
wife's virtue.
What wonder is it, then, if, maintaining such
good will towards each other, we should feast
together. For, I understand, our moderate enter
tainments are not only accused as scenes of infamy,
but censured as extravagantly expensive. Where
as, in truth, Diogenes might have alluded to us,
when he said, " the people of Megara feast as if
they were to die tomorrow, and build as if they
were to live for ever." But every one sees a mote
in another's eye, sooner than a beam in his own.
The whole air is soured with the gross exhala
tions of all your tribes, and wards, and quarters
of your city, at their feasts. The Salii cannot
sup, without borrowing money to pay for the ban
quet. Accountants are necessary expressly to cal
culate the expense of the tithes and offerings made
to Hercules. An especial levy of cooks is made
for the Apaturia, or mysteries of Bacchus. * At
the smoke of the supper of Serapis, firemen are
d The Eleusinian mysteries.

CHAP. XXXIX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 441
called out. Yet the only complaint which is made,
is at the simple meal of the Christians. Our sup
per sufficiently shews its meaning by its very name.
It is called by a term which in Greek signifies
love. Whatever may be its cost, an expense in
curred in the cause of religion is in fact a gain,
since by this refreshment we assist all who are in
need; not in the manner in which parasites with
you eagerly expose themselves to every kind of
indignity and ill usage, which the licentiousness
of the banquet may inspire, to gratify their
appetite; but with the full conviction that God
more especially regards the poor.
If the cause of our feast be honourable, con
sider the order of the rest of our regulations, how
appropriate it is to the duties of religion. It
admits nothing indecorous, nothing indecent. We
sit not down to eat, until prayer to God be made,
as it were, the first morsel.6 We eat as much as
e See 1 Tim. iv. 4, 5. That this custom of making prayer
before meals was preserved in later ages of the Church, is
plain from many occasional references to it. Thus Chrysostom,
in his 49th Homily on Matt. xiv. (Tom. 11. p. 314. 32. Savile.)
when speaking of our Lord blessing the bread, before he gave
it to the multitude, observes that this was intended to teach us
not to sit down to table, till we had first given thanks to him
who provides us with food. 'Opov pev raura xaratrxevatrnv,
opov Se uirep eiirov waiSevwv rjndi pr} irporepov airreaBai Tpa-
irefyi, ems dv eiyapio-Trjo-mpev rm rrjv Tp6(j}r]v tjpiv rauTr/v
irapex°vTi. The character which Tertullian here gives of the manners
of the primitive Christians in society, agrees entirely with the
delightful

442 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XXXIX.
will satisfy hunger, and drink as much as is useful
for the temperate. We commit no excess, for we
remember that even during the night we are to
make our prayers to God. Our conversation is
that of men who are conscious that the Lord
hears them. After water is brought for the hands,
and lights, we are invited to sing to God, accord
ing as each one can propose a subject from the
Holy Scriptures, or of. his own composing. This
is the proof in what manner we have drunk.
Prayer in like manner concludes the feast.
Thence we depart, not to join a crowd of dis
turbers of the peace, nor to follow a troop of braw
lers ; nor to break out in any excess of wanton
riot ; but to maintain the same staid and modest
demeanour, as if we were departing, not from a
supper, but from a lecture.
This society of the Christians is truly unlawful,
if it be like those which are unlawful : and ought
indeed to be condemned, if it be not contrary to
those which are condemned ; if any one brings an
accusation against it, such as is alleged against
other factions. Whom have we ever injured in
delightful representation made by Cyprian, (Ad Donatum, ad
fin. p. 10. Fell.) Et quoniam feriata nunc quies, ac tempus est
otiosum; quicquid inclinato jam sole in vesperam diei superest,
ducamus hanc diem laeti : nee sit vel hora convivii gratiae cae-
lestis immunis. Sonet psalmos convivium sobrium : et ut tibi
tenax memoria est, vox canora ; aggredere hoc munus ex more.
Magis carissimos pasces, si sit nobis spiritalis auditio ; prolectet
aures religiosa mulcedo.

CHAP. XXXIX.] OF TERTULLIAN. 443
our assemblies? We are the same when we are
collected, as when dispersed ; the same united, as
we are separated; injuring no one, grieving no
one. When men of probity and goodness and
piety and chastity are thus assembled, the meet
ing is not to be called a faction, but a court.

CHAPTER XL.

On the contrary, the name of a faction is
appropriately applied to those who unite in hatred
of the just and good, who join in the outcry against
innocent blood, however they may cover their
malice with the vain pretext, that the Christians
are the cause of every public calamity and every
inconvenience which the people suffer. If the
Tiber rises against the walls of the city, or the
Nile does not overflow its banks, if there is drought,
or earthquake, or famine, or pestilence, the cry at
once is, " Take the Christians to the lion !" —
What ! so many to one beast ?
Tell me, pray, before the reign of Tiberius,
that is, before the birth of Christ, how many mis
fortunes afflicted the empire and the city of Rome ?
We read of the islands Hiera, Anaphe, Delos,
Rhodes, and Cos having been desolated, with the
loss of many thousand men. Plato also mentions
a tract of land, greater than Asia and Africa, to
have been swallowed up by the sea. An earthquake
engulphed part of the Corinthian sea; and the

CHAP. XL.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 445
force of the waves cut off Lucania from Italy, and
caused its name to be changed to Sicily. Now all
these changes doubtless occurred not without injury
to the inhabitants. But where were then, — I say
not the Christians who despise your gods, but
where were your gods themselves, — when the
deluge destroyed the whole world ; or, as Plato
supposed, the plains only ? For the very cities, in
which your deities were born and died, and those
which they founded, unite in proving that they
were subsequent to the destruction caused by the
deluge. For had not the cities been posterior to
that period, they never would have remained to
this day.
The swarm of the Jewish nation had not yet
settled in Palestine, nor had the origin of the Chris
tian religion been there laid, when a shower of fire
burnt up the neighbouring region of Sodom and
Gomorrha. The whole earth there still retains the
smell of fire, and the fruit of any tree which
endeavours to bear, is fair to the eye, but dissolves
to ashes at the touch.
Again, neither Tuscany nor Campania com
plained of the Christians, when fire from heaven
overwhelmed the city Volsinii, and flames from
their own mountain consumed Pompeii. There
were, at Rome, no worshippers of the true God,
when Hannibal, at Cannae, measured in a bushel
the rings of the Romans who were slain in battle.

446 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XL.
All your gods were universally adored, when the
Gauls besieged the very Capitol. It is remarkable,
too, that when any misfortune befel the cities, the
temples suffered as well as the walls ; so that even
from this fact I might prove, that the calamities
were not sent by your gods, since they happened
to themselves. The human race hath always deserved punish
ment from God ; in the first place, because they
served him not ; but, when they understood him
in part, they not only sought him not out as an
object of reverence and fear, but speedily made for
themselves other gods : and then, because seeking
Him not as the rewarder of innocence and the
judge and avenger of guilt, they have given them
selves up to all kinds of vices and crimes. If, on
the other hand, they had sought him, they would
assuredly have found him ; and, when found, they
would have served him, and, by serving him would
have been the objects of his mercy rather than of
his anger. But now it is just that they should be
exposed to the anger of God, in the same manner
as they were before the name of Christian was ever
heard. Since they experienced benefits from Him,
long before their own gods were feigned to exist,
why should they not understand that their misfor
tunes have come from Him, whose benefits they
had not noticed ? They are justly subject to con
demnation, in that they are ungrateful.

CHAP. XL.] OF TERTULLIAN. 447
If, however, we compare former calamities with
the present, we shall find that the world is now
less severely visited, since God gave Christians to
inhabit it. For from that period, their innocence
hath tempered the depravity of the age ; and they
have begun to be intercessors with God.
Finally, when ye suffer so from drought, that
your summer is as barren as your winter, and ye
fear even for the natural return of the seasons,
feeding daily to the full, and running from one
excess of gluttony to another, after having indulged
in your baths and in taverns and brothels, ye
sacrifice offerings to Jupiter, to obtain rain, com
mand the people to walk bare-foot in processions,
seek for heaven in the Capitol, and look for a
supply of rain to the ceilings of your temples, for
getful alike of God and of heaven. Meanwhile
we, shrunk with fasting, and worn out with absti
nence of every kind, cut off from all enjoyment of
life, rolling in sackcloth and ashes, weary heaven
with the importunity of our prayers, and reach the
ear of God : and when we have thus extorted mercy,
ye give honour to Jupiter, and neglect God.

CHAPTER XLI.

Ye, therefore, are the causes of calamity to
mankind: ye bring misfortune and evil upon the
state, by despising the true God and adoring
images. For it is plainly more probable that he
who is neglected should be angry, rather than
they who are worshipped. Or surely they are of
all others the most unjust, if, for the sake of the
Christians they injure even their own worshippers,
whom they ought to keep separate from the
offences of the Christians. But, ye will say, this
is an argument which may be retorted against
the God whom ye Christians worship, since he too
permits his followers to be injured on account of
the profane. First, however, admit the dispositions
of his Providence to be what they really are, and
ye will no longer turn this argument against us.
For He, who hath decreed an eternal judgment
once for all, after the end of this world, hastens
not that separation, which is the peculiar act of
judgment, until the last day. Meanwhile, he is
impartial towards the whole human race, both in

CHAP. XLI.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 449
his mercy and in his chastisement. His will is,
that good and evil should happen alike to the pro
fane and to the believer; that we might all alike
experience both the goodness and the severity of
God. Since we have been so taught of Him, we
love his goodness, and fear his severity, whereas
ye, on the contrary, despise both. Hence all the
troubles of this world, if they happen to fall upon
us, are for our admonition ; if upon you, they are
regarded as a punishment sent from God. All
these things, however, injure us not: in the first
place, because we have no further concern with
this world than how we may most quickly depart
from it; and also, because if we suffer any affliction,
we ascribe it to your sins. And even if any of
these affect us also, as being connected with you,
we rather rejoice, inasmuch as we perceive in them
the fulfilment of the divine predictions, which con
firm the confidence and faith of our hope. But if
all these evils come upon you, for our sake, from
the gods whom ye worship, why do ye persevere
in serving such ungrateful and unjust gods, who
ought rather to assist and relieve you, to the grief
and discomfort of the Christians ?

Ff

CHAPTER XLII.

But we are called upon to answer another
charge : we are said to be useless for the ordinary
business of life. How can such an accusation be
maintained against men who live- among your
selves, using the same food and raiment and habits
of living, and the same necessaries of life? We
are not like the Brachmans, or the Gymnosophists
of the Indians, dwellers in the woods, and exiles
from ordinary life. We remember the gratitude
which we owe to God our Lord and Creator. We
reject no fruit of his works ; albeit we are tempe
rate, so as to use them not to excess, nor in an
improper manner. Hence, while we live in this
world, we frequent your market, your shambles,
your baths, your taverns, your shops, your inns,
your fairs, and all other places of resort. We
unite with you in navigation, and in war, and
in husbandry, and in trade. We give you all
the benefit of our arts and of our labour. How
then we can be accused of being useless to your
ordinary business, when we live with you and by

CHAP. XLII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 451
you, I know not. If I frequent not your religious
ceremonies, yet, on the day appointed for them,
I am still a human being, as on other days. At
the period of your Saturnalia, I bathe not, like
yourselves, at night, lest I should lose the night
and the day too : but I do yet bathe at my usual
hour, which is the most salubrious, and by those
means preserve the warmth of my body, and the
wholesome condition of my blood. It will be time
enough for me to be stiff and pale after bathing,
when I am dead. At the feasts in honour of
your gods, I sit not down in public to the ban
quet, as those unhappy men do, who take their
last meal, before they are thrown to the wild
beasts; but, wherever I sup, I eat of the same
provisions as yourselves. I purchase no crown for
my head;" how can ye be affected with the man-
a Tertullian, in his Treatise de Corona Militis, argues upon
the impropriety of a Christian using a custom, which to him
appeared to imply a culpable compliance with the forms of
idolatry. In c. 5. he dwells at some length upon! the subject
here alluded to. Hoc sint tibi flores, et inserti, et innexL et
in filo, et in scirpo, quod liberi, quod soluti: spectaculli" scilicet
et spiraculi res. Coronam si forte fascem existimas florum per
seriem comprehensorum, ut plures simul portes, ut omnibus pa-
riter utaris, jam vero et in sinum conde, si tanta munditia est;
in lectulum sparge, si tanta mollitia est ; et in poculum crede,
si tanta innocentia est. Tot modis fruere, quot et sentis. Cae-
terum in capite quis sapor floris? qui coronae sensus? nisi
vinculi tantum : quo neque color cernitur, neque odor, ducitur,
nee teneritas commendatur.
Minucius Felix, in his Octavius, c. 37- (p- 114. Rigalt)
imitates and explains this passage of Tertullian.
F f 2 Quis

452 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XLII.
ner in which I choose to dispose of the flowers,
which I yet purchase? I conceive them to be
more grateful, when they are permitted to fall
freely, and loosely, and without constraint. But
even if we form them into a crown, we place
them so as to be more agreeable to the sense of
smelling. Let those give as rational an account
of their custom, who act as if their hair were
the organ of that sense. We assemble not, it
is true, at your public spectacles : but if I require
any of the conveniences, which are so frequently
sold at those occasions of public resort, I prefer
procuring them in their proper places. We pur
chase not frankincense. If the people of Arabia
complain, let them remember that their spices are
consumed in greater profusion, and at a higher
cost, in preparing the bodies of Christians for
burial, than in burning incense to your gods.
"But," ye say, "the revenues of our temples
continually decrease. How few now pay their
appointed tribute to the gods?" This charge
may be true : for we cannot afford to relieve your
mendicant gods, while we succour men who are
in want. Besides, we give to those only who ask.
Quis autem ille, qui dubitat vernis indulgere nos floribus,
ciim capiamus et rosam veris, et lilium, et quidquid aliud in
floribus blandi coloris et odoris est ? His enim et sparsis uti-
mur mollibus ac solutis, et sertis colla complectimur. Sane
quod caput non coronamus, ignoscite. Auram boni floris nari-
bus ducere, non occipitio capillisve solemus haurire.

CHAP. XLII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 453
Let Jupiter, then, hold out his hand, and he shall
receive ; for our charity dispenses more in every
street, than your religion in each temple. But
tribute of every other kind is deeply indebted to
the Christians, who pay that which is due, with
the fidelity with which we abstain from all fraud.
Whereas, if an account were kept of the injury
which the commonwealth suffers by the fraud
and falsehood which ye exercise, it would plainly
appear, that the accurate statement, which we
make, of the tribute which we owe, was much
more than a compensation for any complaint which
ye make upon any other point.

CHAPTER XLIII.

I will, however, frankly confess, that there
may be some who have reason to complain of the
little support, which they receive from the Chris
tians. Among the first of these will be the vile
panders and slaves of every kind of lust; in the next
place, murderers, poisoners, magicians, fortune
tellers, soothsayers, and astrologers. To be fruit
less to such as these, is itself a great gain. Yet,
whatever loss ye may incur from our religion, it
may assuredly be counterbalanced by some advan
tage. How much are ye indebted to men — I say
not now, who cast out devils from among you, I
say not now, who offer prayers even for you to the
true God, because perhaps ye believe nothing of
this — but to men from whom ye have nothing to
fear?

CHAPTER XLIV.

Mea>hvhile no one pays attention to a loss,
which the state is suffering, as great as it is real ;
no one considers the public injury inflicted, when
so many just men among us are consumed, when
so many innocent suffer. For we confidently appeal
to your own records, kept by those of you who
preside in courts of justice, and make a distinct
enumeration of the crimes of those who are brought
before you. Out of so great a number of criminals
as are there recorded, each with his own accusa
tion, what murderer among them, what thief, what
man guilty of sacrilege or of corrupting youth,
what pilferer," is described also as a Christian ? or
when any Christians are brought before you to
answer to the charge of being such, who among
them is found to be like so many of your own
criminals? They are men of your own who fill
your prisons ; the sighs which rise from the mines
tt Quislavantiumpraedo: what robber of clothes from baths.
This was a very common crime, and punished capitally, in
consequence of the facility with which it could be committed.

456 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [cHAP. XLIV.
are breathed by men of your religion ; the wild
beasts feed upon your men, and the vile herds of
gladiators are replenished from the same source.
Among these no Christian is found, unless the
name of Christian be his only offence ; or if he be
accused of any other crime, he hath already ceased
to be a Christian.

CHAPTER XLV.

But, it will be asked, are we Christians, then,
the only men who live innocently? What wonder
is this, if it be a necessary consequence, as it
really is, of the principles which we and others
profess ? Since it is God himself who hath taught
us to live innocently, we have learned perfect
obedience as revealed by a perfect master ; and we
faithfully keep his commandments, since they are
delivered by one whose scrutiny we cannot despise.
Now the opinion of man hath given the rules for
your innocence; and human authority hath imposed
the law. Hence your precepts are neither so full
nor so authoritative as they ought to be, to esta
blish innocence of life in all its truth. To what
extent can the prudence of man reach in shewing
what is truly good ? What authority can it exert
to enforce its commands ? The one can as easily
be deceived as the other despised. Thus, which is
the more extensive command, that which says,
Thou shalt not kill, or that which declares, Thou
shalt not even be angry ? Which is the more per
fect, for a law to prohibit adultery, or to forbid
even the impurity of an unchaste look ? Whether

458 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XLV.
is it wiser to interdict the doing or the speaking
evil ? Whether is it more effectual to forbid injury,
or not to suffer even retaliation ? We have already
spoken of the antiquity of Moses, that ye may
know that even those very laws of yours, which
may seem to tend to the encouragement of inno
cence of life, have borrowed their enactments from
the Divine law, which is older than they.
But, after all, what is the authority of human
laws? since a man may usually evade them, by
escaping detection, and sometimes set them at
naught, by pleading that his offence was involun
tary, or compulsory : especially when it is remem
bered, that the punishment which they can inflict
is short ; since, at the worst, it is terminated by
death. Thus it was that Epicurus taught men
to despise all pain and torture, declaring that if it
were small, it was unworthy of regard, if great, it
was of short duration. Whereas we, who are to
give our account to God who sees all things, and
know that he will inflict eternal punishment, are
justly considered the only persons who uphold
innocency of life, as well from the extent of God's
knowledge, as from the difficulty of escape, and the
greatness of a punishment which is not only of
long, but of eternal duration ; for we fear Him,
who ought to be the object of fear even to the
judge, who condemns us ; because we fear God,
and not the proconsul.

CHAPTER XLVI.

We have now, I trust, sufficiently answered
every charge which hath served as a pretext for
requiring the blood of the Christians. We have
shewn the whole of our real condition, and by
what means we can prove it to be what we assert,
namely, by the fidelity and antiquity of the sacred
Scriptures, and by the confession of spiritual powers.
If there be any one bold enough to attempt to
confute us, he must endeavour to establish the
truth, not by the mere artifice of a verbal dispute,
but in the same manner in which we have esta
blished our proof.
But, while our truth is made manifest to every
one, the incredulity of our adversaries — being no
longer able to deny the goodness of our religion,
which hath already been established even with
reference to the daily intercourse and transactions of
life — hath recourse to the excuse, that our faith is
not of divine origin, but rather a species of philo
sophy. The philosophers, they say, preach and
profess the same virtues with yourselves, innocence,

460 THE APOLOGY [dlAP. XLVI.
justice, patience, sobriety, chastity. If this be true,
why do we not enjoy the same impunity for professing
our doctrines, which those possess, to whom we are
thus compared ? Or why is it, that, while we are
exposed to the greatest danger, for refusing to per
form certain services, they are not compelled to do
the same? For who ever thought of obliging a
philosopher to sacrifice, or to swear by your gods,
or vainly to light candles at noon day ? Yet they
openly oppose the worship of your gods, and in
their writings also, which ye receive with applause,
inveigh against your superstitions. Many of them
also receive your support while they attack your
princes, and are rather honoured with statues and
pensions, than sentenced to be exposed to the wild
beasts ; and justly so, since they are denominated
philosophers, not Christians. Will this name of
philosophers cast out devils? How should it do
so, when philosophers place those demons in the
rank of gods? It is an expression of Socrates,
"If the demon permit." The same philosopher,
when he had attained some knowledge of the
truth, in that he denied your gods, did yet, in his
last moments, order a cock to ,be sacrificed to
Esculapius; I suppose in honour of his father
Apollo, who had pronounced Socrates the wisest
of mortals. O thoughtless Apollo ! he gave testi
mony in favour of the wisdom of the man, who
denied the existence of the gods. In proportion

CHAP. XLVI.] of TERTULLIAN. 461
to the hatred to which truth is exposed, is the
offence which is given by him, who faithfiUly
maintains truth. But he who perverts and cor
rupts the truth, by that very action obtains the
favour of those who oppose truth, by deriding and
contemning it. The philosophers affect to imitate
the truth, but by that very imitation they corrupt
it; since they seek only vain glory. Christians,
on the other hand, necessarily seek truth, and
maintain it with constancy, since they regard their
own salvation.
Hence we are not, as ye suppose, like the
philosophers, either in our doctrine or in our
discipline. For what certain knowledge did
Thales, the prince of natural philosophers, give
to Croesus, who enquired of him respecting the
Divinity ? Did he not disappoint his expectations,
by requesting to delay his answer, without effect ?
Now the meanest Christian knows and can declare
what God is ; and hence he can actually show that
which is sought by those who endeavour to find
out God : although Plato declares that it is not
easy to discover the Maker of the Universe, and
most difficult, when discovered, to make him
known to others.
Again, if a comparison is made between our
chastity and that of the philosophers, I read a
part of the sentence pronounced by the Athe
nians against Socrates, in which he is called a

462 THE APOLOGY [cHAP. XLVI.
corruptor of youth. The love of a Christian is
confined to its proper and natural objects. Diogenes
himself is accused of gratifying a base passion
with the harlot Phryne. A certain Speusippus,
of the school of Plato, is said to have perished in
the act of adultery. A Christian knows none but
his own wife. Democritus blinded himself, because
he could not look upon women without desire, and
was grieved if he could not satisfy his passion;
thus declaring his incontinence, by the very means
which he took to amend it. But a Christian,
without injuring his eyes, looks not upon women ;
in his mind he is blind to lust.
If I am to defend Christians against the accu
sation of pride, we may see Diogenes treading upon
the proud couches of Plato, with muddy feet ; thus
displaying, by that very action, pride of another
kind : a Christian shews no pride, even towards the
poor. If there is any question respecting mode
ration, we may appeal to Pythagoras among the
Thurians, and Zeno among the people of Priene,
each affecting absolute power. A Christian is not
ambitious of the meanest office. If a comparison
is proposed respecting the equanimity of the Chris
tian and the philosopher ; Lycurgus chose his life
to be shortened, because the Spartans amended his
laws ; " the Christian, even when condemned to
» Tertullian gives the same account of Lycurgus in c. 4.

CHAP.

XLVI.] OF TERTULLIAN. 463

death, returns thanks. If a question is made re
specting the fidelity of each ; Anaxagoras denied
a pledge to his guests; a Christian is acknow
ledged to be faithful, even to strangers. If I am
to defend Christians upon the ground of simplicity;
Aristotle made his friend Hermias disgracefully
give way to himself: a Christian injures not even
his enemy. The same Aristotle was as basely
subservient in adulation to Alexander, whom he
ought rather to have governed, as Plato was to
Dionysius, for the sake of his appetite. Aristippus,
under an exterior of great gravity, gave himself
up to excess, clothed in purple ; and Hippias was
slain, while he was plotting against the state.
No Christian ever had recourse to such means
for his fellows, with whatever severity they may
be persecuted. But, some one will say, there are some even
among ourselves, who deviate from the strict rules
of our discipline. If so, we consider them Chris
tians no longer. Whereas philosophers among
yourselves, who do the like, continue to enjoy the
name and distinctions attached to the wisdom
which they profess.
Such, and no other, is the degree of similitude
between a philosopher and a Christian ; between a
disciple of Greece and of heaven ; between one
who seeks fame, and one who strives for salvation ;
between one who confines himself to words, and

464 THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. [CHAP. XLVI.
one who is virtuous in deeds ; between one who
builds* and one who destroys; between one who
introduces error, and one who supports truth ;
between one who despoils truth, and one who
preserves it.

CHAPTER XL VII.

The antiquity of the sacred scriptures hath
been already alleged in our behalf ; " whence it
may easily be believed, that they have been the
treasure whence all real wisdom hath been ex
tracted. And unless I were desirous of restraining
my work within proper bounds, I might easily ex
patiate also upon this point of the proof. Who is
there of the poets and sophists, who hath not
drunk at the fountain of the prophets ? Hence,
then, the philosophers also have secretly satisfied
their thirst of information. For the comparison
between us and them is founded upon the fact,
that they have some of our opinions. Hence, I
imagine, it is, that philosophy was banished by
certain laws, as, for instance, by those of Thebes,
Sparta, and Argos. While men, whose only pas
sion — as we have said — was the desire of glory and
eloquence, thus endeavoured to approach to some
of our tenets, if they met with any thing in the
sacred scriptures with which they were offended,
a c. 19.
G G

466 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XLVII.
they immediately re-modelled them according to
the dictates of their own fancy, and perverted them
to serve their own purposes. They hesitated not
thus to interpolate the Scriptures, since they did
not sufficiently believe their divine inspiration, nor
sufficiently understand that they were yet in some
measure obscure, and concealed from the Jews
themselves, to whom they seemed peculiarly to
belong. And even where there was nothing but
the simplicity of truth, yet, from this cause, the
weakness of human judgment, unsupported by
faith, was the more in doubt; whence they changed
into uncertainty that which they found certain.
For when they had simply discovered that there
was a God, they were not contented to declare
what they had discovered, but entered into disqui
sitions upon his quality and nature and the place
of his abode. Some asserted that he had not a
bodily shape, others that he had, as they were re
spectively of the Platonic or Stoic schools ; others
conceived that he was composed of atoms ; others
that he was formed from the composition of various
numbers, as either Epicurus or Pythagoras was
followed : others imagined he was composed of fire,
as was the. fancy of Heraclitus. The Platonic
philosophers, again, contended that God was the
governor of all things ; the Epicureans, that he
was inert and inactive, and a non-entity, so to
speak, in human affairs. The Stoics considered

CHAP. XLVII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 467
that he was placed without the world, and directed
the motion of the universe as a potter that of his
vessel. The Platonics imagined that he was within
the world, which he directed, as a pilot steers a
vessel, while remaining in it.
A similar disagreement was found in their
opinions respecting the world itself; whether it
were created or uncreated; whether it would or
would not remain for ever: and concerning the
nature of the soul, which some considered to be
divine and eternal, others to be mortal : every one
according to his own notions advanced his opinions,
or changed those already established.
It is no wonder, indeed, if the ingenuity of
philosophers perverted the Old Testament, since
men sprung from them have corrupted even the
New Testament by their opinions, so as to support
the tenets of their philosophy : and have cut many
oblique and intricate paths from the one only way.
I mention this, that the well-known variety among
professors of our religion may not furnish another
point of resemblance between ourselves and the
philosophers ; and that no one may form an opinion
respecting the truth, by the variety of means
employed in our defence. We at once, however,
remind those who forsake our doctrines, that the
rule of truth is that which proceeds from Christ,
and was transmitted by his companions ; and all
those different heretical teachers will be proved
G G 2

468 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XLVII.
to be somewhat later than those apostles. Every
thing which is written against the truth is formed
after the model of the truth, the imitation being
effected by the operation of the spirits of error.
By them have been established the false pretences
to this wholesome discipline: by them certain
fables have been introduced, which, by their
likeness to the truth, might weaken the faith of
believers in it, or, if possible, induce men to give
credit to them ; so that an enquirer might be led
to think Christians unworthy of serious belief,
because he disbelieved poets and philosophers ;
or, because he disbelieved the Christians, might
be more ready to trust poets and philosophers.
Hence it is, that when we preach that God will
come to judge the world, we are derided ; for in
like manner poets and philosophers teach that
there is a tribunal in the regions below. If we
threaten hell, which is a secret fire laid up for
punishment beneath the earth, we are equally
laughed to scorn; for the heathen also have a
river of fire flowing through the regions of the
dead. If again we speak of Paradise, a place full
of divine pleasures, prepared for the reception of the
spirits of holy men, and separated from the know
ledge ofthe world in general by means of a wall of
that fiery zone; the story of the Elysian fields hath
already obtained credit. Whence, then, have the
philosophers and poets derived all these circum-

CHAP. XLVII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 469
stances, so similar to the truth, except from our
religion ? If they derive them from our religion,
which is the older, then our account is more faithful
and more credible, since even the imitation of it
obtains belief. If they derive them from their
own inventions, it would follow that our religion
was the image of something which was posterior to
itself, which is impossible ; since the shadow never
precedes the substance, nor an imitation that
which it represents.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

Observe then, if any philosopher should
affirm, as Laberius maintains after the opinion of
Pythagoras, that a man may be formed out of a
mule, or a snake out of a woman, and to establish
this point should display all the arts of oratory,
would he not obtain the assent of some, and per
suade them to abstain from animal food ? And the
principal ground of any one's alarm would be, lest
in eating beef he should be devouring one of his
ancestors. Whereas if a Christian assures you that
a man shall himself be restored to life, that an in
dividual shall be revived, it is at once received with
reprobation, and the teacher is assailed not only
with blows but with stones. As if whatever reason
can be advanced, to prove the possibility of the
transmigration of human souls into other bodies,
doth not necessarily prove that they may be
recalled into the same bodies ; for to be again what
they once were is to be recalled into the same
bodies. For, if they are not what they were
before, that is, endued with the very identical
human body which they then possessed, they are

CHAP. XLVIII.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 471
not the same as they once were. And if they
are not the same, how can they be said to have
returned to life ? Either they are no longer the
same, since they are become something else ; or, if
they remain the same, they can come from no where
else. If we had leisure to expatiate upon this part
of the question, we might here have ample room for
ridicule, by enquiring into what kind of animal
each man might be conceived to be changed. But
what we advance is much more credible, that man
will be reformed from man, each for himself, still
retaining his human nature : that the same quality
of the soul will be restored into the same condition
although not into the same form; since the inten
tion of judgment is to repay to every man accord
ing to his deeds. But for our argument it is rather
necessary, that the very same person, who once was,
should be restored to life, that he may receive from
God the reward of good or evil. Hence the bodies
also will re-appear ; both because the soul is inca
pable of suffering any thing, without the interven
tion of solid matter, that is the flesh," and because
1 Tertullian maintains the same opinion respecting the in
capability of the soul receiving impressions, except by means
of the body, in his Treatise de Testimonio Animae, c. 4,
Jam nunc, quod ad necessariorem sententiam tuam spectet,
quantum et ad ipsum statum tuum tendit, affirmamus te manere
post vitae dispunctionem, et expectare diem judicii, proque
meritis aut cruciatui destinari, aut refrigerio, utroque sempi-
terno. Quibus sustinendis necessario tibi substantiam pristi-
nam, ejusdemque hominis materiam et memoriam reversuram, qudd

472 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XLVIII.
the souls ought not to suffer by the judgment of
God without those bodies, within which all their
actions were performed.
But, it will be said, how can matter which hath
once been dispersed be reunited ? Consider thyself,
O man, and thou wilt learn how to believe the
fact. Think what thou wast, before thy existence
began, that is, nothing ; for hadst thou been any
qudd et nihil mali ac boni sentire possis sine carnis passionalis
facultate, et nulla ratio sit judicii, sive ipsius exhibitione, qui
meruit judicii passionem.
In his Treatises, de Anima, passim, de Resurrectione Carnis,
c. 17. Adversus Marcion: v. c. 15. he expresses himself some
what differently, maintaining that the soul is itself corporeal,
possessing a peculiar substance, limited by space, possessing
definite dimensions and a determinate shape; in consequence
of which it is capable of sensation apart from the human body.
For a full account of his notions on this abstruse subject, see
Bp. Kaye's Tertullian, c. m. pp. 190 — 214. In the Treatise
De Anima, c. 22. Tertullian thus recapitulates his opinions
respecting the nature of the soul : " Definimus Animam, Dei
flatu natam, immortalem, corporalem, effigiatam, substantia
simplicem, de suo sapientem, varie procedentem, liberam arbi-
trii, accidentiis obnoxiam, per ingenia mutabilem, rationalem,
dominatricem, divinatricem, ex una redundantem," or, in the
language of his learned expositor, that the soul "derives its
origin from the breath of God — that it is immortal, (in its own
nature, compare De Res. Carnis, cc. 18, 34. 35.) corporeal;
that it has a figure ; is simple in substance ; possessing within
itself the principle of intelligence, operating in different ways
(or through different channels); endued with free-will; af
fected by external circumstances, and thus producing that
infinite variety of talent and disposition observable among man
kind; rational; designed to rule the whole man; possessing
an insight into futurity. Moreover the souls of all the inhabit
ants of the earth are derived from one common source, the
soul of Adam.''

CHAP. XLVIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 473
thing, thou wouldst now remember it. Since,
therefore, thou wast nothing, before thou wast, and
wast again reduced to nothing, when thou didst
cease to be, why shouldst thou not again be brought
into existence from nothing, by the will of the
same great Creator who determined that thou
shouldst be from nothing ? What new thing will
happen unto thee? Thou, who wast not, wast
made; when thou shalt again have ceased to be,
thou shalt again be made. If thou canst give a
reason how thou wast first made, then demand a
reason how thou shalt again be made. Yet thou,
who hast once been, may more easily be again made,
since, without difficulty thou wast made what pre
viously thou hadst never been.b
But some man will, perhaps, doubt respecting
the power of God, who formed the vast frame of
the universe from nothing, from no less than from
a death of vacuity and annihilation, and animated
it with a spirit which gives life to all creatures,
and stamped it with examples of the resurrection
of man, for a testimony to us. The light, which
dies daily, shines again ; " and darkness in like
manner succeeds with a constant variation : the
* See Justin Martyr's Apology, c. 25. p. 201. note (u).
c Compare the Epistle of Clement, c. 24. Bp. Pearson on
the Creed, Art. xi. p. 376. adopts the same reasoning, which
Tertullian uses here, and still more fully and more eloquently
in his Treatise de Resurrectione Carnis, c. 12. " Aspice nunc
ad ipsa quoque exempla divinae potestatis. Dies moritur in
noctem,

474 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. XLVIII.
stars, which lose their light, re-appear ; periods of
time begin again at the point where they close ; the
fruits of the earth are consumed and reproduced ;
and seeds rise not again with increase unless they
are corrupted and die : all things are preserved by
dissolution, all things are renewed by perishing.
Shalt thou, O man, a being of so noble a nature, if
thou rightly understandest thyself even as described
by the Pythian oracle, the lord of an universe of
noctem, et tenebris usquequaque sepelitur. Funestatur mundi
honor: omnis substantia denigratur. Sordent, silent, stupent
cuncta: ubique justitium est. Ita lux amissa lugetur : et tamen
rursus cum suo cultu, cum dote, cum sole, eadem et integra et
tota universo orbi reviviscit; interficiens mortem suam, noc
tem ; rescindens sepulturam suam, tenebras ; haeres sibimet
existens, donee et lux reviviscat, cum suo et ilia suggestu.
Redaccenduntur enim et stellarum radii, quos matutina suc-
censio extinxerat. Reducuntur et siderum absentiae, quas
temporalis distinctio exemerat. Redornantur et specula lunae,
quae menstruus numerus attriverat. Revolvuntur hyemes et
aestates, verna et autumna, cum suis viribus, moribus, fructibus.
Quippe etiam terrae de coelo disciplina est arbores vestire post
spolia, flores denuo colorare, herbas rursus imponere, exhibere
eadem quae absumpta sint semina; nee prius exhibere, quam
absumpta. Mira ratio: de fraudatrice servatrix; ut reddat,
intercipit; ut custodiat, perdit; ut integret, vitiat; ut etiam
ampliet, prius decoquit. Siquidem uberiora et cultiora resti-
tuit, quam exterminavit : revera fenore interitu, et injuria
usura, et lucro damno. Semel dixerim, universa conditio re-
cidiva est. Quodcunque conveneris, fuit: quodcunque ami-
seris, nihil non iterum est. Omnia in statum redeunt, quum
abscesserint : omnia incipiunt, quum desierint: ideo finiuntur,
ut fiant. Nihil deperit, nisi in salutem.
Totus igitur hic ordo revolubilis rerum, testatio est resur-
rectionis mortuorum. Operibus earn praescripsit Deus, ante
quam uteris: viribus praedicavit, ante quam vocibus."

CHAP. XLVIII.] OF TERTULLIAN. 475
beings which die and rise again, thyself die, merely
to perish ? In whatever place thy soul shall be
separated from the body, whatever material means
shall have destroyed thee, or swallowed thee up, or
scattered thee, or reduced thee to nothing, shall
again restore thee. He, who is Lord of all, can
control even annihilation itself.
But, ye will object, if these things be so, we
must continually die and rise again in constant
succession. If such had been the will of the Lord
of the universe, ye must, however unwilling, have
submitted to the law of your nature. But now his
will is no other than that which he hath revealed.
The same Divine Reason which hath formed the
universe of various substances, so that all should
compose one whole, although the parts are of oppo
site natures, — as vacuity and solidity, animate and
inanimate, comprehensible and incomprehensible,
light and darkness, and even life and death, —
hath also arranged the whole course of time itself
in such an appointed and distinct order, that this
first period of our existence, after the beginning
of all things, should come to a definite end, but
the future life, for which we look, should con
tinue to all eternity.
When, then, the end, and the interval of
separation which is interposed, shall have arrived,4
d Cum ergo finis et limes medius, qui interhiat, affuerit, ut
etiam mundi ipsius species transferatur aeque temporalis, &e. This

476 THE - APOLOGY [CHAP. XLVIII.
and the condition of this world, — which is equally
temporary, and is now spread forth as it were a
curtain interrupting the prospect of that eternal
disposition of all things, — shall be removed, then
shall the whole human race be restored to life,
to receive the good or the evil which they have
deserved in that temporary life; and so will their
condition be determined for the endless ages of
eternity. Hence there is no real death, nor a constant
succession of resurrections ; but we shall be the
same persons as we are now, and shall so continue
for ever ; the worshippers of God, before him for
ever, clothed upon6 with the peculiar substance of
immortality: but the wicked, and those who have
not given themselves wholly to God, in the punish
ment of equally eternal fire, which possesses from
its very nature, which is divine, the means of
continuing for ever without exhaustion. Your phi
losophers themselves acknowledge the difference
This is probably an allusion to the opinion of a Millennium,
which Tertullian had adopted; as is evident from the fanciful
account which he gives in his third Book against Marcion,
c. 24., of a city which had been seen suspended in the skies
in Judea for forty successive days, in the morning. This he
conceived to be. an image of the new Jerusalem. "Nam et
confitemur in terra nobis regnum repromissum; sed ante
coelum, sed alio statu : utpote post resurrectionem in mille
annos, in civitate divini operis Hierusalem coelo delata, quam
et Apostolus matrem nostrum sursum designat, &c."
E 2 Cor. v. 2. So also Lactantius vii. c. 21. Et tamen non
erit caro ilia, quam Deus homini superjecerit, huic terrenae
similis, sed insolubilis, et permanens in aeternum.

CHAP. XI.VIIT.] OF TERTULLIAN. 477
between secret fire and that which is before our
eyes. Thus the nature of the fire, which serves
the ordinary purposes of life, is very different from
that of the fire which executes the judgments of
God ; whether it darts lightning from heaven, or
bursts forth from the earth at the tops of the
mountains. For this fire consumes not that which
it burns; but, while it blasts, restores the substance.
Thus the mountains, which are continually burn
ing, still remain ; and a body stricken by the light
ning is thenceforth secure from the flames, for it
cannot be burnt/ This, then, may seem as a tes
timony of eternal fire, an example of a judgment,
which constantly produces the means of punish
ment. The mountains burn, and continue. Much
more the wicked, and the enemies of God.
f Ut qui de coelo tangitur salvus est, ut nullo jam igni
decinerescat. Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 34. p. 105. seems to have un
derstood Tertullian as asserting that the bodies of those who
are killed by lightning, are apparently uninjured.
Nee tormentis aut modus ullus, aut terminus. Illic sapiens
ignis membra urit et reficit; carpit et nutrit; sicut ignes ful-
minum corpora tangunt, nee absumunt : sicut ignes JEtnae et
Vesuvii, et ardentium ubique terrarum flagrant, nee erogantur.
Ita pcenale illud incendium non damnis ardentium pascitur,
sed inexesa corporum laceratione nutritur.

CHAPTER XLIX.

Such are the opinions which in us alone are
regarded as prejudices, but in your philosophers
and poets, marks of the height of wisdom and
strength of intellect. They are prudent, we fool
ish ; they are worthy of honour, we of ridicule, and
even still further, of punishment. Suppose that
the doctrines which We advocate are prejudices, and
merely fanciful ; they are yet necessary : if un
founded, they are yet useful, since those who main
tain them are compelled to be better men, from
the fear of eternal punishment, and the hope of
everlasting happiness. Those tenets, therefore,
ought not to be called false or foolish, which it is
the interest of every one to consider true. What
is of universal benefit ought by no means to be con
demned. The charge of prejudice falls upon you,
for condemning that which is useful. Neither can
these opinions be foolish : and even if they were
both false and foolish, they yet injure no one : they
are even then merely like many other notions,
against which ye denounce no punishment ; fanciful

CHAP. XLIX.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 479
and fabulous, perhaps, but yet professed without
danger of accusation or of punishment, because they
are perfectly innocent. But in questions of this
nature, if error is to be subject to ridicule, it at
least ought not to expose us to sword and fire, to
crucifixion and wild beasts ; a degree of unjust
cruelty, which is not only the delight of this blinded
populace, but the boast of some even of yourselves,
who court the favour of the people ; as if all which
we endure from you were not in our own power.
Assuredly it is at my own option to be a Christian ;
ye will, therefore, then condemn me, when I am
willing to be condemned. Since, therefore, all the
power, which ye possess against me, ye possess not,
unless I choose, your power no longer depends upon
you, but upon my will. Hence also the pleasure
which the people take in tormenting us is but a
vain delight : for it is really our pleasure which
they take to themselves, since we prefer to be so
condemned, rather than to fall from God. On the
other hand, they who hate us, ought rather to
grieve than to rejoice, when we have attained the
object of our choice.

CHAPTER L.

"Wherefore, then," ye will say, "do ye
Christians complain that we persecute you, when
ye ought to love us as the instruments by which ye
attain the object of your wishes?" We are, indeed,
willing to suffer ; but it is with the feelings of a
soldier, who would not choose to expose himself to
the perils of war, but involuntarily dreads the
danger, which he is compelled to encounter. He
yet fights with all his might ; and he, who com
plained of the necessity of engaging in the battle,
rejoices, when he hath fought and conquered iu the
battle, inasmuch as he hath obtained his reward
of glory, and his portion of the spoil. It is our
battle, to be called before the seats of judgment,
there to contend for the truth at the hazard of our
lives. And it is our victory, if we obtain that for
which we strive. That victory obtains the glory
of pleasing God, and the reward of eternal life.
But, it will be said, we fall in the contest. We
do fall, but it is when the victory is won : when we
are slain, we are conquerors.; when we fall, we gain

CHAP. L.] THE APOLOGY OF TERTULLIAN. 481
the battle. Call us if you will by names of re
proach," derived from the stake, to which we are
bound, and the faggots, with which we are sur
rounded, when burned to death. These are our
ornaments of victory ; this is our robe of state ;
this is our triumphal chariot.
It is no wonder, then, that we should displease
those whom we conquer ; and hence we are regarded
as men of desperate and obstinate resolution. b But
this very desperation and this inflexibility of pur
pose, among yourselves, raise the standard of valour
in the pursuit of glory and fame. Mutius volun
tarily left his hand upon the altar : what sublimity
of mind ! Empedocles threw himself alive into the
burning abyss of Etna : what strength of courage !
She who founded Carthage married herself the
second time to a funeral pile : what an eulogy of
chastity ! Regulus, that his life might not restore
many enemies to his country, endured exquisite
torture in his whole body: what a brave man,
what a conqueror in his very captivity ! Anaxarchus,
when he was beaten with staves, as barley is beaten
a Licet nunc sarmenticios et semaxios appelletis, quia ad
stipitem dimidii axis revincti sarmentorum ambitu exurimur.
The martyrs, who were burned alive, were usually fastened
to a stake, of about six feet in length, called Semaxis; and
surrounded or covered with faggots, Sarmenta. Hence the
Christians were ridiculed by these names.
b The Christians were constantly accused of inflexible ob
stinacy; as, for instance, in the celebrated letter from Pliny
to Trajan, at the end of the volume.
Hh

482 THE APOLOGY [CHAP. L.
in a sack, exclaimed,, "beat on, beat on, upon the
case of Aristarchus, for you cannot beat Aristar-
chus himself:" what magnanimity in a philosopher,
who could thus sport under such a death ! I omit
those who have laid claim to praise, by falling upon
their own sword, or by choosing some milder kind
of death. Ye crown with approbation even those
who struggle successfully against torture. A harlot
of Athens, when the executioner was weary of
tormenting her, at length bit off her tongue, and
spit it forth against the angry tyrant, that she
might thus spit forth her voice also, and be unable
to confess who the conspirators were, if she even
should relent and wish to betray them. Zeno
Eleates, when asked by Dionysiusc what advan
tages were derived from philosophy, answered, " to
have such a contempt of death as to be unmoved
at its approach :" and when the tyrant commanded
him to be scourged, he persisted in his opinion to
the very moment of his death. And doubtless the
stripes which the Spartans endured with such firm
ness, aggravated by the presence of their nearest
relatives who encouraged them, conferred honour
upon their family, for the patience which was so dis
played, in proportion to the blood which was shed.
Here is a subject of glory, which is permitted,
c Diogenes Laertius, in his life of Zeno Eleates, p. 645. A.
says that the name of the tyrant, under whom this Zeno
suffered, was either Nearchus or Diomedon.

CHAP. L.] OF TERTULLIAN. 483
because it appertains to human nature. Here no
blame is imputed for obstinate and inflexible per
verseness, when death and all kinds of torture are
despised ; and men are permitted to undergo for a
country, for a territory, for an empire, for private
friendship, what they may not undergo for God.
Yet for all these ye cast statues, and write inscrip
tions, and engrave titles, which are intended to
last for ever: and, as far as monumental records
can effect the purpose, ye yourselves give them, in
some measure, a resurrection after death. Yet if
he, who hopes for a true resurrection from God,
doth as much for God, he is considered insane.
But be attentive, most worthy judges, d and ye
will be in still greater favour with the people, if
ye sacrifice the Christians to their fury. Torment,
rack, condemn, crush us. For your injustice is the
proof of our innocence. God permits us to suffer
these things for that very purpose. For, on a late
occasion, when ye sentenced a Christian woman to
pollution, rather than to the lion,e ye confessed
that, in our estimation, the loss of chastity was
more to be dreaded than any punishment, or any
kind of death. Yet the most exquisite cruelty,
which ye can devise, avails you nothing, but rather
1 Hoc agite, boni praesides.
An allusion to the religious formula of the Romans, Hoc
age; as in c. 30. p. 412. note (d).
e Ad lenonem damnando Christianam potius quam ad
leonem. H H2

484 THE APOLOGY OF TURTULLIAN. [cHAP. L.
induces the more to become Christians. As often
as we are cut down by your persecutions, we spring
up the more abundantly : the blood of Christians
is the seed of the faith.
Among yourselves, many have given exhorta
tions to the patient endurance of pain and death \
as Cicero in his Tusculan Disputations, Seneca in
his Treatise on Accidents, Diogenes, Pyrrho, and
Callinicus. Yet none of these verbal exhortations
ever gained so many followers, as the Christians
have obtained by the instruction which their ac
tions have delivered. That very obstinacy, which
ye blame, is the best teacher. For who is there
that witnesses it, without being irresistibly led to
enquire, what inward principle produces it? Who,
when he hath so enquired, doth not embrace it?
when he hath embraced it, is not himself anxious
to suffer ? that he may pay the utmost debt of gra
titude to God, and obtain the fullest pardon from
him by the sacrifice of his own blood ? for to the
martyr all his sins are remitted. Hence it is that
we return thanks to you for the sentence which ye
pronounce : for then there is a contest between
things human and things divine, when we are con
demned by you, and pardoned by God.

Note (A.)
On the Epistle of Clement, c. v. p. 6.

On the Preaching of St. Paul in the West.
This is the earliest account of the preaching of St. Paul,
after the close of that part of his history, which is recorded
in the Acts of the Apostles. The testimony of Clement, the
fellow labourer of St. Paul in the work of the Gospel, (Phil.
iv. 3.) is very valuable, and proves that at least a part of the
Apostle's labours was directed to the West of Europe.
To form a judgment respecting the extent of his travels, it
is necessary to consider what time probably elapsed between the
termination of his two years' residence in Rome, (Actsxxiv. 10.)
and his martyrdom: and, consequently, to fix the date of his
first visit to Rome, which took place nearly at the time when
Felix was recalled from the government of Judea. (Acts
xxiv. 27-)
To this journey different dates are assigned by different
writers. Eusebius and Jerome, (Eusebius, Chronicon ; Jerome, Ca-
talogus Scrip. Eccles. Tom. iv. Part ii. p. 103. Benedict, edit.)
who are followed by Scaliger, Cave, Stillingfleet and others,
fix upon the second year of Nero, a.d. 56. Bp. Pearson, in
his Annales Paulini, places this visit in the sixth year of Nero,
a.d. 60. Hale, in his Analysis of Chronology, fixes upon the
seventh of Nero, a.d. 6l. And Abp. Usher places the event
as late as the ninth year of Nero, a.d. 63.
The earliest of these dates appears to correspond very well
with the period of the recall of Felix. Josephus (Ant. xx.
c. 8, 9) says that Felix would have been punished for his mis
conduct, had he not been pardoned at the intercession of his
brother Pallas, who was then at the height of his favour with
Nero. Tacitus (Annal. xii. 54.) shews how dependent Felix
was upon the power of his brother.

486
Now Pallas was himself dismissed by Nero, in the second
year of his reign; (Tacit. Ann. xiii. 14.) was soon after brought
to trial for treason, (Ibid. c. 23.) and was put to death in
the ninth year of Nero. (Tacit. Ann. xiv. 65.) It is probable
that Pallas, who was intimate with Agrippina, (Tacit. Ann.
xii. 25. xiv. 2.) was not restored to the favour of Nero, until
after her death, in the fifth year of Nero. If, therefore, the
pardon of Felix was obtained by the intercession of Pallas with
Nero, his recall probably took place as early as the second
year of Nero.
If we assume, however, that Eusebius and Jerome were
correct in assigning the second year of Nero as the date of
St. Paul's first journey to Rome, his release would take place
about the fifth year of Nero, probably in consequence of favours
shewn to prisoners and exiles, after the murder of Agrippina.
(Massutius de Vita Pauli, 1. 13. c. 1.) And he was put to death
during the persecution which began in the eleventh year of
Nero, and continued four years. Eusebius and Jerome say that
he suffered in the fourteenth year of Nero.
This computation would leave a space of about eight years
for the labours of St. Paul, after his first imprisonment at
Rome; an opportunity which he doubtless employed with his
characteristic energy and activity.
It was during these years, then, that St. Paul, according to
Clement, visited "the furthest extremity ofthe West."
Hales, in his Chronology (Vol. m. p. 546. edit. 2.) thinks
that Clement here "speaks rather rhetorically of St. Paul's
travels to the western extremity of Europe." And Basnage
(Exercitationes Historico-criticae, p. 511.) conceives that he
means no more than St. Paul visited Italy. " Mihi certum
non Hispaniam, sed Italiam a Clemente designari." Con
sidering, however, that Clement wrote at Rome, we cannot
but consider his words as referring to some country included
under the Western provinces with respect to Rome. And the
general current of ecclesiastical history plainly points to Spain,
as one of the countries which he visited, in compliance with
an intention which he himself expressed. (Rom. xvi. 24. 28.)
The evidence in favour of St. Paul having visited Spain
appears quite conclusive.
Caius, the Presbyter, in the beginning ofthe third century,
says that "writings not included in the canon of Scripture

487
expressly mention the journey of St. Paul from Rome into
Spain."" Hippolytus, in the same century, says, that "St. Paul
went as far as Illyricum, and Italy, and Spain, preaching the
Gospel." * Athanasius, in the fourth century, that St. Paul
"did not hesitate to go to Rome and to Spain."c Jerome, in
the same century, says, that " St. Paul, after his release from
his trial before Nero, preached the Gospel in the Western
parts."* And Theodoret, in the fifth century, that "when, in
consequence of his appeal to Caesar, he (St. Paul) was sent to
Rome by Festus, and was acquitted on his defence, he went to
Spain, and carried the light ofthe Gospel to other nations." e
The expressions of Clement, however — eVi to reppa riji
Svo-ewi 'ixdwv — have been supposed to imply that the Apostle's
preaching did not terminate in Spain, but extended to the
British Islands. Those who entertain this opinion observe,
that in the language of that period, Britain is often called the
extremity of the West. Thus Plutarch, in his life of Caesar,
denominates the sea between Gaul and Britain, "the Western
Ocean :" Eusebius and Nicephorus give the same name to the

1 Sicut et semota passionem Petri evidenter declarant, sed et profectionem
Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam profieiscentis. Caii Presbyteri fragmentum : Reli-
qui» Sacrae, Vol. iv. pp. 4, 37.
b nauXos 5e per eviavrov eva rifi rov Hpiarou dvaXi}\j/Etui elo-ijXdev
eis rrjv diroaroXrjv, Kai dp£dpevoi diro 'lepouiraXijp, irporjXQev ews rou
'lXXvptKov xai 'IroXiai xal'Siravlal Kr\p\nratav to ebayyeXiov errj \e. 'Eirl
oe Nepuwos, ev 'Prnpy njv Ke^aXijV dirorpnOhi, Sdirrerai exel.
Hippolytus de xii Apostolis, Appendix, p. 31. Edit. Fabricii.
There is some doubt whether this tract was written by Hippolytus the
Martyr. At all events, it contains little more information than could be col
lected or conjectured from the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistle to the
Romans. The same remark applies to the subsequent passage of Athanasius.
G Aid tovto xai avroySrj rwv dyiiav pe\pl rou 'IX\vpiKou KijpvTrei,
xai ptj oKVel, py&e els rrjv 'Viipnv direXBelv, priSk eis rds ^iraviai dva@rjval.
Athanas. Epist. ad Dracontiwm, Tom. i. p. 956. A. Edit. Paris, 1627.
d Sciendum autem in prima satisfactione, necdum Neronis imperio robo-
rato, nee in tanta erumpente scelera, quanta de eo narrant historiae, Paulum
a Nerone dimissum, ut Evangelium Christi in Occidentis quoque partibus
praedicaretur, sicut ipse scribit in secunda Epistola ad Timotheum, eo tempore
quo et passus est, de vinculis dictans Epistolam. (2 Tim. iv. 16.)
Hieron. Catalogus Scriptor. Eccles. Num. v. Tom. iv. Par. n. p. 105
Edit. Benedict.
e "Hvixa rij kipea-el yfirjordpevoi eis rr\v 'Ptopnv vwo rou $ij(TTOU irape-
ireptpQvt diroXoyiadpevos w's ddwoi dlpeidri, Kai rdl ^iravial KareXafie, Kai
eis erepa edvn Spdpwv, rrjv riji SiSaa-xaXiai XapwdSa irpoaijveyKe.
Theodoret in Epist. n. ad Timoth. iv. 7.

488

British Ocean: (Euseb. Vita Constant, i. cc. 25, 41. ii. c. 28.
Niceph. Hist. Lib. i. c. 1.) and Eusebius elsewhere (De Mar
tyr. Palaestin. c. 13.) describes Britain, under the appellation
of the Western parts, beyond Gaul. Theodoret also, speaking
of the visitors attracted by the fame of Simeon Stylites, enu
merates the inhabitants of Spain, Britain, and Gaul, which he
says lies between the other two, and describes them all as
dwelling in the extreme bounds of the west.' In the language
of Catullus, Britain is " Ultima Britannia," and " Ultima Occi-
dentis Insula." (Carm. xxix.) He speaks of the inhabitants as
"horribilesque ultimosque Britannos; (Carm. xi.) as Horace
afterwards calls them " Ultimos orbis Britannos." (Carm. i. 35.)
The language of Clement might very well therefore imply
that St. Paul went not only to Spain, but to the most remote
of the three Western provinces, Spain, Gaul, and Britain.
There is distinct evidence that the Gospel was preached in
the British Islands by some of the Apostles. Thus Tertullian,
in the second century, speaks of "all the extremities of Spain,
and the different nations of Gaul, and parts of Britain inacces
sible to the Romans, but subject to Christ." See Tertullian's
Apology, c. 37- p- 430. note. The testimony of Eusebius to
the same fact is peculiarly valuable. As the favourite of Con
stantine, the first Christian Emperor, who was born in Britain
and there proclaimed Emperor, he may be supposed to have
been well acquainted with the manner in which Christianity
was introduced into Britain. And the remarkable passage in
his Demonstratio Evangelica, in which he not only asserts the
fact, that some of the Apostles preached in Britain, but argues
upon the fact, may be regarded as a deliberate assertion, founded
upon actual enquiry. His object is to prove that the first
preachers of Christianity were not deceivers nor impostors.
" Observe/' he says, " this also. If they were impostors and
deceivers, and also uninstructed and entirely ignorant men,
nay, rather barbarians, acquainted with no other than the
Syrian language, how could they ever go through the whole
world? How could so bold an undertaking enter their
thoughts ? and by what power could they effect their pur
pose? For, supposing it possible for rustic men, wandering
f dipixovro Se nroXXol, tos ttjs eo-irepal olxouvrei eo"X.ards, ^irdvoi re
Kai Uperravol, Kai TaXdrat, ol ro pea-ov rourwv xare)(.ovrei.
Theodoret. Religiosa Hist. u. 26. Tom. hi. p. 881. D. Edit. Paris, 1642.

489

about in their own country, to deceive and be deceived, and
not to waste their labour in vain ; yet, that they should preach
the name of Jesus to all mankind, and teach his miraculous
works in country and city, — that some of them should visit
the Roman Empire, and the imperial city itself, and others
severally the nations of the Persians, and Armenians, and Par-
thians, and Scythians — nay, further, that some should proceed
to the very extremities of the inhabited world, and reach the
country of the Indians, and others again pass over the Ocean
to those which are called the British Islands — all this I conceive
to be beyond the power of any human being, not to say of
ordinary and uninstructed men, and, still less, of deceivers
and impostors."5
Theodoret goes further than this, asserting that St. Paul
preached in islands beyond the Ocean, with respect to Spain ;
which can scarcely refer to any other than the British Islands.
" The blessed Apostle St. Paul teaches us, in a few words, to
how many nations he carried the sacred doctrines of the Gos
pel ; so that from Jerusalem, and round about unto Illyricum,
he fully preached the Gospel of Christ. He went afterwards
also to Italy and Spain, and carried salvation to islands which
lie in the Ocean." b
S "Eri Se xai rourto irp6o-\ei. Ei Si] Kai avrol trXavol Kai dirarewvei
eriiyxavov , irpoaBei S' on Kai diralSevTot Kai TravreXiui i§LuJrat, pdXXov tie
on xai [Sdpfiapoi, Kai ttJs 'Eupow ov nrXeov eiralovrei tpinviji, xai ttws eirl
iraaav TrpoijXdov rijv olKovpevi}v ; ?/ iroia touto Siavola e<pavriio'6r](rav roX-
pijcrai ; iroia Se Svvdpei to eTTi\eipt]Qev Karwpdwtrav ; "Earui yap eirl riji
oixeiai yrjl KaXivSovpevovi dypoiKovi dvSpai irXavdv xai irXavao-Qai, Kai ptj
e<p' fovyial fidXXeadai ro irpdypa. ~K.r)pvrTeiv 6° eis irdvrai to rov 'iw&ov
ovopa, xai rdl irapaSo^ovi nrpd^en avrov Kara re tous dypovi Kai Kara
iroXiv SiSdo-Keiv, xai rovi pev avrulv rr\v 'Pwpaiuiv dpxvv, Kai aurijv re n)v
fiaaiXiKwrdTtiv irnXiv veipao-dai, Toys Se ryjv Uepo-tov, rovi Se ri\v 'Appe-
vitav, erepovi Se to Hapdinv edvoi, Kai du nrdXiv ro SxvQiuv, rival Se rjSr]
xai eir avra rijl oiKovpevni eXdelv ra dxpa, enrl re rr\v 'IvSriov <pOdtrai
ywpav, Kai erepovi virep rdv 'Qxeavdv irapeXdeiv kirl rdi xaXovpeval Hper-
Tavixdi vijorovi, ravra ovk eV eyio ye ljyovpal Kara dvdpwirov elvai, pij-
riye Kara euTeXets Kai ISitoral, ttoXXov Set xard irXdvovi Kai yovrai.
Euseb. Demonst. Evang. Lib. iii. p. 112. D. Colonite, 1688.
h 'O Se paxdpioi nauXos SiSdcKei cvvropwi, oaotl edvein Trpo&evrjvoye
rd deTa Knpvypara' ware drrd llepoviraXijp /cu/cXtu peypt rov 'lXXvpixov
ireirXrjpaiKevai ro ebayyeXiov rov ICpiarov.  iiarrepov pevroi Kai riji
'iTaXias eirefii], xai eis rofi S7rai/tas dtpixero, xai rati ev to TreXayet Sia-
xeipevan vr\tron Trjv ui<j>eXeiav irpoa-tjveyxe. He then refers to St. Paul's
Epistle to the Romans, xv.
Theodoret in Psalm cxvi. Tom. i. pp. 870. D. 871. A.

490
Jerome also, besides the passage quoted above, appears to
allude, though with less precision than Theodoret, to St. Paul's
preaching beyond the ocean ; when he says, that " St. Paul,
having been in Spain, went from one ocean to another, imitat
ing the motion and course of the Sun of righteousness, of whom
it is said, His going forth is from the end of heaven, and his
circuit unto the ends thereof; and that his diligence in preach
ing extended as far as the earth itself." '
The earliest writer, however, who in express terms asserts
that St. Paul visited Britain, is Venantius Fortunatus, an Italian
poet of the sixth century. In the third book of his life of St.
Martin, he thus describes the preaching of St. Paul :
Transit et Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,
Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule.
This is plainly, however, a poetical expression, on which no
stress whatever can be laid. And very little more weight can
be attached to the testimony of Sophronius, patriarch of Jeru
salem, in the seventh century, as quoted by Godwin, asserting
that St. Paul visited Britain.11
Upon the whole, it seems clear, that St. Paul preached " in
the West," including Spain, in the interval between the termi
nation of his imprisonment in Rome, and his martyrdom : that
the Gospel was preached in Britain by some of the Apostles;
that the terms in which the field of St. Paul's preaching is de
scribed, may include the British Islands, and that there was
probably time for his visiting them. But whether he actually
did so, may reasonably admit of much doubt. Archbishop
Usher, in his Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, and
Bishop Stillingfleet, in his Origines Britannicae, maintain the
opinion that St. Paul preached in Britain. The same side- of
the question has lately found a learned and zealous advocate in
* Paulus Apostolus^  qui vocatus a, Domino effusus est super faciem
universal terra, ut praedicaret Evangelium de Jerosolymis usque ad Illyricum,
et ffidilicaret non super alterius fundamentum, ubi jam fuerit praedicatum, sed
usque ad Hispanias tenderet, et mari rubro imo ab Oceano usque ad Oceanum
curreret, imitans Dominum suum et solem justitiae, de quo legimus, A summo
ccelo egressio ejus, et occursus ejus usque ad summum ejus : ut ante eum terra
deficeret quam studium preedicandi.
Hieron. in Amos Prophet, c. v. Tom. in. p. 1412. Edit. Benedict.
k "Sophronius Patriarcha Hierosolymitanus disertis verbis asserit, Britan-
niam nostram eum invisisse." Godwin de Priesul, p. 8.

491
the Bishop of Salisbury. His tracts on the origin and inde
pendence of the Ancient British Church, and his two Sermons,
the one preached at the Anniversary Meeting of the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge and Church Union in the
Diocese of St. David's, 'in the year 1813 ; the other preached,
in the year 1831, before the Royal Society of Literature, con
tain the principal facts and arguments connected with the
question. The Bishop of London, in his vuth Lecture on the Acts or
the Apostles, leans to the opinion of Jablonski, (Opusc. T. in.
p. 301) that the preaching of St. Paul in Britain is extremely
improbable.
Note (B.)
On the Epistle of Clement, c. xvi. p. 16.
As early as the middle of the ninth century, Photius, Patri
arch of Constantinople, objected to Clement of Rome that he
had not used terms sufficiently elevated and sufficiently signifi
cative, in speaking of the divine nature of Christ, although he
no where speaks decidedly against it. (on dpy^epia koi irpo-
ardrr}v rov K.vpiov rjpwv Irjaovv Xpiarbv e^ovopa^wv, ovSi rdi
Bcott peireii xai v^r/Xorepai aiprjxe irepi avrov cpmvai' ov n^v ou^'
dwapaxaXinrrwi aurbv ovSanrj iv rovron fiXao-cpnpe'i. Photius
Bibi. Cod. 126.) Assertions of the same nature have been
more strongly repeated by later writers.
It was scarcely to be expected that the language of Clement
upon this point should be so guarded, as that which was used
after controversies had arisen upon the question. But, — with
out referring to his second Epistle, which is certainly free from
any such objection — there are passages enough in his first
Epistle to shew that Photius does not accurately represent the
sentiments of Clement, if indeed he intended to imply a doubt
of his belief of the divine nature of Christ.
Thus in c. 2. of this Epistle we find the words — roii icpoS-
ion t ov Qeov apxovpevoi, xai irpocrexovrei rovi Xbyovi airov
iiripeXuli, icrrepvio-pevoi r]re roil o-irXayyyon, xai ra iradrjpara
aurou r]v irpb 6<p8aXpmv vpwv. c. 2. (Compare Acts xx. 28.
woipaiveiv rrjv exKXrjo-iav roii Qeov, r\v irepiiroirjcraTo Sid rou
tSlov aiparoi). In c. 36. Clement denominates Christ, dirav-
yao-pa rrji peyaXmo-vvrji airov (Qeov) C. 36. In c. 32. he thus

49'2
distinguishes the divine nature of Christ from his human na
ture, e'f airov ('lo-parjX) 6 Kvpioi '\rjo-ovi rb xard aapxa. —
Compare Rom. ix. 5. And, in the passage above, c. 16. Cle
ment expressly says of Christ, perhaps with an allusion to
Phil. ii. 5 — 8. To o-Krjirrpov rrji peyaXwo-uvrji rov Qeov, 6 Kv
pioi rjpwv Xpio-rbi 'Ir/covi, ouk rjxBev iv xopww aXa^ove'tai, oiSi
vireprjcbav'tai, xaiirep Svvapevoi' dXXa raireivocppovav. See Bp.
Bull, Defensio Fid. Nicaen. Sect. n. c. 3.
The sentiments, here expressed by Clement, are set forth
with great eloquence in the Epistle to Diognetus, improperly
ascribed to Justin Martyr. The passage is long, but so beau
tiful that I cannot forbear subjoining it.
The author of the Epistle, after shewing the insufficiency of
sacrifices and ritual observances, such as the Jews retained,
proceeds thus to vindicate and explain the Christian faith.
(p. 496, D.)
" The Christians are not separated from the rest of mankind
by country, or by language, or by customs. They are confined
to no particular cities, use no peculiarity of speech, adopt no
singularity of life. Their doctrine embraces no tenet built
upon the reasoning and subtilty of crafty men : neither do they,
like others, uphold the opinion of any man. Dwelling in the
cities, whether of Greeks or barbarians, as every man's lot is
cast, following the customs of each country in dress, and diet,
and manner of life, they yet display the wonderful and indeed
astonishing nature of their own polity. They dwell in their
own country; but as sojourners: they partake of all things, as
denizens : they endure all things, as strangers. Every foreign
land is their country ; their own country is to each a foreign
land. Like other men they marry, and have children : but
their children they expose not. Their table is common, not
their bed.a They are in the flesh; but they live not after
the flesh. They abide on earth, but they are citizens of hea
ven. b They obey the laws which are established ; and in their
own lives are superior to the laws. They love all men ; and
are persecuted by all. Men know them not, yet condemn them.
Being slain they are made alive : being poor, they make many
a There are here some words lost: rpdireX,av xoivijv iraparidevrai, dXX'
. xoivt\v. Perhaps we should supply some such expression as oXX' o u

xoiri\v koiviJv. Compare Tertullian, Apol. u. xxxix. p. 439.
>> Phil. iii. 20.

498
rich : c deprived of all things, in all things they abound. Being
dishonoured, they are thereby glorified : being calumniated,
they are justified : being cursed, they bless : being reviled,
they give honour. Doing good, they are punished as evil
doers ; when punished, they rejoice, as being made alive. The
Jews oppose them as a strange people : the Greeks persecute
them ; and they who hate them can allege no reason for their
enmity. In a word, Christians are in the world what the soul is in
the body. The soul is dispersed over all the members of the
body : Christians over all the cities of the world. The soul
dwells in the body, but is no part of the body : Christians dwell
in the world, but are not of the world. The soul, invisible
herself, is guarded in a visible body : Christians are known to
be in the world, but their worship is unseen. The flesh hates
the soul, which never injured it, and wars against it, because
it is thereby prevented from indulging in its pleasures. The
world hates Christians, who injure it not, because they are op
posed to its delights. The soul loves the body and the mem
bers which hate her. Christians also love their enemies. The
soul is inclosed in the body, yet she restrains the body. Christ
ians are shut up and guarded in the world, yet they restrain
the world. The soul, herself immortal, dwells in a mortal
tabernacle. Christians dwell among the corruptible, looking
for an incorruptible state in the heavens. The soul, straitened
in meats and drinks, is thereby improved. Christians, perse
cuted daily, the more abound.
In such a post hath God placed them, whence they must
not retire. For this is no earthly invention which is committed
to their trust: it is no mortal device which they guard with
such jealous care ; no dispensation of human mysteries which
is entrusted to them. But even the Almighty, Invisible God,
the Creator of all things, himself sent down from heaven the
Truth, and the holy and incomprehensible Word, to dwell among
men, and established Him in their hearts. Not, as some one
might suppose, sending among men any minister, or angel, or
archangel, or any of those who do his pleasure upon earth,
or are entrusted with their ministry in the heavens ; but Qie
sent] the very Framer and Maker o£ all things ; by whom he
created the heavens : by whom he shut up the sea in its own
c 2 Cor. vi. 10.

494
bounds: whose secret counsels all the elements faithfully obey:
who taught the sun to keep the measure of his daily course :
who commanded the moon to shine by night, and she obeys ;
whom the stars too obey, following the moon in her course : by
whom all things are disposed and arranged: to whom all things
are subject; the heavens, and things in the heavens; the earth
and things in the earth ; the sea and they which are therein ;
fire, air, the abyss : things in the heights, things in the depths,
things between. Him did he send to them [man.] But did
he send him, as some men might imagine, for dominion and
fear and consternation ? Nay, verily : but in quietness and
meekness. He sent him as a king sending his son : he sent
him as God : d he sent him as to men. God, in sending him,
would save mankind: he would persuade men, not compel
them ; for compulsion is not of God. In sending him, God
would invite, not persecute ; he acted as one who loved, not as
a judge. For he will send Him to judge, and who shall abide
the day of his coming?"
After discussing the impossibility that any one should know
God but the Son of God, or any one please God by his own
works, the author proceeds to speak of the love of God, mani
fested in the redemption, (p. 500 B.)
"Christ hated us not, nor rejected us; neither did he
remember our sins, but was long-suffering, patient; as he
himself declared, he bare our iniquities. God gave his own
son a ransom for us, the holy for the unholy, the innocent for
the guilty, the just for the unjust, the incorruptible for the
corruptible, the immortal for the mortal. For what else was
able to cover our sins but only his righteousness ? How should
we disobedient and impious be justified, but only in the Son
of God ? O sweet interchange ! O inscrutable dispensation ! O
benefits surpassing all expectation ! that the iniquity of many
should be hidden in the Just One ; and the righteousness of
one justify many sinners. £God,] having convinced us, in the
former time, how impossible it was that our nature should
attain life, but now having shewn us a Saviour able to save
even those who could not have been saved, from both these
willed us to have faith in his mercy ; to conceive of him as our
supporter, father, teacher, counsellor, physician, mind, light,
honour, glory, strength, life.''
A 161 Qeov cirepxj/c.

Note (C.)
On Ignatius's Epistle to the Magnesians.
Sect. viii. p. 91.
A0705 dUSioi, ovx dwb o-tyrji wpoeXBwv.
This passage has given rise to much discussion: some
contending that it has reference to the Sige, or Silence, of
Valentinus, others that it relates to the erroneous opinions of
other heretics, anterior to Valentinus : and ethers, again, that
the words refer to no specific heresy, but simply guard against
an error which might arise in consequence of Jesus Christ
being styled the Word of God.
The sense of the passage seems to be this. Jesus Christ
is the Eternal Word, proceeding from the Father. But this
procession must not be confounded with any act of the human
faculties. The word, by which the thoughts of man are made
known, arises in consequence of a previous mental act ; and
before man's word goes forth, it is preceded by a state of
silence. But, in this respect, the analogy, between the pro
cession of the Word from the Father, and the springing forth
of the word from the mind of man, entirely fails. The Word
of God was Eternal, and there was no period preceding the-
procession of the Word from the Father, corresponding to the
silence which exists before the word of man is pronounced.
Irenaeus, in exposing the fanciful and impious tenets of the
different sects of Gnostics, expresses the same sentiment, on
more than one occasion. Thus, Lib. ii. cap. 18. he says, "Sed
quoniam quidem reprobabilis et impossibilis prima Noos, id
est sensus ipsorum, emissio est, manifeste ostendimus. Vide-
amus autem et de reliquis. Ab hoc enim Logon et Zoen fabri
cators hujus Pleromatis dicunt emissos, et Logi, id est Verbi,
quidem emissionem ab hominum affectione accipientes, et ad-
divinantes adversus Deum, quasi aliquid magnum adinvenientes

496
in eo quod dicunt a Nu (Now) esse emissum Logon: quod
quidem omnes videlicet sciunt, quoniam in hominibus quidem
consequenter dicatur, in eo autem qui sit super omnes Deus,
totus Nus, et totus Logus cum sit, quemadmodum praediximus,
et nee aliud antiquius, nee posterius, aut aliud alterius habente
in se, sed toto aequali et uno perseverante, jam non talis hujus
ordinationis sequetur emissio. Quemadmodum qui dicit eum
totum visionem, et totum auditum, (in quo enim videt, in ipso
et audit; et in quo audit, in ipso et videt) non peccat: sic et
qui ait totum ilium sensum, et totum verbum, et in quo sensus
est, in hoc et verbum esse, et verbum ejus esse hunc Nun
(Noui/) minus quidem adhuc de Patre omnium sentiet, decen-
tiora autem magis quam hi, qui lationem prolativi hominum verbi
transferunt in Dei eternum Verbum, et prolationis initium donan-
tes, et genesin, quemadmodum et suo verbo.
And in a subsequent part of the same chapter ;
Et usque hoc quidem, quemadmodum praediximus, omnes
hominum affectiones, et notiones mentis, et generationes inten-
tionum et emissiones verborum conjicientes verisimiliter, non
verisimiliter mentiti sunt adversus Deum.
In another place (Lib. ii. cap. 47) he approaches still more
nearly the sense of this passage of Ignatius ;
" Haec autem caecitas et stultiloquium inde provenit nobis,
quod nihil Deo reservetis; sed et ipsius Dei, et Ennceae ejus, et
Verbi, et Vitae, et Christi nativitates et prolationes annunciare
vultis: et has non aliunde accipientes, sed ex affectione homi
num : et non intelligitis quia in homine quidem, qui est com-
positum animal, capit hujusmodi dicere, sicut praediximus,
(Lib. ii. 16.) sensum hominis, et Ennceam hominis : et quia ex
sensu Ennoea, de Ennoea autem Enthymesis, de Enthymesi
autem Logos : (quem autem Logon ? aliud enim est secundum
Graecos Logos, quod est principale quod excogitat, aliud orga-
num per quod emittitur Logos:) et aliquando quidem quiescere
et tacere hominem, aliquando autem loqui et operari. Deus autem
cum sit totus mens, totus ratio, et totus spiritus operans, et
totus lux, et semper idem et similiter existens, sicut et utile est
nobis sapere de Deo, et sicut ex Scripturis discimus, non jam
hujusmodi affectus et divisiones decenter erga eum subsequen-
tur. Velocitati enim sensus hominum, proper spiritale ejus,
non sufficit lingua deservire, quippe carnalis existens : unde et
intus suffugatur verbum nostrum, et profertur non de semel,

497
sicut conceptum est a sensu ; sed per partes, secundum quod
lingua subministrare praevalet."
It has been conceived that Ignatius, in this passage, had a
particular reference to the heresy of Valentinus, whose notions
of the procession of the Logos from Sige are well known.
This appears highly improbable; although Victorinus and
Rupertus say that Valentinus taught his heresy during the
life of the Apostle St. John. The latest period fixed for the
death of Ignatius is a.d. 116: and, according to Tertullian de
Praescriptione Haereticorum, cap. 30. Valentinus was living
when Eleutherius was Bishop of Rome, which was at least as
late as a.d. 185, or seventy years after the death of Ignatius.
Unless, therefore, Valentinus lived to be nearly a hundred
years old, he could scarcely have begun to disseminate his
doctrines before the death of Ignatius. There is, however, no
occasion to make the supposition that Ignatius alludes to the
peculiar tenets of Valentinus. Irenaeus, Lib. i. 5. Tertullian,
de Praescriptione Haeret. cap. 33. 46. 47- Adversus Valen
tinianos, cap. 3, 4. and other authorities, shew that Valentinus,
in many of his absurd notions, merely adopted opinions which
had been propagated by the Gnostics, Nicolaitans, Simonians,
and other heretics. Eusebius de Ecclesiastics. Theologia, Lib.
ii. cap. 9. expressly alludes to Simon Magus, as holding the
impious opinion, that there was a time when "God and silence
alone were." (ct Se MdpxeXXoi iroXpa urroriBecrBai, iraXai niv
Xeywv eivai rov Qtbv, xai riva 'Wavylav apa rw Bew vrroypaibwv
iavTW xar airov ixeivov rwv ddewv alpeo-tairoiv apyrjyov, 01 ra
dBea Soynari'Cwv dwecpalvero Xiywv, r)v Qeoi xa\ 'Ziyri.) And that
this passage refers to Simon Magus is plain from Euseb. H. E.
ii. 13. where he speaks of him in the very same terms: irao-rji
piv ouv dpyriybv alpio-ewi irpwrov yiveadai rov 1.1pwva irapeiXr)-
(papev. Bp. Pearson, in his Vindiciae Ignatianae, contends that,
although it cannot be positively proved that Ignatius was
entirely unacquainted with the tenets of Valentinus himself,
yet the words in question have no reference to that heretic,
but are aimed at the opinions of the Ebionites, received from
the older Gnostics.
Bp. Bull, in his Defensio Fidei Nicaenae, Sect. iii. cap. 1.
examines this passage at length, and arrives at a conclusion
somewhat different from that of Bp. Pearson. He is of opinion,
Ii

498
that the heresy opposed by Ignatius is that of the Judaizing
Gnostics, of whom Cerinthus was the chief. This conclusion
is founded upon a most careful investigation of the whole pas
sage. It is plain, he thinks, from the context, that the heretics
whom Ignatius opposes are one and the same, throughout the
whole of this portion of his Epistle : that, since these heretics
maintained that the law of Moses was still binding upon Chris
tians, a tenet never ascribed to Valentinus, they were certainly
not Valentinians ; and although this error was maintained by
the Ebionites, yet that there are other points which evidently
refer to some other heretics than they. Thus, the Ebionites
had no philosophical notions respecting the procession of the
Word from the Father, which Ignatius appears to refute,
when he says that "the Word proceeds not from silence."
Again, his exhortation, in Sect. 7, that they should come " as
unto one Jesus Christ, who proceedeth from one Father, and
exists in One and is returned to One,", is a manifest allusion to
the Cerinthian Gnostics, who held that Jesus and Christ were
two persons ; that Christ descended and entered into Jesus at
his baptism, and before his passion returned into the pleroma :
and that the Father of Jesus was the Demiurge, who made the
world, but the Father of Christ was a higher power. The
words in Sect. 8. " for this cause they were persecuted, being
inspired by his grace fully to convince the unbelievers that
there is One God, who hath manifested himself by Jesus Christ
his Son," refer also to the errors of the Gnostics, who main
tained that the world was created either by angels or by a being
different and inferior to the supreme God, who revealed him
self to mankind by Christ, his Son. Iren. iii. 11. Bp. Bull is
therefore of opinion that Ignatius in the words, " not proceed
ing from silence," intended to oppose some erroneous notions
of the same heretics concerning the procession of the Son from
the Father ; as in Sect. 9- he clearly refers to another error of
the Judaizing heretics, who denied the true passion of Christ.
In Sect. 11. he warns the Magnesians "not to fall into the
snares of vain glory,'' another apparent allusion to the Gnostics,
whose very name was assumed to intimate their superiority in
knowledge to other Christians.
He then shews, by the testimony of Epiphanius, Philastrius,
and Augustine, that the observance of the peculiar rites of
Judaism, from prudential motives, was at that period one of

499
the professed tenets of the Cerinthians, although Cerinthus
himself did not submit to the rite of circumcision, as he taught
others to do. It is thought that St. John alludes to the Cerin
thians, when he speaks to the Philadelphians, respecting them
of the synagogue of Satan, which say they are Jews, and
are not, but do lie. Rev. iii. 9- see also Rev. ii. 9- And it is
remarkable that Ignatius, writing to the same Philadelphians,
Sect. 6. says, " If any one preach the Jewish religion to you,
hear him not. For it is better to learn the Christian faith
from one who is circumcised, than the Jewish from one who
is uncircumcised." Bp. Bull then proves, by the testimony of Irenaeus, iii. 11.
that the Nicolaitans, Cerinthians, and other early heretics held
tenets ofthe same absurd kind as those afterwards professed by
the Valentinians, respecting various orders of .Sons, between
the supreme God and the Creator of the world ; and shews that
it is highly probable that the very procession of the Word from
Sige, or Silence, was one of their notions. Gregory Nazienzen,
indeed, Orat. 23. enumerates the Cerinthians among those
Gnostics who reckoned Bythus and Sige in the number of their
iEons. Upon the whole we may be justified in concluding :
1. That if the words " oix drrb ~2.iyrji wpoixBuv" be an allu
sion to the opinions of Valentinus, such an allusion cannot be
shown to be chronologically impossible ; nor would it prove
that the Epistle in which it occurs is either interpolated or
fictitious. 2. That there is the highest probability that the words refer
to the erroneous notions, either of the Cerinthian heretics, or
of other Gnostics before Valentinus.
3. That this is a plain testimony of a writer of the Apostolic
age to the absolute eternity of Jesus Christ, the Word of God.

Note (D.)

The Lettees of the Yodngee Pliny, and Teajan,
eespecting the Cheistians :
Referred to in Tertullian's Apology, cap. ii. p, 287-
Book X. Letter xcvii.
Melmoth's Translation.

Pliny to the Empeeoe Trajan.
It is a rule, sir, which I inviolably observe, to refer myself
to you in all my doubts; for, who is more capable of removing
my scruples, or informing my ignorance ? Having never been
present at any trials concerning those persons who are Christ
ians, I am unacquainted, not only with the nature of their
crimes, or the measure of their punishment, but how far it is
proper to enter into an examination concerning them. Whether,
therefore, any difference is usually made with respect to the
ages of the guilty, or no distinction is to be observed between
the young and the adult; whether repentance entitles them to
a pardon; or, if a man has been once a Christian, it avails
nothing to desist from his error; whether the very profession
of Christianity, unattended with any criminal act, or only the
crimes themselves inherent in the profession, are punishable :
in all these points I am greatly doubtful. In the mean while,
the method I have observed towards those who have been
brought before me as Christians, is this : I interrogated them
whether they were Christians ; if they confessed, I repeated
the question twice, adding threats at the same time; and if
they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately
punished. For, I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their
opinions might be, a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy
certainly deserved correction. There were others also brought
before me possessed with the same infatuation ; but being citi-

501

zens.of Rome, I directed that they should be conveyed thither.
But this crime spreading (as is usually the case) while it was
actually under prosecution, several instances of the same nature
occurred. An information was presented to me without any
name subscribed, containing a charge against several persons :
these, upon examination, denied they were, or ever had been,
Christians. They repeated after me an invocation to the gods,
and offered religious rites with wine and frankincense before
your statue, (which for that purpose I had ordered to be
brought, together with those of the gods,) and even reviled
the name of Christ; whereas there is no forcing, it is said,
those who are really Christians, into any of these compliances.
I thought it proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some among
those who were accused by a witness in person, at first con
fessed themselves Christians, but immediately after denied it;
the rest owned, indeed, they had been of that number formerly,
but had now (some above three, others more, and a few above
twenty years ago) renounced that error. They all worshipped
your statue, and the images of the gods, uttering imprecations
at the same time against the name of Christ. They affirmed
the whole of their guilt, or their error, was, that they met on a
certain stated day before it was light, and addressed themselves
in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some god, binding them
selves by a solemn oath, not for the purposes of any wicked
design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery;
never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should
be called upon to deliver it up ; after which, it was their cus
tom to separate, and then re-assemble, to eat in common a
harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted
after the publication of my edict, by which, according to your
commands, I forbade the meeting of any assemblies. In con
sequence of this their declaration, I judged it the more neces
sary to endeavour to extort the real truth, by putting two
female slaves* to the torture, who were said to officiate in their
religious functions; but all I could discover was, that these
people were actuated by an absurd and excessive superstition.
I deemed it expedient, therefore, to adjourn all farther pro
ceedings, in order to consult you. For, it appears to be a
matter highly deserving your consideration; more especially
as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these
» Two of the deaconnesses. See note u. p. 129.

502
prosecutions, which have already extended, and are still likely
to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even of both
sexes. In fact, this contagious superstition is not- confined to
the cities only, but has spread its infection among the neigh
bouring villages and country. Nevertheless, it still seems_
possible to restrain its progress^ The temples, at least, which
were once almost deserted, begin now to be frequented; and
the sacred solemnities, after a long intermission, are revived ;
to which I must add, there is again also a general demand for
the victims, which for some time past had met with but few
purchasers. From the circumstances I have mentioned, it is
easy to conjecture what numbers might be reclaimed, if a
general pardon were granted to those who shall repent of their

Teajan to Pliny.
The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in the pro
ceedings against those Christians which were brought before
you, is extremely proper ; as it is not possible to lay down any
fixed rule by which to act in all cases of this nature. But I
would not have you officiously enter into any enquiries con
cerning them. If indeed they should be brought before you,
and the crime should be proved, they must be punished; with
this restriction, however, that where the partyv denies he is a
Christian, and shall make it evident that he is not, by invoking
our gods; let him (notwithstanding any former suspicion)
be pardoned upon his repentance. Informations without the
accuser's name subscribed, ought not to be received in prose
cutions of any sort; as it is introducing a very dangerous
precedent, and by no means agreeable to the equity of my
government. (

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